Production Note
Cornell University Library produced this
volume to replace the irreparably deteriorated
original. It was scanned using Xerox software
and equipment at 600 dots per inch resolution
and compressed prior to storage using CCITT
Group 4 compression. The digital data were
used to create Cornell's replacement volume on
paper that meets the ANSI Standard
Z39.48-1984. The production of this volume was
supported in part by the New York State
Program for the Conservation and Preservation
of Library Research Materials and the Xerox
Corporation.	Digital file copyright by
Cornell University Library 1993.THE DOBBINS PAPERSFrom an Oil Portrait Owned by Mrs. James P. White, Buffalo.INTRODUCTION
CAREER OF DANIEL DOBBINS
t- 1
NOW FOR THE FIRST TIME COMPILED FROM r '
ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS	H
BY FRANK H. SEVERANCE
In 1892 Mrs. James P. White, of this city, and Col. John R.
Dobbins,1 of San Gabriel, Cal., the only surviving children of the late
Capt. David Porter Dobbins, of Buffalo, presented to the Historical
Society of this city, in accordance with the expressed wish of their
father, a quantity of manuscript records in various form, including
many papers of their grandfather, Capt. Daniel Dobbins; and also
sundry relics of early days on the lakes, and of the War of 1812.
Among these articles were a fine model of the square-rigged
schooner Dobbins, built in 1863—foremast square-rig, main and miz-
zen of usual schooner rig; wood of the flag-ship Lawrence, and the
Niagara, of Perry’s fleet; an arms chest of the Lawrence, and Com-
modore Perry’s wine case, a handsome mahogany brass-mounted case,
containing a dozen cut-glass bottles. This case was presented to
Capt. Daniel Dobbins by Commodore Perry, on board his shattered
flagship Lawrence, at anchor in Misery Bay, off Erie, Pa., Oct. 23,
1813. These articles are preserved in the Museum of the Historical
Society.
The day after the Declaration of Independence was signed,
July 5, 1776, Daniel Dobbins was born in a pioneer’s home on the
1. Col. John R. Dobbins died at Los Angeles, Cal., in April, 1905. He
won his rank of colonel in the Civil War. Formerly a resident of Buffalo, he
had for many years made his home in California, where at one time he was a
large fruit-grower.
257258
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
south bank of the Juniata river, near the present site of Lewiston,
Mifflin Co., Pa. In 1795, a youth of 19, he walked through the
wilderness to Colt’s Station, some fourteen miles southeast of the
present city of Erie, and engaged in the service of Judah Colt, agent
of the Pennsylvania Population Company.1 On July 1, 1796, he first
visited the settlement of Erie. The following description of it is
from his own papers:
“The only occupied houses were a small log cabin on the west
side of the mouth of Mill Creek, occupied as a tavern by James
Baird; one near the junction of Second and Parade streets, occupied
by Rufus Seth Reed as a tavern; one on the present property of
James M. Sterrett, occupied by Ezekiel Dunning, as a tannery; one
on Front Street and French, occupied by Thomas Rees. In the
county or Triangle [then a part of Allegheny County] there were a
few who had built log houses, amongst them the Lowries who settled
at and about the mouth of Sixteen Mile Creek, comprehending what
is now the village of Northeast. All the rest was wild, gloomy
forest; and these few hardy pioneers of the woods, with the Indians,
disputed their right to the soil, with the bear, the wolf and the
panther.”
In a letter from Erie in after years, Capt. Dobbins wrote:
“I was in this place when General Wayne was brought here from
Detroit, in the sloop Detroit, sick with the gout. He continued sick
with this disease, till he died. I attended him part of the time and
was at his funeral, Dec. 15, 1796. He was buried near the flagstaff,
in the Fort, on the east side of the mouth of Mill Creek. In 1808
or ’09 his son came and disinterred the body and took it to his native
place in Chester County. When the body was disinterred it was in
such a state of preservation that to detach the flesh from the bones,
he employed Dr. J. C. Wallace to boil it in kettles. One of his boots
was so well preserved that Mr. Duncan, wrho kept tavern here, wore
it, having a mate made for it.”
From about 1800 till 1812, Daniel Dobbins was engaged in lake
navigation. In the seasons of 1803 and 1804 he was master of the
sloop Good Intent, which had been sailed for some years by William
Lee, Among the Dobbins papers are two thick manuscript volumes
containing the original record of manifests of cargoes of vessels
entered and cleared at the port of Presqu’ Isle, from July 2, 1800,
to Nov. 22, 1814. This fine old record of the infant days of lake
commerce shows that most of the voyages of the Good Intent in 1803
and 1804 were between Presqu’ Isle, Detroit and Fort Erie. Capt.
Dobbins brought her to “Buffaloe” with “packages”—presumably
peltries, Sept. 30, 1803. Salt and whiskey were the great staples
taken on at Fort Erie, or occasionally at “Fort Slusher,” though on
July 13, 1803, the extraordinary shipment of “1 piano forte” was made
1. See “Judah Colt’s Narrative,” being his own journal, and account of
the Pennsylvania Population Co., Buf. Hist. Soc. Pubs., vol. VII, pp. 331*359.THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
259
at Fort Erie, on the Good Intent, for Detroit, which the old book
usually has “D Etroit,” a sort of transition stage from French into
English. Pork, tallow, clothing, and “powder from Connecticut1’
figure in the early invoices. The lading down from Detroit often
included hemp seed, “furrs,”—“i pack bare skins” on Capt. Dobbins’
first voyage as master—and “mococks” of Indian, i. e., maple sugar.
Our dictionaries show no acquaintance with the word “mocock,”
which was presumably the native package of maple sugar.
There are records that indicate that Mr. Dobbins was sailing the
lakes as early as 1800 or 1801, probably in the schooner Harlequin,
of which he was part owner, and Eliphalet Beebe master in 1801.
The first appearance of Mr. Dobbins’ name as master, in the port
records, is on April 27, 1803, when he was in command of the sloop
Good Intent, as above stated. He was master of the schooner
Ranger, i8o5-’o71; and of the schooner General Wilkinson, 1808. In
1809, in company with Rufus Seth Reed of Erie, he bought from
Alexander McIntosh of Moy, Canada, agent for the Northwest Fur
Company, the schooner Charlotte, renaming her the Salina, because
it was expected that salt would be her chief cargo; and many hun-
dred barrels of this article, along with furs, feathers, whiskey and
miscellaneous goods, formed her freight up and down Lake Erie that
season. At the close of navigation the Salina was brought to Black
Rock, and under Mr. Dobbins’ supervision, was refitted into a two-
topsail schooner. Francis B. Holmes of Pittsburg also had a part-
nership interest in her.
Among the Dobbins papers are many letters written to Daniel
Dobbins by Rufus Reed, while this work was in progress. Reed was
sometimes at Erie, sometimes at Pittsburg, sometimes at Buffalo and
Black Rock, but always solicitous about the progress of work at the
1. A glimpse of the frontier conditions of the time is afforded by the fol-
lowing letter from Samuel Smither to Capt. Dobbins, who was then trading in
the Ranger:
Erie Reserve, Aug. 27, 1807.
Sir:	The town of Erie is so illy supplied with goods this summer that I
will be under the necessity of importing some articles of necessity from some
place that they are to be had. I have lately inquired for coffee—none to be
had, nor none even in expectation in a short time. Also Powder and shot
much the same as with Coffee. If you can obtain a supply of any or all of
them at Fort Erie or elsewhere in your perigrinations on the coast of the Lake
or its waters please to procure for me each of the following quantity:	4 lb.
Coffee, 1 do. Powder, 3 do. shot, 1 do. Lead. My gunlock is in need of some
repairs I will send it along if there is any person in your course of trading
that can do it Please to get it done—if not it will serve as a pattern to chuse
another by if any any is to be had. ...”
In 1810, while rebuilding the Salina at Black Rock, Capt. Dobbins com-
plained of the appearance of maple sugar which was sent him, and received the
following explanation from the sender at Erie:	“The sugar which you speak
of being black I have discovered is the same here it is owing to its being made
in Black Walnut troughs.”260
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
little shipyard on the Scajaquada. “I depend on you/’ he wrote in
March, “to drive on the repairs as fast as possible/' and he sent fifty
dollars—as indeed he often did—to facilitate matters. Mr. Dobbins
was zealous, but there were delays and drawbacks. Mr. Reed wrote
that he could furnish as many nails as needed, for he had two men
making them. A hawser and “tarr” came up by water from Schenec-
tady. An account was opened at Porter, Barton & Co.'s store for
sundry supplies. In April Mr. Reed hoped she would be up “as soon
as the ice was out." In May, Capt. Abner Hathaway came down
with the Ranger, bringing articles for the Salina, and nine barrels
of whiskey for Capt. Samuel Pratt, “if," wrote Mr. Reed, “he will
agree to give me credit for the same at 87.^ cents a gallon and $1
for each barrel, but I wish you to try to gitt more than the above
from him if you can but I will not take less." Later correspondence
shows that Capt. Pratt got the whiskey. Again Mr. Reed wrote, re-
garding the Salina, “Drive on as fast as posibel as I wish to have
her a Saling once more.” It was June before she was launched, and
on June 20th a good share of the population of Erie gathered at the
landing to see her arrive, bringing several hundred barrels of salt
and a miscellaneous cargo.
From that time on until lake commerce was stopped by war, the
Salina was an active factor in the forwarding trade between the Ni-
agara and the little frontier settlements to the westward, sharing
with the Ranger, the Mary, the Contractor, the Packet, and a few
other small sloops and schooners, the business of the lakes. Her
command forms a most interesting chapter in Capt. Dobbins' life;
and her career, as will presently be shown, was to end with an un-
commonly picturesque episode.
Mr. Dobbins' participation in the War of 1812 will be found set
forth in detail in the following pages. He was at Mackinaw (the
spelling of that day) with the Salina, July 16, 1812, when he heard
that war was declared, and was made a prisoner of war. When the
American force at the fort, fifty-six in number, were captured, Capt.
Dobbins and all his crew were summoned to take the oath of
allegiance, or give their word of honor, not to take up arms against
Great Britain during the war. This Capt. Dobbins refused to do.
Through the intercession of Mr. Wilmoth of the British Northwest
Fur Co., he was allowed to depart with his vessel as a cartel, to take
his fellow prisoners to Malden. Among them were Rufus Seth Reed
and William W. Reed of Erie, and twenty-nine others.
At Detroit, he found Gen. Hull and troops encamped on the
Canadian shore, opposite. A ball was fired across the Salina's bow
to bring her to, and she was taken in charge by an officer. Capt.THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
261
Dobbins then joined a force under Col. Cass, against a British
scouting party; and on his return.from this expedition joined another
force under Col. Miller, which met and defeated a party of British
and Indians. He crossed with Hull’s army to Detroit; was enrolled
in a company of City Guards under Capt. Sibley; and was in that
company under Col. Mack, which volunteered to take some mounted
guns and drive the British ship Queen Charlotte and brig Hunter
from their moorings, off Spring Wells, where they were landing
soldiers to march into Detroit; but Hull refused to allow them to
make the attempt.
After the surrender of Hull, Capt. Dobbins was taken with other
prisoners, to Malden. Some one told the British commanding officer,
Brock, that Dobbins had broken his parole by taking up arms in
defense of Detroit. He was in danger of being executed, had
sentence been passed on him; but a friend, a brother Mason whom
Mr. Dobbins had known before the war, gave him private notice of
the information that had been laid before Brock, and supplied him
with a pass to Cleveland. This pass, preserved among the Dobbins
papers, runs as follows:
Permit Daniel Dobbins and Rufus Seth Reed to pass from
hence to Cleveland on board of boats despatched with prisoners of
war.	Robt. Nichols,
Detroit, Aug. 17, 1812.
Lieut. Col, Q. M. Gen.
Before receiving this pass, Mr. Dobbins lay concealed, part of the
time in the woods, part of the time under the inverted hulk of a
wreck, partly buried in the sand. A reward was offered for him,
dead or alive; a price was set upon his scalp, and savages were put
upon his trail; but he made his way on foot along the bank of the
river, till he reached its mouth, where he found a dug-out, in which
he paddled across Lake Erie to Sandusky, making his camp over
night on the shore of Put-in-Bay, which a year later was to become
memorable in connection with Perry’s victory.
At Sandusky, then but a small hamlet, a horse was procured, on
which Capt. Dobbins journeyed to Cleveland. There the horse was
abandoned and the captain took to a canoe, in which he made his
way to Presqu’ Isle, and to the garrison and people at that point gave
the first news of the fall of Mackinaw and Hull’s surrender. At
the request of Gen. Mead, the officer in command, Capt. Dobbins at
once started for Washington as bearer of dispatches giving details
of the important events of which he had been a witness. The
journey was a long and toilsome one, through the forest to Pittsburg,
thence by the military road to Baltimore.
Arrived at Washington, he hastened to the War Office and laid
his dispatches before Secretary Eustis. Not the slightest intimation262
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
of the disaster had been received. The Secretary had hardly com-
pleted reading the dispatches when Col. Lewis Cass was announced.
He had been with Hull and was included in the surrender—and it is
related that he was so incensed at the action of his chief that he
broke his sword across his knee rather than hand it over to the
British commander. Burning with indignation he had hastened to
Washington, bearing the sorry news, to find himself anticipated by
Capt. Dobbins.
The Secretary of War, with the two messengers, went at once to
the White House, to confer with President Madison. A Cabinet
council was hastily summoned, and the news fully discussed. Cass
and Dobbins were both present, and related the detail of events. It
was a remarkable meeting. The intelligence of the double disaster
was a crushing blow; it seemed as if our empire in the Northwest
was gone; the New York frontier was threatened and in greater
jeopardy than ever before. All seemed lost.
Finally President Madison exclaimed: 4-There is one thing to be
done. We must gain control of the lakes. Therein lies our only
safety.”
Capt. Dobbins was questioned as to the best point to procure
timber for ship-building, and he unhesitatingly pronounced in favor
of Presqu’ Isle. No finer oak grew than was to be found there, close
to the water’s edge, and in the land-locked harbor the vessels, when
built, could ride in security. It was decided to give this brave fresh-
water sailor, who had shown such energy and aptitude for affairs,
charge of the preliminary work. He was accordingly commissioned
an officer in the navy, and authorized to employ men, purchase sup-
plies, etc. He started at once on his return. Going by way of New
York, he engaged several ship-carpenters there, who accompanied
him by way of the Hudson and Mohawk rivers to Oswego, along
Lake Ontario to Niagara, and so on to Erie.
From the hundreds of letters, accounts, receipts, and other docu-
ments preserved among the Dobbins papers, many curious facts
might be gleaned, relating to the building of Perry’s fleet. At the
outset, Mr. Dobbins was authorized to draw on the Navy Depart-
ment for $2,000, which amount, in the form of a draft or warrant
was put into the hands of Rufus S. Reed, who supplied the ready
money in small sums as it was needed. One of the earliest docu-
ments relating to the work is a memorandum in Daniel Dobbins’
writing, evidently made before he returned to Erie from Washing-
ton, September, 1812, recording the “dimentions of a Gun Boat built
on the Ohio carrying one long 24 pd. weighing 56 hundred.” It gives
the various measurements of this craft, to which is added the fol-THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
263
lowing comment:	“This vessel carried her gun verry well, and
answer’d every purpose on the river, but perhaps it would be ad-
visable to build them some larger for the Lakes.” This and other
practical suggestions, guided him in the initial work.
An early step was to make contracts for standing timber, con-
venient to the shipyard. The uniform price was one dollar a tree.
Thus, Joseph M. Kratz, owner of tract 29, Erie Reserve, allowed
timber to be cut as needed, then agreed that two tellers should ex-
amine and report how much had been taken. Robert Brown and
Robert Irwin acted for the Government, reported that 113 trees had
been cut, and Mr. Kratz received $113. This was the procedure in
many cases. One certificate runs as follows:	“Gune the 25, 1813
trees cut on the widdo Lowreys plantation for ship timber twenty
five counted by me Hugh McElroy,” and the widow got $25. Oak
and cedar were at hand and cheap, but other articles were hard to
get. Steel was hauled from Meadville, and axes were made at the
shipyard. Holmes Reed received $5.50 for setting a steam kettle,
and $5 for building a forge for John McDonald, the blacksmith.
Coal was hauled from the pits—location uncertain—at 6% cents a
bushel. Wages ranged from $2.50 a day for the master ship-builder
and $2 for the blacksmith, down to the $1.25 for sawyers and 62^2
cents for axemen. Hauling, with horses or oxen, was paid for at
$4 a day. Board for the men was $2.25 per week. William Black
gave his receipt for $64.09 “for working in the blacksmith shop sixty-
eight days and boarding myself.” “Fifteen dollars for a month’s
work,” is a sum frequently given. Roswell Nettleton received $47
for twenty-three days’ work with his team, hauling iron from Belle-
fonte to the navy-yard. In March, 1813, Nettleton was sent to Buf-
falo for a load of spike-iron, the service costing the Government
$41.25. James E. McElroy received $67.14 for bringing a wagon-load
of carpenters’ tools and nail rods from Pittsburg, a laborious haul
through wild country.
At the outset Mr. Dobbins was much embarrassed by the lack of
official orders and approval. Immediately after his return from
Washington, he sent the following letter to “Commodore Chauncey
or the commanding officer of the lake at Buffaloe,” under date of
Sept. 28, 1812, reaching Buffalo on the 30th:
Sir: I have the honor to transmit to you (the enclosed) a
coppy of my instructions from the Secretary of the Navy and assure
you, Sir, that I stand ready to execute any orders you may be pleased
to issue. I have made arrangements for the timber and iron work,
steel for axes I have been obliged to send to Meadville for as there
was not any at this place that is good for anything. I intend going
to Pittsburgh soon for the purpose of procuring Rigging and Cables,264
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
anchors I believe I can get likewise the Riging can be got there cheap
and that that is good, be pleased to let me hear from you at your
arrival so that I may regulate my future Proceedings by your in-
structions. I have been obliged to hire the men by the day and shall
be obliged to hire the teams the same way. Any further arrange-
ments that I may make I will inform you of.
I am with respect yours,
Daniel Dobbins,
Master, U. S. Navy.
This letter was received by Lieut. Elliott, who replied as follows:
Buffalo, Oct. 2, 1812
Sir: Your letter of the 30th ultimo, directed to Com. Chauncey
or the commanding officer on Lake Erie, I have received, together
with its enclosed, a copy of your instructions from the Hon. the
Secretary of the Navy, each of which, together with a copy of this
letter, I have inclosed to him for his consideration. It appears to me
utterly impossible to build Gun Boats at Presqu’ile; there is not a
sufficient depth of water on the bar to get them into the Lake.
Should there be water, the place is at all times open to the attacks
of the Enemy, and in all probability when ready for action will ul-
timately fall into the hands of the Enemy, and be a great annoyance
to our force building and repairing at this place. From a slight
acquaintance I have with our side of Lake Erie, and with what in-
formation I have obtained from persons who have long navigated
the lake, I am under the impression Lake Erie has not a single Har-
bor calculated to fit out a Naval expedition, and the only one con-
venient I am at present at, which is between Squaw Island and the
main, immediately in the mouth of Niagara River. I have no further
communication to make on the subject. Probably in a few days I
shall be in possession of Commodore Chauncey’s impressions, when
you shall again hear from me.
With esteem, yours respectfully,
J. D. Elliott.
Mr. Daniel Dobbins.
To this discouraging letter, Capt. Dobbins replied as follows:
Erie, Oct. 11, 1812.
Dear Sir: Yours of the 2d instant is received. In regard to
the idea entertained by you that this place is not a suitable one to
build gunboats at, allow me to differ with you. There is a sufficiency
of water on the bar to let them into the lake, but not a sufficiency to
let any heavy armed vessel of the enemy into the bay to destroy them.
The bay is large and spacious, and completely land-locked, except at
the entrance. I have made my arrangements in accordance with my
own convictions, for the purpose of procuring the timber and other
materials for their construction. I believe I have as perfect a knowl-
edge of this lake as any other man on it and I believe you will agree
with me, were you here, that this is the place for a naval station.
I remain, very respectfully, etc.,
Daniel Dobbins,
Sailing-master, U. S. N.
To Lieut. J. D. Elliott, U. S. N., Black Rock.THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
265
Acting largely on his own responsibility, but as he believed with
the approval of the Navy Department, Mr. Dobbins hastened the pre-
liminary work. On Oct. 24th, in order to set a good example, he
himself felled the first tree, a great oak, and hewed out the trunk.
It afterwards formed the keel of the Niagara. At the beginning of
November he came to Buffalo and engaged Ebenezer Crosby as mas-
ter builder. Their original contract, still preserved, runs as follows:
Articles of Agreement made and concluded this third day of
November, 1812:
Between Daniel Dobbins, Sailing Master in the United States
Navy of the first part, and Ebenezer Crosby of the County of Niag-
ara State of New York, Shipwright, of the second part, witnesseth:
That the party of the second part agrees to proceed to Presqu’
Isle in the State of Pennsylvania, and take charge of the shipyard for
the purpose of building four gunboats under the direction of the
party of the first part; and there do and perform all the things that
may be necessary for a master builder in the yard and out of it; to
see that all the men that may be put under his charge do their duty,
and to do all in his power to forward the work with expedition.
And for the above services to be done and performed by the
party of the second part the party of the first part agrees to pay the
party of the second part two dollars fifty cents per day and find him
good lodging and board and half a pint of whiskey per day and the
time of his beginning to be when he arrives at the yard, with the
allowance of seven days wages to go and return.
For the faithful performance of the above agreement the parties
bind themselves to each other in the penal sum of five hundred dol-
lars to be paid by the party delinquent to the party observant. Wit-
ness our hands and seals.
Daniel Dobbins [1. s.]
*	Eben'r Crosby [1. s.]
Witness present
William Lee
Approved
L. Angus
William Lee was the pioneer skipper of the sloop Erie Packet
and other craft, and Lieut. Angus was in charge of the ship-yard on
the Scajaquada. A fortnight later, on November 16th, Mr. Dobbins
sent to Commodore Chauncey a detailed report of what he had done,
and forwarded the form of contract which he required the workmen
to sign:
“We the undersigned having engaged to work for the United
States during the time of building four gun-boats (if not sooner dis-
charged), under the directions of Daniel Dobbins or any officer that
may be appointed to direct and to faithfully do and perform all that
may reasonably be required by the master builder in the yard not to
absent ourselves from the work unless previously obtained liberty of
the proper person to that effect. The columns below will show op-266
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
posite our names (written by our own hands), the time of beginning
wages, and occupation.”
“You will see by the above list,” wrote Mr. Dobbins to the Com-
modore, “the manner I have had the men engaged in getting the
timber and the only way that men may be engaged at this place or
any other on the lake. As for any person taking the building by the
job it is not comatable in this Place unless they might be able to
make a great Proffit and I think with a little trouble it may be con-
ducted in this way to good advantage and so as to have the boats
ready as soon in the Spring as the ice is out of the lake. I can en-
gage at this place and its vicinity fifty men if they would be wanted
Provided I should get orders to that effect before they scatter, as a
great many of them has been discharged from the Militia. I hope
you will let me know what to do as soon as possible.”
There is nothing to show that Commodore Chauncey sent any
reply at this time to Mr. Dobbins, who a fortnight later wrote to
Lieut. Angus at Black Rock:
Erie the 2d of December, 1812
Dear Sir : I have been long anxiously waiting to hear from you,
but I suppose the Commodore has not yet arrived. I am going on
with one boat as you wished me but the weather has been bad and we
have had a shelter to make to work under which I have completed
and have one of the Boats Ready to Rais a number of the workmen
at this Place are soliciting me every day to set them at work which
I do not think myself altogether authorized to do without your con-
sent but if the boats is to [be] built this winter no time ought to be
lost. I would have sent you a draft but Mr. Crosby has been so busy
he has had no time to draw em He has Drawn one to work by which
looks well and I think will answer the purpose well. We have made
the one that is in the works fifty feet keel 17 feet beam and five feet
in the hold if Commodore Chauncey should not arive soon I should
be extreamly glad to get Permitian of you to go down to Washington
this winter to attend to the business of the vesel I lost at detroit. if
you think of giving me such Permition I wish you would signify it
by a line to me.
I am Respectfully yours
Daniel Dobbins
To Lieut. Angus,
Black Rock.
Ten days later Mr. Dobbins made a report to the Hon. Paul
Hamilton, Secretary of the Navy, which contains details of interest.
Among his own copies of letters dispatched at this period, are two
to the Secretary, each dated Dec. 12th, one of them possibly mis-
dated. They are printed here as written:
Erie, 12th Dec. 1812
Dear Sir: Shortly after I arrived at this Place I sent (as di-
rected) to Commodore Chauncey a coppy of my instructions, and notTHE DOBBINS PAPERS.
267
having heard from him I went to Black Rock and found a Lieut.
Angus, the gentleman commanding, and he not having any notice
from the Commodore that boats were to be built at this Place ap-
peared at a loss what to do. I urged the necessity of the boats going
on and presented him with a contract of a Master builder which he
sanctioned and the man came on according to it to take charge of the
yard.
I expected workmen on or orders to hire but have Received
none owing to the Commodore not having come on as was expected
and at the time that we heard of the failure of the expedition to
Canada my friends pursuaded me to go on with the work which I
have done and have at this time two of the boats on the stocks and
will engage to have them all Ready by the time the ice is out of the
lake if Required so to do there is a marchant in this Place who will
advance Money for a draft on the Navy Department by authority.
The boats that I have laid down are 50 feet keel 17 feet beams 5
feet hold and from apearances will be fast sailors if you wish me +0
go on with the work you will Pleas give me orders to draw I have
expended a considerable sum more than the two thousand dollars an
acct. of which I will send by the next mail it apears that the Commd.
has been so ingaged on the lower lake as to have taken all his atten-
tion but the ice will soon lock him up as it has done our Harbour at
this place which forms a complete Barrier against the British for this
winter
it will apear from the foregoing that I have not been able to
make contracts for the building, as the people of this Country are
Poor and very liable to fail which would be a disadvantage
I have contracted individually with the men that I have at work.
I have brot the iron from Pittsburgh which comes high the Roads
have been so bad if I am directed to go on with the work Pleas let
me hear as soon as Posible.
Daniel Dobbins
Paul Hamilton, Esq.,
Secretary of the Navy
[Erie] Dec. 12, 1812
Sir : I would have sent you long before this time Coppies of all
the articles of agreement and the other Regulations made by me but
knowing the people of this Country to be poor and their liability to
fail I thought I would wait to see whether they would fulfill and as
common they in many instances have failed. The papers are large
that I have, which is nothing but accounts and Repts, and having a
calculation to go down this winter myself if I can obtain liberty I
thought I would take them with me. The money that I have drawed
for I have laid out in the following way: for the purchase of the
timber and geting outfit for hauling 900 dollars being 200 tons for
Iron 800 dollars 3 tons and a half for Coal 50 dollars 1000 bushels at
5 cents for team work 160 dollars as per act. and Repts. for building
a Smith Shop and Smith work and building a shelter to work in in
the yard a Considerable sum more than the two thousand dollars
which I have Regular Receipts for in Consequence of the failure of
the Expedition to Canada I have commenced building on my own
footing the Commodore not having come to Black Rock this fall or268
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
winter I have not been able to get any instructions from Mr. Angus
who commands there farther than to sanction an agreement made
with a master builder. I have not been able to make Contracts for
the building that could be Relyed on and knowing the necessity of
the boats being built I have concluded to forward them as fast as
possible and if you think you will pay the bills I will warrant them
Ready by the time the ice is out of the lake. I have two of them on
the stocks one in frames and partly timbered up the keel laid for the
other.
So much interest do I feel in preparing to meet them on the lake
next Spring that I will be willing to give Security to the united
States that all the money that comes into my hands shall be faith-
fully laid out if they should Require it. I had an idea when Mr.
Angus approved of the contract made with a master builder that I
would soon get orders to go on with the work but I have not heard
from him since.
Yours, &c.,
Daniel Dobbins
Paul Hamilton, Esq.,
Secretary of the Navy.
A week later he wrote to the Secretary as follows:
Erie 19th December 1812
Dr Sir: I herewith send you enclosed a statement of the ex-
penses that has already accrued the timber is above half drawn to
the yard, . . . [ ? MS. obscure] iron on the ground two of the
vessels on the stocks one of which is timbered up and the other in
frames Some of this expense has been made to build a shelter to
work under and to build a blacksmith shop in the yard. The dimen-
tions of the vessels I have on the Stocks was somewhat dictated by
the officers at the Rock, as they aledged that the Rigging and sails
that was intended for four vessels to [be] built at Black Rock would
do for these as for the vessel that is last down and lying in an un-
finished state at Black Rock there cannot be much Confidence put in
as the yard is immediately under the Batteries of the enemy and
liable to be cut to pieces with their shot in geting up the Rappids.
the statement that I have given may not be entirely correct but it
varies but little. The inclosed list will show in what way the men
are ingaged the Rate of their wages, the Black Smiths are at two
dollars a day with their tools and board. The Coppy of the master
builder article is likewise inclosed I hope to hear from you soon for
things as [illegible] myself are difficult for want of Money. I have
stated in my last that I could get money for drafts Yrs &c
Daniel Dobbins
Paul Hamilton, Esq.,
Secretary of the Navy
J. McDonald supplied for the vessels four foremasts, four main-
masts, four main booms and four bowsprits, all for $200. John
Greenwood furnished sixty sweeps and fifty 14-foot oars, for $92.25.
From Pittsburg Mr. Dobbins received numerous offers from peopleTHE DOBBINS PAPERS.
269
who sought the contract to supply cordage and canvas. “Mary &
John Irwin” of Pittsburg solicited his order for rope. N. Richard-
son, agent “for a very extensive rope-walk in Kentucky,” wrote: “I
could supply you with every description from a cable down to
twine,” etc., etc. As the work went forward, Mr. Dobbins made fre-
quent reports to his superiors. The following letter has no address
in the copy:
Erie, Jan’y 5, 1813
Sir: One thing that I neglected when with Mr. Eckford. I
have a saw at Black Rock at the house of the late Capt. Lee, up in
the garret I wish you would give orders to have it sent on by the
Carage [carriage] that may first come on in May, we may want it. I
have at the same place between four and five hundred pounds of
spikes of an excellent quality, which the public may have if wanted.
Mr. Eckford has not mentioned with respect to the masts and spars
in his directions but I conclude they must be had for the ships as I
have already contracted for the schooners masts and spars.
Yours, etc.,
Daniel Dobbins
Under date of Jan. 24, 1813, he wrote to Commodore Chauncey
at Sackett’s Harbor:
Sir: I have just arrived from Waterford after having made
contracts for all the pine stuff. The masts was not mentioned in the
bill but concluding they must be had I have contracted for them.
You will see on what terms the Rope can be had at in Pittsburgh
we have began to Plank two of the schooners last week, the sick-
ness has attacked some of the hands and I wish to know how to act
on that score with Respect to their Doctor. I have set an other
Black Smith to work I will be able by the next Mail to inform you
with respect to the anchors.
Yours, etc.,
D. Dobbins
One man of the shipyard gang died; the bill for his coffin turns
up among more important things. Several men deserted; Mr.
