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SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT
AND EDUCATION

BY

M. V. O'SHEA

Professor of Education, The University of Wisconsin
Author of “‘ Education as Adjustment,” ““ Dynamic Factors in
Education,” “ Linguistic Development
and Education,” ete.

 

BOSTON, NEW YORK AND CHICAGO

HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY
Che Viivergide Press, Cambridge

+
COPYRIGHT, 1909, BY M. v. O’SHEA

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

AST Ue.
TO
MY FATHER AND MOTHER
PREFACE

In Part I of this volume, I have attempted first to describe
the typical attitudes which the child tends to assume to-
ward the persons with whom he comes into ¢ontact in the
ordinary situations of daily life, and to explain these atti-
tudes in view of certain fundamental principles of mental
development. To this end I have presented the results of
observations of children’s reactions under a variety of so-
cial conditions, the aim being to detect if possible the
“natural” or impulsive tendencies in their responses. Then,
in the second place, it has been my purpose to trace the
changes in the child’s adjustments to people which seem
normally to occur in the process of development. This has
required a mode of procedure in which the individual is
followed from infancy to maturity along the several routes
which lead to efficiency in social adaptation ; and the ever-
present question has been whether the child would on his
own initiative follow these routes, or whether if left to him-
self he would stop on the way, or turn off in other directions.
It has been my constant effort to note the actual tendencies
of the child at different stages in his evolution, without
regard to prevailing popular or theoretical conceptions of
what he is or what he ought to be or to do.

I have undertaken in Part II certain phases of the dif-
ficult and interminable task of outlining a plan and method
of education designed to make the individual socially effi-
cient. My point of view might properly, I think, be said to
be that of the naturalist rather than that of the logician or
philosopher, or even the moralist or idealist. The problem
before me constantly has been, — what can we do in social
training, considering the nature of the individual and his
social needs, rather than what ought we to do viewing the
vi PREFACE

matter from an ideal standpoint. What I have written is
founded mainly upon data gained from experiments and
methods which I have been able to study at first hand, or
which have been furnished me by persons who have made
observations for me, or who have given me an account of
their experiences in the training of their own children. But
while the purpose of this volume is for the most part to pre-
sent the conclusions reached by one observer and adventurer
in the training of children, still I have at most points com-
pared the principles herein set forth with those advocated
by the representative students of child-life and education
from Plato down to our own times. In some cases I have
ealled attention to the opinions of these writers without
foot-note citations of book and page of their works, think-
ing it not necessary or desirable so to do. I have hoped
that this volume might prove more or less tolerable to par-
ents and teachers, as well as to students of mental develop-
ment; and with this in mind I have avoided methods of
treatment which would give it the appearance of being un-
duly technical or “learned.” However, at the close of the
book I have suggested a list of references for reading, which
includes, I think, those books and articles which best pre-
sent typical views since Plato’s day of the social nature of
the individual, and the most effective method of training
him for social adjustment.

In its original form the volume contained a number of
chapters treating of the relation between the social develop-
ment of the individual and the evolution of social attitudes
and institutions in the race. But these portions have finally
been entirely eliminated ; partly because with their inclusion
the volume seemed to be too bulky, but mainly because upon
reflection it has seemed best to omit from these pages all
purely speculative and theoretical discussion. The author
is very much interested in the general problem of recapitu-
Jation in human development, but he is bound to confess that
at present it seems impossible to discuss the question in any
PREFACE vii

definite and positive manner, on account of the limitations
of our knowledge in this field. It has seemed advisable,
therefore, to confine the treatment to principles, the data
for which could be observed at first hand and investigated
experimentally.

With a view to clarifying the discussion throughout, and
to economizing the time and energy of the general reader
as well as the student, a marginal analysis and a detailed
analytical index of the entire material have been made.
Also the more important principles developed in the text
have been summarized at the end of each chapter.

Special attention is called to the Exercises and Problems
given in the last two chapters. These relate to the various
subjects considered in the book; and they are designed to
stimulate the student to test the principles developed, and
to extend their application in every direction. They are
intended further to suggest many phases of social develop-
ment and education which have hardly been even touched
upon in this volume. The lists given on each chapter have
been chosen from a large number which have arisen in dis-
cussing the different topics with organizations of parents
and teachers, and classes of university students. Only those
exercises and problems have been selected which upon trial
have proven to incite observation and effective reflection on
the part of students, as well as those interested in the prac-
tical care and culture of childhood and youth. The author
has found them to be of considerable service in arousing the
interest of the reader, and in making real and vital the con-
clusions reached in the text.

M. V. O’SHEa.

Untversiry or WISCONSIN,
Mapison, WISconsIN.
CONTENTS

PART I

THE GENESIS AND DEVELOPMENTAL COURSE OF
TyricaL SocraL ATTITUDES

I. Soctasmity .. . aus eS
Instinctive sin Testation: The passion ae peveadal “dnten
course. The feeling of dependence as one source of sociable
expression. The appearance of the highest form of sociable
feeling. Favorites and aliens among children. The influence
upon the child of adult social stratification. Sociability on the
basis of dress distinction. On the basis of intellectual attain-
ments. The influence of adolescent development upon socia-
bility. Social stratification on the basis of economic status.
Charitable tendencies in sociability. Résumé.

II. CommunicaTIon . 3 :

The need of communication. The epinaings ie fostsaini in
the communizing activity. Developmental changes in the
character of the communications. The tendencies at adoles-
cence. The reticent type. Social value of the communizing
activity. Influence of the individual in establishing com-
munity sentiment. The influence of the community on the
individual’s expressions. Social opposition. Consciousness is
a stage ; who are the players? The development of respon-
siveness to community sentiment. Résumé.

I. Dury .

Absence of the sendinsotit ‘of obligation i in iofaney. Origin of
the idea of persons as distinguished from things. The genesis
of the alter sense. Essential experiences in acquiring the alter
sense. Development and enrichment of the conception of the
alter. Interpretation of the alter’s expressions. Popular no-
tions respecting the relation of the self and the alter. Are
the interests of the ego and the alter identical? Neutral
attitudes in childhood. Genesis of the sense of duty. The
role of religion in the development of conscience. The real-
istic character of the child’s religious conceptions. Résumé.
x

IV.

V. Respect... oa 8 ae

VI.

CONTENTS

PUBTICE: Ps) Wah ao se Beh a pe ae Che we Se ak ote

Basal experience in the development of the sentiment of
justice. Equality of rights and responsibilities limited to
members of a class. The réle of conflict in the child’s early
social adjustment. The method of the first lessons in justice.
Appearance of the sense of property rights. Development
of appreciation of the right of possession. Developmental
changes in respect to principles of ownership. The réle of
positive instruction in developing the sentiment of justice.
Purposeful educative training by the group. Instinctive ele-
ments in the sentiment of justice. The reflex character of the
sentiment of justice in the beginning. Development of an ap-
preciation of extenuating circumstances. Development of an
appreciation of motive in the alter’s actions. Appearance of
the sense of responsibility. The effect of adolescent develop-
ment upon the feeling of responsibility. Résumé.

Characteristics of feapaai as a ‘postal sslaionasinn Respect is
a restrained, appreciative attitude. Respect for institutions
and superiors. Respect vs. observance of conventional pro-
prieties. Respect vs. admiration, The meaning of “self-re-
spect.” Origin of the attitude of self-respect. Appearance of
the attitudes of shame, humiliation, remorse, self-esteem, etc.
The child’s reaction to reproof. The child’s indifference to
his “reputation.” The attitude of respect is taken in view
primarily of the motives of action. The influence of adoles-
cent development upon the attitude of self-respect. The ef-
fect upon the individual of loss of self-respect. The effect
upon the attitude of self-respect of the development of sex
appreciation. Résumé.

DOGUEIRY 5 os ee A ee a es

The child as a learner. His attitude toward most of the cul-
ture and conventions of society. Convention as a load on feel-
ing, inoperative in childhood. The change at adolescence.
The process of assimilating social conventions. The child’s
reactions upon conventions forced on him. The learner turned
teacher. Is the child docile toward the wise ? The child’s
attitude is predominantly dynamic rather than assimilative.
Indocility with respect to ethical instruction. The inevitable
conflict between the child and the adult. Docility in the
school. Docility as affected by broadening experience. Im-
itation as a method of learning. The dramatic tendency.
Résumé.

. 115

- 185
CONTENTS xi

VII. ResentMenT . . . eo se . 157
The infant’s attitude is a non- pesiatant« one. . The parked: ex-
pression of anger. The typical year-old child is angry much
of the time. The development of resentment as a personal
emotion. Methods of expressing rage. Situations which stimu-
late the attitude of anger. The function of anger in social
relations. Conditions which favor the development of irri-
tability among the members of a group. Appearanceof the
attitude of hatred. Appearance of the attitude of indigna-
tion. Appearance of the attitude of jealousy. Situations which
incite the attitude of jealousy. Conditions favoring the de-,
velopment of jealousy. Schoolroom jealousies. Jealousy dur-
ing the adolescent period. Résumé.

VIII. Accression . . . . 184
The combative impulse. “Methods au fests of étallation:
Retaliation on the basis of injury done to one’s “reputation.”
Early methods of preserving group stability. Genesis of the
judicial attitude. Illustrations of the judicial attitude in typ-
ical self-governing groups. The sanguinary tendencies of
boys. These tendencies are revealed in verbal as well as in
fistic encounters. Girls are less sanguinary. The attitudes of
the sexes toward each other. The influence of adolescent de-
velopment upon these attitudes. Teasing. Teasing by inciting
fear. By “calling names.” By arousing shame. Teasing
among primitive children, Résumé.

IX. Socran Types. . . . 209
The principle of social ‘ypeei ‘Individual variability 1 recog-
nized in popular philosophy. Are there types in childhood
and youth? The adaptable type. The “weak” type. The
tactful type. The unadaptable type. The impertinent and
impudent types. The attitude of scorn. The frank, “open”
type. The deceitful type. The communicative type. The self-
conscious type. The dramatic type. The hectoring type. The
meek type. Developmental transformation in types. Résumé,

PART I

SoctaL EpucaTIon

X. From a NatIonaL STANDPOINT. . . . 229
Our American problem viewed in the light of ihe ecierenne
of older civilizations. The point of view. The crucial period
xii CONTENTS

in the life of a nation. The chief problem in education. De-
velopment of esthetic interests. Development of intellectual
interests. Tendencies in our own country. Development of
sound altruistic interests. Development of industrial inter-
ests. Development of individual initiative and efficiency.
Conformity to established law. Résumé.

XI. Epucatrve SoctaL EXPERIENCE ........ . 248

Education for social efficiency. Educative social experience
the first requisite. The social training of the “only child.”’
Hard knocks are essential to effective learning. Present-day
tendencies. The situation in the public schools. The typical
school is modeled on the static plan. The principle partially
realized in the kindergarten. The question of moral instruc-
tion. The method of teaching moral principles. The pupil
must be led to see the social necessity for every moral atti-
tude urged upon him. Moral instruction during adolescence.
Résumé.

XII. Toe Crrrican Periop .......... . .3874

The infant’s reactions upon his social environment. The child
as an expert in coercing his care-takers. Misinterpretation of
childish expression. How the child is encouraged in his coer-
cive tendencies. Individual differences in the non-conforming
disposition. The child’s winsomeness often a disadvantage.
Conformity essential to individual as well as social well-
being. New times bring new problems in social training. Dis-
persed authority renders good social training impossible. The
home and the school. True sympathy for childhood. Leader-
ship is what is needed in home and school. Résumé.

XIII. Codperation 1n Group EpucaTion .. . . 295

Children’s self-discipline in the group. The adult as an out-
sider. The teacher as a member of the group. Conflict be-
tween fathers and sons. The first forms of group activity in
childhood. The development of group consciousness. How
the sense of group unity is acquired. Opportunity for play
the chief requirement. A lesson from European civilization.
The chief count against the city. The need of playgrounds.
A sound mind in a sound body. Playgrounds lessen crime.
The testimony of playground experts. The playground and
school discipline. Rivalry in group activity. The value of
competitive activity in the schoolroom and on the play-
ground. The survival of the fittest in competitive activity.
Résumé.
CONTENTS xiii

XIV. Proprems or TRAINING. .. . . 321

A typical instance of conflict in the bssiheu of ‘liliven,
Differing points of view. Personal traits that incite resist-
ance. The futility of much verbal correction. How com-
mands are made effective. Commands that do not reach the
child’s focus of attention. How indifference to commands is
developed in children. Qualities essential in a successful
trainer. Mother love. Hamlet as a type of trainer. Relation
between the child and his trainer. Can leadership and com-
panionship be combined in the same individual? A danger
in American life. The evil of early sophistication. Concern-
ing dancing. Folk dances in the schools. Résumé.

XV. MerHops or CORRECTION ........ -. . 346

The rod as a means of correction. The tendency in our own
country. The tendency in older countries. The results of ex-
periments in European countries. Is the pendulum swinging
too far in our country ? Methods must be varied to meet in-
dividual peculiarities. Control by “natural” consequences.
Some defects in the plan. The responses to the child’s ad-
vances of the representatives of law and order are properly
“natural consequences.” Résumé.

XVI. SuGGesTION . . . . 370

The general character of deeecito “The atical hintiey of
an act of suggestion. The principle of suggestion stated. The
influence for good or ill of the personality of the trainer.
The suggestion of evil. The view of modern psychology. The.
treatment of timidity as a typical undesirable attitude. Ne-
gation as a method of training. Positive suggestion as a
method of training. Present-day tendencies. Special prob-
lems of village life. Home influence in the village. Boy life
in the villages of a Western state. The opportunity of the
school in the village. Practical methods of improvement.
Résumé.

XVII. Imrratrion . 1 ww we ee ee ee ew ew  B9G

Group homogeneity. Familiar illustrations of imitative ac-
tivity. Conditions governing the child’s imitations. Persona-
tion in childhood. Plato on the moral effects of dramatiza-
tion. The value of personating activity. Dramatizing work
in the school. Theatrical “properties”? are not essential.
Personation.is a sort of vicarious adjustment. Dominant per-
sonalities in any community. Are masculine or feminine per-
sonalities dominant with the young? Imitation of abnormal
xiv CONTENTS

traits. The quarantine of nervous and moral disorders. The
situation in our country. Shallow sentimentalism in dealing
with sub-normal children in the schools. Does « copy pre-
sented to the young for imitation sometimes arouse antithetic
action? Résumé.

REFERENCES FOR READING

EXxERcIses AND Prosiems, Part I .
EXERcIsES AND ProsteMs, Parr II...
INDEX. G0. @ Aloe Glee BOR ES

. 424
. 434
. 486
. 551
PART I

THE GENESIS AND DEVELOPMENTAL COURSE OF
TYPICAL SOCIAL ATTITUDES
CHAPTER I
SOCIABILITY

STUDENTS of infancy have observed that during the first
two months of life the child responds in only a vague, gen-
eral, indefinite way to most of what exists and yspstinctive
happens about him. He seems at this period manifestations
hardly to have become awakened from the unconsciousness
of the pre-natal epoch, when there was no stimulating en-
vironment impinging upon him and exciting him to adjust-
ment of some sort. For several weeks in the beginning of
his career, he shows little if any appreciation of the mean-
ing and values of things surrounding him, except such as
are brought into direct contact with his skin or his tongue.
The expression of his features during this early period
indicates that he does not discriminate objects on the basis
of their power for good or ill in his life; he manifests no
inclination to possess himself of certain ones, and to rid
himself of others. The world plays on him incessantly, but
he does not react upon it except in a very few instinctive
ways. The infant is in reality static with reference to much
that in due course will incite him to constant activity, in
the effort to use it in some way to advance his interests.

It will, perhaps, seem to the reader simple enough that
the child should not be dynamic in situations with which
he has not had vital experience; for why should he be
active when he has not learned that his activity will yield
pleasure of some kind, or save him from discomfort? But it
is worth while to make the point stand out clearly, that there
is a period in the life of the individual when the environing
world is. practically undifferentiated in respect to values.
Now, if we could describe in detail the course of the child
in evaluating his environments, social and physical; and if
4 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

we could discover his method of determining values, noting
the grounds upon which he estimates them, and the atti-
tudes he assumes toward objects when their worth is re-
vealed, we should have a complete account of his mental
development. Our present task is, however, much simpler
than this; it is merely to attempt to state the more im-
portant of the child’s processes and attitudes in his efforts
to evaluate his social environments, and to become most
effectively adjusted thereto.

It is probable that the infant’s earliest appreciation of
values concerns persons as contrasted with inanimate ob-
jects. One who observes a three-months-old child smiling in
response to the greetings of its caretaker can hardly fail to
conclude that it is pleased, in its naive and largely instinct-
ive way, with personal association. The mother is over-
joyed when she detects the first smile, faint and fleeting
though it may be, for she feels that this is a token of her
child’s recognition of people as distinct from things, and
his pleasure in social relations. As the poet and idealist see
it, —“ With the first dawning smile upon the infant’s face,
the instinct of love awakes.” ?

By the beginning of the third month, the babe seems to
realize, in a very general and obscure manner, of course,
that the mother is an object with which it may hold com-
munion, which is not the case with the nursing bottle or

1 “To laugh, if but for an instant only, has never been granted to man
before the fortieth day from his birth, and then it is looked upon as a mira-
cle of precocity.”— Pliny the Elder, Natural History, Book vii, chap. i, Hol-
land’s translation.

An observer reports the following, in illustration of the point in question :
“A little girl three months old watches her father whenever he comes
within her range of vision. If he speaks to her or pays any attention to her
she smiles and manifests her pleasure by various contortions and wiggles.
Her father has always played with her every day,so she ought to know him
well, but until he speaks she does not smile. In fact, she has a wondering,
curious look in her eyes, which has sometimes made us question if she were
trying to locate him in her experience, and was unable to accomplish it
until his voice or action helped her to do so.”

2 Harrison, The Study of Child-Nature from the Kindergarten Standpoint,
p. 75.
INSTINCTIVE SOCIABILITY 5

the rattle; these latter are to be used merely, not com-
muned with. The child of four months, making efforts at
“cooing” in response to its mother’s salutations, taken to-
gether with its accompanying demonstrations of a really
remarkable character, such as holding and forcibly expell-
ing the breath, the heightened activity of all the bodily
members, the significant expressiveness of the features, —
these suggest strongly its awareness of personal presence,
which cannot be detected when it is reacting upon other
situations. Thus early does the child, in just a dim, glim-
mering way it must be, distinguish between things to be
tested, experimented with, put to some service, and persons
to be enjoyed, to be depended upon for protection, to be
appealed to in moments of distress. To a certain extent,
doubtless, persons are differentiated from objects by the
child as his days increase, because they can be used to so
much greater advantage: they can aid him in attaining
goods which he lacks strength and skill to secure ; they can
serve as colleagues or competitors in his games; they can
guard him against harm and the like, of which much will
be said presently. But when one sees an infant reciprocat-
ing the loving expressions of his mother, and later pleading
with her to remain near by merely that he may enjoy her
presence, it seems beyond question that he has brought with
him the rudiments of genuine sociable feeling, which
causes him to ascribe a special value to persons, and to de-
sire to have friendly intercourse with them. Whether this
feeling remains pure and unadulterated, or becomes organ-
ized with other feelings of an egotistic character, is not in
question ; we will turn to this later. Nor does it matter in

1 Cooley (Human Nature and the Social Order, p. 47) holds that the early
manifestations of sociability indicate less fellow-feeling than the adult im-
agines. They are, according to this author, largely expressions of a pleasure
which persons excite, chiefly because they offer such a variety of stimuli to
sight, hearing, and touch. He says (p. 50), “ I take it that the child has by
heredity a generous capacity and need for social feeling. . . . It is not so
much any particular personal emotion or sentiment as the undifferentiated
material of many: perhaps sociability is as good a word for it as any.”
6 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

this connection to say that the young child will appraise his
dog and his kitten in the same way as he does his father
and mother and nurse; to him they probably belong for a
time to this class of objects which may be communed with,
and which we have called persons. In due course, we shall
see through what experiences they become differentiated so
that they cannot be communed with in the same way as
can persons, or to the same extent, or with reference to
the same interests.

It is not too much to say that there is a kind of hunger
for personal intercourse which the child experiences before
he has completed even six months among us. As early as

the fifth month, the mere proximity of mother or
Passion ° ; . . :
for personal father will often give him peace, when otherwise
intercours? he may be restless, discontented, unhappy. Sully,
touching upon this point, says that “children are instinct-
ively attachable and sociable in so far as they show in the
first weeks that they get used to and dependent on the
human presence, and are miserable when this is taken from
them. . . . In this instinct of companionship there is in-
volved a vague inarticulate sympathy. Just as the attached
dog may be said to have in a dim fashion a feeling of one-
ness with its master, so the child.” Some children from the
sixth month on cannot endure to be “left to themselves”
at all during their waking hours. It is not merely fanciful
to say that the child brings with him a kind of generali-
zation of long ages of ancestral experience, to the effect
that it is well for a person to be with people because of the
advantages to be derived from social unity and codperation.
Kirkpatrick,’ speaking from the evolutionary standpoint,
declares that “desire for companionship is the natural in-
heritance of an ancestry that must have sought it in order
to survive. . . . Most children manifest a desire for the
presence of adults before they can walk.” It is maintained

1 Studies of Childhood, pp. 242, 243.
2 Fundamentals of Child-Study, p. 119.
THE FEELING OF DEPENDENCE 7

by evolutionists generally that the passion for social inter-
course, and even the institution of society itself, had their
origin in service of a physical sort which men could render
to one another.

But however this may be, service of the sort indicated is
not the only nor the chief source of pleasure which the
young child derives from personal relations. It is true that
at the outset the parents, and most if not all the other per-
sons about the child, minister to his physical needs in some
way; but itis significant that his display of pure sociability
does not occur principally when his physical wants are being
attended to, but rather when the mother’s beaming face is
bending over his, and she is calling to him in gentle love-
tones. After the first year, the child will show marked
pleasure in responding to the father’s salutations, even
though the latter has not been of service to him physically.
If we may infer anything respecting a child’s conscious
processes from his intonations, featural expressions, and the
like, we are entitled ‘to hold that he is pleasurably affected
in the presence of his mother, say, because in his dawning
consciousness he feels her to be a friend, in all that this
implies of service and good-will and protection and confi-
dence, — a feeling which has slowly developed through long
periods of social experience. Possibly the evolution in phylo-
genesis of the attitude denoted by “ friend” was dependent
at every step upon codperation and protection in the struggle
for existence; but the child seems to come into possession
of the attitude without having first to experience consciously
the factors out of which it has developed.

It is not intended here to imply that the child’s eagerness
to be in the presence of persons, and to enter wie nnhia
into active relations with them, is due wholly of depend-
to the feeling of pure sociability, into which no Source ot
“ selfish ” factor enters. As he develops and the s»vlalex-

. pression
range of his contact with the world increases, he
often, no doubt, wishes to be with people so that he can
8 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

make use of them to accomplish feats of skill and daring
which unaided he cannot himself achieve. It is probable
that after the second year, at any rate, the feeling of socia-
bility is always bound up with other feelings arising out of
the child’s tendency to experiment with his personal en-
vironment, in the effort to learn people, and to master and
use them in the realization of his needs. In “ mastering
his environments” the individual must, of course, become
skillful in those activities which will be required of him for
later adjustments; and since a large proportion of these
activities are directly social in intent and outcome, it is
imperative that he should have associates to practice upon.
So that his eagerness to be with companions in his play is
based in part, though he is not aware of it, upon this great
need in learning to handle himself effectively in social situ-
ations. From the third year on, the child strives unceas-
ingly to perform his feats, and thus to display all his powers
and commendable qualities, in the presence of people, and
in cooperation with them. In any undertaking he will always
do his best according to prevailing ideals, as he appreciates
them, if there are spectators at hand, or if he has a competi-
tor or an antagonist; and what at first glance may appear
to be sociability, without admixture of anything else, may
often be an outgrowth to some extent of these other in-
terests.

The principle is that when the child begins to move
about in the world, thus establishing needs beyond his own
ability to gratify, he manifests strong sociable attachment,
partly, doubtless, so that he may have the aid of competent
persons to accomplish his desires. Even when he pleads to
be allowed to accompany his father and mother in their
trips from home, he has it in the depths of his mind to
make use of them to protect him, and to show him sights
which otherwise he could not see.1 But these experiences

1 Cooley (op. cit. p. 48) maintains that “ the delight in companionship so
evident in children may be ascribed partly to specific social emotion or sen-
THE FEELING OF DEPENDENCE 9

seem often to enrich sociable expression. When the child
leaves bis home with his parents, he usually becomes more
expressive of social feeling than when he is in his nursery.
He “takes hold of hands,” his voice becomes soft and ap-
pealing, he grows confidential in his communications, and
he assumes a deferential attitude toward his elders, who
are now in a very real way felt to be his guides and his
protectors. He shows this same tendency, in effect, when
he goes into strange regions with his brother or sister.
Within the walls of his own house, where nothing is unfa-
miliar to him, and he has no sense of danger, he may be
quarrelsome and spiteful, refusing to cooperate with any
one or to share his possessions; but on the street he is
likely to have a quite different attitude, being docile, gen-
tle, and dependent. This transformation is less marked
with older children, though it may usually be observed
until the advent of youth at any rate. Later we shall see
that the child is on occasion combative, aggressive, resent-
ful, as well as sociable, in a positive sense ; and that his anti-
social impulses tend to be expressed when he is competing
with others under such conditions that he does not feel the
need of keeping their good-will and securing their protec-
tion, as in the average home where he is shielded from the
aggression of strange people.

Unquestionably the child’s inherited suspicion of danger
in an unfamiliar environment plays a leading role in his
manifestations of sociability. It holds in leash the aggressive
impulses, and calls to the front those that have for their

timent, and partly to a need of stimulating suggestions to enable them to
gratify their instinct for various sorts of mental and physical activity. The
influence of the latter appears in their marked preference for active per-
aons, for grown-up people who will play with them— provided they do so
with tact — and especially for other children.”

Again, on p. 122, he says, “A healthy mind, at least, does not spend much
energy on things that do not in some way contribute to its development;
ideas and persons that lie wholly aside from the direction of its growth, or
from which it has absorbed all they have to give, necessarily lack interest
for it, and so fail to awaken sympathy.”
~ 10 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

object to win the friendship and so the assistance of others.
As he develops and has experience in ever-enlarging regions
of his environment, the sense of danger will gradually be-
come dissipated, and other feelings will take its place; but
these will exert a somewhat similar influence upon his social
attitudes. As his experiences increase and his sphere of ad-
justment expands, he will discover that his prosperity in
every respect depends upon the good-will of his fellows, and
he will therefore be stimulated all the more strongly to
secure this good-will. It is probable that people who do not
feel any dependence upon their associates (if there really
are such) are in fact less sociable than those who feel such
a relation. The very rich, for instance, are as a rule, though
there are many exceptions, much less social in their outward
expressions than those who earn their daily bread, and who
on that account are constantly aware of their dependence
upon others. This gives rise to a very complex emotional
attitude which, in its expression, appears to be genuine
sociability.

The individual does not manifest the highest form of
sociable feeling until the adolescent reformation is well

; under way. At about the age of fifteen with girls,
Tho appear- .
ancectthe and a year or two later with boys, there appears
highest an interest in people for their own sake, because
ae of their worth as personalities with feelings like
"their own. This is in some part at least often a

religious attitude; and the more active and demonstrative
the general religious feelings, the more pronounced are the
sociable tendencies. Church-going people are probably more
expressive, at any rate, of their sociable feeling than are
those who are wholly uninfluenced by any of the activities
centring in the church. Of course, it is understood that
reference is here made to the Christian religion primarily,
which puts emphasis upon the relation of man to man,
teaching that one should love his neighbor as himself.

As the child grows into boyhood or girlhood, the passion
ATTITUDES TOWARD PLAYMATES 11

for mere personal presence declines, at least in most cases,
and in its general manifestations; though, as we Favorites
shall see presently, this may be due to the increas- 204 allen
ing powers of imagery, which makes it possible for children
the child to enjoy personal presence, even though persons
are not present in the flesh. The five-year-old seeks associa-
’ tion with those, mainly, who can help him to carry forward
his enterprises, whatever they may be, or in general to make
life interesting to him. Above all things else, he seeks the
society of those who can play with him; and this means
much, which will be developed at length in another place.
Children from three on through the adolescent period gen-
erally choose as companions those of about their own ex-
perience and tendencies. They are more sociable with such
companions than with most adults, or with others of their
own age who cannot play as they do. Of course if an adult
can become as a child and thus adapt himself to the child’s
spontaneity, he will be chosen above all other companions,
because he can be of so much greater service to the child.

As Cooley! puts it, “ Persons, especially those that share
his (the child’s) interests, maintain and increase their as-
cendency, and other children, preferably a little older and
of more varied resources than himself, are particularly wel-
come. Among grown-ups he admires most those who do
something that he can understand, whom he can appreciate
as actors and producers — such as the carpenter, the gar-
dener, the maid in the kitchen. R. invented the happy word
‘thinger’ to describe this sort of people, and while per-
forming similar feats would proudly proclaim himself a
‘thinger.’”

One can detect almost instantly the sociable attitude in
a boy or girl of nine, say, when brought into the presence
of a playmate who is genuine and capable, which implies
the possession of courage, versatility, ingenuity, and other
qualities; while they are more reserved and ill at ease when

1 Op. cit. p. 289.
12 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

in contact with one who may be “ good” but who cannot
“do things.” Mere static goodness is not rated high among
children of any age. Autobiographical sketches, such as
Warner’s Being a Boy, White’s The Court of Boyville,
Burnett’s The One I Knew Best of All, and sympathetic
glimpses of child-life, such as one finds in Graham’s The
Golden Age, Nesbit’s The Would-be- Goods and The Plea-
sure Seekers, Ruth McEnery Stuart’s Sonny, and many
others, are all full of illustrations of the principle in ques-
tion. S. and V. are what might be called typical boys of
seven and nine respectively. They have had many boy ac-
quaintances and numerous companions; but gradually they
are eliminating all but a few who are especially ready and
fertile in all sorts of play and adventure. Some of the boys
they “like ” are inclined to be rough in speech and act, but
they are chosen above “better” boys because they know
how to carry through many games, and perform all manner
of difficult tricks. Ask S. or V. why he likes these rough
boys, and why he does not cultivate the gentler ones, and it
will at once become apparent that the source of interest is
in the leadership of the more favored boys.

In the same way, H. at eleven chooses her companions
mainly for their skill and perseverance in play. Girls who -
are timid and self-conscious, or who do not “ know what to
do,” or who tire quickly, or who easily take offense and
refuse to play, or who are quarrelsome and break up the
group, — all such types are gradually left out of account.!
Several of such girls have already passed entirely out of the
circle of H.’s acquaintanceship, and she apparently never

1 Sometimes 2 child who cannot himself play effectively, or suggest new
activities to the group, will nevertheless be a favorite because of some of his
qualities which the group can use to advantage. The following case illus-
trates the principle : —

Five little girls, all about ten or eleven years of age, formed “ A Doll
Club.” Four were daughters of well-to-do professional parents ; their mothers
were club women. These four came from families socially superior to the
family of the fifth girl. The fifth girl was really not very bright, nor was
she well dressed or well cared for, but, while she could not suggest new games,
ATTITUDES TOWARD PLAYMATES 13

thinks of them. She is not much affected by children who
are commonly described as being “ refined ” or “religious,”
or even “nice” or “ quiet” or “loving.”

There is a different type of child from any of those re-
ferred to who does not inspire sociable expression in his
associates. This is the boastful or dominantly egotistic type,
the one who makes those around him feel that he regards
himself as superior to them for one reason or another, on
account of his personal appearance, it may be, or the wealth
of his family, or his excellence in studies, or what not. Ac-
cording to my observations, this trait is not manifested in
the early years, not before the period of adolescence; but it
does frequently show itself after the twelfth or thirteenth
year. In later adolescence, it is often seen in an accentuated
form. Freshmen in college sometimes make themselves quite
offensive to their fellows because of their “ putting on airs.”
It is of special significance that the group always attempts
to “take the starch out of” one of their number who by
word or manner conveys the impression that he esteems
himself as above his associates, which should lead him to
hold himself aloof from them, or patronize them in any way.

Sociability can manifest itself only among those who are
on an equality, in most respects, at any rate. There must
be community of ability, merit, rank, so to speak, as well as
community of interest, in order that persons should maintain
sociable relations with one another ; and as children develop
group unity and solidarity, they tend to become dynamic in
reducing to the general level or rusticating those who make
a show of their feeling of preéminence. In the public schools,
boys, and to a less degree girls, will harass one of their
number who “feels his clothes,” or who for any reason at-
tempts to establish himself on a plane above that occupied
she was gentle and was a good follower. Some rich relative had given her a
beautiful doll, which, together with her gentleness, gained her an admission
into a socially superior class. The four rich girls refused to receive other

poor girls whose dolls were shabby, both because they were poor and their
dolls were poor. (Reported by A. M. J.)
14 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

by the group. Of course, if a boy is superior in combative
ability his associates are likely, for reasons of self-preserva-
tion, to acknowledge his superiority if he insists upon it ; but
if he goes to the extent of playing the bully, the group will
sooner or later bring him to heel. If he be a leader in sports
aud games, he will, of course, be encouraged and followed
without protest from any one ; but under such circumstances
his associates do not feel that he is “ proud” or “ haughty”
or “conceited,” as they are certain to feel respecting the
boy who is vain over mere static possessions, as wealth or
rank, and the like.

There is a profound significance in the tendency of chil-
dren to exalt dynamic accomplishments and subordinate
everything of a static character. It is as though the child
wished to utilize every moment in learning how to live
the simple, concrete, elemental life, not only in play but
in other ways; and so he is interested in those persons
only who can be of assistance to him by setting him a
copy to imitate, or furnishing him material to practice
on. Toward such persons, be they young or old, he will
manifest sociability; but toward others he will be indif-
ferent, or even hostile. The parent and the governess
who can “do things” will be admired by children and their
good-willcultivated ; but others will be neglected or opposed.
It is worthy of remark that what are often regarded as the
highest social and moral qualities do not appeal to the indi-
vidual strongly, at least until the adolescent period is near-
ing completion. They are apparently not dynamic enough
for him, not elementary and fundamental enough. Before
the adolescent epoch, children rarely, if ever, become enthu-
siastic over a companion or an adult who is quiet and re-
served, even one who speaks to the child and acts toward
him in a tender and affectionate manner. Boys at any rate
spontaneously choose those who are not over-careful of the
results of their actions, if only they bring things to pass
within the sphere of understanding and interest of the child.
CASTE STRATIFICATION 15

Children will endure without a word of complaint, and
really with apparent enjoyment, quite harsh, rude handling
from an older playmate or a parent, if it is administered in
the spirit of play.

Until he has reached the adolescent age, the child
seems to pay little heed to caste stratifications in any com-
munity. The son of the millionaire will, if he tne innu-
gets the chance, play freely, without any feeling the cia of
of condescension, with the son of the day laborer ; adult soctal

stratifica-

and this not infrequently happens in consequence tion

of the democratic character of our public school system.
The writer has been studying carefully, and for quite a long
period, the social groupings of the children in the public
schools of a Western city, where the conditions are un-
usually favorable for determining when the young begin to
feel and to be governed by the social distinctions of the
adults in the community. The schools are so situated that
each draws children from most of the typical social groups,
—from the homes of the rich, the poor, the idle, the indus-
trious, the intelligent, and the illiterate ; from the homes of
governors, law-makers, and judges, as well as from those in
which no one dwells who has ever held public office. So far
as one can tell, the pupils in the elementary schools, with
the possible exception of the seventh and eighth grades, are
quite unconscious of the social status of their respective
families, though in some cases the parents make a constant
effort to impress this upon their children. On the play-
ground, as well as in the classroom, the young are con-

1 Even when parents are hostile to one another, and endeavor to keep
their children apart, the latter will often come together in spite of oppo-
sition. The following instance given by a correspondent illustrates the prin-
ciple: “G. and B. lived across the street from each other. Their fathers
were rival doctors, and hated each other to the extreme limit. Every action
and word manifested it. The mothers never spoke to one another. Conver-
sation between the parents of one family regarding the other was not at all
guarded, so both girls must have known of the animosity; yet they were
always together, and one never cared to go to school or to a party without
the other. B.’s mother made objection to the friendship, but it did no good.
The mothers often laughed with their friends about it.”
16 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

cerned with individual members of groups on the basis
alone of their personal qualities, and not their social stand-
ing or connections. The children who are competent in the
activities of the playground, and so who can lead, are al-
ways the favorites, for the time being at any rate, while the
incompetent or uninteresting or ugly are as a rule left to
themselves. It is true that a number of more or less exclu-
sive groups have been formed, but not on the basis of the
social status of the families represented, though it some-
times appears to be so, since children who are brought
together by their parents outside of school, as in parties or
dancing classes, tend to group together on the playground
simply because they are acquainted with each other. If one
will study these groups, he will see that they are generally
not conscious of differences in social status; they cling
together on the basis solely of familiarity.

Parents are, of course, responsible for determining to some
extent the associates of their children outside of school, and
they attempt to preserve the alignment of the social strata ;
so that in effect the groupings on a general playground are
often along social lines viewed from without, but not lines
drawn or even appreciated by the young themselves. For
the reason indicated, there isa tendency among the children
who live in a given section of a community, and who see
much of one another out of school, to “keep company” in
the school. But after all, this is really important only in
respect to the groupings of girls, for boys usually ignore
sectional limitations in their choice of companions. They do
not even respect color limitations, at least in the city to
which allusion has been made, though it is different, as the
writer has observed, in the southern part of our country.

Dress plays no part in the groupings among the boys;
Soclability and its rdle among the girls, up to the sixth or
onthe basis seventh grade, is of slight consequence, except
distinctions in rare instances where parents insist upon the
importance of clothes in determining the companionship
EXCELLENCE IN STUDIES 17

of their children. As one listens to the spontaneous conversa-
tion of girls under eleven years of age, he does not hear refer-
ence made often to the dress of any playmate or schoolmate.
Associates or acquaintances are not praised or criticised on
account of their clothes. Normally the mind of the girl of
this age is full of dynamic things, and she talks generally
of what a companion or schoolmate can do, whether she is
good at girl’s games, whether she has skill in doll play,
whether she can draw and paint well, and so on. In short,
contrary to much popular philosophy, girls before adoles-
ence, are not clothes-minded to any impressive extent.

One hears it frequently said that children naturally
choose as companions those who are “ bright” and “ intel-
ligent.” As commonly interpreted, to be “ bright” onthe
means that the child is a leader in the school. (enema
We have noted above that a person who is merely ®ttainments
static is never a social favorite, no matter how “ good” he
may be; and the principle applies to his intellectual abili-
ties. If he can see through a game quickly; or if he knows
the habits of animals, and how to ensnare them; or if
he understands machinery and can make things “go,” he
will be acceptable. But mere excellence in studies is not
regarded by children as of worth for sociability ; they are
not more inclined to choose the boy at the top of the class
than the one at the foot. Indeed, the latter is often a
social favorite. S. and V. like, above all their companions,
two boys who are a grade behind in school. These latter
boys belong to the motor type, and they can do many things
which interest their associates, while some of their more
bookishly brilliant companions seem to them rather unin-
teresting because they do not know how to “do things.”
Superiority in books is for the normal boy up to adolescence
no guarantee of real merit; books are as yet too remote
from the dynamic life which alone has value for the child.

1 Any one who has had much experience with boys will recognize the fol-
lowing type :—
One of the most popular boys in a high school of seventy students, if not
18 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

However, girls of nine or ten often admire one of their
schoolmates who is superior in the work of the school.
Earlier than the boys, the girls begin to feel the worth of
intellectual superiority as displayed in schoolroom situations,
and they tend to regard as a model one who can easily accom-
plish what they are striving to attain. Of course, it some-
times operates in just the reverse way; when a number are
striving for a prize, say, the one who wins it may receive the
envy and even the hatred of some of those who fail.

If one were writing of sociability among children in Eng-
land, say, or France, or Italy, he would need to qualify
somewhat the statements made above, since in these coun-
tries the young are led from the cradle on to observe the
social distinctions so prominent in adult society. One sees
in Paris or Rome, for instance, the children of the different
classes educated in separate schools ; and they are constantly
impressed with the notion that they must not be friendly
with any but the members of their class. At the public
schools in England, especially at Eton, the boys who come
from aristocratic homes are inclined in the beginning to
shun all but the boys of their respective social groups ; but
before they are in the school many weeks, the distinctions
established with such trouble by parents, governesses, and
tutors are largely if not entirely obliterated. All the evi-
dence indicates that before adolescence, speaking generally,
young boys particularly will, if left to themselves, ignore
the conventional groupings of adult society, and establish
their own groupings on the basis alone of efficiency in ac-
tivities of interest in childhood.1 Then they will manifest

the most popular one, was the son of an exceedingly poor and lazy farmer.
He was not even up to the average in his scholarship; but his companions
sought him out because, apparently, he was as they put it “a good fellow.”
He was a leading member of the football team, catcher on the baseball team,
and a thoroughly good story-teller. In short, he did the things that interested
boys. (Reported by J. N.)

1 A teacher who has had an excellent opportunity to study the social de-
velopment of children, writes the author in respect to the age when she has
observed that groupings on economic or similar bases begin to occur. It is
ADOLESCENT DEVELOPMENT "19

sociability toward those, no matter to what class they be-
long, who can codperate with them in the enterprises in
which they are interested. They will not feel active op-
position toward others as a rule; they will simply pass
them by.

All students of adolescence have noticed that the changes
that occur at this time exert a marked influence upon the
sociable tendencies of individuals, making them 5 nonce of

exceedingly active in some directions and weaken- sanlbszent
: j evelop-
ing them in others. Expressions in response to ment upon

the opposite sex become so accentuated, and as- lability

sume such a peculiar character, that they must be treated
in a separate place. At the advent of this epoch the indi-
vidual, especially the girl, begins to take account of the
stratifications existing in adult society, and she gradually
comes to choose her associates in accordance therewith. In
the early years, wealth, with its varied social manifestations,
is largely ignored by the child, but at adolescence it begins
to intrude itself upon her attention, and so to determine
her social attitudes. If she does not herself belong to the

my impression that the cases cited below are very rare, but I give them as
they have been described to me: —

“Ina town of about twelve hundred inhabitants with which I am familiar,
a group of girls considering themselves socially superior to the other mem-
bers of the school was formed as early as the fourth grade. It was rare for
them to take any one into the group, or to mingle in any way with other
children. They even showed a marked hostility toward some children who
were much superior to them in scholarship, but were in very ordinary cir-
cumstances financially.

“Tn a city of some eight or nine thousand, a similar grouping is a trouble-
some problem in the fourth grade.

“In a school situated in a college region of ——, I knew a group of girls
that existed in the fifth grade (I don’t know when it was formed), the chief
basis for which grouping appeared to be a like scholarliness of the parents,
—a similarity of tastes. In that school there is organized play during inter-
missions. These girls apparently considered themselves superior to games in
the sixth grade, and it was with great reluctance that they were persuaded
to participate therein. They enjoyed better their own quiet conversation.
They played games at home, however.

“Tn none of these instances did a similar grouping occur among the boys.”

1 A principal of a public school contributes the following testimony : —

“T have noticed that the boy who early leaves school to go to work soon
20 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

wealthy class, she commences to feel restrained in the pre-
sence of those, once her playmates, who possess more of this
world’s goods than she does. Where formerly she made no
distinctions in persons except on a dynamic basis, she now
gives the right of way to those who display their wealth,
though they may not be real leaders. But she defers to
them; wealth to her means, in a subtle way, power and
social precedence. At the same time, the wealthy members
in the group begin to clique together because of community
of opportunity and interest, and gradually to terminate
sociable relations with those who in their younger years
they may have admired for their skill and leadership. In
the high school, and even in the seventh and eighth grades,
fraternities and sororities flourish easily, and the members
of any particular group grow intense in their sociability
with one another, but indifferent, or even hostile, to those
outside the charmed circle. Early friendships are often
broken, and new connections formed.

This is true more generally of the girls than of the
boys, possibly because of the special influence of mothers
over their daughters ; the social distinctions of adult society,
conventional and otherwise, are enforced upon girls more
rigorously than upon boys.’ The latter, more effectually

drops the companions he had at school and finds his delight in associating
with the boys who are working as he does. He assumes an air of importance
when he meets his old companions. He seems to think that he is somehow
on a higher plane than the others. He thinks the boy in school is “ green ’”’
and unfortunate in that he is obliged to attend school. He adapts himself
to the habits and customs of those associated with him. This continues
until he has entirely drifted away from his old associates. By this time he
begins to see that his old associates have gained something which he lacks.
He sees that they are superior to him now, and that he cannot compete with
them. His mind now tends to become embittered. He is jealous and envi-
ous. His disposition becomes soured. He clings closer to those of his own
class. He joins their unions and societies, and is a fit subject for strikes and
riots. This is, of course, a rather extreme case.”

1 The following is contributed by A. H.;—

“Tn a town of seven hundred people, I had a girl in high school who was
the richest girl in the school. Her society was eagerly sought by all the
so-called ‘swell dressers’ in school. They were respectful in their attitude
ADOLESCENT DEVELOPMENT 21

than the former, resist the forces from without that urge
on to a re-alignment among the social groupings. To some
extent, boys continue even during adolescence to be sociable
with those who are efficient in games, or in any forms of
masculinity, even in fighting. In the high school, the all-
round athletes are usually favorites, and they are shown
marked attention by their fellows, who will serve them in
every way and strive to interest and please them. This is
very noticeable in such boy groups as are found at Eton or
Rugby or similar schools, where intellectual and athletic
superiority will keep a boy at the head of a group, though
his parents may occupy an inferior social position. This
principle may be observed operating also in military schools
in our own country, where an opportunity is given the boys
to express their sociable tendencies; and in institutions
like Boy City, the George Junior Republic, and similar
communities of boys practicing self-government largely.

It should be impressed here that there are operating on
children from without certain natural agencies which tend to
segregate them into groups on the adult social basis when

toward her, and seemed perfectly happy if they could gain her good-will.
However, there was another class of so-called ‘ poor’ girls who drew away
from her, not because she repelled them, perhaps, but because they felt out
of place in her presence. They seemed to be much affected by the evident
contrast between their own circumstances and those of this girl as shown in
matters of dress, jewelry, the home, ete. When I first saw this girl in the
grades she was meek, demure, and humble in her manner, but after two
years in the high school she had become haughty, overbearing in many
ways, and tended to avoid girls younger than herself. She and her circle
were in the habit of making fun of girls who were poorly dressed, but in
many cases more brilliant intellectually than they. In fact, one of this
group was the biggest dunce in school, while one of the girls outside of this
group was the brightest girl in school.

“From my observation in the high school, I should say that girls group
on the basis of ability to dress in the latest styles and in finest patterns.
‘Why, Florence wears a silk waist to school every day,’ was a remark I
once overheard. I heard a girl of twelve years relate to her mother how
many of the girls wore new hats and how many had hats which were made
over from old ones.

“Tf a girl can say witty things and entertain with jokes and stories she
may be popular, but this is always a secondary matter, according to my ob-
servation.”
22 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

they enter the high school. Even in our country, the majority
of the pupils in the elementary school do not for economic rea-
sons go beyond the grammar grades. As a rule only those who
are at least fairly well-to-do can afford to spend in study four
years following the eighth grade. On the whole, the children
of the laboring class must become wage-earners by the time
they are fifteen, and this removes them from those who are
so situated that they can continue in school. Inevitably,
then, companionship will be broken up at this point, and
class distinctions will begin to be manifested. But these dis-
tinctions are not made by the children, but are inherent in
our social organization.

Further, children who are well-to-do are naturally drawn
together to the exclusion of those in humble circumstances,
because they are able to participate in activities and indulge
themselves in ways which are impossible for the indigent; so
the latter simply drop out by themselves without any active
opposition on the part of the others. It is of importance for
our present purpose to note that often adolescent boys and
girls preserve their childhood grouping for games and plays,
but have new groupings for their “ party ” activities, — their
sociables, dances, card and sleighing parties, and the like.
It is probable that boys would be much slower than they are
in making the new groupings if it were not for the girls, who
tend earlier to insist upon the exclusion of certain boys and
the inclusion of others in all social functions. The principle
here in question might be much extended, so that we could
say that men, if not influenced to the contrary by women,
would fail to adopt the social distinctions which exist in
modern society. In companies of men who are somewhat
separated from complex social groups, as in lumbering and
mining camps, thoroughgoing democracy prevails. Under
such conditions, individuals are rated on a dynamic basis,
and all forms of caste distinctions are ignored. But the im-
portation of women into such a community leads rapidly to
stratification along lines indicated above.
NEW BASES OF SOCIABILITY 23

The principle sought to be developed here is that new
bases for the expression of sociability gradually become
established during adolescence. For one thing, g)is31 strat-
economic independence seems to narrow the range itication on
of sociable feeling, speaking generally. This is se aor
doubtless due, in its origin, to the development of 48
a feeling on the part of the individual of wealth that the
person in humble circumstances can contribute nothing to
his pleasure, unless he be a specialist in some sort of ser-
vice, when he will be paid for what he does. So far as the
adolescent is concerned, the recognition of such distinctions
is often due to the constant allusion by his elders to the divi-
sions in society between those who have and those who have
not. M. at fifteen is made to feel by the group in which her
companions are found that if she walks or visits with a cer-
tain girl in another group she will displease the members of
the first group, and may forfeit their friendship. They make
her realize in many ways that she must confine her sociable
expressions closely within the special group ; or, at least, she
must not be friendly, except in a charitable way, with per-
sons “lower” in the social scale. And “lower” means
usually, though not in every case, of less evident wealth,
which is revealed in a variety of social manifestations, as
superior dress, houses, furniture, horses and carriages, splen-
dor of receptions, and the like. In the newer parts of our
country, lineage is not an important basis for social distinc-
tion, though if it be coupled with wealth it is taken advan-
tage of, by the girl especially, before she has completed her
teens. But ancestry is not a sufficiently tangible thing
strongly to impress the adolescent, though it may loom
larger and larger as he approaches adulthood. The individ-
ual just entering youth cannot appreciate very subtle bases
for social distinction ; he must be impressed by a marked
display of one sort or another in order that he may really
feel that he is either superior or inferior to his fellows in the
social order, or their equal.
24 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

So the adolescent, as he draws toward maturity, is ex-
ceedingly active in trying to find his level in the social
seale. As a boy, full of dynamic interests, he did not
appreciate that there were levels which separated people
who lived within visiting distance of each other; but the
moment he began to give up efficiency in play as the great
dominating aim in his life, that moment he entered upon a
new order of social distinctions, which he had first to recog-
nize and afterwards adapt himself to. Then he commenced
the struggle to reach the highest level possible, and he
found most of those about him doing the same. Why people
desired to attain this “ highest level,” he probably did not
in a serious way attempt to determine; he simply felt the
tension, and gave way in the direction to release it.

Without question, then, the primary basis for social re-
grouping during adolescence is of a monetary character,
but it is not the only one. A “clever” boy or girl, if not
too evidently lacking in this world’s goods, may be made a
favorite by those of larger means. So the leading scholar of
the school, though indigent, may sometimes be sought after
by the sororities and fraternities; but it is rare that his
scholarship alone attracts friends to him, although this is
sometimes observed in simple communities, as in rural regions,
where class distinctions have developed but slightly, the
community remaining quite homogeneous. But in complex
social groups, besides being a shining mark for his scholar-
ship, and so adding some measure of dignity to the group
to which he belongs, a youth must at the same time be
unusually interesting in some way in order that the upper
class may be friendly with him. Often the wealthy youths
of both sexes are sought after without regard to their moral
or intellectual qualities, or substantial accomplishments in
any line; but it is otherwise with the boy or girl of slender
means. The personal qualities of the latter must be of the
highest order, that they may be noticed and made the bases
for social expression by the economically independent.
CHARITABLE TENDENCIES 25

This fact is plainly apparent in any educational institu-
tion of secondary school or college grade, where there is a
considerable body of indigent students who must “work
their own way.” Seldom, indeed, do the more favored
groups manifest friendly interest in their poorer classmates.
An exception is found in the case of a distinguished athlete,
or musician, perhaps, or literary genius. The unusual man
or woman intellectually, if poor, may be largely ignored by
his fellows, so far as sociable expression is concerned, though
instances of a contrary sort might be cited. The Phi Beta
Kappa students are not as a rule favorites in the groups that
really give character to college social life, at least in many
institutions. Happily, though, in our great state universities
at any rate, the groupings are so varied that a student may
find a place in some one of them, no matter what may be
his economic status.

The Young Men’s Christian Association, for instance, is
always open to the student of upright intentions, whether
he be rich or poor. It cuts through all social strata, and is
friendly toward a man regardless of his economic gharitatie
condition, or even his intellectual or other attain. jenceucies
ments. But this institution is an illustration of an bility
entirely different social grouping from anything noticed
heretofore. It is formed for the explicit purpose of promot-
ing good-will and friendliness among men regardless of
their social relations; it seeks opportunities for friendly ex-
pression; while these other groups that have been mentioned
have in view solely the interests of the members thereof.
The fraternity invites a man to enter into friendly relations
with its members because it is thought that he will add to
the pleasures of the group; he perhaps is Clever, or is gen-
erous in the use of his money, or his family enjoys social
distinction, and connection with it will add dignity to the
fraternity, and so on. But the Young Men’s Christian Asso-
ciation reaches out for a man when it is apparent that it can
help him by bringing him into contact with men who will
26 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

fraternize with him, and so save him from social isolation.
This new attitude in sociability, which is not prominent
until the individual gets well along in adolescent develop-
ment, is of the utmost importance in contemporary advanced
societies. Asa result of it, practically every person in larger
communities, no matter what may be his condition, — eco-
nomic, intellectual, or even moral, — has opportunities for
friendly intercourse with his kind. Perhaps the majority of
people among us are predominantly “ selfish” in their socia-
bility, but there are enough of those of a different temper
to make the lot of the social misfits less unfortunate than
it otherwise would be. While this charitable tendency in
sociability is most marked in maturity, still it begins to be
strongly manifested before adolescence is completed, at least
among those who continue under educational influences. It
often happens that men and women who were intensely
selfish in their friendliness as high-school students decide,
as college seniors, to devote their lives to social settlement
or missionary work.

Before the adolescent period, children rarely show a
disposition to commune with other children for the good
they may do them; in their sociable expressions they appar-
ently do not have at all in view the feelings of some
needy classmate, say. They do not show an inclination to
sacrifice their own pleasure for that of others who may
be made happy by their friendly advances. Parents have to
suggest, and even urge, that their children pay a visit to
other children “who are lonely.” During the pre-adoles-
cent epoch, the young are but little affected by the repre-
sentations of an uninteresting playmate as being “lone-
some.” They do hot respond pleasantly when they are asked
to invite him to play or dine with them; they suggest some
one in his place. They are not moved, either, when they
are told that they ought to stay at home to keep a lonely
brother or sister company. In short, children are not nor-
mally charitable in their sociability. They choose their
RESUME 27

companions for the same reason in principle that they
choose apples or sugar, — because they get from them plea-
sure, though of a peculiar sort. It should be noted, how-
ever, that children often show a friendly interest in some
schoolmate who is sick. They will suggest taking food or
flowers to him, though I have not observed very marked
tendencies of this sort in young children. Their interest in
the unfortunate is at best but momentary; and usually a
sick companion will speedily be forgotten for one who can
partake in the plays and games of the group.

During the first two months the child exhibits practically no ap-
preciation of values as presented in his environment. It is probable
that his first differentiation of values occurs in respect to
persons as contrasted with things. From the beginning of
his third month, the child manifests an inclination to commune with
persons. In his intonations and featural expression in response to
persons, he shows he is more or less instinctively social. With devel-
opment, at least from the second year on, sociability becomes bound
up with other feelings, arising out of the child’s efforts to adjust him-
self to his environment, social and otherwise. Prominent among these
feelings are the inherited feeling of danger, and the feeling of depend-
ence upon others.

The highest form of sociable feeling, the interest in people for their
own personal worth, does not manifest itself until the advent of the
adolescent period —at about the fifteenth year with girls, and a year
or two later with boys. As the child grows into boyhood or girlhood,
the desire for mere personal presence subsides, and interest in people
becomes dynamic in character. The basis for choice of companions now
is leadership. Toward persons, young or old, who can “do things,”
sociability is manifested. The group disciplines any one of its number,
unless he be a leader, who assumes superiority in any way. The highest
moral and intellectual qualities do not appeal to the child strongly as
bases for sociable expression.

Adult social stratification does not appeal to the child. Groupings on
the basis of social or economic status are not normally made or ap-
preciated by children, but are due to proximity of residence and the
influence of adults. Girls observe sectional limitations to some extent,
but boys ignore even the color line in their choice of companions. Dress
plays no part in the groupings among young boys, and has but little
effect on girls before the tenth or eleventh year, except when continu-
ally dwelt upon by parents. What her companions can do in a dynamic
way is of chief interest to the young girl. Mere excellence in studies

Résumé
28 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

does not make one a favorite among children ; for the boy, especially,
dynamic traits alone have value. However, girls of nine or ten some-
times admire schoolmates who are superior in school work. All evidence
indicates that before adolescence children will ignore the conventional
groupings of adult society, even in communities where class distinctions
are much emphasized, as in certain European countries.

During adolescence, a re-grouping takes place, largely on the basis
of wealth in one or another of its manifestations. In general, economic
independence narrows the range and subdues the liveliness of sociable
expression. Superior scholarship among the young may serve as a basis
for social prestige, provided the possessor is unusually interesting in
some other way, and has personal qualities of the highest order. There
are social groups, however, such as the Young Men’s Christian Asso-
ciation, which are not established on the basis of wealth or scholarship
or any interest of a selfish nature ; such groups seek only to promote
sociability among people. This charitable tendency in sociability is most
marked in maturity ; itis rarely manifested until the adolescent period
is reached. Before this time, children choose their companions for more
or less selfish reasons, although they may show a kindly interest in a
sick schoolmate, which, however, is apt to be monetary. Children are
not normally charitable in their sociable expressions.
CHAPTER II
COMMUNICATION

Berore the child is a year old, he shows in most of his atti-
tudes that he wishes to have those with whom he has friendly
relations share with him in the appreciation of =

5 2 . eo need of
whatever he does or discovers of interest to him- communt-
self; and he wishes, further, to have all his acquaint- "™"
ances participate with him in his misfortunes of whatever
sort. As he develops, this general tendency becomes ever
more prominent in his thought and action, though revealed
in ever more subtle ways. If one will observe the babe in
the nursery, it will be seen that whenever he comes upon a
toy or object of any kind that attracts his attention, or gives
him pleasure, he will make an effort, feeble though it may
appear, to call the attention of onlookers to it, and to have
them express themselves toward it as he does. Later, when
he begins to talk and to walk, he rarely discovers a new thing,
to which he attaches any value, that he does not run with
it, if possible, to his parents or other hospitable persons to
communicate the good news to them. Most observers have
found, with Kirkpatrick, that children seem especially de-
sirous that others shall hear, see, and feel what they do, as
well as that they themselves shall have the same experiences,
if agreeable, that others in their presence are having.

Tf the child constructs an object with his blocks or in his
sand pile which pleases himself; if he performs an unusual
deed with hands or voice or body; if he sees or hears any-
thing which impresses him, — in every case his experience
must, whenever possible, be shared with father, mother,
brothers, sisters, and with any person who will listen, even
if this person does not show marked appreciation.! Indeed,

1 A careful observer of children gives me the following incidents illustrat-
ing certain phases of the principle in question : —
30 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

the child will on occasion endeavor to share his experiences
of every kind with indifferent and even hostile persons, if
he can find no one else with whom he may communicate.
The busy parent and teacher may receive the expressions of
the child very coldly, and they may even go so far as to
chastise him, in the hope that they may repress him; and
yet, in the face of stern opposition, he not infrequently seems
unable to restrain this passion to communize, whatever hap-
pens to him, or whatever he brings to pass as a result of his
own initiative. He is much of the time at high social poten-
tial, and he must discharge in order to restore equilibrium ;
and no sooner is he discharged than he begins to be charged
again. He appears not to be satisfied with any experience,
or really to adjust himself to it, unless he can find others to
take cognizance of it with him. In the same way he seems
to be able to bear his adversities much better if he can re-
late them to those who will respond sympathetically to him,
or who will attempt to redress his wrongs. It is as though
when others understand his troubles, they will bear them
with him or prevent their recurrence.

Watch the child communicating some ill-luck to his
mother. As soon as he has aroused her sympathetic re-
sponses, so that she appears to feel with him, or so that she
shows that beyond doubt she will soothe him, and provide
especially for his pleasure so as to offset his pain, — as soon
as he has won her compassion and insured her assistance, he
becomes more subdued in his expressions. Often the recital
of a mishap, with accompanying demonstrations of suffering,
seems to occur for the purpose mainly of arousing compas-

‘* A family in very meagre circumstances, having invited guests to luncheon,
had made more than usual preparations for their entertainment. The small
girl, bubbling with enthusiasm, mortified her mother by telling the guests
that there were oranges in the kitchen, and chocolate cake, etc.

“A little girl of three living across the street from a school building used
to run over to see the teachers after school hours. The principal was not to
return the following year. One day, having just learned of this, the child ran

into his room and said: ‘Oh, I’m so glad you aren’t coming back next
year.’”

 
THE BEGINNINGS OF RESTRAINT 31

sionate attitudes in those addressed, or to cause rivals or tor-
mentors to be disciplined. This tendency is very marked in
some children up to the ninth or tenth year, while in others it
begins to decline earlier than this. Normally the adolescent
keeps his minor troubles to himself; or, if he communicates
them at all, he does so in an indirect manner, by way of
suggestion largely. At fifteen, he does not crave the demon-
strative expressions of sympathy from his elders that he de-
manded at the age of five, say; though he is often not averse
to having his associates know that he is enduring hardship.
But by this time he is beginning to experience something of
the attitude of the hero or the martyr. He will bear his mis-
fortunes alone and without verbal complaint, though deep
down in his feeling he desires that people should recognize
him as a hero or a martyr. It should be noted that the boy
of sixteen is much less expressive of his experiences, whether
painful or otherwise, than the girl of this age, though she is
now more reserved than she was as a child. But she seems
to need the support and comfort to be derived from the
generous participation in most of her experiences of every
one about her who is in sympathetic accord with her. She
does not “keep things to herself,” as the boy begins to do
at this time; and the differentiation of the sexes in this
respect becomes more marked as they approach maturity.
In the earliest years, everything exceptional or in any way
interesting that occurs, and of which the child becomes
aware, whether he be the cause thereof or merely the popin-
an observer, must be communized ; but as his sphere ™es of

: ; restraint
of adjustment enlarges, he gradually discovers 1 the com-

that people are not at all interested in certain aang

kinds of experiences, and they may even be annoyed by
their recital, while they are much interested in other kinds.
And so he learns, slowly of course, to confine his commu-
nizing activity to matters that his hearers take some interest
in. When he begins sharing his experiences he does not

take account carefully of the attitudes of the alter in rela-
32 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

tion to his communications ; he derives pleasure seemingly
from the mere portrayal of whatever has affected him. It
is as though he felt strain and tension until he had given
his experience publicity ; nature seems to urge him to pub-
lish it, no matter what the outcome may be. But as he
comes into possession of reflective attitudes, he takes account,
more or less, of the social outcome of his expressions, and
then he starts on the process of selecting for publication those
experiences which will please the persons who learn of
them, or which will add to his own good reputation, or
which will operate to the disadvantage of his rivals or those
who have for any reason aroused his enmity.

What the child desires above everything else, especially
when he enters the reflective epoch,! is the approval of
persons, expressed in their bodily attitudes, their rewards,
material and social, and the like; and his deepest concern
is to communicate all those experiences — but only those —
which will win him the good-will of the persons of whose
presence he is in any way conscious. But he also desires to
humiliate his competitors, and to subjugate those who will
not submit to his domination or who attempt to exercise
authority over him, and in his communications he will seek
to arouse the anger of his auditors against his enemies.
From the third year on to adolescence, at any rate, chil-
dren are ready “ tattlers ”; they easily run to the teacher or
parent with everything they see, even in their friendly asso-
ciates, which they know has been forbidden, and which they
fancy may bring chastisement upon the offender, or credit
to themselves. To an adult, not familiar with the impulsive
character of children’s actions, it seems impossible that they
should endeavor to get their playmates into trouble, as
they so readily do.

There is, of course, a deeper meaning in this phenom-
enon. Children insist upon any prohibition of their own
activities being made universal, so that no one may do what

1 See the author’s Dynamic Factors in Education, chap. i.

 
DEVELOPMENTAL CHANGES 33

they have been reproved for doing. Then when they see an
act performed, which in respect to themselves has been the
occasion for discipline, they demand that the performer
shall be treated as they have been. It may be added that
they are not, in the early years, quite so ready in publishing
news of ghe actions of an associate which may bring to him
the rewards which have been given to themselves under
similar circumstances. Those students of mental develop-
ment who maintain that the ego and the alter are but
phases of a unity ; that what the ego demands for and of
self he also demands for and of the alter under all circum-
stances, may be suspected of not having observed children
carefully, or they would have noticed that the individual is
more urgent in insisting that the alter should bear the pains
and penalties of his misdeeds, than that he should bear
them himself under similar circumstances.

It may be worth while to note further how, in accordance
with the principle mentioned above, the character of the
individual’s communications changes with devel- Devetop-
opment. It has already been intimated that if we Gara
observe any child at the dawn of social conscious- {he charac
ness, and follow him on for a number of years, we munications
may see that his tendency is to communicate all experience
that has value for him, no matter what it may be. His ex-
periences, however, do not at the outset extend over a wide
range; they relate almost wholly to nursery undertakings
and discoveries, as well as to the good and ill fortunes
arising from contact with people or things. The child views
himself as in the centre of the world environing him, and
the pronoun “I,” actually used or at least implied, appears
in every communication. At the same time the pronouns
“you” and “he” are in evidence; which indicates that in
the child’s thought there is an alter to be pleased, or at least
to be made interested.‘ This alter may be his dog or kitten
or doll ; but at any rate there is an alter,—a some one,

1 See the author’s Linguistic Development and Education, chaps. ii-iv.
34 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

more or less like himself, who can appreciate his experience
and respond to him. At five, he is chiefly concerned with
securing social recognition of, and reaction upon, the feats
he performs in running, climbing, throwing, talking, and
so on ad libitum. He is constantly calling attention to
what he has done, or is able to do, in more or lgss exact
imitation of most of the simpler activities that he witnesses
in his environment. By the age of ten, the individual’s
communications relate largely to his experiences in games
and plays, and in competition with his fellows, more es-
pecially the former with the girl and the latter with the
boy. In the talk of the girl at this time, there is normally
not so constant allusion to competitive activity as in the
case of the boy, but she tells what a good time she has
with her playmates in the making of dolls, or the like, and
what success she has in her work,— Jin school, perhaps.
But while the boy talks of these matters to some extent,
they are not predominant in his expressions. He is becom-
ing aware of the qualities, abilities, and powers (princi-
pally athletic, combative, and “tricky ’’) of his associates,
and he wishes the world to know how he stands in com-
parison with his competitors. Of course, he still commu-
nicates meaningful experiences of every sort, whether
pleasurable or otherwise; but the concerns he regarded as
of prime importance at five have ceased to play the princi-
pal role in his expressions at this period. At the same time
it should be noted that his talk does not yet relate at all
prominently to the intellectual or ethical activities of his
associates.