Dobbins followed them through the woods (at a cost to the Govern-
ment of $41.79)—and they were ultimately lodged in Pittsburg jail,
then probably turned over to the Federal authorities.
The designs for the vessels had been made by Henry Eckford,
one of the greatest naval architects this country has produced. Noah
Brown was superintendent of construction. The shipwrights sent
from New York by Brown, Bell & Co. of that city were capable men,
but there were too few of them. Others, to be sent from Philadel-
phia, did not reach Erie until the work had been long under way.
The following letters (of which the copies preserved by Mr. Dobbins
have no addresses) were probably written to the commodore:270
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
Erie the 28th Jan’y. 1813
Sir: I have this day received the proposals of the Pittsburgh
steam machine for making anchors which I herewith send to you, if
you think it best to get the anchors at that place I could have it in
my power to make contracts at this time to have them brought on
early in the spring, as the boats and boat men are not engaged as
yet. Immediately on the receipt of your letter I commenced to get
the timber for the brig, the weather has been stormy which has been
against the business in the yard but it still goes on well.
I am, Yours, etc.,
Daniel Dobbins
Erie the 14th March, 1813
Sir : I received a line a few days since from you handed by Mr.
Noah Brown, who apears to be the man that we want at this Place
in order to drive the business and I shall make it a point to do all
that is within my power to facilitate the business. Mr. Brown has
been here but a few days and has but a small gang (as not one of
the Philadelphia carpenters have arrived and no word of them),
[work] has gone very fast the keels of the two brigs are laid or
ready to lay and a number of the frames made and a house built to
live in (but not finished). The gun boats two of them are geting
the clamps in for the beams in the bottoms Ready for Caulking.
But notwithstanding all these prospects a cloud hangs over all
having no guard the boats might be burnt without any discovery. I
have been proposing to get volunteers to keep watch till I hear from
you which I may perhaps effect. My fears arise from some of the
People amongst us more than those at a distance.
I am very respectfully yours,
Daniel Dobbins
[On the hack of the folded sheet:] Since writing the within I
find that I cannot Rais volunteers to stand guard, but can have the
workmen to stand which Method I mean to adopt untill I hear from
you. Mr. Brown joins with me in opinion both with respect to the
danger and the mode to pursue.
About this date Perry arrived at the shipyard with a draft of
sailors and marines, and joined his energy to that of Mr. Dobbins.
Specially arduous was the hauling of guns from Buffalo to Erie.
Sacket Dodge furnished teams and hauled cannon from Black Rock
to Buffalo. William Price piloted the teams (both horses and oxen
were used) from Buffalo to Cattaraugus, in mid-winter, the guns
being hauled part of the way on the ice of the lake. To move a 12-
pounder “and other goods weighing 6,000 lbs” from Buffalo to Cat-
taraugus, cost $133-33/4- Augustus Porter sold beef to the seamen
employed in this work. For hauling “20 Bunches of Spike Rods”
(2,000 wt.) from Black Rock to Erie, Jan. 15, 1813, Richard Williams
received $15. One long account, for transporting guns and stores
from Buffalo to Erie, between March and July, 1813, foots upTHE DOBBINS PAPERS.
271
$843.95; among the items are board bills at Jos. Palmer’s and Jos.
Landon’s hotels in Buffalo, and numerous charges for ferriage across
Buffalo creek at Pratt & Leech’s ferry. A fragmentary record kept
by Mr. Dobbins of this work contains the following entries:
“Mch. 30. Arrived at the navy yard [Black Rock]. Went to
Buffaloe, found we could get no private teams, apply’d to Aug.
Porter but could get no teams from him.
“Mch. 31. Lodged at Major Miller’s, took breakfast [MS. torn]
navy yard, got one of the guns to Buffaloe.
“Apr. 1. The teams arrived that I had previously engaged to
take the cannon up the lake. Had not the guns ready according to
contract.
“Apr. 2. Teams employed in drawing down to the lake.
“Apr. 3. Started on ice with anchors other stores.
“Apr. 4. Employed drawing the gun from where it was sunk
in the lake.
“Apr. 5. Employed drawing the gun and all the other articles
up to the ferry.
“Apr. 6. Employed in geting the things over the ferry and fixing
the teams.
“Apr. 7. Started the teams. The man that draw the cannon,
Kenyon [ ?] has four dollars a day with one yoak of oxen and he
finds himself and oxen, the others have 7.50 and I find them, for the
two men and two yoak of oxen and span of horses. Lodged at
Goodwin’s.
“Apr. 8. Employed a team to help the gun along. At twelve
o’clock arrived at Williams. . . . Broke one of the wagons ...”
The Major Miller referred to was the pioneer innkeeper at the
old Black Rock ferry. Capt. Samuel Pratt and Leech owned the
ferry across Buffalo Creek.
There is nothing among the Dobbins papers which may be re-
garded as a total accounting of the cost of building the fleet, but it is
probably closely approximated in Noah Brown’s accounts, covering
the cost of cutting timber, shipyard payrolls, board for the men,
boating and hauling from Buffalo, etc., from Nov. 1, 1812, to March
27, 1813, a total of $19,466.42. One item that arrests the eye in these
old accounts, but which was then as much a matter of course as the
weekly board-bill, is whiskey. Thus, Rufus S. Reed supplied to the
ship-yard, Nov. 17, 1812, 32^ gallons of whiskey; Dec. 25th, 30^4
gallons; Jan. 19th, 34 gallons; Feb. 10th, 39 gallons; Feb. 20th, 30
gallons; etc., etc. The liquor cost 75 cents a gallon, and Mr. Reed
never failed to make an additional charge of one dollar for the barrel.
Mr. Dobbins’ traveling expenses were allowed by the Government at
fifteen cents a mile. For going to Washington in September, 1812,
370 miles of travel, he received $55.50. A subsequent trip to Phila-
delphia, by way of Buffalo and New York, allowed at the same rate,
cost the Government $100.50. Further account of the building of the272
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
fleet is left for the narrative that follows. An incident of this time—
the winter of 1812-T3—not related in the following history, may be
recorded here.
One morning in December, 1812, after a gale had been blowing
for several days from the northwest, a vessel was seen opposite Erie,
about midway to the Canada shore, fast in the newly-formed ice.
That day was intensely cold, and the following morning the lake was
frozen solid from shore to shore. Although the craft appeared to
be abandoned, a great deal of curiosity was naturally felt at Erie, as
to what she was and where she came from. Capt. Dobbins accord-
ingly organized an expedition to go out and examine her. Several
large sleighs drawn by horses, with a party of twenty men, started
from the shore. As the leader of the enterprise got alongside the
ice-bound derelict what was his surprise to find her his old schooner,
the Salina. She had been loaded with a cargo of supplies for Fort
Erie, by the British at Malden, but it was late when she started, and
bad weather setting in, the crew had abandoned her. The Ameri-
cans loaded down their sleighs with the best of the supplies; and
fearing that by a change in the weather or some accident of war, she
might again fall into the hands of the British, Capt. Dobbins set
fire to her.
While the fleet was building, he was employed in transporting
guns, munitions of war and provisions, from Buffalo to Erie. He
brought Commodore Perry from Erie to Black Rock, in an open
boat; and rendered other important services at the eastern end of
the lake, and on the Niagara. As there was no sailor on Lake Erie
who knew its ways, its winds and waters, better than he, he was
given command of the Ohio, serving Perry as a dispatch boat; and
was with her at Erie, procuring stores for the fleet, when the battle
of September 10th was fought. He rejoined the fleet at Put-in-Bay,
and was active in transporting prisoners, etc., until the end of the
season. During the remainder of the war he was constantly in
active, arduous and often dangerous service.
That he supplied the Government at Washington with informa-
tion regarding the operations of the enemy, is shown by the follow-
ing letter, preserved among his papers:
Washington, Febry 3, 1814.
Capt. D. Dobbins,
Sir: I have duly rec’d yours of 27th January, containing in-
formation interesting and important—think you it is correct that
Dixon [Dickson] heads the party of Indians said to be at Fort
George, and that the British are actually engaged in building vessels
at Mashquidash [Matchedash] bay, and that GenT Hall's estimate of
the British and Indians is tolerably correct—how do you understandTHE DOBBINS PAPERS.
273
does he obtain these informations—the account we first had of the
force that destroyed Buffaloe was vastly exaggerated altho’ they
performed as great ravages as might have been expected from the
largest number mentioned. If however it is true that the enemy is
now in such form at F. George that Dickson is there with them with
the Northwestern Indians, and that vessels are building at Mash-
quidash, the indications are more irresistable than any I have yet
learnt of a determination to destroy the flotilla at Erie if possible—
because without this step all their building is in vain. Dickson is a
daring and fit instrument to head the Indians employed to aid in
such an enterprise. I am happy to learn that you are so completely
prepared for the worst that may be attempted.
The army laws, including those recently passed, are now calcu-
lated to fill the ranks and give vigor to our army. The land bounty
was reduced by the Senate to 160 acres as heretofore, but still the
bounty is great and as it should be calculated to render the reward
adequate to the services of the most respectable men and not such
as to create a desire to continue in the service after the war shall be
over.
$124 in money of which 50 is paid on enlisting, 50 at the time of
mustering, the balance when discharged, this bounty with a freehold
estate in 160 acres of land secured to the soldier whether discharged
in one year or five—8 Drs monthly pay, the President authorized to
provide cloathing suited to the season and climate, abundant sub-
sistance—medical attendance and a provision for the widows and
children of those whose fate it may be nobly to fall—taken altogether
certainly form a noble provision for the soldier and is the result of
a great national effort, to give a respectability and irresistable effect
to our arms in war at a liberal and ample expense which our peace
policy of doing without an army in Peace enables us to meet with
ease. And the effect of this once seen will be increased by the cer-
tainty it promises of shortening materially the war, which nothing
but the most determined and thorough measures can tend to ensure.
Inclosed is your vessel account. You had better get Forster to
make a fair copy. The bill making provision for payment to persons
whose property has been impressed into the U. S. Service has not
yet been acted upon but I have no doubt will pass—and will meet
your case in the only way it can be met in order to [do] this I have
taken considerable pains to have the subject introduced.
Yrs, with Esteem in haste,
Thos. Wilson.
In a subsequent letter (Nov. 23, 1814), he wrote:
“Have you any information, whether accurate or probable,
whether the British fleet is yet laid up on Ontario—where it is—or
whether it has made many trips between either the head of the lake
York or Niagara and Kingston—for my great fear has been all along
that the enemy would avail himself of the opportunity afforded by
the entire command of the lake to throw in sufficient depot at those
points to support his movements this winter to any extent.
Be pleased to continue your communications, and I shall continue274
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
every [illegible'] in my power to endeavor to awaken the attention of
the Government to the situation of the W. Country.
Yrs. with great Esteem,
Thos. Wilson.
P. S. The Vice President died suddenly last evening without
previous indisposition.1
It was the irony of fate that Sailing Master Dobbins, who of all
men had been zealous in building the fleet and making ready to meet
the enemy, was under orders which kept him out of the great battle.
He naturally felt that under the circumstances he was entitled to a
sailing-master’s share of the prize-money, and presented his claim to
Commodore Chauncey, who sent him the following reply:
U. S. Ship General Pike
Sackett’s Harbor, nth March 1814
Sir:	I have received your Letter of the 6th January last upon
the subject of your claims to Prize Money for the captures made on
the 10th Sept’r 1813. I must refer you to Captain Perry who is ac-
quainted with all the circumstances of the case and will I am sure
be disposed to do you ample justice.
I am
very respectfully Sir
Yr. Mo. Ob. St.
S. M. Daniel Dobbins	Isaac Chauncey
U. S. Navy, Erie, Pennsylva.
Captain Sinclair interested himself in Mr. Dobbins’ behalf, laid
his case before the Secretary of the Treasury, and on Nov. 17, 1815,
was able to send to Mr. Dobbins a prize-money warrant for $295.
“There is a vast difference of exchange in money at this time,” he
wrote, “between your western country and that of the atlantick, in
favour of the latter. I would therefore recommend that you sell a
draft on Mr. Hambleton [?Hamilton], for which I think you may
get from 7 to 10 per cent, advance. . . . The sum of money due you
will purchase you upwards of 80 shares in the Farmers’ and Me-
chanics’ bank in Georgetown, which will give you an interest of ten
per cent, per annum, making an annual sum of $205. If you can
spare the money I advise you to lay it out in that stock. I have pur-
chased 150 shares since my arrival. It is selling at $28 per share of
$25, which is 12 per cent, advance, and if you hurry and purchase be-
fore the first of January, when the half year’s dividend takes place,
you will receive 5 per cent.” After further advice respecting the
prize money Captain Sinclair wrote at length of his own plans:	“I
have exchanged my seat near Norfolk, for a very handsome brick
house and lot in this city, and when I settle again I believe it will be
1. Elbridge Gerry, the aged Vice President, fell dead in the street, while
on his way to the Capitol.THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
275
here, as I think the place best suited to an officer. He is then always
on the spot to receive what may be going. . . . Our squadron has
arrived, after making a short and glorious cruise. The Secretary
hinted to me today that the Constitution and Java would go out as
relief-ships in the spring or summer. If so, I shall be the senior
officer and once more wear the Broad Pennant; but much more dis-
tant service has been spoken of for me—God knows what my des-
tiny may be.” There are no documents among the Dobbins papers
that show whether or not Captain Sinclair’s advice as to investment
was followed. An effort was made by Mr. Dobbins to secure one of
the swords which the President presented to each midshipman and
sailing-master who distinguished himself in the battle of September
ioth, but his request was refused on the ground that he was not a
participant in the battle.
From this time on for forty years Capt. Dobbins successfully
navigated the lakes, and it used to be his warrantable boast that he
had never lost a vessel, or even a small boat, spar, or package of
cargo from stress of weather. Lake navigation, when he entered
upon it, was far more difficult than now. There were no light-
houses and no harbors except natural ones, and settlements were
few and far between. Every feature of the land had to be carefully
observed, and the soundings made familiar. Capt. Dobbins’ old
log-books are full of sailing directions, and sketches of landmarks,
harbor entrances, with bearings and soundings indicated. Without
charts, the frequent use of the lead and a sharp lookout were the
only safeguard. To illustrate, here is an extract from Capt.
Dobbins’ own log of a perilous entrance into the St. Clair rapids
from Lake Huron, in the schooner Ranger of fifty tons, early in
November, 1809:
“Left Mackinaw for Detroit; on the second day out got a heavy
gale from n. w. Off Thunder Bay two British vessels, a brig and
schooner from De Tour [entrance to St. Mary’s river] bound down,
came in company with us. The night was dark and rainy and the
gale furious. Could carry nothing but double-reefer foresail; could
see nothing of Point au Bark but gave it a wide berth, then hauled
in for the land until in three fathoms, then followed along in three
fathoms as near as possible until I found myself in the rapids, having
seen but an occasional glimpse of the land. Came to in the river.
Next day the Indians reported both the other vessels ashore some
twenty-five [miles] to the north’ard and eastward on the Canada
shore.”
In 1816 Sailing-Master Dobbins was in command of the schooner
George Washington, the log-book of which for that season is in the
possession of the Buffalo Historical Society. From it might be
gleaned at considerable length a narrative of a voyage begun July 1st,276
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
on which Capt. Dobbins took a company of troops from Detroit to
Fort Mackinaw. She also had on board provisions and freight for
Lord Selkirk, to be landed at Drummond’s Island, Lake Huron.
The sloop Amelia accompanied her as a tender. Having disem-
barked the troops at Mackinaw, Capt. Dobbins was solicited by Col.
John Miller of the U. S. Infantry, and Major Gratiot of the Topo-
graphical Engineers, to join an expedition from that post to establish
a post at Green Bay. Some fears were entertained at the time, of
trouble with the Indians, as large numbers of loaded canoes had
passed Mackinaw from Drummond’s Island and vicinity, on their
way to Green Bay. The Washington was detained at Drummond’s
Island for some days, awaiting Lord Selkirk, who arrived July 20th,
with his agent, Mr. LaCroix. His Lordship urged Capt. Dobbins to
proceed to Sault Ste. Marie with his cargo, but Capt. Dobbins
refused, “the bar being so shoal it would have been impossible to
get the schooner over”—and she was only ioo tons at that. Having
unloaded the freight for Lord Selkirk at Drummond’s Island, Capt.
Dobbins returned to Mackinaw. With the Amelia, and the schooners
Gen. Wayne and Mink, he set sail for Green Bay, the Washington
being flagship of the little squadron. It was by this expedition that
certain points, heretofore undesignated, were given their names:
Washington Harbor, for the schooner George Washington; Boyer’s
Bluff, Potawatomie Island, for Col. Boyer, Indian agent, a passenger
on board. Chambers’ and Green’s islands were named for officers in
the expedition; and on August 5th the Dobbins islands were named
for the master of the Washington.1 Several days were occupied in
exploratory work, sounding channels and making better known the
navigable features of those waters. There was no trouble with the
Indians, those seen at Drummond’s Island having passed through
Green Bay and Lake Winnebago on their way to the Mississippi.
On August 8th the little squadron entered the mouth of Fox river
and anchored abreast of the old French fort. On August 14th they
were back at Mackinaw, and about a month later anchor was dropped
at Erie.
After the conclusion of the war he held his commission as
sailing-master in the navy, till June, 1826. In 1815-1818 he served on
the Porcupine; in 1824 we find him at the Erie station under Capt.
George Budd; and some two years later, having been ordered to
sea, to bring home the remains of Commodore Perry, he resigned,
preferring to remain on the lakes. In i826-’28 he was employed by
Major Maurice, of the U. S. Engineers, in the construction of piers
at the mouth of Ashtabula river.. His record-books of this work,
1. Other names are now given to most of these islands.THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
277
kept like a sailor’s log, are in the possession of the Buffalo Historical
Society. He had been instrumental in procuring the establishment
of the U. S. naval station at Erie, though opposed by Commodore
Sinclair, Commodore Chauncey, Capt. Elliott,1 and others.
When, in 1826, he resigned from the navy, he requested that he
might be transferred to the revenue service; and in 1829 he was
appointed by President Jackson to the command of the U. S. revenue
cutter Rush. In 1834 he was given command of the revenue cutter
Erie, in which, as has been shown [pp. 122-129], he did good service
during the border troubles of i837-’38, in which duty he continued
until the election of President Harrison, when he was removed;
less, it would appear, for personal reasons than political. He was
made to experience the effects of the system of partisan removal
which had been put in force, as never before in our history, by Presi-
dent Jackson. That his removal did not please his home community
may be judged from the following breezy letter, one of several copies
of like tenor preserved among the Dobbins papers. The writer was
one of Erie’s most prominent citizens, and James Buchanan was then
a United States Senator from Pennsylvania. The writer occasionally
loses hold of his grammar, but there is never any doubt as to his
meaning:
Erie, March 24, 1841.
Hon. James Buchanan :
Dear Sir: I am sorry to inform you that notwithstanding the
declaration of Mr. Preston and of the President himself before the
election, Removal from office has taken place with unprecedented
dispatch; and that our fellow-citizen Capt. Daniel Dobbins of the
Revenue Cutter here is among the first victims, his commission
having been rescinded on the 16th inst—not for any cause known,
except it be, for opinion’s sake. Capt. Dobbins has always been a
Democrat, and has furthermore done some service to his country.
[The letter recites at length his services during the War of 1812,
1. Captain Dobbins’ relations with Commodore Elliott continued pleasant.
In 1843 the commodore recommended Capt. Dobbins for a master’s appoint-
ment for the iron steamer on Lake Erie, referring to the Michigan; and in a
letter to Mr. Dobbins at this time touched on an incident of their earlier inter-
course which must go else wise unexplained:	“In all your intercourse under
my command on Lake Erie I assure you I had nothing at which I could take
exception except throwing old Tooksbury overboard. I don’t know what I
would have done under the same state of feeling you were at the time, no one
has a right to call another a liar.” The U. S. S. Michigan was built at Pitts-
burg in 1842, taken apart and transported to Cleveland through the Cleveland
canal, then carried by steamer from Cleveland to Erie, where she was rebuilt
and launched in 1843. Her length was 167 feet, beam forty-seven feet. When
she went into commission in 1844 she carried eight guns, eleven officers and
eighty-seven petty officers and men. Her first commander was William Inman,
and Stephen Champlin was the second. Capt. Dobbins never was in command
of her.278
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
and continues:] He remained in the service until 1826, when he
resigned in consequence of the situation of his family—being
ordered to sea. During his official career, in the expenditure of
public monies entrusted in his care for the commencement of the
building of the shipping in 1812, all was satisfactorily and honestly
accounted for, and also in the discharge of his oath as sailing-
master, his conduct was approved. But in 1820 the spirit of federal
malignity made itself manifest here in pressing in the payment of
officers and seamen depreciated paper, to which Captain Dobbins
was the first to demur; and then came the persecuting spirit of the
Comdr, Purser, and the knot of citizens who were benefitted by this
scheme, untill at last by goading intrigues he had a quarrel or rather
was insulted by another officer (sailing-master), when Capt.
Dobbins resented it by taking hold of the other and was about giving
him a ducking. However it came serious, and both were arrested
and tryed at Philadelphia, and both suspended; Capt. Dobbins was
suspended for eighteen months.
In 1826 Capt. Dobbins was engaged by Major Maurice, Engineer-
ing Corps, as Superintendent of one of the Harbours, which situation
he held untill appointed to the command of the Revenue Cutter in
1829, which duty he performed with entire satisfaction to Maj.
Maurice. In the discharge of his duties as Master of the Cutter,
which he has discharged with fidelity and economy to the Govt, his
enemies cannot say aught against him, and now in his old age he is
thrusted out of employ, and upon slender resources without any
cause being assigned, and even [without] an enquiry, which he has
demanded.
Capt. Dobbins has always been a Democrat and no doubt retained
his own opinions, like every other American citizen. And besides
that it seems to me peculiarly hard. The Revenue Service was I
understand placed upon the same basis as the navy. Laws were
passed by Congress fixing compensation, grades and mode of promo-
tion, and also pension in case of disability—however you are better
able to judge of this matter than I am, and Mr. Woodbury knows
all about it. But if the President and his Cabinet can thus ferrett
out offices of the Army, Navy and Revenue Service it is more power
than I thought the Laws conferred on him. When Genl. Jackson
appointed Capt. Dobbins to the Revenue Service that service was
then under no distinct organization, officers were appointed to it
from everywhere, and no injustice could be done to under officers,
or was done by appointing out of the service; but now it cannot be
done without palpable injury to the rank of promotion. This
matter ought not to be lost sight of because if this is Harrison
Democracy, it is far from being the principles of Jefferson, and
Genl. Harrison may quote all the great men of antiquity—and he
may talk of republicanism too—but his allusion to the sword, in
causing the public money to be under the control of the executive,
is nearer the fact, than any sub-treasury man could for a moment
think. But now by the arbitrary removal of officers created by Law,
the people may well be alarmed for their liberties. If this is done in
the green tree, what may we expect by & Bye.
I am very sincerely yours,
P. S. V. Hamot.THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
279
The whole story of Capt. Dobbins’ service in the Revenue Marine,
as presented in a mass of documents which have been preserved for
over half a century, constitutes a particularly edifying chapter in the
history of our public service as disturbed and perverted by partisan-
ship. When the Jackson administration came into power, in 1829,
Capt. Dobbins, who as shown above, had resigned from the navy, vis-
ited Washington in quest of an appointment in the Revenue Marine.
He was an ardent Jackson Democrat, did not lack influential friends,
and secured appointment as master of the revenue cutter Benjamin
Rush. Capt. Gilbert Knapp, who had been her commander, was re-
moved to make a place for him. Knapp was an Adams man, and
evidently a free talker. He was charged with having publicly called
Gen. Jackson “a cutthroat and murderer,” and with applying vile
epithets to Mrs. Jackson. Sworn affidavits as to what he did and did
not say, were sent to Washington, as were testimonials in great
number regarding the character of both Knapp and Dobbins. In
1832, while Capt. Dobbins was in command of the Rush, the revenue
cutter corps was organized distinct from any other branch of the
Government service, and the officers were for the first time assigned
their respective ranks, with promotions according to grade and
length of service. Nevertheless, on the coming in of Gen. Harrison’s
administration, Capt. Dobbins was removed and Capt. Knapp re-
stored. Again the Treasury Department and the President were
bombarded with petitions, affidavits and testimonials. The incrim-
inating evidence against Knapp, so far as it had been preserved by
the Government, was presumably destroyed in the fire which ravaged
the Treasury Department in 1833. The copies of letters, petitions,
etc., still preserved among the Dobbins papers, show that there was
no lack of effort in behalf of Capt. Dobbins, or of influential friends.
Documents with pages of signatures of prominent citizens of Erie,
Ashtabula, Sandusky, Meadville, Franklin, Harrisburg and else-
where, were sent to Washington. In Buffalo, Capt. Stephen Cham-
plin, Sheldon Thompson, George W. Clinton—then collector of the
port of Buffalo Creek—and other prominent citizens, testified to
Capt. Dobbins’ character and ability. The beauties of the system
are shown by a letter to Capt. Dobbins, from Thomas Ewing, Secre-
tary of the Treasury, under date of April 20, 1841: “Capt. Knapp
was removed without cause in 1829 to make room for you, and it
was deemed proper that you should now be removed in order that
he might be reinstated”! Later that year, when President Tyler
reconstructed Harrison’s Cabinet, Ewing himself was succeeded by
Walter Forward, to whom Capt. Dobbins addressed a long letter,
November 1st, reciting the case at length, and concluding with a280
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
moving appeal for reinstatement. “I have served my country long
. . . and now in my old days to be thrust out without a cause, is
hard.” On the coming in of Polk’s administration, in 1845, Capt.
Knapp was again removed and Capt. Dobbins again appointed ; and
he continued to command in the revenue marine service until the
administration of Taylor in 1849. President Taylor was besought
not to remove him, but apparently other influences were more power-
ful, and Capt. Dobbins retired from the service. For a short time,
i845-’46, he was in command of the revenue cutter Taney, at Nor-
folk, Va., but seems never to have enjoyed service away from the
lakes.
Five years after Daniel Dobbins first sought his fortune in the
unsettled region of the lakes, he returned to Eastern Pennsylvania,
and brought back a helpmeet to the wilderness. In April, 1800, he
married Mary West, and that spring they made their home at the
mouth of Twelve-mile Creek. Afterwards they removed to “Reed’s
Row,” on Second Street, in Erie, near Parade; thence, before the
War of 1812, to the southeast corner of French and Third streets;
and in 1816 built the house so long known as the Dobbins mansion,
at the northeast corner of State and Third streets. The old home-
stead is still in existence, and in good repair, near the original site of
its erection. The family consisted of Elizabeth, died in 1813; Mary
Ann, died unmarried, Dec. 31, 1887; William West, died March 4,
1877; Susan Jane (Mrs. Tracy), died April 15, 1867; Eleanor Ma-
tilda, died in 1813; Eliza Matilda (Mrs. Fleeharty), died at Erie,
May 4,1904, aged ninety-one years; Stephen Decatur, died about 1851
in Arizona; David Porter, died in Buffalo, Aug. 19, 1892; Leander,
died at Erie; and Marcus, died at Prescott, Arizona, Aug. 28, 1871.
Capt. Daniel Dobbins died at Erie, Feb. 29, 1856, his widow surviving
until Jan. 22, 1879.
It has been a family of distinction in the Lake Erie region for
a century; and of worthy achievement in many fields, by descendants
to the third and fourth generation, to this day. The old Dobbins
homestead at Erie had sheltered Perry and other heroes of the War
of 1812; in 1825, Lafayette was its guest; as were many other
famous men and women during succeeding years. “Perhaps the
saddest scene on this household was the sudden death of William.1
1. William W. Dobbins, eldest son of Daniel Dobbins, was born at Erie
about 1800. When eighteen years old, or thereabouts, he entered the U. S.
navy, which he left after one term of enlistment to engage in the mercantile
marine. He sailed the lakes in various capacities, chiefly as master, until about
1847. In 1829 he was acting boatswain under the command of his father on
the revenue cutter Benjamin Rush. In i834-,35 he was master of the schooner
Lady of the Lake. In 1836 he bought of Smith, Macy & Co. their three-quartersTHE DOBBINS PAPERS.
281
He had, in 1856, after the death of his father, left his position in
Marysville, Cal., and returned to Erie to care for his aged mother
and sister. On March 4, 1877, returning on a cold morning from
market, he sank in death in the presence of the aged mother and
almost sightless sister.”
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
The Dobbins Papers include the manuscripts and writings of
several members of the family:
(a)	Original log-books of several early vessels on the lakes,
sailed by Daniel Dobbins before the War of 1812; impost books
(record of arrivals and clearances, cargoes, etc.) of the harbor of
Presqu’ Isle, 1800-1814, an invaluable source of information regard-
ing this period; correspondence and miscellaneous papers of Daniel
Dobbins, and his own account of many transactions during the war,
in which he was a participant; letters and documents relating to the
old navy-yard at Erie, early harbor construction and Government
work at Ashtabula, and to the revenue-cutter service on the lakes,
especially during the Upper Canada Rebellion of i837-’38.
(b)	Papers and correspondence of Captain David Porter
Dobbins, relating especially to life-boat construction and the life-
saving service, with which he was prominently identified for many
years. That material may well be drawn on for a valuable paper, to
appear in a subsequent volume of these Publications.
(c)	Miscellaneous correspondence, including numerous letters
written by Stephen Decatur Dobbins during his service in Florida
in the Seminole war, and in the Mexican war; with letters from
other members of the family, and men in public life.
(d)	Papers of Captain William W. Doboins, with log-books of
some of the vessels which he sailed on the lakes, correspondence
with officers of Perry’s fleet and others, and his own historical
writings, based chiefly on his father’s papers. The account of early
interest in the schooner Maria Antoinette. In 1844 he was “captain protein”
of the steamboat Thomas Jefferson. Probably his latest command on the lakes
was the steamboat Columbus, owned by Capt. Augustus Walker, considered in
her time one of the finest steamers on the lakes. In 1849 Capt. Dobbins went
to California and settled in Yuba Co., near Marysville, the point becoming
known as Dobbins’ Ranch. He became interested with Judah P. Benjamin and
others in promoting a railroad to the Pacific, and on that mission returned to
the East in the early so’s. The time was not ripe for the enterprise; years
afterward, when the Union Pacific was built, Capt. Dobbins had no connection
with it. He never married; and his death occurred, as above related, on the
morning of the day that Rutherford B. Hayes was inaugurated as President.282
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
shipping on the lakes, and of the battle of Lake Erie, appeared as a
series of articles in the Buffalo Courier, in 1876. Portions of the
narrative were afterward reprinted as a pamphlet, for the Centennial
Exhibition at Philadelphia, where the remains of the Lawrence were
on view. The following narrative is in the main as written by
Captain William W. Dobbins; but the editor of this volume has in
places substituted the original record as given by Daniel, and has
omitted some portions which merely repeated facts of abundant
record elsewhere, or were unprofitably controversial. More than
one historian has been indebted to the unpublished Dobbins papers
for assistance. Among the letters preserved are many from Usher
Parsons, the surgeon of the Lawrence during the battle. Dr.