Following the boy on into adolescence, we find that at
eighteen what was just beginning to be manifested at ten
whetenten- 228 become a passion now. The struggle for the
cles at more marked or direct material and social favors
adolessenc? seems now very keen, and the boy’s communica-
tions relate prominently to his intellectual, social, and
physical triumphs. By this time he has established himself
TENDENCIES AT ADOLESCENCE 35

in one or more groups, or it may be “gangs,” and he is
beginning to think of the group as a unit in competition
with other groups, or perhaps with the policeman or the
shopkeeper. The girl is conscious mainly of social, esthetic,
and intellectual demands for success, while the boy is more
conscious of competition in athletics of every sort, and
debate. Much of the talk of boys and girls of this age
concerns the relations between the sexes, which interest
began to manifest itself at the advent of the adolescent pe-
riod. Neither boys nor girls at the age of ten normally pay
any attention to sex distinctions ; in their expressions they
do not differentiate boys from girls. But at fifteen they give
publicity to any sort of “ attachment” which may be brought
to their attention. They seem to be on the lookout for signs
of developing feeling between a boy anda girl; and if they
cannot detect a real case of affection, they easily concoct
one, and give it as wide publicity, and comment upon it as
vigorously, as though it were genuine. This tendency con-
tinues without abatement until the adolescent fever begins
to be subdued somewhat, though it is never wholly aban-
doned, even in maturity. Needless to add, perhaps, some
persons lose interest early in this phase of social life, be-
cause of the dominance of other interests, which they devote
all their energies to promulgating ; but as a rule the detec-
tion of evidences of amor between two persons of any age
in the community sets all the tongues a-wagging. Long
before the church publishes the banns, Dame Rumor spreads
the news throughout the community.

1 In the author’s home city, boys begin to form football groups as early
as nine. There are a number in the city now that hold together quite well,
and “train” as their models, the university men, do. In this city football
has been the means of synthesizing these social atoms into molecules. But
it is significant that when the “season” is past, the molecules break up
into the atoms again. Some of the boys who are together constantly during
the autumn do not see anything of each other during the winter, and they
appear to have no interest in one another. When the game is on, their com-
radeship is based on capacity in this particular activity, and not on other
and less dynamic characteristics.
36 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

Children of fifteen are still eager to communicate “ news ”
in which the people to whom it is told show an interest;
but this news relates to increasingly complex phases of
social and ethical life. At this age the individual has aban-
doned almost completely the communication of the simple
personal interests which wholly occupied his attention at
five. During the epoch extending through the college period .
at least, the typical boy is not concerned primarily with eth-
ical and moral conduct in the more complex relations of
society, but only with the simpler phases thereof. As a
student, his talk is predominantly of athletic and debating
contests, relations of students and faculty, and the like;
but in his expressions the notion of playing the game fair
is becoming predominant. The notion is not absent entirely
from the talk of the boy of ten, but it}is much more pro-
minent at twenty. At this latter age, the individual is less
eager to publish his own achievements of a simple physical,
or even intellectual or social character, than he was at five
or ten or fifteen, though he has not completely outgrown
this tendency, and it may be that he never will.

By the time maturity is reached, the individual’s commu-
nications normally relate largely to the social effects of
the conduct of his associates, and to the measure of their
success in their business, social, political, academic, pro-
fessional, or religious activities; and also to the progress
which is being made by individuals, by the community, and
by mankind in general along one or another of these lines.
Thus he has progressed from the point where his own indi-
vidual activities engrossed his attention, to the point where
he is concerned to a considerable extent with the measure
to which his fellows observe the fundamental rules of the
social game, so far as he participates in it, either as a player
or as an interested observer. Important instances coming
to his attention of fair or foul play, as he conceives it, are
given publicity, and his attitude toward them is revealed in
a positive manner. It is probable that the majority of indi-
THE RETICENT TYPE 37

viduals never grow out of this last epoch; if they continue
to develop, they simply perfect the tendency dominant during
the epoch. But certain persons continue specializing, until
their interests in communication relate wholly to the impart-
ing of discoveries in the special field of knowledge which
they are cultivating. The writer is associated with men who
talk of little but the results of research in their own or
related fields. Their consuming ambition is to make contri-
butions to knowledge, which implies discovery and effective
publication. When they establish a new principle, or uncover
a new fact, they are as eager to apprise the world of it as
the child is to publish his discoveries in his nursery. These
men are, in some cases, ill at’ ease in a drawing-room, for
they have little interest in the matters that are there being
given publicity, and they have lost their sense of social
values as represented in this situation. They are, in short,
specialists, whose function it is to communize only certain
groups of facts; these facts have taken such complete
possession of them that unrelated facts can find no lodg-
ment in their consciousness. Consequently they cannot be.
made publishing media for news and gossip of any sort. To
some extent, they interfere with the dissemination of gossip,
since they are incapable of taking it up and passing it
along. In groups of savants, local happenings of the moment
never gain currency. 2
Before leaving this topic a word should be said regard-
_ ing the reserved, the reticent, the non-communicative per-
son. From the very beginning of expressive ac- no roy
tivity, children differ markedly in their eagerness ont type
for and freedom in communication. The reserved type of
child is inclined to listen while others talk, though this
depends in a measure upon the occasion. G., seven years
of age, is very shy in the presence of strangers, and will
not communicate readily on any subject.' She does not

1 Timidity is, without question, the cause of much apparent reticence
in children, as in older persons. A correspondent gives me the following
illustration : —
38 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

even enjoy being addressed by persons with whom she is
not acquainted. She does not “ make friends” easily ; and
when she goes out into the world she clings to her mother,
and refuses to make advances to any one.! But in her own

“The other morning when I was coming up from the station on the car,
a little boy of kindergarten age was seated immediately in front of me, well
toward the front of the car. Soon a little girl came in, and after scanning
the passengers came eagerly forward, and with a friendly greeting seated
herself at the lad’s side. Without a response, blushing and evidently em-
barrassed, he retired to the far side of the seat, and occupied himself with
the view afforded from the window. Not to be thus put off, the wee maiden
slid over toward him, and with her hand on his shoulder said: ‘ Donald,
Donald; why, don’t you hear me, Donald ?’ The lad became more engrossed
with the view outside. ‘I thought for a minute,’ she continued, ‘that I
was n’t going to find you, and then I saw a little boy here, and it was Don-
ald.” When I left the car, after some minutes, Donald was just beginning
to appear natural. I dare say his embarrassment was due to the conversa-
tion of older people.”

‘1M. I. M. sends the following description of a reticent child: —

‘* A little boy, five or six years of age, was very quiet, both in action and
in speech. He would sit quietly in a chair for an hour or two at a time,
without saying a word. He was left motherless, and was taken by a woman
who was very fond of children. She tried to play with the little boy, but he
did n’t know how, and would usually sit back and watch her. He was so
uneanny that he ‘ got on her nerves.’ He liked best to sit still and listen to
her sing. Often when she was trying to teach him to play, he would inter-
rupt her and ask her to sing.

“T could not believe he was well, but the doctor said he was. His father
said he was always that way.

“When a baby came to his new home, nearly two years after he went
there, he seemed to find his first interest. He was devoted to the baby, and
would talk and play with her by the hour, but not in a healthy childish
way; he was like a little, old grandfather.

“His mother had been an invalid, and he had been obliged to ‘keep
quiet’ during the last year of her life, but his father insists that ‘he was
always like that.’ ”

M. W. cites the following, in illustration of differences in the tendency of
children to communicate experiences : —

“W. and G. are two brothers, who always were very different. Even when
first in school, G. did not tell school happenings, either to his parents, his
sister, or his friends. Usually when a child is hurt, the first thought is to
run to mother. One day George was accidentally struck in the face with a
sledge hammer, breaking his nose and covering his face with blood. Instead
of going home or to his father’s place of business, he hid in a fence corner.
Some relatives discovered him and took him home. They would never have
found out from George how it happened, but the man who was using the
hammer told of it. G. never changed ; his studies at school, whether easy or

‘
THE RETICENT TYPE 39

home, among those she knows well, she goes to the other ex-
treme, so that she must be repressed, though she resists any
interference with her freedom of speech in the home. Con-
trasted with this type is another, illustrated by S., who will
communicate with people under any and all circumstances.
V., at ten, has passed through a non-communicative period,
and now he will tell his experiences freely to any one,
whether stranger or familiar friend. X. in his earlier years
was a very “open,” communicative boy ; but now at nine-
teen he is reticent toward all but a narrow circle of inti-
mate friends. His former associates say he has become ex-
tremely egotistic, and considers himself superior to most of

difficult, were never discussed ; his love affairs were jealously guarded ; his
business is his own; even his wife shares not in those things. He is like his
father, who is contented to live alone in a small cottage at an Indian agency,
doing his own work, hunting and fishing, while his wife keeps house for
the children that they may attend school in a city in another state. It is not,
perhaps, just as he would wish it, but he is contented.

“W. has always been anxious to tell where he has been and what he has
done. G. liked to go to visit an old aunt in the most lonesome part of the
country, but W. would never stay; he might go for a day, but night found
him at home. W. always chooses to have his work bring him into contact
with as many people as possible. He has always told his mother and sister
of the good times when on a trip or camping party; he is even willing to
share with his bachelor sister his love affairs.”

1 A. S. sends me the following interesting observation, showing the change
in respect to communicativeness which often occurs with development : —

“ A young woman more than ordinarily reticent, has interested me. When
a small child she was somewhat bashful, but developed into what might be
termed a harum-scarum youngster, fond of boys and their games, talkative
and light-hearted. Her mother having died before she was six, she had
early to assume responsibilities which most children do not know. These
influenced her little until the adolescent period, when she seemed to assume
a very different attitude toward everything and every one about her. She
shunned boys’ society, was diffident in their presence, grew quiet and re-
served, in fact she appeared to take a defensive attitude towards those about
her. This characteristic she has never been able to overcome, though-she
has made an extreme effort to do so since she has grown to womanhood.
She dislikes meeting strangers, must know a person well before he knows
her at all, is everything but a success socially, prefers not to talk if she may
listen, and is considered cold and unfriendly. Her reticence, it would appear,
is a result of her having been forced to take the responsibility of looking
out for herself too early, of perhaps distrusting the kindliness of individuals
about her, and of having thought too much about herself.”
40 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

those he meets in daily life, so that he feels he can do no
better than keep his own company much of the time. Again,
G. at thirty is a good illustration of the reticent type. He
is a scholar, and is apparently more fond of his books than
of persons.! He seems timid and ill at ease with most peo-
ple. He is seemingly well disposed toward his fellows, but
he prefers to commune with them and to serve them through
the medium of the written rather than the spoken word.
His literary expressions are all distinctly ethical and social
in character; and his friends say he “means well.” But
he lacks the energy, perhaps, to adapt himself to people in
the flesh, or his thought does not move rapidly enough to
keep abreast of ordinary conversation, and he feels himself
dominated by his associates. With the pen all is different;
his “retiring” nature can now express itself without re-
straint according to its desires. In the same way, this
reticent person can receive communications, through his
books, from all the people of merit who have lived and
recorded their observations and experiences, and he can
appropriate these communications without making any re-
sponse on his own part. So he is much easier and happier
in his library than among people; and for this reason he
shuns the reception-room and most places where men do
congregate, and where response is expected from him.
Whatever may be the fundamental motive of the indi-
vidual’s passion to communize experience, it must be noted,

1 The following cases are typical of persons one meets frequently :—

““ A lady (Miss D.) was formerly very sociable, and sought society for the
‘good time’ it gave her. Now she is so thoroughly engrossed with her
special work that she dislikes callers, because she ‘begrudges the time it
takes.’ She says that comparatively few have anything to say worth listening
to. She has not lost interest in communication, for she writes and lectures.”

“In my own case,” writes M. I. M., “I was reticent toward all people
except the members of my own family until about eighteen years of age.
Now I am reticent toward certain groups, and too talkative towards others.
In a crowd I like to listen and observe. I am nervous and uncomfortable in
the presence of those I consider my superiors, but do not enjoy anything
better than to give a public reading, and the larger the crowd the better I
can control myself.”
THE COMMUNIZING ACTIVITY 41

at any rate, that it is on the whole socially advantageous in
the outcome. The result of this activity is, speak- ye soctat
ing generally, that one’s fellows profit by one’s falue of
own inventions, accomplishments, beliefs, ethical munizing
conceptions, and so on. And what is of chief im- “YY
portance, the individual discovers through his expressive ac-
tivity that which is regarded by his fellows as of real worth,
and this is a guide to him in determining what he should
continue to practice, as well as what he ought prudently
to abandon. That which, on the whole, people approve, will
acquire value for the individual, while that which they con-
demn he will sooner or later castaside. Of course, when the
reactions of the social environment run counter to the na-
tive tendencies of the child, he will struggle long and hard to
bring people around to his view; but if he cannot accom-
plish this, he will in due course, as a rule, yield to social
pressure. Take this for illustration: A boy rushes in from
the street, and with great enthusiasm tells his parents some
new words he has heard. They frown upon him, and strive
to make him realize that ‘ good” people dislike these words.
He tries them again perhaps upon his older brothers and
sisters ; and they react as the parents did. Now, unless he is
upon the street a great deal, these words will not find lodg-
ment in his vocabulary, except he practices them for the sake
of annoying certain persons whom he likes to tease. On the
other hand, if the parents are pleased to hear these new words
he will be stimulated to continue in their use, and they will be
likely to become a permanent part of his linguistic posses-
sions. So he discovers a new trick, it may be turning a somer-
sault, and he calls upon every one to witness him do it. The
observers declare against it, saying it does not look nice, or
he will soil his clothes, or break his neck, or what not, and
they may decline to look at him when he does it. If he cannot

1 It should be noted that a boy will not ordinarily be dissuaded from per-
forming any activity, simply because people say he will injure himself. On
the contrary, he usually regards this as a challenge, which he will readily
accept.
42 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

find any one to commend it, he will normally soon leave it
for something else that receives social approval and applause.
These instances are typical of what is going on constantly
among children when they are given any measure of freedom
in their activities, and the principle is applicable at every
stage of development.

When the adolescent exhibits himself, or describes the
conduct of another, in some concrete situation, he does not
fail to get his cue from the expressions of the people who
hear him as to the desirability of continuing the action in
question. Under certain conditions he may be incited to con-
tinue in a line of conduct which is criticised by his teacher or
others, because he is himself hostile to them and he seeks
opportunities to torment them, or to show his independence.
But, on the whole, he abandons what is generally condemned
by those with whom he associates. H. returns from a visit to
the home of E., and in narrating her experiences she men-
tions, rather incidentally, how impertinently E. responded to
her mother’s requests. All who listen to H. express in the
strongest terms their disapproval of E.’s conduct, and H.,
without realizing it perhaps, does not fail to learn a use-
ful lesson. So she mentions performances at the homes of
other companions that draw forth the disapproval of her
auditors, and at the same time she describes situations that
meet; their approval ; and in this way she gains an impression
of what is permissible, and what is not, with respect to these
particular specimens of conduct. The principle applies to
all her learning at this period.

As the individual approaches adolescence, he not only con-
tinues to get educative reactions upon his expressions from
Theinflu- his social environment, but he plays a constantly
ialviiney TOOYe important part in determining these reac-
Miniepup- tions. By the time he is twelve, often consider-
Uc opinion ably earlier than this, as with V., for example, he
expresses decided opinions respecting the rightfulness and
wrongfulness of much that occurs in his environment, and

 
THE INFLUENCE OF THE INDIVIDUAL 43

that he is incessantly giving publicity to as he has expe-
rience with it. Already his individual opinions are begin-
ning to have some weight in determining the general opinions
of the group, at least among the members of his own “set,”
particularly if he is a leader. In this way he has influence,
slight as it may be, in shaping public sentiment relating to
the matters in which he is interested, — as to whether boys
should be prohibited from playing on the school grounds,
for instance. As a rule, of course, the adult portion of the
community, regarded as a unit rather than as individuals,
is not affected to any extent by the views of “mere boys”
on any subject, and yet occasionally the latter do make some-
thing of an impression, even before they reach the adoles-
cent period. But as they move on through adolescence their
opinions are given increasingly greater consideration by
adults, until in the university epoch they not uncommonly
secure reforms in politics, even in violation of long-contin-
ued. custom.

In the beginning of his communizing activity, the indi-
vidual is mainly a learner, though he is himself not at all
aware of it; but in the end he expresses himself, for the
sake largely of becoming teacher or guide or law-maker.
In other words, as a child he expresses himself, sub-con-
sciously as a rule, for the purpose mainly of finding out
what sort of behavior will result most advantageously for
himself ; but as he matures, he expresses himself for the pre-
dominant purpose of enforcing his own conceptions upon
others, and so making them universal. When the average
person reaches maturity, his principal, if not his sole, mo-
tive in the matter of communizing experience is to set up
his opinions and practices as the standards for the commu-
nity at large. The child will, without resistance often, take
criticism of his conduct and follow it; the high-school boy
normally does so much less easily ; while the college man
will ordinarily fight long and strenuously in defense of his
mode of conduct and his views of men and things. This is
44 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

as we might expect it to be. The child, being plastic, can
adjust himself readily to new standards of conduct ; but as
he develops, he normally loses his plasticity; and self-preser-
vation, social rather than physical, urges him to make uni-
versal his ideals and habits when he gets set, or else he will
in time be left out of account in social calculations. In a
way every individual, as he settles into permanent form,
takes up arms in support of the principles of action which
he embodies in his own conduct, not so much because he
thinks them right in general, as because he wants to be
counted in the majority, in order that what he believes and
can do will be most highly esteemed, and in consequence
well rewarded by the community.

Throughout this discussion, provision has been made for
individual variation from normal tendencies ; but nowhere
is this more marked than at this point. While most people
in maturity tend to defend their practices and give them
social approval and prominence, still in every community
one may see adults who are genuine “searchers after truth.”
The writer knows well one man who is rather more favor-
able toward the beliefs and practices of others than toward
his own. He often doubts the worth or efficiency of the no-
tions and modes of conduct with which he has come to ma-
turity, and he is inclined to find fault with his edueation.
His associates say he lacks self-confidence. He is not a good
fighter for his own interests or beliefs. But the fact that he
is a marked exception among his colleagues tends to estab-
lish the rule.

It was suggested above that the reactions of the social
environment upon the individual’s expressions result, on the
The influ- Whole, in confirming what is acceptable, and sup-
ontton ’ pressing what is evil; but there are exceptions
mont on the which should be noted. In stating the principle it
expressions was assumed that the social environment acting
on the individual strongly indorses the right and condemns
the wrong; but this is not always the case. A. has some-
THE INFLUENCE OF THE GROUP 45

times played with a group of boys who exhibit the atti-
tudes of the slum toward many of the activities of society.
They will ridicule him when he says it is wrong to use vulgar
language, and they hold up as their model the boy who is
the most ready in the use of what they regard as dynamic
speech. So they ridicule him for other expressions which
his parents would praise him for, and they urge him on to
actions which in his home and school environment are con-
demned. Now, he quickly shows the influence of this, let us
say, unwholesome social environment, and he would not need
to be long in it before he would get a quite different esti-
mate of social values from what he now has. It is not so
much that he would have different copies set him to imitate,
as that his expressions would turn out very differently from
what they now do. After all, it is the outcome of actions
that determines what will survive in conduct. This is one
reason why, when a boy allies himself with any particular
social group, as the “ gang” in our cities, or a gambling group,
or an athletic group, he rapidly adopts the general traits of
the group, because he learns readily to practice those expres-
sions that win the applause of the crowd, and avoid those
that incite ridicule.

While the principle just stated holds as a general thing,
still a further qualification is necessary. Normally the child
takes due account of the outcome of his actions, gradually
selecting for repetition those that people reward him for,
and abandoning those that bring upon him punishment or
criticism of any sort. But, as already intimated, this does
not imply that every boy of five, say, is observant of the
attitudes of people toward all his actions, except in respect
to those activities that have very serious consequences, as
in the case of thievery, for example. So far as the majority
of his acts are concerned, he is more or less: indifferent at
the outset to the reactions of the people about him, and the
ordinary admonitions and warnings of parents have to be
repeated over and over again, and often they have no effect
46 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

whatever. The child follows his own inclinations, except
when these lead him into very definite trouble of consider-
able importance. This is probably more of a masculine than
a feminine trait ; or at least, the girl earlier becomes keenly
appreciative of the attitudes of the social environment, even
when these are not forcibly expressed. The boy must be
coerced into conformity by his parents and his teacher,and
often by his fellows ; though he sometimes comes into groups,
usually older than himself, when he is a willing slave, and
he offers no resistance whatever to their suggestions, nor
does he try to carry through his own enterprises in the face
of the opposition of the group, as he consciously does in the
home. Inthe first situation heis a follower and learner, while
in the latter he is a bully.

A peculiar trait of social opposition already referred to
incidently merits a further word in this connection. Prob-
‘Social ably every child is placed im situations at times
opposition when he deliberately attempts to run counter to the
expressed wishes of his associates. For one thing, he may
desire to hector those with whom he is m competition, and
so he does what he thinks will annoy them. But more often
he craves the distinction to be derived from being in opposi-
tion to his fellows. If they find fault with him he shows he
is pleased; and the more violent they become, only so that
they do not inflict bodily injury upon him, the more he en-
joys it. His pleasure increases according to the measure of
their displeasure. Later on, when he begins to establish his
group relations, he not infrequently courts the disapproval
of antagonistic groups. Usually children of any age cannot
ignore ridicule; they either wilt before it or attack their
persecutors. But when adolescence is reached, one may
occasionally find persons who purposely draw upon them-
selves ridicule because of their manners, their dress, or
their views. It seems at bottom to be due to a love of dis-
tinction, however secured, and also to the love of combat.
In social opposition the individual is incessantly in the
CONSCIOUSNESS A SPECIAL PHASE 47

combative attitude. Sometimes he opposes himself to practi-
cally everything that goes on about him; he fights against
all forms of social practice. He must always be “on the
other side,” because he is essentially a combatant, and is not
happy in times of peace.

We must now look at a special phase of this communiz-
ing activity. It was indicated above that the child early
comes to feel the need of being constantly in the gosoons.
presence of persons, to whom he may communi- ness isa
cate all his experiences, and in whose activities he eae
may share. It is rare, if ever, that one sees chil- payee
dren who can be really content to carry on their enterprises
in solitude. A normal child will not remain by himself if
he can have with him people who are in sympathy with him,
—that is, who will comfort him when he is in distress;
who will receive kindly his invitations to observe what things
he can make and what deeds he can perform ; who will show
him new tricks, explain new situations to him, and so on.
However, if he cannot find actual companions, or if he be
suppressed in his spontaneous desires by those around him,—
father, teacher, and others, — he may not indulge his socia-
ble tendencies as freely as other children. But even in this
latter case he will, during waking moments, rarely be alone
in the extreme sense of this term, for at least in his fancy
there will be people who will seem real to him, and who will
participate in all his experiences. He will talk incessantly
to these people who dwell in his imagination, describing
what he is doing, and conducting himself as though they
responded to him. When he has accomplished anything of
note in his own estimation, he will express himself to these
imaginary observers, much as he does when there are before
him persons whose approval he is soliciting. The content of
his consciousness is predominantly personal ; people are alto-
gether absent from it only infrequently.

As the individual’s experiences increase and he gains in
the power of inhibition, he normally comes to restrain the
48 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

tendency to communicate aloud with the people in his imagi-
nation ; but nevertheless, it is evident to any observer that
people are there and guiding him in his conduct. It is appar-
ent, also, that the principle in question becomes ever more
important and comprehensive with development. In adult
life we are always working and playing, reflecting and per-
forming, with people looking on, or at least with the feeling
of a personal presence to be taken account of. A man in
his study, for instance, writes with his readers in view; and
really all he does is determined more or less consciously by
their approval or criticism. So the teacher prepares his les-
son with a class before him in fancy; the orator rehearses
his speech with an audience in the focus of attention, and
so on. One cannot perform such an apparently simple thing
as to buy a tie without being determined in his choice by
the attitudes of the persons who stand out most clearly in
his imagination. This is not to say that he is explicitly
aware of what considerations are involved in his choosing.
He certainly does not summon by name each individual in
this imaginary group, and ask his opinion. It is probable
that in most of the adult’s actions of the character indicated
no single personality stands forth as a particular individual,
and his special advice sought and followed, though this is
doubtless the case sometimes. One’s model, as a special per-
son, will be his adviser in some critical situation. At times
we all say to ourselves (some of us say it more frequently
than others), “ How would X. (our model) conduct himself
under these circumstances? What would he say? How
would he say it?” and so on ad libitum. But in most of
our adjustments in mature life, distinct personalities prob-
ably do not function focally in consciousness. Individuals
become merged into types, and these gradually become con-
densed into attitudes of approval, indifference, or condem-
nation. It is a general law of mental development, which has
been sketched elsewhere,! that images, whether of persons

1 In the author’s Education as Adjustment, Part III.
RECOGNITION OF PUBLIC OPINION 49

or of things, tend upon repetition of adjustments in which
they are involved to coalesce into larger unities, and ulti-
mately to disappear altogether from the focus of conscious-
ness, according as there becomes established a disposition
to act in definite appropriate ways governed originally by
these images. Thus, in the end explicit imagery is not essen-
tial to determine action in effective adaptation to the objects
which initiated the images.

In the early stages of development, then, the child’s social
consciousness is occupied with distinct, concrete personal-
ities ; father, mother, teacher, and special play- the devel-
mates stand out as individuals, and play their ance:
part in all important actions. Children from three aie
on into early adolescence, when corrected for any sentiment
act, are very apt to cite the example of father or teacher
or some other individual in justification of the act. While
often, no doubt, children seek to escape censure and the in-
fliction of penalties by citing the action of some one who
stands well with the authorities in indorsement of their
own action where they are aware of differences, nevertheless
they are commonly, if not usually, sincere in the matter ;
they really conceive that they are doing what would meet
the approval of the persons who have in some way become
their arbiters of right and wrong. One reason why their
action so often seems insincere to the adult is because the
latter cannot imagine how the arbiter cited could indorse
the act in question ; but the child is not ready in detecting
the differentiz of special acts. He applies to special cases,
in a crude sort of way, general tendencies to action without
noting particular modifications; so he often goes astray
when he feels he is acting in conformity to principles ap-
proved by his models.

It should be appreciated that the young child, four or five
years of age, does not refer to general, but only to individual
practice or sentiment or opinion, in indorsement of his con-
duct when it is under examination. One never hears him
50 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

say, “ People do it,” or “ Every one thinks it is right.”
Instead he says, “Mother (or, it may be Miss H., his
teacher, or Albert, his playmate) thinks it is right for me
to do it.” But as development proceeds, as the range of social
contact broadens, and as action in all typical situations be-
comes facile and more or less habitual, individual arbiters
for the child become consolidated, so to speak, and there is
gradually established a sense of what the majority of the
individuals would advise,—the general, and in time the
public, opinion of the community.

This sense of a general trend of opinion in reference to
the ordinary activities of daily life arises from contact with
the group with which the child has most intimate relations.
For instance, V. has already, at nine, a sense of the atti-
tudes of a group of playmates toward a few of the situations
presented in his adjustments, and he is influenced to some
extent thereby. He also has a more or less clear conscious-
ness of the general opinion of the people in the immediate
neighborhood regarding certain concrete matters, as out-
door games, especially those played on Sunday. Further,
he has a quite definite feeling respecting the teacher attitude
toward various kinds of conduct; he sometimes says to his
brothers and sisters, “‘ The teachers will not like it”’; or “I
know there is no use to ask the teachers, for they will not
let us do” this or that. Beyond these typical examples,
V.’s appreciation of public opinion in reference to modes
of thought and action is very slight, if indeed it exists at all.
It is true that he has heard parents, teachers, and others
speak of certain ethical and moral principles in a general
way, as if all people conformed to them, and undoubtedly
he is influenced more or less in his own thought and conduct
by some of these expressions; but, after all, he connects
them mostly with the particular individuals who have spoken
of them to him. He does not really feel that the majority
of the people in the community indorse them, as he will
come to feel when he has had vital contact with many per-
RECOGNITION OF PUBLIC OPINION 51

sons in such relations that he will see the principles are
generally observed.

A further word should be said regarding the method of
gaining a feeling for general or public opinion. The majority
of the people H. (as a type) knows, at least those with
whom she has vital experiences, have quite similar attitudes
respecting the rightness or wrongness of specific kinds of
behavior in which she is interested; that is, they will sev-
erally respond in substantially the same way when certain
acts are performed in their presence. Inevitably, then, H.
acquires the feeling that persons in general assume the atti-
tudes which this particular group does. So far as her present
experience is concerned there are few if any exceptions to
give rise to doubt,.or to restrain action in the direction ad-
vised by this group; though, of course, as she comes into
give-and-take relations with persons who have different ex-
periences from her own, she will need constantly to revise
her views in respect to much that she believes implicitly
now.

It is apparent that an appreciation of community opinion,
in the generally accepted sense, is developed only very grad-
ually, following upon extensive and intimate experience
with persons. For the young child, who has had close rela-
tions with those only in his own home, there can be no
response to public sentiment; and it is without doubt true
that an adult whose range of personal contact has been very
limited may have no feeling for public opinion in any large
way. When an individual has significant relations with only
a few associates, and these differ to some extent in their
views and practices, the individuality of each remains more
or less distinct in his social consciousness. There can be no
adequate recognition of a general or public opinion in such
a case, only the opinions of John, Henry, and the others as
separate personalities. The principle is that as one becomes
more and more cosmopolitan, individuals as such normally
tend to lose their influence as arbiters of his conduct;
52 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

they slowly but surely merge into a feeling of the attitudes
of the community as a whole; and ultimately, if one’s range
of experience continues to increase, he gains a sense of the
fundamental attitudes of the times in which he lives. In due
course, and upon multiplication of social experiences, this
feeling comes to constitute one’s criterion of what is per-
missible in social relationships. It is obvious, though, that
the opinions of unusually impressive personalities, whatever
may be the reason for their impressiveness, tend to retain an
independent place in the social consciousness ; they are kept
from merging with the crowd because of their exceptional
importance. This is precisely the case, as these pages are
being written, with the personality of Theodore Roosevelt.
He is probably the most potent force to-day in the lives of
many young men, though he only exhibits in an impressive
way the general trend of contemporary public opinion in
respect to political conduct, sport, and the like.

In passing, it may be said that, in the training of the
young, we often strive to make the views and teachings of
great men stand out clearly from the general sentiment of
their age, or perhaps in illustration of this sentiment, be-
cause we wish our youth to take these men as models.
When a boy is tempted to tell a lie, for instance, we wish
him to be forcibly reminded of the action of George Wash-
ington, and to be restrained from doing what his hero would
condemn. In like manner, we exalt other personalities ex-
hibiting in a marked way the virtues of honor, patriotism,
industry, frugality, kindness, charity, bravery, etc., in the
hope that they will live in the consciousness of our pupils,
and act as counselors in times of need.

The child very early shows a marked tendency to commune with
people. Probably the majority of his communications — though not all
of them — have for.their object to gain the sympathy and
approval of those about him, or to cause his rivals or tor-
mentors to be held in check or chastised. At first everything of inter-

est to him is communicated; but with the development of reflection
only such matters are communized as will produce reactions favorable

Résumé
RESUME 53

to himself or unfavorable to his rivals or enemies. With adolescence
the boy —and the girl to a less degree — grows less demonstrative in
his expression; he begins to experience something of the feelings of
the hero or the martyr.

Children are insistent in having prohibitions, and to some extent
privileges, affecting them made universal, particularly in respect to
their associates. The five-year-old is chiefly concerned with securing
social recognition of, and reaction upon, his exhibitions in running,
climbing, throwing, constructing, and the like. At ten the girl com-
municates mainly her experiences in codéperation with her associates in
games and plays, while the boy dwells more largely on his accomplish-
ments in muscular competition with his companions. At adolescence
the boy communizes everything pertaining to his own or his associates’
triumphs, — intellectual, social, physical, but principally the last; while
the girl is concerned mainly with the social, esthetic, and intellectual
demands for success in her relations with people.

With the advent of the adolescent period, much of the talk of both
boys and girls concerns the social relation of the sexes, and they give
wide publicity to all evidence of attachment between a boy and a girl.
As maturity is approached, personal achievements play a decreasing
role in the individual’s expressions; his communications relate largely
to the social bearing’of the conduct of associates, and to their successes
socially, politically, and professionally. Marked instances coming
within his attention of foul or fair play, according to his view, to-
gether with his comments thereupon, are published on every favorable
occasion.

The majority of persons remain in this stage of social evolution, but
some continue developing until their communications relate wholly to
their special fields of activity. These latter persons are, however, as
eager to give to the world any new fact or principle they may discern
as is the child in the nursery to publish his discoveries. These special-
ists are in some cases ill at ease in a drawing-room, say; the concerns
of their chosen fields take such complete possession of them that they
become indifferent to gossip about the common interests of daily life
which occupy the attention of a promiscuous group of persons.

Timidity is doubtless the cause of most apparent reticence in child-
hood. This reticent attitude may not be manifested toward all people,
or on all oceasions. It is probably very seldom that one finds a really
non-communicative individual in respect to all persons and matters
whatsoever.

Through this communizing activity of the individual, society profits
by his experiences, while he in turn, through the reactions of the people
in his environment, learns to adjust himself to his social surroundings.
The child expresses himself largely for the purpose of learning what
behavior, in any given situation, will result most advantageously in
54 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

respect to his welfare. The adult expresses himself more for the pur-
pose of enforcing his own conceptions and making them universal in
effect. The child can more readily adjust himself to new standards,
while the adult ceases in large part to be plastic. However, there are
in every community “ searchers after truth,” who, though mature, are
“open to conviction,” and who easily adapt themselves to the beliefs
and practices of others.

Sometimes social groups fail to enforce upon a member prevailing
standards of conduct. “Gangs” often encourage in one of their num-
ber what is condemned in home and school. The young child is not
markedly studious of the attitudes of the people about him toward all
his actions; but he tends to follow his own inclinations, except when
they very plainly lead him into trouble. At times every child deliber-
ately runs counter to the express wishes of his associates, in order that
he may hector them, or gain distinction by being marked as a non-
conformist. Sometimes the adolescent, craving distinction and not
being able to attain it in any other way, purposefully draws upon him-
self ridicule; though this is decidedly exceptional.

The child, and the adult to an even greater extent, are always
acting in the presence of persons, real or imaginary. As maturity
is approached, distinct personalities, arbiters of conduct and focal in
consciousness in childhood, become condensed into general or public
feeling of approval, indifference, or condemnation of conduct. The
recognition of, and response to, public sentiment increases with devel-
opment. Children at the outset act in accord with the felt desire of
particular individuals, such as father, mother, or teacher.

With enlarging social experience the child gains a more or less clear
idea of the attitudes of people in general toward social questions of
interest to him. Through the similar reaction of different persons as
arbiters of conduct, individuals merge into a feeling of the sentiment of
the community or the times. Unusually impressive personalities may,
however, retain an independent place in the social consciousness of
the individual, and play a more prominent part than public opinion
in his reactions,
CHAPTER III
DUTY :

Tr is a matter of common observation that the infant reveals
no awareness of an alter, whose interests should be consid-
ered in determining his behavior. Attitudes and 4.18

activities which will secure him food and relief from of the gene
distress may be freely performed ; and for a num- anitgatient

ber of weeks, eight or ten at the least, he takes ‘mney

into account no other considerations in controlling his ac-
tions. When he is inclined to squall, either in protest or
in supplication, he does so without self-restraint ; one can
discover no evidence that he has any realization of the neces-
sity or the desirability of checking himself because of the
feelings or wishes of others.? From his standpoint there
is nothing, either personal or material, in his environment
the well- or ill-being of which should be duly considered in
determining his behavior.’ Of course, most of the acts he

1 “For some time after birth the child is little more than an incarnation
of appetite, which knows no restraint, and only yields to the undermining
force of satiety.” (Sully, op. cit. p. 231.)

Perez writes to the same effect (op. cit. p. 290) : ‘‘ If then we wish to under-
stand the meaning of the actions of little children, and to direct their wills
in a useful and progressive manner, we must bear in mind that all their
tendencies, whatever they may be, begin and end with egoism.”

2 A.J. H. sends the following observation, which he thinks illustrates a
well-nigh universal tendency in childhood : —

‘«My little son is very fond of picture books, and enjoys having me show
them to him. Often I have n’t time to attend to him, and I try by all manner
of means to show him that I cannot possibly comply with his wishes; but
he shows no regard for anything or anybody except to have others attend to
his pleasures. He will try to pull me out of my chair down upon the rug by
main force, and he insists that his pleasure be attended to, and at once. He
eannot tolerate delay, but teases, pulls, cries, yells until he gets what he
desires.”

8 If the reader has not made observations relating to this matter he

‘ should listen to an infant’s vocal demonstrations, and note the expressions of
his features and his bodily attitudes, and it will be seen that he has not the
56 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT. AND EDUCATION

performs suggest an instinctive appreciation, at any rate, of
personal environment to be dealt with in some way and for
some end; but the principle is that at the outset this end is
concerned solely with self-gratification, without any concern
for the effect of his actions upon the alter, except as the
latter can serve him in his need. The alter’s interests and
needs and evaluations of things are completely ignored.

As we follow the individual in his development, we can
observe, by the twelfth week possibly, the beginning of what
Originotthe May be regarded as a conscious realization of cer-
{dea otper- tain differences between people and mere things,
oahted. such as his bottle, his cradle, and the like.1 This
from things yealization is indicated by the peculiar pleasure
which is manifested in personal association, as portrayed
especially in his smile and in his characteristic vocal ex-
pressions. But here at the dawning of the sense of an alter
there is no evidence that the child has even a suspicion that
the former experiences discomforts or pleasures resembling
his own. He does nothing whatever, either positively or
negatively, to heighten the one or lessen the other. The ad-
vent of the alter into his consciousness has not yet modified
his conduct in the least, except to make him more demon-
strative in the effort to gratify his own wants. Indeed, there
is yet no alter in the true sense. There are simply special
sorts of objects that afford a peculiar kind of pleasure.
These objects do not experience pains and pleasures, as the
self does, nor hunger, fear, or fatigue, nor suffer from cold
or uncomfortable clothing and the like. They are simply to
be used and enjoyed, not to be ministered unto, or to be
sacrificed for, or to be made either glad or sad. In short,
there are no other selves like the ego-self ; the latter is the
sole thing in the universe that has needs, for the gratifica-
tion of which the whole world exists. Not until the indi-

slightest regard for anything but his own discomforts, and the means of
relieving them.

1 This point is discussed in some detail in the author’s Linguistic Develop-
ment and Education, chap. i. i
PERSONS DISTINGUISHED FROM THINGS 57

vidual begins to interpret others on the basis of his own ex-
perience will he acquire a genuine alter sense. In the first
stage of development the alter is simply a thing of a peculiar
character, not a person as this term should be understood.
Thus ill-equipped does the child come into a world of social
objects and values.

But passing over, for the moment, several months of
lesson-taking in social appreciation, we find that by the end
of the first year the child seems on certain occasions to re-
strain his teasing or crying, to mention a typical form of
early inhibition. These occasions always have direct social
connections of some sort. Usually the mother, governess, or
father reacts in a particular manner upon the child’s ex-
pressions, and this incites inhibitory effort. So, too, at this
time the child will go a little way at least in sharing his
candy and playthings with the members of the family ;1
while at the sixth month he did not show the slightest dis-
position to do this. Jumping forward to his second birth-
day, we see that, even when he is alone, he will under certain

1 A correspondent gives a number of illustrations of his child’s first “ al-
truistic ” or “ ethical ” actions, of which the following are typical : —

“ My little son is a little more than two years old. A playmate frequently
comes in to play with him. When his mother or father is in the room and
shows approval of his unselfishness, he is willing to share his playthings, but
as soon as no older person is in the room, he snatches his things away again.
When alone he pushes his little playmate off the chairs, saying, ‘ baby chair’
or‘ papa chair.’ Whenever any older person is about, he always looks for an
approving word or smile, when he condescends to share any of his posses-
sions. .

“ At other times I have observed him to become suddenly lavish in his
generosity, and allow the little girl to have nearly all of his playthings, and
especially his favorite ones. Each time I have observed him suddenly to
change his mind, it seemed, and grab his things away again. He seems to be
ethical by fits and starts.

“When my little boy was about a year old, I would thank him for any-
thing he would do on my request. I might ask him for some of his grapes,
and after he had given me one and saw me smile and nod approval, he would
give me another and pause for the usual reaction. This he might continue to
do until all of his candy or grapes were gone. Then he might ery for them
again. The above and other observations have convinced me that children
are only apparently ethical, i. e., they consider the alter only because the
reward is greater than the sacrifice that is necessary in order to do so.”
58 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

conditions refrain from touching objects, say, that he has
been instructed (we shall presently see what is implied in
this term) not to disturb; whereas, during his first year,
such instruction would exert no influence upon his conduct
a few moments after it was given. He will now apparently
make an effort to control his impulse to interrupt his mother
when she is talking; he will strive to keep his food from
falling on the floor, because of his having been urged to do
so by some person; and these are but typical examples of
many simple social actions which may be observed at this
stage of development. These are mentioned in this place
merely as illustrations of the awakening in the child of an
awareness that he should control his conduct with reference
to the commands, or needs, or wishes of the people about
him. We catch him here at the very birth, perhaps, of his
sense, in its crudest, most elemental form, of oughtness, of
duty, and it may be of ethical feeling.

How, then, does the child come to differentiate in his
consciousness persons from things, and endow the former
a with the true characters of personality? Possibly

e genesis 2 ae .
of thealter What might be called reflex imitation plays a part,
tienes as when the child smiles and “coos” in response
to his mother’s salutations ; but imitation of this kind does
not play the principal rdle. The reactions of the alter upon
the child’s expressions furnish him his most important data
for gaining the notion that the alter is like his own self. It
is, of course, relatively late in the child’s development before
he reaches any generalization regarding the alter’s feelings.
In the early stages of learning the child simply notes how
the alter reacts upon the situations in which he is placed,
and the former begins to construct his idea of the latter on
the bases of these reactions. Thus the alter is a thing that
acts in particular ways in response to his own expressions ;
and the young child is quite indifferent to all the activities
of the alter except those that directly affect him for good
or ill. The alter is not a thing that feels so and so, as he
does himself.
GENESIS OF THE ALTER SENSE 59

Watch the infant as he develops both positive and
negative social attitudes, following precisely the lines marked
out by the reactions of the people about him. Here is a
child whose parents, nurse, brothers, and sisters never react
positively to his disadvantage when he grabs sugar lumps
at the table, say, though they may look pained. But the
infant takes no cognizance of looks. However, when these
people react in a dynamic way to his discomfort, then he
takes notice. This shows him what he can expect from these
people, and later he may assign appropriate feelings to
them on an occasion of this sort. But the point is, that he
must first experience their positive reactions before he can
get started in assigning to them personal qualities. A study
of the child does not yield evidence to the effect that,
through imitation alone, he would make progress in differ-
entiating persons from things. Take, for instance, his
imitation of his mother’s look of disapproval in certain
situations. One may see children who mimic the mother in
this, and they have apparently no appreciation of what it
signifies, because it has not acquired meaning through having
been directly associated with more dynamic and therefore
more effective attitudes on her part. The individual who
knows what the disapproving countenance really imports is
the one who has himself had painful experiences when he
has seen the countenance in the past; or he may have seen
his fellows who have been the cause of it suffer on account
of it. And this instance is typical of many others that
might be mentioned.

Speaking generally, then, expression in the alter serves
to remind the child of what the former has done in the past,
and so it is understood. But without doubt there are cer-
tain expressions, as crying and laughter, that are understood
as a matter of instinctive appreciation by the child. Many
observers have noticed that children will respond sympathet-
ically to laughter, and be overcome when they see another
crying, even though they have not progressed very far in
60 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

their imitative activities. It is probable that this aids the
child in gaining a “ consciousness of kind,” though it does
not serve in the beginning to differentiate very clearly per-
sons from animals, as the pet dog or kitten. Indeed, it
seems evident that for many months the child’s pets are
regarded as of his kind. He conducts himself toward them
much as he does toward the people about him. He talks to
them, laughs at, and, as he seems to think, with them; he
plays with them, and sobs if they are hurt and ery out with
pain. As he develops he gradually grows away from the
animals, in the sense that, as his range of action and ex-
pression widens, he notices that his pets cannot respond to
him in kind. At the same time he finds himself responding
ever more completely to the people about him; and in con-
sequence they are selected, out of all the objects environing
him, as of his kind. They are the only objects that can
reciprocate his increasing complexity of expression, not only
through language, but also through facial expression, laugh-
ter, and the like. And, parallel with this development, there
goes on a constantly increasing complexity in both the posi-
tive and the negative reaction of persons upon the individ-
ual’s actions, so that by the fifth year, say, people must be
considered in his activities more than any or all the other
objects in his environment combined. At every turn he finds
a person forbidding, or encouraging and rewarding; and
all this experience serves to differentiate people completely
from objects.

The point will bear repetition, that the experiences which
at the outset enable the child to differentiate the alter
Essentiaa {50M things in general, and endow him with the
experiences qualities of selfhood, are those in which the former
in acquiring . . :
thealter | 18 by the latter rewarded in some manner for actions
ry that please him, or punished for actions that dis-
please him. When the child shares his goods with his fellows
he is repaid richly in his mother’s approval, manifested in
various concrete ways, alike in deed and in word; and he
GENESIS OF THE ALTER SENSE 61

also receives gifts and pleasing expressions from those with
whom he has shared. People uniformly exert themselves to
make the child feel happy when he shows “ thoughtful”
tendencies, even though any specific act may be, as it usu-
ally is, of no consequence to those affected by it. For the
child from ‘six months on there are always words of com-
mendation and often marked demonstrations when he is
generous, and return gifts or kindly expressions, with ac-
companying reasons therefor, impressing a principle, —“ You
were so good to me,” etc., or “ Whenever my little boy is
kind and thoughtful,” and so on at any length. The prin-
ciple involved holds fully, in its negative application, for the
child’s “ egoistic”’ action. Normally, the social environment
expresses its disapproval in ways the child can appreciate,
when he is “ thoughtless” or “selfish.” To illustrate this
last point: when he is “mean,” the persons affected make
him suffer for it; his brothers and sisters tell him they will
not share with him; father, mother, and teacher make him
feel unhappy through “ scolding ” him, or shaming, or avoid-
ing him; or in some way they cause him to feel that un-
happy results have followed his action. Again, when he
cries his mother may refuse him his food, or she may show
disapproval in her face or voice or manner, or, in the last
resort, she may whip him. In some way she makes him
realize that crying is not acceptable; and this, as a typical
experience, gives him data for determining the propriety of
such action.

While the individual is taking his first lessons in social
conduct, the parents and teachers freely point him to people
who are “altruistic,” and they praise these, and try in every
way to make their lot seem a most desirable one. Thus
in time it is normally made obvious to the novice in social
behavior— and without doubt his natural endowment aids
him to some extent in attaining this realization — that he
can as a rule get more pleasure from what turns out to be
(though he does not yet know the difference) a generous
62 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

rather than a selfish act. While he is learning this lesson,
one can observe the struggle taking place between an origi-
nal, self-gratifying tendency and a not-yet-very-clearly-felt or
definitely-established social one. At this moment one sort
of action, the purely selfish, may gain the right of way; and
at the next another sort, the generous, may become supreme.
The principle is that, taken as a whole, the child’s experi-
ences with the people about him tend to make what is
denoted by the term “altruistic action” seem to him best
suited to promote his interests ; although, it must be re-
peated, from his standpoint there is not yet either egoistic
or altruistic conduct as we understand the terms. There are
simply actions, some of which he is beginning dimly to dis-
cern turn out well, and are performed by people generally,
while others turn out poorly, and are as generally avoided.*

For a number of months the child’s experience with people
consists mainly in discovering that they will reward him for
Develop- certain of his actions and punish him (in some
ment an‘ t manner) for others. But as he develops, it hap-
a denet. pens that he and his mother, father, and others
the alter come to react upon the same typical situations,
and in the same general manner, with substantially the
same outcome in all cases. For example, the pet dog pre-

1 Kirkpatrick (op. cit. p. 181) summarizes the matter in this way: “The
individual in society learns that certain actions are undesirable, because they
result in other persons performing acts that are unpleasant to him. Out of
such experiences grow the laws governing society. The child finds that some
instinctive acts are more pleasurable than others, or that one kind of act
interferes with another, and thus learns to regulate his conduct. He is also
impressed less directly with their undesirability by the attitude of other
people. The child is at first neither moral nor immoral, but unmoral. He is
acting according to his natural instincts when biting and striking his mother,
as much as when he is hugging and kissing her, and no more. In both cases
he acts as his instincts and feelings prompt, and to him one act is just as good
as the other. Experience, however, soon teaches him that one kind of act
brings pleasant results in the way of approbation and favor, while the other
brings him disapprobation and perhaps punishment. He thus learns that
some acts are better than others. ‘ Better,’ however, means to him merely
moore pleasurable in results to himself, not morally better, for of that he has
no conception.”
THE CONCEPTION OF THE ALTER 63

sents many situations upon which the child reacts, sometimes
happily, at other times unhappily ; sometimes approvingly,
and at other times disapprovingly; and the father, mother,
and others usually react in a similar manner in any given
instance. They laugh when the child does, they appear to
cry when he does, they show anger with the child at the
dog’s behavior, and so on ad libitum. This process is nor-
mally going on all the time in the development of the child,
from the eighth or ninth month forward. In this the parent
generally simulates the attitudes and expressions of the child,
and the latter inevitably comes to expect that the alter will
usually react as he does. One will be impressed with this
if he will follow the ordinary child during his third year,
say, and note how he must unlearn much that he learned
in his first year regarding the parents’ attitudes toward his
pets, his brothers and sisters, and so on. Of course, if the
parent never simulates an attitude ‘in sympathy” with the
child, the latter will not suffer disillusionment later; but at
the same time he will not so readily come to feel that the
parent is of his kind. It is for this reason that the child
normally grows more rapidly with his mother than with his
father in acquiring the consciousness of kind; the former
is more “ sympathetic ” than the latter, and the child learns
readily to expect from her reactions like his own. If the
child were placed only with persons who never reacted as
he did in any situation, he would continue for a much longer
period than he usually does in regarding persons as things
without traits like himself. It is community of action that
leads him to feel similarity in characteristics; or, in other
words, that enables him to view the alter as he views the
self, and assign to him the feelings and attitudes which he
himself experiences.

We have been using the expressions “like himself,”
“like his own,” and so on; but the child does not, by the
end of the first year, have any content for “own” in a true
sense. It seems rather superfluous to say that “self” as it
64 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

appears to the reflective person does not exist for the child.
The latter acts as a self long before he has an idea of self.
His learning (which is a conscious process) in the early
months does not relate to self, as some philosophers have
urged, but it concerns the alter solely. The child evidently
ds his own attitudes and states as objective in the same
sense that he regards the attitudes of others as objective.
Not until he enters the reflective epoch does he form a notion
of self as differentiated from all else.1 For example, K. at
the age of one, S. at four, and V. at seven, show no evidence
of possessing any idea of a self, of a self-conscious self, though
the last two at any rate can and do use the term “self,”
and they show in their actions that they have a knowledge
of the relations of the self to the alter in many of the situa-
tions of life. Without question, much of what an onlooker
might think denoted an explicit knowledge of self in the
child’s action, might be wholly instinctive ; consciousness
at the moment might really be objective in content, as op-
posed to what is implied in the popular signification of the
term “subjective.” Self for the child is a body of predomi-
nantly instinctive attitudes and tendencies; it is not at all
a matter of focal awareness.
At this point we must inquire how it is that the indi-

1 The following observations may be cited at this pomt. Mr. B. says:
‘* Last spring at the closing exercises given by the pupils of the model school,
I had an opportunity of observing the behavior of children, from the kinder-
garten to the eighth grade, before a group of people. The children of the
lower grades up till about the fifth invariably showed not the slightest trace
of embarrassment. This was by no means so true of the sixth, seventh, and
eighth grade pupils, or those old enough ordinarily to be in those grades.
I noticed that the children who gave a Christmas entertainment last year in
my home town behaved in a similar manner.

H. J. W. gives this testimony: ‘‘ My mother used to have me as a child
say before visitors my prayers that she had taught me, to show how many I
knew. I delighted in this at first, and said my lines very loudly and boldly;
but after the seventh or eighth year I would shrink and cringe, and
mother would have to urge me very firmly before I would consent. I fre-
quently forgot my well-learned lines, which I could repeat glibly at other
times, when alone or in the presence of nobody outside the family. This
change seemed to come over me rather suddenly.”
INTERPRETATION OF EXPRESSIONS 65

vidual learns the meaning of the attitudes of the alter. The
argument thus far has proceeded from the concep- tnterpreta-
tion that the child’s ethical development depends ton st the
mainly upon the character of the reactions of the pressions
alter upon his expressions. What arouses hostile reactions
in the alter must as a rule be abandoned, while what pleases
him may be freely performed. But how can the individual
tell when the alter is pleased, or otherwise? Baldwin has
indicated one answer to this question. The child, he says,
early “ ejects” his feelings, and ascribes them to the alter ;
or, in other words, he interprets what he finds in the alter
in terms of his own experience under similar circumstances.
When he sees the mother laughing he concludes, in his
naive manner of course, that she feels as he does when he
laughs. So he is constantly acting on the assumption that
he can determine the alter’s feelings from his expressions,
on the basis of the relation between any particular feeling
of his own and its characteristic expression. But this answer
can be at best only partially true. For one thing, it should
be recognized that there is an instinctive factor operating
in the child’s “ reading” the expressions of the alter. The
infant can “read” the mother’s face and voice before he
has entered the “ ejective” period. He reacts appropriately
to the expressions of good-will and of anger before he has
himself expressed these states. So, too, he seems instinct-
ively to feel more or less completely the meaning of sob-
bing, as indeed the pet dog does, for it will show evidence
of distress, or at least of disturbance, when it is in the pre-
sence of one weeping. It is probable that the individual
comes among us equipped to respond with some measure of
appropriateness to the fundamental types of emotional ex-
pression, even before he feels the emotions himself; and
often this inherited responsiveness extends to rather com-
plicated and subtle expressions. X. at the age of one and
one half years evidently feels the meaning, in a general way
only of course, of even slight modifications in the featural
66 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

expression of her mother. S. at seven is much keener in
noting changes in expression ; he is certain to detect in those
near to him any display of sombreness or gloom or disap-
proval. It is not probable that in this responsiveness he is
interpreting in the light of his own experience solely, for he
has not had experience of just the sort he reacts to in the
alter. In a sense the more fundamental types of expression
have meaning, and produce responses in the child, on the
same principle as the burning candle does; a definite ten-
dency to appraisement and reaction in both cases is provided
for at birth, and it functions when the appropriate occasion
is presented.

It is not apparent why the child should not learn the
meaning of expression as he does anything else, by relating
it to its accompaniments as well as to its antecedents and
consequents. When he sees a smiling face, say, and his
mother at the same moment gives him pleasure in one way
or another, he easily comes to expect pleasure when he de-
tects this expression; and in all his reactions, and in his
imagery, so far as he has any, he associates smiling faces
with certain consequents that we designate as generous,
kindly treatment. In due course he will acquire the terms
that denote the meaning of this particular attitude, — kindly,
good-natured, happy, friendly, and the like, — but they all
go back to his early experience in associating a certain ex-
pression with a characteristic outcome in terms of his own
pleasure and pain. It is really not necessary, in order that
the child should react appropriately to the alter, that he
should be able to image the feelings that lie back of the
alter’s expressions; and while the terms used by the adult
in denoting expression do refer apparently to emotional
states, still for the child they indicate solely positive atti-
tudes in the alter.

When V. hears me speak of a certain woman as a
“sour” person, he interprets the word in terms of the way
she treats him, and also, though not so prominently, in
INTERPRETATION OF EXPRESSIONS 67

terms of the expression on her face. He does not now, as a
matter of fact, conceive of certain emotional states as the
basis of his own feeling and expression. He interprets all
the terms he hears descriptive of disposition or character,
or, in general, of emotion, in terms of his experience with
the persons involved, just as he would interpret the term
“ugly,” say, if it were used to describe a dog which had
bitten him. We can easily believe that an individual
equipped with the child’s intellectual outfit, but lacking ex-
pression altogether, could still learn in the manner indicated
the meaning of the grosser forms at least of expression in
the alter, as well as in animals. At the same time it is obvious
that, given a creature which feels and expresses and “ejects”
his experience into things like himself, he will all the more
readily discover the meaning of expressions similar to his
own in the creatures with which he has experience.
Unquestionably, then, as the child develops, he tends to
interpret the meaning of attitudes in others on the basis of
similar attitudes in himself, and to the alter he normally
ascribes, ever more largely with development, the feelings
which he himself experiences. As a result of this tendency,
by the time he reaches maturity he becomes in a manner
the measure of all things. This does not seem to involve
any peculiar psychological process, nor does it introduce
any new psychological principle. When the child becomes
acquainted with the traits of his own dog, he tends to ascribe
its characteristics to every dog at all resembling his own;
and this law is universal in its application. Now, is it not
reasonable to say that as the child matures his consciousness,
so far as it is personal, becomes filled ever more largely
with his own experience and attitudes, which he has learned
as he learns everything else; and that he then ascribes to
objects like himself the qualities and feelings which he finds
in this object he knows most about? In this law-abiding
way he must come gradually to give the alter some such
an outfit of feelings, needs, and desires as he finds in him-
68 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

self; it is inevitable that he should do this. Yet it should
be recognized that the individual usually, if not always, favors
himself in his attitudes toward the alter; that is, the needs
of the alter are not usually seen to be quite as pressing as
his own in similar situations, — his pains are not as severe,
his bravery is not as marked, his selfishness is greater, and
so on ad libitum. It is a rare child who can evaluate the
experience of a comrade, especially when the two are brought
into competitive relations, exactly as he evaluates his own
experience under approximately identical conditions. Such
a thing is never seen in infancy, when the alter is a thing to
be adjusted to and used for the advantage of self; the in-
terests of the ego give a special importance to the experiences
of self as compared with the alter.

This will, perhaps, be the best place in which to take a
glance at some popular notions regarding the relations of
Popular the self and the alter in the typical situations of
motitisg me Social intercourse. In current psychological theory

specting the
relation of the two are, or tend to become, inseparably asso-

theater ciated in all thought and action. However, this is
more evidently true of the mature individual than of the
child, as our previous discussion has indicated. It is prob-
able that when the child is pounding his nursery floor with
a hammer he is in only a very remote sort of way conscious
of an alter; possibly his consciousness at the time may con-
tain only things. It is true that in time even this act will
be likely to acquire some personal connections, which will
govern the individual in its performance; but just now one
would need to depend on faith in order to say that the alter
entered into the process at all. If there are people looking
on, the child may endeavor to attract their attention, but
even so, his chief interest may have no personal reference.
Surely we can take him early enough, when he is just be-
ginning to grab at the bright objects in his cradle, or when
he is making every effort to get food, and we can then see that
the alter plays no role in determining his action. The grati-
RELATION OF THE SELF AND THE ALTER 69

fication of appetite at the outset does not, so far as the
child’s consciousness is concerned, involve the alter in any
way. In time, though, every act of taking food will doubt-
less gain some sort of personal associations, so that the alter
will be in consciousness, focally or marginally, when food
is eaten; but this will be the result solely of associational
experience. In the beginning of life the child’s conscious-
ness is concerned only with things to be used in some way;
but with development all the relations with these things
come to be loaded with personal values. At every step
upward, then, the alter comes normally to play a constantly
increasing part in the thoughts, feelings, and attitudes of
the self.

The seers of every age have taught that we are members
of one body, and if one prospers all will be prospered, while
if one suffers all will be afflicted. The likeness between the
social and the biological organism in this respect was sug-
gested long ago. In the human body there are various mem-
bers related to one another in such a way that each attends to
some special need, and the entire organism profits thereby.
The more effectively any special organ performs its particu-
lar task, the better it will be for the community as a whole.
Its work is at once individualistic and socialistic, egoistic
and altruistic. The eye must be eager to get from the
environment everything that will gratify its own desires ; but
the greater its success in this regard, the more completely
will the needs of the entire organism be provided for. So,
according to this view, egoism and altruism in the human
body are complementary, and not antagonistic, in the out-
come; an organ cannot work for self without working for
others at the same time. If it should deliberately set about
to work for the alter, it would have to proceed in its own
way. which would result in ministering to its own special
needs. So, extending the argument to society, the interests
of the individual and of the group are regarded as identical ;
what is best for the one is best for the other; there can be
70 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

no genuine antagonism. It has remained for modern stu-
dents of society and social development greatly to extend
and perfect this notion of social solidarity, and to show how
the interests of the self, and all its thoughts, feelings, and
volitions, are bound up with those of the alter, which seems
to obliterate the old opposition between egoism and altru-
ism. As Cooley states it, the ego is always acting for the
approval of some alter, so that there can never be such a
thing as “selfishness” in the popular understanding of the
term.

This conception, which appears so attractive at first sight,
is nevertheless only a partial truth. Keeping to the biologi-
Arothein- C2. illustration, it is a simple fact that, in the
terestsof nutrition of the body, a group of special organs
the ego an . : oe
thealter or a single organ may under certain conditions
\dentical? secure an undue share of nutriment at the expense
of other organs. When the bodily community is prosperous ;
when there is nutrition enough for all organs ; when there is
‘no crisis to be met, there appears to be perfect codperation
and mutual sharingamong all the organs. But when the crisis
does come, there is apt to be struggle for survival among
the organs. For example, when the energy is running low

—in the organism, the brain may make such demands upon
the available supply that the muscles and the digestive sys-
tem will suffer; and the reverse may also be true. In dis-
ease it is generally the case that some member of the bodily
organism is not receiving adequate nourishment, because
there is not enough for the entire community of organs, and
some are greedy in appropriating more than of right belongs
to them if the principle of identity of interests is regarded
as the ruling one. Of course, in the end the greedy ones
will be penalized for their sefishness, since the weak organs
will lower the vitality of the body as a whole; and ultimately
total destruction will ensue. But temporarily an egoistic
organ may act in hostility to the warfare of the alter, and
be prospered on account of its cupidity; and in the general
Sw

RELATION OF THE SELF AND THE ALTER 71

break-up at the end, certain organs live considerably longer
than others, because they have an advantage in utilizing the
energies of the organism. Happily, though, nature has so
constituted things that, on the whole, there is such a rela-
tion between the members of the bodily community that
they can work together in prosperity for a long time as a
unity.

How is it now in the social body? If one secures what he
wishes for self, must it always be through ministering to
the needs of the group of which he is a member? If it is
justifiable to use the terms egoism and altruism at all,
should it be simply to describe the relative breadth of the
individual’s social interests? Is the egoistic person merely
one who works for the alter in a narrow and relatively non-
vital way,— as when he spends his life in pursuit of gold
he must serve others, but both his aim and his service are
relatively low and of only temporary worth? On the other
hand, is the altruistic individual one who works for self,
but in doing this he must serve others in some really im-
portant and enduring manner? It is claimed by some
writers that the man who is generous, who cares for the sick
and needy, who supports all meritorious enterprises, will
receive the respect and gratitude of his fellows in return,
and these are for him the most substantial and important
of all possible rewards for his efforts,

Looking at this matter from the developmental stand-
point, it is impossible to see how any one could think there
was no such quality as egoism in childhood, supposing egoism
to denote undue or exclusive concern for self to the neglect
or detriment of the alter.t What does a three months’ old
babe know or care about the alter ? How does he serve the

1 The following from Cooley (gp. cit. p. 92) may be noted in this connec-
tion: —

“Self and other do not exist as mutually exclusive facts, and phraseology
which implies that they do, like the antithesis egoism versus altruism, is
open to the objection of vagueness, if not of falsity.”

Again, p. 190: “ The satisfaction, or whatever you choose to call it, that
72 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

alter in obtaining what he wishes ? The service all goes one
way; it is all take and no give. And this continues for
many months, and without educative influences of the kind
described on preceding pages it would probably extend, in
a subdued form at least, into maturity. For one who studies
a child in his reactions upon the social environment, there
can be no doubting the fact that in his own consciousness
he is an egoist in the popular sense of the term; and even
viewed from without, it does not appear that he concerns
himself with the needs or desires of the alter, except as his
own ends are thereby very obviously ministered to. He is
constantly demanding service, not proposing equitable ex-
change of services, as men must do in maturity, which com-
pels the individual to give consideration to the desires of
the alter. Moreover, young children do not utilize what
they secure from one group of persons for the advantage of
another group, in order to gain the good-will and esteem of
this group, as the adult does.

If now it be asked whether, in the child’s activities, he
ever seeks to do another good without reference to the ad-
Neutraa  V2tage to self, the answer will not be in accord
attitudes in with current theory touching this matter, as ex-
Peeper pounded by certain psychologists. KE. in her daily
life at twelve performs good offices for her younger sister
and brothers, which could not be regarded as egoistic, in
the popular sense of the term, by any unprejudiced ob-
server. For example, she gives up her reading to repair her
sister’s doll, even though she has not been asked to do so;
and she gains absolutely nothing from her altruistic act,
except the happy expressions of the recipient of her favor.

one gets when he prefers his duty to some other course is just as much his
own as any pleasure he renounces.”

Still again, he says (p. 348): ‘‘ As a matter of fact, ego and alter, self
and sympathy, are correlative, and always mingled in ethical judgments,
which are not distinguished by having less self and more other in them, but
by being a completer synthesis of all pertinent impulses. The characteristic
of asense of right is not ego or alter, individual or social, but mental unifica-
tion, and the peculiar feelings that accompany it.”
NEUTRAL ATTITUDES IN CHILDREN 73

She probably does not experience the pleasure of a “ satis-
fied conscience,” such as the adult does; she is simply
moved by an impulse to serve, and she goes with the im-
pulse. She expects no return, and there is no evidence that
she is compensated in the way certain theorists maintain.
She would serve any child as readily as her sister ; and she
serves them in other ways than the one indicated. To be
sure, such activities do not constitute a large part of her
daily life ; nor, on the other hand, do the purely egoistic
actions occupy a prominent place. She moves through the
day, doing the tasks assigned her in school and at home
without a definitely marked attitude, either egoistic or al-
truistic. So far as her own consciousness is concerned, a
large part of her attitudes are without doubt neutral,
though viewed ad extra they apparently tend in one direc-
tion or another. She does not deliberately plan to serve
others, except when the spirit of giving is general about
her, as at Christmas time, when she applies herself for
weeks to making gifts for her companions. Neither does
she plan in any purposeful way to add to her own pleasures ;
she simply adjusts herself from moment to moment in any
situation in which she may be placed so as to get the most
out of it, according to the desires of the instant. If there
be competition for pleasures, as in the use of books, or ap-
paratus in the gymnasium, she ordinarily keeps what things
she can get as long as she enjoys them, and if there be not
too great protest; but if her competitors make a disturb-
ance, she may surrender to them as the best way to adjust
matters.

She is, however, always more ready to yield to the en-
treaties, and even the bullying, of her sister, who is still a
babe, than to her brothers, who are about her equals in
most forms of competition. She appears to feel that the
latter can care for themselves, and are ordinarily to be
resisted in their aggressions; though she will not resist the
aggressions of the former, which are more marked than in
74 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

the case of the brothers. But the apparently helpless and
needy, if they are at the same time not repulsive, seem to
arouse the altruistic impulses far more readily than those
who seem strong and capable,! though it is a matter of
feeling, not of reflection, certainly in the early years.

As the individual develops through adolescence, it can be
noted that a constantly larger proportion of his actions are re-
moved from the neutral class.? As he grows in reflectiveness
he becomes ever more conscious of the effect of his conduct

1 The following instance given by A. S. (an adult) illustrates quite the
opposite of this statement : —

“Thave been much interested recently in the observation of a child of
five. He is in matters of conduct rather poorly disciplined. In degree of un-
selfishness I have seen few children his equal. However, this doesn’t appear
to be a matter of training at all. Having few attractive characteristics, he is
made little of by myself and a friend, and yet he almost never sees us but
he insists on giving us something, if he has anything to give. I have rarely
done him a favor, and only occasionally do I more than greet him.

“ The other day he came through the dining-room where I was seated. In
his hand he held a few small confections, given him by a friend. He offered
me one, which I declined. He insisted, and I declined. Being seated at the
opposite side of the table, he could n’t reach me, so he called out, ‘ Here,
you catch it,’ which, however, I did not offer to do. Being called away by
his mother, he laid the candy on the table beside some one, and said, ‘ You
give it to her!’ and departed. This all occurred very quietly in a moment of
time, and I’m sure his motive was not just to have his way in spite of my
opposition. i

“On another occasion he entered the sitting-room chewing gum. ‘How
many pieces of gum did you get for five cents?’ asked some one. ‘Two
packages,’ was the reply. ‘Give me a piece, please!’ I remarked, not know-
ing whether he had any left. Taking several pieces out of his pocket, he
proceeded to distribute them indiscriminately about the room till the last
piece was gone.

“ Again, seeing my friend across the street, he called out, ‘ Wait, Miss G.,
I'll give you some candy!’ and he trudged over to give it to her.”

? Kirkpatrick (op. cit. p. 124) says selfishness does not appear until youth
is reached. Note the following : —

“Youths are then for the first time genuinely selfish, since if a selfish act
is done now it may be in opposition to an altruistic impulse, while before
this it involved only a choice between immediate and remote pleasures to
self. True selfishness emerges only when both the lower individualistic and
the higher altruistic impulses are felt. The adolescent may therefore be the
most selfish or the most self-sacrificing of beings, and is often each in turn.”

It will be apparent to the reader that Kirkpatrick uses the term selfish-
ness in a very different sense from what it has been used thus far in our dis-
cussion.
NEUTRAL ATTITUDES IN CHILDHOOD 75

upon his fortunes and destiny, and he is governed accord-
ingly. At times he unquestionably brings self to the front,
and deliberately works for its interests in ways in which he
thinks these will be most effectively advanced. At other
times he consciously strives for the good of his associ-
ates; though it is probable that in this striving he is more
conscious than the child of twelve of the reward he will have
in the good-will of the beneficiary and the esteem of the
social group. Rewards of this sort do not make a deep im-
pression upon the young child anyway. As the individual’s
foresight increases, as he is able to look ahead and note the
consequences of his conduct, his actions, viewed from with-
out, take on an increasingly altruistic character; but re-
garded from within they would probably be found to be
dictated in the interests of the self as well as the alter.
The girl of twelve is to some extent spontaneously, or per-
haps instinctively, altruistic at times; whereas the girl of
twenty may be much more altruistic in the extent and effect
of her actions, but not any more so in her feeling. But even
the latter is spontaneous in her altruism in some situations,
mainly those of a maternal character, — sacrificing for the
young, her own offspring predominantly, but not exclu-
sively. What prompts the mother to serve when service in-
volves suffering? Her view probably does not extend much
beyond the circumstances of the moment. Service is needed,
and it will be given without price. Here the alter is the
focus of all feeling and effort. There is probably an in-
stinctive tendency which abides with the individual during
life, and which causes him often to minister to the needs of
others without asking whether he shall be duly compensated
therefor ; though if we should search his being to its very
depths, we might find at its bottom, far from the seat of
conscious reasons and motives, an impulse to the effect that
if he gives aid in times of distress, he may be cared for
himself in his own hour of need.

Without stopping for further analysis here, it may now
76 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

be said that the child’s sense of duty,so far as it is ac-
arene quired, grows right out of his social experiences,
the sens Wherein he is made aware that it is of advantage
ofduty. = to respect the rights of others, and to share his
possessions with them, and help them when they are in
need. In the begining, the mother’s disapproval, revealed
in a variety of concrete ways, was the principal spur to in-
hibition ; and the child had actually to see her face in order
that it should control him. However, in the course of ma-
turing, as the imaging power develops, the mother can con-
tinue to exert an influence over her child’s conduct, even
when she is far removed from him. She really lives in her
boy’s springs of conduct when he is tempted to perform the
actions she has forbidden, or when he fails to perform those
she has urged upon him. She isthere in greater or less vivid-
ness of detail, looking on, and approving or disapproving
as she did in the flesh, and thus she directs him much as
if she were really present to his senses. As development
proceeds, the mother, in her concrete, distinct personality,
gradually subsides, so to speak, and there is left only the
appreciation of her general attitudes in the special sorts of
situations in which she has determined the child’s actions in
the past. And what is true of the influence of the mother is
equally true of every person who instructs the child regard-
ing his social relationships, whether of set purpose or only
incidentally, in the give-and-take of social intercourse or in
books.

If one should work out the natural history of any act
subject to the control of conscience, or which incites the
activity of conscience, he would find it conforming to this
general type. There must first be very definite, concrete
experience, — approving or disapproving persons, rewards
or penalties, and so on. Then in time these may operate
through imagination, as we say, with the result that the
concrete factors are gradually eliminated, but their import
is still felt. And, reinforced by impressions gained from
GENESIS OF THE SENSE OF DUTY 17

history, literature, art, religion, etc., this feeling or tendency
is sufficient to keep conduct in harmony with the forces
which influenced it originally. Until ethical action in any
situation becomes quite definitely established, the concrete
personalities who initiated it tend to remain as foci of atten-
tion, as it were, and so as counselors of behavior. It should
be impressed that when these concrete personalities have
receded to the margin of consciousness, the individual re-
mains responsive to their influence. He feels he must act in
the present as they encouraged him to act in similar situ-
ations in the past. He feels disturbed, ill at ease, on the
wrong track, if on any occasion he runs counter to his habit-
ual action, or that enjoined upon him by those who have
had a prominent place in his consciousness ; and ordinarily
he will be restless until he comes back into line. Con-
science, then, is active only when there is a felt lack of har-
mony between the individual’s present action and that which
has been urged upon him in the manner which has been
sketched above. As he develops and acquires a sense of the
attitudes of people in general, rather than the individuals
nearest him, he will gradually gain a feeling for certain
kinds of ideal conduct, or that which is generally indorsed
and taught by the people with whom he comes in contact,
or by literature or biography or religion, but with which he
is not in accord in his own conduct, in some respects at
least. So long as he knowingly falls short of this ideal as he
has come to conceive it, just so long will he experience
some measure of strain and tension. But as soon as his
action is brought into correspondence with his ideal, con-
science will approve; there will be a feeling of ease, of con-
gruity, of satisfaction. And if his ideal can be realized with-
out struggle, conscience will gradually cease to manifest
itself at all; there will be no further need for it to be
active.

Thus, as was suggested in a previous chapter, conscious-
ness on the social side is a sort of theatre in which one’s
78 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

friends and acquaintances and the public in general, so far
as it has become a matter of experience, whether in the con-
crete or in literature or art, constitute the audience whose
function it is to pass judgment upon the actor’s perform-
ances. Every deed is scrutinized by them, and one cannot
escape praise or blame, except in respect to those activities
that have often been appraised in the same way, and per-
formed readily, so that they have become automatic. This
it is that causes the child distress when he performs a
“mean” act, even when he knows it will not be actually
detected. These ideal spectators know of it, and they are
condemning or shaming him, and he is not fit to be seen by
his fellows. If a person should be so constructed (as idiots
probably are) that consciousness could entertain no ideal
personages who would commend or blame him for his con-
duct, it is impossible to conceive that in such a case there
would be any way for him to determine whether deeds were
right or wrong, except by their concrete, immediately ex-
perienced results. The right is, then, in the early years, at
any rate, what one’s models indorse; the wrong is what
they condemn.

I use the term models in a broad sense. Some of Shake-
speare’s characters may be my models in a very real and vital
way. Plato and Aristotle, through their written expressions,
may be living personages for me, and they may determine
my conduct in some respects; they may live in my con-
sciousness in a real manner, and act as counselors in mo-
ments of doubt. Sothe eminent men of all times, whose lives
I am familiar with, and some of the great characters de-
picted in fiction, as well as the persons now living whom I
have met in vital relations, all dwell within reach of my
springs of action, and play a part in approving or disap-
proving my conduct. Some stay close to the focus of con-
sciousness, while others take up a position more remote;
but none of them are wholly lost. When I am perplexed, I
try to discover how these persons would act under similar
THE DEVELOPMENT OF CONSCIENCE 79

circumstances, and when I see what they, or the majority of
them, or the more important of them, would do, I see what
I may do.

Reference has already been made, though in an incidental
way, to the part religion plays in presenting ideals of con-
duct, and in enforcing upon the individual the ay, cote of
necessity of conforming to these ideals in all his eg ton
actions. It would not be proper to attempt here ment ofcon-
to discuss in detail the psychology and social value **!2¢°
of religious belief; but there can be no objection to pointing
out the effect of religious training upon the ethical, or, more
broadly, the social attitudes of the child. The principle has
been developed that the child early discovers, from his give-
and-take experiences with people, that certain of his ex-
pressions must be repressed, while others may be performed
at will. In due course he generalizes his experience, to the
effect that anti-social conduct, as determined by the reactions
of the alter, is “wrong,” while that which advances the in-
terests of the alter as well as those of self is “ right.”” When
the child begins to differentiate his actions on the basis

of their social outcome, people must be actually present to
"his senses, and reprove him for non-permissible actions, and
commend him, or at least not condemn him, for his good
or right conduct. In the course of development, when the
imaging activity, and especially the reflective tendency, begin
to develop, the individual may feel the force of commenda-
tion or censure for his behavior when no persons are present
in the concrete. In due course, in normal development, the
parent, the teacher, the playmate, and others come to function
in the individual’s conduct through the force of habit, in
which there is an ideal factor, as of the parent forbidding
or praising a given action, and a motor factor arising from
the individual's action in the past. Further, through history,
literature, art, and the like, the child constructs ideal con-
ceptions of conduct, and these ideals play down more or
less constantly upon all his actions.
* 80 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

In religion the idealizing process acquires a prominence
which it does not attain in any other phase of the child’s
experience. Definite ideal personages are presented, and
impressed vividly upon the child’s consciousness. Speaking
generally, these religious personages are made to embody in
their own conduct, and to require of all persons, the highest
form of social action conceived by the people of any given
time or place. These personages are made extraordinarily
effective in influencing the individual’s action by ascribing
to them the qualities of omnipotence, omniscience, omnipre-
sence, and the like, so that they are always aware of one’s
transgressions as well as one’s faithfulness in the perform-
ance of duty. Moreover, these religious personages are, in
Christianity at any rate, perfectly just and righteous, so
that just and righteous conduct in the individual will be
fully appreciated and rewarded. Thus the child who has
had religious instruction of the character indicated has an
ever-present and very real stimulus to the performance of
what he comes gradually to understand as ethical, moral,
social conduct. Otherwise he is dependent solely upon the
momentum he has gained from the reactions of his early
trainers and associates upon his expressions.

The young child is very realistic in his religious concep-
tions. He readily accepts whatever is taught him regarding
Thereal- the attitudes of religious personages toward him
istic o#at- in his behavior; though it should not be inferred

acter of
the child’s that: catechetical instruction is always effective in

co aeteion this way. Of course, theological teaching cannot
be grasped by the child, unless it is presented through the
concrete deeds of definite personalities within his compre-
hension. But that instruction which portrays religious per-
sonages as perfect in conduct, their office being to reward
good and punish wrong action in human beings, becomes
potent in the child’s life in dissuading him from certain
forbidden acts, and coercing him in the performance of acts
which he would neglect except for stimulus applied a pos-

 
RELIGIOUS CONCEPTIONS 81

teriori. The religious instruction given children commonly
emphasizes the conception that God is an omniscient and
omnipotent lawgiver and judge, who will mete out justice
to every individual, inflicting pain when he disobeys, and
providing for his happiness when he acts in accord with
the instructions which have been given him. Now, these
instructions generally have in view the establishment of
fundamental social attitudes in the individual. The Ten
Commandments are rules which the individual must observe
if he would adjust himself harmoniously to the group to
which he belongs; the group would be destroyed in time if
these rules, most of them, were not followed by its members.
So the Sermon on the Mount is a social code suited to the
needs of a complex, peaceable society. In the same way most
of the religious principles sought to be impressed upon
children have the control of their relations toward their
fellows solely in view. The instruction which aims to develop
reverence for sacred personages and things, and the observ-
ance of religious rites and ceremonies, has for its end to
secure such an attitude of the individual toward religious
things that they can continue to control him. If he is deeply
impressed with the infinite wisdom and power of divine
persons, they can exercise a commanding influence over him
in restraining what he has been taught is wrong action, and
enforcing what he has been taught is right conduct. Thus
religious teachers often make a supreme effort to fill the
child’s consciousness with the idea of divinity as immea-
surably intelligent and powerful, and they surround all
religious objects and ceremonies with mystery, which in the
early years, at any rate, is favorable to the development
of attitudes of humility and obedience.

But the instructors of the young commonly go far beyond
the effort to develop in the child a consciousness of God as
the ruler of the universe, and arbiter of right and wrong.
They try to teach a vast number of specific facts regarding
the nature of God, the characteristics of His place of abode,
82 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

His associates in heaven, His method of administering jus-
tice to the faithful and the sinners, the place of abode of
those who offend the Divine Being, etc., etc. This instruc-
tion becomes, then, an intellectual exercise, and as such it
takes its place in the child’s consciousness with other intel-
lectual subjects, as history, science, and the like. The child
regards his catechism as a thing to be learned the same as
his arithmetic, and the one does not exert greater influence
upon his conduct than the other. It is the common thing to
see children driven to Sunday School to recite verbatim their
lessons, which never touch the springs of conduct in any way.
It will not be appropriate here to enter into detailed exami-
nation of catechetical instruction ; but any reader can verify
for himself the statement that nine tenths of all that is con-
tained in the catechisms of any of the religious bodies among
us that employ this method of instruction appeals solely to
the intellect, and is for the child up until adolescence at least
purely verbal. In the same way a large part of the work of
the Sunday School as it exists among us is strictly intellect-
ual, and it does not impress upon the learner the supreme
conception of the glory and greatness and justice of God, and
the certainty with which he administers social and moral
laws. As a consequence, children instructed in this way do
not gain from religion what it is really designed to afford
them, so far as their social nature and needs are concerned.
One may see children reciting every day in the catechism,
or in lessons worked out on the plan of the Sunday School,
who are not influenced in the slightest degree by what they
learn. This is seen most strikingly in the public schools of
Germany or England, where religious instruction constitutes
a regular part of the work, or in the parochial schools of the
countries like Italy, Spain, or Holland.

The one needful thing in religious instruction, so far as
it is intended to be of value in restraining and constraining
the individual in his social relations, is that it should suffuse
the child’s consciousness with a feeling of the reality of God,

 
RESUME 83

and of his infinite justice and wisdom and power, so that He
can read the human heart, and reward or chastise the indi-
vidual according as he has done right or wrong, as revealed
in his own conscience. Any philosophic speculation about
the personality of God, or His relation to the universe, tends
to lessen His influence upon the child’s conduct. In the same
way, undue familiarity with religious objects or ceremonies
tends to destroy that simple, elementary feeling which is
alone potent in shaping conduct. Children brought up in the
homes of ministers often come to look upon religious rites in
a purely mechanical way. The sense of mystery is lost, and
a feeling of commonplaceness supersedes it. In this way the
influence for good of religious feeling is nullified.

For the first eight or ten weeks the child is concerned solely with the
interests of self. At about the twelfth week he begins to manifest plea-
sure in personal association, as shown mainly in his smile and
characteristic vocal demonstrations. But for the infant the
alter does not have interests and needs like the self; there is nothing in
his environment, either personal or material, the well or ill-being of
which should be considered in determining his behavior. By the end of
the first year the child may on occasion inhibit his teasing or erying,
or share his candy or playthings in the presence and under the influence
of parent or governess; but very little of this sort of thing can be ob-
served during the early months. However, by the close of the second
year the child manifests some sense of social obligation, as revealed in
his effort to control his ‘‘ evil” impulses and perform acts of positive
social value.

Through the dynamic reactions of the alter upon his expressions, the
child learns slowly to differentiate persons from things, and to regard
the former somewhat as he regards himself. Imitation alone does not
suffice to secure this differentiation. Vital experience is necessary in

Résumé

1 Rey. J. H. K., a distinguished minister of the gospel, sends me the
following testimony: “I am distressed over the attitude of my four children
toward the religious offices of the house and the church. When they return
from a prayer-meeting they may make fun of the prayers offered by mem-
bers of the church, or they may complain at the length of the service or the
tiresome character of the remarks they heard. When I officiate at a funeral,
they almost always show interest only in the amount I received for my ser-
vices. I have long felt that my children go through their prayers at home in
a purely niechanical way, and they have the same attitude toward the church
service. I do not know what to do with them.”
84 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

order that expression may acquire meaning. There are doubtless cer-
tain expressions of the alter which are understood more or less instinet-
ively by the child, and these aid him in gaining a “consciousness of
kind.” For a time the child regards his pets as of his kind, but he
gradually grows away from animals because of their limited reactions
upon his expressions. :

By the fifth year, through the positive and negative reactions of
people, the child has learned to regard them in all his activities as
different from things. Approval and disapproval, rewards and punish-
ments very concretely given, enable the child gradually to differentiate
his attitudes into two great classes, which later he will designate as
egoistic and altruistic. Speaking generally, his experiences with people
teach him that conduct altruistic in nature will promote his interests,
while egoistic action will turn out badly for him. Community of interest
and action leads the child in the course of time to view the alter much
as he does himself, in respect to needs and deserts.

The child acts as aself long before he has an idea of self in a reflect-
ive sense. Self for the child is a body of instinctive attitudes and ten-
dencies. With development he learns to interpret the meaning of atti-
tudes in others on the basis of similar attitudes he has himself assumed.
However, in his ‘‘ ejective tendencies ” the individual usually favors the
self as contrasted with the alter.

Of the popular notions regarding the relation of the ego and the
alter, the common-sense view considers egoism and altruism as diamet-
rically opposed to one another, so that a person could not be egoistic
and altruistic at one and the same time; while according to another
view they are simply phases of every social attitude the individual takes.
Both these views are partial and so erroneous, at least so far as they
relate to the developmental period of human life. A considerable pro-
portion of a child’s actions are neither egoistic nor altruistic. They do
not have for their purpose the advancement of the interests of the ego
as against those of the alter, or vice versa. As the individual develops
through adolescence a constantly larger proportion of his actions is
removed from the neutral class; and viewed from without they appear
to become more and more altruistic, but regarded from within they
may be seen to be dictated in the interests of the self as well as or even
at the expense of those of the alter. There may be observed at every
period in development genuinely altruistic actions in outcome, spring-
ing probably from an instinctive tendency to help those in need.

People differ in respect to the degree to which they strive to pro-
mote the interests of self as opposed to those of the alter; and various
types in this regard have always been recognized in popular philosophy.

Action in the early years is usually unreflective, and is executed on
the basis of expediency. In due course, however, the individual dis-
cerns more or less clearly that certain kinds of conduct, positive as
RESUME 85

well as negative, must be required of all for the welfare of all. When
he makes this discovery he is prepared to assimilate ethical instruction,
which, combined with the influence of the hard knocks received in the
give-and-take experiences of daily social adjustments, gradually estab-
lishes the sense of right as opposed to wrong action. In the evolution of
the sense of duty the child first realizes that the rights of others must
be respected, and later he feels they ought to be respected.

A child’s conscience grows out of his social experience, wherein he
has been made to realize through the reactions of people upon his ex-
pressions that certain actions may be freely performed, while others
must be restrained. As he matures, the concrete factors are gradually
eliminated and the remaining feeling, reénforced by lessons from his-
tory, literature, art, and religion, suffices to guide conduct; and con-
science is active only when conduct is not in accord with the lessons
impressed in the manner indicated. As the individual acquires a sense
of the attitudes of people in general, whether of those about him or in
books, he gains a feeling for certain kinds of ideal conduct, and con-
science is felt only when he is conscious of disharmony between his
ideal and his real action. Consciousness on the social side is thus a kind
of theatre in which our friends and acquaintances, the public in general,
and characters derived from literature, history, and art, constitute the
audience and pass judgment upon our performances.

In religion the idealizing process attains a prominence which it does
not attain in any other phase of the child’s experience. The young
child is very realistic in his religious conceptions. That instruction
which portrays religious personages as perfect in conduct, and also
omniscient, omnipotent, and the like, and whose office it is to reward
good and punish wrong action in human beings, becomes potent in the
child’s life in dissuading him from certain forbidden acts, and coercing
him in the performance of acts which he would neglect except for
stimulus applied @ posteriori. But religious teachers often fail to make
a deep impress upon children, because their teaching is theological,
technical, and is merely verbal so far as the learner is concerned.
CHAPTER IV
JUSTICE

Our discussion thus far has prepared the way for a consid-
eration of the development of certain special attitudes aris-
Basalexpe- ing in the social adjustments of the individual;
faa and first, the attitudes involving the sentiment
sraent ot of justice. We have traced the method by which
ment the child acquires the conception that the alter has
feelings of pleasure and pain like himself. We have also
noted that in the process of development his sense of the
alter’s attitudes and needs becomes ever keener, and exerts
an increasingly determining influence upon his conduct,
leading him to regard and to treat the alter much, though
not precisely, as he regards and treats the self. As a result
of this developmental process, the child comes in due course
to realize that the alter has rights which first must be and
later ought to be, respected in all the relations which the
self assumes toward him. The goal toward which the indi-
vidual normally tends in his social development is undoubt-
edly the point at which he will readily grant to the alter
the privileges enjoyed by the self, and impose upon him
the same obligations; and he will insist in all the ways he
can upon every person receiving pleasures or pains accord-
ing to his deserts ; though the sentiments of mercy and pity
may sometimes urge him to shield the alter from the suftfer-
ing which his acts would entitle him to, in accordance with
the general view of justice current in the community at the
time. It is a commonplace, of course, that this sentiment
becomes embodied in time in laws or rules or customs, and
the individual who is strictly just will insist upon all the
members of the community being dealt with in conformity
thereto. But in every advancing society the sentiments of
RIGHTS AND RESPONSIBILITIES 87

sympathy, pity, and mercy go beyond the established laws
or customs, and they may, as they often do, protect individ-
uals from the consequences of their deeds as viewed in the
light of the regulations on the statute books. Thus mercy
has the effect of tempering justice, a phenomenon which
will receive the attention it deserves in another chapter.
When we say that the development of the sentiment of
justice tends toward the point at which the individual will
treat the alter as he does the self, it must be gquanty
understood that the term alter as here used can- %! "ents

° and respon-
not be interpreted to apply to all persons whom- aibilittes

soever beside the self, but, speaking generally, ener
only to those in the same “class” or group or **lass
circle with the self. One “gentleman” may resist any
suggestion to take advantage of another “ gentleman” ;
but he may act very differently toward his servant or his
slave. A Greek might think it unjust to cheat one of his
own nationality, but at the same time he might not hesi-
tate to take advantage of a foreigner. A student may feel
the justice of playing fair with his fellow students, but he
may experience no resistance to the impulse to take advan-
tage of the members of another college with which his
alma mater may be in competition, or even to deceive to
his own gain the instructors under whom he works. Evi-
dently the individual tends to recognize equality of privi-
leges, rewards, responsibilities, and penalties only among
those of a kind with himself, as he sees the matter. We
have already noticed how the consciousness of differences
among people is developed in the individual ; and once this
process of differentiation gets started, it gives rise to the
idea that all people are not equal, and so are not entitled
to the same rewards and penalties for any given deed or
catalogue of deeds. What would be excused in a king, say,
might cost a peasant his life. But kings, like peasants,
have their own codes, which operate on the whole to insure’
equality among the members of the respective groups.
88 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

Thus the sentiment of justice often serves to make per-
manent stratifications in social groupings, however estab-
lished, for it tends to keep individuals within the confines
of their respective classes in respect to their privileges and
responsibilities, their rewards and penalties. On the other
hand, in very plastic groups the sentiment of justice plays
an important part in changing the boundary lines between
classes, and in abolishing these lines altogether under cer.
tain conditions. While in American society there is some-
times a tendency for members of the “higher” classes to
resent the efforts of a member of a “lower” class to push
upward beyond his “station,” still it is possible for one in
the humblest sphere of life to be elevated to the most ex-
alted position, provided he is able to serve society effectively
according to its needs at the time. So there is developing
among us a feeling, more or less general and well-defined,
that in the spirit of justice a man should be rewarded —
in honor and opportunity, perhaps, rather than in money —
according to the measure of his ability, and his sincerity in
serving the community. Capacity to do what society desires
to have done, and faithfulness in the doing of it, are prob-
ably more important desiderata in the formation of classes
in our country than elsewhere, though even among us
wealth and ancestral connections play leading parts.

But we must return to trace out in greater detail the
steps by which the adult’s complex sentiment of justice is
The réleot developed. We have noted above how social ex-
the child's peTience works upon the original ego-centric ten-
tina. dencies of the child, and modifies, restrains,
ments diverts them, and even supplants them to some
extent by alter-centric tendencies. It has been. said in
effect more than once that, in the process of adjustment to
his fellows, the individual inevitably acquires a more or
less settled habit of taking into account the interests, the
point of view, and the tendencies of the alter. Now, this
experience lays the basis for the sentiment of justice in its
FIRST SOCIAL ADJUSTMENTS 89

fundamental meaning, — that all individuals should have
an equal chance in competition for the goods they seek to
obtain, and that they should suffer impartially according to -
their responsibility for misdeeds they have performed, or
for errors in judgment. It need hardly be insisted upon
here, after what has already been said, that the young child
is a bully, who strives to get more than his just portion of
the things he desires, and endeavors to transfer to others
the penalties which rightfully he should bear. The child of
two will not normally play fair when he is in competition
with his fellows. He will make use of every means at his
command to get that which he wishes, whatever it may be,
irrespective of the rights of others who are affected by his
action. He shows but slight appreciation of the feelings of
his parents, even in the varied activities of the home. He
is completely dominated by the goal toward which he is
striving, and nothing but forceful resistance on the part of
the alter can restrain him, when restraint is necessary ; and
it is probable that the original, all-powerful egoistic mo-
tives get modified or checked only by determined resistance
from those more powerful than the child. In time, as the
number of such occasions increases, the child comes to an-
ticipate them, so that he can with some measure of success
check himself.

If one will follow a child day by day, he may trace this
experience of resistance coming to be anticipated. Take, for
example, the case of a young child playing the game of toss-
ball with a group of children or adults. Let us say that at
the start he demands the ball most or all of the time. When
another gets it he cries for it, and gives vent to angry ex-
pressions if it is denied him. All in the group say to him,
“Tt is not your turn ; you have just had it ; you must let the
others take their turn,” and so on; but he is indifferent, at
this stage of his development, to their attitudes. He shrieks
at the top of his voice if it is not given to him, and if there
are older persons around to whom he can appeal, he will run
90 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

to them and endeavor by various means to excite them so
that they will come to his aid, and enable him to gain his
end. If he can get no help in this way, then he may try to
prevent the one who has the ball from playing with it; or as
a last resort he may try: to break up the group, or go off
sulking, expecting in this way to arouse the feelings of his
tormentors so that they will cease their opposition to him.
In all this experience there appears to be no consciousness
on his part that he is in the wrong; so far as his own atti-
tude is concerned, he is justified in getting the ball if he
wants it. Justice for him requires that his wishes be always
indulged. He is sincere about it, if it be proper to apply the
term “ sincerity ” to one whose motives are practically all
governed by a selfish aim, as his are.

But follow this child along for a little distance, and ob-
serve him taking his first lessons in justice, as the group
The method understands it. The persons whom he attempts to
eee bully will not give in to him. They tell him if he
justice will “ play fair ” and “ take his turn ” he may play,
but otherwise he must stay out. If the group is constant in
this attitude, the child will sooner or later discover that he
must check himself if he would stay in the game at all. He
will resist the development of this notion, but it will get
established in time. One can observe it taking effect in the
child’s attitudes. Yesterday, and for several days before
that, perhaps, he tried to bully the group, but he finally
drew himself sullenly off into the corner, and the game went
on without him. To-day he repeats the performance, but
one notices that he goes into his corner less readily; and
with some encouragement from the group he may literally
drag himself back into line, and actually take his turn. For
the rest of the game he will “ play fair” without protest ;
he has learned that the group will resist him unless he does
as the others do. Of course, this change is not wrought
suddenly as a rule; but whether it takes a long or a short
time to accomplish, it is always brought about according to
THE SENSE OF PROPERTY RIGHTS 91

this general plan. The instance cited is typical of innumer-
able cases occurring normally in the daily life of the child,
and all having substantially the same history and the same
outcome. It is true that some children are not in their early
years resisted in many of their aggressions, but such chil-
dren simply defer their elementary lessons in justice until
they come in contact with groups that will resist them; and
it is only a matter of time before they will meet these
groups, unless possibly they be the children of kings. But
even these latter children must ultimately come into conflict
with those of their own class who will resist them in their
unjust demands.

This will, perhaps, be the best point at which to consider
one of the most important though elementary phases of the
development of the sentiment of justice, —— the Aypoarance
evolutiop of the sense of property, with the re- a alia
cognition of the rights and duties appertaining "ets
thereunto. As we have already noted, the infant comes
among us with the naive feeling that everything he wants
“belongs” to him, in proof of which observe his utter lack
of restraint in striving to secure whatever attracts him.
His instinctive attitude is, get everything that is in any
way desirable. The six-months’-old child shows no apprecia-
tion, so far as one can tell, of the principle of property, ex-
cept that he should so far as possible obtain and retain all
that he can lay his hands on that pleases him or gratifies
his curiosity. He cannot, of course, be said to have a feeling
of right with respect to it, since he cannot appreciate that
the alter has a valid claim upon anything. The sense of right
can be felt only when the individual realizes that the alter
is competing for goods he himself desires, and that because
of previous experience affecting the things in question one
or the other should secure them and exercise dominion over
them. The infant’s feeling is that he should be master of all
he surveys; and the representations to the contrary made
by those about him have no effect on him, unless they for-
\ 92 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

cibly resist his cupidity, when he usually protests with voice,
fists, and body until he becomes exhausted, or until his at-
tention is diverted into other channels. But so long as the
desired objects are kept in view, the untaught, “ natural”
child assumes only one attitude toward them, and that an
appropriative or aggressive one. His brother may say to him:
« But it is mine, you know”; “You cannot have my things,
for I do not take your things,” and so on ad libitum ; but
these phrases mean nothing to the individual who has not
had some months, at least, of vital experience in meeting
with resistance in endeavoring to get control of goods which
have already been appropriated by the alter in accordance
with the rules of the social game. The principle is that the
terms mine and thine require for their proper understand-
ing by the child a vast deal of give-and-take contact with
others, as a result of which there is slowly develgped the
sense that objects belong to people by virtue of their having
had certain types of experience with them.

Let us glance now at the way in which the individual
discovers what sort of experience one must have with an
Develop- Object in order to claim it as his own against all
ment ot®?- competitors. To begin with, whatever the infant

preciation
of theright has in his grasp he will strive to retain as long as

tin he gets pleasure from it; and he will even endure
considerable punishment before he will release it. Take, for
example, his resistance to any attempts to remove his bottle
before he has satisfied himself with it; and this is a typical
instance. As he develops, and begins to grip objects about
him, he shows the same tendency to keep all he can lay his
hands on that pleases him. Now, suppose he is permitted to
retain whatever he gets in his grasp, and he is given every
object that he desires ; in such cases the original feeling
that all he wants he will secure is deepened in him, and
his expressions become ever more violent if accidentally or.
otherwise his wishes are thwarted in any way. But sooner.
or later he is resisted in his attempt to gain possession of
THE RIGHT OF POSSESSION 93

objects which are much desired by others to whom they
“belong,” and at that moment he begins to differentiate
goods into those that the alter will not permit him to have,
no matter what efforts he makes to obtain them ; those that
he can secure if he struggles vigorously for them; and
those that no one tries to deprive him of, or to resist him
in his efforts to secure them. When he is prevented by his
brother from taking a certain object, the latter says to him:
“Tt is mine because papa (or mamma or some one) gave
it tome”; or, “ They said J might have it”; or, “ because I
got it first”; or, “because I found it”; or, “because I
have had it a long time,” and so on through a number of
other reasons. If the father prevents him from getting the
object he desires, it is ‘ because it is not good for you,” or
“it belongs to Brother,” and so on. But, the child never
sees the justice of these positions at the outset; he always
responds with, “ Well, Z want it.” This is the only reason
he can understand for claiming anything of value. But he
is resisted, and he learns, through ceaseless opposition to his
aggressions, that when father or mother gives an object to
his brother he himself must keep his hands off it. He comes
to this point in his evolution very slowly, but the reactions
of the social environment keep him moving toward it with
greater or less rapidity, depending upon the strength of his
original impulses in comparison with the intensity and con-
stancy of the educative influences playing on him.

So, by the method sketched above, he discovers that when
a brother or sister or playmate is in possession of an object,
no matter how he or she came by it, it cannot be appropriated
by himself without violent reactions from those who have
control of it. One can observe this lesson as it is being
learned and applied in the child’s daily adjustments. In the
beginning, when he is acquiring familiarity with the ele-
mental principles of property rights, he at times extends
his application of the principles to his dog, his cat, even his
rocking-horse ; they must be left in control of the objects
94 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

which they now possess. One can see a child vigorously de-
fend the rights of his pets against the depredations of the
marauders about them. There is, perhaps, an element of
make-believe in this, for it is not long before the individual
shows that when his interests so advise, he will pay no heed
to the rights of his pets, but he will without any restraint
despoil them of their belongings for his own advantage. It
is not long in his learning process before he will ascribe
genuine property rights only to those living things that really
resist his attempts to plunder them.

While his freedom of appropriation is thus being narrowed
constantly through the reaction of the alter, the principle
involved is brought out distinctly in his experience when he
is in conflict with his fellows in respect to his own posses-
sions. If he is being attacked by invaders, he calls upon his
father or mother or any person who can help him to defend
his belongings. Then arises the necessity of determining
whether he is entitled to the goods he claims, and the novice
is made to give a reason, acceptable to those about him, why
he should not be deprived of some or all of them. This is
an exceedingly illuminating sort of experience for him; it
compels him to recognize certain fundamental property
rights, and to consciously employ the principles involved in
trying to keep his “things” under his control. Every hour
of waking life during the first few years, he must appeal to
these principles in his inevitable conflicts with his fellows, if
he has give-and-take relations with them. Slowly the princi-
ples are brought out more or less clearly, depending upon
the nature of his experience, because matters of vital con-
cern to him are settled by them, and they define for him
what he may get and keep, and what he may not appro-
priate.

As the child develops, and his relations with people be-
come ever more complex, he continually learns new and
more and more subtle principles of ownership; and he
finds as he endeavors to obtain and retain goods that the
PRINCIPLES OF OWNERSHIP 95

rules he first learned must be modified in various ways.
For instance, it is revealed to him in due course, pevetop-
though he resists learning the lessons, that he may ™ental

. 7 changes in
not always keep possession of an object when he respect to

finds it, or when it is given him by a companion, Princes
or when he buys it with his penny, and so on. It sup
must be impressed by repetition that he abandons any prin-
ciple of ownership when it operates to his advantage only
after a hard struggle ; he “cannot see” why he should not
keep this or that ; “I always have done so,” and the “ other
boys keep their things when they are given to them,” and
soon. There are conflicts at every step forward, from the
time when original impulse begins to get restrained and
diverted until the individual comes into complete accord, if
he ever does, with social practice so far as it directly affects
him. If social practice is constantly changing in some re-
spects, — as it is in every plastic or dynamic society, — the
individual never reaches the point where all conflict in re-
gard to rightful ownership ceases. As his range of social
contact enlarges he is brought up against traditions, customs,
laws which he cannot understand. Like the boy of six, he
“ cannot see” why he may not keep complete control of the
goods that in a simpler social organization would of right
perhaps belong to him. When he comes into the city from
a rural life, he must reconstruct many of his principles of
ownership ; he cannot now enjoy the liberties with some of
his belongings which he enjoyed when the interests of but
relatively few people were involved in his use of them.
The greater the number of egos the child comes into vital
relations with, the more intricate becomes the question of
control and ownership. Also, when scarcity of goods exists,
and the desire for possession becomes ever more urgent,
the greater the tendency to modify the principles governing
ownership, so that those who have in relative abundance
may share with those who are in need. It is probable that
the individual passes through some such a course in respect
96 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

to recognition of the principles of ownership, as does the
society of which he is 2 member, if it is at all plastic. As
members increase in any community, the principles of contro]
and possession must be constantly revised, to insure that
some may not possess the world to the disinheritance of
others. Thus there are no eternal and immutable rules of
possession in any dynamic society. These rules depend in
general upon the conditions which will secure comfortable
existence to the greatest number, as the greatest number
sees the matter at the time, though no people so far as we
know has ever completely realized this ideal, albeit many
have striven toward it. Needless to say, perhaps, we are
here touching upon a well-nigh infinitely complex matter,
when we consider the practices of the different races of
men, and the present tendencies among progressive nations,
which are seeking deliberately to construct rules of action
that will insure the perpetuity of the society, and secure to
each individual to the largest possible extent life, liberty,
and the pursuit of happiness. Forever, if these ends be
attained, there must be reconstruction of the principles of
ownership as the conditions of the society itself change.

It should be noted in this connection that the lessons
taught the child by the group in the negative manner already
The réleot IWdicated are usually supplemented by positive
positive in- instruction given in different ways. For one thing,
struction in , 6 2 7 <
developing in his games the child’s companions commend him
the sont when he “plays fair,” and the effect of this ap-
justice proval is plainly apparent upon the individual at
every point in his ethical development. He keenly appre-
ciates having all those in his group applaud him for his
actions, wherein he takes no advantage but gives every one
a fair show under the rules. At times, it is true, the attitude
of the group may not be favorable to the development of
justice in one of its number who may be inclined to bully ;
but it is within bounds to say that, in ninety-nine cases out
of a hundred, children from the sixth or seventh year on

uy
THE SENTIMENT OF JUSTICE 97

will in their group attitudes encourage at least simple, crude
justice as it concerns the activities of individuals in a group.
A gang may prey on “ outsiders,” and it may idolize him
among their number who has the least regard for the rights
of his victims; but at the same time the group will resist
any inclination in such an one to give rein to his aggressive
temper when he is dealing with the group itself. Even
among thieves there is honor ; they must play fair with one
another, though they may recognize no obligations toward
any one without their circle.

This group reaction upon the individual’s concrete acts
continues throughout the entire course of his ethical devel-
opment; and its most marked general effect is its tendency
to make him conform to the rules of the game as played by
the group at the time. As the child’s range of activity
increases, he comes into touch with groups of ever-widen-
ing ethical interests, until if he lives his life normally he
will run through the scale from infancy to maturity, and
he will get group reaction upon practically every aspect of
social conduct, — censure if he does not play fair, and com-
mendation if he does unto others (the others of the group)
as he would be done by. He cannot escape this. moulding
process by the group. Whatever he does at any period of
his ethical career, after the age of one or two at the latest,
produces a response of some sort from the group or groups
in which he holds membership; and looking at the matter
in a large way, this response serves to encourage just ac-
tion, and discourage that which is unjust, according to the
customs of the time and the place.

The kind of group response to individual action we have
been examining is more or less non-reflective, even reflex
or automatic. But the group, through specially purposeful
delegated members, often reacts upon the child’s ete
aggressions in a deliberate, conscious way, with the group
the purpose in view to make him appreciate that unwilling-
ness to play fair is “‘ mean,” “ piggish,” “contemptible,”
98 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

unjust, and so he should change his attitude. Even a child
who is habitually in the bullying attitude will often de-
nounce one of his fellows when the latter tries to take such
an advantage as he may frequently take himself. Children
are very quick to give publicity, with appropriate comments,
to mean actions among all those with whom they are in
competition in any way, in order thus to arouse hostile
reactions from the group. It is practically impossible for
a child, from the time he begins to understand any form
of expression in the alter, to escape for any considerable
period this sort of ethical education, aimed at making him
restrain his egoistic impulses. In the beginning the mother
tells him “it is not right” to keep the ball all the time;
his brothers and sisters want to play as well as he does.
She asks him how he would like it if they should keep it
from him so that he could not play; and so on ad libitum.
Later his fellows become more dynamic and effective in
their instruction ; and while all this has but slight influence
upon egoistic tendencies at the outset, still the effect is
cumulative, and grows ever more compelling as the group
resists the individual in his bullying, and penalizes him for
his selfishness. Of course, terms like “right,” “mean,”
etc., have little if any significance for the child until he
gets well started in his ethical evolution; and they would
never signify anything definite probably if he did not meet
with resistance in his aggression, or if those near him were
not resisted in their depredations upon the rights of others.
It is suggestive to note with what feeling a mother may
condemn a certain action because it is not right or just,
while her five-year-old boy may be entirely unaffected in
contemplation either of the unjust act or the mother’s con-
demnation of it; which is one evidence that the sentiment
of justice is the product primarily, not of natural endow-
ment but of social experience, wherein the rights of the
alter are literally pounded into the individual.

But there are doubtless certain instinctive tendencies
INSTINCTIVE TENDENCIES 99

functioning in the child’s reactions in some of the situations
in which the sentiment of justice is operative in Thetneise
a crude form. Even at a very early age the indi- slements

. . . . in the sen-
vidual will resent the punishment of his pet dog  timont ot
by any member of the family ; indeed, he will ‘st
resent the harsh treatment of any of his possessions as soon
as he begins to get the feeling that they belong to him
and not to others. So, too, he will show indignation as
early as the twelfth month when a larger brother chastises
a smaller one (it is not so often the case the other way
’round), except possibly when the babe himself has de-
manded the administering of the penalty. That is to say,
the year-old child is a not wholly indifferent spectator of
the adjustments of his associates to one another.' In a very
elementary, crude way, and while he is still an infant almost,
he resents the domination of the weak by the strong espe-
cially, though he may show some feeling also if a smaller
person makes another, who may be strong, suffer in a very
concrete way. Later on he will lend his voice and his fists
in support of the weak individual, or the “under dog,”
even if the latter seems strong, in the event that he has no
personal interest in the conflicts which arouse his feeling.

Of course, the child’s own interests are bound up some-
how in the contests of his fellows in most of the social
dramas occurring in his presence in daily life, so that it is
impossible to say definitely to what extent his natural feel-
ing for fair play determines his conduct in much that he

14H. J. P., a correspondent, gives the following testimony touching this
point : —

“My experience varies upon this matter. It appears that it makes a dif-
ference who the actors are. ‘M.,’ my infant sister, was visibly displeased
whenever I attempted (in playfulness, though to her it was in earnest) to
‘pummel’ father, providing he showed signs of resentment. I might act the
same toward another member younger than I, and babe would not resent
it. In this instance the baby seemed to sympathize most with those who
were doing most for ‘ baby.’ Mother was as liable as myself to be rebuked,
providing she should in any apparent manner abuse father, who then held

her (baby). My younger brother has always supported me as against my
sisters, although they are all younger than I.”
100 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

does. Moreover, his love of combat often leads him to
countenance conflicts which an active sentiment of justice
would urge him to terminate if he could. Boys not infre-
quently stand by for a time and see a bully punish one not
of his dimensions or strength; but sooner or later the sense
of fair play will be likely to assert itself, and the aggressor
will be told to take some one of his size. Young children
are not ready and skillful in detecting differences in size
and strength, but when these differences are very obvious,
their inclination is to side with the weaker ones in the con-
tests they witness. Any close observer of children in group
relations can notice them from the first year on standing
up for what might be regarded as the right, though they
do not think of it in this way. In general, the child will
sympathize with one who is suffering pain, as against the
one who caused it. It happens now and then normally in the
child’s life that he is led astray by his feelings, for he may
take the side of one who deserves chastisement, and who
would be benefited by it. But the child does not look for-
ward or backward before he expresses his feelings; he
reacts at once, on the basis that pain should be relieved
and the person (or even the thing) who occasioned it should
himself be made to suffer. It is suggestive that, when the
child is in a resentful frame of mind, he can easily endure
the sufferings of the one against whom his resentment is
directed ; indeed, he often takes keen pleasure in inflicting
penalties upon some one who has made him “ mad,” even
though the latter may be his best friend.

It is worthy of emphasis that the sentiment of justice as
expressed by the child is altogether “ blind,” to use the pop-
Thereflex ular figure of speech. When the child observes a
traacter ft contest he does not take account of circumstances,
mont ot iss as the adult normally does, in order that he may
beginning determine which of the contestants is in the right,
or whether both may be wrong. The child’s impulse leads
him, as a rule, to throw his strength to the support of the
THE CHILD’S NOTION OF JUSTICE 101

one who in size and strength is clearly at a disadvantage,
though he may really need chastisement. He may have
presumed upon his weakness, and attempted the réle of an
aggressor; but the child cannot go so far in his considera-
tion of contributing factors. The feeling for fair play on the
part of the child, and to a less extent of the adolescent, is
not held in check until motives or “extenuating circum-
stances” can be reviewed. This is without doubt the most
striking difference between the adult’s and the child’s
attitudes toward situations in which equity is involved.
The principle in question has an interesting application
in another way. Take a family of seven, say, —the father
and mother and five children, the latter from three to
twelve years of age. Suppose they are engaged in the per-
formance of household duties of some sort, which are not on
the whole agreeable. The chances are that very frequently
questions of fair play must be considered. The parents try
to settle them in view of conditions which should make one
child do more or less, or a different kind of work, than
another. But if the children be given freedom to express
themselves, the younger ones at least will often be in con-
stant turmoil. Each is apt to suspect that the other is fa-
vored above himself, and he cannot easily be made to
appreciate the equity in the matter. The only thing that
will satisfy him will be to have all the others do just as he
does, no matter what it may be, except in the case that he
is doing something that he particularly likes to do, when
he is most skillful in discovering reasons why he should be
left alone in the enjoyment of his pleasure. If a boy of five
be sent from table to wash his hands, he is apt to demand,
if he feels free to express himself, that his brother be made
to go also, even though his brother is not in need of ablu-
tion. It may be noted, though, that the arguments the boy
now urges for having his brother do the same unpleasant
thing as himself he will decry loudly to-morrow night, when
his brother uses them against him under exactly the same
102 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

circumstances. The young child is amazingly inconsistent
in his evaluation of circumstances which should govern the
conduct of himself and of his fellows; he is a long way
from acting so that his action might be made universal.
The child of twelve is normally far more consistent, and
the youth of twenty is still more so. This is revealed in a
striking manner in the resistance which is being constantly
offered by the parents, teachers, and others to the aggres-
sions of the three-year-old, and the comparatively slight re-
sistance offered to the activities of the twenty-year-old. The
latter has brought his original impulses under control, so
that he can and normally does avoid the actions which meet
with opposition from those about him, while at the same
time he deliberately performs to a greater or less extent
those actions that receive the approval, positively expressed,
of his associates. The five-year-old must have fifteen years
of vital experience before he can lay his course along a
route on which he will not meet with continual opposition
as he endeavors to proceed, but on which he will rather be
given applause.

How can one describe all the difficulties which the child
experiences in comprehending the principles of equity which
are applied in adjudicating the conflicts which arise in his
daily adjustments! Doubtless most of the actions of the
child of seven, say, which are performed in response to the
request or command of those in authority over him, and
most of the restrictions imposed upon him, seem to him
unfair, in the sense that he resists them, and finds reasons
why he should be excused from submitting to them. He is
utterly unable to see why others should be favored above
himself in any of the concerns in which he is interested.
“‘T don’t see why I can’t go to skate if K. does”; «I don’t
see why I have to go to school when S. does n’t”; «“ Why
can’t I stay up until nine o’clock? the other boys do”; “I
don’t see why I can't have as many sugar lumps as H.
does,” and so on ad libitum, are instances which illustrate
EXTENUATING CIRCUMSTANCES 103

the child’s difficulties in understanding the justice of any
rules which do not operate to his liking, though he may be
very ready to defend them in their application to a brother
or sister or classmate. S. cannot see why he cannot sit up
as late as V., who is older than himself, though he will
“argue” with K. to show her she should not remain up as
long as he because she is younger than he is; and this in-
stance is typical of what is going on normally much of the
time in the life of a group of children from three to ten
years of age, when their spontaneous expressions are not
suppressed.

Before he acquires a feeling for an equitable adjustment
of relations, then, the child demands that rules be made
universal irrespective of persons or conditions, ex- pevelop-
cept when his own interests are at stake, when he ™totan

z ‘ ¥ 3 apprecia-
easily sees that justice would not be violated if he tonot “ex-

should be favored. The conditions which come rae

earliest to be regarded as requiring special consid- ®t”

eration in the administration of rules of behavior are sick-
ness, smallness, weakness, or age, especially the former.
When an individual is obviously ailing, so that he presents
to the eye of the child a weakened or strange aspect, then the
latter will exempt him from the requirements which he will
impose on all others, because they have sometime been im-
posed on himself. The possession of superior talents, or
hereditary rights, or anything of the sort is given no attention
by the young child in his universalizing of the ethical law,
though they usually play a prominent part in the judgments
of youth. Even productivity is not considered as a basis for
discrimination, for the father or mother will often be held
by the children for the performance of the duties required
of themselves; and they will expect the parents, who have
alone produced goods of value, to share and share alike
in their distribution, unless the parents have from the begin-
ning compelled the children to play a subordinate role in
the domestic drama. But in this latter case the children
104 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

defer to the parents in their ethical judgments because they
must, and not because they feel the justice of it. However,
as the child grows into the adolescent period, he normally
comes to recognize the special claims of age, mainly, no
doubt, because of the precedence which tradition gives to
the older people of the community. By the time he has
reached his twelfth year, at any rate, the chances are that
the individual has read and heard much about respecting
one’s elders, and always yielding to them simply because
they are older and so more deserving than others. It is
significant, however, that in communities where age is not
venerated, the children do not spontaneously come to make
distinctions in their judgments in favor of their elders. In
street gangs marked disrespect is often shown to older
people, especially when they become infirm, and are unable
to redress the wrongs done them ; all of which suggests that
there is little if any instinctive provision made for the child’s
discriminating in favor of those older than he.

The favoring of age in administering rules of justice is a
matter of social, not physical heredity. It has literally to be
driven into many children; it appears as though they natu-
rally resisted it. In a primitive society the elders force the
young to make obeisance to them, and always to decide in
their favor as against younger individuals; and even among
highly developed peoples, as the Germans particularly, the
educational régime from the cradle to full maturity is cal-
culated to teach special regard for age, so that the young
come as a rule to grant to older people rights and privileges
which they would deny persons of their own age. But this
is not in the least “natural”; it is imposed upon the child,
and he accepts it as a matter of necessity. In America there
is, on the whole, a tendency for children to treat adults on
the same basis as they treat their companions; justice de-
mands that they all conform to the same rules in respect to
privileges, as well as penalties and rewards. Indeed, in
some instances the child early acquires the attitude of ex-
APPRECIATION OF MOTIVES 105

pecting that his elders will always give way to him and his
companions ; they did so during his first few years, and his
sense of fair play has been determined accordingly.

H. is the only boy in a family of three adults, who have
“cherished ” him dearly, and have always “ humored ” him
in his demands. He frequently has playmates in the house,
and he exacts from the older people the same consideration
for these playmates that he himself receives. As a result,
he has reached the point where he expects his elders will
always serve him and his playmates and sacrifice for them.
He cannot quite understand it when he finds an adult who
will not indulge him in his every wish. For him, justice
requires that he should have the right of way before grown
people, which is exactly the reverse of what one finds in a
typical German household. We see here another piece of
evidence to the effect that the sentiment of justice, as ex-
pressed in the early years at any rate, is the product of
experience, and it differs with individuals according as their
experiences differ. A child who has from the beginning
been resisted by older people in authority over him, and
required to take a minor part in the affairs of daily life,
will come to feel that the parent, the teacher, the minister,
the policeman, e¢ al. should always by right have the best
end of everything ; their wills, however they may be ex-
pressed, should not be ignored or opposed by himself. But
children who have “had their own way,” as against grown
people, will not know how to take resistance to their wishes
from the teacher, the minister, or any one else.

One of the most interesting phases of the evolution of
the sentiment of justice concerns the development of an
appreciation of motive, as determining the sort of Develop-
reaction which the individual should make upon Reresletisn
the expressions of the alter. In the beginning, jf motive in
actions are responded to in view of their external actions
character and their outcome, no matter what may have been
the alter’s intentions in respect to them. The child really
106 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

assumes his attitudes in view of the results of the alter’s
conduct, and he expects the latter to do the same in respect
to his own actions. If a child of two has been punished for
carelessly breaking his dish, say, he will anticipate similar
treatment when he breaks it in a purely accidental and
unavoidable way. In a home where children are frequently
whipped or chided for acts of negligence, destruction, vio-
lence, or interference with the activities of one another or
the established order of things, they demand that “ justice
be meted out” to any one who has offended in any of these
ways, whether or not he is negligently or intentionally guilty,
“ An eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth,” regardless of
motive, sums up the child’s code of justice and equity,
which terms mean to him the same sort of attitude. It is
the visible, tangible effects of action that he goes by in
reaching his conclusions as to the treatment deserved by
the actor. But it is in one sense not proper to use the
term deserved here, for the young child has no mental
content which would enable him to make the discrimina-
tions implied in the term deserve. To intelligently use this
term, one must have reached the plane of development
where he can feel that the alter is not to be judged by the
outcome of his action so much as by his motive in perform.
ing it, and the conditions under which it is performed.
All this is beyond the two or three-year-old, though some
children show evidence as early as the fourth year of appre-
ciating motives and determining conditions of actions. How-
ever, such appreciation is quite imperfect at four; but
normally it grows ever stronger, more comprehensive, and
controlling until maturity is reached.

We must now inquire how the child acquires the feeling
for motives as determining the essential quality of actions.
To begin with, from the first year on he is often placed in
situations where the notion of motive is made prominent
in dealing with individuals, though he does not seem to catch
a glimpse of the idea until he is well past his second birth-
APPRECIATION OF MOTIVES 107

day. But in due course he discovers that the parent and
the brothers and sisters do not react in the same way upon
all his actions which have substantially the same outcome.
For instance, §., V., and H. are building a “fort” in their
nursery. K., who is not permitted to move around the “ fort”
as freely as she wishes, at last breaks down a part of it in
a fit of anger. Impulsively the injured children fly at her, and
“spank” her. She remonstrates, and goes complainingly
to her mother, who comes as a judge to the scene of the
disaster. The proprietors of the “ fort” make it clear to the
latter that K. performed the evil deed “on purpose,” and
the mother tells K. she must bear the penalty she received ;
and, moreover, she must be isolated for a time, since she
“cannot play nicely and fairly.” She tells K. how “naughty”
it is to disturb her brothers and sisters in the way she did,
and how she cannot let her go near them atall again unless
she can be good. The culprit is, of course, in a more or less
impervious and resistant attitude toward this instruction, but
nevertheless it has an effect, and with repetition it ulti-
mately makes a deep impression.

This instance is typical, in essential features, of experi-
ences the child is having constantly during his early years
and, in more and more subtle ways, even well on toward

-adolescence, and possibly through it and beyond it. But here
now is a different sort of experience, which makes the
learner of ethical lessons see that as a rule it is motive
rather than outcome that is chiefly considered in the way
the alter responds to his conduct. The “fort” is again
knocked down by K., but this time she accidentally stum-
bled and fell on it. She herself appreciates a difference
between her attitude in this and in the other case. Then, after
the first more or less angry expressions of those who suf-
fered from her accident, they forgive her, and dismiss her
with the warning “that she must be more careful next time.”
This, too, is in outline a typical instance of nursery life,
and of the life outside as well; and it serves to differentiate
108 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

actions in the individual’s consciousness on the basis of his
attitude toward the alter in performing them. So, by the
time the child is four, one may frequently hear him excus-
ing himself on the plea that he “ did not mean to do” this or
that”; he realizes more or less clearly that this is one way
to escape penalties for careless and even vicious acts, and
he tends to employ the formula whenever there is an open-
ing. He comes easily to think he is not responsible to the
extent of being penalized for the unhappy outcome of his ac-
tions if he does not deliberately harm any one. Of course,
he is not very keen in distinguishing between what is de-
liberate or purposeful and what is only accidental. He is
not at all introspective ; and actions which the adult often
regards as malicious, he may himself say are without evil
intent.

On the other hand, if he has not been punished for his
spiteful actions, he will be perfectly free in confessing that
he did this or that “on purpose.” H. at four years of age
affords an illustration of this principle. He has always “ had
his own way” in a home where he has had only adults for
companions ; and when he plays with other children, as he
sometimes does now, he inflicts divers sorts of pains upon
them, merely because they get in his way, or deprive him
of some object he covets. When he is asked for an explana-
tion of his behavior, he says (speaking now of his relations to
a particular child), “‘ Well, she would not let me have it” ;
or “ I wanted to be in theswing ”; or “ She was in my way,”
and so on. But the child with whom he plays always excuses
herself if she injures him, by saying that she “ did not mean
to,” or that he struck her first, or that he took her things
away from her. She has already begun to appreciate that
the treatment of an action usually depends upon the motive
behind it; but H. thinks that the gratification of his own
desires is a sufficient justification for any act.

It has been suggested that the individual in his evolution
passes through a stage wherein he fancies that no penalty
THE SENSE OF RESPONSIBILITY 109

should be attached to such of his’ actions as turn out badly
if only they happen by chance. But he does not stop here
long, for social forces keep working on him, and he is
gradually made to realize, in a very obscure way at first,
that he must suffer the ill consequences of accidents, espe-
cially when they occur as the result of his “carelessness”
or “‘thoughtlessness.” Every moment, as he develops, the
situation normally grows more complex with him; and
while he stoutly resists taking the “thoughtful” attitude,
still this is in due course literally forced upon him to
a greater or less extent. As his range of social contact
increases he is penalized in a variety of ways for actions
that result unfortunately, even if he did not intend evil in
their execution. It seems hardly necessary to dwell upon
the point that some children learn these lessons earlier, and
more thoroughly and subtly, than others, largely because
they have experiences in which the essential principles are
constantly impressed ; but all individuals, except those that
are sub-normal, learn them sooner or later.

As the individual grows on into adolescence, the idea of
responsibility for his actions becomes ever more prominent
in consciousness, and at the same time the condi- pevetop-
tions determining responsibility become ever more Ment ot the
involved. In the beginning his feeling about an sponsinility
act was dependent wholly upon its outcome; he did not
take into account the circumstances under which the act
was performed. Then, through the character of the reactions
of the alter, he came gradually to feel that unfortunate
results of his actions were not to be recorded against him
unless he meant to produce them. Next, he slowly came to
a realization of the fact that he must pay the penalty for an
accident if he could have avoided it by being cautious, —
by being more alert to the possible ill consequences of his
acts. Incessantly, as he develops, he is called upon to justify
his conduct on the bases of motive, carefulness, responsi-
bility. In all these experiences the notion of responsibility
110 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

is impressed upon him, and the conditions under which he
becomes responsible are at one and the same time defined
ever more clearly, and made more and more subtle. At nine
he is made to feel responsible for a deed that results un-
fortunately to any one, if he has in the past been warned
against it or anything closely resembling it. He is held
responsible for getting his lessons in school if the pupils in
his class master theirs, and he is penalized if he fails so to
do. In short, he is made to feel responsibility for perform-
ing tasks and avoiding actions that the majority of the
nine-year-old children in the community are, as a matter
of tradition largely, assumed to be able to do. In every
community there is a general sense of what should be ex-
pected of children of different ages; and while this varies,
for communities and teachers and parents, still the variation
is slight after all. This “general sense” has been passed
along from one generation to another since the beginning
of human society, being modified to a greater or less extent
by each generation, with the result that individual children
are held responsible for what this tradition indicates they
should be able to do. Then the child is often led to see
the reasonableness of holding him responsible for a given
act, though he may not acknowledge that he appreciates it,
by showing him that his playmates are held responsible for
similar acts. He may resist the adult’s view of his respon-
sibility, but he cannot long resist the application to him
personally of a principle which he sees generally applied to
the groups of which he is an active, vital member.

The consideration of factors determining responsibility
mines does not extend beyond the concrete self until

‘ect . 4

ofadoles- the adolescent revolution is well under way. The
Lae child of eleven or twelve never spontaneously ex-
foltag et USS himself for a misdeed because of an inherited
responsi- tendency to perform it. So he never justifies his
= low grades in school, or his failures, on the basis
of a lack of inheritance of ability. Naively he regards him-
ADOLESCENT CHANGES 111

self, so far as natural gifts are concerned, as on a par with
his fellows; and if he does not do as well as they, it is
because of some accident, or some physical disadvantage
operating against him. In this naive manner he assumes
that all people are equal by birth, though as early as the
age of five he appreciates that there are differences between
his fellows in strength, in temperament, in helpfulness, and
so on; and later, by the age of eight at any rate, he sees
that there are. differences between his classmates in their
abilities, as in reading, singing, drawing, speaking, etc.
But still he does not go back to original endowment for his
explanation or justification of these differences. He will
talk of a stupid classmate as though he could be bright if
he would try hard enough; and while he does not ascribe
his own failings to lack of effort, still he does not locate the
trouble outside of himself. “I can’t do it; I don’t know
how; I have n’t had as much of that as the others,” he will
say, and more like it.

But during the adolescent upheaval, when introspection
develops with extraordinary rapidity, the individual often
tries to make an inventory of his abilities, native and cul-
tivated, and he readily comes to the view that he is what
he is largely because of inherited powers and tendencies.
In some of the adolescent autobiographies, one may read
bitter denunciations of the general scheme of things that
cursed the writers with ugly bodily features or mediocre
talents, or what not. The child of ten could not take such
a point of view, for the reason that he has no sense of a
“ general scheme of things” which shaped him physically
and determined the measure of his abilities. He regards
himself as he is, without questioning the circumstances of
his origin. But these circumstances play a leading role in
the adolescent’s estimate of himself, and of his responsibility
for living the sort of intellectual, esthetic, and moral life
that tradition imposes upon the groups to which he belongs.
When he falls short of the standard as he sees it, he not
112 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

infrequently avoids self-censure by laying the “ blame” on
the existing social order, or he may carry it back to his
ancestors, his nationality, or his Maker. This does not
mean that he fails to do his best to meet the obligations
which rest upon him, thinking to place the responsibility
for his deficiencies on others than himself. But when he
feels he has made an effort which has not accomplished what
the community expected of him, or what tradition standard-
ized for him, then, to restore equilibrium among his own
emotions, he may pass the problem of justifying his action to
those who, as he thinks, conferred upon him his tendencies
and capacities. At the same time he may assume responsi-
bility for neglect to use to the full the talents or abilities
he knows he possesses. He may also shoulder the blame for
not acting in the present in the light of previous experi-
ence, to the end that he might avoid past errors and seize
opportunities for being of service to his fellows.

In the daily life of the adolescent there is normally much
strain and stress due to the individual’s failure to adjust
himself fully to a complex social environment, and his
effort properly to locate the responsibility for this failure.
It is probable that this tension is greater at twenty, say,
than at forty ; since by the time the latter age is reached
the individual has, as a rule, largely settled for himself the
question of the extent to which his native equipment in
physical, intellectual, esthetic, and moral traits equips or
disqualifies him for attaining the standards reached by his
associates, and. he worries less about his shortcomings than
he did at a younger age.

In the course of his development, and as a result mainly of give-
and-take relations with his fellows, the child comes to realize that the
Besa alter has rights, which first must be and later ought to be re-

spected in all relations affecting the welfare of the latter.
The goal toward which the individual tends in social development is
the point at which he will treat the alter as he does himself, in respect
alike to rewards and to penalties.

This sentiment of fair play or justice becomes embodied in ever
RESUME 113

more complex forms in the customs and laws of a community; and in
compliance therewith all members of the community are, theoretically,
treated impartially according to their deserts, though mercy may fre-
quently temper pure justice. This equality of persons before the law
is, however, recognized by the individual only as it pertains to the
members of any given class. Thus the sentiment of justice in static
societies often preserves social stratifications from effacement or modi-
fication. In plastic groups, on the other hand, it plays an important
part in constantly altering class boundary lines. Capacity to do what
society wants done, and faithfulness in the doing of it, are the most
important desiderata in the determination of classes in our country;
though wealth and ancestral connections play leading parts.

The child is a bully by birth, and it is only through conflict, with
resistance and retaliation from his social environment, that he makes
his first social adjustments. As he comes into vital relations with the
group, he sooner or later discovers that his aggressions will on the
whole be resisted and even thrust back upon him, and so he learns
that he must do as others do if he would get on well. The untaught,
“natural ” child assumes toward all objects of his desire an appro-
priative or aggressive attitude. Only through a great deal of give-and-
take contact with others do “ mine” and “thine ” come to be properly
understood. Gradually there is developed the sense that objects ‘ be-
long ” to particular people by virtue of their having had certain types
of experience with them.

As the child is resisted in his attempts to gain possession of certain
objects while he is not resisted in other cases, he comes in due course
to differentiate goods into those that the alter will not permit him to
have, those that he can secure by struggle, and those that no one
makes any effort to prevent him from obtaining. Through almost
ceaseless opposition to his demands, he discovers that what is given to
others, what is bought by them, or earned by them, etc., he must not
attempt to appropriate. In his conflicts with his fellows in respect to
retaining goods once in his own possession, he is compelled to recog-
nize certain fundamental property rights, and consciously to employ
them in his appeals to his parents et al. Thus he slowly learns the
principles that define for him what he may get and keep.