Parsons published a valuable history of the battle, and, as is learned
from these letters, prepared matter relating to it for Lossing’s “Fielji-
book of the War of 1812.” His correspondence with William W.
Dobbins shows that he derived great aid from the records of Daniel
Dobbins.
The publication of at least a part of the Dobbins papers has long
been incumbent on the Buffalo Historical Society. It was long the
wish of Capt. D. P. Dobbins that his father’s reminiscences should
be suitably preserved and made available to students. They are
indeed a valuable contribution to local history, and the history of the
lakes, from an original source. While they necessarily cover much
ground already familiar, they correct many errors in the histories,
and they bring out, as does no other published account, certain
events that were local to Buffalo and the east end of Lake Erie; the
part borne in the events of the time by Commodore Stephen Cham-
plin, long a distinguished resident of Buffalo; and most of all, the
worthy service of Captain Daniel Dobbins himself.THE DOBBINS PAPERS
EARLY DAYS ON THE LAKES, AND EPISODES OF THE WAR OF
l8l2; WRITTEN BY CAPTAIN WILLIAM W. DOBBINS,
FROM THE PAPERS AND REMINISCENCES
OF HIS FATHER,
CAPT. DANIEL DOBBINS
In command of the Ohio, in Perry’s Squadron
I. Beginnings of Lake Commerce.
The earliest information we have of shipping on the
upper lakes, under the English or Canadian government,
was in 1770, when several craft were found in commission,
mostly under what was called the “Provincial Marine,” a
quasi civil-military establishment. The first I have any
account of, was the schooner Beaver of some 40 tons,
Captain Gager, in 1771.1 * * * * VI. This vessel was wrecked in the fall
1. This and some of the following statements regarding early British ves-
sels on the lakes, can be supplemented with more accurate data than Capt.
Dobbins had at hand. The first vessel which the British are known to have
had on Lake Erie was the schooner Huron, built and launched at Navy Island
in 1761. She was in service as late as the fall of 1763. The second British
vessel on Lake Erie was the sloop Beaver, built 1762, lost off Eighteen-Mile
Creek, in August, 1763. The third appears to have been the schooner Victory,
1763; and three others, the schooner Gladwin, the schooner Boston, and the
sloop Royal Charlotte, were launched from the Navy Island yard in 1764. The
Victory and Boston were burned at Navy Island in 1766. See Haldimand
MSS. (Canadian Archives), B. 144, p. 97; also “Navy Island and the first
successors to the Griffon,” by Henry R. Howland, Buf. Hist. Soc. Pubs., vol.
VI. The Gladwin continued in service until late in 1770, when she was lost
with all her crew. The Beaver, whose loss in that year begins Capt. Dobbins’
chronicle, was obviously not the first craft of that name on Lake Erie.
283284
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
of that year, and all aboard perished. She was on her
passage from “De Troit” to Fort Erie with peltries, and had
on board several British officers as passengers. From scraps
of history, and information obtained at Detroit by Capt.
Daniel Dobbins in 1802, she was bound to Sandusky (prob-
ably Lower Sandusky) where there was a trading post, to
complete her cargo, and was lost in a gale. It is not known
at what place, but it is supposed to be at the entrance of
Sandusky Bay. Several years since, while quarrying stone
on West Sister Island to riprap round the lighthouse on
Turtle Island, there were found the skeletons of six persons,
presumed, from indications, to have belonged to a civilized
race; probably she was wrecked on this island, and all
perished from cold or hunger, or both.
The next we have any account of, is the schooner Speed-
well, of some 30 tons, in 1792. The next, the schooner
Thames, Capt. Wm. Gilkison, in 1796. Then the armed brig
Chippewa, Capt. Cowen, and the armed brig Ottawa, Capt.
Grant, each of about 100 tons. Then the armed schooner
Lady Charlotte of some 60 tons, Capt. James Robinson; and
sloop Betsey of some 30 tons, Capt. Friend. This comprises
all the shipping we have any account of up to 1800, on the
British, or Canadian side.
In 1795 Capt. William Lee (an Englishman) built a
small schooner at Fort Erie, of 20 tons, named the Erie
Packet, to trade between Fort Erie and Erie, Pa. (Presque
Isle), which place, at that time, was the important point on
the south shore of the lake. At this date, there was no busi-
ness done on the American side of the Niagara river, it being
but sparsely settled. At Black Rock there was but one
family, who kept the ferry; two families at Schlosser, one
family at Lewiston, and no more until you reached Fort
Niagara. Transportation was via portage from Queenston
to Chippewa on the Canadian side, and from Lewiston to
Schlosser on the American side, and vice versa; and from
those points to Fort Erie via batteaux.
The first vessel built by an American, was the sloop
Detroit of 50 tons. She was built at Detroit early in 1796,
after General Wayne took possession of that post, and pur-THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
285
chased by the United States Quartermaster’s Department for
the use of the Government. In the fall of that year, General
Wayne, having completed a treaty with the northwestern
Indians, embarked in the Detroit for Presque Isle, on his
way to his home in Chester county, Pennsylvania. While
on the passage, he was taken violently ill with gout, and,
having no medical aid, was landed at Presque Isle in a
dangerous condition, and there he died in the garrison, on
the 15th of December, 1796. In 1809, his son, Col. Isaac
Wayne, of Chester County, removed his remains to his late
home, where a monument was erected by the Pennsylvania
Society of the Cincinnati, to his honored memory.
In 1796-7, settlements sprang up rapidly on the American
side, and business followed. Porter, Barton & Co.—an
enterprising firm just commencing business—established a
transportation line via the American route to Black Rock,
using what were called Durham boats from Schlosser, up
the river, the freight being mostly salt and merchandise up,
peltries, highwines, flour and pork, down.
In 1798, Captain Eliphalet Beebe was brought to Erie,
Pennsylvania, from Connecticut, by Judah Colt, Esq., agent
of the Pennsylvania Population Company, to build a vessel.
A sloop of 63 tons was constructed a few miles below Erie,
named the Washington, and commanded by Capt. Beebe.
In 1801, she was purchased by a Mr. Hamilton, of Queens-
ton, and Joshua Fairbanks, of Lewiston; taken across the
portage to Queenston, fitted out, and sailed for Kingston
with some thirty persons on board. She was never heard
from after she left the mouth of the Niagara river.
In 1799, Capt. William Lee built a sloop at Erie of 40
tons, named the Good Intent, which he owned in company
with R. S. Reed; she was first commanded by Capt. Lee.
In the fall of 1806, while under the command of Capt. John
Alley, she was wrecked on Point Abino and all on board
perished, some eight souls in all; she had a full cargo of
merchandise, which was a total loss.
In 1800, Capt. Beebe also built a schooner at Erie of 60
tons, named the Harlequin, commanded by Joseph May.286
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
She was lost in the fall of 1801, with some twenty souls on
board.
In 1801, the Government built a brig of some 125 tons on
the river Rouge, below Detroit, named the Adams, com-
manded by Capt. Henry B. Brevoort, U. S. Army; also the
schooner Tracy, of 60 tons. These vessels were under the
supervision of the Quartermaster’s Department, and were
employed in transportation of troops, stores and Indian
goods; they were also allowed to transport parts of cargoes
on private account and take passengers, when such would
not interfere with their public duties. J. Fenimore Cooper
claimed to be “the first who ever wore a U. S. navy button
on these lakes,” he having been transferred to the War De-
partment and attached to the Adams for a short time as mid-
shipman.* 1 The Adams was captured at Detroit when Gen.
Hull surrendered that port; was re-named the Detroit, and
subsequently recaptured at Fort Erie, together with the
brig Caledonia, by Lieut. Jesse D. Elliott of the navy in
October, 1812. The Detroit grounded on the foot of Squaw
Island, and being within range of the enemy’s guns, could
not be got afloat and had to be destroyed. The Caledonia
was saved, and belonged to Commodore Perry’s fleet. The
Tracy was bought by Porter, Barton & Co., in 1809, and lost
on Bird Island reef in the fall of that year, while under the
command of Capt. Wm. Baird.
In June, 1801, the Messrs. Abbott, of Detroit, built a
Among the Dobbins papers is the following characteristic letter from
Cooper:
Cooperstown, May 20th 1843
Dear Sir:	Your letter has reached me in due time. I never flattered
myself with having written a history without errors; such a phenomenon the
world never yet saw, Moses excepted. Still, I believe myself to be the nearer
the truth than any other writer on the subject of the Battle of Lake Erie.
The second part of the Life of Perry will tell you more of my opinions, and,
an answer to Capt. Mackenzie’s book, which is now in press, and which I shall
have the pleasure of sending you, will let all who read still deeper into the
mysteries.
I shall be grateful for the information you name, which will reach me, if
sent by mail. I am quite aware that Capt. Perry’s charges against Capt. Elliott
will not stand an investigation. Some of them are faulty even on their face.
I once served on the Lakes, myself having indeed been the first officer who
ever carried the button on to those waters. This was in 1808. In 1809, I was
on Lake Erie, and passed a day, or two, on board the Detroit, then the Adams,
and under the command of Capt. Brevoort of the army.
With respect, your ob. ser.
J. Fenimore Cooper.
Capt. Dobbin,
Erie.THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
287
schooner of eighty tons, named the Gen. Wilkinson, John
Conley, master. She was bought by Porter, Barton & Co.,
and re-named the Amelia. In the winter of 1812, she was
bought by the Government—taken to Erie with the other
purchased vessels by Commodore Perry in June, 1813, but,
upon examination, was condemned as unseaworthy. Her
remains now lie in the Little Bay at Erie.1
About the year 1800, a wealthy Scotchman, named
Alexander McIntosh, settled on the Canadian side of Detroit
river near the foot of Hog Island. Here he established a
ship-yard, with all the requirements for building and repair-
ing vessels, and carried on quite a trade. He always kept the
crews of his vessels employed through the winter, making
sails, fitting riggings, etc. The American Fur Company had
a depot at Mackinaw and another at Detroit. The agents at
both places were named Abbott. Here the furs were un-
packed, whipped to remove the vermin and air the pelts, and
then repacked for New York. At these points the supplies
were collected for the traders in the Indian country. The
Northwest or British company had their depot at Sault St.
Mary’s; thence they forwarded their furs via Penetan-
guishene, and across by land to Lake Ontario, thence to
Montreal. Their supplies were mostly transported by the
same route.
From the time the French gave up possession of the
country up to 1790, the supplies—particularly merchandise—
came mostly from Montreal. In 1794 they began to find
their way from New York, via the Hudson and Mohawk
rivers to the source of the latter, across the portage at
Wood’s Creek, down Oneida Lake and Oswego River to
Oswego, thence up Lake Ontario and Niagara river to Fort
Erie, and on to their destination. Emigration followed the
same route. This trade was carried on with what was called
“Schenectada boats.” As to emigrants, when they had ar-
rived at their place of destination, the boats were employed
in “coasting.” This coasting with open boats and small
craft, was carried on for many years, in fact up to 1814,
1. Written in 1876; but the Wilkinson, or what remains of it, is still at
the bottom of the bay at Erie.288
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
when it gradually ceased and the business was done by larger
craft. From 1808 to 1812, a good portion of the transpor-
tation was by wagons from Albany to Black Rock, Buffalo,
at the time, being but a mere hamlet, and of but little account
in a commercial point of view.
The salt trade with Onondaga began about 1796, and
extended rapidly to the west and southwest. Up to this
time, salt had been brought from Philadelphia to Pittsburgh
by pack-horses for consumption in that section, costing some
$12 per bushel. In 1798, or about that time, an enterprising
citizen of Pittsburgh, named Gen. James O'Hara, conceived
the idea of getting a supply of salt from Onondaga, N. Y.;
and also to furnish provisions from Pittsburgh in return.
Heretofore, the section of country round the salt works had
been mostly supplied from the valley of the Mohawk. Gen.
O'Hara’s plan was to transport provisions with what were
called keel-boats up the Allegheny river and French creek
to Le Boeuf (Waterford), thence by wagon across the port-
age to Erie, and via Lake Erie, Niagara river, and Lake
Ontario to Oswego, and return with salt. This salt trade,
then about the heaviest on the lakes, increased so rapidly,
the valleys of the Allegheny, Monongahela, Ohio and the
surrounding country looking to this source for a supply,
that in the season of 1808, some 8,000 barrels had passed
through Erie, and in 1809, 18,000. The first Onondaga salt
landed at Erie in the course of trade, was a cargo by the
sloop Erie Packet, Capt. Wm. Lee, in the summer of 1797.1
Although the lake country was largely indebted to Pitts-
burgh for a supply of provisions by this above-named route,
yet considerable was obtained from the Canadian settlements
near Detroit. On the 1st of July, 1801, we find the arrival
of a cargo at Erie by schooner General Wilkinson, Capt.
Robinson, Samuel Abbott supercargo, on a sort of trading
voyage from Detroit, the articles for sale being, 116 barrels
of flour, twelve barrels of pork, a lot of Indian maple sugar,
and 150 packs of furs for New York via Black Rock. This
was but one of several cargoes that year. Again, in April,
1. On the early salt trade, compare the account of Judge Samuel Wilkeson,
Buf. Hist. Soc. Pubs., vol. V, pp. 177-178.THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
289
1802, we find the sloop Good Intent, Capt. Lee, with a cargo
from Detroit, as follows : 71 barrels of pork, 73 bushels of
oats, 8 barrels of cider, 2 bundles fruit trees, 2 barrels and
121 sacks flour. To account for this advanced stage of
agriculture in this new country, it will be remembered that,
at the breaking out of the Revolutionary war, there were
many farmers in New York, Pennsylvania, New Jersey and
Delaware, who adhered to the Tory side, and removed to
Canada, where, with their knowledge of agriculture and
general intelligence, they opened a new field of improvement,
and here were some of the fruits of their labor. In the fall,
vessels bound down would be freighted, more or less, with
apples and cider; in fact, nearly everything consumed along
shore was obtained from that source. The French at an
early day had paid considerable attention to the cultivation
of fruit, more particularly the apple and pear, and these the
farmers from the American side had improved upon. At
that time, Canada was far in advance of us in improvement
and commerce.
It may be considered singular that highwines from
Pittsburgh were so much of an article of traffic at this early
date. The inhabitants of Pittsburgh and vicinity were
Scotch-Irish, and had brought their trade of distilling with
them from the old country, and were driving it in the new.
Transportation being expensive, they run their spirits high
proof, that it might occupy but little space and weight, then
reduced it for use at the place of consumption. Foreign
liquors were mostly brought from Montreal, as were also
refined sugars.
Some of the boats of that day were regular traders. The
owners, who were in most instances the masters, purchasing
the cargo in New York occasionally, but mostly at inter-
mediate places along the circuitous route I have named,
would reach the shores of Lake Erie, and trading from place
to place, dispose of their cargo, provided it was not consigned
to some particular point. Then, again, others would not
venture east beyond Chippawa, or Fort Erie, on the Canada
side, or Black Rock on the American. Erie being the ship-
ping point for the Pittsburgh trade, much of the commerce290
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
was with that port. Of the navigators of that period I can
name Joseph S. Merant, Paul D’Ejerlais,1 Elisha Norton,
Allen Gaylord, Zadok Willman, Joseph D’Ejerlais, John
Hewitt, Moses C. Wilcox, Joseph Tubbs, Anthony D’Ejer-
lais, George Phelps, Richard Craw, John Scott, John Ross,
Simon Prier, John Ross Knapp, Joseph Wires, Hall Smith,
John Hollister, Samuel Holmes, John Rudd, Amos Fisk,
Jesse Skinner, Walter Richardson, John Thompson, and
others. Amos Fisk was for many years previous to his
death a prominent and wealthy resident of Ashtabula. In
1814, Samuel Wilkeson of Buffalo owned and commanded
a trading boat; and sundry others, afterwards prominent in
the lake cities, commenced life in this trade.
The first grain forwarded east from Ohio, was thirty
bushels of corn and four bushels of wheat, belonging to
Amos Fisk, via “open boat,” Oliver Smith master, from
Ashtabula, and landed at Erie Nov. 20, 1808.
On Nov. 9, 1802, open boat Lark, Moses Wilcox mas-
ter, from Buffalo Creek district, Niagara, reported at Erie,
bound for Ashtabula, New Connecticut, N. W. Territory.
This is the first arrival from there I can find on record. The
cargo was as follows: 1 tierce dry goods, 5 chests household
goods, 1 bag shoes, 4 do. clothing, 2 kegs spirits, 2 brls.
wine, 1 box tea, 2 kegs tobacco.
Nov. 10, 1802, I find the “Open Boat No. 902,” Ichabod
Marshall, master, from Chippewa, Upper Canada, reported
at Erie, bound for Sandusky, Northwest Territory. Cargo
as follows: 1 keg spirits, 1 keg Madeira wine, 2 trunks, 3
boxes dry-goods, 1 barrel tar, 2 bars iron, 2 bars steel, 1 pot,
1 kettle, 1 Dutch oven, 1 case bottles, 1 keg powder, 1 box
medicine, 1 barrel salt, 1 keg whiskey, 1 barrel flour, 1 chest
tea.
Also, “Open Boat No. 160,” Ira Blanchard, master, from
Onondaga Lake, bound to Grand river with 25 barrels salt.
I give these cargoes, as samples of the trade up the lake;
and in return, at an early day, and before the settlers man-
aged to have a surplus of provisions, Indian maple-sugar
1. Spelling doubtful, but so written, also “D’Ejarlais” in the impost books
of Presqu’ Isle harbor, 1800.THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
291
in mococks, feathers, and fish in small quantities were found
among the articles in their eastern bound cargoes. I find
some of these craft, with names more comical and significant,
than classic and euphonic, viz.: Crazy Jane, Roving Sally,
Lovely Abigail, Leaky Slut, etc. It will be noticed that some
have numbers; as it was necessary to have something to
designate them at the custom houses, those were numbered
that had no name.
By a law approved March 2, 1799, the following Collec-
tion districts were assigned and established for the North-
west Territory and Upper Lakes:
First—District of Michilimackinac, including the south
shore of Lake Huron, and all the waters, shores and inlets
to the westward and northward of Lakes Michigan and
Superior within the jurisdiction of the United States, unto
the north and northwestern boundary line, including all the
lands ceded to the United States by the Indian tribes at the
treaty of Greenville. Port of entry, Mackinaw.
Second—District of Detroit, including the Detroit river,
Lake St. Clair, river St. Clair, and the waters, inlets and
shores of Lake Huron within the jurisdiction of the United
States, unto the island of Mackinaw; and all the waters,
shores and inlets of Lake Erie, down to the Miami of the
Lakes, within the jurisdiction of the United States. Port
of entry, Detroit.
Third—District of Erie, including all the shores of Lake
Erie, bays, tributaries and domains of the United States,
down to the west line of the State of Pennsylvania, and up
to the west bank of the Miami of the Lakes. Port of entry,
Sandusky.
Fourth—District of Presqu’ile, including all the shores
of Lake Erie within the State of Pennsylvania—the bays,
tributaries and domains of the United States. Port of
entry, Erie (Presqu’ile).
Fifth—District of Niagara, including all the shores of
Lake Erie, within the State of New York; the Niagara
river, the shores of Lake Ontario, and on down to Genesee
river, and all the tributaries and domain of the United States,
included therein. Port of entry, Niagara.292
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
Sixth—District of Oswego, including all the shores and
waters of the St. Lawrence river from the place where said
river intersects the 45th degree of north latitude, and all the
shores and waters of Lake Ontario, and rivers and waters
connected therewith, lying within the jurisdiction of the
United States and within the State of New York, to the
eastward of the west bank of the Genesee river. Port of
entry, Oswego.
March 3, 1805, the- districts of “Gennessee,” Buffalo
Creek, and Miami were substituted.
March 2, 1811, the district of Sandusky was substituted.
Among the early navigators of the larger craft, whose
names I can put on record, were the following American
masters: Eliphalet Beebe, Joseph May, Thos. Nowlan,
Daniel Dobbins, Richard O’Neil, Peter Prine, Joseph Palmer,
John Conley, Joel Green, David Johnson, Job Loder, Wm.
Baird, John Ally, Abner Hathaway, Wm. Mills, Henry B.
Brevoort, U. S. A., Joseph H. Glynn, Silas Montross, Chas.
Oliver, Oliver Luther, Luther Chapin, John Laughton,
Timothy Shay, James Baird, Wm. P. Dexter, John G.
Thayer, Budd Martin, Calvin Rode, Wm. Stow, Henry
White, Bastion McDonald, Seth Tucker, Paul Chequet,
Jonathan Dickinson, John Austin, Joseph Hammond,
Nathan Cummings, Wm. Miller, Walter Norton.
Of British masters, I note-----Cowen,-------Grant, Wm.
Gilkison, Wm. Lee (subsequently American), James Rob-
inson (subsequently American), Robert Maxwell, John
Fearson, Alexander McIntosh, James Rough ( subsequently
American), Peter Curry (subsequently American).
To contrast the facilities for travel and commerce of the
present day, with those of our infant settlements, I will cite
a couple of instances of voyages in those days. First, a Mr.
Richard Bushnell, with his boat freighted with three bundles
of raw cotton, a keg of gunpowder, some lead, camp equip-
age, provisions and arms—having previously descended the
Cumberland river—left Kentucky early in July, 1803, and
with his two companions worked his way up the Ohio and
Wabash rivers, across the portage to the head waters of the
Miami of the Lakes, down that river and Lake Erie, aroundTHE DOBBINS PAPERS.
298
the falls of Niagara, and down Lake Ontario to Oswego,
where he arrived late in September. Second, a Mr. David
Ramsey left the city of New York early in October, 1803,
with his little craft laden with merchandise, household
goods, and stores, destined for Presqu’ile (Erie), Penn.;
and coursing up the Hudson and Mohawk, and via the
Oneida Lake and Lake Ontario route, arrived at his place
of destination on the 7th of December.
In 1802, a small schooner of thirty tons, named the Two
Nations, was built at Chippewa creek, in Canada, com-
manded by Captain Thos. Nowlen.
In 1803, the U. S. Government ordered a vessel built at
Fort Niagara, to be under the supervision of the War De-
partment. Her duties were to transport Indian goods from
Fort Niagara to the head of navigation, on the Miami of
the Lakes, and for other purposes. The error of building
her below the falls was rectified, and she was finally con-
structed at Cayuga creek, above the falls. She was to be
commanded by Lieut. Dorr, U. S. A. She was a sloop of
thirty-five tons, named the Niagara. After completion, the
cargo on board and ready to sail, Captain Daniel Dobbins
piloted her up the river to Fort Erie, and then gave the com-
mander such instructions in regard to the route and naviga-
tion as would enable him to proceed on his voyage. How-
ever, after a long, wandering, and perilous trip, she got to
Detroit instead of Maumee. The Government finally aban-
doned the project, and sold the vessel to Porter, Barton &
Co., of Black Rock, who renamed her the Nancy, and gave
the command to Captain Robert O’Neil.
In 1803, the sloop Saginaw, of forty tons, was built by
Alexander McIntosh at Moy, on the Detroit river. Captain
John Fearson commanded her.
In 1803, Porter, Barton & Co., of Black Rock, being at
the time contractors for furnishing the western army, built
a sloop of sixty tons named the Contractor, commanded by
Captain Wm. Lee. She was sold to the Government in
1812, renamed the Trippe, and was one of the vessels of
Commodore Perry’s squadron, under the command of Lieut.
Thomas Holdup.294
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
In 1803, a sloop of thirty tons was built at Grand river,
in Canada, by Moses Wilcox, named the Lark, and com-
manded by Captain Wilcox for a time. She was sold to
parties at Presqu'ile, then again purchased by parties in
Canada. Thus it will be seen that the governments of the
United States and Great Britain—particularly along the
lakes—were not very tenacious in regard to the transfer of
vessels, nor yet in regard to commanders, as American
citizens frequently commanded British vessels, and vice
versa.
In 1804, the Provincial Government of Canada built an
armed brig of 150 tons, called the Camden. She was broken
up at Malden at the commencement of the war in 1812, and
all available portions of her used for the construction of the
ship Detroit.
In 1805, the schooner Mary, of 100 tons, was built at
Erie, for Thomas Wilson, Esq., then heavily engaged in the
salt trade. She was first commanded by Capt. Joseph H.
Glynn. She was captured at Mackinaw when that post sur-
rendered to the British in June, 1812, then commanded by
Capt. James Rough, sent as a cartel with prisoners and non-
combatants down to Detroit, where she was again captured,
when Gen. Hull surrendered that post. She was finally
burnt by the British at the river Thames on the approach
of Gen. Harrison's army in October, 1813.
In 1805, the schooner Cuyahoga Packet was built at
Chagrin river, Ohio, by a Mr. Abbey, and commanded by
Capt. Luther Chapin. She was of thirty tons burden, and
built in a peculiar manner, her keel and keelson being of one
stick of timber, and morticed through to insert the floor
timbers. She was captured at Malden by the British in
1812, with Gen. Hull's baggage and papers on board.
In 1805, the sloop Surprise, of twenty-five tons, was
built at Buffalo creek, Capt. Abner Hathaway owner and
master.
In 1805, the schooner Ranger, of thirty tons, was built
at the river St. Clair by Alexander Harrow, a half-pay
British officer. She was at first commanded by Capt. Peter
Curry, and subsequently by Capt. Daniel Dobbins.THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
295
In 1806 the Provincial Government of Canada built the
armed brig Hunter of seventy-two tons. She was one of the
British fleet, and was captured in Perry’s victory.
In 1807, they also built the armed brig Caledonia, of
eighty-six tons, at Amherstburg (Malden). She was cap-
tured, in company with the brig Detroit (formerly Adams),
by Lieut. Jesse D. Elliott, Oct. 8, 1812, while lying at Fort
Erie. She subsequently comprised one of Commodore
Perry’s squadron, under the command of Lieut. Daniel
Turner. After peace, she was sold by the Government to
John Dickson of Erie, Pennsylvania, repaired, and renamed
the Gen. Wayne, under command of Capt. James Rough.
In 1808, the schooner Zephyr, of forty-five tons, was
built upon the hill in the village of Cleveland, by Maj.
Carter, and hauled down to the river with oxen; she was
the first vessel built there; Capt. Cummings commanded
her.
In 1809, the schooner Catharine, of eighty tons, was built
at Black Rock by Sill, Thompson & Co. Capt. Seth Tucker
was her first master. She was sold to the Government in
1812, renamed the Somers, and was one of Perry’s squadron
under command of Sailing-Master Thos. C. Almy. In
August, 1814, she was captured together with the schooner
Ohio by the enemy, at Fort Erie.
In 1809, the Provincial Government of Canada built the
armed brig Queen Charlotte, of 255 tons, at Amherstburg.
She was commanded by Capt. Finnis, royal navy, and was
captured in Perry’s victory, September 10, 1813. In 1815
she, together with the Detroit and Lawrence, was sunk in
the little bay at Erie, Pa., for preservation. In 1837 she
was, with the other two, sold by the Government to Captain
Geo. Miles, and parties in Buffalo, and by Capt. Miles raised
and repaired and put into the Chicago trade, under the com-
mand of Capt. Lester Cotton, who was succeeded by Capt.
Wm. Keith. However, she did not last long, as her fasten-
ings were found to be much rusted by the long submersion,
and soon gave way.
In 1809, the schooner Catharine, of ninety tons, was built
at Moy, opposite Detroit, by Alexander McIntosh. She was296
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
purchased by R. S. Reed and Capt. Daniel Dobbins of Erie,
Pa., who renamed her the Salina.1 She was commanded by
Captain Dobbins up to the war of 1812; when arriving at
Mackinac in June of that year, with a cargo of merchandise
and produce for that market, she was, together with the
schooner Mary, Capt. James Rough, the sloops Erie, Capt.
Norton, and Friend’s Good Will, Capt. Lee, captured when
that place was surprised by the enemy. The Salina and
Mary were made cartels, and ordered to Cleveland with pris-
oners. They were stopped at Detroit upon their arrival there
by order of Gen. Hull, and again captured when that post
was surrendered. The enemy used her as a transport the rest
of that season, and until late in the fall. While on her pas-
sage from Maumee to Fort Malden, she was caught in the
ice and abandoned. In 1813, a vessel was discovered in the
ice off Erie, and Captain Daniel Dobbins with a party went
out some ten miles to her, when it was found to be the
Salina, with a quantity of fresh beef and some other pro-
visions on board, she having drifted from the head of the
lake in the ice. A few days after Captain Dobbins stripped
her, and taking such matters as were of any value, set her
on fire.
In 1810, the Provincial Government of Canada built the
armed schooner Lady Prevost, of ninety-seven tons, at
Amherstburg. She was captured in Perry’s victory. After
peace, in 1815, she was sold by the Government to R. S.
Reed of Erie, and subsequently Mr. Reed sold her to parties
in Canada. She was afterward employed many years in the
merchant service, under the command of Capt. Robert
Maxwell.
In 1810, the sloop Commencement, of thirty tons, was
built at Buffalo creek. Capt. Wm. P. Dexter commanded
her. By this time Buffalo began to make something of a
show in the way of a village; there were some half dozen
stores, and the Salisburys contemplated starting a newspa-
per. In 1810, the sloop Erie, of sixty tons, was built at
1. In some of the Dobbins papers the original name of this boat is given
as the Charlotte. Capt. Dobbins renamed her the Salina, because the bulk of
her cargoes was salt.THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
297
Black Rock by Porter, Barton & Co., and was commanded
at first by Capt. Richard O’Neil; subsequently by Capt.
Walter Norton. She was captured at Mackinac, as before
stated. In 1810, the sloop Friend’s Good Will, of sixty tons,
was built at Black Rock by Capt. Wm. Lee, and was com-
manded by him. She was captured, as before stated, fitted
out for a man-of-war by the British, and renamed Little
Belt. She was one of the British fleet and was captured in
Perry’s victory.
In 1810, the schooner Ohio, of about sixty tons, was
built at Cleveland by Messrs. Murray and Bigsbey. Capt.
John Austin commanded her. She was sold to the Govern-
ment at Black Rock in 1812, and was one of Perry’s squad-
ron, under the command of Sailing-Master Daniel Dobbins.
She, with the schooner Somers, was captured by the enemy
while anchored at Fort Erie in August, 1814; the Ohio, un-
der the command of Sailing-Master McCulloch, the Somers,
under that of Lieut. Conckling.
In 1810, the schooner Chippewa, of thirty tons, was built
at Maumee by Capt. Bud Martin, and sailed by him. She
was captured by the British, fitted out for an armed vessel,
belonged to the British fleet, and was captured in Commo-
dore Perry’s victory.
In 1812, the schooner Sally, of twenty-five tons, was built
at Cleveland, and was sailed by Capt. Abijah Baker.
The country being now at war with England, nothing
was done on the upper lakes in the way of ship building for
the merchant service; and boats that could dodge along
shore were used to some extent, though most of the trans-
portation was done by land. All the vessels were either cap-
tured or bought by the Government. The enemy had the
entire control over the lakes until Commodore Perry’s
squadron was ready for service, in August, 1813. After the
victory of the 10th of September goods and other supplies,
on private account, were shipped in the public vessels to a
limited extent when it did not interfere with their duties,
though they were mostly actively employed as transports
and for other duties, particularly the smaller vessels.