With broadening experience new principles of ownership are gained,
and old rules are continually modified. But there is conflict at every
step forward; and the individual is brought in time to realize that
there are no immutable rules determining ownership. In plastic soci-
eties the rights of possession are in due course seen to depend upon
the conditions which will secure equality of opportunity to the great-
est number.

Supplementing the negative instruction which has been sketched,
the group reacts in a positive way, with a view to teaching the child
114 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

to be just, commending him when he plays fair, and censuring him
when he plays foul; and this serves, on the whole, to encourage just
and discourage unjust deeds. This group reaction upon the individ-
ual’s acts continues from infancy to maturity, and normally it affects
every aspect of his social adjustment. He is denounced by members of
the group when he tries to take advantage, and he is praised when he
shows fairness in his conduct.

There seems to be an instinctive element in the attitude of justice,
which is shown by even very young children in their sympathy with
the weaker person in the contests they witness. The young child does
not as a rule take account of circumstances in his reactions upon situ-
ations arousing the sentiment of justice; he usually sides with the one
in need of help, whether or not he is deserving of it. The feeling for
fair play on the part of the child is not held in check until motives
and extenuating circumstances can be reviewed.

Before he acquires a sense of the need of equitable adjustment of
relations, the child demands that rules be applied universally, irrespec-
tive of persons or conditions, except where his own interests are im-
periled thereby. The favoring of age in administering rules of justice
is a matter of social, not physical, inheritance.

In the beginning the child has no appreciation of motive or inten-
tion in actions which affect him; he responds to them in view of their
external character and their outcome. But with experience he learns
to differentiate actions on the basis of his attitude toward the alter in
performing them. He discovers that the alter reacts differently to ac-
tions according to the intention of the actor in their performance.

At the outset the child expects the alter will respond to his actions
on the basis of their outcome. Then, as he is let off for accidental mis-
haps, he comes in time not to hold himself responsible for deeds not
done purposefully. But as his range of social contact widens, he is
made to realize that he must suffer the consequences of his own care-
less or even unfortunate, though not careless, action. As he grows on
into adolescence, the idea of responsibility becomes more and more
prominent, and the conditions of responsibility more involved. Before
this time the factors determining responsibility are not considered as
extending beyond the concrete self; but during the adolescent up-
heaval introspection develops greatly, and the individual often takes
account of his “natural” abilities and inherited powers and tendencies
in estimating the degree to which he is responsible for what he does
or fails to do.
CHAPTER V
RESPECT

In popular thought, one will be “respected” only when he
observes, outwardly at least, in his public and private life
the more important social and moral standards and charaoter-
ideals of the group with which he has vital rela- yA'as
tions. It is true that under certain conditions we eae
may respect persons who do not conform to the non

less important (as we think) group standards of conduct ;
but in such cases the individuals thus favored possess ex-
ceptional qualities of some kind, usually marked strength of
personality in certain particulars, which make it difficult for
us to condemn or to ignore them. For example, the writer
knows a man, a resident in a churchgoing community, who
never participates in church services ; but nevertheless he
is universally respected because he is absolutely frank, and
yet considerate of the feelings of others, in the statement
of his belief that he can do more good by spending his time
in other ways than in attending church. And as he is an
uncommonly forceful man, who serves his community in
many directions, there is a general and yet definite convic-
tion among those who know him that whatever he does cannot
be seriously wrong anyway. Other men in the same commu-
nity who do not observe the custom in regard to churchgoing
are not highly esteemed by the faithful, since the former
are not strong enough in other respects to counteract social
disapproval for their lack of conformity in this particular.
This is normally the way in a community where standards in
reference to any action, even though conventional, are gen-
erally observed ; the dissenter usually brings upon himself
the censure of the group, though it is otherwise with the
individual who can make his associates believe that in his
116 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

nonconformity he is pointing the way to higher things. Of
course, the reaction of a community, either in approval or
condemnation of a person’s conduct, may not be very dy-
namically expressed ; respect is a much less definite, direct,
aggressive attitude than others that we shall study presently.
In passing, however, it may be remarked that men will as
a rule express their attitudes positively and forcefully in
reference to certain kinds of action which obviously affect
social well-being profoundly. For instance, a cruel murderer
will be dealt with in a direct and summary manner, since
society realizes that if he or his type is left at large the com-
munity itself will be destroyed. So the group will in a very
marked manner commend a brave general who has per-
formed some heroic service for his fellows, as when he has
protected men in their lives and fortunes. In a more or less
reflex way they celebrate his virtues in a conspicuous fash-
ion, so that he and his kind may be prospered, and that
others in the group may emulate him when the occasion
presents itself.

Rather striking examples of social and anti-social conduct
have been mentioned, in order thus to illustrate the way soci-
Respectisa ety reacts upon the individual when it can see with
ae its own eyes, as it were, that he is either a friend
iveattitude or a foe of the community. But social or anti-social
conduct in modern complex society is not ordinarily of a sort
that appeals directly to the senses, and sd stirs automat-
ically the primal instinct of self-preservation. It requires
rather obtrusive meanness on the part of an individual for
the community to react vigorously upon him in the effort to
protect itself, by checking or eliminating him. If an alder-
man, for a consideration, gives away a valuable franchise in
his city to a corporation, the community may realize ina
way that by this act he has injured the social body ; but yet
it does not seem to be a life and death matter. The anti-social
deed does not occur on the instant; and, moreover, “there
are always two sides” to a question of this sort because of
RESPECT AN APPRECIATIVE ATTITUDE 117

its subtlety. Then a part of the community often cannot
appreciate that a real damage has been done; this form of
evil is so new and elusive that its seriousness cannot be
generally felt, and consequently it does not arouse deep
feeling in all members of the community. When a murderer
or felon or traitor or incendiary or horse thief (in some com-
munities) is at large, practically every one can react strongly
to him, for they can image what may occur if he is not sup-
pressed. But it is different with the ward boss, or the boodler,
or the employer of child labor, or the walking delegate, or
the adulterator of food-stuffs, or the “high financier.” As
already intimated, the harm which these latter individuals
do is not very concrete or obvious, and so it is not reacted
to vigorously by the majority, perhaps, of the people. In
the same way the man who is honest in politics and business,
faithful in his marital relations, devoted to his filial duties,
and true in all moral relations, may not, on account of these
virtues alone, appeal to the impulsive emotions of his fellows,
as does the hero on the battlefield or the football field or
in the pestilence-stricken city. With much public display
medals may be awarded to men who have performed service
in these latter ways; but rare it is that any demonstration
is made in celebration of the achievements of a man who has
taught a class of students, say, to be honest, and to practice
the virtues essential to the highest welfare of the community
in modern times. The latter form of service is too complex,
it is too new, it is not picturesque enough to awaken an
urgent feeling of approval in society. There may be some
expression of feeling from certain of the man’s friends; but
it will be quiet, non-demonstrative ; it will indicate approval,
a friendly attitude, confidence, trust, good-will ; in short, the
individual will be respected.

Tt is a common saying, even in America, that the child
should be trained to respect his elders and those superior
to him in any way, or in authority over him, or representa-
tives of the state or the church, or any institution regarded
118 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

as sacred. It is the chief, perhaps the sole aim of the edu-
Respect tor cational system of many peoples, as the Chinese,
institutions the Meors, the Russians, the Italians, et al., to de-
and superi- . iy
ors velop in the young respect for the established insti-
tutions, and all who are connected with them. It is apparent
what the réle in the social drama of such a practice as this
is; it tends to conserve the existing order of things, and to
insure to those in authority a continuance in the enjoyment
of their advantages. Those peoples who are most insistent
in demanding respect from the young for the civic and
ecclesiastic rulers are, as a matter of fact, most stable, in
the sense that the social order endures longest without
change. Even among such a progressive people as the Ger-
mans there is relatively slow social readjustment. Indeed,
the existing institutions and social distinctions are at the
present time undergoing but slight if any change, though
there is a rising tide of feeling against the monarchical form
of government, which tends to keep the favored few in
positions of great privilege as compared with the masses.
But this unrest is due mainly to the infusion of foreign
views into German life. Englishmen, and Americans espe-
cially, are responsible for much of the growing disrespect for
the established order in Germany. The education of the
young still tends to conserve respect for the emperor and
everything he favors, and also for the church, though dis-
cussion has already begun to spread among the people the
conviction that this institution is not supremely worthy of
homage, since there are many forms in which it presents
itself, and these are themselves antagonistic to one another.
In a German school to-day it is no uncommon thing to hear
the Protestant church, say, held up for veneration in one
classroom, and for derision in another. Children early take
sides, each party presenting to the other the errors and
shortcomings of his faith. Inevitably this tends to break
down allegiance and respect, though outwardly the young
may defend the cause they have espoused, and they may
CONVENTIONAL PROPRIETIES 119

conform to the conventional methods of showing apprecia-
tion. But inwardly doubts and suspicions, aroused by the
attitudes of associates, begin to develop, and they often
strengthen until they destroy the original attitudes of re-
gard and homage.

But it is altogether different in reference to the training
of the young to respect the state. From the moment they
begin to understand any sort of instruction they are duly
impressed with the greatness and majesty, and even the holi-
ness, of the sovereign, and all who are the direct instruments
of his will. In every schoolroom the mention even of the
name of the supreme ruler is made an occasion for the dis-
play of high regard by the pupils. The emperor’s picture
adorns many schoolrooms, and no opportunity is missed to
awaken in the young lively feelings of appreciation of and
devotion to him. There is no splitting up into antagonistic
groups among the pupils, some manifesting regard for the
sovereign and others maligning him. If there is any show of
disrespect on the part of nonconformists, the offenders are
quickly suppressed, so that their vicious influence may not
be permitted to poison the minds of those who are well dis-
posed. In this way, the young are kept in an attitude of
what outwardly resembles respect for everything that per-
tains to the state as it is constituted at the moment. In the
same way, respect is developed for the rulers of the house-
hold, — the father and mother, and all adult members of the
family.

But is this really respect? or is it simply the observance
of conventional proprieties? Are not “respectful” children
very often simply those who are “civil” toward pospect ys,
those in authority over them, whether kings, the observ-

oe ance of con-
magistrates, parents, teachers, or ministers? Such ventional
children make way before their “superiors,” and ™Pretss
respond to their inquiries with “yes, sir,” and “no, sir”;
while children lacking “respect” in popular usage do not
apparently recognize any social distinction between those in
120 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

authority and playmates. For a child to address his father
as “sir,” while he does not so address his brother, is usually
taken to denote that he appreciates his father’s excellence,
and respects him for it. So, in the view of many people,
children who are properly trained in the matter of respect
will not interrupt their elders when they are talking; they
will give them first choice in every situation where there is
an advantage in having the pick.

It has been intimated in previous chapters that before
adolescence children do not “naturally” take attitudes
Respect ys, toward their elders or their rulers in the ways
admiration just mentioned. A boy of seven, say, does not
normally manifest homage spontaneously in the presence of
his father because of the latter’s excellence, except it be in
the matter of unusual strength or courage or mechanical
skill. So the child really does not in a true sense respect
his father, no more than he respects any one else. He may
admire a noted athlete or pugilist or an engineer or a fire-
man, but he cannot be said to respect him. So the deference
he shows to those in authority is generally the result of
fear, originally at least, though it may be, at the age of
seven, say, largely a matter of habit, thus having no sig-
nificance for the attitude of respect so far as the child’s con-
sciousness is concerned. What outwardly may seem to the
onlooker to be an indication of recognition by the child of
moral excellence in the one to whom he makes obeisance,
may often be only a recognition of the wisdom of maintain-
ing such an attitude for his own welfare. Not excellence
but chieftainship in a superior is the real motive for assum-
ing the obeisant attitude, if an untaught child can be said
to be ever really obeisant. He may be polite outwardly,
which will give the appearance of being respectful, but
inwardly there will be a profound difference between the
two attitudes. A boy of seven, say, is not yet aware, except
in a very obscure way at best, of standards of conduct
insisted upon by the community, and to which all for the
THE MEANING OF SELF-RESPECT 121

common good should conform; and he is not critical in
detecting whether those about him take cognizance of such
a standard. His concern with people has reference primarily,
not to their observance or negligence of ethical standards,
but to their ability and willingness to help him achieve his
ends, or to entertain him or to keep out of his way.

With these introductory words upon the general attitude
of respect, we may turn now to a consideration of the atti-
tude of self-respect. This latter term implies that sce huey
one can, on occasion at least, view the self objec- ing ot seif-
tively, and take attitudes toward it in certain "?**
situations as he would toward the alter in similar situations.
It has already been said that, in the process of development,
it comes about that the self and the alter are, allowing for
minor exceptions, judged by the same ethical code ; though
it was stated that, in times of crisis, the individual will
ordinarily favor self as against the alter. However, there
is a more or less prevalent view of the relation of the ego
and the alter which may be mentioned best in this connec-
tion, for it has a vital bearing on the attitude of self-respect.
This view maintains that the genuinely ethical person will
allow others larger freedom of action, in contravention of
community-standards, than he will allow himself; that he
will overlook in others transgressions which he will not
condone in himself. People sometimes say they cannot toler-
ate in the activities of the self certain kinds of dissembling,
as in ordinary society relations, for example, which they
may regard as permissible on the part of the alter if he can
feel justified in his own conscience. This view undoubtedly
reflects the trend of the advance guard in ethical evolution,
but it is probably not truthful to the situation as it actually
exists among us. It indicates that the race is making a
supreme effort to develop in the individual the disposition
always to exact of the self what he exacts of the alter ; and
in order to put a prize on self-discipline, the latter is some-
times in public representations exalted above its true status
122 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

at the present stage of ethical development. There is little
need for society to urge the individual constantly to demand
that the alter live up to community standards, for it is
“natural” for one to make insistence of this sort. But it is
necessary for society to urge the individual to deal rigidly
with the self, which, as we have seen, is not as easy for
most persons as to deal rigidly with the alter. People then
stimulate and encourage and sustain themselves and one
another in what they know to be ethically ideal by professing
that they have more rigorous standards for self than for the
alter; but this is a matter of aspiration mainly, if not wholly,
for in their daily adjustments they do not seem to show
adherence to these higher standards, which seek to keep
the self completely under control, restraining it in its ego-
istic and driving it onward in its altruistic tendencies. The
instinctive and habitual inclination of the individual is de-
cidedly in the direction of favoring the self; but his con-
scious striving, his ideals, look toward holding the self to strict
conformity to the highest social rules he knows, while leaving
the alter to the discipline of his own conscience. Perhaps
in certain instances this conscious ideal may have become
stronger and more compelling than original tendencies, with
which it must be in continual conflict; but if so, it is un-
doubtedly rare, so rare, indeed, that it may be practically
ignored.

From what has been said above, it must be apparent
now that respect and self-respect develop pari passu; and
Origin of the same must be true also of the negative atti-
the auitude tudes of disrespect and shame or mortification or
Tespect contrition. When achild manifests disrespect for
another on account of any act or attitude, he will tend to
feel mortification or shame when he perceives himself in
the same situation. So when he reaches the stage when he
can assume the attitude of respect toward the alter for his
social or ethical conduct, then he can assume somewhat the
same attitude toward the self under similar conditions. It
ORIGIN OF SELF-RESPECT 123

is very probable that an individual cannot feel either pleased
or the opposite with the self, in respect to actions and atti-
tudes which are of indifferent value as viewed in the alter;
and the converse is unquestionably true. For instance, a boy
of five is quite unmoved at the sight of soiled hands or face
or clothes in the alter, and he feels no shame or humiliation
whatever when his parents or nurse call his attention to his
own unclean condition. It is the common thing for parents
to attempt to shame their children at every meal on account
of their soiled hands and face; but their efforts to arouse
attitudes of self-condemnation fail utterly. Day after day
and year after year the same efforts are made by the parents
with the same outcome, until in the process of development
the ideal of physical cleanliness commences to be established
among the child’s system of values, when he will manifest
displeasure at the sight of uncleanness. And as soon as he
begins to appreciate this ideal with reference to self, he
begins to appreciate it also as desirable in others.

In the early years cleanliness in a companion is not a trait
which the child counts for or against him at all, unless he
be extremely offensive, so that he is a source of physical
annoyance, to the sense of smell mainly. The esthetic or
hygienic feeling of the child of five, say, is very rarely out-
raged by the condition of his companions or any of his
associates. It is true he may notice a very dirty face or a
badly torn and soiled suit, but he regards them mainly as
objects of curiosity. He does not assume a repellent attitude
toward them, though he may repeat current conventional
condemnatory phrases taught him by his mother or nurse.
Not until the adolescent period is reached, and sex appre-
_ ciation and feeling is awakened, does the individual become:
genuinely responsive to neatness, cleanliness, etc., in appear-
ance. Before this he must be urged to attend to his toilet
so as to conform to conventional practice; but it is an
arbitrary matter wholly with him, and unless constant
pressure be applied to him he will relapse into his original
124 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

indifference to personal appearance, and he will not feel
humiliated if he is detected with dirty hands or clothes.
One rarely sees a child before the adolescent period
ashamed or mortified or humiliated or even chagrined.
Appearance Lhere is no evidence that remorse or contrition is
ot the atti felt before this time. The child may be annoyed
shame, and sorry and suppliant, and the like ; but these
ae latter attitudes, which are aroused in direct ad-
celtesteam, JuStment to objective conditions, are quite different
eto. from the former, which show subjective feeling
with discipline of the self. A child may be suppliant as a
matter of expediency, but not show the least inclination
toward self-condemnation ; one can tell by looking at him
that he is merely doing the thing which he feels will at the
moment save him from trouble. Instantly the indignant
parent or nurse or teacher is appeased, the child assumes
his wonted attitudes, in which he shows no consciousness of
having transgressed any rules. But it is otherwise with the
expressions of the mortified individual. His social environ-
ment may change, but he may remain unchanged until the
subjective difficulty into which his transgression has plunged
him can be cleared up. As you watch the adolescent who
has been made ashamed, you can see that, unlike the seven-
year-old who has had exactly the same experience in out-
ward. features, his attention is wholly subjective and his
emotions centrifugal in direction. He is not now studying
the attitudes of the alter, so that he can return to his ac-
customed self-confidence and self-assertiveness as soon as
the latter relents in his resentful expressions; on the con-
trary, he is endeavoring to adjust his recent action to his
ideal of what he should do, which ideal has been established
in the manner worked out in preceding paragraphs. In the
same way a child may before adolescence be vain of his
possessions, or some article of adornment, as a ring; or he
may be haughty or overbearing ; but he shows none of the
attitudes attendant upon feelings of self-approbation or
THE CHILD’S REACTION TO REPROOF 125

honor or esteem or veneration. That is to say, the self as an
object to be respected or condemned does not play a part in
the individual’s feelings and attitudes before the adolescent
epoch.

It is suggestive to note how unconcernedly children from
the age of two or three to eleven or twelve receive reproof
and criticism which might stir an older person |. ;

‘ 5 . e child’s
very deeply. Sometimes one is placed in situations reaction to
where he is compelled to witness a teacher, parent, ™
or other person attempting to arouse shame or remorse or
contrition in a child, by charging him with offenses against
fair play or truthfulness or decency or honor. The older
person, even as an onlooker, may feel the sting of the
rebukes given, but the child is liable to react as he may
think best in adaptation to the immediate situation. His
attention is likely to be wholly objective, so that the chiding
does not strike in as the one who administers it expected it
would. The child is apt to rebound the moment the criti-
cism ceases, in which respect he is strikingly different from
the adult, who would either feel abased or indignant, ac-
cording as he thought the charges just or otherwise. Chil-
dren before adolescence do not strongly feel resentment
toward those who ascribe to them more or less serious
deviation from social, ethical, and moral standards, in which
regard they are again very different from the adult. This
must mean that the child does not realize that the self is
seriously injured by such charges of social alienation. It is
true that a child as early as the fourth year will usually
deny when accused that he has violated any rule of conduct
which has been impressed upon him, mainly because of the
attitude of the one who blames him. He feels, rather in-
stinctively, that he should resist any one when he is in that
peculiar attitude toward him which is seen in one who is
charging another with some transgression. It does not
make much difference to the child what the content of the
charge may be; the featural, vocal, and bodily attitudes
126 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

are what give the victim his cue as to the sort of reaction
he is to make. I can assume the attitudes of one who is
charging another with lying, and then accuse a six-year-old
of having studied his lessons in ‘school faithfully, and he
will assume the negative or resistant attitude, thinking that
I must be censuring him, and if he does not repel the
charge he will be penalized.

The child before adolescence does not mind seriously
what people think of him, except as their estimate is ex-
The child’s pressed definitely in very concrete actions affect-
indifference ing his immediate welfare. The boy likes to be
reputation spoken well of on the playground for his skill,
since then he will be permitted to play in prominent positions
in the group games. He likes to be talked about as a daring
fellow, who cannot be frightened ; and to be made the leader
of the group is a coveted honor, for which he will sacrifice
much, and undergo ordeals of considerable rigor. At the
same time it will annoy him to be called a “ tittle-tattle,”
or “ coward,” or “ quitter.” However, his attitude in such
a case is a combative or angry one, rather than one of
humiliation, whether he be guilty or not. It approaches
more nearly to humiliation the older the boy gets; until, in
the high-school period, for one to be called by his fellows
a prevaricator or talebearer, or to be given any other term
of reproach, may cause him keen pain of the humiliative
type, unless the victim feels he has been unjustly accused,
when his attitude will probably be one of indignation and
antagonism.

This suggests how much more highly the adolescent values
“reputation ””—his ethical, moral, and social rating in the
eyes of his fellows—than does the child. One reason doubt-
less is because the former has come to see more or less clearly
that his well-being along every line depends upon his keep-
ing the confidence and good-will of his associates, while the
child, being under the care of his parents, does not really
need to secure the confidence of those about him, except in
INDIFFERENCE TO REPUTATION 127

respect to his playfellows. But it is otherwise with the ado-
lescent, who is looking forward eagerly to the time when
he will play an independent réle in social life, at which time
he will prosper or fail according as he does or does not have
the confidence of his associates.

It is significant that the typical boy of seven or so has
little desire to stand high in his studies or deportment in
school, unless there is some concrete and very tangible
reward therefor, such as a prize, or excuse from attending
all the exercises of the school. He-does not care for the
reputation he gets in respect to intellectual abilities or be-
havior ; and the efforts of the teacher to appeal to the boy’s
desire to be a “ good and intelligent man like his father”
prove futile in the great majority of cases. There is nothing
within the child’s experience which would enable him to re-
spond to such an appeal. It is true that pupils, especially
girls, from about the tenth year on are sometimes eager to
get good “ marks” in their studies; but it is probable that
in doing so they wish, more or less unconsciously, to win
the good-will of the teacher and to avoid her scolding,
rather than to gain the admiration of their schoolmates. So
they do not experience true ethical or moral pride any more
than they experience shame. They may assume the general
attitudes produced by these emotional states in older indi-
viduals; but such attitudes are aroused in view of outward
and physical rather than ethical situations.

It should be noted, however, that as the individual de-
velops he can scarcely avoid having experiences wherein,
through repetition, it is made evident to him that certain
sorts of conduct are naughty or bad or mean or low or vul-
gar and the like. And the individuals who are guilty of
such actions are declared not to be “ nice” or “ respectable”
or “decent,” and people must let them alone, or not show
them favors, or invite them to parties, or share playthings
with them, and so on. This expression of disapproval of
evil doing, which is going on in the presence of the child
128 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

much of the time, makes him feel that it will be to his dis-
advantage if anything of the kind is charged upon him. So
he comes to resist vigorously whenever he is accused; and
gradually he acquires a hostile attitude toward the one who
accuses him, much as he would be angered at one who
would strike him or otherwise injure him. The ten-year-old
can hardly realize that his good name or his reputation will
be blasted when misconduct is charged upon him ; he only
feels in a general sort of way that if an accusation against
him is left to stand he will suffer for it in some concrete
manner. It is not on account of his eagerness to protect
the self from moral or ethical injury that he reacts with such
vigor against his accusers, but only that he does not want
their indictments to rob him of any definite advantage he
was enjoying before the charges were made. It is needless
to add, possibly, that the transition from this stage in social
development to the stage when the individual’s reactions to
accusations always occur, in view of strong feeling for the
preservation of the self against ethical debasement by the
alter, is very gradual indeed; but it should be emphasized
that there is such a transition, and when it has been accom-
plished the individual reveals in all his expressions the
change that has been wrought. It is of importance to note
in this connection that we do not often hear the phrase, “a
self-respecting child,” which indicates that people have ap-
parently not noted in the young the attitudes which are an
indication of regard for the ethical self, and of intense feel-
ing of the humiliative type when it falls below the ideal of
conduct set up for it by the individual.

Our discussion thus far has led us to see that the atti-
The attituae tude of respect is one mainly of appreciation;
ot respectis it ig not essentially dynamic. The child who

taken in

view prima- loves a friend will normally manifest his affection
rily of the . i ss ‘ ita io
motives of 10 very definite objective ways; and the principle
acne applies in respect to his feeling of hatred, and the

like. But when he reaches the point where he begins to re-
ATTENTION TO MOTIVES 129

spect or disrespect his father or other person, he is likely
to grow subdued in his expression. The situations which
call forth the latter attitudes are not so simple and well
defined as in the case of the former ones; and they con-
cern motives rather than the outcome of action, or the ex-
ternal attributes thereof. Then as the individual acquires
the tendency to go back of the actions of people to the feel-
ings which prompt them, and take his attitudes in view of
what he finds in the springs of conduct; as he inclines to
take account of intentions rather than results in the con-
duct of the alter, he grows naturally into the attitude of
respect or the opposite. With broadening experience he
comes to see more or less clearly that what is of real conse-
quence in the alter is good, true purpose, and faithfulness
in the performance of duty under all circumstances; and
the man who can be trusted may be respected and honored,
while the one who is not sound at heart merits only dis-
trust and contempt. So the sentiment of respect concerns
mainly the springs of conduct; if they are pure in any par-
ticular case we respect the individual in question, even if
the outcome of his actions is not always such as we might
wish. But if the fountains of conduct are tainted we will
put no further trust in the individual, for even though he
may for the moment be in harmony with ethical standards
of action, still we could not depend upon him if he should
see an opportunity to take advantage of us. We can count
upon the man whose motives are right, though he may be
crude and ill-advised in some of his relations ; but we must
always be on our guard against the sly, deceitful person, or
he may stab us when our back is turned. Respect for a
man gives us confidence in him, while we are suspicious of
the one whom we cannot respect.

As the child grows into the adolescent period and becomes
ever more subjective in his tendencies, inevitably he begins
to give attention to the motives behind his own conduct.
As he queries whether the alter is faithful, to the end that
130 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

he can be trusted, so he inclines, ever more largely with
rheintn. evelopment, to ask the same question of himself.
ence ot If he can answer it in the affirmative, he can have
fovcan confidence in his own integrity, in which case the
ment opens general character of his conduct will reveal his
of eet sense of congruity with social and ethical ideals,
respect . °
He will resent a suggestion from any one that he is
not worthy of the trust and confidence of his fellows. His
very bearing will show that he is vitally conscious of the
self in its relation to the ethical standards of the community.
One cannot detect in the expressions of a ten-year-old any evi-
dence that he is affected by a contemplation of the status of
the self with respect to these standards. He simply lives his
life of adjustment to concrete situations, in a wholly non-
subjective or non-reflective way. But it is very different
with the twenty-year-old. One can see in his attitudes clear
testimony that the self has been made the subject of reflec-
tion ; and the results thereof determine how the self reacts
upon the alter’s expressions. The aim in this reflection is
always to survey the self in view of the felt standards in the
community. If such an examination shows that the self is
not a transgressor, the individual will assume toward the
alter an attitude of assurance or courage. He will feel that
he is “as good as others” ; he has ‘nothing to be ashamed.
of”; his “conscience is clear.” But if in his introspection
he finds that he falls below the standards which he imposes
upon others, and which are represented in public as binding
upon all, then he will tend to treat the self in some such
way as he treats the alter when the latter is found guilty.
He will hesitate to go freely among his associates. He will
be uncomfortable when he is with them, and he will not
exhibit his accustomed courage and freedom until he has ex-
piated his sin, or until he has forgotten it, and regains the
feeling that he is again in harmony with the moral stand-
‘ards of his community.
If the alter be found guilty of a shameful deed, the indi-
THE LOSS OF SELF-RESPECT 131

vidual will express his disapproval thereof in some more or
less dynamic way. He will not simply have feeling in refer-
ence to the offender; he will strive toturn public sen- The
timent against him, or he willrefuseto have relations teimar
with him, or he may deal directly with him, inflict- Tiana ot
ing upon him physical injury, or condeming him “ to respect
his face,” thus hoping to humiliate or mortify him. But when
the self is detected in thé performance of a shameful act, the
only dynamic attitude that can be taken is a penitential
one, in which the individual inclines to punish the self in
some manner, by stripes, by fasting, by prayers, and the like.
Normally this attitude is actually taken, thus showing that
the self and the alter are judged by somewhat the same code.
In its essential characteristics the attitude is one of moral
disintegration, a weakening of the assurance of the self in
relation to the alter. Loss of self-respect is then essentially
a loss of confidence and courage in social adjustments. As
one who has lost his self-respect is in a hostile attitude
toward self, so he fancies the alter assumes the same rela-
tion toward him, and he succumbs, except when he makes a
supreme effort to resist the destructive influence of social
condemnation, when he may become brazen and militant, a
situation to be considered later.

The expressions just noted are rarely if ever seen in chil-
dren before adolescence. The ten-year-old boy may wilt under
the condemning gaze or speech of one who knows he has com-
mitted an offense against decency or fair play; he may be
confused and embarrassed while his accuser is present to
his senses ; but he will recover the moment there is a change
in the one who condemns him. This is not the case though
at sixteen and after, for then a feeling of mortification will
endure after the one who occasioned it has disappeared.
When shame is experienced by the adolescent his whole
organism is unhappily affected, even the physiological pro-
cesses, and the disturbance is not easily or quickly over-
come.
132 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

It is probable that the individual cannot suffer in this
manner until the adolescent revolution is well under way,
The ettect 204 consciousness of sex has emerged. When sex
uponthe appreciation makes its advent, it gives tone and
sf tecpect color to most if not all of the individual’s senti-
ofthede- ments. To a very important extent, the adoles-

velopment :

ofsexap- cent thinks of self in terms of the reaction of the
Freciation Opposite sex; though if this reaction indicates
lack of confidence, or disdain, contempt, and the like, the
individual may resist it, and he may seek for reasons to sus-
tain the self against its defamers. But sooner or later the
attitudes of the other sex will play an important réle in de-
termining his estimate of himself, in respect to moral and
social qualities particularly. Moreover, the relations of sex
greatly enlarge the range of personal attitudes, and give
rise to sentiments which have had no existence heretofore,
since there has been no function for them to perform. The
evolution of these subtle sentiments gives a new direction
to the individual’s feelings and renders them far more sub-
jective than they were before this epoch. Normally the
adolescent is most eager to seem to be of consequence in
the world, to have merit in the eyes of those whose good-
will and confidence he greatly desires.

In brief, as soon as the individual experiences strong at-
tachment for one of the opposite sex, he cannot avoid feel-
ing deeply that he should be worthy of this one’s affection
and trust. This leads him to a searching of heart and to
an examination of motives, such as the ten-year-old never
undertakes, and the results of this experience determine
whether the adolescent will in contemplation of himself
have self-respect or the opposite. If he is conscious of not
being worthy, but if at the same time he is earnest in his
intentions to be better, to live up to the standards which
those he admires expect him to do, then he will assume the
attitudes of contrition and humility. As he views his past
he may be overcome with shame or mortification or remorse ;
RESUME 133

but as he looks forward he may see himself a different indi-
vidual, one who will realize in his thought, feeling, and
action the ideals which he has set for himself, because they
are prominent in the estimate of him held by those whose
sentiments are of chief concern to him. True humility is,
perhaps, the most complex and subtle of all the individual’s
attitudes, and so it is never seen until toward the comple-
tion of the developmental process.

As a general thing a man will be respected by his associates only
when he observes, outwardly at least, in his public and private life the
more important moral and social standards and ideals of the Résumé
group with which he has vital relations. Respect is a less
definite and direct attitude than most of those the individual assumes
in his social adjustments ; it is a restrained and appreciative rather
than a demonstrative and dynamic attitude.

Among some peoples a supreme effort is made to develop in the
young respect for the established institutions of church and state and
their representatives. Such peoples are more stable, but less plastic,
than a people like the Americans, Also their children show more
respect for parents, teachers, ministers, and the like than do our chil-
dren. However, what may outwardly sometimes appear to be respect
is nothing but observance of conventional proprieties. Again, a boy’s
admiration for an athlete or engineer or other person who “does
things” is often regarded as respect for him, but the two attitudes
are essentially different.

It is sometimes said that a genuinely ethical person will grant to
the alter larger freedom of action in contravention of community
standards than he will allow himself, and that he will overlook in
others transgressions which he will not excuse in himself. But this is
a matter of aspiration mainly ; in order to urge the individual to treat
the alter as he does the self, the ideal of holding a higher standard for
the self than the alter is purposefully overemphasized in public appeal:

Respect and self-respect develop pari passu. The individual cannot
feel pleased or otherwise with the self in respect to actions which are
viewed indifferently in the alter ; and the reverse is equally true. Be-
fore adolescence children are rarely ashamed or mortified or chagrined.
They may feel annoyed or irritated, but they do not experience re-
morse or contrition. Their attention in social adjustment is always
objective. They do not view the self in its relation to the social and
ethical standards of the community.

Young children recover immediately from reproof or censure which
might profoundly affect an adult, whose self-respect would be deeply
| 134 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

wounded. Children are quite indifferent to their “reputation,” in
which particular they are the direct contrast of the adult. However,
a child may resist accusations of wrongdoing because he feels that if
he lets it go he will suffer some concrete disadvantage.

Respect is an attitude taken in view primarily of motives rather
than the outcome of actions. Children cannot assume this attitude,
then, until they begin to take account of the intentions of the alter in
his conduct. Respect for a man gives one confidence in him, while we
are suspicious of a person whom we cannot respect. At adolescence
the individual begins to regard the self in the light of the motives
behind its attitudes, which inclines him toward self-respect or the
opposite.

Loss of self-respect involves loss of courage and confidence in social
adjustments. These expressions are rarely seen in children before ad-
olescence. The development of sex appreciation at adolescence gives
rise to attitudes of shame and the like, which may profoundly disturb
the entire organism. The individual who, viewing his past, sees moral
standards broken, but who at the same time earnestly desires to con-
form to these standards in the future, will assume the very complex
attitudes of contrition and humility.
CHAPTER VI
DOCILITY

In preceding chapters attention has been directed to the
individual’s readiness in appropriating the experience of
others, when he sees clearly that it can be of mye onna
service to him in accomplishing the ends for which #84 learner
he is striving at any period in his development. It has been
pointed out that the child prefers as companions those who
are capable of teaching him how to perform tasks which he
is endeavoring to master. In general, the boy who can
organize a new game is preferred above one who has no
ingenuity in this respect, unless, indeed, he is a noteworthy
leader in other ways. If he be superior in any form of ath-
letics within the range of the child’s abilities, the latter
will ordinarily make a favorite of him. We have noted,
further, that in the early years the individual is not strongly
attracted by intellectual or moral superiority in his associ-
ates, so that he does not normally choose playmates who
can instruct him in regard to these matters. That is to
say, the young child does not assume a learning or docile
attitude toward certain aspects of his social environment,
while he is distinctly in such an attitude with reference to
other phases thereof, those presenting opportunities for
acquiring acts involving competitive or constructive activi-
ties within his sphere of appreciation and execution. He
is usually eager to follow after any leader who excels in
games, or who is skillful in making a kite or a boat, say.
So, too, he will learn readily enough from one who can
show him how to whistle, as an example, or to perform
tricks requiring the dextrous use of any member of his
body.

Boys who can turn a somersault or handspring or the
136 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

like easily becomes leaders, and readily acquire a following
of companions in an assimilative attitude. Again, skill
(erude, of course) in playing the simpler musical instru-
ments will make a boy prominent among his fellows,
though this does not apply as a rule to the more complex
instruments, especially the piano, until the adolescent revo-
lution is well under way ; and even then the expert musi-
cian will attract only a few choice learners. But one may
observe in any community that young boys gravitate to-
ward an associate who can play the jew’s-harp, or mouth
orgar, or drum, or bones, and they neglect no opportunity
to practice these instruments for themselves, and to secure
the leader’s help in learning the coveted art. Once more,
the child is always in a docile attitude toward his elders,
and in general his protectors, whenever he ventures into
the world among people or things that are strange to him.
Often children who persist in “having their own way”
in the home will be utterly compliant and tractable when
they go into the city with father or mother or any older
friend. However, as they grow to feel at ease in any situa-
tion, they tend normally to become more independent in it,
and less responsive to the suggestions of those whom they
once obeyed implicitly. Strangeness, fear, danger appear to
awaken the instinct of docility in the young; while in the
youth or the adult they might stimulate attitudes of cour-
age or defiance.

But while the child is by birth a learner in respect to
the sorts of activities and situations just indicated, he is in
His attitude 2 quite different attitude toward most of the social
toward = conventionalities and the culture to which the

st of th
cuiture and adults of the community attach supreme impor-

faa" tance. From Plato down all observers of the
society =: young have noticed the reluctance of children to
adopt the customs and “ manners” of society; they strenu-
ously resist the imposition upon them of the “ polite” atti-
tudes generally assumed by the adults about them. As a
THE CONVENTIONS OF SOCIETY 137

general thing, pressure must be applied continuously in
one way or another until the adolescent period is reached
in order to compel a child to observe conventionalities in
respect to speech, dress, toilet, and so on, which are uni-
versally observed by the grown people in his community.
It normally requires great patience to teach a boy to be
“civil” to his superiors; he naturally resists instruction of
the sort, and follows it only when he realizes that he will
be heavily penalized if he fails to do so. As a rule, boys
must be trained for a long period to do such a simple thing
as to lift their caps to ladies, and often instruction must
be reinforced by physical stimuli applied repeatedly before
the boy comes habitually to observe this formality. So in
respect to most of the customs of an hospitable, esthetic,
hygienic, and reverential character as found in the drawing-
room, the dining-room, the school, the church, and so on.
These conventions are for the most part expressive of a
certain amount of courteous deference, and at the same time
of reserve in the relations of adults; but the atti- ,_ mae
tudes they demand in their observance seem not i fay “=
to harmonize with the tendencies of the child. In operative in
assuming these attitudes the adult cannot be said ‘Mahood
to be really spontaneous ; he is more or less formal, and to
a certain degree restrained, and it may be artificial. He
observes the major conventions whether or not at the mo-
ment he experiences the emotions of which they are natu-
rally the expression. He will under ordinary social condi-
tions often assume attitudes of respect and friendliness,
even though he feels otherwise. At the same time he will
hold in check his impulses to come into physical rapport
with those who awaken his emotions of affection, except
under certain conditions where restraining customs are
not operative. That is to say, the adult has, through his
conventions, brought himself into outward conformity to
the more important practices of society, even though in-
wardly he may be greatly at variance therewith. But the
138 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

child’s inner and outer attitudes tend normally to be con-
gruent. If he feels anger, it is as a rule immediately put
out into correlated motor adjustments. So if he feels
friendliness, or doubt, or envy, the subjective state is
embodied in appropriate outward expressions. When he
bears affection toward an individual he is likely to express
it by striving to embrace the object of his emotion, or to
fondle or play with him in some way. On the other hand,
when he feels. antipathy toward a person he is apt to en-
deavor directly either to punish him or to put him out of the
way. In any case, feeling tends to lead him into some sort
of immediate physical contact with the objects inciting it;
whereas in adult life the observance of conventions serves
in a way as a barrier to keep individuals physically apart,
and to prevent the direct expression of strong emotion.

As the individual enters the adolescent period, and his
range of personal adjustment is much enlarged, with the
os result that new and more and more complex and

ie change .
atadoles- vital relations come to be established between
eee himself and his associates, then he begins to feel
the meaning and value of ceremonious conduct, which may
as occasion requires express friendly or hostile relations
without direct physical contact, or convey to the world at-
titudes which are not actually felt. As the current of life
broadens, and the slumbering impulses are aroused, there
is gradually forced upon the individual the realization that
immediate, primitive expression of feeling is inadvisable in
a large proportion of social situations, and so he more or
less readily adapts himself to customary modes of inter-
course. The adolescent sees with some measure of clearness
that the stability and peace of the community require that
individuals assume conventional attitudes of affection, or
respect, or deference, or antagonism, rather than to give
way to unrestrained or unmodified passion, which is char-
acteristic of the child. The youth cannot fail to appreciate
that a society of adults, where emotion should be expressed
ADOPTION OF SOCIAL CONVENTIONS 139

as bluntly as it is among children, would be one in which
there would be constant conflict and disorder, as there is
indeed in groups of children.

So the individual must subdue his feelings, and give
them vent only in the general ways which all may practice.
This serves to preserve individuality to a certain extent; it
protects the self in its isolation, and yet it permits of suf-
ficiently intimate intercourse so that the advantages of
communication and codperation may be secured. The point
is that the child will assume a docile attitude toward the
conventions of which those mentioned are typical only as
his expanding life makes him feel their value, and really
their necessity. At seven, say, he appears to have no real-
ization of their utility, though there may be dawning upon
him the conception that if he observes them he will get on
more happily with the people around him, and they will
favor him in a variety of ways. The “polite” boy will
probably be commended by his parents and his neighbors,
though he is not likely to receive the approval of his asso-
ciates, who have not reached the point where they esteem
“‘ politeness” as a desirable quality in a leader. Normally
the child up to adolescence is relatively incapable of noting
the advantages to be derived from the observance of social
customs ; the tide of his buoyant life runs so strongly toward
expression of social feeling that he is more or less indif-
ferent to the attitudes of adults in their reaction upon his
. conduct in this respect.

It is important in this connection to note the behavior
of the child who is coerced by those in authority into
adopting the social conventions indicated. Here tne process
is a boy whose mother is teaching him to remove ae wooded
his hat, let us say, to the ladies on the street. At conventions
the outset he normally resists ; he says he does not see why
he should be made to do it; and when he neglects the thing
he excuses himself by saying that he could not remember
it, or that it was impossible for him to perform it, when
140 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

his real reason was his unwillingness to conform to the
convention. One may hear boys of six or seven discussing
among themselves this custom as a typical one, and they
often ridicule it, and declare they will resist efforts made
to compel them to observe it. An unpracticed boy does
not “feel like himself” when he attempts it; it is not in
accord with his habitual adjustments in such situations. It
is as though he were assuming the personality of another,
which, if he did it spontaneously, he could assimilate with
his own personality ; but when he is coerced into it there is
a conflict with the old habitual self. which does not coalesce
readily with this new self as modified by adult convention ;
hence the peculiar reaction. There is discord at this point
in his evolution between the child’s real attitude toward
people, and that which is urged upon him by his trainers.
Tf left to himself, he would not adopt this to him peculiar
mode of social expression, until he reached the place in his
development where it would very clearly have value for
him in facilitating his adaptations to the people around
him. He would then be in the docile attitude in respect to
it, but not before.

The child’s efforts to assimilate conventions forced on
him are attended by rather extraordinary outward demon-
Fhe child's strations, which are doubtless the reflex of the
reactions _ incongruous and perturbed inner states. In popu-

upon con-

Fentins —_ lar phrasing, he does the conventional thing half-
him heartedly. He may go through the process, but
nevertheless he is in a resistant attitude toward it. Out-
wardly it seems that his personality is split in twain, one
part contesting with the other. When the individual per-
forms an act that is, as we say, “ normal to his nature,” his
entire being proceeds in a unified manner in its expression,
the aim being to concentrate the whole organism in all its
movements upon the task that is to be accomplished. But
it is otherwise with an act which he performs as a result of
social pressure. This he does not treat respectfully. He
REACTIONS UPON CONVENTIONS 141

scoffs at it; “makes fun” of it; does not try to do it just
as the adult does, but exaggerates some aspect of it, or in-
troduces ridiculous features on his own part. He does not
give himself to it. The attitudes are more or less antago-
nistic ; now he tends to resist, and now to conform. In a
situation of this sort the individual is not dynamic; his
energy is not concentrated into any one expressive channel.
Throughout the child’s development, when he is being co-
erced into the adoption of adult conventions, he manifests
this peculiar attitude, showing his lack of docility with
reference to them; but still he may choose to conform to
many of them rather than to suffer the penalties of non-
conformity.

On the other hand there are some conventions, as putting
on a napkin at the beginning of a meal, for instance, that
some children will resist for a considerable period, several
years often, even though they are “scolded” three times
every day, and perhaps sent away from the table. In the
majority of American homes doubtless there is more or less
conflict over “table manners,” until the last child gets
started on his adolescent reformation. It is, of course,
somewhat different in countries where from the beginning
the child is kept under, and regularly penalized for any
infraction of rules or neglect of conventions. But even at
a German, English, or Italian table, where children are
given a chance to show their natural inclinations, one may
see how slow they are to adopt adult manners, and how
they resist them if they feel they have a show of gaining
their own way.

It is significant to observe the methods of the parent, the
teacher, or the minister in dealing with children in their
indifference or hostility to such social conventions as have
been mentioned. The child may go just far enough in any
instance so that he can say he has complied with the com-
mand laid upon him, but usually he has only partially
conformed, and in spirit he may have been in a resistant
142 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

attitude constantly. The parent then may say, -« Why don’t
you do as I wish you to?” “ Why are you not more in
earnest 7 “ Why do you take this thing as a joke?” and
so on through a long list of fault-finding questions, all
directed at the lack of appreciation of the necessity of
being serious and faithful in the performance of an act.
Even when the child “does what he is told” without much
resistance, he may still fail to execute an action as his
elders do, and up to the measure of his own abilities, if he
is given any freedom to follow his inclinations. He will
take advantage of any opportunity to have fun, at the risk
of not thoroughly. completely, and accurately performmg
his task. His attitude im such cases is not one in which he
secks to imitate an adult model as closely as he can; but
he tends rather to pursue his own immediate play interests.
That is to say, the child is not normally, im respect to most
of his activities, in the learning attitude, in the sense that
he will strive to emulate the adult im his s<rious activities.
in order that he may achieve the results which the adult
endeavors to attain. The child's interest in what the adult
does is for play purposes only. and so he is satisfied with
mere suggestion: and to be obliged to conform in all
details proves a hardship, and is resisted. In his play the
ehild really is more of an originator or inventor than a
adult models distasteful.

Before leaving this point, it should be noted that when
the individual assimilates anv convention so that his feeling
whe eermer 3 agreeably expressed thereby, then he becomes
turned a teacher of those who have not vet accepted it.
wack —_-He comes to insist upon its adoption by his asso-
Gates, and he may be unsparing in his criticism of those
who neglect or refuse to conform. This can be clearly
observed im respect to table manners, which we have already
frequently cited. Here is a boy who at seven needed to be
prompted at every meal in regard to the proper use of the
ATTITUDE TOWARD THE WISE 143

napkin, the fork, the right bodily attitudes, and so on; and
he never appeared grateful to his instructors. But now at
twelve he disciplines his younger brother regularly for these
same offenses which he has outgrown, and which he con-
siders to be of serious consequence for the welfare of the
family. He does not hesitate to ascribe rather vulgar traits
to his brother for just such behavior as he thought alto-
gether proper a few years earlier. He is not inclined to be
charitable in his demands; indeed, he is considerably more
summary and insistent with his brother than his parents
were with him when he was in his brother’s stage of de-
velopment. So one who will follow a boy from his fifth year
on through-adolescence may observe that, while at five he
ignored certain conventions, at fifteen he may be a great
stickler for these same things, and he may gather about
him groups of his former companions, who have not pro-
gressed as far as he has, for the purpose of teaching them
his accomplishment. Of course, this is not done in a delib-
erate manner; but nevertheless the tendency of the indi-
vidual is to impress his customs, as rapidly as he acquires
them, upon all his associates. This can be observed at any
time in reference to such matters as the particular mode of
doffing the hat, the style of the handshake, and the like,
but the principle applies to all the more subtle and involved
conventions as well.

Is the child then normally in a docile attitude toward his
elders, simply on the basis of their having had greater ex-
perience than he, and so understanding better the 15 the cna
dangers as well as the opportunities in the world? [rolls
This attitude is seen in the majority, perhaps, of wise?
adults with reference to some, at least, of their adjustments
to their environments. The young man of twenty-five in-
clines, as a rule, to sit at the feet of those who are very
evidently his superiors in the field of attivity in which he
is particularly interested. What Socrates did in Athens,
every great teacher since his time has done to some extent
144 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

at least. Let it be known among men that a certain man
has acquired greater wisdom than his fellows in respect to
any vital phase of life, and that he is willing to impart his
wisdom to others, and he can gather about him a band of
young men who will be completely in an assimilative frame
of mind. They will wish to learn, to profit by the wise man’s
experience and views of life. But how is it with the boy of
three, say ? We have already noted that the child seeks aid
in reference to his concrete, dynamic life from all persons
who may serve him. Even at the tender age of three leader-
ship begins to play an important réle in the individual’s
social adjustment ; and it is always determined on the basis
of unusual courage, or superiority in games or constructive
skill. The children in any neighborhood will gravitate to-
ward one of their number who has insight and skill above
the average much more readily than they will incline toward
a child of only mediocre ability.

Children as early as the age of five will largely ignore a
fellow who has no qualities of leadership, unless he can be
made use of to practice on by his more aggressive compan-
ions. In order that a leader may gratify his ambitions, he
must be attended by followers who will do his bidding. It
is true he will not so often go to them as he will bring them
to him; but he will appear to have an interest in them
merely because they are essential to the realization of his
ends. In a case of this sort it is not possible to detect the
slightest evidence that the leader assumes an attitude of
docility toward his followers, as they do toward him, and as
he will assume toward any person whom he regards as a
leader. Thus the child normally is at one time a learner,
he is docile; and at another time he is a teacher, or a bully.
What he gains by suggestion from his superiors he attempts
to work out on his inferiors. So while he may play second
fiddle to the leader in his school, he may be an autocrat
with the boys on his own street, or with the younger chil-
dren in his home. Throughout his whole developmental
THE CHILD’S ROLE AS LEARNER 145

career he reveals this tendency to practice what he is learning,
though with development there comes a change in respect
to the relative prominence of the learning and the practicing
attitudes. Not infrequently the young autocrat in the home
or on the playground becomes a humble learner as a youth of
twenty ; while a timid follower at five may come to assume
the réle of autocrat at thirty. Biography presents numerous
illustrations of this transformation, though it is impossible
to say what proportion of children pass through this meta-
morphosis.

Answering the question asked a few paragraphs back, we
may now say that normally the child does not, ex- vascniane
cept in certain ways to be indicated, play the réle attitute
of learner to his elders, whose experiences have jnantiy
been vastly broader than his own in respect to ‘namie
social adjustments. We have noted that the child assimita-
as early as three is eager to learn from his father
how to make a toy, or take a clock to pieces, or skate, or
whistle, or perform any definite, concrete act within his range
of appreciation and execution ; but even so he assumes this
docile attitude only in order that he may get a suggestion
as to how to perform the task, when he at once abandons
his docility. For example, a father and his four-year-old
son are out driving. The boy wishes to take the reins, and
guide the horse. He must be shown how to grasp, and hold
them; but the moment he catches the elementary notion
of how the thing is done so that he can execute it even
crudely and imperfectly, he ceases to be docile. He wants
now to proceed in his own way. He tends normally to resist
further instruction, provided he can at all do the thing in
hand. He is not eager to perfect himself in the details of
the process, as his father wishes him to do. What he seeks
to do now is to take the initiative in execution; he strives
to try on the general suggestion he gained at the outset,
and make particularizations of his own. As he goes on in
his development and comes into situations where his crude
146 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

work will be penalized, he may then place himself in the
learning attitude again, in order that he may perfect his
execution up to the point where it will not be a disadvantage
to him. But the moment he reaches this point he reverts to
the executive attitude, even though he is still quite deficient
in the eyes of his superiors. So throughout the develop-
mental process, the assimilative and the executive attitudes
alternate with one another ; but the latter is the more promi-
nent and urgent in the individual’s adjustments to the skill
and culture which exist in his environment.

The most striking illustration of the child’s indocility is
seen in his attitude toward the advice of his elders regard-
ing his conduct in certain physical and ethical situations.
Practically all young children actively resist, or are largely
indifferent to, the efforts of adults to make them take
proper precautions to preserve their health. Note, for in-
stance, the incessant conflict between the young and their
parents in the typical American home in respect to the bill
of fare and the manner of eating. The parent says to the
child that this or that article of food will do him harm in
some way, but the chances are that the latter will eat it if
he wants it, unless the parent forcibly restrains him. So in-
struction is given regarding thorough mastication, but the
child may bolt his food as though he had been advised not
to chew it at all. In the same way he is normally quite im-
pervious to the advice of his elders respecting all matters of
personal hygiene,—keeping the clothing dry, preserving
an erect posture in sitting, avoiding irregularities and ex-
cesses in eating and drinking, guarding against exposure to
cold, and so on ad libitum.

The observing parent knows that if he would cause his
counsel on these matters to become effective, he must usually
make it very evident that severe penalty will immediately
follow failure to comply with commands. Even then children
generally learn only by trial what they may and what they
may not do, so far as their physical well-being is concerned.
ETHICAL AND MORAL INSTRUCTION 147

A striking instance of this is seen in the prevalence of cig-
arette smoking among boys, despite the opposition of prac-
tically all adults in the community. However, as their range
of experience increases, and they discover that the instruc-
tion in reference to special matters given them by their
elders has proven to be sound, they tend to place greater
confidence in whatever advice is offered them from this
source, until in the course of maturing they may come to
feel that their own experience has been as broad and valuable
as their teacher’s, when they are likely again to abandon the
docile attitude toward the instructors of their childhood and
youth, though they may still preserve the learning attitude
toward certain new-found teachers whom they regard as ex-
ceptionally wise.

Turning to the child’s docility in regard to ethical in-
struction, we see that he does not willingly sit at the feet
of his elders and learn from them what is good tacenity
and what is evil in social adjustments; on the Hic
contrary, he makes strenuous efforts to impose his ethical
own conceptions on his elders. He desires, we will ™*""*%™
say, to attend the theatre in the evening. His parents know
from their experience that this would not be well for him;
but if he be given leeway he will with extraordinary persever-
ance endeavor to convince them that no harm could come
to him from this act, but only benefit. In the majority of
situations of the sort indicated the parents must put their
experience into effect by main force. The child of tender
years is little influenced by the parents’ assertion that he
will see the rightfulness of such and such a course when
he is older, nor can he see the point of such a statement as
“your father knows because he has lived longer than you,”
and so on. As a rule the child is quite unwilling, and per-
haps unable, to appreciate the character of any of his own
actions as viewed from the adult standpoint.

As pointed out above, the individual as he develops comes
to have more and more confidence in the adult’s opinions
148. SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

in regard to some of his adjustments; but in ethical and
moral situations there continues to be more or less conflict,
at least until the individual approaches maturity. Father
and son often disagree as to the question of sowing wild
oats; the young man is unwilling to accept his parent’s
judgment in the matter of his forming regular habits, living
a temperate life, and the like. In the same way, the young
woman often disagrees with her mother and her chaperone
as to what she may do with propriety. In the university,
for instance, there is much conflict between students and
faculty in respect to the freedom of conduct of the former.
The students as a whole are not ready in seeking and fol-
lowing the advice of their elders, so that prohibitive and
coercive laws must be made by the latter and enforced on
them.

The principal reason, no doubt, why the adult and the
child so often disagree respecting the conduct of the latter
The inevita- 18 because the former has observed the more or
Mscomillcr less remote as well as the immediate consequences
childanad of actions, while the child takes account of their
theadult direct outcome only. An immature individual
cannot cast forward into the future very far, because he
has not yet orientated himself with respect to the past.
He is, indeed, a citizen of the present. If, then, any act
will yield him pleasure at the moment, this it is that will
determine its worth for him, rather than that which may
happen a year, and especially fifty years, hence. It is inevi-
table, therefore, that the adult should be in conflict with the
child in regard to much of the latter’s conduct, with the
result that the child is often suspicious, we may say, of
the former when he offers his advice. Consequently, the
child cannot maintain a docile attitude, for the reason that
he cannot appreciate that the adult has his interests always
at heart.

What usually impresses the child most in the reaction
of the adult upon his conduct is the latter’s opposition to
DOCILITY IN THE SCHOOL 149

his plans; and this opposition seems unreasonable, and
ought to be contested so far as expedient. But as the child’s
life expands, as he gains a body of experiences so that the
adult can appeal to his remembrance of the outcome of ac-
tions in the past, and as he can point to the experience of
others, showing what the consequences of specific actions
have been, then he can often lead the learner, the youth, to
see the wisdom of his decisions. Thus the youth and the
adult grow constantly nearer together, until it happens that
the former will come to receive hospitably, and even to
seek, the advice of his elders so far as they have anything
to offer him beyond his own experience which may be of
service to him. Then when he exhausts the wisdom of the
people immediately around him, he tends normally, if he
continues to develop, to go to the wise men of all times for
counsel. But this occurs only in the last epoch of his
development, when his attitude is in direct contrast to that
assumed in his first stage of social evolution.

Let us glance now at a special phase of the general pro-
blem before us. At four or five the boy is sent to school, for
the purpose of causing him to assimilate as much pyonty in
of the culture and experience of the race as he the school
may have time to appropriate. What attitude does he nor-
mally assume, alike toward this culture, and toward the one
who has organized it and seeks to impart it to him? If you
observe him in the kindergarten you will find that he is in
a docile attitude only in about the same way that he is out-
side. He is eager to gain from the teacher any aid in respect
to the playing of games, or the use of the blocks in con-
structive exercises, and the like; but the moment he eatches
the suggestion of how to perform a given process he will
not receive further instruction without some protest. His
chief interest is in execution, and he assumes the learning
attitude to the end simply that he may get the cue thereto.
As'a result of his eagerness to take the executive attitude,
there is likely to be more or less conflict between himself and
150 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

his instructor, when the latter insists that he should improve
in his technique in reference to these processes. The teacher
must make use of every means at her command to help the
child to see that if he would perfect himself in the method
of what he is doing, he could derive more pleasure from it ;
he might become able to do it as well as his fellows; they
would not ridicule his work, and so on. The novice usually
cannot appreciate that it will be of distinct advantage to him
to keep on learning how best to execute his tasks.

The young pupil is not fully, perhaps not even largely,
in a docile attitude toward the teacher as the possessor of
wisdom greater than his own. If the teacher simply says to
him, “It will be better for you in the future if you now
learn to do your constructive work more accurately and
substantially and zsthetically than you are doing it,” she
will make but slight impression upon him. In reality he
does not feel the truth of what she says. The only thing
that will affect him is concrete evidence that he will be the
gainer if he continues to assimilate the instruction of his
teacher. So he passes on into the elementary school, and
exhibits precisely the same attitudes as in the kindergarten
toward most of the situations in which he is placed. The
teacher may attempt to arouse him to action by telling him
that he should study so that he may become a wise and
useful man, but her words will fall upon deaf ears as a rule.
However, if she presents his numbers, say, so that in acquir-
ing them he is enabled to play a definite game better, or
measure the objects around him, or carry on processes of
buying and selling, and so on, he will be likely to assume
the learning attitude; indeed, he may become eager to
appropriate the teacher’s knowledge and skill. Otherwise
he will be indifferent, or hostile, and he will learn only in
order to avoid penalties, or to secure extraneous rewards.
It is not difficult to find schools in which most of the pupils
are in this indocile attitude toward practically all that is
offered them. They are not sympathetic toward the teacher
THE BROADER RANGE OF EXPERIENCE 151

as the representative of the wisdom of the race; they do not
take his point of view at all. From their standpoint the
tasks assigned them are unjust, and it is entirely legitimate
to escape from them whenever possible. Probably the ma-
jority of the pupils in any ordinary school, as at present
conducted, would be truants if they dared to be. They do
not of their own accord remain in the school so that they
may assimilate the wisdom of their elders, but only that
they may save their skin. |

As development proceeds, and the range of experience
is broadened, it results of necessity that even the majority
of individuals should come to see more or less

c 7 7 Doollity as
clearly the bearing of some if not all the studies attested ny

of the school upon their prosperity in after life. ‘hg expe
Within and without the school there is talk of "°°
the need of arithmetic, say, for success in every form of
business. Particular persons in the community are pointed
out as instances illustrating the results either of the mas-
tery of numbers or the lack thereof. Scarcely any child can
avoid hearing it said, or reading, that the persons who are
required to work at hard labor are those who did not apply
themselves in the schools as they should; while the people
occupying the better positions, and who have been more
successful in the battles of life, are those who were diligent
in the school, and so mastered the studies which have proven
to be of inestimable service to them. Thus even though a
boy in the seventh grade, say, does not see just how his arith-
metic relates to the business he wants to engage in, never-
theless he cannot remain indifferent to the representations
constantly made by the people about him. As he comes to
feel the serious character of life, and realizes that he must
ultimately pull his own oar, his resistance to study in the
school is gradually broken down, and some inititative at
least in attacking the tasks of the classroom is acquired.
Of course, this principle as indicated will not operate in
the case of pupils who react upon an environment in which
152 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

the dynamic life outside of the school presses in constantly
upon their attention, and tends strongly to attract them to
itself. In a situation of this sort, the school will seem to be
a thing apart from the realities about the pupil. It will not be
apparent that what is gained within its walls will be of help
in the world of action. If there should be a direct relation
between them it would be so subtle and remote that the
pupil could not trace it. By the time he reaches the eighth
grade or the high school, the call of the practical life will be
compelling, and he will be in a more or less indocile attitude
toward much, if not everything, that goes on in the school.
The moment the pressure to hold him in schoo] weakens, he
will gravitate toward the shop or the store or the counting-
room.

On the other hand, the boy whose attention is filled with
college life, which allures him, and who is made to realize
that in order to participate therein he must master the
work of the school, will assume a docile attitude as a pupil,
and will actually tend to seek aid wherever he can find it.
It is otherwise, of course, with the recalcitrant boy whose
parents have a college career in view for him, and who
urge him against his own desires to prepare for it. This
latter boy will not be in a docile attitude in the school any
more than the boy who is dominated by the practical life,
and he will need to be driven to his work constantly, for
he cannot take his parents’ point of view, and so he cannot
evaluate things as they do. The principle holds without
qualification for the individual even in college. If he is
there as a result of his own inclination, he will be teach-
able; he will sit at the feet of his instructors, since it may
be by assimilating their wisdom his own course in life will
be made easier, or at least he may be able to attain his
ends more effectively. But the boy who remains in college
because his parents compel him to attend, or who is eager
simply for the social advantages of student life, will be in
a hostile attitude toward all that is done in the classroom,
THE DRAMATIC TENDENCY 153

and he will seize every opportunity to devote himself ex-
clusively to the interests which appeal to him more strongly.

We may now glance finally at a special docile attitude
which has been several times mentioned in other connec-
tions, the attitude of imitation. In previous dis- ait

: : ation as
cussion attention was called to the child’s ten- a method ot
dency to imitate those who perform activities in ™
which he is interested ; and it is apparent that this is one
way in which he may appropriate the experiences of his
elders and superiors. It is evident that the process of imi-
tation is not essentially different in outcome, but only in
method, from other forms of the learning process which
have been described. A child of three is constantly imitat-
ing the more elementary, concrete activities going on about
him, — those relating to the playing of simple games, the
execution of bodily acts, and the like; the more complex
activities of his elders and superiors do not become focal
in his attention at all. And as in his learning in general,
so in imitation, when he catches the suggestion of the fun-
damental process in any act, he passes over from the assim-
ilative into the executive attitude in respect to it, and he
continues to practice it until he discovers in one way or
another that it would be to his advantage to modify his
execution in the attempt to make it more like the model in
detail. Throughout the entire developmental history of any
act learned imitatively, in the restricted sense in which we
are using the term, the individual makes progress by alter-
native execution and assimilation.

All observers of children are agreed that whatever other
tendencies they manifest, they are at least much ,,,
given to dramatizing, from the second year, at dramatic
any rate, on to adolescence, and in a continually oie
decreasing degree up until maturity is reached.? In their

1 This subject is mentioned briefly here under the head of Docility ; buta
separate chapter is devoted to it later, chap. xvii.
2 This tendency is discussed in detail in chap. xvii.
154 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

dramatic activities they are in effect in the learning atti-
tude, though without any intention on their own part to
assimilate the attitudes of their models. It is within reason
to say that the supreme passion in every normal child’s life
is to impersonate not only the people about him, but also
the animals, and even the plants and the inanimate objects,
though the latter do not incite the dramatic attitudes to any
appreciable extent, since they are relatively static. It is the
active objects about him, those that react in a variety of
apparent ways upon their environments, that stimulate the
child to repeat their reactions. Now, in reproducing the
adjustments of any object, the individual undoubtedly ac-
‘quires an understanding of the object which he could not
acquire in any other way. All the complex sensations expe-
rienced in striving to assume the attitudes of an animal or
another personality in reacting in its peculiar fashion upon
a given situation really constitute the basis for understand-
ing the thing, for appreciating its individuality. Then when
the child carries out the programme of an assumed person-
ality, he of course gains something from his experience ; he
perfects himself in the performance of the acts which are
peculiar to his model; and thus he learns. Though his
dramatizations are always in make-believe, still one may
see that they exert an influence upon his habitual attitudes.
Take, for instance, K.’s dramatic representation of her
teacher in some of the typical schoolroom situations. :K.
endeavors to portray Miss E.’s voice, facial and bodily at-
titudes, and the like, as they have impressed her; and it
can be seen that by frequent repetition these attitudes tend
to replace to some extent those characteristic of her own
personality. Happily, the teacher is not the only one she
personates, so that no single personality can establish itself
in K.’s attention and motor tendencies to the exclusion of
other personalities. It is probable, however, that this is just
what would happen if K. should be shut up with this one
teacher, all other personalities being excluded. The princi-
RESUME 155

ple involved has universal application, with the result that
the individual in the early years probably learns more
through his dramatizations than through any other of his
docile attitudes.

The young child is always in a docile attitude toward a person who
can teach him how to play games, or perform any task in which he is
interested at the time. Boys who are good in athletic activi-
ties, or who are skillful on the simpler musical instruments,
or who can lead the group in its marauding expeditions, can easily
gather about themselves bands of followers who will be in the assimi-
lative attitude. Children are usually in a docile attitude toward elders
and protectors whenever they go among strangers, though they may
not be at all compliant in their own homes.

Children strenuously resist the imposition on them of the “man-
ners,” the “ polite ” attitudes generally observed by the adults about
them. In general, the child does not assume a docile attitude toward
most of the conventions of society, until as his range of social contact
increases he sees that the observance of these conventions is essential
to his well-being. If he cannot see this, he usually remains in a resist-
ant attitude toward many of the customs of the community in which
he lives.

The adult may not spontaneously observe the conventions in effect
about him; but he generally feels the necessity of bringing himself
into outward conformity to the practices of society, no matter what
his subjective attitude may be. But with the child, expression and
emotion are more likely to be congruent, so that he acts as he feels,
which is unfavorable to the recognition of conventions. But at adoles-
cence the individual begins to hedge himself in with the customs
observed by his community.

When a convention is forced on a child he becomes adept in finding
excuses for not adopting it. At the same time he tries to influence
every one around him against it, by ridiculing it and all who observe
it; or if he does partially conform, he easily shows that it goes against
the grain. In the case of certain conventions pertaining to conduct at
table, in the drawing-room, and the like, the boy especially must be
exhorted to their observance day after day and year after year until
adolescence is reached.

When the child does adopt a convention, he then makes an effort to
impose it on his associates. In all his representations concerning it, he
seeks to magnify its worth, to the end that his practice may become
universal. Children always attempt to practice on inferiors what they
learn from superiors; toward the latter they will assume docile atti-
tudes, but with the former they will play the réle of a bully.

Résumé
156 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

Normally the child does not assume a docile attitude toward his
elders, whose experience has been vastly greater than his own in re-
spect to social adjustments. Whenever he does play the part of a
learner, it is only to catch a suggestion, which he will proceed to work
out in his own way, without being willing to learn all his superior
might teach him. The child’s attitude is always a dynamic and exec-
utive rather than an assimilative one.

The child usually resists instruction relating to his health, ethical
action, and the like. He generally attempts to impose on his elders his
own views in relation to these matters. This difference in point of
view, due to difference in experience and capacity to foresee the more
or less remote as well as the immediate consequences of actions, gives
tise to a great amount of conflict between the child and the adult.

In the school the child is docile toward those who can instruct him
in constructive activities and the like, but he does not before adoles-
cence readily assume a learning attitude toward the accumulated cul-
ture of the race. He will become receptive toward the work of the
school only when ‘it is made very evident that it will be of service to
him in his practical, concrete life. Othérwise he will learn only to
avoid penalties or to secure extraneous rewards.

With development the individual as a rule diseovers sooner or
later that his welfare depends upon his mastering the subjects taught
in the schools, and then his resistant attitude will give way before an
assimilative one. However, if the work of the school, or the college
either, be wholly of a formal character, remote from the practical life,
the individual may never assume a receptive attitude toward it, but he
will escape from it as soon as pressure from without is removed.

Imitation is perhaps the most important method of learning in
childhood. The dramatic tendency is especially prominent in the early
years, and by means of it the individual masters his social environment
more effectively than he could in any other way.
CHAPTER VII
RESENTMENT

IMMEDIATELY upon his entrance into this world, the infant
reveals his discomfort in characteristic vocal and bodily
demonstrations. But one who will observe his re- no intant’s
actions and listen to his cry will find no evidence Stitudeiss
that he is in an angry attitude toward any one or antone
anything. He does not even protest against the treatment
he receives ; he is not at all hostile or resistant toward his
environment. His vocal expression is at first entirely undif-
ferentiated ; but the people responsible for his care interpret
it to denote that he is in distress, and is pleading for their
assistance and protection. The writer has, on a number of
occasions, noted the response of adults to the cry of new-
born babes, and they have uniformly regarded it as a pe-
tition, or perhaps a prayer; in no instance has any one felt
that it indicated opposition to the persons or things about
him. Physicians generally are quite unmoved by the squall
of the new-born, for they consider it to be altogether reflex,
and so not a genuine manifestation of the babe’s actual
evaluation of his novel experiences. But it is otherwise with
the mother and the bystanders, who read meaning into the
squall, whether or not it is really mechanical.

For several weeks the babe’s expressions, as they are in-
terpreted by his caretakers, reveal no hostile attitudes of
any kind; he simply appeals for help when he is cold or
hungry or otherwise ill at ease. During these weeks he
shows no sign of anger in the true sense, and no tendency
to resent anything that is done to him, though when his
experiences are disagreeable he will manifest his disquietude,
and beg for relief. But in these expressions he does not
seek really to coerce the alter or to resist him ; he endeavors
158 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

‘simply, as a matter of instinct, to awaken his feeling of
compassion or sympathy or pity. The babe in these earliest
efforts at social adjustment shows no disposition to * stand
up for his rights,” or to strive to gain what he desires by
arousing fear in those who minister to him. He takes no
offense at what people do in his presence, though if they
cause him pain he attempts in his naive manner to awaken
their tender feelings so that they will desist, and even make
reparation for the injury they have done him. Of course,
this all happens without conscious appreciation on his part,
but it is none the less meaningful and effective on this ac-
count. His attitude of supplication secures for him, as a rule,
the willing services of all who are affected by his expres-
sions.

‘When now does he begin to manifest a different attitude,
one in which he reveals opposition to the persons or the
The earliest things with which he has relations? Most observ-
expression ers of children have noticed that the cry of anger
ofenger becomes differentiated to some extent as early as
the twelfth week, and it is probable the child assumes by
this time the attitudes denoted by this expression. There is
no mistaking the expression; when the child is angry he
reveals it not only in a peculiar dynamic quality of voice,
but manifestations similar in meaning occur in his arms, legs,
and body as a whole. Usually the angry infant “ straight-
ens his body out rigidly,” ! though he may never do this on
any other occasion. He impresses the observer as taking a
resistant or defiant attitude toward those who have in some
way opposed him, and so have aroused his hostility. The
strangely irritating and compelling character of his vocal tim-

1 “Tn the fourth month,” says Tanner, “ anger is certainly shown, the face
and head become red, and the cry shows irritation. . . . Anger at this early
age is simply the instinctive rebelling against pain.” — Op. cit. p. 216.

Perez says of the young that “when about two months old, they begin to
push away objects that they do not like, and have real fits of passion, frown-
ing, growing red in the face, trembling all over, and sometimes shedding
tears.” — Op. cit. p. 66.
THE EXPRESSION OF ANGER 159

bre when he is in this frame of mind is potent in producing
reactions in those who hear it, either to serve him in the
way he wishes, or to administer pain in the attempt to pre-
vent him from further demonstrations of this kind. Under
modern social conditions, these manifestations of anger seem
usually to render the alter subservient; it is probable that
adults generally aim to avoid those situations which arouse
anger in young children, because of the disturbing effects
of their expressions upon the sensibilities of those who must
listen to them.

The attitude of anger seems to be earliest aroused as
a result of the child’s experiences with his food.! He will
sometimes fly into a rage when his bottle is taken from him
before he is satisfied, or when the parent is slow in giving
it to him after he has caught a glance of it. In such in-
stances the anger ceases with very young children the moment
the food is secured, though this is not always the case with
older children, as we shall see presently. As the child
develops, the occasions for outbursts of anger seem nor-
mally to increase constantly up to the time at least when he
gains such facility in locomotion that he can go about freely,
and himself secure the objects he desires, or perform the
deeds in which he is interested.

Unless suppressed by the hostile reactions of his parents
or governess, the typical year-old child is in a tantrum a
considerable part of his waking hours, since his qye typical
desires far outrun his ability to secure their grati- youve
fication. In a way, as the range of his interests angrymuch
broaden, the worse his lot becomes, for his ca- a aaa
pacity to obtain what he wishes does not develop as rapidly
as his needs and desires. However, if he be successful in

1 “'The causes or conditions of anger or impatient crying on the part of
the infant may be divided into four classes: (1) when the gratification of an
instinct, like suckling, is thwarted; (2) when a pleasant sense-experience is
interrupted ; (3) when the child’s purposes are crossed; (4) when an injury
is associated in the child’s mind with the idea of its cause.”— Major, The
First Steps in Mental Growth, p. 118.
160 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

getting instanter whatever he wishes, because of the atten-
tiveness of his elders or the limited range of his desires, he
will not be apt to assume the attitude of anger frequently.
But according to the observations of the writer, it is practi-
cally out of the question to satisfy the demands of the un-
restrained child of a year old. Even in homes where there
is a retinue of anxious attendants, there is still likely to be
much display of anger on the part of the children, for it
seems impossible for any one to gratify their wishes in every
detail. The pretext need be very slight indeed in order to
throw the unafraid child into a state of fury. And the
greater the efforts that are made by those who serve him
to comply with his requests, the more irritated and hostile
he often seems to become. The child who, from the stand-
point of the adult, ought to be very contented and grateful
because of the pains that have been taken to provide him
with “everything that he could desire,” is the very one who
may be in a temper much of the time. Here again is an
irreconcilable conflict between the views which the child
and the adult take of the opportunities and privileges en-
joyed by the former.

It may appear commonplace to say that the angry atti-
tude is assumed by the young child only when he cannot
Thede- realize his desires, or when he suffers pain caused,
on yea as he thinks, by some person or object. With the
vowel young child inanimate as well as animate objects,
emotion if they seem to deprive him of any pleasure, will
arouse anger. A child of two years will become furious at his
blocks, say, if they will not stay on top of one another when
he is trying to build with them, and he may try to punish
them in one way or another. So he will become angry at his
bottle if it rolls away from him when he is feeding, at his
top if it will not spin for him, at his cap if he cannot untie
it after making vigorous attempts, and so on ad libitum.
But while inanimate objects do thus awaken the feeling of
resentment in the child, nevertheless this attitude is in the
THE DEVELOPMENT OF RESENTMENT 161

majority of instances assumed toward people only. Even
when some experience with an inanimate object seems to
be the immediate cause of provocation, yet the child, as
early as his third year at any rate, begins to connect persons
in some way with most of the things that displease him.
Thus when his toy gun will not work as he desires, or when
it breaks while he is using it, his angry attitudes are apt to
be assumed not only toward the thing itself, but also toward
the one who bought it for him. When he is crawling into
his chair and it tumbles over, he may flare up at the one
whom he easily concludes should have held it for him.
From the second or third year forward anger becomes ever
more largely a strictly personal emotion, in the sense that
people are involved when the individual is in a resentful
mood, even though the direct inciting cause may be some
inanimate thing.

When the infant is in the attitude of rage, he expresses
his emotion through violent vocal, facial, and bodily actions,
although these are never coordinated upon the

: eye : : : Methods of
object inciting his passion. His arms and legs are expressing
kept tense and in constant motion ; but it is worth ™2°
while repeating that all this action is really purposeless, in
the sense that it is not directed upon the person or thing
responsible for the subject’s angry state. However, by the
time he is a year old he has become exceedingly purposeful
and dynamic in his reactions upon the objects that incite
his rage. If his blocks offend him he will probably throw
them violently on the floor, or downstairs, or out of the
window ; or he may throw other blocks at the offending
ones, or stamp on them with his foot, or pound them with
a stick, and so on. When he cannot untie his cap as readily
as he wishes, he may viciously jerk at the annoying rib-
bons; or he may grasp the cap, and do his utmost to tear
it off his head, while he utters terrifying cries and shrieks,
If he succeeds in tearing his cap loose, he will be likely to
throw it on the floor, and strike at it with anything he can
162 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

get. When he is made angry by persons he will strike,
kick, scratch, and bite them, throw objects at them, and
always scream at them. The attitude is clearly one in which
the enraged individual seeks to destroy, or at least to injure
physically, the thing that has irritated him or deprived him
of some coveted object. Biting is the mode of attack most
frequently employed in the early months; but this is re- |
placed in time by kicking, scratching, or striking with the
fists, or with some implement, as a club.

With boys from four onward, striking with the fists is
the favorite method of reacting upon an offender, unless it
be “calling names.” At all periods, after the age of four
or thereabouts, an angry individual will readily endeavor to
punish his tormentor or antagonist by ascribing to him
some mean and humiliating quality. Boys especially have
a large vocabulary of debasing terms, relating to a great
variety of brutes and debased human beings, as fools, liars,
ete., also dirt, filth, and every object that is despised. Upon
very slight provocation, these terms will be called into re-
quisition ; and from seven years on to adolescence “ calling
names” often takes the place of the more violent physical
modes of expression which are earlier employed. As devel-
opment proceeds the range of debasing epithets increases,
and the vocabulary is enriched with terms which suggest
ever more largely moral reproach. But when adolescence is
well under way, the inhibitions developed during this period
begin to play down on these as on other forms of anti-social
expression.

One of the most conspicuous methods of expressing in-
tense anger throughout the entire period of infancy and
childhood is resistant or aggressive crying. The child will
throw himself on the floor, and “ yell” and scream “at the
top of his voice”; and often when children start crying in
this way, unless some forceful corrective stimulus is im-
mediately applied to them, they are likely to go in deeper
and deeper, until they reach the point where their energies
METHODS OF EXPRESSING RAGE 163

commence to wane, when they begin to “calm down.” One
may observe children, both boys and girls, from the second
year on to nine or ten, break into crying over some annoy-
ance, when their passion increases constantly until their
whole nervous system seems involved, and they will keep
on until they are literally worn out. Sometimes the anger
is so severe, and continues for so long a time, that it
appears to consume all the available energy in the nervous
system, and the child falls asleep as his rage declines.

This mode of expressing anger is much more marked in
some individuals than in others. When once H. and B. get
started this way, it seems quite impossible to get anything
else into their consciousness which will turn their energy
into other expressive channels. But I. and K. are more
easily controlled, so that often rage can be stopped by sug-
gestion before it gains possession of the nervous system.
In the case of G. it is utterly impossible to shake him out
of his passion, once he gets started; it must run its course
to the point of exhaustion. If G. be whipped while angry
his fury is only increased; and the same is true if he be
doused with cold water. It appears that the moment his
nervous system opens in the direction of the anger reaction,
it must remain open until the fund of energy is expended ;
but this is not true of all children. It may be noted that in
G.’s furious actions there often does not seem to be any
intention aggressively to subdue or humiliate the social en-
vironment. He is simply lost in his passion. At such times
he will accept no attention from any one, no matter who it may
be, or how kindly are the expressions. The more he is stimu-
lated, whether by friend or enemy, the more intense does his
rage become. At such times he would, if he could, destroy all
who demand any sort of reaction from him. At the same
time he will grow more furious if those who were involved in
his misfortunes go away and leave him to himself. In some
subtle way he feels he would like to have all who have caused
him trouble to remain in his presence and suffer in silence.
164 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

Strangely enough, the child in his first reaction of anger
ordinarily resents an offer of sympathy from the one who
has injured him.

Another interesting and very common mode of express-
ing anger in childhood is to assume a sullen or pouting atti-
tude toward the persons who have been the cause of the ill
feeling. When a child begins to sulk, all expression except
that of resistance disappears from his countenance and his
body. If you approach him while he is in this mood he will
react by pulling himself away from you, or perhaps by strik-
ing you. If you speak to him he will either ignore you, or
call to you to “leave him alone”’; and his intonations will be
such as are designed to make you afraid to disturb him fur-
ther. He may try to “get even” with his persecutor (as he
thinks) by saying in a peculiar muffled tone, “I don’t like
you.” It isa strange tone, the expression of a very complex
state of feeling. The child evidently seeks to humble his real
or imagined tormentor by withdrawing his affection from
him. Instinctively the injured individual seems to feel that it
will cause a person pain to tell him you dislike him. As a
matter of fact, the mother is often sensibly affected when her
child declares he does not like her. When S. continues in
this attitude for some time, and the persons attacked appear
unaffected by his demonstrations, he is likely to come around
and strike at them, showing that what he desires is to pro-
duce some kind of a response in them. He cannot endure
indifference to his expressions. It is worth while to inquire
why a child should proceed in this manner when he must
realize more or less clearly that he is at the mercy of those
who are larger and more powerful than he. As a matter of
fact, he takes great chances in doing this, for usually he
suffers some pain when he does it. But nevertheless it is
his impulse to “ get back” at any one who has annoyed him.
Here is seen an illustration of an instinct tending to mani-
fest itself, even when it alienates the possessor from his
environment.
THE CAUSES OF ANGER 165

One of the most interesting and significant characteris-
tics of the attitude of anger is the variability of the situa-
tions in which it is aroused. A child anywhere from guastions
three to twelve years of age may have two experi- which
ences which are outwardly apparently the same ; the attitude
and yet in one case he may be overcome with rage, °°
while in the other anger may not appear at all. To illustrate
by two instances typical of numberless occurrences in the
daily lives of children: M. at the age of four while at play
with his father fell on the floor as a result of the father’s
roughness, and received a rather serious bump; but he
laughed it off, and went on cheerfully with the play. He
did not show a trace even of anger over the mishap, On
another occasion shortly afterward he was tripped up in the
spirit of play by his older brother, and he received a bump
again, but a considerably slighter one than on the former
occasion. Nevertheless, he flew into a rage now, and screamed
and “ carried on” ata great rate. His angry demonstrations
tended to excite all the persons within hearing or seeing dis-
tance, and they proposed to chastise the offender.

Now, it seemed evident that in the latter case the child
was not angry because of the injuries he actually suffered,
but because of being “insulted” or “ wronged ” or “ humil-
iated” or, perhaps, dominated by one who was older and
stronger than himself. The anger was almost wholly aroused
in view of the encroachments of the alter upon the liberties
of the self. These encroachments might not at the moment
have been of any special consequence; the child could have
got along with the aggressor for the day all right; but if let
pass they might have become intolerable. An individual will
gladly endure considerable actual pain if it be administered
while he is in the playful attitude, and by one who he feels
is not seeking to subjugate him, or display authority over
him. It is domination by another rather than actual pun-
ishment which the child resents. Indeed, he seems thor-
oughly to enjoy a certain amount of rough treatment from
166 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

a well-meaning playfellow, especially one who is stronger
than he is himself. But let the playful attitude be aban-
doned, let genuine rivalry arise, and instantly the child
will evaluate his experience with his associates in a very
different manner from what he did at the outset. So that
in reality, as already intimated, anger in children from
about the third year on has reference more and more largely
to the intentions of the persons or things who are the ob-
jects of the anger than to the actual results of any experience.
Of course, when the child is in an angry mood, all stimula-
tion, whether or not proceeding from a playful and kindly
attitude on the part of his fellows, will often only aggra-
vate his ill temper.

It is significant that while children in the beginning mani-
fest anger toward any one who appears to be instrumental
Thefunc- in depriving them of some desired pleasure, still
fone’ they early learn not to “flare up” at those who
relations §=s will react upon them to their disadvantage. As
an instance, K., a boy of nine, frequently and upon slight
provocation becomes extremely angry at his mother and
his brothers and sisters, but he never manifests anger in
the presence of his father, no matter what the latter may
do to him. The father has punished him sharply on several
occasions, when he allowed himslf to be overcome with anger,
and this has served completely to inhibit his passion. Anger
as expressed in most situations where something of value
is to be gained thereby appears to be largely reflex ; but it
certainly can be brought under a certain amount of control
from the second year on. Fear of ill consequences of any
sort from its expression will restrain it. J., a boy of eight,
who is exceedingly irascible in his relations with his brothers,
holds himself in check completely when he goes into a com-
pany of boys who ridicule him and plague him if he shows
anger when he cannot have his way regardless of the desires
of others. One may see boys endure without the slightest
display of ill-feeling quite rough treatment on the play-
THE FUNCTION OF ANGER 167

ground from the group which will discipline any hot-tem-
pered member, when with similar treatment from those
whom they can bully or terrorize, or whom they can obtain
aid from others in subduing, they will be filled with rage.

Speaking generally, the individual learns quite early to
express his anger toward those only who can be affected by
it to his gain in some way. He does not ordinarily become
enraged at his baby sister for her transgressions, since he
can easily protect himself against her while keeping his
temper. She does not need to be impressed by his angry
demeanor, as does his brother who is nearer his own age
and capacity. The dynamic, violent display of resentment
tends to exert a restraining influence upon aggressors who
are about on a par as to strength with the one who becomes
angry. But it may, on the other hand, be a source of plea-
sure to those who have nothing to fear from the angry one ;
and a choleric individual is likely to be annoyed by older
boys for the sake merely of witnessing his discomfiture. S.
at seven often seems to get genuine pleasure from “ teasing”
his sister, who is not strong enough to do him injury, but
who becomes very demonstrative in her anger. S. does not
attempt to resent her attacks upon him; but at the same
time he temporarily ceases his hectoring when K. becomes
furious, and this is, of course, her method of driving off
her persecutor. Further, her angry expressions summon
her parents, or any older person who may be in the vicinity,
and they put a stop to S.’s tormenting. Thus K. discovers
that her demonstrations are of service, and she comes to
rely upon them, so that she now tends to give vent to them
often even on the peaceful approach of S.

There is involved here a principle of considerable im-
portance. In a group of children who are much together,
all being of about the same age and experience, and having
similar needs, there are liable to develop between certain
members relations that incite irritability. One child may
begin to aggress upon another whom he feels he can either
168 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

bully or tantalize, and this is apt to render the victim par-
Sonate ticularly irascible, so that the mere presence of
ons

whichtavor the aggressor arouses anger. Thus it is that chil-
cd dren in the same family often quarrel a great
amert, deal, unless pains are taken to keep each one
membersof occupied in some agreeable way. The more such
fen? children are kept together, without outside as-
sociates, and the more limited the goods which they all
desire, the more certain they are to develop irritability with
all its manifold expressions.

This almost ceaseless conflict is apt to persist, until the
range of activity of the contestants begins to extend well
out beyond the home circle into the larger world of diver-
sified interests and social relations. This means, of course,
that as the young find opportunity without the home for the
utilization of their energies and the gratification of their
desires, they cease to aggress upon one another to such a
degree as they invariably do when they are constantly in
one another’s way, as it were. As their lives expand, they
come gradually to regard each other in a different light
from what they did in the beginning. In due course they
change from mutual aggressors and competitors to partners
and associates, who have interesting experiences in the out-
side world which they are willing to share with one another.
The writer has kept close account of a family of seven chil-
dren who in their development followed this course from
the point of constant conflict to good-fellowship and codper-
ation, as soon as each came to play an independent role in
the larger world outside the home.

This same principle may be observed in instances where
children are separated for brief periods, as for a summer,
say. V. at seven spent one summer on a farm away from
his brothers, sisters, and associates. On his return he was
looked upon with peculiar interest by those who had not
had his opportunities. All felt he had learned many things
which they did not know, and was master of arts which
THE ATTITUDE OF HATRED 169

they would like to acquire. In a very subtle but very real
way they did him homage for a time. When he told of his
exploits they would listen and applaud, when previously
they would often ridicule him, and endeavor to minimize
his achievements in the eyes of his friends. Now they
would follow him around while he showed them the tricks
he had acquired during his absence ; and whatever he de-
sired he secured without resistance. He was, in short, a
hero for a day, a leader, while his quondam antagonists
were ready followers. But in the course of time, when he
had imparted all his novel experiences, when he had nothing
new to offer, gradually the old tensions were reéstablished,
and he was resisted in his aggressions as he had been for-
merly. His brother and his playfellows came to regard him
again as a competitor, who must be kept on his own ground.
This instance is typical in general character and outcome of
a number that occurred in the lives of this particular group
of children, between the ages of three and fifteen.

The child in all his expressions is more or less explosive.
He tends to react at once upon any stimulus; and when
the stimulus ceases, the attitude incited by it is pevetop-
apt to be rapidly merged into a different one, mental ie
Attitudes awakened in any special situation are hatred
not likely to endure long when the situation changes.
Thus the child is a quite faithful reflex of his immediate
environment; his reactions are usually in response to the
forces playing upon him at any moment. But as develop-
ment proceeds, this sensitiveness to direct stimulation grad-
ually declines for a large part of the environment, and
often for the whole of it during long periods at a time. As
a rule, development leads to the establishment of more or
less permanent tendencies along various lines, with the
result that the individual endeavors so to shape the social
environment that it may remain in the form most appro-
priate to his preferred attitudes. This principle, as it relates
to the particular attitude in question, means that the child
170 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

as he develops becomes normally less and less explosive in
his anger, but more and more enduring in his hostile reac-
tions. In the early years he cannot really hold a “ grudge”
against any one, though he may say he does not like such
and such a person. But, after all, his antipathy is based
upon a definite concrete experience, and it does not usually
outlast the memory of the experience. One may often hear
a child declare with great vigor that he “ hates” a play-
fellow; but in a few minutes he may be enjoying the most
friendly sort of relations with him.

It is different, however, with the adolescent. He cannot
forget so easily. G. was a typically explosive boy at six,
frequently in conflict with his associates, but never retain-
ing for long any ill feeling against any one who would play
with him. Mean tricks in his companions would soon be
buried in oblivion, and all would be smooth sailing again
until a new instance of aggression arose. His daily life was
made up of codperative activities, freely interspersed with
conflicts ; but the latter were rarely carried over night. It
is very different with him at fifteen, however. Now his
hostile attitudes toward individuals are in a number of
cases long enduring; they extend over weeks and months
even. He will “ have nothing to do” with the objects of his
aversion; and he not only seeks to avoid them, but he
endeavors to belittle them to his associates, He really hates
them. He is hostile to them, not on account of one deed
alone, but on account of their whole personality. This
concrete case is probably typical in main features of the
developmental history of all individuals in respect to the
matter in question.

The child of five does not, as we have noticed, long
harbor the wrongs inflicted on him. In a flash almost his
anger may be turned to friendly feeling. So he does not
dwell upon modes of “ getting even” with an adversary.
He does normally strive to “ even up” trespassing, but he
does so at the instant of the injury done him. He does not
THE ATTITUDE OF INDIGNATION 171

_nurse his troubles with his associates, and some time in the
future endeavor to “ pay up old scores.” But the adolescent,
who does not forget so easily, is apt to keep on the qui vive
for an opportunity to revenge himself upon his antagonist.
He cannot feel at ease until his enemy has been made to
suffer for his aggression or his opposition. Of course, there
is great individual variation here; but it is probable that
all persons tend to pursue the course indicated. Revenge is
properly an attitude which can be taken only when the
child reaches the point where he does not readily forget
experiences wherein others act contrary to his interests.
‘When he commences to ponder over his conflicts so that he
feels opposition deeply, then he begins to plan to humiliate
or subjugate his rivals, and he may keep his vengeful
schemes in his mind for months or years, so that he may
perfect them. G. in his seventeenth year was frequently
overheard to say in substance of a rival in high-school activ-
ities, “I will strike even with him yet.” The offenses of
which this rival was guilty had been committed many
months before, but G. had not overlooked them, and it was
evident that he was biding his time until he could avenge
himself. Outwardly G. seemed to be more or less friendly
toward his enemy, but matters could not be adjusted within
until the latter was paid in full in his own coin. G. is
probably not an exceptional individual in respect to this
trait, though the particular instance in question seemed to
be somewhat extreme.

We have seen that the young child is made angry only
when he is thwarted in the attainment of very definite con-
crete ends, or when he is deprived of any pleasure wikis
which he is experiencing at the moment. A stimu- opment of
lus must be of a quite direct physical character, in cae
order to awaken a response in the individual. A 7%"
child of six, say, would not on his own initiative react in a
hostile way upon one who was guilty of an offense against
the ethical or moral code in force in the community, or even
172 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

against most conventionalities in respect to cleanliness and
the like. He may resent the attempts of a playfellow to take
an unfair advantage in his games; but he is not likely to
show any deep feeling in regard to the matter unless his own
interests are imperiled, when he will, if he dares, react di-
rectly and positively upon the offender. But if we will run
forward ten years in the individual’s development, we will
find him at times assuming an attitude of hostility toward
others when his own welfare is not at least immediately
involved. That is to say, he will resent liberties being taken
by others with the more prominent ethical and moral rules,
and also with many of the conventionalities of social inter-
course. As he continues to develop, if he does so normally,
he will grow more and more pronounced in his hostile re-
actions upon an offender against the principles of fair play,
as he interprets them, and against the fundamental stand-
ards of conduct as he himself appreciates them. In his
reaction he is not as explosive and dynamic as he was when
he was a boy of six, partly because the offenses which arouse
the indignant attitude are not as direct and simple and phy-
sical as those which incite mere anger. The latter attitude
is elemental; it is assumed automatically when the interests
of the self are interfered with; but it is different with the
attitude of indignation, which is extremely complicated, and
so not as directly aroused and expressed as anger. In wrath
the individual becomes aggressive; he would destroy the
object which threatens his well-being. But later on when he
is indignant he may keep himself wholly under restraint,
revealing his resentment only in his withholding customary
friendly expressions from an offender.

This may be the best place in which to mention a com-
Appearance Plex attitude of the general nature of resentment,
art in the sense that it is taken in view of what
jealousy —_ the self regards as the encroachments of the alter.
Children as early as the fifteenth month,! at any rate, show

1 Perez (op. cit. p. 'T1) does not mention jealousy as occurring before the
THE ATTITUDE OF JEALOUSY 178

marked displeasure when other children are favored in their

presence above themselves, or even receive attention or gifts

from those upon whom they are dependent for their own

favors. A child who has satisfied himself with his bottle, say,

will be likely to show resentment if what he leaves is offered

to a brother or sister. It is a common device of mothers to

induce their children to eat against their desires by threaten-

ing to give their food to others, A child will often consume

his food himself, even though he does not enjoy it, rather

than see another gain pleasure from it. It is in a way a dog-

in-the-manger attitude, which is strikingly revealed when the

child protests against a rival receiving any kindness from a

parent or guardian or playfellow. Here is a common nursery

experience: a child of fifteen months is playing happily
with his blocks on the floor. Near by is his mother and his

brother, still a baby, and the former takes the latter on her
knee. The chances are that the child on the floor will leave
his playthings, and, if he can, drive off the brother, and
climb into the mother’s lap himself. In many of his relations
with his associates, the child shows in various ways that he
does not enjoy their success and good fortune, even though
these do not directly deprive him of any pleasure. Of course,
this attitude must be largely instinctive at the outset; it is
assumed long before the child’s own experience could have.
developed it in him.

One may often see a child in his second year, say, de-
stroy an object he does not want rather than have it appro-
priated by a rival. But he is not likely to do this on all
occasions. For example, V. at two years would often mani-
fest intense jealousy toward his sister at one moment, while
the next moment he might share his toys and sweets with
her. Sympathy and fellow-feeling thus alternate with ex-
treme selfishness and jealousy in the young child. Jn the

fifteenth month. Darwin speaks of the jealous expression of his son at fifteen
and a half months. But Sikorsky (Die Seele des Kindes, p. 56) and others
have observed the expression of jealousy during the first year of life.
174 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

beginning, as we have seen, he is likely to assume the jealous
atttitude toward a person who in his presence is favored in
any of the ways in which he is himself interested, as when
his mother caresses another, when a companion is given a
toy which he could use himself, and so on. But as he
develops, this attitude is assumed only toward those with
whom he is frequently in competition and in conflict. By
the fifth year children (boys especially) are very keen in
noting any favors extended to their competitors, and jeal-
ousy is ever ready to be expressed upon the slightest pro-
vocation. Parents must exercise great care in selecting
presents, say, for their children from the third or fourth
year on through adolescence, lest those given to one child
may appear to another to be more desirable than those he
himself received. Parents are often compelled, in order to
preserve the peace in their households, to secure precisely
the same articles for all their children, whether or not they
are appropriate in every instance. The jealous child cannot
be “reasoned with”; his passion renders him immune to
argument which seeks to justify apparent discrimination
when he thinks his rival may be the gainer thereby.

The jealous attitude is manifested most strikingly in
children from the fifth year on in situations where competi-
Situations tors seek to exalt themselves in the eyes of those
Rai inat? who have favors to distribute, or where the deeds
ofjealousy and virtues of rivals are extolled by outsiders.
Let K. begin to describe in the family circle some cour-
ageous or faithful deed he has performed, or painful experi-
ence he has endured, or duties he has discharged, and C., his
natural rival, will at once seek to minimize the importance
of the particular act for which praise is sought, so that K.
may not be too highly thought of. Then C. will endeavor
to attract attention to his own worth by describing more
meritorious deeds which he has himself performed. He
cannot easily submit to the attempts of his rival to gain
the admiration of the company before whom he wishes to
MANIFESTATIONS OF JEALOUSY 175

exhibit himself. But it is different in situations where K.
and C. are united in their interests, in ‘opposition to other
groups. Then C. is glad to reénforce the testimony of K.
regarding his valorous deeds; and the principle works in
just the same way when C. is seeking for favor, and K. is
the jealous witness or the faithful comrade.

It must be impressed that jealousy is an attitude assumed
only by individuals in those situations in which they are
competing for the same favors. Two children may be in-
tensely jealous in their own homes; but they may abandon
this attitude absolutely when they go into the world and
compete as a unit with other groups. Normally, the jeal-
ousies between members of a family tend to disappear in
the measure that their interests broaden, and they form new
connections in the world. That is to say, according as per-
sons cease to be keen rivals, they tend either to become
indifferent to the successes of one another, or they may even
rejoice in the good fortune of each other, and lose no oppor-
tunity to celebrate one another’s virtues and merits. This
latter stage is not reached, however, until rivalry, and so
conflict, wholly ceases, and the contestants come to appreciate
that their interests are mutual, and each can help himself
best by extolling the other. This is frequently seen in adult
life, especially in political and professional partnerships ;
men who to-day may be reviling one another, seeking to
injure each other’s reputation, may praise one another to-
morrow, when they discover that they can promote their
own interests best by cooperation instead of by jealous
competition.

It is a principle of wide application that if the alter does
not bear such close relations to the self that he can aid or
injure it in some way through his expressions, then he may
do what he pleases, and the self will remain neutral toward
him. To illustrate, X., who is a member of my profession
and of my “class,” builds a showy and obtrusive house in
a town quite remote from me, and while I know him I am
176. SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

not in the least jealous of him, as I should be if he built
this house right next to mine where the neighbors would
see both, and ignore mine because his would dominate the
view. Again, students in one college or in a university are
quite indifferent to the exemplary habits of particular stu-
dents in other colleges, while they may be exceedingly jeal-
ous of students of similar habits in their own college, because
they have vital relations with them, and they feel their own
status is determined by the activities of these classmates.
A professor may not be at all affected by the sensational
methods of a minister in his community who wishes to
attract attention to himself; but he may react violently
toward a fellow professor who adopts the same methods as
the minister. An individual, that is to say, is keenly sensi-
tive to the behavior of members of his special group, since his
own standing depends upon the conduct of his associates. It
is a commonplace that great authors, artists, musicians, and
the like, who appeal to the same audience, are often intensely
jealous of one another. Sometimes this jealousy amounts to
permanent enmity among distinguished persons, though,
on the whole, it is probable that those who become promi-
nent in any line of activity find much of common interest
to encourage friendships which will hold in check the ten-
dencies toward jealous resentment.

Then, it must not be forgotten that rivals in art or lit.
erature or science are often of distinct help to one another,
so that appreciation and gratitude aid in counteracting the
feelings of jealous hostility. Not infrequently one may see
a person belittling a rival in one situation, but praising
him sincerely in another. In the one case the individual is
sensitive to the competition between himself and his rival
for the approbation of a certain social group, while in the
other case he is sensitive to the genuine worth of the rival
without regard to his influence upon the status of the self.
In all social groups there is this constant play of complex
emotions between individuals who have interests in common
THE DEVELOPMENT OF JEALOUSY 177

in any respect. The impulses relating to self-conservation
may lead one to take at different times all the social atti-
tudes described in foregoing chapters, and in reaction upon
the same individual's expressions; though normally a cer-
tain characteristic attitude comes to be assumed toward a
given individual, since his activities will ordinarily be pre-
dominantly favorable or hostile to the interests of the self.

-\s a general principle, the smaller the group of indi-
viduals who are in competition with one another, and the
narrower the range of their interests, the more Goaons
intense will be the jealous attitudes developed. ee
As the group increases in membership, and their opment ct
interests and activities become more varied, par- *°™
ticular competitors normally come to occupy a less and less
important place in any one individual's attention. It is
as though the energy which in a restricted situation finds
an outlet in one channel, perhaps, is discharged through
various channels when the circle of persons and the range
of interests to be reacted upon are enlarged. It is probable
that most strictly social attitudes become less pronounced,
though they are likely to become more habitual, according
as the occasions which call them forth are multiplied. This
principle has an interesting application to the child when
he enters school. His new personal environment makes
such demands upon his attention and energy, in order that
he may take the first steps in adjustment thereto, that the
jealous attitudes are not aroused for some time, though
they are Hable to appear as he begins to feel at home in
the new group. The beginner is usually in the learning or
adaptive attitude ;: he is never at the outset resentful toward
individuals in the group who may secure greater attention
than himself from the teacher or his associates. The novice
in school seeks, above everything else. to win the favor of
those who for any reason are prominent in the group. He
does not normally oppose his personality to that of any one
who stands well with the crowd, or who has the support of
tradition in his particular expressions.
178 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

This tendency is seen at every stage in the individual’s
scholastic career when he joins new groups, as when he
enters the high school or the college. As a member of the
eighth grade of the elementary school, he may be in an atti-
tude of resentment toward many of the expressions of his
classmates and those in lower classes; but when he becomes
a freshman in the high school he will be likely to exhibit
no trace of resentment for a time, but only docility, in
which he will gladly tolerate whatever may happen, only
so that he is not singled out for special attention. “Keep
quiet, mind your business, and learn from your elders,” is
the maxim he tends to follow implicitly ; and if he does not
do it, his superiors, the upper-classmen, who by tradition
are entitled to privileges and respect not accorded to be-
ginners, will speedily reduce him to a submissive, assimi-
lative attitude. All this may be seen at its best among such
groups as one finds in the public schools of England, —
Eton, Rugby, and the like. Here the novice is kept for
quite a long period in a very humble frame of mind. He
does not feel sufficiently independent to take attitudes of
resentment toward any one in the school, even one of his
own class, much less members of the higher classes, or the
masters. If he feels jealousy he conceals it effectively ; but
so much is demanded of him by way of positive adjustment
that he has little opportunity for jealous resentment. Jeal-
ousy flourishes best among those whose energies are not
largely employed in positive activities. One may see an
illustration of this principle if he will contrast a very dy-
namic, progressive community with an idle one; jealousy
will be much more prominent in the latter than in the
former.

As the child grows to feel at ease in adjustment to the
situations presented in the school, he commences to assume
Schoolroom 2ttitudes of disapproval as well as approval of
jealousies the expressions of his associates, and even of the
teacher. In due course, often by the fourth year in school,
SCHOOLROOM JEALOUSIES 179

possibly earlier, he begins to manifest some feeling of jeal-
ousy toward those of his group who attain greater pro-
minence in the work of the school than he does himself.
However, according to the observations of the present
writer, this feeling is not a dominant one at any period in
the elementary school, except in the case of particular chil-
dren who are displeased at any distinction in recitations or
in conduct attained by their classmates. In the fourth
grade of a certain elementary school of a Western city,
there are three backward boys who have been in this grade
for two years, though they are bright enough in the things
of the street. They are in a more or less hostile attitude
toward all that goes on in the schoolroom, probably because
they cannot succeed in it themselves, and so they would like
to escape from it or destroy it. Now, they make it un-
pleasant, so far as they are able, for all the boys in the
grade who apply themselves to their tasks, and get “ good
marks.” On the playground these dullards “ pick on” the
“bright” boys; and in the school they ridicule them by
“snickering” at them, or “making faces” at them, and
so on, with the result that they deter some boys from doing
their best in the schoolroom. These same three ill-adjusted
boys will make fun of their mates who come to the school
“ dressed up in fine togs.” They are themselves attired in
plain clothes suited to the rough experiences of the street,
and they resent the adoption of different styles by any of
their associates. Further, they show jealous feeling toward
boys who come from “better” homes than their own, or
from more “ aristocratic” parts of the city.

But aside from these three cases, there are no other pupils
in this grade who show toward their classmates jealous feel-
ings of any consequence. There are bright and dull boys
in the school who are the best of companions outside the
schoolroom. T. receives higher marks than §. in all his
studies, but there is no jealousy felt by the latter for the
former. They play together much of the time, and the ex-
180 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

periences of the school have no deterring influence upon their
friendship. S. does not yet evaluate very highly the sort of
distinction which comes from standing high in the roll of
honor of the school, and he is apparently incapable of feel-
ing resentment toward one who receives praises and prizes
for this sort of excellence. The rewards of classroom dis-
tinction are not striking enough to impress the average
pupil with their importance, so he does not begrudge them
to the one who can get them. Even in the eighth grade, so
far as the writer has been able to detect, there is very little
jealousy aroused among the pupils by those who stand at
the head of their classes, though there is more of it here
than in the fourth grade. According as the honors of the
schoolroom attain greater importance in the eyes of pupils,
just in this measure will feelings of resentment be active
toward the pupils who carry them off.

One may observe the jealous attitude expressing itself
sometimes among eighth-grade pupils in the effort of the
less fortunate ones to explain the excellence of their brighter
associates. The fourth-grader normally does not attempt to
explain the superiority of his classmates ; he does not seem
to appreciate the necessity of doing so. But the older pupils
begin to feel the social value of intellectual distinction,
and they strive more or less unconsciously to belittle the
achievements of those who head the lists. This becomes
more marked the higher one goes in the schools. It is
probably the keenest of all in the college, where the more
industrious and docile members of the group are often ridi-
culed and caricatured in the attempt of the crowd to sup-
press them and keep them from manifesting their obnoxious
qualities. Of course, if a brilliant and well-behaved student
is also excellent in general college activities, he will be likely
to win the admiration and applause of the multitude; but
it is not because of his ethical and intellectual superiority,
but rather because of his good-fellowship that he avoids the
condemnation of his jealous associates.
JEALOUSY DURING ADOLESCENCE 181

It will not be necessary here to do more than to mention
the chief incitement to jealousy after the beginning of the
adolescent upheaval, and lasting well on into middle Jealousy
life. The testimony of autobiographers, as well as tne
the observations of psychologists, indicate that verod
rivalry for sex favors gives rise to most of the jealous atti-
tudes of the adolescent up until full maturity is reached.
Often, no doubt, it is the main cause of the jealousies of
some people throughout their lives; but normally other and
more general interests become stronger and more vital as
maturity is approached. But from the age of fifteen or six-
teen on to twenty-five or beyond the sex needs and interests
are supreme, and the individual is sensitive to sex relations
above all others. No pain is so keen at this time as that
which arises from slight or indifference from persons of the
opposite sex, and no experience will stir an individual so
deeply as that which threatens to deprive him of the ex-
clusive possession of the affections of the one he loves. In
any mixed group during adolescence the response to sex re-
lations is exceedingly unstable ; every member of the group
is hypersensitive to expression of sex of every sort, and it
is inevitable that resentment, in the form of jealousy mainly,
should be exceedingly active. Innumerable “ confessions ”
of both men and women show that in many cases there was
experienced the most acute jealousy much of the time dur-
ing early adolescence. These individuals were keyed up to
such a pitch of sex tension that they were in a more or less
constant state of illusion regarding the relations to their
rivals of those whom they loved. Now, if ever, the terms
used by the poets and others to describe jealousy are ap-
plicable, — a “ monster with green eyes,” “ agony unmixed,”
“dyspepsia of the mind,” “ Ugliest fiend of Hell,” and so
on ad infinitum. Sex need, and so sex sensitiveness, are
more profound than all things else in the lives of many per-
sons; indeed, the instinct of self-preservation is often not
as intense as the desires arising out of sex, which is shown
182. SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

in the frequency with which people disappointed in love
take their lives.

The infant’s attitude is at first a non-resistant one; but by the
twelfth week the cry of anger begins to be clearly differentiated from
his other vocalizations. As he develops, the purpose in his
expressions of anger seems to be to render the alter subser-
vient. The angry attitude is assumed by the infant only when he fails
to realize his desires, or when he suffers pain caused by somo object,
as he thinks. The year-old child is in the angry attitude a large part
of his waking hours, since his desires are far greater than is his ability
to secure gratification of them by any means, The young child will,
when thwarted in his undertakings, become angry at inanimate as well
as animate objects; but from the third year on this attitude is confined
ever more strictly to personal situations.

The infant expresses his rage through violent vocal and bodily ex-
pressions. These are at first aimless ; but by the end of the first year
they are always directed upon the offending object. Resistant or
aggressive crying is a prominent form of expressing anger throughout
infancy and childhood. Often when children get started in this way,
they continue in spite of all corrective measures until their available
energy is consumed. Boys when they are angry easily kick the offender,
bite and strike him, ete. Another common method of expressing anger
in childhood is sulking, by which the injured one hopes to “ got even”
with his adversary, as he imagines.

From about the third year on the intention behind rather than the
actual results of any action determines what attitude the individual
will assume toward the actor. At adolescence motive is almost the sole
thing considered in deciding how any given action should be treated.

Children in the same family usually quarrel a great deal because of
conflict in endeavoring to gratify their needs and desires. As they find
increasing opportunities to utilize their energies in diversified activi-
ties, and as they assume broader social relations, they normally ceaso
to aggress upon one another. The narrower the range of social contact
and interest the greater the likelihood of conflict.

The child’s reactions are ordinarily in harmony with the stimulus
acting at any moment. With development, however, immediate ro-
sponsiveness gradually declines, and more or less permanent and
unyielding attitudes are established. Thus the attitude of hatred is
not assumed until comparatively late in the maturing process. Again,
not until the child reaches the point where disagreeable experiences
are not readily forgotten can he assume a revengeful attitude,

The attitude of indignation appears only when the individual has
begun to appreciate ethical and moral standards, when he will to somo
extent at least resent offenses against them. This attitude is oxtromely

Résumé
RESUME 183

complex, and not as directly aroused and expressed as anger. While
in anger the individual seeks to injure or destroy the irritating object,
in indiguation he will withhold from the offender friendly expressions,
as a typical mode of revealing his displeasure.

Children very early manifest the jealous attitude. One may some-
times see a child in his second year destroy an object he does not wish
rather than have it appropriated by a rival. Among competitors
jealousy is extremely active from the third or fourth year onward.
According as individuals cease to be rivals they either grow indifferent
to the favors shown one another, or they come to rejoice in each other's
SUECRSSES.

As a rule, the smaller the range of interests of a group, and the
fewer the number who are in competition, the more intense will the
expression of jealousy become. A novice in any group is usually in an
assimilative, rarely in a resentful, attitude toward his new associates;
but as he grows to feel at ease in the group he is likely to develop
jealousies._ During adoleseence and afterward, jealous attitudes arise

mainly out of competition for sex recognition and appreciation.
CHAPTER VIII
AGGRESSION

In the discussion of resentment there has been a constant
temptation to consider in connection with it the attitude of
aggression, which is usually associated with it, and is often
the cause of it. In any social situation in which the one
attitude is assumed by an individual or a group, the other
attitude will as a rule be assumed by another individual or
group. But with a view to securing clearness in presenta-
tion, an effort was made in the preceding chapter to consider
the attitudes as if they were largely independent of one
another, though in the present chapter their interdepend-
ence will be more fully recognized, for otherwise it would
not be possible to convey a truthful impression of the na-
ture of the aggressive attitude, and the circumstances under
which it either prospers or is speedily abandoned.
In the discussion of anger, reference was made to the ten-
dency of children vigorously to resist the encroachments of
their associates upon what they regard as their
combative rightful possessions ; but a particular aspect of the
attitude general principle involved must be looked into in
greater detail here. We have seen that when the child’s plea-
sures are interfered with in any way ; when he is deprived of
an object he enjoys, or when he is prevented from obtaining
whatever he wishes, it is his impulse to punish the one who
has been the cause of his unhappiness, or to remove him
from his path so that he can continue in the pursuit of the
things he desires. In the early years his mode of procedure
in a situation of this sort is very direct, concrete, even phy-
sical. He endeavors to inflict pain of a definite, tangible
character upon his antagonist or his tormentor. This means
that whenever resisted in his undertakings, or made angry
‘

THE COMBATIVE ATTITUDE 185

for any cause, he easily assumes the belligerent attitude
unless he is restrained for prudential reasons. This com-
bative impulse expends itself on the victim in a variety of
forms, some of which have already been mentioned, as strik-
ing, biting, kicking, scratching, pinching, throwing to the
ground, using weapons of one sort or another, as clubs,
stones, knives, etc. But whatever may be the mode of at-
tack, the aim is always the same in intent ; the combatant
seeks to penalize or humiliate his adversary, or to make
him serve him, or stand out of his course. If the present
wrong cannot be satisfactorily righted, then the injured per-
son endeavors to give the aggressor “such a lesson” that
the latter will never again be the cause of trouble to the
former.

Before the completion of the first year children normally
exhibit in a marked degree the combative impulse in its
simple, direct form. On even slight pretext they will often
fly into a rage, and then they will make use of all the means
at their command to punish the object of their wrath. At
this age there is little if any inhibition of the impulse, except
in the face of violent reaction from the environment. Given
any serious irritation, and in the majority of cases the
combative attitude will be assumed in a more or less reflex
way. This sort of thing continues without material modifi-
cation for three or four years ; and with boys at least, who
are much together and who are candidates for the same
favors, quarreling is a rather common event of their daily
lives until the advent of the adolescent period at any rate.
It is probable that the combative impulse is never aroused
in the earliest years except upon some form of provocation.
Either the individual resents the aggressive acts of others,
or he strives to break down opposition to his own aggression,
which he regards as justifiable of course, if such a term can
be applied to the child’s non-reflective action. From his
standpoint it is right to obtain if he can whatever he wants,
and if he is able to secure it by force he will not hesitate
186 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

so to do. But the three-year-old child does not normally
find pleasure in aggression for its own sake; he does not
fight with his playfellows for the pleasure of combat itself,
nor does he seem ordinarily to inflict pain merely that he
may enjoy another’s sufferings.

Jt is true that some cases of this sort have been reported
by Burk and others, wherein children of three years, and
even younger, have apparently taken delight in bullying
comrades by pinching them, striking them, and in other
ways. But it is possible that in all such cases there has really
been some inciting cause, though perhaps not at the moment.
K. at the age of three has been observed on a number of
occasions to strike S. when he was not molesting her at the
moment; but thefact is that he enjoys teasing her, and she has
contracted a rather settled feeling that she must resist him,
and even administer penalties to him whenever the situa-
tion encourages such procedure. She has learned that the
chances are that he will annoy her in some manner when-
ever he finds her off guard ; and it is easy for her to misin-
terpret his intentions. Even in his moments of good behavior,
he may be planning an attack ; he has frequently done so
in the past. And the proper thing now, the protective thing,
is to drive him off before he has an opportunity to do any
harm. Thus K. is usually on the defensive when in the pre-
sence of §., for he is likely at any moment to disturb her
playthings, or to tickle her, or to molest her in one way or
another. In her own consciousness, then, she is dealing with
an adversary when §. is within aggressing distance, though
an outsider would not appreciate this. She does not assume
this belligerent attitude toward her doll, or any younger
child, who does not interfere with her possessions or block
her enterprises; which indicates that her combative attitudes
seem always to be assumed for cause.

It should be noted in this connection that children in
their second year occasionally show a disposition to redress a
wrong done them even after the pain or inconvenience
METHODS OF RETALIATION 187

caused by the experience has disappeared. When V. would
annoy his brother of the age of two, the latter moetnods ot
would sometime later take advantage of an oppor- Ttallation
tunity to “square matters” with the former, even though
the father had disciplined. V. for his misbehavior, and there
was no likelihood of his occasioning S. any annoyance again
for a considerable period at least. But S. always seemed to
feel more comfortable when he himself made V. suffer more
or less, or humiliated him. The expressions on S.’s features
on such occasions and his vocal demonstrations and bodily
attitudes all appeared to say, “ Now, take that; it is
good thing for you; I will give you as good as you gave.”
With children from three onward there seems to be an
almost irresistible desire to “ get even” with one of their
‘‘set”’ who has intentionally occasioned them discomfort
in any way, physical or otherwise. Sometimes they will
appear to be satisfied if they can participate in, or at least
look on at, the discipline which the parent or teacher or
older playmate administers to an offender; but according to
the writer’s observations children who have been aggressed
upon regain their emotional equilibrium the more readily
if they can themselves carry out the principle of an eye for
an eye and a tooth for a tooth. They want on their own
account to apply the Mosaic law fully.

Again, they seem normally not to be content with any-
thing short of the infliction of a very concrete penalty upon
their assailant; and even when forbidden by parent or teacher
so to do, they will nevertheless endeavor stealthily to “ even
up” matters with their rivals. Boys from seven to twelve
or so will retain a grudge for weeks, or even months, and
will watch their opportunity to retaliate. At the age of three
a child does not appear to remember for any considerable
period a particular injury done by an associate; but it is
altogether different with children of twelve or older. B. has
stored in his memory several special injuries he has received
from two bullies in his school, and he is longing for a
188 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

chance to pay them back in their own coin. Now at twelve
he does not easily forget intended aggressions of every sort
as he did when he was six, or younger. And what really
rankles in his consciousness is the humiliation resulting
from his experience with the bullies. He cannot adjust
himself to the fact that he was dominated by another with
whom he is supposed to be on a par in matters of courage,
strength, and combative skill. This sense of being conquered
by his equal far outlasts the remembrance of the actual
physical pain he suffered, which in no case was really seri-
ous. As we follow the individual on toward maturity we
find that he remembers his “ slights ” and “ insults” for an
increasingly longer period, and he cannot be content until
he has been the cause of making his assailant suffer in the
measure and in the manner that he was made to suffer
himself.

As maturity is approached there may be observed a
growing tendency for the individual to be satisfied with
Rotaliation Other than physical punishment of his adversaries.
ppen tte —_ Also, he is not so eager as he once was to cause
injury done his enemies to suffer by his own hand. The boy
ante of six wishes to have wrongs righted immediately,
tn" directly, and physically. To injure his assailant
in his reputation does not impress the six-year-old as of
much importance; retribution is not impressive enough
to discharge his feeling of anger. However, by the age of
ten there is beginning to appear some slight appreciation
of the meaning and value of “reputation,” and the pain
endured when the individual suffers injury thereto. V. does
not like to have any one say of him that he cannot catch
a baseball; for he is a member of a boy’s team, and he
would much dislike to lose membership therein through
incompetency. It really irritates him when he is likened to
a “mush-fingers.” He resents being called a caward, for he
belongs to a boy’s football team, and he enjoys the distinc-
tion of playing without regard to the consequences to him-
INJURY TO ONE’S REPUTATION 189

self physically. Again, he will attack a boy who charges
him with being a “ tattle-tale,” for this latter sort of per-
son is despised and plagued by the group of which V. is a
member. But he does not at this age seem to mind being
called a poor writer or a bad speller or an awkward dancer
or an unsocial or untjdy individual. He desires, above all
else in his social adjustments, to stand well with the boys
with whom he is in competitive as well as cooperative rela-
tions. At the same time he does not appear to be eager to
stand well with the minister or the teacher (except in
respect to simple personal relations), or with the girls
among his associates.

By the age of fifteen, some of the social relations which
were not felt at all at ten begin to occupy the boy’s atten-
tion, though none of the old relations completely lose their
importance for him. As development proceeds these newer
and more subtle relations grow constantly more prominent,
until by the time maturity is reached the individual nor-
mally is anxious about his reputation in the matter of intel-
lectual competency, truthfulness, honesty, decency, morality,
and the like. He will then most vigorously resent any
reflection upon his character in respect to these traits. Of
course, the ideals of the particular groups of which he is
an active member will determine in what special qualities
he will wish to rank highest in the eyes of his associates,
and whether he will be indifferent respecting certain mat-
ters to which the world in general attaches much signifi-
cance. To illustrate, in college communities it is regarded
as a mark of distinction to cheat in examination; and in
such places a student will not resent being accused of dis-
honesty. Often he feels pride in attaining distinction in a
rather skillful and delicate enterprise which he thinks the
student body as a whole would like to excel in. Again, in
certain colleges it is considered to be a sign of loyalty and
good-fellowship for one student to lie to the authorities in
shielding a fellow student under suspicion, and no person
199 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

in such a community will feel injury done to his reputation
if he is.charged with lying of this sort, though he would be
likely to do violence to one who would accuse him of being
a liar in reference to other matters which his “ set” gener-
ally condemns. In many college communities a man will
not feel hurt at all, but rather pleased, if he be called
« fast,” whereas he will make a supreme effort to resent the
charge when he gets out in the world into business or into
a profession where dissoluteness is looked upon with dis-
favor. Illustrations of the general principle might be cited
almost ad infinitum.

It was said some ne back that the child of four
will endeavor to redress a wrong, directly and with his own
Barly hand, by visiting physical punishment upon an
an a aggressor. He does not normally feel that his
groupsta- troubles can be properly adjudicated when he
aaa submits his case to a disinterested outsider who is
responsible for determining what penalty is due, and how
it shall be administered. He will dispose of his case in this
way only when his assailant is much older and stronger
than he, so that by his own unaided efforts he could not
possibly redress the wrong done him. In such a situation
he will describe his painful experience to his father or
teacher or big brother, and strive to incite him against his
tormentor. But to do this with boys of his own age who
may have aggressed upon him does not appeal to him
strongly, if he be a typical boy; though girls assume this
attitude much more readily. But it seems to the boy to
show weakness and cowardice, which his crowd has taught
him are not to be tolerated. So he goes on in his develop-
ment, feeling that he must personally and directly resent
all injuries done by one “ of his own age and size” until he
is well past the pubertal epoch. Even high-school boys
usually prefer to settle their difficulties among themselves
more or less directly. The sentiment of the group at this
time is that if one member is insulted by another, the
DIFFICULTIES WITHIN A GROUP 191

former must whip the latter. Under normal conditions the
group will endeavor to bring the two combatants together
under conditions so that the “best man may win.” “A
clear space and hands off” is a group law when a fight
is on.

Allowing for exceptions, there is not a strong tendency
for the group as such to adjust difficulties between its
members, —to measure out justice. For children of this
age, justice is still mainly physical; the one who can win
out in a battle is in the right. However, there is an excep-
tion to this principle in cases where the assailant is mani-
festly very much stronger than the one he attacks; the
group sense of fair play requires that a boy “take some
one of his size.” Sometimes the group will designate one
of its more capable members to engage the assailant in com-
bat, thus aiming to restore the group equipoise, which must
always remain unstable so long as a case of. pronounced
aggression of some member has not been forcibly resisted,
for in this manner only can it be ascertained whether or not
he is really a superior person physically. However, once it
is determined what the relative pugilistic merits of all the
members of a group are, then the group tends to acquire
stability, for a time at least, each member playing the part
which his quality, physical mainly at this stage, entitles him
to. But there is always more or less tension in any plastic,
developing group, since the relative abilities of the various
members is constantly changing ; and the “ boss” of the
“ gang” to-day may be dethroned to-morrow by some rival,
who has in the mean time been gaining strength and cour-
age. Study any group of boys from eight to fifteen years
of age for a period of three or four years, and you will note
first what may appear to be group stability, each member
contentedly playing the part for which his capacities fit
him ; but as time goes on you will observe a shifting of the
players, especially among those in places of leadership, or
contestants therefor. It is probably rare that a leader of
192 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

any considerable group holds his position against all comers
(and there are always aspirants for his place) continu-
ously throughout the period of the teens.

In the process of development, usually before the high-
school period is fully completed, there appears a tendency

-_ for the individual to refer his conflicts with his

Genesis of fi Fe
the judicial associates to the group for adjustment. In its
attitude origin this is doubtless due to the effort of the
group to discover a method other than direct physical con-
test of righting difficulties among its members. In their
games, for example, they find it necessary for the welfare
of all early to have arguments adjudicated through an um-
pire. Then the practice of relying upon the verdict of a
supposedly impartial judge in the adjustment of conflicts is
passed on to children from their elders, and they tend
through imitation to adopt it even before they are really
ready for it. But the imitation of outward form tends to
develop inner disposition, — in this case to restrain the
impulse to right apparent wrongs directly and instantly.
Boys of ten do not easily recognize the authority of an
umpire in any of their games, but they do so with consider-
ably better success than boys of five. The latter are very
slow to adopt from any one views not in accord with their
own when the matters in dispute are of much moment.
Even the verdict of the father in contests between children
of five or so is not accepted without violent protest by the
one against whom it is rendered, provided the latter is given
freedom to express himself without fear of chastisement.
It is, no doubt, true that at any period of development the
individual finds it difficult to recognize the rightfulness of
a verdict which operates against his own interests; never-
theless, by the time he reaches the university period, say, he
has gained such inhibition upon his impulses that he can
accede without serious outward protest to the decision of
the umpire or the judge in his contests or his disputes.

A study of the life in Eton, as a typical public school of
THE JUDICIAL "ATTITUDE 193

England, or of an institution like Boy City at Winona
Lake, Indiana, or of any of the numerous self- tiiuaeuteas®
governing clubs existing about us, will convince of the iudi-
any one that it is possible for boys (and girls too, tat ne
of course) from fourteen on to adapt themselves Saye"
to the group, instead of the individual, method of groups
adjusting conflicts. In Eton one may see in operation a com-
plex system of rules relating to daily conduct administered
entirely by the boys. It is true that final control of the school
lies with the head master; but his authority is rarely ex-
ercised. The school is in effect governed by a senate chosen
from the Upper Form, or older boys, who have attained
the highest rank in the school. This method of government
has done away with the lawless, chaotic, primitive conditions
which Arnold found in the public schools when he took
charge of Rugby. There was incessant fighting in the schools
under the old régime ; it was then regarded as a dishonor for
a boy to refuse to wage his own battles against his aggres-
sors. But now it is, as a rule, considered to be a dishonor
for a boy to disturb the peace of the community by engaging
in a brawl. He is early made to feel that he must submit
his case to the body appointed for the purpose of causing
justice to prevail among all the members of the group.
The George Junior Republic in New York affords a good
illustration of the fact that boys from fifteen on can in large
part restrain the original tendency to redress wrongs directly
and personally. This group of boys, incapable of conducting
themselves aright in their home communities, and sent to the
Republic as juvenile incorrigibles, have, under the leader-
ship of a director, organized a society in which all difficulties
and disputes among members are settled through represent-
atives of the group, or courts, established for the purpose.
Without here indorsing or criticising the principle upon
which the Republic is based, we may state the fact that in
the Republic most boys soon come to regard it as more
honorable to inhibit their fighting impulses when they are
194 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

wronged than to give way to them, and to lay their case
before the court for adjudication. Needless to say, perhaps,
the penetration of this court is not very keen, judged from
the adult standpoint ; it cannot analyze motives in a subtle
way ; its judgments are based on evident and concrete prin-
ciples of justice; but it is significant that such modes of
settlement can prevail at all among boys of this age. We
shall look into the matter in greater detail when we come to
the educational aspects of group relations and activities.
We must now glance at certain differences between boys
and girls in the expression of the combative impulse. The
Thesan- former are, in the early years at any rate, normally
guitary 4s sanguinary in their tendencies. When they have
of hoys differences among themselves, as we have seen,
they can be adjusted as a rule only by physical contest. The
boy’s fists especially, but also his feet and even his teeth, are
called into service in his encounters with his fellows. It is
instructive to listen to boys under ten or twelve years of age
declaring what they intend to do to some obnoxious rival.
According to their representations, they are about to knock
off his head, or punch out his eyes or stomach or liver or some
other vital member, or they will break his neck or back or
nose, or crack his skull, or pound his face to a jelly, and so
on ad nauseam. The talk of even “ well-brought-up ” boys,
living with peaceful, socially inclined people, whose attitude
toward their neighbors is always kindly, is replete with these
sanguinary terms. They suggest strongly those remote epochs
when a man’s life was full of struggle with his enemies,
animal and human. The passion for bloody encounter must
have had its development in those ancient times ; for practi-
cally everything in modern life is antagonistic to such savage
conflict, actually or in representation, and all social forces
are pitted against it. This fierce, inhuman talk of boys from
five or six onward is to a constantly increasing extent only
a sort of reverberation from earlier tragic events in human
life. Observe them when they are apparently most eager for
THE SANGUINARY TENDENCIES OF BOYS 195

the blood of some victim, and you will see that they are really
not possessed of murderous feelings at all. They may, indeed,
be in a quite harmless frame of mind. But the simulation and
the expression of cruelty and bloodthirstiness come easy to
them. They find a remarkable pleasure in reassuring them-
selves and attempting to convince others that they can, and
‘probably will, do frightful damage to any objectionable per-
son or annoying rival who may chance across their field of
vision.

Boys delight to play the rdle of great fighters. They readily
assume the bodily attitudes, facial expressions, and vocifer-
ousness of fierce warriors. Two brothers somewhere near the
same age will be threatening each other a good part of the
time, when they are not engaged in some interesting enter-
prise in which they need to codperate. Most parents must
plan to keep their young boys agreeably occupied constantly,
or conflicts will arise. Boys from three to eight or ten in-
cline rather toward than away from personal encounters when
they are in familiar environments, free from harm of any
sort, and unoccupied. However, when they go out into the
world, where they meet strangers, they then instinctively
stand together, and forget their rivalries. But when the en-
vironment does not compel them to combine their forces, they
tend to become rivals, and conflicts cannot be avoided.

Boys of seven and upwards show their combative disposi-
tion in their “arguing” and debating as well as in their
fistic encounters. It is a popular saying that boys sy.50 ten-
“ squabble” a great deal. If one boy in a group pioeiee ari
makes a statement, his adversary may at once deny vernal as
it, and try to ridicule him, and so to lessen his 7,55"
achievements in the eyes of the group. Fora period counters
in the life of boys who are much together, they are likely to
be incessantly in this argumentative attitude; one will not
accept without contest anything another may say. In his
actual speech, and also in his tone of voice, facial expression,
and so on, he will endeavor to humiliate his rival, and show
196 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

him up to the group, or to any individual who may be near,
as a person of poor judgment, and not to be relied upon.
The mere presence of a rival will often incite a boy to verbal
as well as fistic contest. Even when rivals gather at a
“‘ party,” with the conscious purpose of being “ good ” and
well-behaved, the chances are that there will be a contest of
muscle and fists in short order, unless their energies are at
once guided into some codperative activity. When trouble
does arise and an older person attempts to locate the blame,
every boy will declare that he was “ picked on ” or “ bullied,”
and he will not be “bossed” by any one. It is not neces-
sary that a boy should be struck in order to be “ picked
on”; if an enemy “makes faces” at him, or “calls him
names,” or “snickers” at him, and so on ad libitum, it is
enough to release his muscles, which are always loaded and
ready to be discharged on a moment's notice. And his over-
active imagination, evidently surcharged with the combative
experiences of his ancestors, easily discovers evil intentions
in the actions of his rivals, though they may be really in-
offensive, and have no relation to the combatant at all.
Girls are less sanguinary than boys in their combative
ai attitudes. From three on to adolescence they play
rls are 2 Bona
lesssan- together without friction much better than boys,
though they have conflicts when they compete for
objects in which they are all interested. But they are much
less inclined than boys to do their rivals bodily harm. A girl
is apt to chastise one who has injured her by scolding her
or threatening to reveal her errors to some person who will
punish her for her misdeeds ; or she will * call her names,”
or cast aspersions upon her looks, or dress, or conduct, or
family, or anything that belongs to her, or that she is a part
of ; or, and this is her most effective method of redress, she
will not play with her assailant, or visit her, or walk on the
same side of the street with her. But, as intimated above,
girls harmonize with one another more easily than boys do;
they feel the need of codperating and aiding each other
ATTITUDES TOWARD THE OPPOSITE SEX 197

much more than their brothers do. They are more social in
the sense in which this term is generally understood ; though
it is probable that this distinction cannot be made as between
mature men and women. Indeed, it is possible that as devel-
opment proceeds boys acquire social tendencies morerapidly
than girls, and when maturity is reached they may be some-
what ahead in social ability. Women seem to be more in-
dividualistic than men; they cannot take their “ turn,” for
instance, as well as their brothers, nor can they follow the
rules of the social game as successfully. A woman does not
appear to be greatly different in social tendency and ability
from what she was when she wasa girl; but itis altogether
different with the man. If heattainscomplete development he
passes from what might be called the combative stage to the
codperative one, when he can work in peace and effective-
ness with his fellows, and suppress the original disposition
to “pick on” his associates, or do his rivals physical injury,
though he may often feel perfectly at ease in his conscience
when he can drive a professional or commercial competitor
to the wall.