From the time commerce commenced on the American298
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
side of Lake Erie, and the vessels in size and numbers to
meet the increasing trade were built, there were but few
places along the entire lake coast and rivers where they
could go into winter quarters and lay with safety, or be re-
paired and fitted out in the spring. There were Con-ja-
qua-da’s creek, below Black Rock, and river Rouge, below
Detroit, on the American side; then Moy, Amherstburg and
Chippawa creek, on the Canadian side. Con-ja-qua-da’s
creek was the one mostly resorted to, as much of the material
required for fitting out was brought from the East, and this
was the most convenient point to reach it. This creek was
also made a temporary naval station in 1812-13, and until
the arrival of Commodore Perry, when all the vessels and
stores were removed to Erie.
In early days, there were but few conveniences for re-
pairing vessels; no dry-docks or railways. To caulk a ves-
sel’s bottom, or repair below the water-line, she had to be
hove down; and to make a thorough repair, she had to be
placed on ways and hauled out of the water with purchasers.
There were no lighthouses, nor yet harbors, except natural
ones, and no charts; land marks and the lead were the only
guides, consequently the “blue-pigeon” was kept constantly
“on the wing” of a dark night, in making a port, or in dan-
gerous waters. Then, again, the “ground tackling” was
much inferior to that of the present day. Imagine the
handling of a big hemp cable while riding-out a gale of
wind on a lee shore, in freezing weather, and the trouble of
getting the anchor, provided it was necessary to get under
way, the cable freezing the moment it was out of the water,
and it being next to impossible to bend it round the wind-
lass. The hawse-pipes in those days were made of lead, and
kept smooth to prevent chafe; and when an anchor was let
go, and a scope of cable given, parcelling was put upon the
cable in the wake of the hawse-hole, to keep it from chafing,
which was renewed every watch, in heavy weather, by put-
ting on fresh parcelling inside and surging or paying out
more cable, until the new parcelling came into the hawse,
when the old was taken off outside. From going through
this process, originated the nautical phrase “freshen theTHE DOBBINS PAPERS.
299
nip/' which, when rendered in plain English, is “take a glass
of grog/’ When this duty had to be gone through with in
heavy weather, wet jackets were inevitable, consequently the
grog. Jack has sundry significant phrases to designate grog
time; for instance, “splice the main brace,” after reefing
topsails of a dark stormy night; and “the sun is over the
fore yard,” to designate 11 o’clock a. m.
I have mentioned above the stream at Buffalo known as
Con-ja-qua-da’s creek. The orthography should be, Gon-
ja-qua-dah. The Indian from whom it took its name had
his wigwam upon its banks for many years, and belonged
to the Seneca or Nun-da-wa-o-no tribe. There are numer-
ous Seneca names commencing with G; their great chief
Cornplanter’s name was Guy-ant-wa-chi-ah, and his half-
brother was named Ga-nio-di-eugh, or Handsome Lake;
and numerous others I could mention, though I will only
refer to that of Cuyahoga county and river, and Geauga
county and Grand river, in Ohio. The orthography in the
former should be, to give the Indian pronunciation, Guy-a-
ha-gah, which signifies “crooked river”; the latter should
be Ge-au-gah, which signifies “great or grand river.” The
authorities have retained the Indian name for the county,
but have given the English for the name of the river, in the
latter. Most of the Indian names commencing with C, ac-
cording to modern orthography, should commence with G,
and end with h after a, or gugh. This, in order to give the
guttural sound, incident to Indian pronunciation.
While upon the subject of Indian names, I have noticed
that the origin of the name of “Buffalo creek” is rather a
mooted question. By way of clearing up the subject, if not
satisfactorily, at least to give further information, I will
give a short piece of history pertaining to the subject, as
given by Capt. Daniel Dobbins, on his first visit to this
creek, in June, 1795, and found among his papers. He says :
“Having been employed for several months surveying
with Andrew Ellicott, in the Genesee valley, I concluded to
push on further west to Presq’ile, the original place of my
destination. Started afoot and alone, with my pack on my
back, and rifle in hand, for Buffalo creek; found but one300
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
family on my route; they were located some 25 or 30 miles
west of Genesee river. I think the name was Janson.1 On
my arrival at Buffalo creek, found a loghouse tavern—
which was the only one there—kept by a man named
Winney, an Indian trader; he had a negro named Jo for
a partner, and they both had squaw wives. They owned
two trading posts; Jo had charge of the one at Cattarau-
gus, and was on a business visit to Winney. There were
hordes of Indians round and in the house all night, which
kept me from sleeping much. ... In conversation with
Winney, I inquired if there were many buffalo round there ?
He said there were not; I then inquired about the origin
of the name. He answered, that it took its name from an
old Indian who had lived there for a long time, named by
the Indians ‘Te-ho-se-ro-ron’ or ‘De-o-se-o-wa,’ or some-
thing like it—which signifies ‘buffalo’ in English. He as-
signed the reason for this sobriquet, that the old Indian was
a large square-framed man, with stoop shoulders, and large
bushy head, which, the Indian said, made him resemble a
buffalo; thus, the name, ‘Buffalo’s creek.’ It appears char-
acteristic of the Indians to give significant names; some
personal appearance, some feat achieved, characteristic, or
place of location, is often the origin of a name.”
II. Fall of Mackinaw—Mr. Dobbins Carries News.
The following account of the surrender of Mackinaw and
incidents thereafter, is based on a narrative by my father,
the late Capt. Daniel Dobbins, and found among his papers.
As I have previously stated, Capt. Dobbins was at that place
in command of the schooner Salina, Capt. James Rough in
command of the schooner Mary, and Capt. Wm. Lee in
command of the sloop Friend’s Good Will. Capt. Dobbins
says:
. . . “For some days previous to the surrender, Lieut.
Porter Hanks, U. S. A., commandant of the post, together
1. It was “Ganson.’THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
301
with the citizens of the island and masters of vessels in port,
felt some uneasiness in consequence of intercourse being
stopped between that place and the British island of St.
Josephs at the entrance of the Sault river, daily communi-
cation having been previously kept up. Prudential motives
prompted them to go into council, and endeavor to ascertain
the cause, as also to consult and conclude upon their future
course, as they had no knowledge that war had been de-
clared. After a full interchanging of opinions, it was finally
concluded best to dispatch a messenger to St. Josephs for
information, and Michael Dousman, an old and respectable
citizen, was selected for that purpose; and he, consenting,
embarked in a bark canoe with a crew of Frenchmen.
“On their way thither, they encountered, early in the
night, a large force of British troops, Canadians and In-
dians, said to be 1,500 strong, embarked in armed batteaux
and canoes; all under the command of Capt. Chas. Roberts
of his Majesty’s service. Mr. Dousman and party were
taken prisoners, and Mr. Dousman forced to pilot them to
the most eligible place to land on the back of the island of
Mackinaw, as also to go to his farm in the neighborhood and
get his ox-team to draw their cannon to the highest point
overlooking the fort. Their arrangements being completed
and the forces ready for attack, as day dawned, Mr. Dous-
man was released with orders to proceed to town and in-
form the citizens of the condition of matters, and also to col-
lect them at a certain named place, where a guard would be
posted to protect them from the Indians.1
“I was on board my vessel laying at the wharf when I
heard the news, but I refused to go to the appointed ren-
1. There are preserved a number of letters from Michael Dousman to
“Dan Dobbins,” and copies of some from Dobbins to Dousman, in which each
makes sundry accusations against the honor of the other. Mr. Dobbins re-
garded Dousman as a traitor; Dousman retorted that at least he did not break
his parole, and sought to justify his conduct in supplying the British with pro-
visions. An elaborate document containing sixteen charges all tending to show
the treason of Dousman, bears the signatures of seven men “and all the other
inhabitants of Mackinaw.” In the summer of 1816 the dispute, to judge from
these letters, was likely to culminate in a duel; but settlement by the code was
apparently prevented by the fact that Dousman stayed at Mackinaw and Dobbins
stayed away from there.302
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
dezvous, as I knew the Indian character too well to trust to
the protection of a small guard. I considered myself much
safer aboard my vessel, and at once commenced hedging
her off to anchorage. As the vessel lay riding to the kedge,
I made preparations to cut and run with the vessel as soon
as a breeze sprung up, it then being quite calm. I could see
the painted savages crawling along round the bank, to avoid
the guns of the fort, and concluded I had taken the wisest
course. This was a time of great suspense for me—all
ready to give them the slip, and not a breath of wind!
Shortly the British armed brig Caledonia made her appear-
ance, rounding the point (Robinson's Folly), bringing the
northeast breeze with her, and directly in the track of my
escape; so I concluded the 'jig was up' with me, and must
submit. Soon the Stars and Stripes came down, and the
British flag was run up on the flagstaff at the fort—the sur-
render was complete.1
"Some few hours after, Mr. Allen C. Wilmoth, a British
subject, formerly connected with the Northwest Fur Com-
pany, and one of the commissioners appointed to arrange the
capitulation, came aboard to inform me that the British com-
mander wanted to see me. On our way, Mr. Wilmoth in-
formed me that Capt. Roberts wanted me to sign a parole
not to come against his Majesty's forces during the war.
On our arrival at the fort, this proposition was made to me,
and refused; they then threatened me; I still was firm in
my refusal, and was let off. However, many of the citizens
and mariners signed it. I informed them I intended to offer
my services to my country, and would do nothing to en-
cumber my intentions. I further claimed protection under
the capitulation, a copy of which I had:
“Heights above Michilimacinac,
“17th July, 1812.
“Capitulation agreed upon between Capt. Charles Roberts, com-
manding his Britannic Majesty’s forces, on the one part, and Lieu-
1. When made prisoner Capt. Dobbins had living with him an Indian boy-
named Pan-de-gaw-weh, known to the Americans as Tom. Among the Dobbins
papers is an order from the British commandant at Fort Mackinaw, directing
that this boy be delivered up to the Indians.THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
303
tenant Porter Hanks, commanding the forces of the United States,
on the other part, viz.:
“ist. The fort of Michilimackinac shall immediately be sur-
rendered to the British force.
“2d. The garrison shall march out with the honors of war, lay
down their arms, and become prisoners of war; and shall be sent to
the United States of America by his Britannic Majesty, not to serve
in this war until regularly exchanged, and for the due performance
of this article the officers pledge their word and honor.
“3d. All the merchant vessels in the harbor, with their cargoes,
shall be in possession of their respective owners.
“4th. Private property shall be held sacred as far as is in my
power.
“5th. All citizens of the United States who shall not take the
oath of allegiance to his Britannic Majesty, shall depart with their
property from the island in one month from the date hereof.
“Signed,
“Chas. Roberts, Captain,
“Commanding His Britannic Majesty’s forces, Mackinaw.
“Porter Hanks, Lieutenant, U. S. A.,
“Commanding United States forces.”
“Provisions being scarce, all citizens who refused to take
the oath were ordered to prepare to leave the island, and
preparations were made to send the schooners Salina and
Mary as cartels. The citizens were put on board the Salina,
Captain Daniel Dobbins, and the prisoners of war on board
the Mary, Captain James Rough. We were scantily supplied
with provisions and stores, and received orders to proceed
to Cleveland, Ohio.”
Some of these Indians in this attack were from the Mis-
sissippi and of the Sac and Fox tribes, under the manage-
ment of a Col. Robert Dickson, an influential Indian trader,
connected with the Northwest Fur Company. These Indians
were much dissatisfied—said they “had been promised a
fight, but had got no blood yet.” Col. Dickson then made a
speech to them, saying, “The Yankees had given up without
a fight, and it would not be allowed to kill them now, but that
they (the Indians) should have some cattle to kill, when they
could have some blood in that way.” To carry this promise
out, a lot of cattle were turned loose, and they had a hideous
time chasing them round the island, yelling and shouting—
shooting them with guns and arrows, the poor animals bel-
lowing, and taking to the water occasionally with their sides304
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
bristling with arrows. In addition to this, the public store
was thrown open, and the clothing of the troops given to the
Indians. This was amusing. You would see an Indian with
a soldier’s coat buttoned up to the chin, and cap, with bare
legs; another with the coat tails in front, etc.
The next day after the surrender, July 18th, the sloop
Erie, Capt. Walter Norton, came in sight, on her return
trip from Chicago. In order to deceive Capt. Norton, the
American flag was hoisted on the flagstaff. As soon as she
got near the island several armed batteaux were sent out and
captured her.
The fall of Mackinaw was a disastrous blow to our arms,
particularly at this early period of the war. It gave prestige
to the enemy, and served as a stimulus to induce the savages
to join them, and put confidence in their many reports of our
weakness, and the fallacy of our cause. But little would in-
duce the Indians of the northwest to take the war-path, and
the British were anxious to secure this position, when they,
through their coadjutors, the Northwest Fur Company, could
arouse these savage hordes, from Canada to the Rocky
Mountains, and hurl them down by thousands upon our com-
paratively defenseless frontier. This gigantic company was
anxious for the success of the British arms, more particu-
larly in this quarter, as its interests were in this direction,
and Mackinaw was the key. Therefore, without scruples,
it threw philanthropy to the dogs, and went in for success
at any sacrifice. Blood and plunder were the incentive and
the savage was ready for the grasp—as such is his nature.
Sir Isaac Brock, as early as June 25th, while at Fort
George, received intelligence of the declaration of war, and
immediately dispatched a courier with the news to Captain
Roberts, at St. Josephs, with instructions to summon to his
aid the employes of the Northwest Fur Company, and the
Indian tribes within reach, for the purpose of taking Macki-
naw ere that post could get the news, and prepare for a de-
fense. Mr. Pothier, the agent of the company, at once joined
Capt. Roberts in his plans, proposed to furnish 200 voya-
geurs and boats, and sent messengers off to the Indian chiefs
to assemble their warriors at St. Josephs. There were othersTHE DOBBINS PAPERS.
805
connected either directly or indirectly with the company,
who joined the band, viz. : Dickson, Johnson, Crawford,
Armitingin, La Croix, Rolett, Franks, Livingston, Akin &
Son, and others; all men of influence and standing, and
were assigned positions. The two latter, in conjunction with
Dickson, were Indian commanders, and were dressed and
painted as Indians. There were, in all, 306 whites and 715
Indians; this included the forty-six regulars and their offi-
cers. There were, also, 150 Chippewas and Ottawas, under
the noted chief, Old Bastard, who arrived two days after the
capitulation; and from some returned traders it was known
that 500 Indians and Canadians had assembled at the Grand
Portage, to reinforce in case they were needed.
On the other hand, Lieut. Hanks was ignorant of the
declaration of war, and, should he have had the information,
he could have made but a feeble defense with but 57 men,
including officers; and as for reinforcements and supplies,
they must come from below; the enemy held Lake Erie
with a naval force, and had possession of the entrance to
Detroit river, therefore nothing could reach Mackinaw by
water, and by land it was equally impossible, as the Penin-
sula (now State of Michigan) was then a wilderness and
swarming with hostile savages. Therefore a successful de-
fense was impossible. Again, to show the character of the
enemy Lieut. Hanks would have to contend with, John
Akin, one of the Indian leaders, reported that “had a de-
fense been made, and a single Indian killed, the whole gar-
rison would have been massacred in case of capture.” They
in all probability would have then turned upon the Ameri-
can citizens, and it is hardly to be supposed the few British
regulars could have stopped 700 blood-thirsty savages in
the midst of their hellish carnival, provided they had the
disposition to do so; and as for the voyageurs, many of
them would in all probability have joined in the “feast of
death,” as this semi-civilized race were viewed, by the In-
dians, as the connecting link between themselves and the
whites. As illustrative of this, many years since, when
Michigan was a territory, an Indian murdered a white man,
and after being caught was questioned if he had committed306
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
other murders. His reply was, “Me kill two Indians, one
Frenchman, never kill white man before/’ Thus, reason
would dictate that the “bloodless surrender” was most for-
tunate ; though the whole thing is a lasting disgrace to the
British Government, in calling to their aid these merciless
savages. This they continued to do throughout the war.
The cartels Salina and Mary being ready, sailed for
Cleveland. The passengers on board the Salina were, R. S.
Reed, W. W. Reed, Wm. Davidson, John Dowsman, F. B.
Holmes, Ambrose Davenport, C. A. Andrews; as also Capt.
Norton of the sloop Erie and crew, and Capt. Lee of the
sloop Friend’s Good Will and crew. The Mary had the
prisoners of war and a few citizens. Not knowing how
matters were below, on their approaching the St. Clair
river, they had fears of an attack by the Indians, as they
were quite numerous in that neighborhood. There being no
arms on board, they erected temporary bulwarks with packs
of furs and barrels to protect themselves, and made blud-
geons of wood for weapons. However, they were not mo-
lested, and arrived safe off Detroit. Here General Hull,
having possession of both sides of the river, took possession
of the vessels, and ordered them alongside the wharf at De-
troit and dismantled, the passengers going on shore to shift
for themselves, except the prisoners of war, who were taken
to the garrison. Pretty much all were taken prisoners again
when Hull surrendered the place, but were soon let go on
parole.
Capt. Dobbins procured a pass from Lieut. Col. Robt.
Nichols of his Majesty’s service, for himself and the two
Reeds to proceed to Cleveland, Ohio. R. S. Reed concluded
to go by land, but Capt. Dobbins secured a passage for him-
self and W. W. Reed with Col. Cass, who had charge of
some boats with prisoners returning to Cleveland. At Mal-
den Capt. Dobbins was solicited to manage a boat loaded
with wounded from Van Horn’s defeat on the river Huron,
under the charge of Capt. Saunders of the Ohio Volunteers,
which he accepted; and passing from island to island,
crossed the head of the lake to Black river, and coasted
along down to Cleveland, where they arrived safely on theTHE DOBBINS PAPERS.
307
22d of August. Capt. Saunders was in honor bound to de-
stroy the boat after landing, so Capt. Dobbins and W. W.
Reed took passage in a small sail craft for Erie; and after
causing some little alarm at Ashtabula and Conneaut, when
they landed for a few hours, the people taking the little
craft for an enemy, arrived safe at Erie on the 24th of Au-
gust. R. S. Reed had purchased a horse at Detroit, and
come round the head of the lake, and through Ohio, not ar-
riving until ten days after.
General David Mead, who commanded at Erie at the
time, wished Captain Dobbins to be the bearer of dispatches
to Washington, which he consented to, and left immediately.
On his way, he passed Col. Cass—who was also the bearer
of dispatches—sick at Mercersburg, and gave the first au-
thentic news of the surrender of Mackinaw and Detroit at
the seat of government. A Cabinet council was called, and
he summoned before it and fully interrogated in regard to
the upper lakes, and frontier, as also the most suitable point
on the borders of lake Erie for a naval depot; he recom-
mended Erie. After consulting Colonel Cass, he accepted the
appointment of sailing-master in the navy, and received
orders to repair to Erie and commence the construction of
gunboats. He arrived at Erie early in October, and having
secured the services of Ebenezer Crosby at Black Rock, as
master shipwright, commenced the wTork, the rest of the
force being mostly house carpenters. In January, Commo-
dore Chauncey and Henry Eckford made a visit of inspec-
tion, approved the work, and gave orders to get out timber
for two sloops of war; they also approved the selection for
a station. In February Mr. Noah Brown with a force of
carpenters came on and took charge. On the 27th March,
Commodore Perry arrived, when the work was pushed
rapidly with a large force.
The capture of Fort Dearborn at Chicago, and the mas-
sacre at that place by the Indians—once friendly but subse-
quently rendered hostile by the machinations of the British
and their coadjutors, the Northwest Fur Company—and
the fall of Mackinaw, gave the enemy entire control of the
Indian tribes; not only those of the west and northwest,THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
but those inhabiting our border territory. As an induce-
ment, the Indians were led to believe that the Yankees were
a feeble nation, and if they would assist in making war upon
them, they (the Yankees) could be easily defeated and
driven off, when the Indian would again be in possession of
his “lost hunting ground.” In addition, the British stores,
as well as those of the Northwest Fur Company, were filled
with Indian goods, and presents went hand in hand with the
wampum belt.
By way of showing that they were preparing for coming
hostilities, and as a sample of proceedings, I will state that
Gov. W. H. Harrison wrote the Government, under date
of April 17, 1811, from Vincennes:
“Almost every Indian from above, has been, or is now
at Fort Malden, on a visit to the British agent. ... I
examined the presents of a returned Indian (not a chief),
and found he had received an elegant rifle, 25 lbs. powder,
50 lbs. lead, 3 blankets, 3 strouds of cloth, 10 shirts, and
other articles.”
Similar accounts were received from Gen. Wm. Clark,
of St. Louis; Samuel Tupper of Sandusky; John Johnson
of Fort Wayne; M. Irwin of Chicago; Gov. Willie Blount
of Tennessee; Gov. Ninian Edwards of Illinois, and others
of the same period, all going to show the workings of the
enemy. At this time, Canada was much superior to our
frontier territory in point of population; there were not only
the original French, but thousands of refugees from the
United States during the Revolution, who, with their off-
spring, were “loyal to the core,” and swarms of Indians, all
well supplied with arms; whereas, the reverse was the case
on the American side. Added to the disadvantages of a
sparsely populated and new country, was the difficulty of
transportation, the enemy having entire control of the upper
lakes with armed vessels, constituting an effectual blockade.
Troops and supplies had to be taken by land to Detroit, a
distance of some 200 miles, and, as it would appear, the Gov-
ernment had a very imperfect knowledge of the western
frontier.
In addition to these many difficulties, Gen. Hull issuedTHE DOBBINS PAPERS.
309
a bombastic proclamation to the people of Upper Canada on
the eve of his contemplated invasion, in which he said that
“If the savage and barbarous policy of Great Britain be pur-
sued, and savages be let loose to murder our citizens, and
butcher our women and children, this war will be a war of
extermination. The first stroke of the tomahawk, the first
attempt with the scalping-knife, will be the signal of one
indiscriminate scene of destruction. No white man found
fighting by the side of an Indian will be taken prisoner;
instant destruction will be his lot.” This, of course, would
raise the ire of the British, and prompt them to retaliation in
turn. Some of the Canadian militia put confidence in these
threats, as also in the friendly propositions made in the same
document, and deserted to his standard, and many of the in-
habitants expressed anxiety for protection, let it come from
what quarter it would. However, the effort was soon
changed when Sir Isaac Brock assumed command in the field.
He was a man of fine military and executive abilities, and
rallied round him large numbers of militia and Indians,
which, added to the regular force, showed a formidable
front. He was also seconded by Gen. Proctor and other
skillful officers.
Soon Gen. Hull’s line of communication and base of sup-
plies were being sadly interfered with by large parties of
British troops and Indians, and several sanguinary battles
had taken place. Then two of his best commanders, Col.
Cass and Col. McArthur, with nearly half his force, had to
be sent off to open communication. Gen. Brock being aware
of this, availed himself of the position of matters to demand
a surrender.
Now, then, taking all things into consideration—sur-
rounded by hordes of hostile savages—a superior force to
contend with—his base of communication cut off in a
measure—isolated in position; and last, but not least, fear-
ing that the savages could not be held in check, and that a
massacre would follow in case of a defeat—based, as he
might have presumed, upon his own proclamation, viz., “ex-
termination” where savages are brought into the field; I
repeat, taking all things into consideration, may it not beBIO
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
considered a mooted question, whether the peaceable sur-
render was not a judicious one? Notwithstanding, he was
tried by a highly competent court and convicted of cowardice.
This constitutional defect shows itself in varied and singular
phases. It is often found in men possessing a highly culti-
vated, intellectual and patriotic mind. Often we see it de-
veloped where physical powers are great, and also where
they are small and vice versa. There are different classes of
courage; a man may be courageous in debate, but would
shrink from personal danger. Often want of what is called
courage, is accompanied with moral and philanthropic pro-
clivities—dread of the destruction of human life; such are
often over-cautious; others of the opposite, desire victory at
any cost. Commodore Perry had nearly as great a dread
of a cow, as he would have of a lion; and I have it from
those who knew of the fact, that he would cross a street, or
road, through the mud, to avoid one. Yet he would face the
cannon’s mouth and fight his ship as long as there was a gun
left mounted, and a man to work it.
The court assembled at Philadelphia for the trial of
General Hull, February, 1813, was dissolved by President
Madison for the reason that many of the members in the
warmth of excitement incident to the disaster, had freely
expressed their opinions in advance. In January, 1814,
another court was convened at Albany. After a protracted
trial, he was found guilty of “cowardice, neglect of duty,
and unofficer-like conduct.” The sentence was “to be shot
dead, and his .name stricken from the rolls of the army.”
The court strongly recommended him to the mercy of the
President, who, on account of his advanced age, and Revo-
lutionary services, pardoned him. Not cowardice, but im-
becility and over-caution incident to old age, coupled with
the dread of a massacre in case of defeat, were the cause of
Hull’s failure. General Cass, one who knew him well, sev-
eral times expressed this as his belief. Hull, when in full
vigor of manhood, did good service in the Revolution.
One of the accusations in the charge of treason was,
“hiring a vessel (the Cuyahoga Packet) to convey the sick
and baggage from Maumee Rapids to Detroit.” I presumeTHE DOBBINS PAPERS.
311
it was thought by many, that it was his intention to throw
this prize into the hands of the enemy. In a letter from Dr.
James Reynolds, of the Ohio troops, to a friend in Zanes-
ville, dated Detroit, July 7, 1812, he says:
“In order to hurry the march of the army to Detroit, the sick
were put on board of a schooner and boat, with public property, and
the greater portion of the officers’ clothing. I took command of the
boat loaded with sick. We hoisted sail on the 1st of July from the
Rapids (Maumee). We were ordered to sail in company, but the
schooner passed me the first night; and about 10 o’clock the next
day, opposite Fort Malden, she was captured by the British—thirty
on board—among whom were Paymaster Lewis Dent, Captain Sharp
of the Marietta, a lieutenant of the 4th Regiment, and three of the
officers’ wives. Two of the ladies were sent to Detroit, the other
remained with her husband at Malden. The evening of the same
day we passed Malden by a different channel (American channel),
without molestation by the British, but were harassed that night by
the Indians. On the 3d, at 3 p. m., arrived at Detroit all safe, and
here I first heard of war being declared.”
The news reached Detroit through Canada. Gen. Hull,
with the army, did not arrive until the 6th. Had the news
of the declaration of war been at the Rapids before these
parties, left, the capture of the schooner might have been
avoided by taking the American channel, as Dr. Reynolds
did with his boat, this being the first entrance to the river
they reached, though somewhat intricate for the larger craft;
but they being ignorant of the state of matters, dropped, un-
awares, into the clutches of the enemy, with all the general’s
public and private papers, and the public property, including
nearly all the medical stores. No blame could be attached
to the commander of the schooner, as this was the main
ship channel, and the proper one for him to take, had not
hostilities commenced, which he had no reason to suppose
was the case, or they would have known it at the Rapids,
where it was not known until the 6th, when a courier passed
through from Washington, to Gen. Hull. Thus, it would
appear, that the Government was remiss in a culpable de-
gree, in not forwarding the news earlier. This neglect gave
great advantage to the enemy.312
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
The vessels at Detroit at the time of the surrender, the
brig Adams, and schooners Salina and Mary, as also some
smaller craft, were of course immediately taken possession
of. The Adams, as I previously stated, was renamed De-
troit ; the Salina was used as a transport at the head of the
lake; the Detroit, Caledonia (British armed vessel), and
Mary took on board prisoners, and proceeded to Fort Erie.
The Mary had on board a cargo of furs belonging to the
American Fur Company. Great efforts were made by Cap-
tain Rough and the company to have it released, making
their claim under the capitulation of Mackinaw, which says,
“all vessels in port, with their cargoes, are to remain in the
hands of their respective owners.” The cargo of the Mary,
having remained on board as it was when she left Macki-
naw, the claimants thought they had a good case. The Brit-
ish authorities, on the other hand, claimed that she and the
Salina had been taken possession of at Detroit, by order of
the commanding general (Hull), after they had reached an
American port, and had landed the prisoners; therefore
their character of cartel ceased—that had not General Hull
stopped them, they would have been allowed to proceed to
Cleveland. Furthermore, had General Hull found use for
them, he would not have hesitated to put them into service;
therefore, they, with their cargoes, were subject to capture,
and lawful prizes.
John Dickson, who was mate with Captain Rough in the
Mary, and made to pilot her from Detroit to Fort Erie, then
kept on board for a time, conceived the idea of re-capturing
her, and had his plans laid, but matters changed and his in-
tention was frustrated. Subsequently, and after Dickson
had got on the American side, he served as pilot for Lieut.
Jesse D. Elliott and Captain Towson at the time they cap-
tured the brigs Detroit and Caledonia from under the guns
of Fort Erie. In Lieutenant Elliott’s report from Black
Rock, October 8, 1812, he speaks of the failure to get a
line to the American shore, there being no wind and the
vessel, only drifting with the current, while under a heavy
fire from the British batteries, finally brought up on Squaw
Island. Elliott says:	“At that instant, I discovered thatTHE DOBBINS PAPERS.
313
the pilot had abandoned me.” This is true, and the writer
has heard Dickson assign the cause, which completely ex-
culpated him from any blame.1 He subsequently served as
a subordinate in the navy-yard at Conjaquades Creek, and
rendered valuable service in fitting out the vessels purchased
by the Government. They managed to work the Caledonia
inside of Squaw Island, and grounded her on the bank,
where she was safe from the batteries of the enemy, and
where she could easily be got afloat; while the Detroit had
to be abandoned and burnt, the cannonading upon her was
so heavy.
III. With Perry on the Niagara.
The British having entire control of the upper lakes, and
being in possession of all the western posts of any conse-
quence, things looked rather discouraging for the American
cause, and all eyes were turned to Commodore Perry in his
efforts to get his fleet ready for service. Previous to the
arrival of Commodore Perry and Mr. Noah Brown, the
master builder, Sailing-Master Dobbins had, under the most
unfavorable circumstances, succeeded in getting three gun-
boats of fifty tons each, well under way, and a large portion
of the timber *out for the two sloops of war, which gave a
good start in the enterprise.
In comparison with the excellent facilities for shipbuild-
ing of the present day, one can have but an obscure idea of
the difficulties Commodore Perry and his compeers had in
building, fitting and arming his squadron. A new and
sparsely settled country, scarcity of all necessary material,
except timber, water communication with Black Rock cut
off by the presence of the enemy’s cruisers, the roads cut
through swamps and forests and mud, incident to the break-
ing up in the spring of the year—all these and numerous
other difficulties I could enumerate. From Pittsburgh were
i. An explanation of Dickson’s conduct will be found in a sketch of his
adventurous career, on subsequent pages of this volume.314
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
obtained all the iron, a large portion of the rigging and
anchors, as also all the carronades, shot and shell. All the
spikes had to be hammered, and in many instances to be
made from square bars of iron; and owing to the scarcity
of oakum, the Lawrence was calked with raw hemp ob-
tained at Pittsburgh.
Although Presqu’ile had twice been occupied as a military
post—by the French as late at 1760, and by the United
States as late as 1798, the latter having a stockade, with
three block-houses and other military fixtures—yet there
was not a single piece of ordnance in the place, except a
small iron boat-howitzer, with which the villagers used to
celebrated the 4th of July for many years, belonging to Gen.
John Kelso, and which had been found by him on the beach
of the lake, where probably an armed batteau belonging to
the French had been wrecked, when they occupied the coun-
try. Nothing remained of the French fort, except a little of
the earthwork; nor of the American, but the relics of one
old block-house. The only matter in the way of defense,
was a military company numbering forty, all told, and the
workmen on the gunboats, whom Mr. Dobbins (that being
the modest title officially applied to sailing master) had or-
ganized and armed, as best he could, for the protection of
the vessels on the stocks. However, Gen. John Kelso had
called out the militia of his brigade, though they had not
yet organized, and upon the arrival of Commodore Perry,
March 24, 1813, he at once counseled with Major Gen.
David Mead, military commander in that portion of Penn-
sylvania, the result of which was the calling out of all the
military forces; and in a short time 1000 militia were in
camp, which number was soon reinforced by several hun-
dred volunteers from the interior of the State.
The most important matter now, was to obtain some
heavy pieces of ordnance, and Mr. Dobbins was dispatched
to Black Rock for some 12-pounders and chests of arms.
His journeys to that point illustrate the difficulties of trans-
portation at that time.
Mr. Dobbins at once repaired to Black Rock, and after
considerable delay and trouble, succeeded in getting fourTHE DOBBINS PAPERS.
315
12-pounders and four teams, loaded with small arms and
stores, to the bridge over Buffalo creek, and one gun with
some of the teams and guard over, when, from the ice gorge
and flood—there being a thaw at the time—the bridge was
swept away. He then proceeded with the one gun and
stores on the ice, keeping near the shore. When near Cat-
taraugus, the team with the gun broke through the ice in
twelve feet of water; however, they soon fished it out, and
from this to Erie they took the land for it, though the road
was in the worst possible condition, and succeeded in getting
through on the ioth of April. This was the first piece of
ordnance at Erie. Mr. Dobbins at once returned and got
the remainder with less difficulty. It being now the middle
of April, and the lake getting free from ice, he thought of
trying water transportation.
Commodore Perry gave him instructions to call upon
Lieutenant Pettigrew, who was then in command of the
temporary navy yard at Conjaquada’s creek, for such neces-
sary aid as he wanted, when he again repaired to Black
Rock, with instructions to take up three long 32-pounders,
weighing 63 cwt. each. After some detention, Lieutenant
Pettigrew furnished him with an old batteau, of only suf-
ficient capacity to carry one gun. After placing timbers on
her bottom, he got the gun in her, and tracked her up the
rapids to Buffalo creek, when all the men were recalled, and
Mr. Dobbins left to bail the boat himself, which, by the way,
was leaking badly. In the morning, three men with three
days’ rations and no arms were all Lieutenant Pettigrew
furnished to make a trip of ninety miles in this open boat,
in the spring of the year, with some ice in the lake and in
the face of the enemy. For this conduct Lieutenant Petti-
grew received a severe reprimand from Commodore Perry.
However, Mr. Dobbins started upon this hazardous trip,
with two men rowing (they had no sail), one bailing, and
Mr. Dobbins steering. Early on the morning of the second
day, they reached the Eighteen-mile creek and made a stop.
Soon after their arrival, a six-oared boat was discovered
coasting along down from the westward, as if reconnoiter-
ing the shore. Mr. Dobbins at once knew from appearances,316
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
that it was a man-of-war boat; and as no boat of that kind
was at Erie when he left, concluded it must be an enemy on
the lookout for him. He at once got his boat behind some
bushes at a bend in the creek, and kept themselves out of
sight until the boat had passed. Presuming the boat would
return on not finding him below, Mr. Dobbins at once has-
tened out of the neighborhood, mustered all the men and
arms he could get, and constructed a sort of breastwork
with trees, determined to make a strong resistance, should
they be attacked. Toward night the boat returned, and
seeing one of Mr. Dobbins’ pickets on the shore below,
showed the American colors and landed. It proved to be a
boat which had been built after Mr. Dobbins had left Erie,
and had been sent by Commodore Perry, under the command
of Lieutenant Holdup, as an assistant and convoy; and after
examining the coast and seeing nothing of the boat, reached
Buffalo, and finding Mr. Dobbins had left, returned.
On the arrival of the boat in the creek, some of Mr.
Dobbins’ volunteers who were “sp’ilin’ fer a fight” became
rampant. However, explanations and a gallon or two of
whiskey obtained from a neighboring trading-post, put all
things to rights, and they returned to their homes. Mr.
Dobbins, having now plenty of assistance, proceeded, and
on the second day arrived safe at Erie.
The next day he left on still another trip. This time he
obtained an old Durham boat, so called, which had been
used in boating salt from Schlosser to Fort Erie, and after
fitting her as best he could, with timbers on her bottom, got
two of the 32-pounders, weighing 63 cwt. each, on board,
together with naval stores, tracked up the Niagara rapids
and started for Erie, having a four-oared boat with lug-sail,
in company. He kept near the American shore, as the
enemy were in sight. When off Cattaraugus, in the night,
it came on to blow from the northwest, and in order to keep
her off the beach, they got all sail on her they could, with
two planks for lea-boards; and after a struggle, succeeded
in getting an offing.
But their troubles were not ended. The steering-oar
unshipped, and the boat fell off into the trough of the sea,THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
317
when the heavy rolling carried away the step of the mast
before they could get the sail down. They finally got the
repairs made, and sail on her again, when it was discovered
she was leaking very much from the heavy rolling and
heavy weight in her bottom, and likely to split open and
founder. As the old maxim has it, “Necessity is the mother
of invention/’ Mr. Dobbins took a coil of rope they had on
board, and securing one end forward, passed the rope round
and round her fore and aft, heaving each turn taut with a
gunner’s handspike; and in this way, kept her together and
afloat, all hands bailing. At daylight they found themselves
some ten miles below Erie, with two of the enemy’s cruisers
in the offing to windward. However, the wind had veered
more to the eastward, and they soon made port in safety
with a fair wind. The other boat had got in ahead of them,
having left them to their fate when the mast went over the
side, finding it as much as they could do to take care of
themselves; and had reported Mr. Dobbins’ boat as lost.
On the arrival of Sailing-Master Wm. V. Taylor, a
skillful and experienced officer, which was about the 30th
of March, Commodore Perry left him in command at Erie,
and hastened to Pittsburgh to make complete arrangements
for the carronades, shot, shell, etc., and to procure iron and
other matters, in which he was materially aided by the ad-
vice and services of Capt. A. R. Woolley, a skillful and in-
telligent ordnance officer of the army, from whom he ob-
tained four small pieces of ordnance and some muskets. He
also made arrangements to have canvas for the sails and
sailmakers forwarded from Philadelphia, and to hurry up a
gang of carpenters and block-makers, on their way from
the latter place.
On his return to Erie, in conjunction with Gen. Mead, he
had a redoubt constructed on the bluff where the land light-
house now stands, and three long 12-pounders mounted;
and on the bluff known as Garrison Hill, near the village,
where a regiment of troops were encamped, another was
thrown up, and four pieces obtained at Pittsburgh mounted
upon it. They also had a rude block-house erected on the
point of the bluff east of the cascade, which effectually cov-318
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
ered the vessels on the stocks at its base. In the rear of this
block-house a brigade was encamped. The remainder of
the troops were encamped on the banks of Lee’s Run, at
the mouth of which the gun-boats were being constructed;
and on the bluff, directly above, a small redoubt with two
long 12-pounders mounted. In addition to the troops, about
iooo strong, there were some 400 carpenters and other
workmen upon and about the vessels, who were under a
temporary organization, and would have done good service
in case of an attack. Thus, it will be seen, had the enemy
attempted to destroy the vessels, they would have met with
a warm reception. Notwithstanding, there were those who
would disparage these hasty preparations of defense, got up
under the most unfavorable circumstances, and who sought
to ridicule Perry’s squadron as a “lot of cock-boats manned
with Rhode Island fishermen.” But they were of a class not
having the good of their country and the ascendency of her
flag at heart in this war; and there were many such to be
found along the frontier as well as elsewhere.
The work on the vessels now went on briskly, and on the
15th of April two of the gunboats were launched, and
named, respectively, Tigress and Porcupine, and on the 1st
of May the Scorpion. They were immediately fitted out,
manned and armed—the Tigress and Porcupine with a long
32-pounder each, the Scorpion with a long 24 and a long 12-
pounder. These vessels, now being ready for service, ma-
terially added to the defense of the place.
[The following paragraphs, from the manuscript record
of Capt. Daniel Dobbins, are here inserted, in place of the
briefer and less graphic account of the same expedition, as
recorded by his son.—Ed.]
“On the evening of the 23d of May Capt. Perry sent for
me and said, he was going to Buffalo that night to join
Commodore Chauncey on Lake Ontario, and be at the con-
templated bombardment of Fort George, which was to take
place in a day or two; wanted me to accompany him, and
ordered me to prepare a boat immediately. I obeyed; and
about 8 p. m. we started in rather a quiet way, as he did not
wish our departure made public.THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
319
“The night was rather pleasant, with the wind off the
land. The next morning we stopped at Chatauque, distant
about thirty miles from Erie, to get something to eat at a
house not far distant from the shore. Capt. Parry not liking
the looks of things said, T believe we will push on, as this
is a hard-looking spot for victuals/ I then observed I had
something to eat in a basket on board the boat, which had
been put up by Mrs. Dobbins when I left home. A man was
then dispatched for the basket, from which we took a lunch
while comfortably seated on a log.
“That night we arrived at Buffalo, where we were in-
formed [by Major John G. Camp], 'The enemy have pos-
session of the river, and you had better keep a sharp lookout
while going down/ The next morning we started, and
pulling along down close in with the American side, arrived
at Schlosser about noon, without stopping, being molested,
or in fact seeing or speaking to any one, friend or foe. On
passing Grand Island I once thought I saw a man in
amongst the trees, and mentioned it to Com. Perry, but on
observing close it proved to be nothing but a stump. As we
could not procure horses at Schlosser, we concluded to push
along on foot, leaving the men at Schlosser. After walking
about two miles to the Falls, and it raining very hard, we
concluded to stop. I here made another attempt to get
horses, and after some trouble made out to get an old nag,
for the use of which I paid the owner $3 in advance. As
this was the only one to be got, Com. Perry concluded to go
on alone, and gave me orders to return to Schlosser, and
prepare some boats that were there, for the reception of a
draft of men that would probably be up the next day, and
to take them on up to Conjaquatas creek, a short distance
below Black Rock, which was at that time a temporary naval
station.
“I soon got the commodore mounted on this old horse,
after fitting him out with rope stirrups, blind bridle, etc., all
of which I fitted with my own hands, and off he started. I
then returned to Schlosser. Next morning, not feeling
satisfied at his going alone in this way, mounted on a mis-
erable old horse, and himself in full dress, a fine mark for820
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
the scattering Indians and scouting parties on both sides of
the river, I ventured contrary to orders to follow him on
foot, and did so on down to Youngstown, distant twelve
miles. After being assured of his safe arrival I returned,
and on my way back met with the very difficulty I had
anticipated for him; viz., as I was passing along the river
where the banks were within musket-shot of each other, a
party of British soldiers fired across the river at me, but
without effect. That evening, 26th, as was expected, a draft
of men came up, whom I took in charge and proceeded on
up to Conjaquatas creek, where I found Com. Perry had
already arrived.
“I was then ordered to dismount some guns from the
batteries on shore, and get them, together with all the naval
stores at the station, on board the vessels, which duty I per-
formed and came up to Erie in command of the schooner
Ohio. The British squadron we were informed were lying
in wait for us near the foot of the lake and in that case it
required the greatest caution to elude them. We were drove
back to Buffalo bay once with a heavy head wind, but were
only four days from the time we left Black Rock, or com-
menced tracking up the rapids, until we arrived at Erie.
I once saw the lights of the enemy from the decks of my
vessel while we were working up past them in the night.”
On the 27th of May, Fort George fell. The part Com-
modore Perry bore in this telling affair, is a matter of his-
tory, and was the first twig of the cluster of laurels so soon
to adorn his brow.
On the 28th, the detachment of officers and men arrived
at Schlosser, and were immediately embarked for Black
Rock, where they arrived the next day; Commodore Perry
had already arrived, having come up by land. After the
capture of Fort George, the enemy evacuated the Niagara
frontier to a great extent. Commodore Perry at once de-
termined to avail himself of this condition of matters, to get
the vessels purchased by the Government and prepared for
war purposes by Henry Eckford, and kept in Conjaquades
creek by the batteries of the enemy on the opposite shore,
up to Erie if possible. At once orders were given to dis-THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
321
mount the guns from the batteries, and mount them on the
vessels; and also to get all the stores on board, which duty
was performed with celerity. On the 6th of June, the ves-
sels being ready, the work of tracking them up the rapids
commenced. This was a tedious job and lasted a week,
though, in addition to the ox-teams and sailors, they had 200
soldiers under the command of Captains Brevoort and
Younge. Unfortunately, they had no fair wind during the
process, that the vessels might have assisted with their sails.
On the morning of the 13th the last vessel got out of the
rapids.
The detachment of officers and soldiers detailed by Gen-
eral Dearborn, to assist in getting the vessels up the rapids,
were permitted to remain on board to assist in navigating
ana defending the vessels on the passage to Erie. This little
flotilla was composed of the following vessels: Brig Cale-
donia (prize), armament, two long 24/s and one long 12-
pounder; schooner Somers (formerly Catherine, when pur-
chased), armament, two long 18-pounders; sloop Trippe
(formerly Contractor, when purchased), armament, one
long 24-pounder; schooner Ohio (purchased), armament,
one long 24-pounder; schooner Amelia (purchased), arma-
ment, one long 24-pounder. I may be in error in giving the
arrangement of armament, though I think not. One thing
is certain, there was not a 32-pounder on board any of them,
as some historians have said, as there were but three all told,
and they were previously taken to Erie, as I have before
stated. The names of the commanders I have not at hand,
except that the Caledonia was the flagship, and of course
commanded by Commodore Perry, and the Ohio, by Mr.
Dobbins; the rest of the commanders had been ordered
from Erie.
On the evening of the 13th they sailed for Erie, but were
driven back to Buffalo bay the next day with a heavy head
wind. On the evening of the 14th, they sailed again. Great
caution and vigilance were necessary in order to elude the
fleet of the enemy then at the foot of the lake, and constantly
on the lookout for them. The British fleet consisted of the
following vessels: The Queen Charlotte with an armament322
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
of seventeen guns; Lady Prevost, of thirteen guns; Hunter,
of ten guns; Little Belt, of three guns; Chippewa, of one
gun. Had they encountered our little flotilla, there would
have been some warm work, but the disparity of force was
too great to make a successful defense, consequently victory
would have been with them, and British ascendency on the
lakes have been prolonged. But fortune favored Perry, and
he managed to elude them. So near were they in meeting,
that when off Dunkirk, the wind being light ahead, and the
weather hazy, Commodore Perry anchored his vessels close
in shore in order not to be seen from the offing. While here,
a man made his appearance on the bank of the lake, and made
signals. The commodore sent a boat for him, when he gave
the information that the enemy had been at anchor the night
before off the Twenty-mile creek below Erie, and sent on
shore to obtain fresh supplies—that from an intermediate
point, he could see both fleets at the same time. But good luck
was on our side; our little squadron safely entered the harbor
at Erie on the morning of the 19th of June. Every precau-
tion, every preparation had been duly attended to by Com-
modore Perry, as he invariably had a system and code for
all important matters. The code of signals he adopted, and
the order of battle fixed for the vessels, were promulgated
from Buffalo and were as follows:
Code of Signals Adopted for the Squadron.
One gun—Get under way.
Green, at the fore—Form the order of sailing ahead.
Green, at the main—Form the order of sailing abreast.
Green, at mizzen peak—Form the line of battle on the starboard
tack.
Green, in the fore rigging—Form the line of battle on the lar-
board tack.
Green, in the main rigging—Close more the present order.
White, at the fore—Open more the present order.
White, at the main—Tack.
White, at the mizzen peak—Follow the motions of the commo-
dore.
Ensign, at the gaff—Engage the enemy.
White, at the mizzen, with stop in the middle—Chase.THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
323
Ensign, in the fore rigging—Repair on board the flagship, all
commanders.
Green and white, at the main gaff—Come within hail.
It is expected officers will pay strict attention to the order of
sailing.
No property other than public, or passengers, to be received on
board any of the vessels under my command.
Order of Sailing Abreast.
Somers Amelia Caledonia Ohio Trippe
Order of Sailing Ahead.
Trippe
Ohio
Caledonia
Amelia
Somers
Buffalo, June 12, 1813.
O. H. Perry.
IV. Building and Equipping the Fleet.
When at the lower end of the lake, the British fleet
usually rendezvoused at what is known as Mohawk bay, be -
low Grand river. It is an indentation of the main land, with
Gull Island and the long reef extending off to the southward
and eastward in front. It is a fine, spacious roadstead, with
plenty of water and good holding ground. From here they
would sail out occasionally to watch the movements on the
American side. They must have been rampant on hearing
of Perry arriving safely at Erie with his little flotilla.
The vessels to compose the squadron were now all within
the bay at Erie, and the business of equipping went rapidly
forward. The courthouse had been converted into a sail-
loft, and the sails were nearly completed; the fitting of rig-
ging was mostly done on board the vessels.
It may not be generally known that Commodore Chaun-
cey was the senior officer on Lake Erie as well as on Lake
Ontario, and that everything of importance connected with
the building and equipping of Perry’s squadron had to come324
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
through him, instead of coming direct from the Navy De-
partment to Perry. Hence the delay of many matters, par-
ticularly in procuring crews for the vessels.
The Lawrence and Niagara were no feet between the
perpendiculars, ioo feet straight rabbet, 30 feet beam, and
9 feet hold. Mr. Noah Brown, the efficient and enterprising
master-builder, gave them this shallow depth of hold, in
order to have a good height of quarters or bulwarks, and at
the same time not show a high side; and also to secure a
light draught of water. They were hastily constructed of
such timber as came handy, though staunchly built. In the
language of Mr. Brown to one of the workmen who was
somewhat particular in finishing his job, “We want no ex-
tras ; plain work, plain work, is all we want. They are only
required for one battle; if we win, that is all that will be
wanted of them. If the enemy are victorious, the work is
good enough to be captured.” Many people are in error in
regard to the name of the Lawrence, and give it as St. Law-
rence. The name was given by the Navy Department in
honor of Captain James Lawrence, who fell mortally
wounded while in command of the frigate Chesapeake in
her unfortunate encounter with the British frigate Shannon;
and Commodore Perry adopted Lawrence’s last words as a
motto for his fighting flag: “Don’t give up the ship.”
The schooners Ariel, of pilot-boat model, and Scorpion,
were about sixty-three tons; the Tigress and Porcupine,
about fifty-two tons; of the Caledonia, Somers, Ohio, Trippe
and Amelia, I have before given the tonnage.
There is some discrepancy between those who should
have a correct knowledge, as to the date when the Lawrence
and Niagara were launched. Mackenzie has it “on the 24th
of May,” and most authors have adopted that date. From
circumstances and indirect data, as also the opinions of liv-
ing witnesses who were connected with the building, I make
it that the Lawrence was launched on or about the 20th of
June, and the Niagara on the 4th of July.
Full crews of the vessels were now what was needed,
and up to June 25th there had but about 150 men and of-
ficers arrived from Lake Ontario, that being where theyTHE DOBBINS PAPERS.
825
were to come from, and many of these were sick and other-
wise disabled. Commodore Perry was every few days re-
ceiving communications from the Navy Department, urging
him to hasten the equipment of his squadron, so as to act
in conjunction with General Harrison in a combined move-
ment against the enemy by land and water. This was per-
plexing to Perry, as he was short of men and officers; and
to make matters worse, the 200 soldiers, with Captains Bre-
voort and Younge, who had gone up on board the flotilla of
small vessels from Black Rock to Erie, and which he had
made application to retain, to be distributed through the
squadron as marines, were recalled. On the 10th of July,
Perry had received a letter from General Dearborn, saying:
“By order of the War Department, the soldiers must re-
turn/’ excepting Captain Brevoort, whom he permitted to
remain, as Captain Brevoort had navigated the lakes several
years in command of the brig Adams, under control of the
War Department. The troops were immediately sent in
boats to Buffalo, under command of Captain Younge. This
was a sad blow to Perry in its interference with manning his
vessels. However, after writing urgent letters to Commo-
dore Chauncey in regard to the want of officers and men, he
got news of a draft being forwarded, and on the 17th, “dis-
patched a sailing-master with boats, to be joined by the two
sent down with the troops,” etc., to bring them up to Erie.
The following is a copy of the original order given to Sail-
ing-Master Dobbins; it shows the difference between the
number of men expected by Perry, and the number re-
ceived :
Erie, 17 July, 1813.
Sir: You will repair to Buffalo with two boats, and there wait
until the officers and men destined for the vessels of war at this
place, arrive. You will, on your arrival at Buffalo, endeavor to col-
lect, in conjunction with Mr. Carter, boats, in addition to the four
belonging to the Navy, for the transportation of the men, say three
or four hundred, from that place to Erie. The boats to be collected
in Buffalo Creek. Great caution will be necessary on your way up,
to prevent being intercepted by the enemy. Should they appear off326
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
this harbor, I will send an express to Chatauqua and the Twenty-
Mile creek to give information.
Very Respectfully
Your Obt. Servt
O. H. Perry.
Daniel Dobbins,
Sailing Master U. S. Navy.
Accordingly, Mr. Dobbins got information both at Cha-
tauque and Twenty-mile creek, and arrived safe with the
draft of men, numbering only seventy-five. On the 30th he
made another trip, and brought sixty officers and men.
On the 25th of July, the vessels were completed, fitted
and armed, but only partially manned; and at the same time
Commodore Perry was in receipt of frequent communica-
tions from the Department and General Harrison, urging
him to a forward movement; and, to add still to his anxiety,
General Harrison informed him that “the enemy would, in
a few days, launch their new ship Detroit, and had just re-
ceived a reinforcement of experienced officers and prime
seamen.” This was truly annoying to Perry, as his vessels
were helpless without men. However, while waiting, the
men on board were constantly exercised at the guns, work:
ing ship, etc. Everything was done in the way of comple-
tion and preparation; even the ballast was stowed tempor-
arily, to have it occupy as small a space as possible, and to
get the trim of the vessel. This all in order that everything
could be replaced quickly after they passed the bar.
The enemy were in the habit of making almost daily
visits to the roadstead at Erie; sometimes the Queen Char-
lotte would make the visit alone; at other times the whole
fleet would make the menace. On the 21st of July the fleet
made one of these “calls,” when several of the gunboats ran
down to the entrance of the channel and exchanged a few
shots with them, with but little effect on either side, when
they bid adieu and left. The lack of crews for his vessels
was the cause of Perry’s not following them at once, could
he have been outside the bar.
Here again was shown, on the part of the Government,
the lack of knowledge of the frontier, and matters connectedTHE DOBBINS PAPERS.
327
with it. The naval operations on Lake Erie should at once
have been designated a separate command, as Commodore
Chauncey had his hands full on Lake Ontario, and of
course could give but little attention to operations on Lake
Erie. Again, the men should have been sent direct from
Philadelphia, instead of first taking them from New York,
and eastern ports, to Sackett’s Harbor, thence to Buffalo,
then to Erie, making at least double the distance it would
have been from Philadelphia, had they come direct. Many
of the carpenters, all the sail-makers and block-makers, came
from there; then why not the seamen? Had this course
been pursued, Perry would have been on the lake with his
squadron and captured the British fleet before they could
have got out their large ship, the Detroit* and would also
have cooperated with General Harrison, and relieved the
western end of the lake of the continual harrassing it suf-
fered. Once supreme on the lake, the enemy would have
withdrawn his forces to Malden, and the Detroit river.
While Commodore Perry is waiting for sailors, let us
look at what is going on in the way of commerce. As is al-
ways the case, there are those whose cupidity will tempt them
to run the closest blockade, and the fabulous prices were
sure to bring out our frontiersmen. We find the sloop Dove,
of twenty tons, Captain Seth Barney; the Eagle, twenty-
five tons, Captain Samuel Perry; and Teazer, twenty-five
tons, Captain Sebastian Adams. These craft were mostly
employed between Erie and Buffalo. There were also a
number of open boats, commanded by William C. Johnson,
John Montgomery, Stephen Mack, Isaac H. Phelps, Zadoc
Willman, Irad Kelly, Samuel Wilkeson, and others. They
usually made the run in the night, if possible; and, should
the enemy show himself, they dodged into Cattaraugus.
Freights were from $2 to $3 per barrel.
Commodore Perry having established a recruiting sta-
tion on shore to enlist landsmen, and having succeeded in
getting about 100, as Lieut. John Brooks, Perry’s chief
marine officer, had enlisted forty men at Pittsburgh and
Erie, the commodore concluded he had enough (some 300,
after landing the invalids) to cope with the enemy before328
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
they got their new ship Detroit out; and a further incentive
to make a forward move, was that the enemy were endeav-
oring to concentrate a heavy force at Long Point, whence
they were to be transported with their fleet to some point
near Erie, where the troops and Indians were to be landed,
and act in conjunction with their fleet in an attempt to take
the village and destroy the vessels. Commodore Perry
hastily informed the Secretary that he apprehended no dan-
ger of their getting possession of the vessels, provided they
did capture the village, as the vessels were off at anchor in
the bay, which the British fleet could not enter, and he could
defend them against an attack from the shore.
On Sunday morning, August ist, he got under way with
all the vessels in a light breeze from the northeast, and
worked down to the entrance of the channel, when they
commenced making preparations for getting over the bar.
In the afternoon Major General Mead and suite visited the
Lawrence, and were received with a salute. The general
was much gratified with the fine warlike and formidable ap-
pearance of the vessels, more particularly the Lawrence and
Niagara. General Mead had rendered valuable services in
the building and equipment of the vessels, and also in prep-
arations for their defense, had they and the village been at-
tacked; and Commodore Perry availed himself of this op-
portunity to tender the general his thanks, not only on his
own account, but in behalf of the Navy Department.
The Lawrence and Niagara were twin vessels in every
particular; were built from the same moulds, were fitted
and armed alike, viz., pierced for twenty guns, mounting
eighteen 32-pound carronades, and two long I2’s in their
“bridle” or bow-ports, and were full-rigged brigs. At the
present day they would be considered small, though at that
time they were immense.
Some authors give quite a minute account of religious
services having been held on board the Lawrence that after-
noon. This is all erroneous; no such services were held.
Not that it was distasteful to Commodore Perry, but he had
a time for everything, and the present was occupied with
preparations for crossing the bar. As one of the numerousTHE DOBBINS PAPERS.
329
versions of this fictitious record at one time gained belief,
the writer, on reading it some years since, showed it to
the Rev. Robert Reid, who undoubtedly was the clergyman
alluded to, he being the only one located in Erie at the
time, and was told by him it was not so. He said he had
held services on board at the cascade, while they lay there,
but not on this occasion; and spoke of visiting the bank of
the bay when the salute was fired for General Mead. There
have also been recorded some semi-slurring notices of the
“gaping country people lining the shores to see the square-
rigged vessel, and feast their eyes with the strangeness of
the spectacle.” This is all bosh. Square-rigged vessels had
navigated the lake ten years before this. Besides, the people
knew little and cared less about the rig of the vessels. They
felt proud of their formidable appearance, and rejoiced to
see that we now had a fleet that could cope with the British,
who had controlled the lakes since the commencement of
the war, and menaced us so long and frequently; were glad
that we could meet the enemy and make them “ours.” They
felt that there would soon be an end to the frequent alarms;
and the imaginary war-whoop of the Indian would no more
haunt their midnight slumbers. They could now go to their
homes and feel a security they had not felt for the last year.
Early on the morning of the 2d of August, Mr. Dobbins
took charge of the Lawrence as pilot, and kedged her to
the entrance of the channel, he having sounded and buoyed
it out the day before. The water was found to be quite low
in consequence of the east wind. The Niagara was then
kedged up near the bar, and moored with springs on her
cables, her port broadside facing the roadstead. The smaller
vessels were then moored in a somewhat similar manner,
and preparations made to defend the Lawrence while on the
bar. The work of getting out the guns, ballast and all
heavy matters, now went on briskly on board the Lawrence,
and in three hours everything was removed; the camels
alongside, the timber across, and camels sunk. The guns
were all landed with scows on the sand beach near at hand
and rolled up on timbers to such a position that they could
be quickly reshipped in a short time, should occasion re-330
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
quire. The fallacious yarn of the guns being “hoisted out
with the charges in them, and placed in boats, which were
dropped astern,” is novel in the extreme, particularly when
a landing was close at hand, and they exposed to sudden
heavy winds; and does injustice to the intelligence of Com-
modore Perry. The absurdity, if not danger, of routing
loaded guns about in this way, must be obvious to any one,
but more particularly to those familiar with the handling
and exercise of ordnance; therefore, this attempt at show-
ing extraordinary preparation for an attack, condemns itself.
It is well known that it takes but a moment to load a gun
with prepared ammunition. No, sir! the gallant Perry
knew his business better, than to be guilty of such an ab-
surdity. Again, it has been recorded that a “water battery,
of three long I2,s, had been mounted on the beach,” etc.
This is all error. The guns were mounted in the redoubt
upon the bank, where the land lighthouse now stands, at
least ioo feet above the water, and completely commanding
the channel. There was also the field battery on Garrison
Hill, directly abreast of the channel.
The camels were an invention of Mr* Brown; were
square, having no rake at either end, about ninety feet long,
forty feet wide, and six feet hold. They had two holes six
inches square cut through their bottoms, with curbs one foot
high round them, and guides to conduct the long plugs into
the holes when required.
The camels were placed one on each side the vessel, the
plugs taken out and filled with water. Long heavy timbers
were then shoved athwart the vessel through her ports, and
strongly lashed to her deck frame, and large ring-bolts in
her side. Blocking was then placed under the ends of the
timbers on the camels, and wedged up. The holes were
then plugged up, and the pumps set at work, and as the
water was discharged, the vessel was lifted. Owing to con-
tinued easterly winds, causing the water to lower, the pro-
cess of sinking the camels had to be repeated, before the
Lawrence floated. Thus, after a most laborious task of
night and day work, she was got over early on the morning
of the 4th, and towed out to anchorage; and as an exampleTHE DOBBINS PAPERS.
831
of the never-flagging energy of Commodore Perry, by two
o’clock p. m. everything was replaced, guns mounted, a
salute fired and she ready for action. The Niagara was now
kedged to the channel’s entrance, and preparation made to
lighten her, while the camels were being prepared for their
work.
In the meantime, early in the morning, the Queen Char-
lotte and Lady Prevost made their appearance in the offing,
and hove to to reconnoitre, and were soon joined by the bal-
ance of their squadron. The wind, at the time, was from
the southward and eastward, which made the Lawrence and
smaller vessels head the same course of the Niagara, then
hard aground; which, together with other circumstances,
deceived the enemy as to the condition of our vessels, they
supposing (as was afterwards ascertained) that the vessels
were all over the bar and ready for action. As further il-
lustration, I will state that to any one familiar with the
climate and winds of Lake Erie, and the coast near the port
of Erie, it is known that, viewing the coast from the offing
during a southeasterly wind, the haze incident to such wind,
coupled with the high land in the rear, deceives the vision.