In what has been said thus far regarding the combative
impulse, no reference has been made to the attitudes of the
sexes in their relations with one another. We have a, stu.
seen that boys normally resent the aggression of tude of the
other boys, and girls of other girls; but do boys toward
resent the aggression of girls, and vice versa? In *#eh ether
the early years there are apparently no sex distinctions in
the give-and-take of daily life. A boy of two, if made angry
by the aggressions of his sister, will attack her as readily
as he will attack his brother under similar circumstances,
So a girl of two will contest with her brothers as readily as
with her sisters. This attitude continues for several years,
until the boy is led to inhibit his impulse to injure his
sister, because of what is constantly said to him, — that he
ought not to “fight girls,” and the like. S. at six will
“tease” the girls he plays with, but he would not now en-
198 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

gage with them in physical combat as he will readily do with
some of his boy playmates. His inhibition has come mainly,
no doubt, from the attitude of the people about him toward
this sort of thing, rather than from any natural feeling of
restraint with the opposite sex. As yet, girls are to him
not essentially different from boys. His interest in them
has reference to the service they can render him in his
undertakings, or to their disposition to make depredations
upon his possessions. He likes those girls who know how
to “do things”; who are not too “tender,” or too easily
offended ; who can play well, and can show him how to do
tricks which he wants to learn, or who will share their pos-
sessions with him. Such girls he will treat kindly and serve,
just as he will boys under similar circumstances.

But he is constantly in an antagonistic attitude toward
those girls who will not gladly play with him or Jet him
play with them; or who try to appropriate his playground
or any of his belongings. In his talk about boys and girls
he shows that he is measuring them all by the same gen-
eral standards of competency in games and plays, in which
he is interested, and of a willingness to share their goods,
and not to trespass upon his domain. But it should be
noted that even if the boy of six recognizes no sex distinc-
tions in his attitudes of resentment or aggression, neverthe-
less he will be in conflict with boys much more frequently
than girls, because of the less dynamic tendencies of the
latter. Girls, even at the age of six, are not as aggressive
as boys, and so they do not awaken resentful and combative
impulses so frequently. As development proceeds this dis-
tinction becomes ever more marked, until when the adoles-
cent period is reached there is comparatively little cause for
conflict between the sexes, for one reason because girls as
a rule restrain their aggressive impulses almost completely,
and they are not active even in resentment as boys are,
though when offended they probably “hold a grudge”
longer.
THE INFLUENCE OF ADOLESCENCE 199

Up to the adolescent period the boy will make no greater
effort to stand well with girls than with boys. In his dress,
his manners, his conduct, he shows that he is yo in-
quite indifferent to them; and the same is true ea
of the girls in their attitudes toward boys. It develop-
often happens that the boy would rather not be ca
well thought of by girls, since he would then lose attitudes
caste with his boy associates, who desire in him somewhat
different qualities from what his girl associates do. The
boy who is much with girls from eight or nine on through
early adolescence must be more restrained in his actions,
less muscular and belligerent than when he is with boys of
the same age. The latter, to employ their own expressions,
“have no use” for a “ girl’s fellow”; so that once a youth
gets a reputation of being a “sissy-boy ” he must encounter
the ridicule of the group, and he may even have to endure
physical hardships.

The group, without deliberate intent of course, aims to
keep the boy masculine in his thought, feeling, and action ;
and masculinity always implies a certain degree of rough-
ness, of pugnacity, of indifference to any sort of physical
trial. As for the girl, her group normally disciplines her
rigorously, too, if she exhibits in any marked way the qual-
ities which make her particularly attractive to boys, espe-
cially lack of reserve in conduct. From ten or eleven on
she must not take part freely in boy’s games, and must not
gain the distinction of being “sporty,” else she will be
shunned and shamed by her set. There is thus a period
when there appears to be antipathy between the sexes; but
it is usually in response to group demands rather than
individual inclination. The individual boy may not feel
hostile toward girls and their ways and institutions; but his
group as such simulates hostility at any rate, and he would
rather accept the view of the group than to be ridiculed or
treated as an outcast.

Finally, in the course of development a point is reached
200 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

where attraction replaces antagonism or indifference be-
tween the sexes. Now they make a special effort to be
agreeable to one another in appearance and in manner,
characteristics which were without much weight as a rule be-
fore adolescence. At this point antagonism ceases, and gravi-
tation overcomes repulsion. The relation is not a codperative
one precisely; it is more largely personal. The sexes often
do not combine for mutual aid in the attainment of ulterior
ends; mere contact and personal possession are the objects
of their association. Consequently, when interest in such
association is lost, the sexes again lapse into indifference,
or even into active hostility toward each other. It is probable
that the bonds between the sexes are on the whole less
enduring than between the members themselves of either
sex, in which there is a consciousness of sympathy and
material gain in codperative activity.

Before closing this chapter mention should be made of
one of the milder forms of the aggressive tendency, which is
measing Of Chief consequence to parents and teachers in

modern society. By the completion of the second
year, at any rate, children manifest a strong tendency to
“tease.” They early discover what will produce assumed
or real expressions of anger or annoyance in parents or
brothers and sisters, and then they find delight in stimulat-
ing these expressions. The “ mischievous” child takes the
mother’s thimble when she is sewing, and the mother makes
believe to pursue the little thief, or she calls after him in a
voice of simulated anger or threatening. The child is pleased
at these manifestations, so long as he knows that he will not
be harmed; and he will try to have them repeated over and
over again. He will run as though frightened, or as though
he would deprive his mother permanently of her thimble.
If she does not manifest any disturbance over his action he
will soon cease his play. It is evident that he enjoys the
experience of arousing make-believe expressions of wrath
and escaping unharmed from the seemingly angry person.
THE TEASING ACTIVITY 201

It is make-believe with the teaser now; but nevertheless,
the essential trait in all teasing is illustrated in this example,
the enjoyment of the violent but harmless reactions of a
disconcerted individual.

With development the teasing activity becomes constantly
more prominent, until it occupies the larger part of the
child’s life. Typical boys of four, and girls to a less extent,
tease every one and everything from which they can get
angry responses, in some cases simulated, in others real,
provided they do not suffer any ill consequences from these
demonstrations. If a boy finds that his father will react too
vigorously to his teasing, he will pass him by for his mother
or sister or pet dog or pony, or anything from which he can
get a harmless reaction but of frightening aspect, viewed
from without. In some instances the teaser will find plea-
sure in the mere annoyance which he can cause any living
thing, even though he cannot secure marked responses there-
from. S. will tickle the ears of his sleeping dog for a quar-
ter of an hour at a stretch, meanwhile greatly enjoying
the abortive efforts of the creature to remove the irritating
object. He will offer an ear of corn to his pony, and pull it
away just as he attempts to seize it. He plays all sorts of
practical jokes on his playmates, and on all the people in
his home who are not inclined to get even with him speedily.
He does not select as subjects for his experiments those who
habitually play jokes on him; he makes use rather of those
who are tolerant, or too busy to settle up with him, or too
lethargic to pay him freely in his own coin. From four on
through adolescence a boy’s mind seems normally to func-
tion to a considerable extent for the purpose of enabling
him to tease successfully.

We may here take note of a mode of teasing which often
affects the victim seriously, arousing fear in all re
sorts of ways. Children, girls as well as boys, arousing
secrete themselves and jump out at passers-by,
shrieking, assuming terrible grimaces, bodily attitudes, and
202 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

so on. Again, they often threaten to do harm to some un-
fortunate object of their passion to torment, as breaking his
neck, or throwing him in the lake, or cutting off his ears or
his hair, locking him in a dark cellar, and the like. A
favorite method among some boys of frightening timid chil-
dren is to tell them horrible tales of burglars or ugly dogs
or snakes or worms or ghosts or other dreadful creatures,
that may devour them or sting or bite or burn or crush
them to death. Two children are playing together a little
way from the house. The older one, a boy, sees a colored
man approaching along the walk. At once he says to his
younger sister, “ Here comes a kidnapper; he is going to
carry you off.” At this the sister runs screaming to the
house, and the boy laughs heartily, until he discovers that
the parents may “even up” matters with him. Again, this
boy, when his sister cannot find her necklace which she
prizes highly, tells her it has been carried off by a burglar,
and she cannot find it again. Whatever the victim is most
afraid of, that is what his tormentors are likely to make use
of to annoy him. Groups of boys are quick to discover in
what ways individuals among them are vulnerable, and the
timid ones will have a hard time of it just as long as they
continue to be sensitive and to react readily and violently.

A person who can be plagued about anything, it hardly
matters what, will not be let alone by some members at
least of his group. What the tormentor wants is reaction of
even this peculiar type in his victim ; if he cannot secure it
he has no motive for continuing his teasing. He is probably
not eager to cause pain for the sake of the pain merely ; he
does not think about this, and often he will desist from his
teasing when he comes to realize that he is making his victim
miserable. His interest in badgering is very objective and
dramatic ; it does not extend beyond the outward display of
fear, anger, and the like. It must be repeated that when a
boy irritates his sister or mother or his dog or his horse, he
is without doubt unaware as a rule of the pain he creates ;
TEASING BY CALLING NAMES 203

his comprehension of the situation does not include anything
beyond the immediate response of his victims to his stimulus.
Possibly the sense of mastery of the things about him, the
feeling of his being able to reduce them to subjection, plays
a part in his enjoyment, but it is a minor and practically
negligible factor.

Another favorite method of tantalizing is by “calling
names.” If a child has any peculiarity that his fellows can
detect they will invent a derisive, annoying term

: . «4: Teasing
that suggests it, but in exaggerated or ridiculous py cating
form, and then they will apply it to the victim ™™*
for the purpose of irritating him. Every group of boys
the writer knows has an extensive vocabulary of such terms ;
but street gangs are most proficient in this form of teas-
ing. Here are some epithets of this sort which Burk col-
lected from his correspondents : —

A long and slender girl or boy is called “ Broomstick Legs,”
“Long Legs,” “ Beanpole,” “ Gawky ”; thin children are called
“ Skinny ” ; fleshy ones, “ Fatty,” ‘“ Hubity-hoy,” “ Big Lumix ” ;
red-haired children, “ Sorrel-top,” “ Red-headed Gingerbread,”
“Reddy,” “ Torchlight,” ‘“ Headlight,” and “ Firehead ”; free-
kled children, “ Speckled Beauty ” ; a boy with disfigured mouth,
“Catfish Mouth”; a boy with an extra joint in the thumb,
“Crooked Thumb”; hunchbacks, “Crook”; a girl with pecul-
iar eyes, “‘ Queer Eyes,” “ Pig Eyes ” ; girls with dark complexions,
“Gypsy,” “Indian,” “Nigger”; children wearing spectacles
“Four Eyes,” ‘“Mamma’s Old Man”; those who cry easily,
“Cry Baby,” “Hand Organ”; a boy always dodging, “ Pos-
sum ”; a boy from the country, “ Sparrow,” ete.

When the tension is very great between two individuals,
they are apt to make use of terms reflecting on the intel-
lectual, moral, and decent qualities of one another. “ You’rea
liar” indicates that relations are strained to the breaking
point ; and also “ You're a fool,” or “idiot,” or a “ knave,”
or a “hog,” ete., etc. In the earliest years children do not
take these names as seriously as they do at a later period,
after adolescence particularly, when they feel keenly the
204 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

humiliation of having the qualities of any of these objects
ascribed to them. The farther development proceeds the
greater shock is produced in one when he is said to be a
“liar,” say, and the more vigorously will he resent it. So
with all “names” that suggest defects in morals or intellect
or decent conduct. The writer has observed groups of boys
of nine and ten years of age tossing “ liar,” “ fool,” “ hog,”
back and forth without serious consequences ; whereas with
groups at any age after adolescence there would be certain
to be desperate combat. Younger boys catch up these terms,
realizing that they are derisive, but yet not appreciating
fully their hideousness. This explains in part why boys call
one another certain names freely, where men would not dare
to apply them to each other except under great provocation.

Allied to the method of tormenting by calling names is
that of endeavoring to arouse shame. In older children,

especially among girls, this is a source of great
Teasing by os
arousing annoyance; but it is not employed so generally
shame among boys. Girls pitch upon some unusual or
unconventional characteristics of one of their number, and
ring the changes on it. It may be freckles, or an ill-fitting
dress, or even some family disadvantage, as when a girl’s
mother is a washerwoman, or the like. If the girl has ever
been accused of telling tales or any meanness, the group is
apt to make constant use of it to shame her. They will de-
scribe her mean trait to her face, and then irritate her with
« Are n’t you ashamed of yourself?” “ You are n’t fit to be
with decent people,” and so on.

In concluding this topic, mention may be made of the
suggestive fact that bullying and teasing are even more
Teasing Common among the children of primitive than of
among civilized peoples. Speaking of the life of the

thildren = Kaffir children, Kidd says in his “ Savage Child-

hood ” : !—

The system of fagging is well developed. The head-boy fags
1 Pp, 196-198,
TEASING AMONG PRIMITIVE CHILDREN 205

all the other boys and girls under him, and each one in turn fags
a smaller one if he can. If the head-boy should happen to be
absent for five minutes, the next big boy will promptly order all
the others about; but he abandons his air of superiority as soon as
the head-boy returns. The fag-master has a glorious time of it,
for he lies-down in the shade and makes all the other boys do his
work for him, ordering them to fetch him food or drink as he
may wish. If there should not be sufficient food, the big boy
makes the little ones go and steal some. If the small boy should
be found out, he gets the thrashing; if successful he gets but little
of the stolen food, for the big boy takes the lion’s share. It there-
fore seems a one-sided affair. But then the little boy looks for-
ward to the day when he will be able to fag others, and so sees
that the custom must be kept up. And, moreover, if the little boy
were to get into a scrape with boys of a rival kraal, his master
would take his part and fight for him. The small boy is thus
“under the shadow,” or protection, of the big one, and this is no
small advantage. There is very little fagging amongst the girls,
for it is said that, in the feminine nature of the Kaffirs, submis-
sion is somewhat rare. If boys try to fag girls against their wish,
the girls are said to retaliate by spreading the most atrocious
slander about the boys, who are somewhat sensitive in this direc-
tion.

There is endless teasing and petty bullying amongst the boys,
as might be expected. Children of two or three years old are
teased by bigger boys, who declare the mother of the child has
been divorced and sent back to her father. The small child im-
agines it will never see its mother again, and is thus very terrified.
Small boys are chaffed mercilessly by the big ones who have been
circumcised. These older boys twit the little ones with being but
babies or girls, and they have a special vocabulary of offensive
names for the small boys, which cut them to the quick, and which
leave a nasty and bitter taste in the mouth. A boy is a nonentity
in the kraal until he is circumcised, and is therefore subject to a
good deal of chaff, for even the girls throw his immaturity in his
face.

When old women have no children, they have to go into the
fields themselves and frighten away the birds while the crops are
ripening. They complain very much of their loneliness. The boys
wait till such an old woman goes to sleep in the pempe; then
206 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

they creep up quietly and steal her mealies, and as they are going
off with their booty, make a noise to awaken her. The poor old
creature has no defenders, and gets furiously angry with the
young rascals, but this only makes them the more merry. Then
the old woman has to go home crying; but no one seems to
trouble much, for old women are of no importance in a kraal;
they are “cast-off things.” It is only fair to add that this treat-
ment is rarely meted out to any old woman except when she
makes herself obnoxious to the boys by her sharp tongue. A
Kaffir boy knows well how to take his revenge in a telling way,
and most sensible old women take good care to keep on good
terms with the boys. A woman who was kindly and considerate
would rarely be teased in this fashion, which is the boy’s method
of self-defense against the uncalled-for intrusions of old women.
Boys of the same age tease one another by well-known meth-
ods. One boy will say to another, ‘“‘ Your mother is an ugly old
thing”; ‘““Your people are all witches and wizards *; «Your
mother is a crow,” and so on. Strange to say, they do not tease
one another much about their fathers, nor about their sisters.
The great insults centre round speaking evil of the mother and
grandmother. If a lad should wish to make the boys of another
kraal angry, he will let the cattle he is herding graze on the gar-
dens of the rival kraal, or on ground which the herds of the other
kraal wish to keep for their own cattle. But a boy would not do
this unless he were sure he could thrash the boys of the rival
kraal. If a small boy should cry when he is bullied, he is made to
herd the cattle all the day, while the bully lies down in the shade
at his ease. Often a small child is spoiling for a fight; he goes up to
another boy of about his own size and brandishes his stick over the
other boy’s head, whereupon the insulted boy would have to fight,
or be considered a coward. But the surest way to make a boy
fight is to take his stick from him, and hit him over the shoulders
with it, saying, “ You are an old woman; I hit you with your
own stick, you tail of a dog.” No boy can stand the insult of
being hit with his own stick. Big boys often tease small ones by
making them put their hands together, finger-tip to finger-tip.
The big boy then hits the small one on the back of his hands, say-
ing, “ Point out to me the direction of the hut in which your
mother’s brother was born.” This is felt to be a great insult.
RESUME 207

The attitude of aggression assumed by one individual is usually the
cause of the attitude of resentment in the one aggressed upon, so
that the two attitudes are generally, though not always, Résumé
found in the same social situation.

Whenever the child is resisted in his undertakings so that he is
made angry, he easily assumes a belligerent attitude, which expends
itself on the victim by striking, kicking, biting, throwing to the
ground, or the like. The combative impulse is very marked, in boys
especially, until the adolescent period is well under way. The young
child is combative as a rule only when he is thwarted in his enter-
prises, or when his possessions are interfered with by a rival. He does
not fight for the mere pleasure of fighting, as he may do later on.

With children from the age of three onward, there appears to be
an almost irresistible impulse to “ get even” with one of their own
“set”? who has intentionally caused them either physical or mental
pain. They insist upon inflicting direct, concrete pain upon their as-
sailants, though they may be satisfied if they can witness this being
done by parent, teacher, or older playmate. Children seem to believe
(instinctively, of course) in the Mosaic law of an eye for an eye, and
a tooth for a tooth.

A six-year-old child does not vigorously resent an injury to his
“reputation,” except in respect to some very concrete and simple
social relations. Boys of ten desire a good reputation for courage and
physical endurance and skill, and they will readily attack any one
who endeavors to injure them with their fellows in these respects.
After adolescence most conflicts arise out of intentional injury done to
the “character” of individuals.

Before adolescence the child does not normally take kindly to sub-
mitting his conflicts for adjudication to a disinterested outsider ; he
feels he must “get back” at his assailant directly. Pre-adolescent
group sentiment favors the settlement of difficulties by contest of
pugilistic skill. During adolescence there appears a disposition for
the individual to refer his conflicts to the group for settlement; this
is the beginning of the judicial attitude. Self-governing schools and
clubs show that boys in their teens can restrain their original com-
bative impulses, and endeavor to preserve group equipoise through
judicial procedure.

Boys are sanguinary in their belligerent attitudes, whether ex-
pressed in actual fistic or only in verbal encounters. Girls are less
sanguinary than boys. They endeavor to retaliate by injuring an
adversary in her reputation, — social, intellectual, personal, or moral.

At first there are no distinctions in the attitudes assumed by an indi-
vidual toward the opposite sex, as compared with those he assumes
toward the members of his own sex. However, girls are less dynamic
than boys, especially as development proceeds, which results in boys
208 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

being in conflict with one another much more frequently than with
girls. During adolescence boy groups try to keep individual members
masculine by ridiculing “sissy-boys.”’ After adolescence rivalry be-
tween the sexes usually ceases, and so they abandon their aggressive
or resentful attitudes toward one another.

In modern society, the belligerent attitude is expressed mainly in
the subdued form of teasing. The child’s mind seems to function
largely for the purpose of realizing his teasing impulses without injury
to himself. Children are experts in teasing by inciting fear, by “ call-
ing names,” by arousing shame, and the like.
CHAPTER IX
SOCIAL TYPES

In the discussion of social attitudes up to this point, it has
in various connections been suggested that individuals differ
in some measure respecting the degree to which mo princ-
any tendency is manifested, and the length of the Pie of social
period of its continuance. It has also been men- by
tioned that while children tend normally to abandon a given
attitude in the process of development, still in some in-
stances growth may be so arrested from natural or environ-
mental causes that the unfortunates afflicted in this manner
remain permanently in this attitude. While the principle of
individual variability of the character indicated has thus
been recognized in the preceding discussion, it has still not
received the attention which it deserves. The aim thus far
has been to describe those tendencies that all children
manifest at one point or another in normal development,
without dwelling upon points of divergence; and it has
been left until now to inquire to what extent the young
differ in the attitudes that have been considered, and
whether it may be possible to group them into types with
respect to their general social ‘ disposition.”

We may note at the outset that the principle of social
types is recognized in “ common-sense” philosophy ; popu-
lar speech and writing contain very frequent allu- jpajyianar
sions thereto. If one will go through the general bias ated
literature treating of concrete manifestations of in popular
human nature, he will find it possible to group Ms°Py
the types depicted into two main classes. First, there are
those individuals whose conduct is in the main in accord
with the requirements of the particular social environment
in which they live; and so they win the approval and even
210 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

the applause of the people in their community. In the
second place, there is the large class, comprising numerous
groups of persons who, in one way or another, act in oppo-
sition to the expressed or implied wishes of ‘the communi-
ties of which they are members, and so arouse the more or
less dynamic hostility of their associates. The first type
may be said to be adaptable. A person of this type either
adopts the alter’s social creed and practice, or he is capable
of so influencing the alter that the latter will not assume a
resistant attitude toward his expressions. An individual of
this sort lives, on the whole, in congruent relations with his
fellows and the public at large. An individual of the second
type is usually “on the off side,” either because of unwill-
ingness or inability to conform to community standards
and conventions, or because of incapacity to induce his as-
sociates and the public to accept new standards which he
attempts to establish.

Now, may these types be found in childhood or in youth?
The remark most frequently heard about the individuals in
Arethere a group of children, whether in the school or in
types in, the home, is that one or more of them may be
and youth? agreeable” or “amiable” or “ gentle,” and the
like, while others may be quite the opposite. According to
the observations of the present writer, children from the
second birthday on differ in the readiness and completeness
with which they adjust themselves to their comrades, to the
people in authority over them, or to those with whom they
have any relations whatsoever. It is not implied in this
statement that any child is wholly adaptable ; that he offers
no resistance to the conduct imposed upon him; nor, on the
other hand, is it implied that any child is wholly lacking in
adaptability. It is meant simply that opposition to social
practice in force in a community is more marked and per-
sistent with some individuals than with others; and this
distinction probably continues into adult life, though it is
not at all certain that the child of five who is distinguished
THE ADAPTABLE TYPE 211

for his antagonism to the alter continues to be in conflict
with him to the end of his days. The writer has been able
to keep close account of certain persons who, while in
trouble with those about them much of the time at five, are
seldom in conflict with any one at fifteen or sixteen. A
striking change in attitude occurred in these cases between
the ages of nine and twelve; and the new attitude of ready
adaptability is continuing through the adolescent period.

The child who is not urgent or “ offensive” in pressing
his interests in opposition to those of the alter will be
“liked,” at least by the adults with whom he qe adapt.
comes in contact. He will be spoken of as a ble type
“gentle” or “ agreeable” child. If he shows due deference
to his elders, serving them, giving way to them, manifest-
ing humbleness in their presence, and the like, he will be
“courteous” or “respectful.” Unquestionably children
differ in the readiness with which they adopt the conven-
tional “‘manners” which are essential to the courteous
attitude. The child who does not observe the customary
formalities, in his relations with his elders especially, will
be regarded as “discourteous,” or “disrespectful,” or
“brazen,” and the like, though he may not offend against
any of the fundamental and really vital social virtues. Or-
dinarily the child who is deferential will be a favorite with
his elders and “‘ superiors,” because of the pleasure which
he occasions them in apparently recognizing their impor-
tance, and not pushing forward his own to the neglect of
their personality. One who never arouses hostile feeling in
his associates, adults particularly, will be “angelic,” pro-
vided that at the same time he manifests a reasonable de-
gree of strength and efficiency in the activities of his daily
life.

The individual who is merely a reed, bending before every
breeze that blows, cannot arouse strong feeling of approval
or comradeship in most of those with whom he has rela-
tions, though certain persons, elderly women especially per-
212 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

haps, think highly of such a type. But the general tendency
in respect to this sort of individual is especially noticeable
an in the intercourse of children of about the same
“weak” age and social status. The “ weak” individual, the
an one who cannot shape events, who cannot deter-
‘mine the welfare of others for good or ill, who is always a
ready follower but never a leader, will be largely ignored,
or possibly despised,” except as he can be used to advan-
tage by his more vigorous associates. His companions, in
order really to approve of him, must feel that he is capable,
while, at the same time, perhaps, fairly “ deferential,” “re-
spectful,” and willing, though these latter qualities are not
much emphasized in child groups. After all, the individual
who is willing and deferential, —“ good,” in short, — but
who is lacking in ability to bring things to pass, will play
only a subordinate réle in his social adjustments. He will
not seriously offend people or greatly please them, because
he can neither prevent them from attaining, nor aid them
to attain, their ends. Such an individual may be a “ respect-
able” and possibly a “nice” person, but he can hardly be
an “agreeable ” one.

In almost any schoolroom of fifty children there may be
seen cases of the “ agreeable” type, and also of the “ nice”
type. The latter is usually neutral in his influence upon the
group; and while he may be approved by the teacher, he
still does not awaken in her strong feeling of any sort, as
does the pupil who is capable and at the same time reason-
ably adaptable, though not too ready to give up his own de-
signs. The group is at best indifferent to the merely “ nice”
boy ; often it is positively hostile to him because of his neutral
character, and it plagues and annoys him. The interests of
the group, of the teacher, of the parent, and of the minister
are often not the same with respect to certain of the traits
of an individual child. The minister, the teacher (often,
though not universally), the grandparents, and the neigh-
bors desire him to be compliant, submissive, deferential,
THE TACTFUL TYPE 213

while the group and usually the parent desire him to have
initiative and force, — to possess some of the characteristics
of the leader. On this account the estimate put upon a child
by the various social groups to which he is related is often
quite divergent, some commending him, others condemning
him, while others simply ignore him if he is inclined to be
at all neutral in character.

As the individual progresses in his development, and
maintains a congruent attitude toward his constantly en-
larging social environment, while at the same qnetacttul
time exhibiting force and initiative, he becomes in ‘¥?¢
due course a “ tactful ” or “ diplomatic ” person, — one who
accomplishes his complex ends without seeming to act in
opposition to the desires of those about him, and the conven-
tions of the society in which he operates. The more complex
his relations become, the more necessary it is for him to
choose his course carefully, deliberately, in order that he
may achieve his purposes while avoiding conflict. On the
other hand, the tactless individual moves toward the goal
he seeks to attain, and he pays little, if any, heed to the
desires of his fellows or the conventions of society with re-
ference thereto. He endeavors to remove them from his path
if they obstruct his way; and he ignores their reactions
more or less completely. He is dominated by the idea of
accomplishing his aim, and he cannot “sense” the interests
and the attitudes of others with regard to his action; and
in any event he “ does not care.” The tactful individual is
always delicately responsive to the attitudes of the people
who are affected by his movements. He is able to antici-
pate their reactions upon any projected enterprise, and so he
endeavors to shape his conduct in such a way as to secure
their approval and their codperation. As the relations which
the individual assumes toward his fellows become more and
more intricate, he passes of necessity from the “tactful” to
the “diplomatic ” person. It is, perhaps, hardly necessary
to say that the diplomatic attitude is not assumed until well
214 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

on toward the completion of the developmental process ;
though the fundamental element in this attitude is some-
times apparent in children at an early age, when they
endeavor to secure their ends by first arousing pleasant feel-
ings in the persons to whom they are to appeal for aid. It
is, however, doubtful if this is a prominent feature in any
individual’s life before the adolescent period. It is true that
some children are gentler than others in their demands;
they avoid direct conflict with those in authority, but yet
they are hardly diplomatic. The pre-adolescent child is not
sufficiently reflective to plan deliberately to awaken agree-
able states in those who are affected by his requests, or to
make it appear to them that he is not asking anything out
of the ordinary, or in any way prejudicial to their own in-
terests, but rather favorable to their well-being. Normally
the child goes directly to the point at issue in his petitions,
though some are more “ blunt” or domineering or coercive
than others. In voice and manner they demand what they
wish instead of appealing for it. But, asa rule, the child in
his requests represents his needs, whatever they may be, in
a straightforward way, and he does not plan beforehand to
present them in such a manner that the real object of his
desires may not be too apparent at the beginning. As pointed
out above, some children reveal, in a sort of bullying atti-
tude, their wishes to those who can grant them, while others
are supplicative; but all are, before adolescence, simple,
direct, and undiplomatic. Diplomacy is an art which is con-
fined to the later stages of development and to maturity.
Contrasted with the type of child who is predominantly
in congruent relations with the people about him, is the one
_ who is in conflict with them most of the time. The
adaptable child who is largely indifferent to the “‘ respect ”
ne which should be shown to his elders and superiors,
and treats them much as he does his associates, is apt to
gain the reputation of being a “ forward ” or “ impertinent”
or “impudent” individual. It has been noted in the pre-
THE UNADAPTABLE TYPE 215

ceding discussion that all children tend to resist paying
deference to their elders, but some resist it much more de-
terminedly and for a much longer period than others. The
child who is deferential conducts himself differently in the
presence of the one who is the object of his regard from
what he does when he is with his fellows. In the latter case,
if he feels on equal terms with his associates, as he com-
monly does, he will show no sign of a submissive or humble
attitude in his relations with them. He will not be at all
reserved or inhibited in his action, except in the measure
that all the others in the group are. He will carry through
a programme of give-and-take in all his activities, with no
consciousness that he must either take or give all as some
one else may wish. Toward those who are older and wiser
and stronger than he, however, he will assume a very dif-
ferent bearing; it will now be all give and no take, or the
other way round, as the case may be. In his bearing, as in
what he says, he will show that he regards himself, whether
consciously or not, as inferior, and so he must wait and
serve.

But the child who does not recognize the superiority of
any one will tend to assume give-and-take relations toward.
his elders, as well as toward his companions, and it will be
easy for adults to regard him as “impudent,” simply be-
cause he does not observe the conventional attitudes of the
young toward those who are above them, either in age, ex-
perience, or social status. On the child’s part there may be,
and probably is, no intention to offend any one, and no
purpose to show disrespect to elders or others. He merely
takes it as a matter of course that his father or the minister
or the teacher is a person to be dealt with as he has learned
to deal with his companions, alike in work and in play. The
quality of impudence as ascribed to the child by the adult
does not exist in the former’s consciousness, but arises out
of the latter’s own feeling of irritation over the failure of
the boy to pay him homage. Thus there is always more or
216 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

less of conflict between the point of view of the undefer-
ential child and that of the obeisance-seeking adult who
comes into relations with him. Of course, if the adult,
whether parent or minister or teacher or governor, can be-
come as a child himself, then he will enjoy give-and-take
rélations with the boy, and the question of impudence can-
not arise in their intercourse. So it happens that a child
who in a particular home or school or section of a city or
country would be regarded as original, interesting, frank,
dynamic, independent, might in another home or school or
section of a city or country be considered as impertinent,
impudent, or even insolent. It is commonly the case that a
child who may be perfectly adaptable in all essentials in
home, school, or elsewhere, conveys just the opposite im-
pression to a casual acquaintance because of the non-defer-
ential character of his outward action.

In impertinent action, the child does not go far enough
in his opposition to conventional standards to arouse retalia-
Yheimper- tory action against himself; nevertheless, he irri-
apedea tates in some measure the people who are affected
type by his conduct. Children show marked differences
in the degree to which they carry their “ smartness” or
impertinence. Some, even though they may not be really
deferential, are still more impressed than others with the
“dignity” of elders. The boy schooled on the street, who
has been bred among rough conditions, is notoriously im-
pudent, and even insolent. His experiences have been such
that he has developed a general resistant and even aggres-
sive attitude toward adults at any rate. He has been hunted
and preyed upon (as he feels) much of the time, and instine-
tively he reacts by resisting the enforcement upon him of
respect and deference, or by preying in any way he can
upon those around him. Consciously and purposefully he
annoys those who appear to be in authority over him, or
who make any claims upon his regard. As he develops, and
begins to manifest this general attitude toward persons of
THE ATTITUDE OF SCORN 217

his own age and station, he comes gradually to assume a
‘“‘contemptuous” attitude. He ‘looks down” upon an
associate who cannot contribute in any way to his pleasure
or advancement. If he is a boy in the street, he usually
aggresses upon the individual for whom he has contempt,
bullying him into a servile attitude. He becomes “ scornful”
and “disdainful” of those who are much less skillful than
himself in street life. Last of all, he may assume a “ sneer-
ing” or “scoffing” attitude toward those who were once of
his own circle, but who have deeply stirred his animosity
by trying to excel him, or usurp his position as a leader in
any of the social situations in which he is placed.

The scornful or disdainful or sneering attitude is never
seen in young children, or in older persons of a meek or
humble disposition. It is first manifested toward mno attitude
the latter part of the adolescent period, when ser
rivalry for social advancement becomes keen and the moral
sense is sharpened. This attitude can be taken only when
the direct, muscular expression of emotion begins to be re-
strained in favor of other less dynamic, though none the less
effective, methods. If a boy of nine or ten could assume the
general emotion indicated by the terms disdain or scorn, he
would tend to express his feelings muscularly upon the per-
son of the one who aroused the attitude. Nothing but phy-
sical chastisement would fully satisfy him. But with the
adolescent, the severest punishment he can inflict is to
awaken in his rival the feelings always stimulated by the
sneering attitude. The sneer, as a rule, penetrates into the
innermost recesses of the life of the one against whom it is
directed, and wounds the social self. Only the non-executive
type of person, possessing strong, dominant feelings of an-
tipathy, can easily assume the attitude of scorn or disdain.
Later on, as he comes into vital contact with the institutions
of society, he may become a scoffer. In this attitude he does
not attempt to express his feeling in an effective way in
the effort either to modify or to abolish the institutions
218 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

against which he rails. He simply feels deeply and antago-
nistically concerning them, and he seeks to spread this feeling
among others through the verbal expression of his hostile
attitude. It is probable that the dynamic individual does
not tend normally to scoff at individuals or institutions ;
this is more prominently the attitude of the static type, the
one whose emotions are active but who is not able to bring
to pass the reforms he desires.

We may now look at a different variety of social attitudes
which are characteristic to a degree of all children, but which
whetrank 27@ More marked in some than in others. There
“ open”? is first the attitude of ‘ openness,” of frankness
i in social relations. Contrasted with it is the atti-
tude of secrecy, of deception, of deceitfulness. The frank
child is naive and unrestrained in the expression of his
thoughts and his feelings. He is “real,” “candid,” “gen-
uine,” “ straightforward,” “ disingenuous.” From one point
of view he may be said to have moral courage; he is ready
at all times (not designedly but rather impulsively) to take
the consequences of his actions. As a young child he is
simply naive and frank; but as he develops, so that his
conduct in relation to his fellows becomes more complex,
and the straight way is increasingly difficult to follow, he
may become “ sincere” and“ genuine.” He publishes things
as they are, so that no one may be deceived by his repre-
sentations. He does not shield the self from the natural con-
sequences of its action; nor does he as a rule try to secure
goods he desires by artifice whereby the alter is misled.

But contrasted with this is the type in which there is the
opposite of frankness ; there is slyness and concealment of
The deceit- Purpose and method of action. This type is not as
fultype = naive or “open,” not as direct or as simple as the
first. An individual of this type really lacks moral courage,
so that he seeks to attain his ends by misrepresentation
when this promises to save him trouble or to secure goods
he desires which he could not otherwise obtain. He strives
THE COMMUNICATIVE TYPE 219

to avoid the consequences of illegitimate action by endeavor-
ing to make it appear as being in accord with the demands
of those in authority or of public sentiment. As he develops,
and his life broadens, he is likely to become insincere. He
may knowingly and deliberately, and as a matter of habit,
misrepresent matters in which he has a personal interest, to
the end that he may gain some momentary advantage. This
is the deceitful, unreliable type. The aim of the frank type
is to portray events as they have actually occurred ; or to
describe his intentions and his aims precisely as he conceives
them, even though he may realize they are not in accord with
community standards as expressed in customs or rules or
laws. The aim of the second type is to conceal his real in-
tentions if he feels they are in conflict with the desires of
the alter; and while really keeping to his original purposes
he may seek to win the approval of the alter by pretending
to espouse different ones. In any group of fifty children
from the fourth year of age forward, there will almost cer-
tainly be found individuals who will illustrate these con-
trasted types.

In the preceding paragraphs the term “openness” has
been employed to designate the type of child who does not
attempt to conceal those of his actions that may wy, som-
result disadvantageously, first to the alter and municative
then perhaps to himself, or that have for their 7,
end to solicit favors from the alter. But in popular usage,
“openness” denotes another attitude characteristic in a
measure of all children, but more marked with some than
with others. To illustrate: S. at eight seems utterly unable
to keep any experience “to himself.” It seems imperative
that he should communicate all that he sees dr does, or that
is done to him. It is as though he were under strain and
tension until all that has entered into his thought or feeling
passes from him out into his social environment. Every
experience he has is a sort of charge on the expressive
nervous mechanism, and equilibrium cannot be restored
220 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

until discharge occurs. But V. is not so ready in ex-
pressing himself. He “lives more within himself.” He
either does not feel an impulse to express experiences which
S. would unhesitatingly communicate; or if he does have
such a feeling he is able to inhibit the action; or, perhaps,
he may not be able to overcome the natural resistance to
expression. The latter type more than the former is con-
scious of self. S. simply communicates everything regard-
less of the way the alter will take it, except that he may
to some extent restrain himself when it is evident that the
reaction of the people about him will be hostile; though
he will take hazardous chances in this regard.

But V. is more sensitive to the attitudes of the alter as
revealed in facial expression and the like, and this makes
era him more cautious than §., more “reserved”
conscious possibly. S. is apparently confident (though not
type reflectively so) that the alter will receive his ex-
pressions hospitably anyway, and so he is not keen in
noting just how the people who look at or listen to him are
reacting to his expressions. He seemingly enjoys the act of
expression so much that consciousness cannot take account
of the social effects thereof. Not so with V., however, or at
least not to such an extent as with S. The former feels the
responses of the alter more readily than the latter; he is
not so completely dominated by his own action. He shows
this in his tendency to become embarrassed when the atten-
tion of a company is centred on him. S. will perform tricks
before a group of his playmates or his elders without hesi-
tancy or “self-consciousness ”; but V. is apt to be “shy”
or “timid” under such circumstances.

At school ‘S. will in his games readily play as best he
can the réle of any living thing which is suggested to him,
tks and he will “act it out,” no matter who is ob-
dramatio serving him, or what their expressions may be.
aes He is not confused when the attention of the
group is concentrated on him. But it is different with V.,
THE DRAMATIC TYPE 221

who cannot “show off” without embarrassment, except in
the presence of those before whom he has frequently ex-
hibited himself under various assumed personalities. In the
presence of strangers he is “bashful,” and resists the
efforts of visitors to induce him to perform for their enter-
tainment. S. seems more confident than V. that he can go
through with any “stunt,” and that whatever he does will
be well received by his audience ; he is not greatly concerned
about their attitudes anyway. V. has a more or less instinct-
ive dread of exhibiting himself, making himself prominent,
attracting attention to himself, at least in the presence
of unfamiliar persons. His reactions indicate that he is
afraid of ridicule ; he is apprehensive lest those who observe
him will “make fun” of him. He has, so far as is known,
had no distressing experience from performing before
others, so that his attitude is largely an instinctive one.

These types may be seen at every period of development.
In adolescence there are the open, communicative individ-
uals, and those who are reserved, and even taciturn. The
latter individuals, more than the former, “keep things to
themselves”; they are seemingly less confident that their
expressions will be hospitably received by those who are
affected by them. The former type tends to communicate
all details of personal experience, while the latter type
may communicate only the more important results thereof.
The former type solicits the applause of people, and acts so
as to attract demonstrative attention, while the latter type
may shrink to a greater or less degree from being put in
any conspicuous position, even with the likelihood of re-
ceiving the cordial responses of people. The retiring individ-
ual doubtless keeps out of the public gaze, mainly, though
not wholly, because of a feeling of inability adequately to
meet all the requirements demanded by the public.

It will be appropriate, before closing this chapter, to
mention types of children differentiated according to the
degree of their sensitiveness to the feelings and desires of
222 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

those with whom they come in contact in any way. Here is
a boy, K., who seems constantly to be making quite unhappy
The hector. those who are younger or weaker than himself.
ingtype His associates say that he “picks on” other boys;
and in all sorts of ways he annoys the girls who may be
within badgering distance. He is described by many of his
playmates as “mean” and “ tricky ” and “ disagreeable.”
He seems to enjoy getting his associates into trouble, pro-
vided the outcome is not too serious for them or for himself.
He is much of the time in a bullying attitude toward his
associates, and in a resistant attitude toward his elders and
superiors. In school he annoys the teacher a great deal, and
she must frequently “ change his seat” because he makes
it unpleasant for those who have seats near him. If any
classmate “ tells on” him he will not forget it for many a
day, but will make life miserable for the tattler. He does
not forgive, nor does he ask forgiveness. He appears to
enjoy a preying life ; always he is plotting to annoy or to
torment some one who cannot react effectively enough to do
him injury. When he is on the playground engaged in games
his associates are continually on the lookout lest he trip
them up or kick them or poke them, or take advantage of
them in some other way. He likes to play practical jokes,
and to turn the laugh on a person who is peculiar in any
respect. At the same time he vigorously resents being “ picked
on,” and he will “ get even” if he can with any one who
turns the laugh on him. He likes to prey on others, but he
reacts in every mean way he knows how upon those who
prey on him.

Contrasted with this bullying, belligerent type is the
meek individual, the one who does not prey upon ‘his fel-
The meek lows as the other type does, and who may not
tyre even vigorously resist the aggressions of others.
This type is not likely to be very definitely marked in the
earliest years, since all children tend normally to aggress
and to resist aggression. But by the third year, at any rate,
THE MEEK TYPE 223

there begins to be differentiation of individuals in respect
to the characteristics in question. While one individual
may continue on in his preying tendencies, another may
commence to get control over these tendencies, and to
manifest greater regard for the feelings and interests of his
associates. J. in her ninth year illustrates this latter type.
She does not often now cause others annoyance ; and there
is never any complaint from those younger or weaker than
she that she is “mean” or “disagreeable.” She does not prey
upon any one now, whether they be younger or older than
herself, or of the same age. Her teachers for several years
have had no fault to find with her behavior. She readily
forgives and forgets the minor injuries done her, even by
K. who sometimes annoys her as he does others; though
she has a tendency to resist his depredations. She has ap-
parently a “ kindly feeling” toward every one. She énjoys
her associates, and indeed all with whom she comes in con-
tact, and she seems to be happy in conducting herself so
as not to irritate them. She probably does not reflect that
she ought to make others happy; in all likelihood she acts
spontaneously in ways which do not arouse opposition in
those who are affected by her action, while K. acts in just
the other way. J. is generous in sharing her possessions
with those about her, and she is grateful to those who serve
her in any way. If she be criticised by her parents for sins
of omission or commission in her daily life, she rarely now
makes any defense. She is not humiliated or angered or
even made uncomfortable; she just naively accepts her
chiding, and goes on with the enterprises in hand as soon
as her critics release her attention. She is a meek individ-
ual.

No more need be done here than to mention a principle
which has been referred to in another connection, pevelop-
the principle of plasticity in types during child- pent Irans-
hood and youth. It is the common thing for a imtypes
headstrong child to become docile and even meek in youth.

t
224 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

Frequently a belligerent boy, the bully of the group at
seven, becomes the most peaceable and inoffensive member
of the group at twenty; and the principle applies to all
types whatsoever. It is not too much to say that one cannot
tell from observing the social tendencies of a young child
what traits will be dominant in him in maturity, though if
all educative influences can be controlled and directed, it
may be possible to make a rough sketch of the disposition
when it shall have ceased to be plastic, or relatively so.

The principle of social types is recognized in ‘common-sense ”
philosopby. In popular literature people are grouped into two main
classes, — those who do and those who do not readily adapt
themselves to the views, the customs, and the institutions of
the communities in which they live. These “types ’’ exist in childhood
and youth as well as in maturity, according to the prevailing con-
ception.

The adaptable child is usually regarded by his elders and superiors
as “gentle” or “agreeable,” while the unadaptable type is considered
to be “‘ headstrong ” or “disrespectful.” The adaptable individual may
lack independence, initiative, and self-confidence to such a degree that
he is regarded as “ weak” and ineffective in life. Some older people
may enjoy such a type, because he is non-resistant to their advances;
but his fellows as a rule will either “use” him, ignore him, or despise
him. A “nice” boy does not get on well in the give-and-take of group
activity, though he may receive the encomiums of his grandparents,
his minister, his teacher, and possibly his parents. With development
the adaptable individual may become “ tactful” and “ diplomatic.”

The unadaptable child is likely to gain the reputation of being
“impertinent ” or “impudent ” or “insolent” if he treats his elders
and other ‘‘dignified” personages in the community as he does his
group associates. The boy schooled on the street is almost certain to
develop an insolent attitude toward the conventions of society, and
those who conspicuously observe or defend them. In time insolence
may develop into scorn or disdain, which attitudes may be assumed
alike toward persons, toward customs, and toward institutions.

In childhood, as in youth and maturity, one may see the “ naive,”
“frank,” “open” type, which in the course of development is apt to
develop into the “ genuine’’ and “ sincere” type. This type of person
publishes experience just as he perceives and interprets it, regardless
of the outcome upon his own fortunes. In contrast to this type is the
deceitful type, whose tendency it is to conceal the motives and out-
come of his actions if they are likely to result to his disadvantage.

Résumé
RESUME 225

Children may be distinguished according to the readiness and com-
pleteness with which they communize their experiences. The commu-
nicative type is always eager to tell all that is seen or heard or
experienced in any way, while the non-communicative individual
“keeps things to himself.”

Some children are more self-conscious than others, and are not as
free and easy in exhibiting themselves, especially before strangers.
They are said to be “timid,” or “bashful,” or “retiring,” perhaps
even “modest.” The dramatic type of person readily impersonates
characters, and “acts them out,” seeming not to be conscious of the
reactions of his audience. But the self-conscious individual appears
always to be under restraint, on account of undue concern about how
the alter will regard his expressions.

Finally, the badgering type is often seen in childhood and youth;
and contrasted therewith is the meek type, which is comparatively
non-resistant to the demands of elders and superiors, and often to the
aggression of equals.

But all types in childhood and youth are plastic; and it is commonly
seen that a child with very pronounced social tendencies at five may
at twenty-five exhibit just as pronounced tendencies of an opposite
character.
PART II

SOCIAL EDUCATION
CHAPTER X
FROM A NATIONAL STANDPOINT?

OnE can best discuss any phase of American education in
its larger aspects only after he has studied the civiliza-
tion of older countries, in the effort to ascertain xigntonour
what has been the influence upon national and indi- Stone”
vidual life of various educational ideals and prac- ‘om older
: otviliza-
tices. It should, of course, be acknowledged at  ttons

the outset that it is extremely difficult, if not impossible, to
discover just what part education in the strict sense has
played in determining the career of any people, since it
is but one of many codperating factors. Still, while we
cannot be precise in regard to details, we can nevertheless
present with much confidence a few large and important
principles pertaining to the educational experience of Eu-
ropean countries, more or less closely related to our own
in respect to intellectual and temperamental characteristics,
as England, Germany, France, Italy, and Spain. Such an
inquiry will lead us to consider, in the first place, certain
general conditions and methods of education which deter-
mine the outcome for social efficiency in national and in-
dividual life of any system of instruction. One may observe
teachers in European schools giving specific lessons in ethi-
ca] and moral conduct which apparently are almost if not
entirely fruitless in their effect upon the daily social ad-
justments of pupils, probably because the larger problems

1 As these pages are passing through the press the author has seen Moral
Instruction and Training in Schools, edited by Sadler. In this book it seems
to be shown beyond question that while certain European countries are
striving to introduce into the schools courses in moral instruction, they are
accomplishing little if anything in this work, because they have not at-
tacked the fundamental problem in moral training, which is discussed in
this chapter.
_ 230 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

of social training have received but little serious study.
It does not seem precipitous, in view of what has gone be-
fore, to say here that social efficiency is not a simple matter
to be developed by formal instruction in set exercises, as
in geometry, for example, though special instruction may
doubtless be made of service if the general conduct of educa-
tion prepares adequately for it. So we must first turn our
attention to the brief consideration of these more general
conditions, as preliminary to our discussion of specific meth-
ods of social training.

It may be stated at the outset, as the most fundamen-
tal conception of social education, that the supreme problem
rhe point in this work is so to train each oncoming gener-
otview ation that the nation may continue to grow in
strength, stability, and efficiency. This is borne in upon one
with irresistible force as he surveys the ruins of ancient
peoples, and as he sees that European nations, only recently
leaders in all the world’s activities, — intellectual, artistic,
commercial,— have already entered upon their decadent
period; although, since there is everywhere an awakening
to the danger of degeneration, it is possible that decay may
be retarded or in some cases quite successfully resisted. We
need not at this point dwell at any length upon the theory
current among us that nations like individuals must pass
through their seven ages, from infancy to old age; but we
may readily grant that as one studies the peoples of the
Old World he sees clearly why men believe the doctrine.
And yet there is at least one European nation that is ap-
parently warding off old age, and possibly even regaining its
youth ; which phenomenon has been witnessed several times
in the history of nations. There seems to be no reason in the
law of things why the social organism should not be able to
perpetuate itself, acquiring even greater stability with in-
crease of years, if only it understood how to adapt each new
generation to the changing conditions resulting inevitably
from the evolution of the race.
THE POINT OF VIEW 231

The dogma that the social organism is subject to pre-
cisely the same developmental and degenerative laws as the
biological organism has already been abandoned by compe-
tent students, though it still lingers on in popular philosophy.
The fact that in the social organism new individuals are
constantly appearing, which gives us an opportunity con-
stantly to reshape them to become adjusted to varying
environmental conditions, makes the social quite different
from the biological organism in respect to continuity of ex-
istence. It is true the social organism tends, through social
heredity, to become settled in definite and permanent
habits of action, with the result that it cannot, or at least
does not, adjust itself readily enough to changing circum-
stances, and so in due course it weakens or decays altogether.
But here is revealed the real function of education, — so to
equip the new members of the social organism, with ideas
and with modes of conduct, that they may be able to dis-
cern the requirements for continued prosperity, and that
they may have such control over their actions that they can
adapt themselves to the needs of any situation.

To impress this general principle, it may be added here
that education in decadent European countries to-day fails
to accomplish effectively either of the ends just indicated ;
the people have not been trained so that they can see what
is demanded in order to preserve the vitality of the nation
under changing conditions, and they are on the whole un-
able to resist sensuous pleasures of the moment for ends of
greater and more permanent value in a social, intellectual,
and zsthetic way. This problem of education is essentially
a social or moral one. Loss of moral stamina is always the
beginning of degeneracy in national life. Ask any unpre-
judiced student of affairs in Spain or Italy, for instance,
what is the trouble with his country, and he will tell you in |
effect that it is morally weak, and so has lost or is losing its
vigor. Looked at in the large, what we mean by morality
is just those modes of conduct that are requisite for indi-
232 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

vidual and national ascendency, not at the expense of other
individuals and nations, but through a more and more per-
fect understanding of the laws of nature for the purpose
of utilizing them for human well-being, and also through a
continually increasing perfection in social organization and
cooperation. Whatever lessens vitality and threatens decay
in the long run is immoral; and by decay is meant a nar-
rowing of the range of individual and national interest and
activity, concentring it ever more largely upon mere physi-
cal existence, with a consequent decline in the sum total
of the happiness of a people.

The history of nations shows that, as a rule, when they
are developing vigorously in their youth they exhibit the
The crucial fundamental social virtues. Then the people are on
oe the whole temperate, honest, patriotic, industrious,
anatin frugal, law-abiding, charitable, and so on. This
applies as fully, doubtless, to contemporary civilizations as
to those of an earlier day, which were of a military char-
acter. To develop the resources of a country, and compete
with other countries commercially, requires that most of
the people, at any rate, should conserve their forces, and
employ them in profitable ways. Again, it requires that
the social organism should be well adjusted internally, so
that the majority of its members may engage freely in
profitable production. This implies observance of the social
law in all its fundamental features. But when a nation
achieves success in its endeavors, when the struggle for ex-
istence or for the attainment of ideals begins to grow less,
and leisure and luxury increases, then comes the crucial
epoch in the lives of nations as of individuals.1 The evi-
dence everywhere before one’s eyes in the Old World indi-
cates that there most of the nations, at any rate, have not

1 I purposely leave aside the consideration of such questions as the in-
crease in the population of a country beyond the means of subsistence for
all. Matters of this sort lie outside the scope of our present inquiry, though
they are, of course, of vast importance in a study of all the causes of
national decay.
THE CRUCIAL PERIOD 233

yet learned how to employ their leisure and their wealth so
as to insure continuous development, or even to maintain
the stage of development already reached. Among ancient
peoples, —and the principle appears to hold for the majority
of modern nations, — the marked increase in luxury among
the few, together with the gradual exhaustion of the re-
sources which produced it, invariably led first to moral and
then to physical disintegration. This without question sug-
gests the gravest problem which confronts the American
nation to-day. Even though one be a confirmed optimist, he
cannot ignore the striking lesson that is taught us by deca-
dent peoples.

Wealth is being amassed with alarming rapidity in our
land ; the natural resources are being developed with fever-
ish haste; and already in a few regions they appear to be in
considerable part exhausted. Everywhere one feels the really
terrific strain for material gain. And for the moment all is
well ; on the whole the nation is sound morally, or so it seems
in contrast with decadent older nations. But we have hardly
yet reached the period when the moral vitality of our nation
has been tested, though we are surely approaching it rapidly.
We are on the whole still in the period of our youth, the
period of conquest, when the pursuit of great ends, even of a
material character, requires the observance of social regula-
tions in their fundamental bearings. But even now there are
signs of the disintegrating influence of luxury among the ex-
tremely wealthy in American life, just what one finds in deca-
dent European nations, and what one knows to have been true
of extinct civilizations, like that of Rome. With us this small
group of over-wealthy individuals has already lost interest
in ends of national and individual prosperity, in matters of
permanent value, and they are giving themselves to the
pursuit of sensuous pleasures. One knows what this must
lead to if it is not checked, for it has been demonstrated time
and again in older countries.

The point to be noted is that the degenerative process
234 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

always begins when a considerable part of the people in a
qhecntet Dation give themselves up to gross pleasure seek-
Problem in ing; and it is therefore the chief problem of edu-
education cation to avert this catastrophe. And what may
be done about it ? In the first place, the school must strive
to interest the young in ends other than those of a purely
physical and temporary character. It must in some way set up
intellectual, esthetic, and social ideals (the religious ideals,
vital and essential as they are in individual and national
life, cannot be considered here), which will restrain the pur-
suit of material gain and mere sensuous gratification. If
this cannot be achieved, our situation is a hopeless one. Take
Italy, for example ; her schools have concerned‘ themselves
largely with mere linguistic training. So far as one can dis-
cover, there are few if any large conserving interests devel-
oped among the pupils in these schools. The art galleries of
Italy attract thousands of visitors yearly from all parts of
the world, but the school children seem to have only slight
esthetic interests, and high-grade art makes scarcely any
impress for good upon their lives. The Neapolitans, as an
instance, seem to know less about the art treasures in their
city than do many persons in America, England, or Germany.
Asa people they apparently have but few intellectual or
other conserving ideals, which can stimulate them to self-
restraint and high endeavor in a time of severe strain and
stress in national life. When one goes into the schools
he can observe little but mere formal work, which exerts
hardly any influence upon the springs of aspiration and of
conduct ; and this must be one cause of the present unhappy
condition of the nation, as authorities like Professor Gar-
landa * of Rome are pointing out with vigor to-day.

1 As these lines are being written the report comes from Italy that a
supreme effort is about to be made by the government to make the schools
more efficient in training the young for contemporary life.

2 Professor Garlanda’s views on the causes of Italy’s troubles are presented
in part in his IJ Terzia Italia; but his opinions respecting the need of fun-

damental educational reform in Italy were stated at length to the writer
personally in 1905,
AESTHETIC INTERESTS 235

When one studies Italian childhood of to-day, he becomes
convinced that it does not mean much for social education
to have the young simply live in the vicinity of pevetop-
esthetic things, though such a theory is current Moto
among teachers in our own country. It would be interests
about as reasonable to say that a man who could not read
would receive great intellectual benefit from having Shake-
speare in his library. To profit by Shakespeare, one must
be able to assimilate his thought, and carry it into action.
Shakespeare will influence those only who are on about
the same plane of intellect and experience with him. So in
the establishment of sxsthetic interests, any great work of
art in the world can influence an individual’s life only
when he is led up to the artist’s sphere of thought and feel-
ing; and this means that he must have something of the
same real, vital, esthetic experience as the artist. In the
attainment of this end formal lessons in drawing will be of
slight avail. Even “analysis” of great works of art will
accomplish but little. That training alone will be educative
in an effective way which causes the pupil constantly to
make choices among varying esthetic values, and to pro-
duce esthetic things. From the beginning to the end of
his education he must be kept in direct contact with xs-
thetic environments, within his range of appreciation, being
aided in the assimilation and production of zsthetic values
according to his degree of development. We may count
upon it as certain that the results of all the world’s esthetic
activities will have social worth for the individual, and
become ends for his own endeavors, only as he grows to
assimilate them in the manner indicated. The principle
was long ago recognized by Aristotle, who maintained that
one who could not execute music could not best appreciate
it. Modern psychology maintains that perception and ex-
pression, apprehension and execution, go hand in hand. It
is a matter of the very simplest daily observation that one
can adjust himself to those things only, of any degree of
236 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

complexity, that lie within the general field of his own
achievements. Simply looking at or listening to these things
does not imply effective appreciation of them.

The principle then is, that in American life we must
make every effort to develop xsthetic interests in all the
pupils of the schools, by giving them vital esthetic experi-
ence from the beginning to the end of their educational
career. This most older civilizations have failed to do. Art
of a certain kind was, a few generations ago, developed to
the highest point in Italy, as an example ; but only a small
proportion of the people were really affected by it. The
great body of the populace, upon whom the life of any na-
tion depends, was not largely influenced by it in their feel-
ing and conduct. Besides, the esthetic interest of even the
few was exceedingly narrow in its scope and content. Paint-
ing, and religious painting at that, touches but a small part
of the whole of life; and if the esthetic activities of any
people are limited mainly to this form of art, the results
must be more or less neutral, so far as the majority of the
people are concerned. The present-day German conception
is a much more comprehensive and effective one, so far as
the social outcome upon the thought and feeling of the nation
is concerned. The Germans, more than any other people it
seems, are incorporating art into the practical activities of
every-day life. The objects one employs in his daily work,
for instance, are being made esthetic ; and these probably
affect him for good far more profoundly than pictures hung
upon the walls or painted on the ceilings of churches. Here
is a principle of immeasurable importance for our American
schools. We must endeavor to develop in all our people
esthetic interests, which will dominate them in their com-
monplace, if you please, activities, and become ends for the
utilization of their energies. It will doubtless be granted
without argument that the opportunities in this respect are
unlimited ; man’s esthetic needs can never be fully met, as
they concern the things he must use in the struggle for
INTELLECTUAL INTERESTS 237

existence. Of pictures he can easily have an excess, so that
many of them he may not respond to at all; but it is
otherwise with the furnishing of his home and its environs,
the tools he uses, and the like.

In a study of European life one is struck with the almost
total lack of what might be called intellectual interests
among the masses in many of the countries. Let pevetop-
us glance at Italy again. The horizon of the people, Dent tt in-
even those engaged in intellectual pursuits, ig interests
bounded largely by the immediate present, alike in time
and in space. They know but little concerning the great
movements of the day outside of their own country, or even
outside their own province. One finds university professors
even who are quite ignorant of what men in other countries
are doing in their special fields, though a few of them are
among the world’s most advanced scholars. Further, these
people as a whole have little knowledge of the literature or
history of any other country than their own; and they have
only a formal and sort of vainglorious interest in their own
history and achievements. The desire to know for the sake
of understanding has practically died out in this land,
probably because the schools do little if anything to foster
it. From the primary school to the university almost every-
thing is traditional ; learning is prepared in formal doses,
and it must be taken just as prescribed. The instructor
hands out the doses, in the text-books or the lectures, and
the pupils raise no queries nor make any objections.

One looks in vain usually for the inquiring mind among
the students. The teachers will tell you there are such; but
how can they tell, since little opportunity is given for the
love of knowledge, real, vital knowledge, to manifest itself ?
The studies make demands upon memory almost exclusively,
and the instructors, speaking generally, make appeals to
this faculty only. Inquire of a lyceal teacher why he does
not give his pupils some opportunity to discuss the subject
he is teaching them, or to ask him questions, or why he
238 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

does not ask them questions in order to get their opinions,
and he will tell you that there is no time for such work.
The central authority at Rome lays out his programme for
him, and he must cover the ground, which does not provide
for awakening the desire for knowledge, but only to impart
so many traditional facts. The same is true in principle in
the universities, in the elementary schools, in the normal
schools even.

Italy is thus cited as an instance of arrest, or perhaps
introversion, in respect to intellectual interests, with the
purpose of showing what we must strive in every way to
avoid in our American schools. Happily we have faith in
the importance of developing a genuine love of vital know-
ledge, which should lead our pupils to explore every phase
of nature, and human nature, in the attempt to discover how
things are constituted and how they operate. Out of this
searching should come in time practical values; but the
greatest good lies in the opportunity it affords for utilizing
the leisure and the energy of our people in healthful, con-
structive pursuits. It is not enough at all that a few should
have this interest, as in Greek and Roman civilization ; but
it must be generally disseminated among the people, who
must be kept in sympathy with the suggestions made by in-
vestigators if progress is to be made continually. If it be
possible to awaken the minds of the majority of our people
so that they will be incessantly looking forward and search-
ing for truths still uncovered, it seems that we should be
able to put off for a long time (may we hope for all time?)
the day when we shall begin to return upon our path. A
nation of alert minds will discern the forces that threaten
degeneration in the national life, and they should be able
to control them; but the majority of the people must be
trained so that they can discern these forces and appreciate
whither they tend. A nation cannot be saved by the en-
lightenment of the few; the attitudes and appreciation of
the majority, after all, determine the fate of a nation, as
Professor Garlanda is making clear to his own people.
TENDENCIES IN OUR OWN COUNTRY 239

It has been suggested that we in America have the right
ideal ; but this does not mean that we are achieving all that
can be desired in giving our people a genuine ,. a. oes
interest in vital truth. Let one study the life in in ourown
either the rural districts or the cities in almost any °™™"?
section of our country, and he will find that the schools
leave a good deal to be desired in respect to developing a
love for genuine, virile knowledge in the rising generation.
The youth in these places do not as a rule frequent the
libraries or the laboratories during their leisure hours, but
instead they rendezvous at the livery stable, the barber
shop, and the saloon. Study the work of the schools among
us, and it will be found that they have hardly yet begun to
do vital teaching which will establish the ideals which it has
been said must be made to exert a controlling influence upon
the lives of our people, if we are to avoid the unhappy fate
of older civilizations. Our schools are still governed to a
degree by the formal, artificial, mechanical methods which
make the schools of Spain and Italy, and other European
countries to a less extent, so ineffective in moulding the
lives of the rising generation in the manner indicated as
essential for individual and national well-being.

Our teachers are themselves often without interest in
vital knowledge, and are quite lacking in inspiration ; and
in this regard Germany can teach us a useful lesson. In
our ungraded district schools the situation is the most seri-
ous; for in many places the teaching is still altogether
mechanical and largely ineffective. To substitute mind-
awakening and fruitful subjects and methods for merely
formal ones must be our constant endeavor. It is beyond
question that a high type of social life cannot be developed
among a people whose schools are formal, mechanical, arti-
ficial. But we have reason to be hopeful. Already nature- _
study and manual activities have been made a regular part
of the curriculum of the country schools in certain of the
states. It is being required also that the teachers in these
240 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

schools shall have received some special training for their
profession. Again, the consolidating of country schools,
affording opportunity to secure better teachers and better
equipment for effective teaching in all departments, promises
well for the future. We must move steadily and irresistibly
on along all these lines of progress until formalism is re-
placed by vitalism in every grade of public school, from the
kindergarten through the university.

Students of human evolution have often pointed out that
later civilizations have differed markedly from those of more
Develop.  20Cient times in their larger and saner altruistic
ment of interests. All modern nations have, to some extent
senile at any rate, made provision for the care and aid
interests = of the needy and the helpless among their people.
In its bearing upon national life, this means that some of
the energy of the more fortunate individuals in any group is
given to the improvement of the state of the less fortunate;
and the social organism is unquestionably strengthened
thereby. If space permitted, it could probably be shown
that those nations in which the altruistic tendencies are the
strongest and at the same time the most rational are in the
most stable condition, and give promise of retaining their
vigor the longest. But it is a matter of supreme importance
to note how the different nations express their charitable in-
clinations, for they differ considerably in this respect. Here
in one nation where poverty is extreme, and the helpless
from one cause or another are numbered by the hundreds
of thousands, — in this nation the rich show their sympathy
by making contributions in money or goods directly to the
poor among them. This, it will be apparent, is a more or
less spectacular method of administering aid, and would
naturally be characteristic of a people who are fond of ex-
hibition, and whose interests usually have an immediate
personal reference. It should be noted that this expression
of altruistic feeling must be constantly repeated in order to
be of substantial aid to the unfortunate, for it does not
SOUND ALTRUISTIC INTERESTS 241°

make them self-helpful. It does not give them initiative in
taking advantage of conditions to aid themselves ; rather it
probably tends to destroy initiative, making the recipient
of charity constantly more dependent.

But here in another nation, while there is some direct
contributing to charity, the altruistic tendencies are mainly
expressed in other directions. The wealthy endow institu-
tions or schools of one kind or another for the poor; they
provide lectures dealing with modes of effective living
adapted to the circumstances of those who listen to them;
and in other ways they seek to relieve distress by making
the needy intelligent and resourceful. It will not be neces-
sary to dwell upon the proposition that this latter method is
the only effective one in permanently strengthening national
life. In our own country we have great need of more
thoroughly appreciating this principle and putting it into
effect. In the great rush of our life, and the general pros-
perity everywhere abounding, it pleases many of us best to
give money to all who ask for it. Americans are known
throughout Europe for their “ generous” disposition. They
are in the habit of giving freely to those who beg, without
inquiring as to the merits of the beneficiaries, or the conse-
quences of giving upon their conduct. At the same time it
should be recognized that our people have not forgotten to
make provisions for the poor to become self-helpful ; no na-
tion has done more in this direction, unless it be Germany
with her exceptionally effective system of evening industrial
and trade schools.