Thus, after an hour or so, they filled away, bore up and
stood across the lake. Commodore Perry, wishing to know
the course they would take, dispatched the schooner Ariel,
Lieut. Packet, to follow them and ascertain it if possible.
On the return of the Ariel, Lieut. Packet reported that they
had gone to Long Point; which was afterwards ascertained
to be the fact; and that they landed a courier to hasten to
Malden and report. They then crowded all sail for Malden,
and did not show themselves outside of the Detroit river,
until they came out for an encounter with Perry on the loth
of September following.
Some authors have recorded that “the Ariel and Scor-
pion were sent out to annoy the enemy at long shot,” etc.
This is an error; the above is the truth. The absence of the
enemy was more to the liking of the vigilant Perry than their
presence at this particular time. Besides, sending two small
schooners out twelve or fifteen miles in the lake to annoy the
whole British fleet, particularly as they must be within a382
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
mile or so of the enemy, to be within range, I fear would be
considered bad strategy. The fact is much more creditable
to Perry than this fiction.
Of course everything was in disorder on board the Law-
rence, as she had but just got clear of the camels, and not a
gun on board when the enemy hove in sight. On board the
Niagara, they had just begun to lighten her of her guns, but
held up at once and prepared for a defense. Let us see what
could have been done had the enemy stood in and attacked.
First, the Niagara had her port broadside bearing upon the
roadstead, mounting twelve 32-pound carronades, and two
long I2*s; Caledonia, three long I2’s; Somers, one long 24
and one long 12; Ariel, four long I2’s; Tigress, one long
32; Scorpion, one long 24 and one long 12; Trippe, one long
32, with three long I2’s in the redoubt on Lighthouse bluff,
and four or five small pieces on Garrison Hill; and then the
two long I2’s of the Lawrence could have been mounted be-
hind a sand ridge near at hand, and within a few rods of the
beach.
This was fully equal to the armament of the British
squadron, and no doubt a successful defense could have been
made, as probably the first move Commodore Perry would
have made would be to trip the anchor off the Lawrence and
run her on the sand beach, to keep her out of the hands of
the enemy, as she could have made no defense; and then
gathered the small vessels close in with the bar. Should the
Queen Charlotte have come close enough in to be within
range of her seventeen 24-pound carronades, she would be
within range of the Niagara’s 32-pound carronades, which
would have at least balanced their force; and should an
attempt have been made to board, a heavy force could have
been thrown on board the vessels from the shore in a very
short time.
However, the enemy made off, and Perry was rejoiced at
it, as he was not ready for them. As soon as the enemy bore
up, the work of lightering was commenced on board the
Niagara, and so rapidly was it pushed that in the course of
two hours, everything was on the beach. In the meantime
the wind shifted to the westward, which raised the water;THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
333
and the next day she was afloat, armed, and fully equipped
for battle.
As soon as the Lawrence had been got afloat, the smaller
vessels were taken over with but little difficulty; except the
schooners Ohio and Amelia, which vessels were moored at
the inside entrance to the channel, with their broadsides fac-
ing the roadstead. I mention this fact, as some authors
claim that they were taken over the bar before the Lawrence.
Perry now had his squadron all safely in the lake, and
with the exception of the proper complement of men, was
ready for the enemy in his best shape.
The British squadron, when making their last visit, but
one, off Erie, went to Port Dover on the main land and in
the rear of Long Point, where Commodore Barclay and his
officers were invited to a dinner given by the inhabitants.
In reply to a complimentary toast, he said he “expected to
find the Yankee brigs hard and fast aground on the bar at
Erie when he returned; in which predicament it would be
but a small job to destroy them.” The result of this “re-
turn” I have already stated. However, had he made the at-
tempt, he would probably have found it much more of a
“job” than he anticipated; as I have stated, Perry could
have made a good defense.
The whole country burst into a Dlaze of glory over the
victory of the ioth of September; and yet Perry was de-
serving of full as much credit for having got up his squad-
ron under such unfavorable circumstances. Had the Gov-
ernment placed the operations upon the upper lakes under a
separate command, many of these difficulties would have
been obviated. It was but natural to presume that Commo-
dore Chauncey would not send these requisites from Lake
Ontario, unless there was a surplus over and above, sufficient
to fully arm and equip, officer and man, his own immediate
command. Seamen on the seaboard were averse to this lake
service, as a general thing, and it was a herculean job to
transport heavy ordnance, anchors and supplies by land.
These were some of the many difficulties Perry had to
labor under, as frequent appeals to Commodore Chauncey
had but little effect. Add to this, every day or two he was334
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
in receipt of letters from the Department, urging him to
move and cooperate with General Harrison; and also fre-
quent letters from the general himself. But he could not
make the move with any degree of safety, for the want of
officers and men. He was overworked, both bodily and
mentally; added to which were these frequent urgent ap-
peals, bordering on censure. They wore upon his health,
and it is astonishing he did not break down under his
troubles. However, he bore up manfully, with a determina-
tion to do his duty to his country and make the best of what
he had.
Commodore Perry was a man of but few words, rather
sedate and of serious turn of mind; seldom if ever addicted
to profanity in the slightest degree, or even levity ; prompt
and emphatic in giving an order, though always courteous,
and of charitable and generous impulses. His deportment
was such as to command respect under all circumstances.
It was subsequently ascertained, that the concentration
of a military and naval force at Port Dover, or some point
on the main land near Long Point, the news of which had
been communicated to Commodore Perry by General Porter
of Black Rock, was fully contemplated, but failed for the
want of a sufficiency of troops at the proper time. There-
fore, Commodore Perry determined to follow the British
squadron, and if not encountering them, to at least recon-
noitre the coast, and if possible, ascertain what movements
were on foot. With this view, such of his vessels as could
be manned, with the addition of volunteers from the army,
were hastily prepared for the cruise, and at 4 a. m. of the
6th, the squadron were under way for Long Point. On
their arrival off the Point, nothing of the enemy was to be
seen. They then stood in for the main land, and after sweep-
ing the coast for some distance and making no discoveries,
returned to their anchorage at Erie, there to await the ex-
pected reinforcements. The vessels, and their commanders,
composing the squadron on this short cruise, were as fol-
lows :
Lawrence (flag-ship), Commodore Perry; Niagara,
Lieut. Daniel Turner; Caledonia, Purser Humphrey Ma-THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
835
grath; Ariel, Acting Lieut. John Packet; Scorpion, Sail-
ing-Master Stephen Champlin; Somers, Sailing-Master
Thomas Almy; Tigress, Master’s Mate A. McDonald;
Porcupine, Midshipman George Senat. The Ohio and
Trippe were left behind for want of crews. The Amelia,
having been condemned as unseaworthy, was laid up at
Erie.
Immediately on their return, preparations were made for
another cruise, and during the 7th and 8th all were busy
with getting stores and provisions on board. It has been
said by some authors, that military stores to a large amount
for General Harrison’s army at Sandusky were taken on
board. This is erroneous. Very little if any were received
on board, as there were none at Erie; and furthermore, the
vessels had only capacity for their own supplies, and berth-
deck room for their crews.
Perry now hesitated about assuming the responsibility of
encountering the enemy with his vessels half-manned, par-
ticularly as they were, or soon would be, reinforced by their
new ship Detroit; and was canvassing the matter in con-
versation with Purser Hamilton, his intimate friend, at his
lodgings on shore, when Midshipman John B. Montgomery
entered and presented him a letter. It was from Lieut.
Jesse D. Elliott, then on his way to join the squadron, with
a number of officers and ninety seamen. This was joyful
news for Perry, and he immediately repaired on board and
dispatched Acting Lieut, Packet with the Ariel, to proceed
down the coast to Cattaraugus, and meet Lieut. Elliott and
party. The Ariel returned with them on the 10th, and they
were immediately distributed among the vessels of the
squadron; they proving to be a much superior class to those
previously received, which was all very gratifying to Perry.
Lieut. Elliott at once superseded Lieut. Turner in the com-
mand of the Niagara.
At this time, the commissions that had been made out
for some time, and had been sent the usual roundabout
course via Lake Ontario, were received from Commodore
Chauncey. By these changes, Elliott became master-com-
mander, and Messrs. Holdup, Packet, Yarnell, Edwards
and Conkling, were promoted to the rank of lieutenant.336
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
Mr. Dobbins, who had been actively engaged on general
duty while getting the vessels over the bar, was now or-
dered to the Ohio, to “get over the bar as soon as possible,
and to engage three good pilots immediately.”1 The pilots
received were Azeal Wilkinson,2 who died near Buffalo a few
years since, and Janies Lee, son of Capt. William Lee, an
early navigator. The other name I have not at hand.
V. The Battle that made Perry Famous.
The squadron being now ready, sailed on the morning
of the 12th of August for the head of the lake, and consisted
of the following vessels, their armament and commanders,
viz.: Lawrence (flag-ship), eighteen 32-pound carronades,
Commodore Perry; Niagara, same armament, Capt. Jesse D.
Elliott; Caledonia, three long 12-pounders; Purser Hum-
phrey Magrath; Ariel, four long 12-pounders, Lieut. John
Packet; Trippe, one long 32-pounder, Lieut. Joseph E.
Smith; Tigress, one long 32-pounder, Lieut. A. H. M.
Conkling; Somers, one long 24 and one long 12-pounder,
Sailing-Master Thomas C. Almy; Scorpion, one long 24
and one long 12-pounder, Sailing-Master Stephen Cham-
1. The following order is preserved among the Dobbins papers:
U. S. Sloop of War Lawrence
Off Erie, 8th July 1813
Sir:	You will immediately take command of the U. S. Schooner Ohio, and
get her over the bar as soon as possible.
Respectfully, etc.,
O. H. Perry
Sailing-master Daniel Dobbins
U. S. Navy
P. S. You will also look out for two or three good pilots and engage
them as soon as possible.
2. Azeal (or Asel) Wilkinson, the pilot of the Ariel, stood at his post
throughout the battle of September 10th, “though the thunder of the great
guns brought the blood from his ears and nose, and permanently impaired his
hearing.” (Lossing.) After the war he made his home at Colden, Erie Co.,
N. Y. He was present, with other veterans, at the unveiling of the Perry
monument in Cleveland, Sept. 10, i860, and gave to the historian Lossing many
reminiscences of the great battle. On July 4, 1861, being in Buffalo to attend
the celebration of the day, at the corner of Pearl and Mohawk streets, he sud-
denly fell to the pavement and died.THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
337
plin; Ohio, one long 24-pounder, Sailing-Master Daniel
Dobbins; Porcupine, one long 32-pounder, Midshipman
George Senat. The order of sailing was organized by the
formation of two lines to sail abreast, viz., Ariel, Lawrence,
Porcupine, Caledonia and Ohio in the starboard line; Scor-
pion, Niagara, Trippe, Tigress and Somers in the port line.
There was also a single line, in which each vessel was to en-
gage a certain antagonist, subject to circumstances. There
were also signals established, in case the vessels got sep-
arated in the night, to recognize each other on meeting, as
also in meeting with a strange sail.
On the 16th, the squadron arrived off Cunningham’s
(Kelly’s) Island, without having seen or heard of the enemy.
It was blowing fresh from the westward at the time, and
the Scorpion, being a fast sailer, was ahead; and discover-
ing a small craft coming out of Put-in-Bay through the east
channel, at once gave chase, and would have caught her,
but unfortunately grounded on the reef off the east side of
Middle Bass Island, and the little schooner made good her
escape to Canada. It proved to be the Ottawa, previously
captured at Maumee; she was cruising among the islands,
watching the movements of our vessels. The next day the
squadron came to anchor off Sandusky, and Commodore
Perry dispatched an officer in a boat to Lower Sandusky to
inform General Harrison of the arrival of the squadron.
The next day the general and staff, with Generals Cass and
McArthur, Colonel Gaines, Major Croghan and some twenty
chiefs of the Wyandot, Shawnee and Delaware Indians,
came down; among the latter were several leading chiefs,
Crane, Blackhoof, Captain Tommy and others. The object
of bringing the Indians was that they might see the “big
canoes,” and “big guns,” and then report to the members of
their tribes who had joined the enemy, what they might ex-
pect should an encounter take place. The Indians expressed
great astonishment, more particularly when the salute was
fired in honor of General Harrison’s visit. After fully con-
sulting and due consideration as to the situation, it was con-
cluded to make Put-in-Bay the rendezvous, to which place
Perry repaired with his squadron, and General Harrison and
party returned to camp.338
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
On the 25th, Perry got under way with the squadron
from Put-in-Bay, and stood across the head of the lake for
Malden, to reconnoitre. He discovered the enemy at anchor
within Bar Point, not having been reinforced by their new
ship, as could be discovered from the offing; and the road-
stead being immediately off from the mouth of the river,
and within range of Bar Point, where there was a heavy
battery, in case of an attack, they could receive great assist-
ance from the shore; consequently, Perry concluded it im-
practicable at that time to attack, and returned to Put-in-
Bay.
There was at this time much sickness in the squadron,
consisting of bilious fever and dysentery; those mostly af-
fected were from the seaboard. The change from salt to
fresh water, combined with bad salt provisions and few
vegetables, was fruitful of disease; and Commodore Perry
was taken down with fever himself, as were also a number
of his officers, including surgeons Barton and Parsons. The
latter, with an honorable self-devotion, continued his work,
though he had to be carried in a cot to visit the sick.
On the 31st, the squadron received a welcome reinforce-
ment from General Harrison’s army, in the way of some
fifty volunteers, including several officers and one doctor,
W. T. Taliaferro. They were mostly from Kentucky, and
many of them had been boatmen on the western rivers,
which as “watermen” would give them a slight knowledge
of the duties they would be required to perform. They
were immediately distributed through the squadron, to serve
as marines in place of an expected guard that had been
promised from Lake Ontario. This brought the muster-roll
up to about 490 souls. Great attention was paid to drilling
the men in the various duties pertaining to a man-of-war,
and making every preparation for battle, as it was daily ex-
pected. Commodore Perry became convalescent after a
week’s confinement, and was able to take the deck and get
his squadron under way for a second visit to Malden.
On his arrival off the place he found they had their new
ship Detroit fully equipped and at anchor with the rest of
the squadron. Perry stood off and on all day, but they didTHE DOBBINS PAPERS.
339
not accept the banter, so he bore up for Sandusky, to again
communicate with General Harrison. Upon his arrival at
that place, he found letters from the Secretary of the Navy,
the contents of which were a source of mortification. It
appeared that the frequent calls upon Commodore Chauncey
for reinforcements, had prompted that officer to answer with
a very pungent and sarcastic letter. This so offended Perry
that he applied to be “detached from the command on Lake
Erie,” assigning as a reason that “it was unpleasant to serve
under a commander who had so little regard for his feel-
ings,” etc. These letters from the Secretary, though rebuk-
ing him for his frequent calls for additional officers and men,
and also somewhat censuring him for what the Department
deemed extravagant expenditures, closed with an appeal to
his patriotism, and soothed his lacerated feelings with assur-
ances of the confidence the Department still reposed in him;
and at the same time counselled conciliation with Commo-
dore Chauncey. On the same day he answered with a tem-
perate and respectful reply, vindicating his conduct and
rebutting the charges brought against him; the effect of
which was, not only to satisfy the Secretary, but finally to
restore kindly relations between Commodore Chauncey and
himself.
Some change of officers now took place. Lieut. Smith
was ordered to the Niagara; Lieut. Holdup to the com-
mand of the Trippe; Mr. Magrath to the Niagara, in his
legitimate position as purser; and Lieut. Turner to the com-
mand of the Caledonia.
Mr. Dobbins had been dispatched to Erie for supplies and
additional armament, as per the following order:
U. S. S. Lawrence,
Off Sandusky, 226. August, 1813.
Sir:	You will proceed with the Ohio to Erie for the purpose
of taking on board that vessel provisions and such other articles as
are mentioned in the several requisitions you have in your posses-
sion. You will use every exertion to return to this place with all
practicable speed; and on not finding the squadron at this place, you
will proceed up Put-in-Bay and there wait our arrival.
Respectfully, etc.,
O. H. Perry.
Sailing Master Daniel Dobbins,
Comm’ng U. S. schooner Ohio.840
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
The following signals were to be observed:
Off Sandusky, Aug. 21st, 1813.
On the appearance of any of the U. S. vessels of war off this
place she will hoist her ensign at the mainmast-head, and fire one
gun. After an interval of ten minutes she will fire two guns.
O. H. Perry.
U. S. Schooner Ohio.
On the 3d September the Ohio returned to Sandusky,
without meeting with any of the enemy’s cruisers or other
mishap, and was again dispatched on a similar trip, as the
stock of provisions on hand was very low, and the beef not
fit for use. The beef and pork had been put up in haste by
the contractors at Erie, and of course carelessly; in conse-
quence of which it nearly all became putrid in a short time,
when exposed to the summer weather.
As the season was far advanced for a lengthy campaign,
and the enemy’s squadron showed no disposition for an im-
mediate encounter the matter was canvassed in regard to
making an attack upon Malden, and their vessels by a com-
bined naval and land force. The most favored project was
to transport the forces of General Harrison to one of the
islands near the Canada shore, and from thence move in a
body via the vessels of the squadron and boats, to some point
in Pigeon Bay, say twenty miles from Malden, and move
upon that post. At the same time, the squadron, after having
landed the troops, to stand up and attack the vessels at
anchor. However, this piece of strategy had its bad points,
as, should the enemy get wind of it and attack our squadron
in this crowded predicament, the probability would be a
great slaughter and a defeat, as the decks of the vessels
would be so filled with men as to render it impossible to
work the guns with advantage.
About this time, three men, favorable to our cause, had
made their escape from Malden, and communicated to Com-
modore Perry much valuable information, viz., that the
British force at Malden was very short of provisions, and
that at a council of military and naval commanders, it was
determined their squadron should sail, and give battle to
ours on the lake, or make the attempt to open communica-THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
341
tion with Long Point, their depot of supplies. They also
gave information of their squadron, armament, etc.: Flag-
ship Detroit, Commodore Barclay, nineteen guns; Queen
Charlotte, Captain Finnis, seventeen guns; Lady Prevost,
Lieut.-Commander Buchan, thirteen guns; brig Hunter,
Lieut. Bignall, ten guns; Chippewa, Sailing-master Camp-
bell, one gun; Little Belt, three guns; with thirty-two
officers and 490 men, including troops serving as marines
and volunteers. Some authors claim there were 502 in all,
but I think this figure is a little too high. As will be seen,
the number of officers and men of the two squadrons was
about equal, though the British had the advantage in two
respects, viz., the soldiers serving as marines on board their
vessels were veterans, and of course far superior to the raw
recruits received by Perry from General Harrison’s army.
Secondly, there were over 100 on the sick list on board the
American squadron; whereas the British, being just out of
port, all were in health.
There is no doubt that the British had much the ad-
vantage in regard to the quality of men—that is, those fit for
duty. In regard to commanders, the advantage was de-
cidedly with the British. Here was a young and inexperi-
enced officer who had never seen a regular engagement, ship
against ship, much less squadron against squadron; in fact,
had never seen any war service, except it be a little in the
Mediterranean during the Tripolitan disturbance ; with a
hastily got up squadron and armament; sickness prevailing
among the crews of his vessels, and himself but just risen
from a sick-bed; about to grapple with a veteran, who had
served with distinction under the world-renowned Nelson
in the battle of Trafalgar, and also in several other naval
combats; and now in command of a squadron which, with
the exception of one ship and two of the smaller vessels, had
been cruising as war vessels under Capt. Finnis—an ex-
perienced officer and now second under Barclay—for several
years.
However, to a great extent, Perry made up for his want
of experience by his redoubtable energy and perseverance,
counciled by his intuitive wisdom. Such a word as fail was842
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
not found in his vocabulary. Thus, on the evening of the
9th of September, he summoned his commanders on board
the Lawrence to receive their final instructions. He claimed
the honor of fighting the enemy’s flagship, with the Law-
rence. The Niagara was allotted the Queen Charlotte; and
so on. He also showed them his “fighting flag,” which had
been prepared before he left Erie, and on which were in-
scribed the last words of the gallant and lamented Lawrence,
“Don’t give up the ship.” When the folds of this flag were
thrown to the breeze, from the mainmast-head of the Law-
rence, it was the signal to close with the enemy. He also
enjoined upon them the advice of Nelson to his commanders
under similar circumstances, “If you lay the enemy close
alongside, you cannot be out of your place.”
That of the 9th of September was one of those beautiful
autumnal evenings peculiar to the lake region. The moon
was at its full, the gentle land breeze was rippling the waters
of the beautiful haven, and rustling the leaves of the sur-
rounding forest. Occasionally was heard the hum of voices
at the camp-fires on shore, accompanied by the “peep” of
the frogs in Squaw harbor, a small inlet on the west side of
Put-in-Bay; and heaven appeared to smile upon those here
gathered for the deadly strife of the succeeding day. The
officers were sauntering around the quarter-deck, enjoying
social converse, or canvassing the probable result of the
coming fight, which they knew must be near at hand. In
this circle, none was more jovial, none was more gay, than
the gifted and gallant Brooks. Ever noted for his genial
spirit, fine social qualities, as well as manly beauty, he was
a favorite wherever he went; and yet, alas, so soon to be
sacrificed upon the altar of his country!
At the other end of the ship Jack was also enjoying him-
self seated upon a gun-carriage, hatch-combing, or upon the
forecastle, cracking jokes, spinning yarns, or discussing the
prospects of prize-money. Shortly the scene was changed.
The announcement, “Eight bells,” and the sharp note of the
boatswain’s call, “All hands stand by your hammocks,” was
followed by the shrill note of the fife and the tattoo of the
rattling drum on shore. The “watch below” were soonTHE DOBBINS PAPERS.
343
quietly sleeping in their hammocks, dreaming probably of
distant dear ones and quiet homes; or mayhap, the booming
of cannon, slaughter and carnage were fretting their slum-
bers. Alas, too true; many now sleeping so quietly, ere the
same hour of the subsequent night, would be resting with
mangled bodies upon the bottom of Lake Erie, wrapped in
the same hammock they are now enjoying. This was the
calm before the storm—the human mind at rest ere it was
aroused to the frenzy of strife. Yes, such was the scene at
Put-in-Bay the night before the battle.
As the sun rose on the beautiful morning of the ioth of
September, “Sail ho!” was shouted by the lookout at the
masthead of the Lawrence. “Where away?” responded
Lieut. Forrest, the officer of the deck. “To the northward
and westward, in the direction of the Detroit river,” replied
the lookout. The news was immediately communicated to
Perry, and all was astir on board. Soon the enemy’s vessels
lifted one by one above the horizon, until six were counted.
Immediately the signal, “Get under way,” was flying from
the masthead of the Lawrence, and in half an hour the whole
squadron was beating out of the narrow passage, with the
wind light at southwest. Rattlesnake Island lying imme-
diately in front, Perry was endeavoring to weather it and
keep the weather gage. Much time was taken up in this ef-
fort, and Perry becoming impatient, had given the order to
bear up and go to leeward, as he “was determined to fight
the enemy that day,” when the wind shifted suddenly to the
southward and eastward, which enabled them to clear the
island to windward, and secured position to windward of
the enemy. About this time, io a. m., the enemy seeing our
squadron clearing the land, hove to in line on the port tack,
with their heads to the westward, the two squadrons being
now about eight miles apart. The American squadron had
been formed with the Niagara in the van, as it was expected
the Queen Charlotte would lead the enemy. It was now dis-
covered that the enemy’s line had been formed differently
from what had been expected. Perry now ordered the
Niagara to heave to until the Lawrence came up with her,
when Perry held a conversation with Capt. Brevoort, the844
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
acting marine officer of the Niagara, who was well ac-
quainted with all the vessels of the enemy, except the De-
troit, and gave the names and force of each vessel. The line
of the enemy had formed as follows: Schooner Chippewa
in the lead; next, barque Detroit; then brig Queen Char-
lotte; brig Hunter; schooner Lady Prevost; and sloop
Little Belt.
Perry now changed his line, which was the work of only
a few minutes, and arranged it as follows:	Lawrence to
lead in line with the Detroit, with the Scorpion and Ariel on
her weather or port bow—they being good sailers—to act as
dispatch vessels, and to support any portion of the line,
should it be required ; the Caledonia next, to meet the Hun-
ter ; the Niagara to meet the Queen Charlotte; the smaller,
vessels, the Somers, Porcupine, Tigress and Trippe, in line
as named, to engage as they came up, without naming their
particular opponents.
There was a three-knot breeze at this time, half past ten
a. m., and the line being formed they all bore away for the
enemy in gallant style. Perry now brought forth his battle
burgee or “fighting flag,” previously named, and having
mustered the crew aft, unfolded it, and mounting a gun-
slide, addressed them:
“My brave lads, the inscription on this flag is the last
words of the late gallant Captain Lawrence, after whom this
vessel is named. Shall I hoist it?”
“Ay, ay, sir!” was the unanimous response, when away it
sped to the main-royal masthead of the Lawrence, and when
the roll was broken and the folds given to the breeze, three
hearty cheers were given for the flag, and three more for
their gallant commander; the spirit of which was taken up
by the crews of the different vessels as the flag was descried,
and one continuous cheer along the line was the response to
the motto, “Don't give up the ship ”
As the ordinary dinner-hour would find them in the
midst of deadly strife, Perry ordered the noonday grog to be
served, when the bread-bags and kids were produced for a
lunch. Perry now visited every portion of his vessel's deck,
and examined each gun and fixture. For every man he hadTHE DOBBINS PAPERS.
345
a pleasant and encouraging word. The Constitution’s men,
the Newport boys, and the hunting-shirted Kentuckians,
each were kindly and encouragingly greeted.
For a time a death-like silence prevailed, and the ap-
proaching warriors appeared to be deeply absorbed in
thought. The lake was smooth, and the gentle breeze wafted
the vessels along without apparent motion. This lasted for
an hour and a half, as our squadron gradually approached
the enemy, steering for the head of their line on a course
forming an acute angle of fifteen degrees. All necessary ar-
rangements had been made for the coming strife. The decks
had been sprinkled and sanded, to give a good foothold
when blood began to flow; and this season was occupied
mostly in arranging and the interchanging of friendship’s
offerings in case of death, disposing of their effects among
their friends, distant and present, and like kindly offices for
the survivors to execute.
As our vessels neared the enemy, all eyes were upon
them. The British vessels at this time presented a fine ap-
pearance. Their line was compact, hove to with their heads
to the westward. They had all been newly painted, their
sails were new, and their bright red ensigns were tending to
the breeze, all looking splendidly in the bright September
sun. Their appearance and movements showed that a sea-
man and master spirit held them in hand.
At half past n a. m., the wind had become very light,
though our leading vessels were all up in their stations, i. e.,
within a half-cable’s length of each other; but the gunboats
were somewhat distant and scattered. The Trippe, the last
of the line, was nearly two miles astern. At this moment
the mellow sound of a bugle was heard from the Detroit,
the signal for cheers along their line, which was followed
with “Rule Brittania” by their band. Directly a shot from
one of the Detroit’s long guns was thrown at the Lawrence,
but fell short, the distance being about a mile and a half.
Thus the long silence was ended. A few minutes later a
second shot from the Detroit, which took effect on the Law-
rence, when a fire was opened with all the long heavy guns
in their squadron on the Lawrence; they being in compact346
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
order, were within range of that vessel and the two schoon-
ers. Perry now ordered Lieut. Yarnall to hail the Scorpion
and order to commence fire with her heavy gun, which was
instantly complied with, and was soon followed with a shot
from the Ariel. Finding these shots took effect, the Law-
rence opened with her chase-gun forward, which was fol-
lowed up by a discharge from the Caledonia. The long
guns of the enemy began to tell heavily upon the Lawrence,
when Perry brought her by the wind, and tried a broadside
with the carronades. It was at once discovered they fell
short. At this moment Elliott ordered the Caledonia to
bear up and make room for the Niagara to pass to the as-
sistance of the Lawrence. Perry now bore up and ran down
within half musket-shot, when the Lawrence was brought
by the wind on the port tack with her main-topsail aback,
taking her position abreast of the Hunter and equal distance
between the Detroit and Queen Charlotte. The Caledonia
having followed the Lawrence, was closely engaged with the
Lady Prevost, with the Scorpion and Ariel on the weather
bow of the Lawrence, using their heavy guns to good ad-
vantage. The Niagara, however, instead of following the
Lawrence into close action, kept her wind, with her main
topsail aback, using her two long I2’s, being completely out
of range with the carronades, her broadside battery; conse-
quently the battle for a time was mostly the Lawrence, Cale-
donia, Scorpion and Ariel, fighting the whole British squad-
ron, assisted only by the two I2’s of the Niagara, and the
distant random shots from the headmost gunboats.
At this juncture, the Queen Charlotte, finding her car-
ronades would not reach the Niagara, ordered the Hunter
to make room for her to pass and close with the Detroit,
from which position she could use her short guns to ad-
vantage upon the Lawrence, which vessel was within range.
In this situation, the Lawrence sustained the fire of these
three vessels, as also most of that from the others, for over
two hours, and until every gun was dismounted, two-thirds
of her crew either killed or wounded, and so badly cut up
aloft as to be unmanageable. The gallant Perry, finding he
could do nothing more with the Lawrence, ordered the onlyTHE DOBBINS PAPERS.
847
boat left alongside, and leaving Lieut. Yarnall to surrender
her to the enemy, took his fighting burgee under his arm,
pulled for the Niagara, then passing her weather beam to
gain the head of the enemy’s line.
In the meantime the enemy seeing they had rendered the
Lawrence hors du combat, and in the act of striking her
colors, filled away with their heads to the westward, cheer-
ing along their line and feeling certain the day would be
theirs; the while, temporarily repairing damages, evidently
with the design of getting their vessel on the other tack and
gaining the weather gage; or, if not that, to wear and bring
their starboard broadside—which was comparatively fresh—
to bear upon our vessels.
Perry, on reaching the Niagara, was met at the gangway
by Elliott. He was somewhat despondent and out of humor
at the gunboats not getting up in time. Elliott spoke en-
couragingly, and anticipating Perry’s wish, offered to take
the boat, pull astern, and bring the gunboats up into close
action, which proposition was thankfully accepted by Perry.
Elliott immediately started on his mission. A breeze at this
time, half past two, springing up, both squadrons gradually
drew ahead, the Lawrence dropping astern and out of the
line. By apparent consent of both parties, for a few mo-
ments, there was a general cessation of firing; and as it
would appear, both preparing for the desperate and final
grapple. Under the freshening breeze the Niagara had ob-
tained a commandinig position abreast of the Detroit, the
Queen Charlotte following immediately in the wake of the
latter vessel. In the meantime the gunboats, using every
exertion, were getting up within good range with their heavy
guns, using round shot, grape and cannister upon the
enemy’s two heavy vessels, having been ordered by Elliott
to cease firing upon the smaller ones; he taking command
of the Somers, the headmost one, himself.
At forty^five minutes past two, the gunboats having got
well up, the Caledonia in a good position on the Niagara’s
lee quarter, and all ready for the final effort, Perry showed
the signal for “close action” from the Niagara; then, under
fore-and-aft mainsails, fore-and-aft topsails, top-gallant sails,348
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
foresail, and jib, bore up for the enemy's line under a fresh-
ening breeze; reserving his fire until close aboard, wore
round just before reaching the Detroit, which vessel bore
up rapidly to prevent being raked. The enemy in the mean-
time, having discovered the intention of Perry, to break
through their line, the Queen Charlotte bore up to pass the
Detroit to leeward and meet the Niagara broadside on, the
Detroit to bear up and follow. However, the Queen Char-
lotte had not taken room enough, and lay becalmed under
the lee of the Detroit, which vessel, in paying off, fell foul of
the Queen Charlotte. While they were in this predicament,
the Niagara came dashing down, pouring her starboard
broadside into these two entangled vessels, within half pistol
shot, and her port broadside into the Lady Prevost—which
vessel had got to the head and leeward of their line and the
Chippewa; and then rounding to on the starboard tack,
with her main-topsail to the mast, under the lee of their
heavy vessels, kept throwing broadside after broadside into
them. In the meantime the gunboats and Caledonia were
raking them with their heavy guns. So fierce was this con-
test, and the destruction so great on board these two vessels
particularly, that in fifteen minutes after the Niagara bore
up, an officer appeared on the taffrail of the Queen Charlotte,
with a white handkerchief fastened to a boarding-pike, and
waved it as a symbol of submission—they had struck. The
Detroit followed, the hail was passed from vessel to vessel,
and the firing ceased. Two of their smaller vessels, the
Little Belt and Chippewa, attempted to escape, but were
promptly pursued and brought back by the Scorpion and
Trippe.
As soon as the smoke cleared away, the two squadrons
were found to be intermingled to some extent. The Niagara
lay close under the lee of the Detroit, Queen Charlotte and
Hunter; the Caledonia, Trippe and Scorpion near the Ni-
agara—having followed that vessel through the enemy's
line—with the Lady Prevost and Chippewa a little distance
to the westward and leeward, and the Somers, Porcupine
and Tigress abreast of the Hunter; the shattered and dis-
abled Lawrence was some distance to the eastward, drifting
like an abandoned hulk with the wind.THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
349
At this juncture Perry wrote his laconic notes, so re-
nowned in history, to General Harrison and the Hon. Wil-
liam Jones, Secretary of the Navy, dated on board the Niag-
ara, 4 p. m., and dispatched a boat with them to the mouth
of Portage river, distant ten or twelve miles.
Now was to be performed the proud but melancholy duty
of taking possession of the captured vessels. On board the
Detroit, Commodore Barclay was found to be severely
wounded, and her first lieutenant, Garland, mortally, and
also Purser Hoffmeister, severely. On board the Queen
Charlotte, Captain Finnis, the commander, and Lieut. Gor-
dan of the marines, were killed, with First Lieut. Stokes
and Midshipman Foster, wounded; on board the Lady Pre-
vost Lieut. Commandant Buchan and Lieut. Roulette were
wounded. On board the Hunter, Lieut. Commandant
Bignall and Master's Mate Gateshill were wounded. On
board the Chippewa, Master's Mate Campbell, commanding,
was slightly wounded. The Little Belt had little or no
casualties. The Detroit and Queen Charlotte were much
shattered in their hulls, and also badly cut up aloft; and the
Lady Prevost had her rudder shot away. Otherwise, their
smaller vessels were not materially injured. The list of
killed and wounded on board of each vessel was never given
to the public, only in sum total—41 killed and 94 wounded,
as per Commodore Barclay's report to Sir James Yeo.1
The vessels were all anchored and made as secure as cir-
cumstances would permit; the wounded of both squadrons
cared for to the extent of such surgical force as they could
command; and temporary repairs made upon such of the
vessels as were necessary in case of emergency.
“The battle o'er, the victory won," Perry returned to the
Lawrence. In the words of Dr. Parsons, the surgeon of the
Lawrence, “It was a time of conflicting emotions, when the
commodore returned to the ship. The battle was won and
he was safe. .	.	. Those of us who were spared, ap-
proached him as he came over the ship’s side, but the salu-
tation was a silent one—not a word could find utterance."
1. Capt. Dobbins’ papers preserve the names of all killed, wounded and
missing and other data, much of it published elsewhere and therefore omitted
here.350
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
During the day Perry had worn a round jacket; he now
resumed his undress uniform to receive the officers of the
captured vessels in tendering their swords. Lieut. O'Keefe
of the 41st Regiment was charged by Commodore Barclay
with the delivery of his sword. It is said that Lieut.
O'Keefe was in full uniform and made a fine appearance.
They picked their way among the wreck and carnage of the
deck, and on approach, presented their swords to Perry,
who, in a bland and low tone, requested them to “retain their
side-arms." Perry then inquired with deep concern in re-
gard to the condition of Commodore Barclay and the
wounded officers, and offered every assistance within his
reach. In the course of the evening Perry visited Barclay on
board the Detroit, and tendering every sympathy, promised
to assist in procuring an early parole, as Barclay was anxious
to return to England on account of his health.
It being deemed inadvisable to try to save the killed—
more particularly those on board the Lawrence—for burial
on shore, at night-fall, they were all lashed up in their ham-
mocks, with a 32-pound shot for a companion, and com-
mitted to the waters alongside, the Episcopal burial service
being read by the chaplain, Thomas Breeze.
“Thus they sank without a moan,
Unknelled, uncoffined and unknown.”
On board the British vessels the dead had been disposed
of; they having been thrown overboard as they fell and
died.
VI. The West Regained.
At 9 a. m. on the morning of the nth, the combined
squadrons having made temporary repairs, weighed anchor
and stood into Put-in-Bay, where they were all anchored
again. After safely mooring the vessels, preparations were
made for the interment of the officers who had fallen in
battle. The morning of the 12th was clear and calm, all ar-THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
351
rangements being complete. At io a. m., the colors of both
nations being at half mast, the bodies were lowered into
boats, and then, with measured stroke and funeral dirge,
moved in line to the shore, the while minute guns being fired
from the shipping. On landing, a procession was formed in
reverse order; the corpse of the youngest and lowest in
rank first, and so on, alternately American and British, the
body of Captain Finnis coming last. As soon as the several
corpses were taken up by the bearers and moved on, the of-
ficers fell into line, two American and two British, and
marched to the solemn music of the bands of both squadrons.
On reaching the spot where the graves were prepared, they
were lowered into the earth in the order in which they had
been borne and the beautiful and solemn burial service of
the Episcopal church gone through with by the chaplains of
the respective squadrons. “Earth to earth, ashes to ashes,
dust to dust.” The volley of musketry followed, and all was
over.
The Ohio was at anchor in the roadstead at Erie, taking
in additional armament and stores on the day of the battle,
and Mr. Dobbins distinctly heard the cannonading; wind
light at southwest. On the 13th she returned to Sandusky,
and found the squadron absent. Mr. Dobbins felt certain
a battle had taken place, and of course was anxious to know
the result, and also how to shape his future course. Soon a
couple of boats were discovered in shore of him, and chase
was made for them. He succeeded in cutting one off, which
proved to be an American, and from the men on board
learned that there had been a battle, but no details other
than that the Americans were supposed to be victorious, as
all the vessels had been taken into Put-in-Bay. Mr. Dobbins
immediately bore up for that place, where he found the
squadron at anchor with its prizes. The arrival of the Ohio
with fresh supplies was a godsend to the sick and wounded;
which was followed by the arrival of a boat from Cleveland
and another from Sandusky with vegetables, adding much
to the comfort of the afflicted, as well as of the able-bodied.
Shortly after the victory, a spirit of crimination and re-
crimination sprang up, which culminated in a most bitter352
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
feud between Perry and Elliott and their adherents; and
which probably would have resulted in a duel between Perry
and Elliott, had not the former been ordered to sea, in com-
mand of a special expedition to Venezuela, composed of the
sloop of war John Adams, and schooner Nonsuch. During
the cruise, Perry was taken with the yellow fever and died
on board the latter vessel, on her passage from the mouth
of the Orinoco river to Port Spain, where his ship, the John
Adams, lay.1
The trip of Perry from the Lawrence to the Niagara, it
appears to me, is not properly comprehended, or rather the
act is eulogized instead of the motive. “If a victory is to be
gained, IT1 gain it,” said Perry when he left the shattered
Lawrence. Such was his intention, and therein lay the
merit. The mere passing from vessel to vessel was nothing
but what had been frequently done where squadrons had
been engaged, and which had been done that same day.
Furthermore, Elliott took the same boat and crew, and twice
traversed the entire length of the line, then stepping on
board the Somers, of which vessel he took command in per-
son. As for personal danger, it was everywhere on that oc-
casion, and if anything, less in a boat than on the deck of a
vessel, particularly the Lawrence.
A popular error has found its way into history—that
Perry took his young brother with him on board the Niag-
ara. This is erroneous, and was never asserted by Perry or
any of his officers. The fact is, when the victorious com-
modore returned on board the Lawrence, after the battle, and
not seeing the youngster on deck, he made enquiry, a search
was made, and the lad was found quietly sleeping in his
hammock, being worn out with the excitement and fatigues
of the day, and also having received a severe slap from a
hammock which a shot had thrown against him.
i. We omit from Captain Dobbins’ narrative a long discussion of certain
features of the action, especially of the part borne by Elliott. The records of
this action have for three-quarters, of a century been overburdened with the
Perry-Elliott controversy, and it would not be profitable to enter upon it here,
save to note that Captain Dobbins’ study of the facts led him to acquit Elliott
of the charges alike of cowardice and of treachery. Perry’s published letters
long since made practically the same acquittal.THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
353
There is some discrepancy in the various accounts as to
the sail the Niagara was under, and the additional canvas
which Perry ordered set after he got on board of her. I have
the statement of one of the Niagara’s main-top men, viz.,
Benjamin Fleming. He says: “When Commodore Perry
came on board, we were under fore-and-aft mainsail, fore
and maintopsails, and jib, the courses were hauled up and
the topgallant sails furled. When Commodore Perry came
over the side, Capt. Elliott met him and they shook hands.
They then had some conversation, which I could not hear
from the top. Capt. Elliott then went over the side into the
same boat, and pulled astern in the direction of the gunboats.
Some little time after he left, and when the gunboats had
got pretty well up, as we were now getting a breeze, Com-
modore Perry set the signal for close action, and immedi-
ately gave the order, ‘loose top-gallant sails, board the fore-
tack, haul in the weather-braces, put the helm up, and keep
the brig off.’ I helped to loose the maintop-gallant sail my-
self. We bore up gradually, at first with the wind on our
quarter. Just before we got abreast of the Detroit, to the
best of my memory, we were before the wind—jibed the
fore-and-aft mainfail and brailed it up at the same time,
settled the top-gallant sails,—hauled the foresail up and
fired our starboard broadside into the Detroit and Queen
Charlotte as they lay foul of each other, and our larboard
guns into the Lady Prevost and another schooner; and then
coming by the wind on the starboard tack, with our main-
topsail to the mast under the lee of the Detroit and Queen
Charlotte, kept up a brisk fire until they struck.”
The day after the battle, some of the British officers
enquired, “What has become of our two Indians?” Search
was made, and they were discovered stowed snugly away in
the cable-tier. When brought on deck they were much
alarmed; however, their fears were soon quieted. Some
questions were propounded, and in reply they said: “No
more come with one-armed captain (Barclay) in big canoe
—shoot big gun too much.” This sort of warfare did not
suit “Neeche.” They were evidently taken on board as
sharp-shooters, to pick off the officers, and were stationed in354
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
the main-top of the Detroit. When the bullets began to fly
aloft, they thought they were all aimed at them, and hastily
retreated to the deck, where they found it no better, and
then to the hold. I think they were sent to Malden, with
some paroled British officers, who had families there.
As the Lawrence was so much injured that she would
require extensive repairs to make her fit for service, Com-
modore Perry transferred his pennant to the Ariel, and made
her the flag-ship for the time being. The Lawrence received
such temporary repair as time and circumstance would
permit, and was converted into a hospital ship, and dis-
patched to Erie under the command of Lieut. Yarnall, with
the badly wounded of both squadrons. The medical officers
were Dr. Ushur Parsons of the American and Dr. Kennedy
of the British squadron. The Lawrence arrived safely at
Erie on the 23d, having lost but two of the invalids on the
passage.
All the prisoners able to march were landed at Sandusky,
and sent to Chillicothe, O., under the supervision of General
Harrison. Commodore Barclay and the other wounded
British officers remained on board the Detroit and Queen
Charlotte, which vessels were safely moored in Put-in-Bay
for the time.
The prisoners being disposed of, the wounded and sick
cared for, every exertion was made to put all the vessels of
both squadrons fit for active service into a proper condition,
and make the necessary arrangements for transporting Har-
rison’s army, then encamped at Portage river and Fort
Meigs, to the Canadian shore. The vessels for this service
were the Niagara, Caledonia, Somers, Ohio, Trippe, Scor-
pion., Ariel, Tigress and Porcupine, of the American, and
Hunter, Lady Prevost, Little Belt and Chippewa of the
British squadron.
On the morning of the 19th, Commodore Perry sailed
with the Ariel for Camp Portage in advance of the squadron,
to counsel with General Harrison. The result of this con-
ference was to rendezvous the troops and squadron at Put-
in-Bay; thence, after the proper arrangements were made,
to sail to Middle Sister island, about twelve miles fromTHE DOBBINS PAPERS.
855
Malden; and when the weather favored, via the vessels and
boats, to some convenient place of landing to the eastward
of Bar Point.
On the 20th, the embarkation commenced, and on the
24th the entire army, consisting of 4,500 men, all safely
landed at Put-in-Bay; General Harrison and staff having
taken passage in the Ariel.
On the passage of the Ariel to Put-in-Bay, a little inci-
dent occurred which confirms the saying that “A kind heart
and a brave one are apt to occupy the same breast.” On
board the Ariel there was a company of young Virginians
who had exchanged the comforts and business of home for a
camp life and the dangers of a campaign on the western
frontier. By the casualties of battle and disease they were
reduced to a mere handful; and their gallant record induced
Major Chambers, one of the general’s aids, with the appro-
bation of both Harrison and Perry, to take them on board
the Ariel. When tea was served in the cabin, the occupants
were much crowded; however, as soon as it was over, they
all adjourned to the deck to enjoy the evening breeze. One
of the young Virginians, who was but just recovering from
a severe illness, approached Major Chambers, with whom
he was acquainted, and who was then conversing with Lieut.
Packet, the commander of the Ariel, and asked in a mild
and courteous manner, which showed his refined breeding, if
it would be possible to obtain a cup of coffee from the cabin;
saying, the cold, coarse and unpalatable food they were con-
fined to in accordance with army regulations, he could not
eat. The major being but slightly acquainted' with Perry,
asked Lieut. Packet how it would do? Packet hesitated,
as there was such a crowd of officers on board, and the mat-
ter was dropped. Perry happened to be seated near by and
overheard the conversation, and without saying anything to
either of the party, quietly ordered his steward to prepare
supper for the whole squad, and in a few moments they were
all seated as best they could in the little cabin, enjoying a
warm meal, with Commodore Perry by their side, attending
to their wants.
The victory of the 10th gave us command of the lake,356
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
and now Harrison was pushing matters for a victory on land.
He had called upon the venerable Governor Shelby of Ken-
tucky, for 1,500 volunteers, and in the true spirit of chivalry,
invited the veteran of Kings Mountain to command them in
person, to which he responded in the affirmative, though in
his sixty-sixth year. The patriotic state of Kentucky was
all in a blaze of enthusiasm when the veteran governor is-
sued his proclamation for volunteers, and for them to as-
semble at Newport. “Huzza for the Old Eagle of Kings
Mountain!” was the cry, and twice the required number
showed themselves ready for the war-path. Governor Shelby
led 3,500 mounted men on their winding way for the banks
of Lake Erie. With such men as Henry, Desha, Allen,
Caldwell, King, Childs, Trotter, R. M. and J. Johnson,
Adin, Crittenden, McDowell, Walker and Barry, such a
word as failure was not to be found in their vocabulary. At
Fort Ball—now the town of Tiffin—they got the news of
Perry's victory, which stimulated them to greater exertion,
and on the 15th they arrived at Camp Portage. Harrison
had also been joined by about 250 friendly Indians of the
Wyandot, Shawnese, Seneca and Delaware tribes, under
their chiefs, Lewis, Blackhoof, Blacksnake, Crane and Capt.
Tommy. It not being deemed practicable to use the horses
of the Kentucky troops, they were mostly left at Camp
Portage, except the regiment of Col. Johnson, which was to
go round, to Detroit by land, and if Harrison succeeded in
driving the enemy from Malden, and advanced up the Can-
ada side of the river, to form a junction with him there.
All things being in readiness, the task of transporting
the army to Middle Sister commenced, and though some-
what interfered with by bad weather, was completed on the
26th. Commodore Perry, with General Harrison aboard,
went with the Ariel to reconnoitre Malden and the shore to
the eastward for a suitable point of debarkation, and fixed it
at a place about three miles to the eastward of Bar Point.
On the return trip, the arrangements for transportation and
debarkation were fully completed, and made known to the
officers commanding on their arrival. Early on the morning
of the 27th, the weather being favorable, the army was em-THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
357
barked on vessels or in boats, the vessels taking most of the
boats in tow, and at 2 p. m., the squadron having arrived off
the place of destination, were moored with springs upon
their cables, at the distance of one fourth of a mile from the
shore. The line of boats now moved for the beach under
the supervision of Capt. Elliott, who had been detached by
Commodore Perry for this purpose. It was presumed that
the enemy would be found in force behind a small ridge not
far from the shore, consequently great precaution as well as
celerity was to be used. However, after landing in good
order and forming, no enemy was to be seen. News was
soon received that General Proctor had evacuated Fort
Malden, and with his entire army, was retreating up along
the Canadian side of the Detroit river, leaving only a rear
guard to destroy the barracks, navy-yard and public stores.
The squadron immediately got under way, and moved
round into the mouth of the river with the boats, and landed
the remainder of the troops. As the van of Governor
Shelby's force reached the town, they were met by a dele-
gation of men and women asking for mercy and protection.
Their feelings were soon calmed by a few kind words, from
the venerable warrior. The loyal portion had left with
Proctor. Harrison lost no time in following up the enemy,
and his advance had several skirmishes with the rear guard.
In the meantime, the vessels moved up the river, keeping
abreast of the troops. On the 29th they reached Sandwich,
when some of the vessels were dispatched with General
McArthur's brigade to take possession of Detroit, and drive
off some lurking bands of Indians.
This retrograde movement was strongly condemned by
Tecumseh, who, in the severest terms, remonstrated against
retreating without a fight; comparing Proctor to a dog
running away with his tail between his legs. On the 30th,
Col. Johnson, with his mounted regiment and the horses of
the field officers of the army, arrived at Detroit. They were
immediately taken across the river to join the main army.
The tide of success had now begun to ebb with the Brit-
ish on the western frontier, and the Indians began to see
that the Americans were far from being the weaklings which358
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
the British had pictured them. The capture of the one-
armed captain with the big canoes, and the retreat of
Proctor, who abandoned their conquered territory, as well as
the strong post at Malden, convinced the savages that the
British promises were all bravado. As the Indians always
aimed to be on the strongest side, they now began to desert
the British standard. During the short stay of the army at
Sandwich, deputations from the Ottawas, Chippewas, Wy-
andots, Miamis, and two bands of hostile Delawares, who
had been induced to join the British standard by presents
and pleasing promises, abandoned their cause and sued for
peace, with a promise to take up the tomahawk and fight
their former friends. At Detroit, also, bands, of Ottawas,
Chippewas, Pottawatamies, Miamis and Kickapoos, came in
for peace and offered their services to General McArthur.
However, their offer was not accepted, except so far as to
have them return home to their tribes, and remain peaceable
for the future.
News having been received that Proctor had made a
stand at Dolson's farm on the Thames, with 800 whites,
regulars and militia, and from 1,000 to 1,200 Indians, ar-
rangements were made to follow immediately. Perry also
sent a portion of the squadron, the Niagara, Lady Prevost,
Scorpion, Tigress, and Porcupine, under Capt. Elliott with
the artillery and baggage of the army, and also to intercept
some vessels of the enemy escaping up Lake St. Clair, to the
River Thames with their stores. Perry followed the next
day with the Caledonia and Ariel. The vessels of the enemy,
however, had too much the start, and escaped up the river.
It being found none but the small vessels could pass the bar
at the mouth of the river, the Scorpion, Tigress and Porcu-
pine proceeded, leaving the rest of the squadron. The line
of Proctor's retreat lay along the river, and the chase con-
tinued from day to day, occasionally skirmishing with the
rear guard, and capturing several vessels and batteaux
ladened with stores and arms, the enemy having burnt a
number, as well as several houses containing stores. Proc-
tor, finding the Indians deserting him, and also some of the
Canadian militia, promised Tecumseh that he would make aTHE DOBBINS PAPERS.
359
stand and defeat Harrison, or “they would leave their bones
on the spot.”
He selected a place near the Moravian town, where he
had the river on one side and a large swamp on the other of
a strip of dry land, which could be easily defended; and
posted his troops and Indians. On the 5th, Harrison, having
got up with his forces, arranged his order of battle. Com-
modore Perry and General Cass accompanied General Har-
rison as aids, the latter’s command having been left at
Sandwich.
The battle of the Thames and the death of Tecumseh
have been so often recorded, it would be idle to attempt
another account. The Americans lost fifteen killed and
thirty wounded; and the enemy eighteen killed and twenty-
six wounded, and 600 prisoners exclusive of the Indians,
who left thirty-three dead on the field. General Harrison
estimated the amount of arms captured or destroyed, at
5,000 stand, and a number of cannon. Among the number
were three pieces captured from the British at Yorktown,
in the Revolution, and given up at Hull’s surrender. To
digress a little, I may state that those three pieces, with in-
scriptions engraved upon them, relating their history, ar-
rived simultaneously with General Lafayette at Erie, on the
3d of June, 1825, when Lafayette was on his way to the lay-
ing of the cornerstone of Bunker Hill monument. The
meeting of these relics was a pleasing incident in the gen-
eral’s visit.
Harrison and Perry returned immediately to Detroit,
where they arrived on the 7th. Perry at once issued a joint
proclamation, dated Oct. 17, 1813, at Sandwich, telling the
people of Upper Canada that as all armed resistance had
ceased, and the country being now in the quiet possession
of the Americans, the laws and customs of the country as
they existed previous to the conquest, were hereby declared
in force, and the inhabitants guaranteed protection in person
and property, as long as the district remained in the posses-
sion of the United States.
Immediately after General McArthur took possession of
Detroit, General Harrison issued a proclamation, dated360
THE DOBBINS TAPERS.
Detroit, Sept. 29, 1813, to the inhabitants of Michigan,
establishing the laws in force previous to the surrender of
General Hull; also calling upon the officers displaced by
General Proctor to again resume their duties. On the 16th
of October Harrison issued another proclamation in regard
to the Indian bands lately hostile but now at peace with the
United States. These bands having left hostages for the
faithful performance of their promises, he therefore re-
quested all citizens of the United States, and public officers,
not to molest them, leaving the matter of their final dispo-
sition with the Government. The death of the great chieftain
Tecumseh, and the desertion of Walk-in-the-Water, had so
dampened the ardor of the savages, and the rapid and
decisive victories of Perry and Harrison so convinced them
of the courage and warlike strength of the Americans, that
they felt quite humble. The loss of Tecumseh was also a
serious blow to the active operations of the enemy on the
western frontier. The adjutant general of the British forces,
E. Baynes, in his report upon the defeat of Barclay and
Proctor, gave great credit to Tecumseh and censured
Proctor. Tecumseh held a colonel’s commission in his
Majesty’s forces.
During the time the British held possession of the Ter-
ritory of Michigan, Proctor, the military governor, ruled
with an iron hand. Among the hardships he imposed upon
the inhabitants was, requiring all who would not take the
oath of allegiance to his Brittanic Majesty, or swear not to
serve against him during the war, to leave the territory;
with many more impositions, and daily violations of the
articles of capitulation. Almost every one of his acts showed
him to be a tyrant and a coward.
What a glorious achievement Perry and Harrison had
completed in the short space of twenty-five days! They had
not only captured the squadron of the British, and defeated
them by land, capturing the strongholds of Malden and
Detroit, and their armament and supplies, but had driven
them with their dusky allies from place to place, until they
finally captured them on the river Thames. Nothing now
remained in possession of the British in the West, save theTHE DOBBINS PAPERS.
361
island of Mackinaw; and that would have been retaken but
for the lateness of the season, and the difficulty of getting
the heavy vessels over the St. Clair flats.
The Canadian inhabitants, particularly those at Malden,
were pleased with the change. The Indians and soldiers had
been quartered upon them, and they were governed to a
great extent by martial law. There was also a great fallacy
they were led to believe, viz., that the Kentuckians were
greater savages than the Indians; consequently, they had
much dread of capture. But when they found that the
gallant volunteers under Shelby were as humane as they
were brave, they were joyfully disappointed.
General Cass was now installed civil and military gover-
nor of Michigan, with his brigade, 1,000 strong, to remain
with him and keep the Indians in check, should they become
troublesome; and also to hold that portion of Canada just
captured. He was also empowered to dispose of the
prisoners.* 1
VII. Services of Stephen Champlin and
Daniel Dobbins.
The vessels and army having returned from the Thames,
arrangements were made to disband the volunteers under
i. The following orders are preserved among the Dobbins papers:
Detroit, Nov. 5, 1813
I wish Capt. Dobbins to sail with the Ohio to Put in Bay, there to take on
board all the men and baggage not belonging to Lieut. Atkins’ command, for
the purpose of bringing to this place. From put in bay I wish him to sail to
the mouth of Portage river, and there take on board as much provision and
clothing as he can and then return to this place.	Lew Cass
U. S. S. Niagara Nov. 6th 1813
Sir:	You will return to Malden and receive Troops on board and land
them where Gov. Cass should wish continue on that service until all are con-
veyed when done repair to this place for winter quarters.
Yrs &c	Jesse D. Elliott
[To Sailing Master Daniel Dobbins.]
Detroit Nov. 19, 1813
Dear Sir:	I yesterday received your note. I shall in the morning send to
you all the British prisoners now here, who are fit to be sent, for the purpose
of being transported to Erie. There being no appearance of any change in the
wind you can leave all the sick men you brought from the bay at Malden.
I am, Your friend,	Lew Cass
[To Daniel Dobbins at Malden.]362
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
Governor Shelby, and such other portion of the militia as
were not needed. A portion of the squadron were now
prepared to transport the remainder of the troops to the lower
end of the lake, to assist in operations against the enemy on
the Niagara frontier. On the 19th of October the army,
numbering nearly 2,000, were embarked on the Niagara,
Caledonia, Hunter, Lady Prevost, Trippe, Little Belt and
Ariel, the latter being the flagship. The Somers, Ohio,
Scorpion, Tigress and Porcupine were left under the super-
vision of General Cass, to transport prisoners to Camp
Portage, and return with supplies for the army from
Cleveland.
Commodore Perry, while at Detroit, received a letter
from the Navy Department, of the most flattering kind,
enclosing a notice of his promotion to the grade of post
captain, with leave of absence to visit his family in Rhode
Island.
Perry took General Harrison and staff with him on board
the Ariel, and on their way down the lake called at Put-in-
Bay. They found Commodore Barclay much improved and
able to be moved. Perry now informed Barclay of his
success in having obtained a parole for him to return home.
Barclay, with his attending surgeon, was then taken on
board the Ariel, when she sailed with the squadron for Erie,
where she arrived on the 22d. The Ariel being a fast sailer,
arrived some hours in advance of the other vessels. As soon
as she made her appearance off the point of the peninsula, the
citizens assembled on the bank of the bay and fired a salute,
as it was presumed the commodore was on board, and this
was the first vessel returned to port since the battle. Perry
and Harrison were received with great enthusiasm on land-
ing; and Commodore Perry, with Colonel Gaines, assisted
the invalid Barclay up the hill to Perry's quarters at the
hotel. In the evening, the village of Erie was in a blaze of
rejoicing. Illumination, torchlight procession, transpar-
encies and salutes, manifested the joy the inhabitants felt.
Here was where Perry had built, equipped and prepared his
vessels; and now he had returned with the laurels of victory
upon his brow. Well the citizens knew of the many difflcul-THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
368
ties he had had to overcome, and the unflagging perseverance
with which he surmounted and conquered troublesome
obstacles.
Here, again, Perry showed his eminently humane dispo-
sition. He had given up his rooms at the hotel to his invalid
prisoner, and at his request no illumination was shown at
that portion of the building, that the lacerated and melan-
choly feelings of Barclay should not be annoyed with these
demonstrations of joy over his defeat.
The next day they sailed for Buffalo, Perry bidding final
adieu to Erie, as he never returned. On the 24th, the
squadron all arrived at Buffalo, where the troops were
landed. Perry here in an official letter, turned over the
command of the upper lakes to Captain Elliott, and then
pursued his journey east, receiving the most enthusiastic
receptions throughout his journey home to Newport, R. I.
General Harrison, with his troops, joined General McClure
in the operations along the Niagara.* 1
1. The following letters of this period have been preserved. The first is
presumably a copy of one sent to Capt. Elliott:
Sir: According to your orders I have commenced Receiving goods on
board the Ohio and find that a number of the citizens have things to put on
board which I shall not receive unless you give me positive orders.
For my own part I think it not Right to take the citizens’ goods on board
when the army is in want of the' article flour (and a larger quantity of that
article on hand than can be put in the Ohio), and also think in that case that
it is not only a violation of a positive law but of the duties assigned me as an
officer.
It is the first time that I have heard of the vessels of the United States
being turned into a merchantman and the officer commanding her to the skipper.
I am always ready and willing to do my duty and obey the commands of my
superior officers. I am Respectfully
yours,	Daniel Dobbins
Erie 24th Nov. 1813
Detroit, Nov. 27, 1813
Dear Sir:	. . . We are here some alarmed from circumstances which
has lately occurred in this country—the Loosing the party of IMS. torn] on the
River Thames, evacuating Ft. George, &c, makes us feel as tho’ we had Reason
to expect them back in this Country. If which should be the case God have
mercy upon the Poor Devils in this Country, as they have hard work now to
live, and if the British and Indians come on them again they must starve.
And I know nothing to prevent them from coming here, as the communica-
tion is all the time kept open from this country by the River Thames (or this
is my opinion) to Burlington Hights etc. and I presume you know of people
here so much of British subjects as to give information to the British of every
movement of our Army and arrangements as soon as I can sell off I will get
out of this Country for some time at any rate but perhaps the British and In-
dians may catch me & take off my scalp just in the hight of my making money.
I cannot possibly get off for several weeks as I am keeping up my whiskey
untill People who has got but a few Barrels has sold of and gone. My why.
must if possible bring me three Dollars pr. Gallon. Genl. Cass yesterday
started from here for Albany. . . . Pleas make my respects to . . . Mrs.
Dobbins and all the Butifull young Girls in Erie, Particularly to-----------
I am, Sir, Yours &c.	Wm. Lattimore.