But we can do vastly more than we have done, and the
schools can codperate in the endeavor. We should have in
the higher grades of the elementary school, in the secondary
school, and in the college and the university, studies dealing
in a very concrete, vital way with the more fundamental
problems in the life of the nation. It may be shown to
eighth-grade pupils even what are the requisites for the
social health of our people; and among the topics discussed
242 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

should be one treating of the methods of relieving and
reducing poverty. The aim of this study should be to make
all our people conscious of the fact that self-helpfulness on
the part of practically all the population of a nation is
absolutely essential to its happiness and its endurance. This
is one of the greatest lessons our schools can impress upon
the rising generation, and no pains should be spared to
teach it most effectively. Let it be made apparent in this
study that charity can always be best expressed in the long
run by teaching those in need how to be of service. In this
way the range of interests and activities within the nation
will be enlarged, and the means of increasing happiness will
be put into the hands of poor and rich alike. Every pupil
who leaves our schools, even the elementary school, should
have got a glimpse at least of the idea that no social organism
can long survive if a considerable proportion of its members
are non-productive in any way, whatever may be the reason,
whether because of luxury, or dependence upon the bounty
of the rich, or the state, or what not.

This leads to a word upon the necessity of our schools
developing industrial interests in the young. One may
Develop- hear students of sociology and economics in most
ment et ,  Huropean countries say that modern educational
interests systems train too largely for the professions, and
ignore the industries upon which in the end the well-being
of the social organism depends. In Italy, France, and Eng-
land especially, there is a profound conviction among think-
ing men that it would be vastly better for their respective
nations if there were fewer universities and more technical
schools, which would prepare young men and women ade-
quately for agriculture, engineering, commerce, and domes-
tie duties. Unemployed doctors of philosophy, it is said
over and over again, are a source of peril to any nation,
for they are generally ill-contented, and they are inclined
to advocate the destruction of the existing social order.
Meanwhile, the industries upon which civilization depends
INDIVIDUAL EFFICIENCY 243

have not been greatly affected in European countries
through the influence of the schools and colleges, though
in Germany particularly there is promise of much improve-
ment in this regard in the future.

Fortunately, in our own country the mechanic arts: agri-
culture, and the like are apparently destined to occupy the
most prominent place in our whole educational system, as
they rightly should. However, there are many -among us
who would arrest this movement and return on our path,
because, as they think, we are becoming too “ material-
istic.” But surely we are moving along the right lines, and
we must press forward without ceasing, until every in-
dustrial activity essential to the life of the nation shall be
treated in the spirit and according to the method of modern
science, and until it shall be deemed as worthy and en-
nobling in every way to study agriculture or domestic
science as to study Greek or literature or algebra. Where
the least has been accomplished in this direction in Euro-
pean nations, the whole life of the people — physical, in-
tellectual. moral—jis at the lowest ebb; and where the
most has been achieved. the social condition is most stable
and promising in all respects: and there is certainly some
relation between the healthful or degenerative condition of
the nation and the dignity which is attached to industrial
pursuits, and the prominence given to them in the educa-
tional activities of the people.

In what has been said regarding the development of
conserving interests in our schools, it has been implied
that it must be the aim throughout to make every Develep-
individual among us independent and effective in Pottrtaal
dealing with all matters of general and social as ‘nitative
well as personal concern. There is in question tticiency
here a large principle of the utmost importance in education
for national stability. When one endeavors to find the
chief deficiencies in the educational régime of decadent or
non-progressive countries, it seems clear enough that one
1244 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

defect lies in their failure to train for individual efficiency
in social as well as personal life. Thorough, unprejudiced
students of affairs in these countries complain that the
schools are not teaching pupils to “think for themselves.”
These nations, practically all of them, make obedient
routinists in their schools, but such individuals lack inde-
pendence and initiative. They are not trained to cope with
new problems affecting the life of their nation, and they
are not coping with them.

In America, we perhaps understand what we ought to
do in developing individual power, and one may see the
ideal realized in large measure in particular schools in
various parts of the Union. But to attain it fully requires
teachers of the largest calibre, those who have themselves
attained it; and in this respect there is much to be desired
in our country. We must have as instructors persons who
know how to engender in our children the habit of effective
thinking, not simply good memorizing; and this effective
thinking must be done in the schools with reference to the
needs for the perpetuity of our nation, as indicated in the
nature of our people and the history of other nations. No
amount of learning of rules about moral conduct will prove -
of any substantial worth, as is shown in France (to which
we shall return presently), without this development of
individual freedom and efficiency in dealing with the pro-
blems affecting national prosperity. In the organization and
discipline of our schools, as well as in the choice of studies
and in the methods of presenting them, we must encourage
individual initiative to the fullest extent.

While urging the development of individual initiative, it
puaecuie should at the same time be appreciated that our
toestab- pupils must be taught perfect obedience to estab-
Mshed law Jished law. But in every way possible they must
be made to see why law has been established, and why it
must be observed if all are to prosper best. From first to
last in the discipline of the school pupils must be led to see the
RESUME 245

reasonableness of rules and’ regulations ; and then they must
be made to realize that these regulations, being reasonable,
must be observed under all circumstances. We shall in a
later chapter discuss in detail the general principles in ques-
tion here ; but let it be said now that there is danger of pupils
in American schools not acquiring an attitude of ready con-
formity to reasonable authority. It is a delicate matter to
develop.this attitude of freedom and at the same time of
obedience, but the competent teacher can accomplish it.
He can develop in his pupils the habit of seeking the reasons
for laws, and if they do not seem right, to attemptto secure
something more equitable; but so long as they remain in
force they must be observed. The teacher who appreciates
his opportunity can utilize the every-day life of his school
to achieve effectively the end here indicated.

The chief problem of social training is so to influence each oncom-
ing generation that the community or the nation may continue to grow
in strength and efficiency, which will insure increasing pros- ringing
perity, alike to society and to the individual. The theory that
the social organism is subject to precisely the same laws of growth
and decay as the biological organism is hardly sound, since in the
social body new members are constantly appearing, and this makes
possible continual readjustment to changing environmental condi-
tions.

The highest function of education is so to equip the plastic mem-
bers of society that they may realize in knowledge and conduct the
requirements for continuous social, intellectual, and physical develop-
ment. Whatever lessens vitality in any form and threatens decay is,
in the large view, immoral. When a nation is developing vigorously it
usually exhibits in its activities the fundamental virtues of temperance,
industry, fair play, honesty, and the like. But when success is achieved
and leisure and luxury increase, then comes the crucial period in the
life of a nation, as of an individual. In the past marked increase in
luxury in nations has resulted first in moral, and then in physical
disintegration.

The educational problem of any nation is mainly how to teach its
citizens to employ leisure and wealth so as to insure development in-
stead of decay. In our country the moral vitality of the nation as a
whole has not yet been severely tested; but wealth is being amassed
with alarming rapidity, and already signs of the disintegrating influ-
ence of luxury are appearing. The degenerative process always begins
246 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

when a considerable part of the people in a community or a nation
give themselves up to the pursuit of sensuous pleasures.

In order to avert this catastrophe, the schools must strive to develop
in the young dominating interests of an esthetic, intellectual, altru-
istic, and industrial character. The schools of Italy, as an example,
fail to do this, and they are, in a measure at least, responsible for the
nation’s deplorable condition at present.

Merely to dwell in the vicinity of zsthetic things may exert little or
no influence upon esthetic feeling. The great art of the world can
affect the feeling and impulses of the individual only when he par-
ticipates in the artist’s thought and feeling. In order that esthetic
training may be truly educative in establishing deep interest in xs-
thetic objects, it must cause the pupil constantly to make esthetic choice
in an environment of varying esthetic values, and to produce esthetic
things. In our country it should be the aim to develop in all the people
esthetic interests that will vitally affect their daily lives.

A study of European life reveals a serious lack of genuine intellect-
ual interests among the masses of the people. In the schools of Italy,
most if not all the work is formal, traditional, mechanieal. Such work
leaves the individual wholly incapable of adapting himself effectively
to changing social conditions. To avoid arrest and retrogression, and
to insure continued progress in a nation, there must be disseminated
among the people the spirit of investigation, and the desire to search
after new truth which may lead to more perfect adjustment. While
in America we seem to be getting the right ideal, still a study of the
schools in either the city or the country will show that there is still
much to be desired. In many of our schools, alike of low and of high
degree, the teaching lacks vitality and is inclined to be formal, me-
chanical, and ineffective. Enrichment of the course of study, the pro-

. fessional training of teachers, and the consolidation of country schools
are hopeful signs of progress.

All modern nations have made some provision for the care of their
helpless and needy members; but the altruistic tendency manifests
itself in different ways in different nations. In some countries aid is
given to the poor directly, and in a more or less spectacular manner.
In other countries the growing tendency is to relieve distress by mak-
ing the needy intelligent and self-helpful. In this way individual as
well as national life is strengthened. While Americans are noted
among older nations for their “ generous” disposition, they yet have
not entirely forgotten to provide means for the poor to become self-
helpful through proper education. The principle involved should be
more generally appreciated among us, and put into effect more largely
in every section of the country. All the schools — elementary, second-
ary, and higher —- should give a prominent place to studies dealing in
a vital, concrete way with the fundamental problems in the life of the
RESUME 247

nation. Every pupil who leaves school should have gained the idea
that no nation can long survive in which a considerable proportion of
its population is non-productive from any cause whatsoever.

A study of European nations shows that there isan intimate relation
existing between the physical, intellectual, and moral well-being of a
people and the attention given to training individual independence
and initiative, both in school and in real life. In order to train for
individual efficiency, the school must encourage original, dynamic,
effective thinking, and not mere faithfulness in verbal memory. But
with the development of the attitude of individual freedom and initi-
ative must go strict obedience to established law. In America we are
doing more than any other country in making our children individually
competent; but there is some danger that they will not learn to con-
form readily and fully to proper and necessary authority.
CHAPTER XI
EDUCATIVE SOCIAL EXPERIENCE}!

SrupENTs of human nature in all times have urged that
deliberate training of some sort is absolutely essential
Education © the fitting of an individual to adjust himself to
and social a complex social environment; nature unaided
oMicleney cannot accomplish all that is demanded in this di-
rection. Every important scheme which has been proposed
for the improvement of social and individual life has laid em-
phasis upon the school as the instrument to be considered
at the outset. Plato, the most serious and competent writer
on social welfare in ancient times, gave chief attention to
education as the means of realizing his ideal community.
In his Republic and his Laws he goes at length into the
methods of training children for social efficiency, in respect
alike to individual and to civic relations, The same at-
tempt is made by Aristotle in his Politics, Plutarch in his
Morals, Montaigne in several of his works, Locke in his
Thoughts on Education, Pestalozzi in his How Gertude
Teaches her Children, Rousseau in his Lmile, Froebel in
his Education by Development, Herbart in his Outline of
Pedagogical Doctrine, Spencer in his Education, — and
the list might be extended at pleasure.

These students have all appreciated that the need of edu-
cational influence to perfect the individual in his social
adjustments arises out of the child’s inability to adapt
himself readily and effectively to all phases of the social

1 As originally written, the first half of this chapter discussed the influence
of physical conditions in the individual upon his social attitudes. But inas-
much as the author has treated this subject in detail in his Dynamic Fac-
tors in Education, Part II, it has seemed best upon reflection not to do more
than mention it here. The whole matter is of supreme importance, however,
and the reader is urged to give it his attention if he is not familiar with it.
EDUCATION AND SOCIAL EFFICIENCY 249

environment into which he is cast at birth. The newcomer’s
vision has not been made keen to discern the social goal
ahead ; his feet have not been practiced to the route; his
lungs have been accustomed to a heavier atmosphere. It has
been pointed out at length in previous chapters that the
child comes to us equipped especially for journeying among
a people of quite different temper and customs, and his
traveling outfit is in many respects only impedimenta to
him under present-day conditions. Plato was impressed by
the resemblance which he thought he saw between the child’s
development and that of the race. Goethe’s writings are
full of the idea; Herder and Lessing have adopted it; the
evolutionists, all of them from Darwin down, have attempted
to give it a scientific foundation; Herbart and his followers
have made it the basis of an educational system; and it is
the fundamental hypothesis of modern educational theory.
The young child, according to this view, is on a par with
primitive man in his social inclinations and abilities, but
he must learn to live among men whose relations are well-
nigh infinitely complex, and who must, to a large extent
at any rate, assume attitudes of codperation, instead of those
of opposition and aggression.

The chief problem of education regarded from this stand-
point consists either in repressing in some manner such of
the child’s native impulses as are out of alignment with
contemporary social practices, or transforming these im-
pulses into tendencies that will bring the individual into har-
mony with the customs, ideals, and institutions of civilized
society. Looking at the matter in a very general way here,
we see that in primitive communities egoism, in the crude,
narrow sense, is much more prominent than in highly. com-
plex societies ; and, as we have seen, it is predominant in the
young child. In the savage life of the forest the individual
fights his own battles largely alone, and advances himself
by subjugating or exterminating his fellows. Success under
such circumstances requires intense individualistic feelings
‘250 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

and actions ; and the point to be noted is that the child be-
gins his journey dominated to a considerable extent by these
primitive, self-referring impulses, which set him in hostility
to the alter in many of their relations ; and while he would
on his own initiative learn to restrain certain tendencies and
to practice others of a more social character in the give and
take of daily life, still he would not move rapidly enough
or go far enough without special aid being given him by
the group of which he is a member, through its agencies
established for this particular purpose.

The first principle in social education, indicated alike by
experience and by the data presented in preceding chapters,
eeu is this: In order to attain most readily and eco-

acative <i
soclalexz- nomically to social efficiency, the child must from
perience ae) :
the first the very beginning have large experience — real,
requisite vital, educative experience— in a variety of typi-
cal social situations. In this statement it is implied that
individuals will differ in respect to the degree of complexity
of the social relations they will assume, and so the range of
their need and education will be greater in one case than in
another ; but we speak here of the general principle only.
In contrast to the principle as stated, it may be suggested
that the learning of rules, maxims, or precepts concern-
ing good behavior will not materially aid the social tyro,
unless his learning is preceded, or at least supplemented, by
actual practice in adjusting himself effectively to concrete
social situations presenting all the factors involved in the
adjustments of real life. Just as a course in text-book psy-
chology alone will not give one vital knowledge of human
nature, though it may aid him in interpreting what he has
seen if he has met people face to face in some of the typical
situations of daily life; and as a course in ethics will not
of itself develop in the student ethical conduct, though it
will be more serviceable for the youth than the child, since
the former can in some measure probably interpret the teach-
ings in the light of his experience ; so principles setting forth
THE FIRST REQUISITE 251

the results of the experiments of the race in social living
cannot yield their wisdom to the novice for the simple memo-
rizing of them, a doctrine which Locke, Rousseau, and all
their followers have maintained has universal validity.

It does not seem dogmatic to say that nothing but direct,
vital, first-hand relations with his fellows from the earliest
years on will furnish a child with concrete data necessary
for gaining social insight, and for developing social good
will, and a disposition to codperate with his fellows.! In
the give-and-take relations of social intercourse the novice
may learn under intelligent guidances (but he must be
guided) what impulses rule the hearts of his comrades, and
how he must conduct himself toward them so that all may
attain the greatest happiness in the end. In this manner,
when aided by some competent person or book or work of
art or what not, in ways which we must sketch in succeed-
ing chapters, he acquires in time the feeling of what is the
proper thing to be done in social situations. Based on what
has been developed elsewhere, it may now be said that it
will be of little service to an individual, in the real world of
people struggling in innumerable ways for larger life, to
have memorized a system of “rules of conduct,” if he has
not worked such rules out into motor tendencies, and pos-
sibly motor habits. It may be noted in this connection that
children sometimes are set to learn by heart lessons in man-

1 Quintilian’s advice in reference to the training of the orator applies
in principle to the training of every boy for life among his fellows : “ First
of all, let him who is to be an orator, and who must live amidst the great-
est publicity, and in full daylight of public affairs, accustom himself, from
his boyhood, not to be abashed at the sight of men, nor pine in a solitary
and as it were recluse way of life. The mind requires to be constantly excited
and roused, while in such retirement it either languishes, and contracts rust
as it were, in the shade, or, on the other hand, becomes swollen with empty
conceit, since he who compares himself with no one else, will necessarily
attribute too much to his own powers.

“¢ Besides, when his acquirements are to be displayed in public, he is blinded
at the sight of the sun, and stumbles at every new object, as having
learned in solitude that which is to be done in public.” — The Institutes of
Oratory, vol. i, p. 22.
252 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

ners before they go a-visiting ; but alas! such lessons count
for naught against years of contrary action.

It is a matter of common observation that adults often
have a sound philosophy regarding their social relations,
but their practice is of a different character. In the quiet
of one’s study, when reflection and not action is required, a
person may be able to reach valid conclusions as to what
should be done in social crises; but he may not be able to
observe these conclusions at the appropriate moment, since
what has entered into the functioning of the whole vital
mechanism, as it were, is what determines conduct after
all. Rules as such may pass in the classroom, where static
relations prevail, but they generally drag too heavily in the
dynamic world without. Who does not know of brilliant
theorists on manners, and conduct in general, who have
themselves made dismal failures of this part of life, for the
reason that their theories had not become embodied in facile
habits, so that they could be depended upon in crucial
moments ?

It is generally believed that the only child in a family,
reared among adults, rarely becomes a really efficient citi-
The social zen and agreeable friend and neighbor.’ If this
te“atis Proposition be a sound one, and observation as
onild” well as theory indorses it, it must be due to the
fact that the only child does not ordinarily have those give-

1 Perhaps there is another side to the “ only-child ” question. If there are
several children in the same home there will be a great deal of conflict be-
tween them in the effort to secure the same things, and to gain advantages
of every kind. They will all wish to use the swing at the same time, or the
hammock, or what not. This involves tension and strain and struggle. It
arouses all the combative emotions. It is without doubt irritating to the ner-
vous system. I have noticed that some children living in a large family grow
quieter and stronger when they are practically left alone for two or three
weeks, and so have everything their own way.

But if a child grows up apart from other children and has no struggles,
can he learn the lessons of inhibition and sacrifice which are necessary in the
great social game? Will he acquire these in emulating his parents as he
grows older? Will the egoistic emotions subside with development ? Can a
parent through lessons on self-restraint develop social conduct, without the
TRAINING OF THE ONLY CHILD 253

and-take experiences with comrades which develop social
insight, and in the long run encourage codperative action.
Usually he grows up in contact mainly with books or with
inanimate things; or he may have more or less formal and
artificial social relations with his elders, who in dealing with
him normally do not play the game as it is played in real
life. Adults are prone either to peta child or rigidly to sup-
press him, and under such circumstances he is only too apt
to develop the characteristics either of the bully or the
slave, and in neither case is he learning social lessons as he
will need to apply them. The socially efficient person is
not a tyrant in his social relations, nor again is he a serf.
He plays the game fair; which means that he does not de-
prive his associates of privileges which he enjoys, and at
the same time he resents selfish aggression on the part of
any one else. He does not expect to receive more than he
gives, nor is he willing to give to those who desire to receive
only. Pierre Loti, in the story of his childhood, complains
bitterly because he was rigorously excluded from a free
life with other boys of his age. He intimates that the train-
ing gained in association with aunts and grandmothers ex-
clusively left him without an understanding of people as
they manifest themselves in actual life.

In social as in other activities it seems to be the case that
hard knocks? are often essential to teach the young much
of what ought and what ought not to be done in 5.14
their relations with their fellows, and he who pre- knocks are
vents a child from gaining the lesson when he is aeons
in a condition to learn it most easily and effectively lene

irritation which comes from having a number of children of nearly the same
age in a family ? Experience and theory alike would lead us to answer these
queries generally in the negative, though one ought not to be dogmatic
about the matter, in view of the present state of our knowledge respecting
the effect of various experiences upon mental development.

1 See an article, ‘‘ The Only Child in a Family,” by E. W. Bohanon, Ped.
Sem. vol. v, pp. 475 et seq.

2 These ‘‘ hard knocks” must, of course, be received as a natural conse-
quence of the individual’s conduct, and not arbitrarily. The point is discussed
in detail later on.
254 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

is an unwise teacher. It is as true in social education as in
other matters, that one acquires power to do mainly by doing;
though as intimated above, when one has had vital experience
himself, and is striving to solve problems, he may, under pro-
per ‘conditions, profit by the experience of others, whether
gained from personal description, from books, from insti-
tutions, or otherwise. The child cannot gain efficiency in
insisting upon his rights except by being placed early and
continuously in situations where he is aggressed upon by
bullies, who keep their places when he asserts himself, and
calls to his assistance those who will generally demand fair
play of a simple, crude sort at any rate. He can acquire the
attitude of self-restraint only by taking Jessons therein when
he is in competition with his fellows to attain ends which all
desire. He can learn to assist his fellows and obtain aid
from them only as he codperates with them in the per-
formance of their tasks, and sees that, as a rule, if he helps
them when he is able he will be assisted when he is in need.
The principle is that formal instruction, which plays a
leading rdle in social education in many places, cannot
teach the novice these lessons effectively. Such instruc-
tion dissociated from social action is practically fruitless in
the child’s education.

If one’s observation may be trusted, it appears that there
is a growing tendency to give children larger opportunities
Present.  *H@n they formerly had for gaining helpful expe-
dayten- rience with their fellows while they are in the
Gencies formative period. Some of us can remember when

Pp emem|
parents in certain sections of the country thought the young
ought most of the time to remain each within his own door-
yard. Children were punished if they sought the compan-
ionship of their mates except at comparatively rare intervals.
But to-day one sees that parents frequently plan to promote
social life among their children. The telephone and similar
agencies are called into requisition to bring the young to-
_ gether in vital intercourse under a certain amount of direc-
MERE GREGARIOUSNESS NOT SUFFICIENT 255

tion, where what is learned counts for much toward social
efficiency in maturity.

It should be emphasized that social experience of this
sort must be had early, when the individual is plastic, in
order to be really educative. When one has reached matur-
ity it is too late to learn vital social lessons with marked
success. A child will readily enough change any line of ac-
tion if he discovers that he will gain thereby, but men and
women seek rather to modify the world about them to suit
their settled notions and habits. Of the seven ages of man
the developmental ones are alone the adaptive ones ; matur-
ity is, on the whole, a stable, non-adaptive period ; so that
we must accomplish most of what we wish in social educa-
tion, or any other form of education for that matter, before
the teens are completed.

While emphasizing the necessity of a wide range of vital
social experience for the development of social efficiency, it
should at the same time be noted that the indi- yer, pats
vidual must have occasions when he may, in isola- sarlousness

. . . . ., not enough
tion, organize his experience, and reflect upon it tor soctal
to some extent. Experience alone, without organi- “°”!pment
zation and interpretation, will not yield a high degree of
insight. The most gregarious people are not in all cases the
most social, in the broad sense in which we are employing
this term. In some cases, indeed, mere gregariousness se-
cures only a very inferior order of social development. On
the streets of some of the cities of the Old World, as Algiers,
Naples, and parts of London and Edinburgh, one may see
the gregarious tendency strikingly manifested; but the
social tone in these places is lower than in most sections
where a certain amount of individuality is preserved, so that
people have some part of their lives to themselves. In the
cities of our own country, from Boston to San Francisco,
one may note the evil results of people herding together, so
that there is no opportunity for periods of seclusion and
growth in individuality. The group tends often to suppress
‘956 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

variation in expression, and so to limit individual develop-
ment, unless one’s life be so ordered that what is gained in
retreat may be deep enough and strong enough to survive
even in group aggression.

In the end it will be of advantage to the group if the
individuals thereof bring to it contributions arising out of
the operation of the personal equation in reaction upon
common stimuli. Of course, these contributions must stand
the test of group trial and application ; but without such
a method of growth and expansion, the group would re-
main on a low plane of social evolution. The principle is
that while experience in adjustment to the group is abso-
lutely essential to the learning of serviceable social lessons,
still the individual must get a certain amount of his
suggestion for social action outside the group in which he
is to express his views and inclinations. This is particularly
true as development proceeds; the youth must derive a
considerable part of his social insight and ideals from
history, literature, art, science, and the like. Experience
warrants the statement that the educated man, if he be
given opportunity to apply his learning concretely in deal-
ing with the group, will ascend higher in social develop-
ment than the man who has no ideals except such as he
gets from the street. Ordinarily the group, as it exists in
childhood, is not eager to promote its own social growth.
It desires simply that the game in hand should go on
uninterruptedly ; it takes no thought for the future. This
is why the school and the home are so essential to the
continuous development of both the individual and the
group; but the detailed way in which this assistance may
be rendered must be worked out further along.

Our aim in this chapter is to emphasize the necessity
of direct, vital intercourse in acquiring social efficiency.
Social education must be dynamic; static methods of train-
ing will leave the individual with verbal knowledge of social
conduct, but without inclination or ability to deal with situ-
SOCIAL TRAINING BY SUPPRESSION 257

ations where one’s fellows must be aided in their enter-
prises and sympathized with, and on occasions sepotens
resented in their aggressions, and disciplined for sion as ‘
selfish action. In the effort to realize this dynamic mid
method, we seem to be making progress in one, "ins
direction. We hear less to-day than we once did about the
need of repressing the young in the presence of their
elders ; about ‘teaching them their place,” which has often
meant no place at all; about their never speaking unless
first spoken to. These doctrines when put rigidly into prac-
tice tend surely to develop either the slave’s or the an-
archist’s feelings and attitudes in the individual. If such
a policy be long continued, it seems to establish in one the
feeling that he will always be bullied, or else he must be
a rebel against authority ; that he must be ready to serve
in response to the commands of others, or violently to
oppose them. The doctrine as taught and sometimes prac-
ticed by our forefathers is presented in the Babies’ Book,
in which some among us seem still to have much faith. In
addition to numerous other instructions to the young, the
book advises them not to chatter or let their eyes wander
about the house when their lords (their fathers) address
them. And it continues : —

Stand till you are told to sit. Keep your head, hands, and feet
quiet. Do not scratch yourself, or lean against a post, or handle
anything near. Bow to your lord when you answer. If any one
better than yourself come in, retire and give place to him. Turn
your back on no man. Be silent while your lord drinks, not laugh-
ing, whispering, or joking. If he tells you to sit down, do so at
once. Then do not talk dirt, or scorn any one, but be meek and
cheerful. If your better praises you, rise up and thank him
heartily. When your lord or lady is speaking about the household
don’t interrupt, but be always ready to serve at the proper time,
to bring drink, hold lights, or anything else, and so get a good
name. The best prayer you can make to God is to be well-
mannered.

If your lord offers his cup, rise up and take it with both hands;
258 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

offer it to no one else, but give it back to him that brought it. At
noon, when your lord is ready for dinner, fetch him some clean
water, hold the towel till he has finished, and do not leave till
grace is said. Stand by your lord till he tells you to sit; then
keep your knife clean and sharp to cut your food. Be silent, and
tell no nasty stories.’

Dickens, as doubtless all know, pictured the child-
trainers of his day as tyrants, — not only the teachers, but
the parents as well. In Barnaby Rudge Dickens presents
a character in John Willett who illustrates very well the
type of person who would suppress all spontaneity in youth ;
who believes it is the province of children to serve and
wait, and not speak until they are spoken to. Willett, who
kept the Maypole Inn, had a vigorous son, Joe, who, as he
approached young manhood, began to feel the stir of life
within him, and he longed for an opportunity to try his
wings. But Father John felt that the boy’s wings should
be clipped; that he himself should be ruler and Joe his
abject slave. The father received cordial support in his
educational philosophy from the loafers and vagabonds
who haunted the inn. On one occasion when a remark was
made in the presence of Joe, who ventured to reply, the
following scene occurred : —

“Silence, sir!” cried his father.

“What a chap you are, Joe!”’ said Long Parkes.

“ Such an inconsiderate lad!” murmured Tom Cobb.

“Putting himself forward, and wringing the very nose off his
own father’s face!” exclaimed the parish clerk metaphorically.

«What have I done?” reasoned Joe.

“Silence, sir!” returned his father ; “what do you mean by

1 The objection to the principle of training illustrated in this quotation
is that it keeps the child static. It fails to provide opportunity for him to
develop his social powers along right lines, while aiming to prevent him
from doing undesirable things. It will later be urged that the child must be
repressed in respect to some of his actions; but this does not mean that all
of his spontaneous tendencies should be negated. The sort of training indi-
cated in the quotation would be suitable in China, where the young are not
expected to break in any way with custom.
SOCIAL TRAINING BY SUPPRESSION 259

talking when you see people that are more than two or three times
your age sitting still and silent and not dreaming of saying a
word ?”

“Why, that’s the proper time for me to talk, isn’t it?” said
Joe rebelliously.

‘“‘The proper time, sir!” retorted his father, “the proper time ’s
no time.”

“ Ah, to be sure!” muttered Parkes, nodding gravely to the other
two, who nodded likewise, observing under their breaths that that
was the point.

“The proper time’s no time, sir! ” repeated John Willet ; “ when
I was your age I never talked, I never wanted to talk. I listened
and improved myself, that ’s what I did.”

“Tt’s all very fine talking,” muttered Joe, who had been fidget-
ing in his chair with divers uneasy gestures. “ But if you mean
to tell me that I am never to open my lips —”

“Silence, sir!” roared his father. “No, you never are. When
your opinion ’s wanted, you give it. When you’re spoke to, you
speak. When your opinion’s not wanted and you’re not spoke
to, don’t give an opinion and don’t you speak. The world’s un-
dergone a nice alteration since my time, certainly. My belief is
that there ain’t any boys left — that there is n’t such a thing as a
boy — that there ’s nothing now between a male baby and a man
—and that all the boys went out with his blessed majesty, King
George the Second.”

It seems reasonable to say that if Willett wanted to de-
velop in his son the slave’s attitude, he pursued the right
course to attain his end. Let it be repeated that social effi-
ciency develops only when effective expression occurs ; ef-
ficiency is a cumulative power, increasing through a long
course of experiment, wherein it is discovered that certain
lines of conduct will lead to success, while others will turn
out unfortunately. The suppressed child might become a good
follower, and so he would be well adapted to certain social
situations ; but he could never become a leader, or even an
equal ; and so he could hardly fill his proper place in Ameri-
can life. Of course, he must learn to restrain many of his im-
pulses ; this is the fundamental need in his education ; but
260 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

he can acquire this lesson effectively only by having actual
experience in observing the unhappy outcome when these
impulses are given free rein. Thus his initiative will not be
checked ; it will simply be guided into proper channels.'

The public school as it exists among us is, in theory at
any rate, well adapted to train pupils effectively in the fun-
he situa. Gamental social virtues. Quintilian, like many
tion in the : :
sublle another since his day, has pleaded strongly for
schools § public education, because the boy taught alone
never learns thoroughly either himself or his fellows. Now,
while the school undoubtedly does aid in social education,
as we shall see more in detail presently, still it seems to
achieve considerably less than it has set itself to attain. It
will be readily granted that the school, as we know it, does
accomplish something toward the development of such vir-
tues as industry, punctuality, and quietude; yet even these
qualities, so essential to social efficiency, are not always
gained in the school so that they can be employed in the most
serviceable way in real life.

Moreover, these virtues, taken in connection with all the
ideas, feelings, and tendencies that are essential for real effi-
ciency in social relationships, cannot be regarded as of pri-
mary importance. Fancy a man who possesses those formal
qualities but no others, — who can be silent when he is in
the presence of others, who can be punctual, who can keep
mechanically at any task that is set him, —if his social

1 Locke discusses the point involved here in the following manner: —

“Tf the Mind be eurb’d and humbled too much in childhood ; if their Spirits
be abash’d and broken much, by too strict an Hand over them, they lose all
their Vigor and Industry, and are in a worse State than the former. For ex-
travagant yonng Fellows, that have Liveliness and Spirit, come sometimes
to be set right, and so make able and great Men; but dejected Minds, timo-
rous and tame, and low Spirits, are hardly ever to be rais’d, and very seldom
attain toany Thing. To avoid the danger that is on either Hand, is the great
Art; and he that has found a Way how to keep up a Child’s Spirit easy, active,
and free, and yet at the same time to restrain him from many Things he has
a Mind to, and to draw him to Things that are uneasy to him; he, I say,

that knows how to reconcile these seeming Contradictions, has, in my Opin-
ion, got the true Secret of Education.” — Quick, Locke on Education, sec. 46.
THE SITUATION IN THE SCHOOL ._261 |

powers could be summed up in this list of virtues, would he
not be sadly out of tune among dynamic human beings? He
could win but little pleasure for himself in association with
his kind, and he probably could add but little to the plea-
sures of others. According to the writer’s observations, when
children trained in this way do come together in later years
they seem ill at ease with one another. They appear to be
timid, to be unduly inhibited; in short, to be out of their
element. Their faces are often sombre, and their manners
reserved and formal. When one gets an opportunity during
his formative period to have little but formal relations
with those about him, he cannot be expected to be original
and fresh and effective with them in maturity.

What is really the most serious phase of the matter, the
school with its fixed seats occupying all available space in
the room is still based largely upon the ideal of ,,. oa
social isolation, a point which Professor Dewey! school is
has emphasized strongly. In a school of this type ae
— happily they are not so popular to-day as they *tate plan
were a half century ago—each pupil is expected to pre-
pare his lessons by his own efforts, and recite without
codperation with his fellows, except as they may criticise
him for his shortcomings in respect to technical execution.
He is not encouraged to seek aid from his classmates or to
render them any if he is able so to do. He cannot commu-
nicate with any one while in the school, for this is contrary
to good government, although desire for communion is the
most urgent thing in the child’s being. It was pointed out
in the first chapter that children cannot normally enjoy
any discovery or achievement unless they can share it, or
unless some one is made aware of it and shows interest in
it, or at least learns of it. And, on the other hand, they
cannot be content unless they can participate in all the life
about them. Who that has lived with children has not
noticed how restless they are until they know what is being

1 See his School and Society, especially the first two chapters.
262 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

talked about in their presence, what is going to happen,
who has done this or that, where father is going, what is his
business, and so on ad libitum. While it is probable that
some check must be put upon this tendency, still it serves
a very useful end in the individual’s intellectual and social
development.! Even with the adolescent, as we have seen,
the desire for communion is exceedingly strong. The indi-
vidual must share his accomplishments with others; he
must tell the world what he has done, and learn what others
have done, too. If this impulse were not dominant in the
young soul, how could we have anything like society as we
now know it? It seems important, then, that the school
should not altogether suppress the tendency to communi-
cate, but should rather direct it so that it may not express
itself in illegitimate ways. Not prohibition, but guidance,
should be the teacher’s constant aim. It is only when his
communications are an annoyance or a hindrance to his
fellows, or when they prevent him from applying himself
to more important tasks, that the pupil should be urged to
restrain himself.

The fact that a number of children are gathered to-
gether in the same room does not insure that they will re-
ceive dynamic social training.” They may be spatially near

1 The general psychological principle involved here is discussed in the
author’s Education as Adjustment, chap. x.

2 “ A society,” says Professor Dewey (op. cit. pp. 27-82) “is a number of
people held together because they are working along common lines, in a
common spirit, and with reference to common aims. The radical reason that
the present school cannot organize itself as a social unit is because just this
element of common and productive activity is absent. In the schoolroom
the motive and the cement of the social organization are alike wanting.
Upon the ethical side, the tragic weakness of the present school is that it en-
deavors to prepare future members of the social order in a medium in which
the conditions of the social spirit are eminently wanting. The mere absorp-
tion of facts and truths is so exclusively individual an affair that it tends
very naturally to pass into selfishness. There is no obvious social motive
for the acquirement of mere learning, there is no clear social gain in suceess
thereat. Indeed, almost the only measure of success is a competitive one, in
the bad sense of that term, — a comparison of results in the recitation or in
the examination to see which child has succeeded in getting ahead of the
THE SITUATION IN THE SCHOOL 263

to one another without having vital social relations, except
that to be quiet when one is with others, and attend to
one’s own affairs, is of much importance for social efficiency.
Not to be distracted by the crowd is also a useful habit,
and this the average school tends to develop. But the real
nature of the individual does not manifest itself under a
régime of repression, where he works in vacuo, as it were,
at formal tasks, and so does not temper his will in contest
with that of his fellows in the effort to obtain goods which
all desire. Really, our methods of school organization and
management in considerable part have come down to us
from a time when education was thought to consist mainly
in the mastery of books. A teacher of the old faith would
often prefer to have pupils read about self-restraint than to
acquire it by actual experience in the classroom or on the
playground. Such teachers fail to appreciate that a system
of order which does not proceed largely, though not wholly,
from the self-guidance of pupils, in view of the results of
their action in adjusting themselves to one another and to
established authority, will not endure a severe test in the
world when pressure from without is removed. On the other
hand, to put the young child’s behavior wholly in his own
hands must result in chaos, for he cannot wisely utilize
such freedom, as we shall try to show at length in later
chapters.

The principle advocated above has been partially realized
in the kindergarten. Here there is less isolation of individ-

others in storing up, in accumulating the maximum of information. So
thoroughly is this the prevalent atmosphere that for one child to help an-
other in his task has become a school crime. Where the school work consists
simply in learning lessons, mutual assistance, instead of being the most
natural form of codperation and association, becomes a clandestine effort
to relieve one’s neighbor in his proper duties. Where active work is going
on, all this is changed. Helping others, instead of being a form of charity
which impoverishes the recipient, is simply an aid in setting free the powers
and furthering the impulses of the one helped. A spirit of free communi-
cation, of interchange of ideas, suggestions, results, both successes and fail-
ures of previous experiences, becomes the dominating note of the recitation.”
264 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

uals than in the grades beyond. It is the aim to make all
tthe prinat- activities codperative in large part, — to have the
ple partially children play and work together, and learn to
Ce give and to take, to receive benefits and to confer
garten them. The kindergartner, the wise kindergartner,
is simply the most experienced member of the group, who
brings her wisdom to the solution of the perplexing situa-
tions which arise in the surpassingly difficult task of chil-
dren acquiring the ability to live together in the spirit of
justice and peace. Such a kindergartner makes prominent
the social ideal in all conflicts, and she does not permit it
to be obscured by selfishness and passion. She helps her
children to discover in their daily adjustments what sort
of conduct will yield the largest results in promoting the
happiness of all.

It is doubtless true, though, that many kindergartners
have overestimated the capacity of the child to derive nour-
ishment from mere abstractions regarding social relations.
It is not dogmatic to say that the child of five cannot nor-
mally understand or profit by instruction regarding the
brotherhood of man, or the love of country, or divine love.
He is prepared to take only his first lessons, based on his
concrete experiences with his playmates, in the doctrine that
he must do unto others as he would be done by. His train-
ing will be profitable only as it concerns his direct relations
to those immediately about him. He cares nothing about
theoretical social conduct. It is to him a matter of indif-
ference whether he ought or ought not to love his country,
because his present adjustments do not involve that love in
any way. His social interests centre about his home, his
school, his street, and they go no further. To talk to him
much about these vast generalizations must result in doing
him injury in his later social development ; for he will grow
weary of it all, and when he ought to be hungering for it he
will have none of it. Most adults can recall how fruitless in
their religious life was the study of the old catechism, and
MORAL INSTRUCTION 265

how often it turned people against the very thing to which
it sought to win them, because it presented highly concen-
trated spiritual nutriment, for which their spiritual digestive
organs were not ready.

It has been implied throughout the discussion thus far
that social efficiency is not a simple thing to be learned from
books, or lectures, or discussions, though these ne ques-
may be made of service if they supplement rather Hono
than take the place of more fundamental methods struction
of training. However, it is natural for people to wish to find
some easy, definite, cut-and-dried way of attaining ends of
a complex character in the education of the child; but we
ought not to be led astray in our country by any such desire,
considering that we have the experience of older nations as
a warning to us in this regard. When men work out an
elaborate course in more or less formal instruction in con-
duct, they readily come to the conclusion that the moral
needs of the young will be properly cared for thereby, and
they abandon their efforts to solve the more difficult but
really vital problems of effective social training. “ We will
develop social efficiency in our special course, much as we
develop musical or artistic ability in special courses”; so
they reason. But the experiments of European countries in
teaching religion and morals! should show our American
people that this is largely a fallacious doctrine. But granting
that we give due attention to the prerequisites indicated in
the foregoing paragraphs, then we may profitably have some
specific instruction in respect to social attitudes which should
be required of every one. The official programme of topics
for the French schools is undoubtedly the best that has been
prepared in any country, and it includes all the subjects that
could be considered in our American schools, wherein reli-
gious instruction is prohibited. This programme (abridged)
follows : —

Infant section : ages 5 to 7 years. — Very simple talks mingled

1 See Farrington, The Primary Schools of France.
266 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

with all the exercises of the class and of recreation. Simple poems
explained and learned by heart; stories, songs. Special care by
the teacher in regard to children showing any defect in character
or any vicious tendency.

Primary section: ages7 to 9 years. — Familiar conversations,
readings (examples, precepts, parables). Practical exercises tend-
ing to moral activity in the class itself: 1. By observation of
individual character, the gentle correction of faults, and the de-
velopment of good qualities. 2. By the intelligent appreciation of
school discipline as a means of education. 3. By appeal to the feel-
ings and moral judgment of the child himself. 4. By the correc-
tion of vulgar notions, of prejudices, and of superstitions. 5. By
instruction drawn from facts observed by the pupils themselves.

Intermediate section: ages 9 to 11 years. — Familiar talks,
reading illustrative examples with comments, practical exercises
as in the elementary section, but with a little more method and
precision.

I. (@) The child in the family: Duties toward parents and
grandparents: Obedience, respect, love, recognition ; aiding par-
ents in their work, tending them in sickness, caring for them in
their old age.

Duties of brothers and sisters: Loving each other; watchful
care of the elder over the younger; effect of example.

Duties toward servants: To treat them with politeness and with
kindness.

(6) The child in the school: Earnestness, docility, industry,
civility. Duties toward the teacher. Duties toward comrades.

(c) The country: Grandeur and misfortune of France. Duties
toward the country and society.

II. Duties toward one’s self: Care of the body ; cleanliness,
sobriety, and temperance; dangers of drunkenness; gymnastics.

Use and care of property: Economy ; avoiding debts ; effects
of gambling, prodigality, avarice, ete.

The soul: Veracity and sincerity ; personal dignity and self-
respect ; modesty ; recognition of one’s own faults; evils of pride,
vanity, coquetry, frivolity; shame of ignorance and idleness;
courage in peril and misfortune; patience; personal initiative ;
evils of anger.

Regard for animals: Kindness toward; society their natural
protector.

Duties toward other men: Justice and charity; the Golden
MORAL INSTRUCTION 267

Rule; kindness, fraternity, tolerance, and respect for the beliefs
of others.

(Note. —In all these considerations the teacher should assume
the existence of conscience, of the moral law, and moral obliga-
tion. He should appeal to the feeling and the idea of duty and of
responsibility. He should not attempt to demonstrate these by
theoretical statements.)

III. Duties toward God. The teacher is not required to give a
course upon the nature and attributes of God. The instruction
which he is to give to all without distinction is limited to two points:
First, he teaches his pupils not to speak the name of God lightly.
He clearly associates in their minds with the idea of the First
Cause and of the Perfect Being asentiment of respect and of venera-
tion, the same as is sacaiated with these ideas under the different
aspects of their religious training.

Then, and without concerning himself with the prescriptions
special to the different religious beliefs, the teacher will strive to
have the child comprehend and feel that the first duty he owes to
divinity is obedience to the laws of God, as revealed to him in his
conscience and his reason.

Higher section: ages 11 to 13 years. — Exercises on ideas of
previous years continued and expounded ; special development of
social morality: 1. The family ; 2. Society, justice, the conditions
of all society ; solidarity, fraternity (alcoholism; its destruction
little by little of the social sentiments by destroying the power of
the will and the feeling of personal responsibility); development
of the idea of the native land; the duties of the citizen (obe-
dience to the laws, the military service, discipline, devotion,
fidelity to the flag) ; imposts (condemnation of fraud toward the
state) ; the ballot (it is a moral obligation; it ought to be free,
conscientious, disinterested, enlightened) ; rights corresponding
to these duties; Personal liberty, liberty of conscience, liberty in
respect to work, in respect to association; of the general secur-
ity of life and property ; the national sovereignty; explanation of
the republican motto, “ Liberty, equality, fraternity.”

Under each head of the course in social morals the teacher
should explain clearly, but without entering into metaphysical
discussions: (1) The difference between duty and interest, even
when they seem to be confounded with each other ; that is to say,
the imperative and disinterested nature of duty; (2) the dis-
tinction between the written and the moral law; the one fixes a
268 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

minimum of prescriptions that society imposes upon all its mem-
bers under definite penalties for violations of the same; the other
impeses upon each one in his secret conscience a duty which no
one obliges him to fulfill, but which he cannot neglect without the
sense of a wrong to himself and to God.'

A word may be added here regarding the general con-
ceptions which should govern us in discussing these topics
The method With children of different ages. In the first place,
moral mie it may be impressed through repetition that the
ciples child in the kindergarten and primary school can-
not possibly by any sort of instruction receive marked bene-
fit from a discussion of his duties to the state, for exam-
ple, since his experience has not made it possible for him
to conceive of the state in a definite way, and much less to
realize that he bears any vital relations to it. One may lis-
ten to lessons on patriotism given to young children, that
not only fail to accomplish any good, but may be of posi-
tive harm, since the continual talking about matters which
are not appreciated probably dulls the mind for their re-
ception when the individual should be ready for them. In
due season every pupil can be made to respond to instruc-
tion in civic duties, but not until he can at least glimpse
the unity of society, and the responsibilities and duties of
its members, considering that each is the recipient of many
favors conferred by society as a whole. When the broaden-
ing life of the individual enables him to feel these larger
relations, then, and not before, is the time to introduce
lessons relating thereto. Teachers are apt to assume that
because they themselves appreciate the organic character
of society, their pupils have the same conception, and can
profitably receive instruction in their civic duties. But the
average child of eight, say, has and can gain little if any
sense of the organic character of society, and the duties and
privileges of an individual. However, in due course, by the
age of twelve at any rate, it will be possible to develop this

1 See Report of Commissioner of Education, 1901, pp. 1124, 1125.
TEACHING MORAL PRINCIPLES 269

idea clearly in his thought, if he can begin with a very
simple community, and see the relations existing between
the people therein. Later he should trace how these rela-
tions change in certain respects as a community becomes
more and more complex. In this way only can he be made
to realize how completely his welfare depends upon the con-
duct of his fellows, and how his every act influences their
well-being.

The general principle in question should be worked out
alittle further. The instruction of pupils in the elementary
school must concern their immediate, every-day, tne pupit
concrete relations with their parents, their brothers ™¥sthe led

. i" 7 to see the
and sisters, their teachers, the servants, their play- sectal ne-

fellows, their schoolmates, the aged, the poor, the cae aan
unfortunate, and so on. If this instruction is made sda
in any way formal or conventional or perfunctory, him

it will miss the mark altogether; and this is the chief
danger when the average teacher attempts to give set les-
sons in morals. One may hear such lessons given in Euro-
pean schools where, as intimated above, the experiment is
being tried on a larger scale than with us, and an observer
is likely to feel often that no substantial good results there-
from. Unless a teacher is an expert in this delicate work,
he might better not attempt it at all. But if he can, with-
out any artificiality or assumed virtue, and through con-
crete study and skillful suggestion, lead his pupils to see how
they are dependent for practically everything they enjoy
upon the people with whom they come in contact, and how
vitally they affect others through their behavior, and so
what they ought to do and must do if all are to be made
most happy, then his instruction will probably take effect
for good. From first to last the teacher must found his
teaching upon a rational basis. He must guide his pupils to
see that there is a sound reason for every act that is de-
manded of them, whether positively in the performance of
altruistic and charitable and patriotic deeds, or negatively
270 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

in the suppression of acts that would operate against the
well-being of the whole. It may be urged again that our
children must be got to feel that all are members of one
body, and that no one liveth to himself alone ; every thought
and every act has social bearings, so that no one can do
‘« whatever he pleases,”” except to choose among those lines
of conduct that are in accord with social requirements. Of
course, the teacher will not attempt the broadest general-
izations in this field with young children; it will be time
enough to draw them with the senior class in the univer-
sity. But in every concrete act he discusses he must lead
his pupils to discern what ought to be done, because of the
influence of the act on the welfare of others.

If this method should be followed throughout the schools,
we might succeed in making our pupils social minded,
which is the great end to be kept constantly in view in
moral instruction. If when my pupil leaves my school I
shall have got him into the way of thinking and feeling of
himself as most intimately related in every thought and
deed to the people about him, individually and collectively ;
and if I shall have succeeded in developing in him an
appreciation of why certain modes of behavior have been
insisted upon by the race, and why moral conduct, in the
large if not in details, is absolutely essential for the per-
petuity of society, and so for the promotion of the well-
being of each individual,—if I can equip my pupil with
these ideas, and make them effective through appropriate
feelings, I shall have done the most I possibly can for him
in his moral instruction.

Now, this is what one misses in the moral instruction he
observes in many, at least, of the schools. The children
learn inan ex cathedra fashion how they should conduct them-
selves at table, say, or on the street, and the like; but they
do not see very clearly why courtesy and self-restraint and
similar virtues are absolutely essential. They are left with
the impression that they are expected to deport themselves
INSTRUCTION DURING ADOLESCENCE 271

in certain ways because it is the custom, or is more or less
arbitrarily demanded of them by their elders; but whether
the custom is rational and so just does not appear. Such
instruction fails to take a firm hold on either the intellect
or the feelings; and while some good may be accomplished
by it, still it is in considerable part fruitless.

Before closing this topic a word should be said regarding
special instruction during the critical period of adolescence.
Now is the time to make most prominent the rea- moral in-
sonableness of honor in all relations of life, and Ban gas
the necessity for altruism, heroism, patriotism, lescence
industry, and so on. The skillful teacher can lead any ado-
lescent pupil to see that those nations in which the funda-
mental moral attitudes are most prominent are the strongest,
the most progressive, and the happiest. It can also be made
evident that an individual cannot live either a happy or a suc-
cessful life who does not realize in his own conduct the moral
ideals of his times. The reasonableness of moral conduct
must be made especially prominent with the adolescent ;
and, too, his moral impulses must be enriched by an abun-
dance of literature in which the moral life is depicted in a
concrete, vivid, and attractive way. “We need to go care-
fully over all the world’s literature, and determine what is
most fruitful in moral suggestiveness for the adolescent.

Particular heed must, of course, be paid to the develop-
ment in the adolescent of sentiment for the opposite sex, and
the necessity of directing the attention away from primary
sex activities, through centring it on all the higher manifes-
tations of love, honor, and devotion. We must work in this
critical field almost wholly through suggestion; we must
keep the mind of youth filled with concrete types of purity,
genuineness, heroism, and chivalry of the highest kind, as
displayed in all the complex situations of daily life. This is
the sort of experience that will count for most in radiating,
refining, and idealizing the impulses pertaining to sex. We
cannot accomplish a great deal through explicit instruction
272 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

regarding the special morality of sex relations; indeed, such
instruction has been known to exert a morbid influence upon
hypersensitive adolescents. The most effective method of
control of wrong action in this field is by utilizing in moral
activities the energies which otherwise would nourish such
action. It is a question of the direction in which the forces
of the organism shall be expended. Mere prohibitive in-
struction, or even positive instruction which makes ideals
prominent, but which leaves the attention unoccupied, and
furnishes no strong incentives to wholesome conduct, must
prove ineffective in the main. In our country to-day there
is danger in some quarters of teachers resting content with
more or less formal lessons on the special problems of adoles-
cence, thinking that knowledge alone will inhibit undesir-
able conduct. Observation of the phenomena of daily life
should show any person how false is this doctrine.

Students of human nature in all times have urged the necessity of
education in developing social efficiency. The need for specific social
training arises out of the child’s inability to adapt himself
readily and effectively to the more vital phases of the social
environment into which he is born. The young child seems to be about
on a par with primitive man in his social attitudes ; and his education
must bring him into harmony with the customs, ideals, and institutions
of present-day society. Intense individualistic feelings and actions must
be brought under control, and coéperation must largely take the place
of original tendencies to opposition and aggression.

Educative experience in a variety of typical social situations is the
first requisite. Rules and precepts of social conduct without actual
social practice are of little educative value. In crucial moments habits,
motor tendencies, and not verbally memorized theories, determine the
individual’s conduct.

The only child in a family ordinarily does not have the give-and-take
experiences with his fellows necessary for the development of social
insight and a spirit of codperation, and hence he rarely becomes a really
efficient citizen and agreeable friend and neighbor. Hard knocks re-
sulting from concrete experience in social adjustment are essential to
effective learning of ethical and moral principles. Only through give
and take in social situations can the novice acquire either self-assertion
or self-restraint.

The present-day tendency among us is to give children larger oppor-
tunities for gaining helpful experience during the formative period.

Résumé
RESUME 273

The time for vital social education is before maturity is reached.
After adolescence the individual becomes relatively stable and non-
adaptive.

Mere gregariousness is not sufficient for social development. The
individual must have occasions to organize and reflect upon his expe-
rience in seclusion. The group tends to suppress individuality beyond a
given point. Nevertheless, the group grows in social efficiency through
contributions made by individuals who in certain respects are non-
conformists. The individual must gain suggestions for social adjust-
ment outside of the group, especially as development proceeds, — from
history, literature, art, science, and the like.

Social training must be dynamic ; statie methods cannot develop
social efficiency. In the effort to adopt dynamic methods, the tendency
to-day is toward substituting suggestion and direction for mere sup-
pression. At best, negation carried to the extreme can make of the
individual only a follower, never a leader.

The public school, as it exists among us, is of service mainly in the
development of certain social virtues of secondary importance, after
all, in effective social adjustment. The school is conducted largely on
the plan of social isolation. Communication, codperation, participation
are to a considerable extent eliminated. The organization and manage-
ment of the school should be based primarily on the principle of self-
guidance.

The ideal in social training is partly realized in the kindergarten.
The aim here is to have children learn, through give-and-take relations
with associates, what sort of conduct will best promote the happiness
of all.

Specific instruction in morality can only supplement the prerequisite
of vital social experience. The child in the kindergarten and primary
school cannot receive much benefit from the discussion’ of civic duties,
say. Not until his broadening life enables him to feel these larger re-
lations is he prepared for the reception of civic ideas. For young chil-
dren there must be no formal, conventional lessons in morals ; such
lessons must be based on and grow out of the children’s concrete
social experience.

The child must be led to see the reason for every act, positive or
negative, demanded of him. Pupils should be made to appreciate that
all are members of one body. The reasonableness of moral laws must
be made especially prominent for the adolescent. His moral impulses
must be quickened and enriched by the best literature depicting moral
life in a concrete and attractive way. The mind of the youth should
be kept filled with concrete types of purity, genuineness, heroism, and
chivalry of the highest kind. Not prohibition nor even positive instruc-
tion, but rather keeping the attention occupied in the right way, is the
thing of prime importance at this time.
CHAPTER XII
THE CRITICAL PERIOD

THE tendency of grown people to deal with an infant in the
light of their own adult experiences is indicated, among other
he intant’s W2YS, by the significance they attach to his expres-
reactions sions of dissatisfaction with the course of events
ae in his daily life. The mother is always sorely af-
vironment flicted whenever she is herself moved to tears, and
she instinctively feels that the same must be true of her
child. Most of us think we should, as a rule, do everything
in our power to give comfort to an adult in distress, and we
tend, more or less subconsciously, to treat the infant in a
similar manner whenever he shows signs of discomfort. It
is quite disturbing to many adults, particularly those who
are relieved from a life of hard, crude labor in the struggle
for physical existence, to hear a babe crying, for they feel it
must be suffering severely ; and they will go to great lengths
to ease his burdens whenever he utters a note of disquietude.
Governesses will fly to his cradle, and respond to his lamen-
tations with soothing tones and caresses, no matter what
may be the cause of his protestations. In a large proportion
of modern urban homes, a woman is engaged to give herself
wholly to the service of the child, and she must be ever
ready to do his bidding. It is important for the reader to
appreciate that it is not the duty of this caretaker to train
the child so much as to serve him. Unhappily, as we have
already seen in preceding chapters, the child will normally
take undue advantage of those whom he can command, —
not purposefully, or maliciously, of course, but instinctively.
Elsewhere it has been intimated that every child is a bully
by birth; which means that it is his ambition to secure all
desirable things and privileges for himself, without due re-
THE CHILD'S METHOD OF COERCION 275°

gard for the feelings and rights of others. The child is, not
reflectively but impulsively, an egoist, using this term in the
popular sense. He is not “to blame” for his selfishness ; he
is simply constructed so that he struggles incessantly to add
to his own pleasures, and he makes use of every one who,
as he thinks, can help him to attain his ends.

The child is adept in the employment of effective artifices
to induce others to serve him. Few mothers or nurses in
present-day urban life, when the sensibilities have rhe onid as
become so acute, can long resist the squalling of Sere
a vigorous and “determined” child. Sooner or caretakers
later, if he be persevering, his caretakers will yield to his
entreaties. An angry, or even a “spunky” child, who ex-
presses his feeling vocally, is very trying to the nerves of
most adults in these days, except people with rather primi-
tive susceptibilities ; and it is instructive to observe the effect
upon his trainers of this forceful method of coercion. Many
children, making their first trials in intimidation, manifest
a persistency in their efforts, and a mastery of a wide range
of coercive measures in the face of an obstinate environment,

‘which, viewed from one standpoint, are worthy of great ad-
miration. Even the untaught and inexperienced child is a
real expert in the art of teasing for what he wishes. Nature
has equipped him with means for practicing this mode of
compulsion, which give him extraordinary power in influ-
encing the people who determine his welfare. There is a
subtle force in an indefatigable child’s importuning, which
strikes into the vitals of the hesitating adult; and if the
latter does not put an end to the teasing without delay, the
chances are he will capitulate if the siege is long continued.

In saying that the child’s squalling is insignificant, it is
not intended to imply that it is not of service in arousing
those who hear it, and enlisting their sympathy ; but it does
not necessarily denote that the child is in real need. Doubt-
less the instinct to cry upon slight provocation is a more or
less rudimentary trait, lasting over from a time when there
276 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

were not so many incitements to the child’s curiosity and
desire for novel experience as there are in modern complex
society. When life consisted mainly in a struggle for physical
survival, and the child’s wants were confined to the securing
of food and protection from physical pain, then his crying
might have been properly adjusted to his actual necessities ;
— it might have been truly significant. Further, in primi-
tive life adults are not so sensitive to the needs of the young
as they are in modern society, so that in those times it re-
quired more vigorous and frequent appeals from the child
to stimulate his caretakers to give him proper attention than
it requires in modern society. Under present-day conditions,
then, when adults have more leisure than of old, and have
become highly sensitized to expressions of pain or desire in
any form, the child’s demonstrations, suited to other times,
tend normally to produce reactions out of all proportion to
their importance. And here appears one of the most serious
problems in social education ; in a highly responsive society
the sympathies (and also the irritations) of adults are likely
to be too easily aroused by the young in many of their ex-
pressions. In simple terms, the young child wants every-
thing he sees, and the tendency of the adult (not all adults,
but the type increases in numbers as the race develops) is
to yield to him so that he may not be “ unhappy,” or so that
he may cease his persecution.

It is unquestionably within reason to say that back of
much of the untrained child’s squalling there is nothing at
Misinter- all serious, of either a physical or a mental charac-
Pretaticnof ter. In the case of an adult there is normally a
expression very complex inhibiting mechanism, established
by experience and formal education, against the shedding
of tears, and he must feel deep and distressing emotion or
keen physical pain in order that the “ floodgates of the
soul” may be opened. But in the young child there are
none of these subjective restraints ; all he knows is to “ let

”

go”’ upon slight disagreeable stimulation, usually an ex-
\

DEVELOPING COERCIVE ‘TENDENCIES 277

pression of appeal, protest, or disapproval. The crying pro-
cess in the infant is all ready to be touched off at any
moment by any sort of unfavorable experience. It is toa
large extent a reflex, and therefore practically an unmeaning
affair, though it may stir up unhappy emotions in the child
if it be allowed to continue for an indefinite period.

It should be evident that the child who continually suc-
ceeds in his pleading and .coercing is a subject for pity
rather than congratulation. As his range of con- sow the
tact and activity enlarges, his desires increase, of child is -
course; and not having experienced limitations to Is coercive
his demands, he feels that every one must serve ‘#enoles
him. He has not learned to serve himself, and so he has
not become resourceful or self-reliant. His nurse and mother
and governess have ministered to his needs constantly ; and
why should not all persons do the same? So the child who
has always “had his own way” anticipates that he will
always have it in the future. This is a simple but vastly
important principle of human nature; what has been char-
acteristic of one’s experience in the past will be expected
to continue to be characteristic of it in the future. If any
adult is obstinate or negligent, a “tantrum ” will bring him
to time. Tantrums come “ naturally” to children; but they
are not apt to endure long unless the actor finds that they
take well. The child is just an experimenter with methods
of gaining his egoistic ends; and whatever will bring the
desired result most speedily and effectively is the thing to
practice most frequently, of course. This is based upon a
perfectly normal and fundamental principle of human na-
ture, which determines our activities at every period of
life.

Experience and theory alike indorse the proposition that
a child of five, say, will not normally fly into a passion
whenever he is opposed in his designs unless he has been
from his earliest months encouraged (not intentionally, of
course, but nevertheless effectually) in this method of ren-
278 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

dering the people about him amenable to his control. When
the child is learning how he must adjust himself to people,
and what is the most effective way of rendering them sub-
missive, he discovers, let us say, that if he throws himself
angrily on the floor and screams at the top of his voice when
his mother resists his importunities, the latter will in due
course relent, and do whatever he commands. Now, it is
entirely “natural” that he should resort to this method of
coercion whenever he is resisted by any one. Nature bids
him to get what he wants, and to be keen in detecting the
best method of accomplishing his ends.

In modern social life the display of rage, as just mentioned,
is especially prominent, since we are passing through an era
of child training by governesses. In the great majority of
cases of angry conflict between a child and his governess,
the mother will be disturbed when she hears screaming in
the house, and she will come to the rescue of the little
rebel. Thus the bullying tendency is deepened in the child,
and it is not long before it extends to persons outside the
nursery. Let any inexperienced person study the régime of
a present-day nursery, and note how frequently a youngster
may be heard saying to his nurse or mother, “ If you don’t
give it to me, I’ll yell,” or “I'll kick the floor,” or “Ill
not eat my supper,” and so on ad libitum. If social life
were more simple than it is, so that the child might desire
but relatively few things, this bullying attitude of his might
not be a serious disadvantage to him or to his associates ;
but it is otherwise with most of the children whom we
must train. If the individual does not learn early to be
satisfied with some small portion of the vast variety of ob-
jects in his environment, he can scarcely escape constant
conflict with those who attempt to train him. Moreover,
his own nervous energy will be wholly inadequate to sustain
him in all his demands, unless he discovers early that he
must restrain himself in his acquisitive passion. Ill-trained
children in modern urban communities are to a considerable
INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES 279

extent in a condition of nervous overstrain;! their lives are
pitched in too high a key, in the sense that they are called
upon to respond to a complexity of stimulation quite beyond
their energies. They do not sufficiently feel the checks to
desire and its gratification which alone can keep response
within the bounds set by the normal supply of vital force.

While all children find it easy to practice the arts of
compulsion as indicated above, yet some employ them more
persistently and effectively than others. Two jasianai
brothers, apparently trained in exactly the same ‘ifterences

: : : - inthe non-
way, may be cited to illustrate different types in conforming
this respect. One, J., adapts himself quite readily “seston
to the people about him. The primitive impulse to “have
his own way ”’ is in him, but it does not assert itself with
great rigor on all occasions against the action of father,
mother, teacher, and companions. This boy will often
accept suggestions without much protest, and he will not
lose himself in a rage if his demands are not always acceded
to. J. “teases” to a certain extent when those in authority
refuse his requests, but he does not often keep at it for
a long period until he irritates all who may be near him
and becomes fatigued himself. It is comparatively easy for
him to abandon any particular thing he desires and become
satisfied with a substitute.

But it is very different with the second boy, H. He must
have his own way on all occasions, or he will make things
“warm” for everybody within reach. When he is blocked
in the attainment of his desires his vocal, facial, and bodily
expressions all reveal intense feeling of resentment, and he
remains in this attitude until he either attains his ends or
becomes utterly fatigued. As a consequence he has, up
until his ninth year, bullied most of those appointed to
exercise authority over him. It is probable that as a matter
of natural endowment his primitive aggressive and non-

1 The author has discussed this matter in detail in his Dynamic Factors in
Education, Part II.
280 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

conforming tendencies are more persistent and urgent than
in the case of his brother; but, in addition, his traiing
has been well calculated to develop whatever he may have
inherited in this respect. He was especially attractive as
a baby, and this characteristic insured him indulgence in
his aggressions, which would not have been tolerated in a
child of less esthetic mould.

It is in some respects a disadvantage to the practice of
a rational educational régime in modern society that the
The chita’s YOung child is so winsome as he usually is. If he
winsome- did not appeal so strongly to adults they would
ness often s 4 = :
adisadvan- not so readily yield to his coercion, and it would
oe doubtless in the majority of cases be better for
him in the end.1_ Most grown persons seem to find a cer-
tain amount of pleasure in observing an infant assert
himself; they apparently think it is quite a joke that a
tiny thing should show so much spirit, and thus they un-
wittingly encourage his rebellious and bullying attitudes
by rewarding him with their smiles when he aggresses in
any way upon those about him, or resists the imposition of
authority. Of course, no physical harm can come to any
one from the child’s aggressions during the first two or
three years, when he is helpless; but when he reaches the
age of eight or nine, an altogether different situation arises.
He may proceed at ten on exactly the same principle as he
did at two; but instead of his expressions being received
with smiles they are now returned with blows, because he

1 “Those therefore that intend ever to govern their Children, should
begin whilst they are very little, and look that they perfectly comply with
the Will of their Parents. Would you have your Son obedient to you when
past a Child; be sure then to establish the Authority of a Father as soon as
he is capable of Submission, and can understand in whose Power he is. If
you would have him stand in awe of you, imprint it in his Infancy; and as
he approaches more to a Man admit him nearer to your Familiarity ; so shall
you have him your obedient Subject (as is fit) whilst he is a Child, and
your affectionate Friend when he is a Man. For methinks they mightily
misplace the Treatment due to their Children, who are indulgent and
familiar when they are little, but severe to them and keep them at a dis-
tance when they are grown up.” — Locke, Education (Quick), sec. 40.
THE REAL PROBLEM OF HOME TRAINING 281

seriously interferes with the privileges and pleasures of
others. Herein appears the real problem. of child training
in the majority of American homes. The child tends to
acquire certain attitudes toward his social environment
during the first two years of his life that he cannot possibly
continue during his maturity, without incessant storm and
stress for himself and his associates, and especially his
trainers. As he grows older the parent, the teacher, and
the community are in frequent conflict with him in the
effort to resist his predatory ambitions, or to undo what
was more or less thoughtlessly, but nevertheless thoroughly,
established in the beginning.