Capt. Daniel Dobbins.364
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
The prizes, Queen Charlotte and Detroit, were badly cut
up in their hulls, and having rolled their masts overboard in
a heavy wind while at anchor at Put-in-Bay a few days after
the battle, could not be removed to Erie with safety, as the
season of navigation was far advanced. Consequently,
preparations were made to winter them at Put-in-Bay, and
officers and men were sent to protect them from marauding
parties from the Canada shore.
The season of heavy storms being at hand, Elliott ordered
a portion of the squadron to Erie, there to await further
orders. The Chippewa parted her cables and went ashore
at Buffalo, where she went to pieces. The Ariel, Little
Belt and Trippe were sent to Black Rock. The Tigress,
under Mr. Champlin, was dispatched to Put-in-Bay, where
she arrived about the 25th of December, Mr. Champlin
assuming command of the prizes and all matters pertaining
to the place. He at once commenced preparations for
defense, General Cass having sent 200 soldiers from Detroit
to assist. As soon as the Somers and Ohio completed their
task of transporting the prisoners to Camp Portage, and
supplies from Cleveland to Detroit, the Somers went into
winter quarters at Put-in-Bay, and the Ohio returned to
Erie, arriving there late in December.
Cold weather having set in, all the vessels were dis-
mantled, excepting their armament, and moored in a suitable
position for defense. Captain Elliott was very active in his
preparation for defense, and constructed a large blockhouse
on the southeast point of the peninsula, which, from its
position, covered the vessels as they lay in the small bay.
The troops also constructed another on Garrison Hill, under
the supervision of Colonel Miller.1
1. While at Washington in the winter of 1844, Capt. Dobbins wrote to
Commodore Jesse D. Elliott, recalling their service together. In this letter he
dwells on “what came under my personal observation, after the battle of the
10th September, 1813,” and continues:
“You had command of the station at Erie. Information had been received
that the British in Canada were fitting out an expedition to attack our fleet,
then lying in Erie harbor, on the ice. You immediately went to work and built
a block-house on the Peninsula, to repel the contemplated attack, and with
what assiduity the work was carried on until completed, is well known to me;
the part you bore of the fatigue and exposure, in a cold winter, by acting in
person from day to day through the dreadful storms of that winter, not con-
sulting your own ease, but doing things which many others in your situationTHE DOBBINS PAPERS.
365
Much has been said by some authors in regard to an-
archy and insurrection existing on the Erie station during
the winter of 1813-1814. This is erroneous. There was
some little clashing between the Perry and Elliott adherents,
but not in the slightest degree interfering with subordination.
There was a duel between Acting-master McDonald and
Midshipman Senat, which resulted in the death of the latter.
This quarrel, however, originated in a dispute about rank
and uniforms, and had nothing to do with the Perry-Elliott
controversy. Purser Magrath, late of the Niagara, was a
strong adherent of Elliott, and published some strictures in
the Erie paper in regard to the dispute; and as the popular
current ran strongly in favor of Perry, and as Magrath pos-
sessed a very sensitive mind, it worked up his feelings to
desperation. The unfortunate man for this—as no other
cause could be assigned—committed suicide.
There was an angry dispute between Lieut. Forrest of the
Lawrence and Lieut. Edwards of the Niagara, which it was
thought would culminate in a duel, had Edwards lived. He,
however, was taken with the typhoid fever—prevalent at
Erie, that winter—and died. Sailing-master Almy fell a
victim to the same disease.
There was much alarm at Erie in the month of January,
1814, caused by the burning of Buffalo, and the well-
founded information that the enemy intended to cross the
would have done by proxy. I have crossed the lake with you from Erie on the
ice many times, when it was dangerous thus to cross; and at one time in. par-
ticular, when you had to make use of your sword to prevent you from drifting
to leeward into an airhole in the ice. The exertions made at that time for the
defence of our country are not properly appreciated by the present generation,
or merged in some sinister object, to serve selfish purposes at the expense of
the deserving.
“That block-house in case of attack would have been of infinite use; the
logs eighteen inches in thickness, of chestnut and frozen to the heart, would
have resisted any shot that could have been beat against it by the enemy.
“You are well acquainted with the part I performed in this business. After
having finished the block-house, which was considered shot or shell proof (for
the roof was covered with timber to resist shells of small dimensions, the timber
was twelve inches thick), you then to make things still more secure, ordered
me to cut timber to build another smaller block-house, on a high sand-bank,
north of the little bay, to enfilade the sand-bank running west, and to produce
a cross-fire from the block-houses between which the fleet lay; but by the
time the timber was ready the weather moderated, the ice got weak and finally
impassable. With this the danger of an attack ceased. Had not the precau-
tions been taken, and the ice continued to remain strong for two weeks longer
than it did, I have not the least doubt that an attempt would have been made.
The block-house would have been able to make great resistance, there being of
heavy guns, three long 32’s, do. 24’s, and 32 [?] carronades. ...”866
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
lake in force, should the ice serve them, and attempt to
destroy the shipping at Erie. It appeared, after their signal
defeat by Perry and Harrison, that they were determined
to rally all their available force and endeavor to regain what
they had lost. Every preparation was made and vigilance
used, both by the naval and military commanders at Erie.
Well-grounded fears were also entertained for the safety of
the vessels at Put-in-Bay; and Captain Elliott dispatched
Lieut. Packett to Sandusky by land, with orders to cross the
ice to Put-in-Bay as soon as it had sufficiently made, and to
assume command at that place. However, he did not reach
the Bay before late in February. In the meantime Mr.
Champlin had discharged his duties faithfully, and had
matters in good condition. I will quote a letter of his to
Captain Elliott:
Put-in-Bay, January 14, 1814.
Sir:	I have everything in complete order at this place. I have
the guns mounted in the block-house. I have mounted on board the
Detroit 21 guns, and on board the Queen Charlotte 19. I have
mounted those 32-pounders and 24-pounders that were left on board
the Detroit. I can bring 12 guns to bear in every direction. The
ice is constantly kept open. I think if they attack us they will meet
with a pretty warm reception. The sailors are all well, the soldiers
very sickly. We have provisions enough to last till the 1st of April.
The beef is very bad.
I have the honor to be
Your Ob’dt Humble Servant
Stephen Champlin.
Captain Jesse D. Elliott,
Commanding U. S. Naval force on Lake Erie.
Whether from fear of this "‘warm reception” or other
causes, it is certain the enemy made no attempt against Put-
in-Bay.
Thus the winter passed away, and spring found the
vessels of the squadron all safe, except the Ariel, Little Belt
and Trippe, they having been burnt at Black Rock, when the
enemy took possession of that place; and the Chippewa,
which was wrecked at Buffalo, as above stated Upon the
opening of spring, matters were more quiet at Erie. The
danger of a heavy force of the enemy making a dash uponTHE DOBBINS PAPERS.
367
that place by way of the ice, had now passed. Had the at-
tempt been made, however, they would have found ample
preparations to receive them; as besides the naval armament,
there were about 4,000 troops under Major General Mead,
1,000 of whom were regulars. But upon the advent of
spring, danger not being imminent, all but the regulars were
disbanded.1 * * * S.
Captain Elliott, in order to obtain information of the
enemy’s movements on the Canada shore, and to prevent
their supplies going forward to the West by water, as soon
as the ice in the lake would permit, ordered Mr. Dobbins
with the Ohio, as per the following:
Erie, April 10, 1814.
Sir:	You will get your vessel over the bar with the quickest
possible dispatch, mount your guns, and when ready for action, you
will cruise between Erie and Long Point for the purpose of inter-
cepting boats. Be cautious that your vessel is not placed in a situa-
tion where boats can overpower you. Cruise with these orders until
my further instructions or those of the commanding officer of this
place. Major Marlin will furnish you with an officer and guard of
15 men, who will cooperate with you in the defense of your vessel.
In a few days you will be joined by the Somers; her commander
has had instructions to cruise under your orders. Respectfully yours,
Jesse D. Elliott.
S. M. Daniel Dobbins, U. S. schooner Ohio.
In the discharge of this duty, Mr. Dobbins frequently
landed spies on the Canada shore, and arranged to take them
off at such times and places as were agreed upon. The
adventures of one of these spies were truly marvelous. The
name I am not sure of, but think it was Prentice. He had
lived in Canada, and been oppressed, for which he was
seeking revenge. The object was if possible to capture the
1. The following order is preserved:
U. S. S. Niagara,
Erie, 18th January 1814
Sir:	You will open a Rendezvous in the village of Erie and if possible
Recruit 100 men, as ordinary seamen, who will serve on board the fleet for the
term of three months, if not sooner discharged. Stout, able-bodied men will be
particularly desired.
Respectfully,
S. M. Daniel Dobbins,
U. S. Navy
Jesse D. Elliott368
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
mails passing to and fro, and obtain all valuable information.
On one occasion, this man landed on the main, inside of
Long Point. Being familiar with the country he could avoid
the squads of soldiers and Indians on the hunt for him. The
inhabitants knew the man, and on his appearance, would
stealthily dispatch a courier to some military post with the
information, and soon they would be on his track, but never
could catch him. On the occasion above mentioned, while
waiting for the vessel, which he expected the ensuing night,
he lay secreted behind a log surrounded with bushes, when
a band of some twenty or thirty Indians passed along a trail
between him and the bank of the lake within plain sight, evi-
dently on the hunt for him. When night came, he was
safely taken aboard. On the passage to Erie, he described
his feelings while looking at the “red-skins,” and said, had
there been but three or four, he would have drawn a bead
upon them, but twenty or thirty was rather strong.
At another time, when taken on board, he had a saddle,
bridle, holsters and pistols, and two swords. When asked
how he came by them, he said:
“I was prospecting along the bank of the lake the day
before I expected the vessel, when I discovered two dragoons
riding along the beach towards me. I at once slipped down
the bank to a fallen tree, with the root out in the water and
the trunk resting on some float-wood. I knew they would
ride around the root of the tree, and I could take them both
easily with my pistol and rifle. The first one I brought down
with the pistol; the other attempted to escape, but I soon
emptied his saddle with my rifle, and his horse went scam-
pering off down the beach. The first one had his bridle over
his arm, which held his horse. I stripped the horse, got both
swords and let the second horse go. I then buried the bodies
in the sand and hid away until the vessel came.”
I think he never succeeded in capturing a mail which he
brought to Erie, although he obtained other valuable infor-
mation. He, however, took several mails and delivered them
to our lines, near Fort Erie. He made several trips from
one frontier to the other, and once crossed the Niagara river
on a raft made from a panel of fence he had taken from aTHE DOBBINS PAPERS.
369
grave near Waterloo.1 He was finally killed in one of his
adventures near Grand river, in Canada. This time he had
an accomplice, and intended to rob the house of a man who
he claimed had done him a great wrong. While they were
in the act, there being no man round the house—which they
previously knew—and before they had completed their
work, a girl of some twelve years stole off and ran to a
house-raising some half a mile distant where the man of the
house was assisting. Soon they all came running, most of
them with arms. Prentice and accomplice attempted to
escape in a canoe, but before they got out of range Prentice
received a shot from which he died.
Captain Elliott received two letters from Commodore
Chauncey, one dated 30th March and another April 1st,
stating that he had information of Mackinaw being short
of provisions, and but four men to defend the post, and
giving instructions to fit out the squadron, and proceed
thither to recapture it. Also one from General Harrison,
dated Cincinnati, April 3d, urging the movement on
Mackinaw.2 * * S.
At last the Navy Department had resolved to make a
separate command of the upper lakes; a change which was
judicious, though it should have been made one year before:
Navy Department, April 15, 1814.
Sir:	The arduous duties and great increase of force on Lake
Ontario together with the interruption of intercourse between the
commander-in-chief on that lake and the commander of the squad-
ron on Lake Erie, has rendered it expedient to place the latter under
a separate command. Captain Arthur Sinclair is therefore appointed
to the command of the squadron on Lake Erie, to whom you will
1.	Now the village of Fort Erie, Ont.
2.	Relating to this general movement, is the following:
Erie, 19th April 1814
Sir:	You will take on board the Ohio, a half barrel of Pitch, about 300
bbls of oakum, 200 lb. 6 inch spikes, two Compasses, & proceed to Put in Bay,
with the quickest possible dispatch, and deliver the accompanying letter to
Lieut. Packet, together with those Articles. Receive & act agreeable to his
directions.
Respectfully, Yours &c.
Jesse D. Euaott
S. M. Daniel Dobbins
Comm’nd U. S. Schooner Ohio370
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
communicate all the information you possess and the arrangements
you have made for the future operations of the squadron. You will
then, sir, agreeable to your wish expressed in your letter to Com-
modore Chauncey of the 19th December last, proceed to Sackett’s
Harbor and report yourself to him.
I am respectfully,
Your obd’t serv’t,
Wm. Jones.
Jesse D. Elliott, Esq.,
Corn’d U. S. Squadron, Lake Erie.
Captain Sinclair arrived about the 25th April, when
Captain Elliott, after turning over the command in compli-
ance with his instructions, repaired at once to Lake Ontario.
Captain Sinclair was a thorough seaman, and highly meri-
torious officer. He at once commenced in good earnest to
prepare the squadron for the expedition against Mackinaw,
though he found it a tedious job, as the vessels were found
much damaged and requiring extensive repairs.
Mr. Dobbins was now relieved from cruising duty and
ordered to take on board the Ohio naval stores and other
supplies, and proceed immediately to Put-in-Bay and assist
in fitting out the prizes Detroit and Queen Charlotte, and
navigate them to Erie. They arrived at Erie about the 1st
of May, were immediately taken over the bar and moored
in the little bay. At the same time the troops stationed at
Put-in-Bay, to assist in the defense of the prizes, were re-
moved to Detroit, and this temporary post abandoned.
From some difficulty at Washington in regard to the
policy of the expedition, also other delays, Capt. Sinclair
was not ready to sail with the squadron until about the 25th
of June. The squadron consisted of the following vessels:
Niagara, flagship, Capt. Arthur Sinclair; Lawrence, Capt.
D. S. Dexter; Caledonia, Capt. Samuel Woodhouse; Scor-
pion, Lieut. Daniel Turner; Tigress, Sailing-master Stephen
Champlin. They arrived at Detroit about the 4th of July,
where they embarked the troops under Col. Croghan, to the
number of 600, composed of regulars and militia, and sailed
for Fort Gratiot. The trouble of getting the large vessels
over the St. Clair flats delayed them a week, there being butTHE DOBBINS PAPERS.
371
seven feet of water on the flats, and they drawing nine.1 At
Fort Gratiot they were joined by about 500 Ohio volunteers,
under the command of Capt. Cotgreave and by Capt. Gratiot,
an engineer officer. They sailed from Gratiot on the 14th of
July, for Matchadash bay, where the British had a small
military post, but found the navigation too intricate, so
shaped their course for the island of St. Joseph, at the
mouth of the St. Mary's river. Upon their arrival they
found the post abandoned, and the whole of the fort and
barracks burned. Major Holmes and Lieut. Turner, with a
force, were sent up the river to the Sault, to destroy or cap-
ture the trading post and forwarding establishment of the
Northwest Fur Company, in turn for the services this com-
pany had rendered the enemy in securing to them the full
alliance of the Indian tribes; and also for furnishing boats
and men from their hundreds of employes, when occasion
required. Holmes and Turner succeeded in reaching the
post, but found Johnson, the agent, a renegade Yankee from
Michigan, had got wind of their approach, and destroyed
everything they could not carry off. This expedition re-
turned to the squadron, and on the 26th they sailed for
Mackinaw.
Upon reconsidering the situation, Sinclair and Croghan
came to the conclusion that it was not practicable to attempt
to storm the fort; and the elevation being too great for the
fort to be injured much by the guns of the squadron, they
determined to land the troops on the back of the island, under
cover of the guns of the squadron, and endeavor to make an
attack on the rear of the fortifications. On the 4th of
August the landing was effected without molestation; but
1. The following letter to Mrs. Dobbins, written at this time, has been
preserved:
Dear Polly:	We have got over the flats and all difficulty and lay now
eight miles below the Rappids nothing has taken place worth Mentioning unless
the Settlements on this River which truly look Dismal not a Solitary inhabi-
tant fields of wheat and gardens vacant also the houses open with the furniture
in them I have had a little spell of being unwell . . . the Men generally in
the fleet are healthy but a very few cases has taken Place since we left Erie
you may tell Reed that his vessel now lies at the Rappids
we have no news from Makana [Mackinaw] or Machidash take care of your
health and write all oportunities
I Remain yours truly
on board the U. S. S. Niagara, July nth 1814
Daniel Dobbins372
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
the troops had advanced only a short distance before they
received a volley of shot and shell from a battery planted
upon a small eminence surrounded by bushes. Immediately
their troops dashed forward at a double-quick, shouting and
firing as they advanced, accompanied by a large body of
Indians led by “Big Tom,” the great Fallsovine chief. A
short and savage encounter ensued, which lasted but a few
minutes. Croghan, finding himself greatly outnumbered,
and the enemy mostly under cover, retreated to the boats and
gave up the contest. Our loss was, the gallant and esteemed
Major Holmes, with twelve rank and file, killed; wounded,
Capts. Van Horn and Desha, and Lieut. Jackson, with fifty-
two rank and file, and two missing. The loss of the enemy
was not known. Lieut. Hyde, marine officer of the Niagara,
the next day was dispatched with a squad of men, bearing a
flag of truce, to recover the remains of Major Holmes and
the other dead.
Any further attempt upon Mackinaw being abandoned
for the present, the squadron sailed for the lower end of the
lake; and at Nautawassaga river, attacked a block-house
and compelled the enemy to destroy it, and the schooner
Nancy, belonging to the Northwest Fur Company—all under
the command of Lieut. Worseley of the Royal Navy—to
prevent their falling into our hands.
VIII. End of the War—Trade Resumed.
The squadron now sailed for Detroit, except the
schooners Scorpion and Tigress, which vessels were detached
to blockade this river and those in the neighborhood, this
being the route by which supplies were sent to Mackinaw.
Lieut. Turner and Sailing-master Champlin were enjoined
not to separate but to cruise in company. Bad weather
coming on, Turner concluded, as there was no place to make
a lee in case of a gale, to run up the coast to the De Tour, or
mouth of the St. Mary’s river, where he left the Tigress and
coasted along the south shore to Canadian river, where theTHE DOBBINS PAPERS.
373
Northwest Fur Company had a place to store their furs, this
being their principal route to Montreal. The enemy were on
the lookout for these vessels; and Lieut. Worseley, discov-
ering they had separated, resolved to make an attempt to
capture them. He coasted along through the islands to
Mackinaw, where he fitted out an expedition of boats, five in
number, on some of which were mounted small pieces of
ordnance, and manned by some 200 troops, sailors, Canadian
voyageurs, and Indians—a portion of the Indians being in
canoes, acting as scouts; the whole under the command of
Lieut. Bulger, Royal Navy, Lieut. Worseley being second.
The Tigress was anchored close in shore for a lee, Mr.
Champlin not having any suspicion of danger from the
enemy, as the post had been abandoned. About 9 o’clock,
p. m., of the 3d of September, the night being dark, they
stealthily approached round the point of the island, and
pounced upon the Tigress. A vigorous defense was made,
but the small crew were soon overpowered, and the vessel
captured. Mr. Champlin was badly wounded, as were also
most of his officers and crew, but I believe none was killed.
The prisoners were then placed on board the boats, and
Lieut. Bulger, with a selected crew, remained on board.
The position of the Tigress remained unchanged; and in
the morning the American colors were set as usual. On the
evening of the 5th the Scorpion was seen approaching, but
the navigation being intricate, she anchored for the night
when about two miles distant. At daylight next morning
Bulger got under way and ran down under easy sail for the
Scorpion. On board the latter vessel, they were engaged
in washing decks, and had not the slightest suspicion that
the character of the Tigress had been changed; and when
she got quite near warned them to look out or they would
get foul of the Scorpion. The Tigress was immediately
alongside, when the enemy rushed from their hiding-places,
and carried her by boarding without resistance. The vessels
and prisoners were immediately taken to Mackinaw, and
created great joy, as the blockade had cut off their supplies.
The British authorities made a great flourish over this cap-
ture—claiming the vessels and crews were five times as large374
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
as they really were. To use an old adage, they were thank-
ful for small favors.”
The failure to retake Mackinaw, and the capture of these
two schooners, made Colonel McDonald, the commandant,
who led in the defense, feel quite secure. The British at
once opened communication with the lower end of the lake,
and received their supplies regularly; in fact, they now had
entire control of Lake Huron and St. Mary's river.
On the arrival of the squadron at Detroit, Commodore
Sinclair received information of active movements of the
enemy on the Niagara frontier, and sailed thither immedi-
ately. On his arrival at Buffalo he found that the schooner
Somers, Lieut. Conkling, and Ohio, Sailing-master Caldwell,
had been captured by the enemy in the night while at anchor
at Fort Erie; that place at the time, being in possession of
our forces. The schooner Porcupine had escaped, by being
anchored close in shore. These vessels had been left by
Commodore Sinclair, to look after matters on Lake Erie,
while the squadron was absent on the Mackinaw expedition.
News was also soon received of the capture of the Scorpion
and Tigress on Lake Huron. The loss of these vessels and
the failure to retake Mackinaw, much incensed Sinclair. He
was losing what Perry had gained, though his advantages
were far superior to those of the latter. Since Perry had left
the lakes, no less than eight vessels of the squadron had been
captured or destroyed by the enemy. The Trippe, Little
Belt, and Ariel, were burned at Black Rock, the Chippewa
was burned as she lay disabled on the beach at Buffalo,
when the enemy destroyed that place; the Scorpion and
Tigress were taken on Lake Huron, and the Somers and
Ohio at Fort Erie. Though Sinclair could not avoid these
temporary reverses, yet they greatly annoyed him.
The season of high winds having come round, and there
being nothing in this quarter of the frontier to employ the
squadron actively, Commodore Sinclair sailed for Erie, there
to await events, and be ready to act as occasion should
require.
Much has been said and written in regard to the execu-
tion of James Bird, a marine belonging to the squadron;THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
375
and much absurd and sensational sympathy manifested by
persons ignorant of the true state of the case. I will give a
short account of his entering into the service, his subsequent
conduct, and the crimes for which he was executed.
Bird came to Erie connected with a volunteer company
from Bellefonte, Pennsylvania, I think, as a sergeant. Dur-
ing the building of the vessels of Perry's squadron, at one
time, Bird with a squad of men was placed to guard a small
block-house at the cascade, where the vessels were on the
stocks. At this block-house, a large amount of public prop-
erty was stored. Some of Bird's men, with his knowledge
as it was alleged, pilfered some of the stores; and when
Bird was called to account, he with his men mutinied, and
not until threats were made of tearing the house down from
over their heads, did they succumb.
At the time, Lieut. Brooks of the marine corps was en-
listing marines for the squadron. The commanding officers,
both military and naval, offered to overlook the crime of
these men, provided they would enlist as marines, to which
they consented. Bird was attached to the Lawrence, behaved
gallantly in the engagement of the ioth September, and was
severely wounded. He was then promoted to sergeant. In
the spring of 1814, when the squadron was about to start on
the expedition to Mackinaw, Bird was left in charge of a
warehouse, containing all the stores belonging to the
squadron, with a marine named Rankin to assist him in
guarding his charge. Bird deserted from his post and took
Rankin with him. They were apprehended near Butler,
Pennsylvania, by Sailing-master Caldwell, who was on his
way to Erie with a draft of seamen. The squadron was de-
layed for this draft; consequently, Mr. Caldwell with his
party and prisoners, were taken immediately on board.
There was also another prisoner on board, a seaman by the
name of Davis. His crime was, deserting to the enemy. He
was taken on board the British squadron on the ioth Sep-
tember, for which offense he was pardoned. Afterwards he
deserted from his post on board the schooner Tigress, while
at anchor in the Erie roadstead, and took the vessel's boat
with him. He had also deserted once or twice since his first
offense.376
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
On the arrival of the squadron at Detroit, a court
martial was convened on board the Lawrence, and all three
were tried. The finding of the court, was “guilty,” and the
sentence, death. The proceedings were forwarded to Wash-
ington, and on the return of the squadron from Lake Huron,
the proceedings and sentence were returned, approved and
affirmed by the President; and, notwithstanding that Bird
and Rankin were recommended as suitable subjects for
executive clemency, “desertion from off post in time of
war,” the President claimed, “could not be overlooked,
therefore, an example must be made.”
The execution took place on board the Niagara in the
roadstead at Erie, where the squadron was at anchor, in the
month of October, 1814. Bird and Rankin were placed in
front of one of the ports, where they were required to kneel
upon their coffins, and were shot by a file of marines from
the opposite side of the quarter-deck. Davis was hung at
the yard-arm. All three were buried on the sandy flat, at
the entrance to the Erie harbor.
The squadron now proceeded to Buffalo, and after re-
maining some time, with no active duty within reach to
employ them on the frontier, Commodore Sinclair sailed for
Erie. Here a report was received that a large amount of
stores was collecting near Dover, in Canada, to be forwarded
westward. Some troops were taken on board the squadron,
when it sailed across the lake to the mouth of Ryerson’s
creek, but, making no discoveries of note they returned to
Erie.
In the season of 1814, a schooner, called the Union, of
ninety-six tons, was built at Maumee by the Martin
Brothers, and commanded by Capt. Robert Martin. She was
the first merchant vessel of size built after we got control of
the lake. At the capitulation of Mackinaw in 1812, private
property was to be respected, and vessels in port were to
remain with their cargoes in the hands of their owners or
managers. Consequently, all the peltries and other property
of the American Fur Company at Mackinaw, remained there
up to this time, as there was no means of getting them away.
By arrangement of the two Governments, this schoonerTHE DOBBINS PAPERS.
377
Union was sent as a cartel, to bring away prisoners, and
property of the fur company. On the 8th of November,
1814, the Union arrived at Erie on her way to Buffalo, with
some prisoners on board, among whom was Lieut. Stephen
Champlin (he having been promoted), still suffering from
his wound. There was also a cargo of peltries consigned to
John Jacob Astor, New York, to be landed at Buffalo.
Commerce had fully commenced on the lake, as we had
entire control of it, and craft of all sizes were being built.
The schooner Champion, Captain Frazier, arrived at Erie in
October, with a full cargo of merchandise from Buffalo,
which was the first instance of the kind since the war. The
Champion also brought a cargo of beef and butter from
Grand river, Ohio, in November.
In the early part of the winter of 1814-15, matters along
the frontier of the upper lakes became rather quiet, as the
people on both sides began to be tired of the war and anxious
for peace. The enemy had never fully recovered from their
defeat by Perry and Harrison, in the West, though they
rallied and disputed the ascendency of our forces along the
Niagara frontier and elsewhere on the lower lake; and, in
several instances, achieved small victories. On Lake On-
tario, Sir James L. Yeo and Commodore Chauncey appeared
disposed to keep up a war of ship-building, each trying to
outdo the other in the size and number of his vessels,
instead of “trying titles” the first time their respective squad-
rons met, as did Perry and Barclay on Lake Erie. To such
extremes did they carry this ship-building war, that the dec-
laration of peace found each with a three-decker, mounting
120 guns each, on his hands—vessels five times as large as
they should be for so small a fighting area as Lake Ontario.
The commissioners on the part of the United States and
Great Britain met early in October, 1814, in the ancient city
of Ghent, in southern Belgium, and after a protracted
session, concluded a treaty of peace between the two bellig-
erent powers on the 24th of December, 1814. The commis-
sioners on the part of the United States were John Q. Adams,
James A. Bayard, Henry Clay, Jonathan Russell and Albert
Gallatin; those on the part of Great Britain were Lord378
THE DOBBINS PAPERS.
Gambier, Henry Goulburn and Wm. Adams, with Chris-
topher Hughes, Jr., who was charge d’affaires at Stockholm,
as secretary.
The news reached New York on the nth of February,
1815, by the British sloop of war Favorite. Mr. Hughes
started with a copy of the treaty, and embarked on board the
clipper schooner Transit, at Texel, bound for the Chesapeake
Bay, and arrived at her destination about the same time as
the Favorite at New York, though Mr. Hughes was in ad-
vance with his dispatches at Washington. On the 17th of
February, the treaty was unanimously confirmed by the
Senate, and a proclamation issued by the President promul-
gating its confirmation. The authoritative information
reached the western frontier about the 25th, and was re-
ceived on both sides of the line with manifestations of joy.
Thus, after a bloody war of two and a half years’ dura-
tion, “grim-visaged” Mars had finally sheathed his sword;
and again, the mild and genial rule of Concordia, blessed
the land. Soon the rancorous spirit, engendered by strife,
would be quieted, and finally supplanted by that kind and
social intercourse which should always exist between neigh-
bors; the wanton destruction of commerce would be for-
gotten, and an increasing comity of trade and commercial
intercourse spring up. Thus, in a few years, the barbarous
relics of the war will have passed away, and a monument of
peace be erected upon the border, to stand, it is to be hoped,
for all time.
In the spring of 1815, orders were received by Commo-
dore Sinclair to dispose of some of the vessels, and sink
others at some suitable place in the harbor of Erie for preser-
vation. The Caledonia was sold to John Dickson of firie,
repaired and called the General Wayne. The Hunter was
sold to parties at Black Rock, and navigated the lakes for
some years. The Lady Prevost was sold to traders at Fort
Erie and employed on the Canadian side. The Lawrence,
Detroit and Queen Charlotte were sunk in the Little Bay.
There was a singular incident connected with the sinking of
these vessels which, though commonplace in itself, is inter-
esting when we remember the relations these vessels onceTHE DOBBINS PAPERS.
379
held to each other. They were all three sunk abreast with
their heads to the northwest, the Lawrence on the west side.
From some cause which never was fully accounted for, the
Lawrence, though lying hard upon the bottom, shifted her
berth, and got directly across the sterns of the other two
vessels which lay quiet in their berths. She was worked
back to her place and secured, as was supposed. In the
course of a year, she worked round athwart their sterns
again. Of course there must have been natural causes for
her actions, but they never could be traced. The Porcupine
was the only one of the small vessels left; she was kept in
commission, and in the season of 1816, took part in running
the boundary line between the United States and Canada,
under command of Lieut. Champlin. She was subsequently
transferred to the revenue cutter service, and finally broken
up at Detroit.
In the summer of 1815, the Government built a schooner
of sixty tons called the Ghent. She was kept in commission
for a number of years, much of the time under the command
of Sailing-master Dobbins. She was sold when the naval
station at Erie was broken up in 1825. The Niagara had
also been kept afloat as a receiving ship, until 1818, when
she was laid up and abandoned.
Trade between the lake ports now began to revive, and
ship-building commenced. Already we had a few craft, and
more were being built, though much of the trade was done in
open boats. In addition to those already mentioned, we had
the fine, staunch brig Huron of 104 tons, Capt. James Baird,
built at Sandusky, which came out in the fall of 1814; the
schooner Experiment of thirty tons, Capt. Wm. C. Johnson,
built at Buffalo; schooner Eliza of twenty-five tons, Capt.
John Randall; schooner Harperfield Packet of twenty-eight
tons, Capt. Jonathan Gregory, and several other small craft,
the names of which I have not at hand.