Does this mean that the child for his own good should
be dealt with severely during his early years? It has been
already said that a child normally exhibits social and desir-
able as well as anti-social and undesirable traits ; and if his
trainers should from the start reward the former with their
caresses, while manifesting in an explicit manner displea-
sure at the latter, he would be aided in learning rightly to
appraise different kinds of actions. The only way a child
can discover that certain sorts of conduct are wrong is that
they are effectively resented by the people about him. He
sees that they turn out ill for him, so they must be abandoned.

It seems apparent that, speaking generally, a child will
be far happier in the end if he is from the beginning resisted
in his wrong-doing, rather than if he is allowed, gyrruity
for the sake of immediate peace, to continue in his sresntlat
erring ways. A child has a right to be brought up or aclaL
under a vigorous régime, in which a clear line of beng
demarcation is made between what is good and to be indulged,
and what is evil and to be avoided. Children who develop
under such a regimen are unquestionably much happier than
those who are trained under a system in which there is no
explicit distinction between actions of varying values. In
speaking in this manner it is not intended to attach great
value to the direct prohibition of wrong action, and espe-
282 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

cially not the suppression of spontaneity in the attempt thus
to prevent wrong conduct by placing a penalty on action of
every sort. Certainly the best results in training will be
obtained if chief stress is laid upon desirable conduct, a
point which requires a separate chapter for its proper con-
sideration. But it may be said here that we must encourage
the child in every way we can in the performance of social
actions. We must endeavor to make right conduct attractive,
so that it will claim his attention and determine the flow of
his energy. That is to say, the method of training must be
positive, not negative to any considerable extent ; though it
probably is impossible to avoid a minimum amount of con-
flict with the average child who is expressing himself in all
directions, and whose impulses will be urgent in wrong as
in right directions, until the energy which supports them is
drafted into other channels, according to processes sketched
elsewhere.

Of the classic writers on Education, Locke more than any
other believed in the prophylactic value of resistance to the
child’s aggressive and coercive tendencies in the early years,
until he acquired the attitude of ready submission to the
will of parent or teacher or other person in authority. We
may glance at his view here, with indorsement of the essential
principle involved, though we shall later bring the principle
of positive education into greater prominence than Locke
has done. He goes on to say? of the training of children : —

A Compliance and Suppleness of their Wills, being by a steady
Hand introdue’d by Parents, before Children have Memories to
retain the Beginnings of it, will seem natural to them, and work
afterwards in them, as if it were so, preventing all Occasions of
struggling or repining. The only care is, that it be begun early,

1 The present writer, in his Dynamic Factors in Education, Part I, has
discussed at length the active nature and needs of childhood and youth, and
the absolute necessity of providing opportunities for the indulgence of their
dynamic tendencies, so that he does not fear that he will justly be accused of
urging a mere static, prohibitive system of training.

2 Locke, Education (Quick), p. 29.
NEW PROBLEMS IN SOCIAL TRAINING 283

and inflexibly kept to ’till Awe and Respect be grown familiar,
and there appears not the least Reluctancy in the Submission and
ready Obedience of their Minds. When the Reverence is thus
once established (which it must be early, or else it will cost Pains
and Blows to recover it, and the more the longer it is deferr’d),
*tis by it, still mixed with as much indulgence as they make not an
ill use of, and not by Beating, Chiding, or other servile Punish-
ments, they are for the future to be govern’d as they grow up to
more Understanding.

It has already been intimated that there are conditions
in modern life which render the carrying out of these prin-
ciples exceptionally difficult. To begin with, the y.¥ umes
demands upon the time and energy of women, in bring new

eye . problems in
urban communities especially, have become so soctal train-
pressing that some mothers are compelled to place ™@
their children’s training in the hands of a hired substitute,
while other mothers have no choice but to turn their off-
spring on to the street. Leaving aside for the present the
problem of social training on the street, we may take up
again the question of the function of the governess in social
education. It is not too much to say that we are, in our
cities at any rate, going extensively into the business of
rearing governess-bred children. Doubtless in some respects
this is of advantage in social training ; the governess often
relieves the mother so that she may touch the social life
outside, and bring its lessons back to her children. But
this régime has serious limitations. In the unsympathetic,
mechanical, resourceless governess the young will have
an uninspiring taskmaster, and such an one will develop
antagonistic impulses in her charges. The children in The
Golden Age, The Would-Be-Goods, The Treasure Seek-
ers, and similar accounts of normal child-life, are continu-
ally expressing the antipathy they feel for this sort of
person, and they are ever plotting to resist her authority.
Is not this a good introduction to resistance, or at least in-
difference, to the established order in society later on?

But there is another type of governess, one who goes to
284 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

extremes in kindness, — sentimentalism is a more appro-
priate term. She will do everything for a child that he may
not become offended at her. She will bear all insults from
him; she will endure all bullying; in short, she will be his
obedient servant on all occasions. She will be inclined to
coax and pet and flatter him, and this will lead the young
autocrat to assume a wrong attitude toward people in gen-
eral; for it is inevitable that the child who acquires the
habit of browbeating his governess will try to make his
methods work with every one else. The interest of the gov-
erness in the child is really for the moment, not for eter-
nity; she desires things to move on to-day with as little
friction as possible, and thus she develops friction, as it
were, for the morrow. Herein lies the chief source of mis-
chief in all training by those whose responsibility is for the
hour only. They do not keep in view the whole span of
the individual’s life, and so they do not take into account
the remote effects of their methods.

Then, when the authority to settle finally questions of
conduct is located in some person other than the one who
habitually deals with a.child, there is certain to be trouble
ahead. The tendency of the child when resisted is always to
pull away from the person who is dealing with him, and
petition higher powers to protect him or to aid him in his
resistance or aggression. As intimated elsewhere, a parent
who comes upon a scene of conflict between a child and his
trainer will usually sympathize with the former. It is, of
course, a matter of instinctive response mainly; reflection
generally plays no part in such a situation. Adults tend to
side with the weaker individual in any contest ; and then the
child is so demonstrative in his expressions, while the trainer
is comparatively calm and inexpressive, that the bystander
can with difficulty avoid feeling that the former must be the
aggrieved individual. In modern society adult sentiments
are exceedingly responsive to tears and other expressions of
discomfort, and in a more or less irrational way we take the
THE FINAL AUTHORITY 285

part of the rebellious or aggressive child as against his
trainer, provided we come on the scene when the conflict
is in progress, and do not appreciate all the circumstances
leading up to it.

So it is well-nigh impossible to secure effective social
education where the person who is charged with the care of
children does not feel absolutely free to deal with them in
the manner required to develop in them respect for and
ready compliance with social law. The trainer must feel that
he has final authority ; that there can be no appeal; and the
child must realize this, so that he will not be in a resistant
attitude, thinking he can gain the assistance of some one
higher up. When the parent, or principal of a school either,
delegates the training to a governess or a teacher, and then
reserves for himself the right of enforcement of rules of
conduct when there is conflict, only disharmony and ineffi-
ciency can ensue. One who puts the education of his chil-
dren in the hands of another must refuse absolutely to
interfere for the time being; in no other way can teacher
and pupil be put into the right attitude toward one another,
so that the latter may grow in ready observance of social
regulations, expressed or implied ‘in his daily adjustments.

On account of its importance the principle under discus-
sion is worthy of much emphasis, and so we may look at it
from another standpoint. The presence about the pispersea
child of many adults who claim some rights in his oxgerszood
training renders it difficult to deal with him effect- ote oa
ively, because of the sentimental attitudes of mere sible
onlookers in cases of conflict. Here arises a situation, let us
say, where a teacher thinks a pupil needs to be disciplined.
A bystander who has not participated in the events from
the start is not likely to have any of the feelings appropriate
to the occasion. If the child now be penalized in any way,
and if he appeals to this third person, the latter’s sympathies
will be stirred, and he can hardly prevent expressing them
in the child’s favor. So the latter becomes confirmed in the
286 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

notion that he has been unjustly treated, and thus all the
virtue of his discipline has been lost. Unless the entire
social environment interprets the moral law in any situation
in the same way without hesitancy or qualification, the child
cannot gain the idea of its rightfulness and inevitableness,
which is essential for healthful social development. Unhap-
pily this principle is frequently not observed in either the
home or the sehool.

In this connection it may be pointed out that children are
really happier and receive better training when the adults
about them are at work, and they are themselves at play,
than when persons are specially provided to serve and to
entertain them. In popular terms a child’s nature will not
endure being entertained without being spoiled. Adults may
plan a course of action for the child; they may give him
materials to work with; but then they must retire and let
things work themselves out. There is no doubting the fact
that a mother doing her own work with a half-dozen chil-
dren about her often gives them more effective social lessons
than does she who has but one child, but who keeps a retinue
of servants to attend to his “needs,” as though he had any
real need but opportunity to do for himself. A child can
hardly learn obedience readily from people paid to teach it
to him asa matter of principle. The only justification for
obedience, and the only consideration which makes lessons
in obedience really effective, is that the necessary work of
the home or school may be accomplished without unneces-
sary disturbance to any one. But if there is no work being
done by those who deal with the child he will be governed
accordingly, though he may for a time, for prudential rea-
sons, conform outwardly to rules and regulations, the neces-
sity for which is never deeply impressed upon him.

This will be the best place, perhaps, in which to speak
of the general attitude of the home and the school toward
the child. It is becoming fashionable in educational circles
to say that the school should be modeled after the home.
THE HOME AND THE SCHOOL 287

“The teacher should be a mother to her pupils” is a popu-
lar sentiment of the hour. Doubtless this senti- istews
ment is at bottom a wholesome one; it stirs in andthe
teachers the kindlier feelings toward their chil- °°"
dren, and inclines them to take the point of view of the indi-
vidual child. In an older day the teacher was perhaps too
remote from his pupils; he sometimes thought it was his
mission to terrorize and coerce them, rather than to win and
to guide them. The lines of pupils have apparently fallen in
pleasanter places in these times; but is there any danger of
the modern school losing some of those characteristics which
in the past differentiated it from the home, and made it more
or less impressive to the pupil? The home is an effective
educational agency only in a quite restricted sense. Children
in the homé are not disposed to apply themselves to the
larger social tasks except in a very general way. Much of
what they gain in ‘the home is likely to be of immediate
value only ; they are not on the whole in an assimilative
attitude toward a large part of that which will be of ser-
vice in the complex situations of mature life. Children who
are taught to read, write, spell, and cipher in their homes
have to be literally driven to their tasks. The environment
of the home strongly urges the child to more general and
lively activities than areinvolved in mastering much of what
the school must put him in possession of. Try to imagine
a mother of forty children teaching them in the, home all
the detailed knowledge and art which they must acquire in
order to adjust themselves effectively to modern complex
life. Most mothers have their hands more than full when
they attempt to teach even one child. And the chief diffi-
culty is that the child’s attitudes toward his mother and
everything in his home have in a measure unfitted him for
the sort of effort demanded of him in mastering a large
part of what the school must teach.

When the child goes to school he must, as a matter of
fact, assume a somewhat different attitude toward the life
288 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

there from that which he has assumed toward the activities
of the street and the home, so that for the time his extra-
school interests may be suppressed, and he may put himself
in a docile frame of mind toward the interests and activi-
ties of the school. In the home the child is more or less of
a boss, in a good sense; that is to say, he is striving con-
stantly to carry out his own plans, and make his conceptions
potent in the world. But in the school he must be more of
a learner; he must respect the teacher, and keep himself
always in an assimilative relation toward her. So she must
seem a trifle remote from him, and the whole life of the school
must tend to awaken a feeling of high regard in him. It
must not seem too familiar, or ordinary. There must be
some impressive ceremony in the school, so that the child
may feel that it is distinguished from all his outside life.
This sort of thing can be carried too far; butit is a serious
mistake to have none of it. When one seeks to develop a
respect for anything, he must remove it a little from the
merely ordinary; even adults are influenced in their atti-
tudes toward institutions by a certain amount of appropriate
ceremony. This is one reason why there is pomp and cere-
mony in every community at_ commencement season, and pro-
perly so. Young children are particularly in need of visible
signs which suggest greatness and worth, to give dignity
and significance to the things they must assimilate. So
while making the school like the home in the matter of its
regard for the individual child’s nature and needs, we must
nevertheless differentiate it from the home, and make it of
such a character that the moment the child comes under its
influence he will spontaneously assume a docile attitude to-
ward all its activities.

Our discussion has led us inevitably to the question, what,
mruesym- “ter all, is true sympathy for childhood? This
pathy for term appears to be used more frequently than any
onlidhood other in present-day educational speech and writ-
ing. Parents and teachers are constantly exhorted to be
TRUE SYMPATHY FOR CHILDHOOD 289

sympathetic with their charges; sympathy, we are told, is
the essential requisite in child training, alike in the home and
in the school. Without it all one’s instruction falls upon
arid soil, and the instructor becomes as sounding brass and
a tinkling cymbal. We hear it said that childhood must be
loved and nurtured ; it must be soothed in its troubles, and
aided in every way to carry forward its own enterprises.
Froebel, more than any one else perhaps, has been instru-
mental in developing our modern respect and even rever-
ence for child-life. Dickens should doubtless be next men-
tioned; and then follows a long list, — Montaigne, Locke,
Rousseau, Pestalozzi, Spencer, and a vast number of con-
temporary men and women. Asa result of the labors of these
great teachers, childhood is no longer regarded as a prepar-
atory period in life, as an epoch of mere helplessness and im-
maturity, to be passed over as speedily as possible. The child
is not simply getting ready to live; he is living in as real
and vital a sense as he ever will live. His thoughts and feel-
ings, his desires and ambitions, his doubts and beliefs, —
all are entitled to equal consideration with those of the adult.
They must not be ignored as things of mere transitory value,
nor should we attempt to supplant them by the views and
ideals and feelings of maturity. It is this consciousness, so
marked in our own day, of the importance of the period of
childhood, together with the growing refinement in feeling
and sensitiveness to pain, that has given rise to our present
belief that sympathy is the most necessary quality in the
teacher and the parent.

And what do people have in mind when they speak of a
sympathetic attitude toward the young? Not so much in-
sight into the tendencies and needs of a developing being as
a willigness to serve him, to “make him happy,” to assist
him in attaining his childish desires. Sympathy in the large
sense may mean an appreciation of another’s point of view,
and an understanding of the motives lying back of hisactions,
without simulating all his pains and pleasures; or it may
299 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

mean simply the sharing of another’s joys and sorrows a8
outwardly revealed. It is in this latter sense that many
teachers and parents are to-day striving to be sympathetic.
One may go into homes and schools where he can see the
child as the central figure, himself determining largely the
trend of events; while the adults are taking their cue from
him, keeping always a “ sympathetic” attitude toward him,
rejoicing with him in his successes, praising him for his
achievements, and lamenting with him in his failures. Such
adults conceive that the child is happiest and gets the most
out of life when he plays the leading rile all the time, and
when they follow on behind, aiming to augment his pleasures
and to diminish his pains hy participating in all of them
with him.

It seems highly probable that this view of sympathy, and
the practice of it in home and school, is likely to be the
Leadership C2USe of some harm in modern education. In the
iswhatis light of all that has gone before, it may here be said
nee aa more or less dogmatically that what the child needs
school above all else from his parent and teacher is lead-
ership. The happy and the fortuuate child of any age is
the one who is much of the time at least in the presence of
leaders, not followers or flatterers. The child does not crave,
nor does he need, sentimental sympathy, if one may so speak.
Observe the persons whom chiidren, old or young, most en-
joy ; whom they choose as companions. They are always those
who can show them how to do things, who can help them
to achieve tasks, and not simply make a demonstration over
them when they succeed upon their own initiative. Children
do not enjoy most those who tend to pet them and caress
them and gush over them; they prefer those who can per-
form feats with them and who can teach them new tricks.
Even the infant appraises doing above fondling, and he
will select as his favorite out of all those in his environment
the one who can help him best to see and to handle the world
around him. The young child does not evalute highly affec-
LEADERSHIP IN HOME AND SCHOOL 291

tion which expends itself in mere personal expression, no
matter how ardent or demonstrative it may be. Indeed, he
is often annoyed by such expressions. Of course, we all wish
our associates to appreciate our attainments ; but we care rela-
tively little for the appreciation of those who lack skill and
leadership themselves. The boy wants the approval of the
man who can do things himself, — who can pitch a curved
ball, or sprint a half mile in record time, or hit the bull’s-
eye, or do with skill and efficiency anything else in which
the boy is interested. Children of all ages admire power,
capacity, skill, courage, leadership, and they will give their
allegiance to one who possesses these traits.

The principle applies in the schoolroom as well as outside.
The pupil is not much influenced by mere sentimentality in
his teacher. He really does not care for lamentations over
his misfortunes; what he wants is to be shown a way to
avoid them in the future. He may not be the best teacher
of algebra, say, who feeds with and for his pupils most;
they are not seeking for personal expression of any sort.
They are searching for light, and he who can most skill-
fully turn their eyes toward it is the one who has real
sympathy for them. True sympathy in a teacher does not
exhaust itself in feeling; it seeks to help the pupil to
overcome his difficulties most effectually and economically.
Again, it does not concern itself too much with the pupil’s
transient emotional states; rather it studies his problems
and shows him how to solve them most readily.

Recently a teacher was observed endeavoring to lead a
child into a mastery of the art of arts. He had his trials,
as all pupils have; but his own estimate of his difficulties
was augmented by the teacher’s “sympathetic” expressions.
She had little skill in helping the novice over the obstacles
in his path, and as a consequence of her over-active emotions
he was losing rather than gaining ground. The pupil had
no deep affection for his teacher, because she was not aid-
ing him in a strong way to solve his problems. This teacher
292 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

should have thought more about acquiring insight and power,
and less about being sympathetic in a sentimental sense.
Indeed, such terms as strength, capability, mastery need
to be made more prominent in present-day educational talk
and writing; we have too much emphasized mere feeling
without skill and leadership.

The point to be impressed is that at every period of life
an individual is struggling to achieve things beyond his
present attainments. Hach age has its characteristic ideals ;
but whatever these may be, the individual is always striving
forward and upward. And the people who influence him
deeply, and whom he likes, are those who can help him to
get what he is after. Sooner or later he will come to de-
spise those who simply dance to his music, or who are too
anxious about the state of his feeling. Even if a man is
outwardly more or less rough and indifferent to our pecul-
jar experiences, we still attach ourselves to him if he can
tell us how to surmount our difficulties, and get a firmer
grip on the world. Even children in school do not have
high respect for the teacher who permits his feelings to
make him.“ easy”; they realize that the man who will do
them the most good is the one who will hold them up to
their best efforts. We wish our teachers to strengthen our
own weak wills, and fortify our resolutions, else we must
fall by the wayside. Our teachers must keep their eyes on.
the goal to be attained rather than on us, taking undue
account of our every mood. A surgeon who would listen to
his patient’s tales of woe, and whose feelings would be
much influenced thereby, would not be of great service in
alleviating human misery. He must rather keep in view the
end to be achieved, and move steadily toward it in the most
effective manner. The principle applies as well to the teacher
and to the parent.

What has been said is not to be interpreted as excluding
feeling from the schoolroom ; far from it. But feeling must
be subordinated to insight and power and leadership. Given
RESUME 293

these latter qualities in the teacher, there will be little dan-
ger that sentiment will become too active; but lacking
these qualities, an excess of emotion will do more harm than
good in the social training of the child.

Most adults are inclined to interpret the expressions of infants in the
light of their own experience, which usually results more or less disas-
trously in the social training of the individual. The child is
an expert in the art of teasing. The cry in infancy is mostly
reflex ; it is a rudimentary trait, lasting over from the time when the
struggle for physical survival was the dominant thing in life. In mod-
ern society the child’s demonstrations tend normally to produce reac-
tions on the part of adults out of all proportion to their importance.

The bullying tendency, inborn in the child, is preserved and ex-
tended by letting him always “have his own way.” The child should,
for his own welfare as well as for that of his associates, learn early to
restrain his desires, and be satisfied with a portion of all the varied
objects in his environment. Ill-trained children in modern life endeavor
to respond to too many sorts and too great a complexity of stimula-
tions; consequently they are, as a rule, in a condition of nervous over-
strain.

Children differ in their persistency in practicing the art of coercion
of those in authority over them. This is due in part to a difference in
native aggressiveness, and in part to a difference in training.

Because of his winsomeness, adults in modern society are apt to yield
readily to the child’s coercions. This but encourages him in his non-
social attitudes. A child’s social and ethical attitudes should from the
beginning be encouraged in every way; while his anti-social, and there-
fore undesirable, traits should be effectually resented, so that he may
acquire the data for properly appraising different kinds of actions. Not
the direct prohibition of wrong conduct, but the stimulation of social
action is the really vital method of training. Right attitudes must be
made attractive; this is the first law in social education.

The unsympathetic, mechanical, resourceless governess is an uninspir-
ing taskmaster, and she is likely to develop in her children resistance
to rather than observance of social regulations. On the other hand, the
governess who goes to extremes in kindness is apt to cultivate in her
charges the native tendency to bully. Effective social education cannot
be secured unless the trainer takes account of the attitudes of his chil-
dren in maturity rather than at the moment. Further, he must have
final authority to deal with those whom he trains, so as to develop in
them respect for and ready compliance with law. The entire social en-
vironment must interpret the social law in any situation in the same
way, or the child will not gain the idea of its rightfulness and inevi-

Résumé
294 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

tableness; which idea is absolutely essential for right social develop-
ment.

Adults may plan a course of social action for the child, but in order
really to possess himself of it he must work it out dynamically in ad-
justment to his comrades and those in authority. The only justification
for obedience, and the only consideration which makes lessons in obe-
dience effective, is its necessity for the accomplishment of work at
home or at school. Obedience for its own sake is hard to develop in
children.

The home is an effective educational agency in only a limited way,
since the environments thereof are not generally suited to beget a
docile attitude on the part of children. A certain amount of formality
and ceremony is necessary in school in order properly to impress pupils,
The school should be like the home in that it should respect the indi-
vidual child’s nature and needs; but it should nevertheless be of such
a character as to induce in its children a learning, assimilative attitude
toward all its activities.

Modern educational thought is permeated with expressions of ten-
derness toward child-life. As a result of the labor of such teachers as
Froebel, Dickens, Montaigne, Locke, Rousseau, Spencer, and others,
the period of childhood is no longer considered to be a preparation for
life, but a part of life. “ Sympathy ” has become the dominant word
in present-day educational expression. But sympathy for children should
not mean sharing their joys and sorrows so much as helping them to
develop soundly, The child needs, above everything else, leadership in
his parents and teachers. True sympathy seeks to help the pupil to
overcome his difficulties, whatever they may be, most effectually and
economically.
CHAPTER XIII

COOPERATION IN GROUP EDUCATION

In a preceding chapter it was urged that social lessons can
be learned effectively only when the learner has varied ex-
perience in the typical social situations of daily children’s

life, from which the inference was drawn that the intine ie

first concern of the parent or the educator must: te eroup

be so to arrange his programme that his pupils may be
brought into vital contact with one another under educative
influences, the full implications of which will be indicated
as we go on in our discussion. In this chapter attention
may be called to the ways in which children in their group
activities train themselves in respect to certain desirable
social attitudes, without control from outside agencies. And
to introduce the matter with a concrete instance, typical in
essential features of a vast number that might be cited:
Recently five children were observed playing together in
jumping on a spring-board. Only one could jump ata time.
At the start each seemed to play without much regard for
the interests of the others, jumping whenever he could get
the chance, whether it was his due or not. His desire, of
course, was to have as much fun as possible, and he was so
dominated by this aim that he could not take account of
the desires of any one else. Needless to say, perhaps, there
was much conflict between the members of the group. But
after a few minutes of this sort of thing it dawned upon
H., the oldest of the group, that the game was not going for-
ward in a happy way, and she conceived the plan of hav-
ing each one “ take his turn.” She ordered that those who
were awaiting their turns should remain within a circle
which she drew upon the ground, so that there might be
no chance of any one annoying the person who was per-
296 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

forming. At first the younger members of the group re-
sisted her authority; but when reason failed to bring them
to time, she seized two of the children who were particu-
larly rebellious, and in a forceful, effective manner laid down
the law to them, and made them realize that if they were to
play at all they must obey it. They yielded to her finally,
even though they found it very difficult to inhibit the ten-
dency to run out of turn. For thirty minutes H. held the
group to strict observance of the rules. When some mem-
ber’s eagerness would get the better of him and he would
break outof the circle, she would order him back with vigor,
and he would comply without a protest. They were all made
vividly aware of the fact that if they did not conform to
the rules they would be deprived of the privileges which
they now enjoyed. It appeared that they appreciated their
leader would be just with them, but she would not tolerate
unfair play. It appeared also that they were much happier
under this arrangement than under the original order of
chaos, when disappointments and conflicts were constantly
occurring.

It is of special importance to note that the players fol-
lowed H.’s directions more readily than those of an adult,
an onlooker, who was not a member of the group, but who
after a time volunteered to aid the little general in control-
ling her charges. On most other occasions the suggestions
offered by this adult would at once be responded to agree-
ably. But in this crucial situation he seemed to be, in a
way, foreign to the group; he was not assisting materially
in carrying on the game, so far as the players could see.
He was, in short, an outsider. He was not evidently essen-
tial to the prosperity of the present absorbing enterprise,
while H. was, and if her commands were not obeyed, mat-
ters would turn out badly for all; this the players appeared
to feel. H. was, then, one to look up to at this time, because
she held the key to the pleasures of the group. Her vigorous
manner soon impressed her followers with the necessity of
CHILDREN’S SELF-DISCIPLINE 297

deferring to her, for she would punish non-conformity ; but
an outsider could only exhort; he could not enforce his
suggestions. The impulse to follow the leader, the one who
can advance the interests of the group, or at least who can
inflict pain upon all dissenters, seems to be a profound
tendency of human nature, and it manifests itself early in
children.

And when leadership is once established, there is no
longer active resistance from members of the group. Easily
and gladly they adapt themselves to the inevitable, as it
seems to them; and their efforts will then be devoted to
doing as fully as possible what the leader desires. Each
member of a group wishes to stand well in the eyes of one
who plays so large a part in determining his welfare, and
children vie with one another in doing what under other
circumstances would be quite distasteful to them. Children
not only wish to ingratiate themselves with their leader, but
they are ready also in detecting shortcomings in their fel-
lows and representing them to the leader, probably feeling
in an indefinite sort of way that their own interests will be
promoted thereby. In such group activities as described
above, individuals are prone to “tattle” on one another,
always registering their complaints with the one who has it
in his power to reward or to punish. Often this impulse seeks
expression in school and other groups, but it is in time
suppressed by the group itself. The child who “ tattles” on
any member of the group will be persona non grata with
the whole body. The group will stand together against one
who “ peaches” on a wrong-doer, even if it is well known
that the latter deserves penalization. No matter what dis-
sensions may exist within the group, they must always pre-
sent a solid front to the enemy.

As a general proposition, adults are regarded by the
group in childhood and in adolescence as outsiders, though
there are exceptions to be noted presently. It may be |
observed that when an adult organizes a game for children ,
298 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

they seem often to be in a suspicious or defensive attitude
saint toward him. They usually want to do something
asanout: different. Parents, teachers, governesses, and all
ae who bear the relation of trainers to children are
apt to be considered by them as wishing to impose upon
the group activities in which the members are not greatly
interested. It is probable that older people as a rule counsel
children to engage in “improving” exercises, and these
require restraint and exertion, which are not required in
activities of their own choosing. Teachers especially are
looked upon with much doubt in their attempts to guide
the spontaneous life of the group. So much of what they
demand in the schoolroom is of the nature of drudgery
that they come to represent this sort of thing in children’s
reaction upon them. The same is true of many parents;
and ministers as a class are usually suspected of wishing to
prevent the carrying forward of the enterprises in which
the group is most interested. These attitudes are more
strongly marked in adolescence than in childhood, and
among boys than among girls. High-school groups are
often unduly restrained, and they may even be completely
broken up when a teacher, seeking to be of service, at-
tempts to play games with them. In situations of this sort
the members of the group feel ill at ease; the attitudes of
the classroom are more or less subconsciously revived when-
ever the instructor is present, so that free, spontaneous
expression cannot occur. The same principle holds in col-
lege groups, at least among undergraduates.

But there are exceptions, and many more of them to-day
than one could have found a quarter of a century ago in
The teacher the schools and colleges of our country. There is
ber ofthe. 2 growing feeling that teachers in every grade of
group school ought to cultivate, to some extent at any
rate, good-fellowship with their students; they ought to
play with them as well as work with them. Formerly the
teacher was jealous of his dignity, and he always felt he
COMRADESHIP WITH THE TEACHER 299

should be a model of the formal virtues. This made him
more or less stiff and forbidding in the presence of the
young. In the school he condemned most of the spontaneous
activities of his pupils, and he carried his frigid manners
with him wherever he went. Consequently, his presence
sent a chill through the young, whether he was encoun-
tered in the classroom or outside. But as the teacher has
increased in genuine strength, as he has gained in power
to instruct without repressing all spontaneity in his pupils,
he has just in this measure abandoned his formal attitudes,
and become more genuine and spontaneous himself. In
many instances coming within the observation of the writer
(who, it may be added, has for a number of years in-
spected the work of schools in various parts of the country)
instructors have preserved their youthful interests and
freedom of expression to such an extent that on the play-
ground they are regarded for the moment simply as one of
the group, and the play goes on without artificial restraint.
The introduction into secondary schools of instructors who
are charged with directing the athletic activities of stu-
dents has aided in bridging the chasm between the teacher
and the pupil. It has brought both parties nearer together
in their spontaneous interests and attitudes.

As for college groups, the development of the great uni-
versities in our country has resulted in depriving the
instructor of some of his artificial dignity. Speaking gen-
erally, he does not longer feel that he must pose as a model
of the static virtues. The typical college professor of an
earlier day thought it necessary to appear in the eyes of
the community as devoted only to the very serious and
sedate and formal concerns of life. In his speech, his dress,
his manners, his general attitudes, he represented the an-
tithesis of youthful interests. He was wont to speak of the
follies of youth, and sometimes he considered himself an
agent in the hands of an avenging Providence to suppress
whatever activities his students were most pleased with,
300 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

Such professors took it for granted that students would
rarely of their own accord do what was desired of them;
and in consequence faculties were regarded as the natural
enemies of students in their spontaneous enterprises. Rarely
did the student body seek the company of the faculty in
their play activities; but instead they got away as far as
they could from their influence. But there seems to be
greater comradeship between the two bodies in our day in
the universities, though much of the old antagonism can
still be found in some of the smaller colleges. Antagonism
also exists between the student body and a good part of
the faculty body in the universities, but the new generation
of university instructors is standing less upon the mere
formal dignity of the traditional college professor.

In popular phraseology, teachers are “becoming more
human.” They are gaining greater confidence in the worth
of the native tendencies and impulses of young people.
They care more than they did of old for natural, unconven-
tional, youthful expression ; and they are becoming inter-
ested in the young, not so much for the purpose of ‘ bene-
fiting” them as of enjoying their naiveté and spontaneity.
This, then, makes them more acceptable in youthful groups,
and they are less suspected in their intentions when they
show an interest. The same is true in a measure of parents,
though probably not to the same extent as of teachers.

In an older day a child stood in awe of his father es-
pecially, who was mainly a disciplinarian, rarely a com-
Conflict  panion. In the community where the writer was
iia reared, it is still the custom for fathers to be dis-
andson = tant. toward their children in most of their spon-
taneous undertakings. The elders fear, apparently, that they
will lose their control if they relax their austerity. As the
sons grow into adolescence, they often become antagonistic
to their father’s domineering authority, and they separate
themselves in their spontaneous life altogether from the
parental roof. They do not expect their elders to share with
RELATIONS BETWEEN FATHER AND SON 301

them in their general interests, and strain and tension result.
Father and son live in different worlds; the former is apt
to think that the latter is frivolous and unappreciative in
his behavior, while the boy thinks the “old man” is tyran-
nical and even brutal.

No comradeship can exist under these conditions, but
rather mutual distrust and antipathy prevail. This unhappy
state of affairs has been due in part, no doubt, to economic
strain. A father who is overworked is not likely to be toler-
ant of the boisterousness and apparent carelessness and in-
difference of his son. Having little leisure himself, and not
being relieved at all from the consciousness of need of strug-
gle, he is unable to sympathize with the care-free interests of
his boy. He is apt to be constantly in a critical, fault-finding
mood, until the son comes to expect nothing else from him,
and so he escapes from his presence whenever possible. He
would mistrust his father’s motives if the latter offered to
engage in any of his games, or to join with him in his spon-
taneous activities. In homes of this character, the son is
usually restrained and “ unnatural” when the father is about,
while he may be free and effective when he is with his fellows.
As a rule, boys reared under such a régime are ill at ease
in the company of adults, and they avoid them. They form
their ‘groups; and in such groups there is often a spirit of
defiance of the “old men” of the community, — not mere
verbal antagonism, but a deep feeling of hostility. For
economic reasons they may work together, but there is no
true social bond between them.

But matters are improving in this respect. For one thing,
as men are being freed in some measure from the hard strug-
gle for physical survival, they are taking a larger interest
in those activities which are dominant in youth. Children
to-day wish to have their parents share with them in their
experiences more than they did of old in Puritan times, so
that there is passing from among us the sort of antagonism
between the younger and the maturer elements of the com-
302 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

munity that is depicted in such books as Graham’s The
Golden Age, MacLaren’s The Barbarians, and many others
of the same general character.

Among adults individuals are organized into groups for
various purposes, — social, political, religious, philanthropic,
neces charitable, educational, scientific, industrial, com-
form of mercial, professional, literary, and the like. The
glee in _ aim in these organizations — in all but the purely
childhood =~ social —is to enable the individual to share in the
valuable experiences of the different members of the group,
or to combine the wisdom and strength of many in competi-
tion with other individuals or groups. In some cases, as in
debating societies and whist clubs, the groups separate into
sections which in make-believe contest with one another;
though on occasion they may compete seriously for gain.
People organize for the purpose of play as of work; but in
their play they usually simulate the competitive activities of
the strenuous life. Now, group organization in childhood
has for its sole purpose the promoting of play activities. In
the very beginning the mother or father and the child con-
stitute a group, and engage in the simplest games, as “ peek-
a-boo,” “roll-the-ball,” and the like. It may occur to some
reader that during even the first hours of life the child and
the mother enter into group relations, since the former
receives his food from the latter. But this is not, as we are
here viewing the matter, a group relation, since the indi-
viduals do not play each an independent réle in give-and-
take activities, as they do in all games. For the first few
weeks the child seems still a part of the mother, not a dis-
tinct individual. But group organization implies that the
several members possess distinct individualities, and each
can play a part with the others in the group. The members
of any true group, as we shall use the term, are related to
one another in a dynamic, codperative, and not in a wholly
dependent way, as the child is related to his mother. Unless
each member can contribute something toward attaining the
GROUP CONSCIOUSNESS 303

ends for which a true group exists, he will soon be ignored,
driven out, or destroyed. This is shown most strikingly in
industrial groups, even among the lower orders of life, as
the bees and the ants, for example, and the principle seems
to apply to all true group organizations, whether in human
or in animal societies. This does not mean that every mem-
ber of a group must be able to play the réle of leader or
guide in some particular ; it is enough often that one member
should furnish opportunity for practice by the other mem-
bers, or serve as auditor or critic. But he must assist the
group as a whole in some capacity, or else he will not be
counted as of the group.

It was said above that the child first enters into group
relations with his mother when he plays his little games
with her. She pretends that she gets pleasure from ne devel-
his action, as indeed she does, though not in just aang
the way that she pretends. She makes believe sciousness
that he can play at peek-a-boo as well as she; she gets
caught as often as he does, and in her expressions she leads
him to feel that he is skillful at the game, that he is an effi-
cient cause of events, that he is master of a situation. Thus
the effort is made to give him individual importance, to
avoid awakening the feeling of inferiority or dependence,
— that he is incapable of playing a part, or of adding any-
thing to the entertainment or advancement of others in the
group. In most of the relations of parents with their chil-
dren, until the latter are well on in adolescence, there is this
make-believe of equality in ability and mutual serviceable-
ness. Sometimes, it is true, the child assumes the attitude
of the learner, when he will seek aid from some elder who
can assist him; but the activity is apt to take on the char-
acter of work instead of play. But in a situation of this
sort, the learner and the teacher generally have more or less
consciously in view some future occasion when there will be
real equality, when the former will have acquired the ability
of the latter, and thus be able to hold his own with him.
304 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

In his primitive group activities in play the child cannot
and. does not attempt to enter into relation with more than
one playfellow at a time. He lacks the ability of a member
of a baseball or football team, for example, to adjust him-
self to a number of others constituting a true group. Again,
the young child has no sense of the group unity of a number
of persons who are prospered or injured as a unit. One can-
not imagine a child of two, say, sacrificing his own interests
in any way for the welfare of the group, as a member of a
football or baseball team will do. To a very limited extent
he may voluntarily yield some pleasure for the benefit of a
particular member of the group, but the group as a unity
does not appeal to him. This is, without question, one of
the principal objects to be attained in the child’s social evo-
lution through his group activities, — to develop in him the
consciousness of the oneness of the group in its interests,
and to cause him to be governed in his action by its effect
upon the group as a unity. He does not learn this lesson
without some strain and stress. It is not his nature to sac-
rifice for the group. A boy of five normally shows a strong
tendency to be “it” whenever he can, and to get the applause
of the bystanders for his individual performance, no matter
what may happen to the group of which he is a member.

He shows this tendency in all his social adjustments. He
will not readily sacrifice for his family, as a group, nor does
Howthe he consider their collective well-being, their good
an eae name, ete., in his conduct, though he may hesitate
is acquired to offend his father or his mother as individuals.
But as the child develops, his growing powers make it pos-
sible for him to come into ever more complex relations with
people, and with larger and larger groups working toward
certain ends in common ; and the reaction of these groups
upon his conduct tends in all cases to impress upon him
the notion that the group will stand or fall as a unity, and
he must govern himself accordingly. His “side” in a con-
test is eager to win, let us say, and he plays in a way to
OPPORTUNITY FOR PLAY 305

please himself, but to weaken the team. Then observe the
captain discipline him, and all his fellows upbraid him; he
ought “to have kept his place,” “to have done what he was
told,” ete., ete. Constantly, day in and day out, the group
moulds him into shape, compelling him to play his part
with reference to the whole, the team, or forfeit his right
to play at all. So gradually the consciousness of group unity
is established in him, and in the end this normally dom-
inates his thinking and his action, though there are cer-
tainly a large proportion of individuals in any community
who never entirely complete this developmental process.
The first requisite for the development of this fealty to
the group is opportunity for play ; play in which two indi-
viduals only are concerned at first, but in which opportunity
the group enlarges as growth proceeds. All young {1,337
creatures play in preparation for the serious work surement
of life; but the human child is par excellence the playing
animal. For one thing, he has a much longer term for play
than the colt or the kitten or the puppy; and normally he
seeks to spend his time in play during the whole of the
developmental period. Modern students of mental develop-
ment agree that through his play the child develops both
body and mind in an effective way. And he will attend to
the matter himself, too, if we but give him a fair chance.
His passion for play is the deepest of all his instincts, and
it will manifest itself in the face of the most serious ob-
stacles. Let one study child-life in the crowded streets of
a great city, — Clark Street in Chicago, for instance, —
and he will see what tremendous hazards the young take,
and ordeals they undergo, that they may indulge this pas-
sion. But urban civilization deals harshly with the child in
this respect ; it deprives him of the opportunities for free
play. Indeed, the city often schemes to prevent the child
from playing, for when he does play he obstructs the pub-
lic highways and interferes with the pleasures of adults,
for whose interests alone the larger part of the city exists.
306 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

Any one who has not done so may learn a useful lesson re-
lating to this subject if he will spend a month in the police
courts of any large city, where juvenile offenders are dealt
with. He will see enacted here one scene in the tragedy of
the child with his play impulses attempting to adjust him-
self to an environment ill suited to his needs, and he will
not fail to appreciate that herein lies one of the most urgent
and perplexing problems of modern civilization.

In this connection we may profit, if we will, by the expe
rience of the Old World. It is generally recognized, as we
Alesson have intimated in a preceding chapter, that cer-
es uy. tain European peoples, once leaders in the world’s
{zation progress, have already entered upon their period
of decline. Take Italy, for example. The moment one comes
in contact with the present order of things in this unhappy
country he is made conscious of the physical and moral dis-
integration of a large part of the people, which is every-
where so apparent. Italy, and particularly the Neapolitan
section, is a great laboratory for the study of degeneracy.
Many of the investigations along this line have been made
by Italian scientists, such as Mosso, Lombroso, and others.
Of course, many factors have contributed to bring about
the present deplorable state of affairs in this land, but it
is probable that the factor which has been most largely
responsible for Italian decline has been the neglect of con-
ditions essential to the proper training of the young. The
streets of Naples, Rome, Florence, Genoa, and Venice are
swarming with children from the ages of six months to
fifteen years, who have no place but the streets in which to
play, and in consequence thereof they are in a hostile atti-
tude toward law and order much of the time. Under such
circumstances it is inevitable that they should develop anti-
social tendencies. As one studies the situation in Naples,
say, he is reminded strongly of the law of life in the forest,
which is, eat or be eaten. The moment children come on
to the streets in these Italian cities they are apt to begin
A LESSON FROM EUROPE 307

taking lessons in crime, in preying upon every one as every
one preys upon them.

When the young are plunged early into such a situation
as is found in these Italian cities, they soon reveal the signs
of over-stimulation, which is disastrous to right social or
any other kind of development. Italian children before the
age of four or five are apparently exceptionally attractive
and intelligent, suggesting that their ancestors some genera-
tions back were far from degenerates. But it does not take
many years of street influences to work ruin in the bodies,
minds, and morals of the young. A Neapolitan boy is mature
at an age when any well-brought-up American boy is in the
middle of his school career, and still plastic in mind and
body. This early maturing of youth will, as we have already
suggested, prove of disadvantage to any people if they are
brought into competition with a nation whose children re-
main docile and educable for a longer period. A child does
not have time by the age of fifteen, say, to get his primitive
impulses thoroughly under the control of social and moral
ideals. To get set early means, among other things, that
one cannot assimilate the later and more subtle products of
social evolution. As a matter of fact, Italian culture would
probably soon be lost to the world if it were not for the in-
terest of outside nations. The rising generation of Italians
do not appear to appropriate this culture fully, and it is
probable that they could not on their own initiative preserve,
much less transmit, it to succeeding generations. Italy’s
past lives not so much in the minds and conduct of the
present generation of its own people as in its galleries and
museums.

As one studies Old-World civilization in general, he
reaches the conclusion that no nation has yet discovered
how to preserve continuously the physical and tne chiet
moral vigor of the people under conditions of ue as
urban life. The human body and mind were sity
evolved in close contact with nature, and the evidence
308 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

seems conclusive that they will not develop completely in
the individual under the restraints and irritations of the
city as it has been constructed in the past, and as it is be-
ing constructed in the present, even in our new country.
The chief count against the city is that it does not provide
proper conditions for either the physical, intellectual, or
social development of the rising generations, so that each
may preserve what the race has accomplished before it, and
make additions thereto. The schools are unable to transmit
this culture adequately under the disadvantages of urban
civilization. The school, as it has been planned so largely in
the cities of the Old and the New World alike, represents
an adult’s view of what would be suitable for him if he
had as an adult to learn to live. He thinks he would wish
to sit indoors and absorb the contents of books containing
the wisdom of the ages. So he builds his schools in busy
thoroughfares, and makes no provision for free play. As
indicated above, he equips his schools in a way which makes
it impossible for a child to do much else than to memorize
words in his text-books. He cannot be dynamic to a great
extent in his school; he must remain largely static, and
mechanically learn formal knowledge. If we of the New
World cannot build cities so that the needs of immature as
well as of mature creatures shall be provided for, it seems
probable that we will go the way other civilizations have
gone and are now going.

We ought to profit by the experiments which older civil-
izations have made in building cities for adults and neglect-
— ing the oncoming generations. We have before us

need “14°
otplay- _— still for the most part the problem of city-building
grounds in the western two thirds of our country, and we
can easily accomplish what is demanded if we only think it
worth while. In the new cities we are planning we need to
preserve generous free spaces where the young may keep in
close contact with natural conditions, and especially where
they may play together freely without violating the law.
THE NEED OF PLAYGROUNDS 309

There should be a playground in the vicinity of every public
school, and it should be in charge of a playmaster who knows
children and the games that will interest them. Under his
direction the playground may be made of immense impor-
tance in social development, Children who play much in
wholesome ways learn, so they will never forget it, that
every game has its rules and regulations which all must
observe, So has the great game of life ; but this latter game
is altogether too complex for the child to enter at the outset,
making it necessary that we begin with him in a simple way,
and pass on steadily to situations more and more intricate.
In this manner he will be led in time to realize that the
game can go on only when every one plays fair ; and matters
will terminate best for all when good-will and codperation ,
prevail, As we have seen, the child does not readily learn
this lesson, because his instincts act in opposition to it.
But by a long process of vital training in playing games
within his sphere of development at any period, he can be
greatly helped to appreciate that social law is very real and
binding, and in the long run it will pay to observe its rules
strictly. We are trying to teach these lessons in the school,
in literature, in history, in ethics, and in other subjects;
but the playground furnishes an excellent opportunity to
make the lessons genuinely effective.

It is frequently remarked that the street gamin is brighter
in certain ways and more capable than is the child in the
school. The former doubtless receives a training which is
more effective than that received by the latter in developing
readiness in action and self-reliance, Unhappily, though,
the child of the street rarely progresses beyond a low point
of development, because the environment in which he lives
is not planned for his advancement. Little thought is taken
of him, except to repress him. But on the well-conducted
playground there is continual progression in the child’s ac-
tivities. He is constantly brought into more and more com-
plex situations, and compelled to adjust himself to them.
310 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

The expert supervisor understands how to adapt plays and
games to the needs and capacities of children from the ear-
liest years on to maturity, and he keeps a pupil moving for-
ward steadily, until he gives him experience in the most
complex games, which call into play social powers much as
they will be exercised in the serious situations of adult life.
When children have these social experiences on the play-
ground, they are the more ready to understand and appre-
ciate what the school offers in the way of social instruction.
Every lesson can be made pointed, direct, practical, because
the teacher can assist the child to see its bearing upon the
situations in which he is daily placed. And what is of chief
importance, the teacher can get his lessons worked out into
practice, at least partially, where now he must often simply
theorize, and so leave his teaching mostly in the air.

We are told to-day that the physical and mental are in-
separably joined together, and if the one is defective the
Asomna Other will suffer through sympathy. Now it ap-
mindina pears to be impossible to develop the child phy-
sound body ‘sically in any way so effectively as through active
play. Formal gymnastics can accomplish relatively little.
The child must have some end to attain that arouses his
enthusiasm, and that demands agility and strength and en-
durance ; and then his whole bodily mechanism will work
together in harmony to achieve this end. And this is what
physical training seeks to accomplish, —to make the body
a fit instrument for the mind. Students of the subject have
analyzed many plays and games which appeal to children,
and they have pointed out that in some of them nearly every
important muscle and vital function is brought into action,
and exercised in a thorough and beneficial manner. No sys-
tem of formal training ever has been or probably ever can
be elaborated that will do for the child what he will do for
himself spontaneously, if he only be given opportunity and
a little guidance. Let him have some place where he may
not only play games freely without fear of the police, but
A SOUND MIND IN A SOUND BODY 311

where he may run and jump and climb and swing and work
in sand and throw stones and wrestle, and the like, and he
will not fail to make the most out of the body nature has
given him, as a housing for a sound and efficient mind.
Finally, even if playgrounds were of no positive value in
any other direction, they would still be of estimable service
in keeping children out of crime, and lessening ex- piay-
pense for police, courts, reformatories, hospitals, hea
and prisons, a point which was strongly empha- crime
sized in the Report of 1897 of the Committee on Small
Parks in New York. The report says, among other things:

With a common accord the precinct captains attribute the
existence of juvenile rowdyism and turbulence to the lack of a
better playground than the street. . . . Children use the middle
of the street, and a great many accidents are caused thereby.
They break lamps and windows, because they have no other pro-
vision made for them. London, after an experience of forty years
battling with the slums, says tersely: “Crime in our large cities
is to a great extent simply a question of athletics.”

If a boy’s energies are not used up in wholesome activity,
they will surely find expression in illegitimate conduct.
The boy will prey upon the institutions which prevent him
from living a natural life. We all know something of the
scene on a typical city thoroughfare, described in the Re-
port to which reference has been made, where “ traffic,”
playing children, and pedestrians are all mingled in the
streets, each one interfering with the other.

We often hear their quarrels and frictions in the streets. The
playing children lead all the rest in creating this confusion.
They obstruct the way of the car driver and the motorman in -
almost every block. The grocer and the shopkeeper are con-
stantly annoyed by them, while the more hardened among them
are always ready to insult the old and the unfortunate, and to
take part in any sort of mischief. But the greatest sufferers from
the children on the streets are undoubtedly the policemen. In
some sections their heaviest duty all day long is to chase the
children with their games from one corner and street to another,
312 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

in a vain attempt to keep them from breaking windows, hurt-
ing passengers, committing nuisances, and breeding tumult and
disorder.

The Secretary of the Philadelphia Culture Extension
League, which has done much in the establishment of
thetesti- playgrounds, speaking of the institution in his
Mere city, says that “the boys especially crowd the
experts corners and tramp the street like organized bands
of idlers, cultivating the disposition and imitating the
loafers on the streets in mischief, profanity, vice, and
crime, and often fiercely arm themselves against any oppo-
sition. ‘The greatest enemy to the police is the boy,’ said
a high Philadelphia official recently. ‘Go to the store-
keeper, to the shopkeeper, to the housekeeper, and you
will hear the same story. The boys steal, break windows,
insult, afflict, upset one thing and another, and would do
most anything they hear or see in order to satisfy that
burning instinct for play.’ These beginnings of vice and
crime were the only outlets they have had for the powers
with which nature has endowed them. These practices
were their only or chief amusement, and thus happiness to
them became synonymous with vice and fiendish delight in
evil doing.”

But in studying the life on the playgrounds he sees that
they lay the foundations for “strong, manly, bright, and
happy lives, rescued from the evil habits and tendencies
that produce misery and wretchedness. Through their play
in this manner the young are taught how to live together,
how to respect each other’s rights, how to be kind, gentle,
pure, in language as well as in conduct. The boy’s mouth
is not defiled by tobacco, liquor, or profane language. The
disrespectful and vulgar treatment which young boys and
girls inflict upon each other in the street is done away
with. The playground influences are carried into the home,
where the younger brothers and sisters treat each other
differently from the way they otherwise would; or, to put it
THE PLAYGROUND AND DISCIPLINE 313

the other way, the influences of the home, of the school,
and of the church are thus extended outside over the whole
life of the child.”

Speaking of the playground in Chicago conducted under
the auspices of the University Settlement of Northwestern
University, the lieutenant in charge of the police in that
precinct says that “not less than fifteen lives have been
saved from the electric car since the establishment of the
playground, and juvenile arrests have decreased fully 334
per cent. The young boys between thirteen and sixteen who
are not at work loaf around street corners; they have no
place to go; they go into saloons, and they annoy the
passers-by, or they form in crowds. They resent the inter-
ference of the police, and finally they are arrested. We hate
to do this, as it is the first step in pushing a boy downward
into the criminal class. Since the playground has been
opened and they are permitted to come in here, they give
us no trouble whatever.”

Recently a prominent principal of a high-class gram-
mar school asked the present writer’s advice regarding the
method of treating a situation which is typical pe piay-
of the sort of thing teachers must deal with fre. m4
quently. The boys in this particular school, in im- discipline
itation of more mature students, had taken to “hazing”
one another for recreation and amusement. Unhappily the
older and stronger ones were inclined to select as their
victims those younger and weaker than themselves. Nat-°
urally complaints came to the teachers from angry parents
and abused pupils. The principal had strictly forbidden all
pastimes of this kind, but the trouble did not cease, for it
was practically impossible to tell in special cases just what
was intended for “‘hazing’”’ as contrasted with good-humored
play. When boys would be charged with undue roughness
they would declare themselves innocent of any bad motives,
and nothing could really be proved against them. On the
playground where boys must devise their own diversions
314 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

wholly, the line between good-natured play and deliberate
harshness is often very indefinite and difficult to deter-
mine, as one who must adjust the difficulties between boys
well knows.

Now let us go to make a little study of this hazing prob-
lem. The school building is situated directly on the street,
—a very busy and noisy one. The space for play is entirely
inadequate; the pupils must use the street mainly. But the
street, being utilized so largely by pedestrians and vehicles,
imposes great obstacles to play. The children are kept
huddled together, and personal encounters are practically
unavoidable. Then there are in the school many boys who
live on the street when they are home, and their principal
occupation consists in badgering one another. The street, as
we have seen, develops a disposition in boys to bully and to
tease ; in any city in the world, observe a busy street where
boys congregate, and the truth of this will be apparent.
Boys left to themselves, to find amusement as best they can
under the restrictions and irritations of urban life, are prac-
tically certain to bully each other, and quarrel and fight a
good deal ; what is primitive in them flourishes under such
conditions.

So the boys in this school, having no opportunity for
organized plays and games during their intermissions, give
vent to their bullying and combative tendencies in one form
or another. And it is boy nature to annoy any peculiar
fellow-pupil, — peculiar in respect to clothes or manners or
anything else. If one boy looks more “stuck-up” than the
majority of the group, or even lives in a different part of
the town, which may give presumption of aristocratic feel-
ing, it is sufficient excuse to “ pick on him,” and to intimi-
date him in divers ways. Boys cannot tolerate traits or
conditions different from those of the gang, and they are
absolutely indifferent as to whether these traits are good or
bad, as adults think of them. And it accomplishes little of
permanent value to “lecture” boys about their rude con-
RIVALRY IN GROUP ACTIVITY 315

duct, or to threaten them, unless one can suggest a prac-
ticable way in which their energies may be legitimately
expended. It is highly probable they will be active in some
direction anyway, and mere prohibition will restrain only
temporarily, at best. Often this method simply aggravates
the disease which it is designed to cure. It keeps the for-
bidden thing before the mind of the offender; and, of course,
the more he thinks of it the firmer hold it gets on his
impulses, and the less likely he is to resist it.

A principal can hardly expect to solve problems of play-
ground misconduct unless he can organize his pupils and
give them some definite thing to do. Arnold of Rugby
transformed the great English schools for boys by develop-
ing an organized system of self-government, in which fag-
ging is an element, in place of lawless hazing and bullying,
which were so prominent in these schools before his day.
Now everything of this sort is under rules and regulations
administered by the boys themselves, and the hazing disease
has been cured. Study the activities on any playground
where there is a director who always has games for the boys
to play when they cannot readily develop them for them-
selves, and you will rarely find mean and lawless conduct.
The watchwords of the teacher must be, at all times, organ-
ization and substitution. Bad conduct can be effectually
cured only by using the individual’s energies in wholesome
ways.

A word should be said at this point respecting a powerful
stimulus to activity among the young, whether on the play-
ground, on the street, in the schoolroom, or in the Bisstey
home. Scientists tell us there is a constant strug- in group
gle for existence among all living things. Every *“"
creature, whether plant or animal, is striving unceasingly
not only to preserve itself from extinction, but to better its
conditions, which usually brings it into conflict with other
creatures, which are struggling to obtain the same things
that it desires. In human society the individual puts forth
316 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

his strength and uses his wits to “ get to the top” in all that
this implies of material, moral, and intellectual superiority.
But we are coming to see that codperation will probably turn
out better for society as a whole than will unrestrained com-
petition ; and yet human beings have all been constructed
on the competitive principle, and effort is still with most of
us, certainly with most normal children, dependent directly
upon the spirit of rivalry. Take a boy of ten, say, and ex-
tract out of his impulses everything of the nature of rivalry,
and he would become a flabby, inert, and static individual.
Practically all of the boy’s spontaneous life is competitive.
When he has no companion to compete with he tries to excel
himself, as it were, — to jump higher than he has ever jumped
before, or to run faster, or to shoot straighter, or to yell
louder.

In education we must make some use of this great spur
to supreme, developing effort. Quintilian long ago saw the
superiority of training in the school to instruction at home,
since the stimulus of rivalry is almost lacking in the latter
case. Our professional forbears saw the value of this factor
in education, and they sought to make the most of it through
the establishment of an elaborate system of rewards. With-
out question this method of arousing ambition was in some
places carried so far that it resulted in both physical and
moral injury to pupils. It is really not necessary to award.
prizes in order to stimulate competitive activity in pupils,
It is usually enough for any pupil to have a chance simply
to win in a game, no matter what it may be. If he can spell
better than any one else in his class, or better than half his
class, the demonstration of this ability is in itself a sufficient
stimulus to effort, and at the same time a sufficient reward
therefor, A certificate or badge notifying all interested per-
sons of an individual’s excellence in any respect may increase
his satisfaction in his achievements, and be a tangible, visible
evidence of his superiority ; but it is not essential in order
to awaken his ambition. Consider that on the playground
THE VALUE OF COMPETITION 317

the only stimulus and reward a boy has for his endeavors is
the attainment of leadership, or at least excellence over some
members of the group. To become the head of the group or
the class is a perfectly natural and doubtless worthy ambi-
tion; and nothing in human life has greater motive force.
So in the schoolroom the attainment of ends natural to school
work, and for which all the pupils are striving, will be suffi-
cient to urge most children to make the best use of their
abilities in competition with their fellows.

One cannot, of course, ignore the objections which many
urge against making use of competition in the schoolroom
or on the playground. It is said that pupils should apye vane
strive for ends because of their inherent worth, ® competi-

te = Soe tive activ-

and not for the sake of winning them from some ity in the

one else. It will not be necessary to argue the pro- S4oeom
position here that the race is evolving toward a Playground
point where competitive struggle will be less prominent than
it has been in the past; but we surely have not yet reached
the point where we can get on without this incitement to
effort. Even if we could do so in mature life, which is highly
improbable, it is nevertheless utterly impossible to arouse
the young effectively in any other way. In education we have
to consider not only what the race is evolving toward, but
also what order of things it has grown out of. Its past will
determine the basis upon which we have to work to attain
what lies ahead. If we ignore ancestral practices we have
little upon which to build in the present. So an educational
regimen based upon the doctrine of eliminating rivalry al-
together would be weak and motiveless indeed. This implies
that there is some place for marks and honors and all the
other incitements to and evidences of success or failure in
competitive struggle. Of course, there is a danger that one
who makes use of these will come to rely upon them wholly,
rather than upon making what is presented inherently worth-
ful and attractive. But it is not the part of wisdom to cure
one evil by plunging into a greater one. According as we dis-
318 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

cover methods of making everything that is taught genuinely
interesting, competition will doubtless play a less important
role in teaching than it now does; but there is no reason to
hope that we can for some time yet do without it entirely
in any phase of our educational system.

There is a further objection to rivalry in the schoolroom
that needs to be considered before leaving the topic. It is
rhesur- Said that in the competitive system the strong
vival of the triumph at the expense of the weak; but in an al-
A aeltty truistic society the latter should be chiefly thought
activity of, since they are the needy ones. We cannot
endure to see the weak suffer in the struggle for either
mental or physical survival. But if we give free play to the
competitive spirit they will certainly go to the wall. It is
probable that our sentiments are likely to get the better of
our judgment in dealing with this matter. For one thing,
the welfare of society demands the conservation of the
strong rather than of the weak, if both cannot be con-
served; and any system of training which would not call
out every power of the gifted pupil in the school would
defeat the highest end of education, regarded either from
the standpoint of the individual or of society. Then it
seems likely that every individual is so constructed by
nature that he is reasonably content if he lands in the _
position for which his talents fit him. That is to say,
the relatively incompetent are, generally speaking, equipped
with an emotional nature in harmony with their incom-
petency. At the same time, nature has endowed the strong
pupil with ambitions and desires, which if thwarted will
prove a constant source of unrest and discontent in his
life. Strangely enough, we have overlooked the pain which
comes from power undeveloped or unexpressed. We have
assumed that the man capable of being a leader could be
happy even if this capability were not exercised. A very
little study of human nature, though, will show that con-
tentment arises only when one’s capabilities are fully
RESUME 319

utilized; which being interpreted with reference to our
present problem, implies that the life of the schoolroom
and outside must be so conducted that every individual can
do his level best, and take such a position in the group as
his abilities naturally warrant.

In their group activities children learn readily to conform to the
rules of the game, for otherwise they will be deprived of their oppor-
tunity to play. The tendency to respect and to follow a leader
who can advance the interests of the group is strong in
human nature, and manifests itself early in the child. One who is not
considered essential to the prosperity of the group is either ignored or
looked upon as an outsider.

As a rule the adult, whether teacher, parent, or minister, is regarded
as an outsider by the group during childhood and adolescence. But
there is a growing feeling that teachers should cultivate good-fellow-
ship with their students, and should enter freely into their spontaneous
life. The development of athletic activities in the schools has helped
to bridge the chasm between teacher and pupil. With the development
of the great universities among us, some of the artificial dignity of the
professor has disappeared ; and to-day there exists less antagonism
than formerly between student body and faculty. Teachers now have
greater confidence in the worth of the native tendencies and impulses
of young people, and they are acquiring an interest in the natural
expressions of youth. In an older day, and in some places still, the
father was mainly a disciplinarian. Companionship between father and
son was rare, and often mutual distrust and antipathy prevailed ; but
the situation in this respect also is improving.

The aim of adult group organization is mutual gain. The first group
activity in childhood is for the purpose of promoting play. Every
member of w true group must serve the group as a unity in some
capacity. At the outset the child has little sense of group unity, and he
can adjust himself to but one playfellow at a time. With development
he comes into ever more complex relations with groups working for
a common end, and he is compelled to recognize the interests of the
whole in his action, until in time respect for group unity comes to
dominate his conduct.

To engage in play is a deep-seated instinct. Much play in childhood
and youth is of vital importance alike for physical and for mental
development. The physical and moral disintegration‘ of certain Euro-
pean peoples is probably due in large measure to the neglect of condi-
tions essential for the proper training of the young through play. The
children in Italian cities have only streets for playgrounds, with the
result that they early acquire criminal tendencies. Being coustantly

Résumé
3820 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

preyed upon, they retaliate in kind. Because of over-stimulation they
mature too early, and are unable fully to assimilate the culture of
Italian civilization.

Nations have not yet discovered how to maintain the physical and
moral vigor of a people under urban conditions. As a rule schools are
built by adults on the static plan, and they do not provide for the
dynamic needs of the child. There should be a playground in charge
of a competent playmaster in the vicinity of every public school.
Wholesome plays properly directed impress upon the child the in-
evitableness of social law, and enforce the lessons taught in literature,
history, and ethics. On well-conducted playgrounds, plays and games
are adapted to the developing needs and capacities of children.

Playgrounds lessen crime. If a boy’s energies are not utilized in
a wholesome way they will find expression in illegitimate conduct.
Not only do the children in the city interfere with traffic on the street,
but they tend to find an outlet for their energies in vice and crime.
Experts testify that through the playground the proper influence of
home, school, and church is extended outside over the whole life of the
child.

Boys left to themselves and without proper amusements will resort
to bullying, hazing, quarreling, and fighting. But when proper play-
grounds are provided, bad conduct may be avoided and cured through
wholesome activities. Organization and substitution must be the
watchwords in home and school.

While the welfare of society as a whole demands codperation rather
than unrestrained competition, yet the natural impulse toward rivalry
is necessary, to a certain extent, for the best development. So far as
possible pupils should be stimulated to exert themselves: in the school
because of interest in the work; but it would be a serious error to
eliminate all competitive activity from the schoolroom. Competition is
the greatest motive force to which the teacher can appeal. While in
competitive activity due regard should be paid to the interests of the
weak, still the welfare of society demands the conservation and full
development of the strong as well asthe weak. Individual well-being
also requires that the “lad o’ pairts” should have his powers fully
exercised, which is impossible if he is made to keep step with the
child who is “ born short.”
CHAPTER XIV
PROBLEMS OF TRAINING

Tue following situation is typical in main features of those
that are constantly arising in the training of children. J.,
a boy of seven years, was on a certain occasion Atypical
going from his home into the city on an errand, instance of
The weather was cold, as his parents thought, and ietmlning
he was instructed to protect himself by wearing ° M4
his warmest coat. He protested, saying in effect that his
coat impeded his freedom, so that he could not run when
he had it on, and it annoyed him greatly. He asked per-
mission to put on a lighter one so that he would be freer
in his movements. His elders were insistent, however, and
urged him to wear the objectionable article, although he
continued to resist, declaring that he could not “ stand it,”
and that he would be “all right without it.” He was angry
and “stubborn,” and so were the grown people who were
coercing him. They seemed to think he was disobedient and
ugly, and he evidently thought they were unreasonable.
J.’s attitude was in a way a perfectly “natural” one,
for children dislike the constriction caused by close-fitting,
heavy clothing. This antipathy may serve a useful end to
some degree, since it is probably a detriment to a growing
child to be bundled up in a manner that might be no dis-
advantage whatever to older persons. At the same time it
was natural for those who were responsible for J.’s wel-
fare to feel that the weather was too severe for him to go
out without the protection of his warm coat. They were
solicitous only for his well-being, and they were annoyed
because he did not recognize this and respond appropri-
ately. The circumstances were such as to arouse lively emo-
tions on both sides. The child could not appreciate the
322 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

adult’s point of view either in reference to his health or to
the social requirements of the community ; and he regarded
the demands made on him as arbitrary and unnecessary,
and so conflict was inevitable.

There is a large principle involved in this instance.
Nature seems to have established in every normal child an
intense desire to rid himself of all impedimenta to free ac-
tion, which is seen in his tendency to run out of the house
at all times without hat or coat, or even shoes. He is quite
indifferent to the physical effects of exposure to wind and
cold and rain; indeed, he normally enjoys exposing himself,
and will uncomplainingly endure experiences which would
greatly disturb an adult. The child has in him something
of the bravado and the hardihood of primitive man, who
was constantly exposed, and who trained himself to submit
without a murmur to hardships of exposure and fatigue. It
can be seen, then, why it is practically impossible for the
child to take the adult’s point of view in respect to these
matters ; he is so dominated by his impulses that he cannot
“listen to reason.” Nothing is reasonable ‘to him which is
hostile to his profound desires. When he is under the sway
of his passions, he is incapacitated from seeing the justice or
the value of any proposals which contemplate blocking him
in the realization of his ends. So there must frequently be
disparity between the child’s and the adult’s estimate of
values in regard to the conduct of the former, who often
has only his impulses as a basis for determination, while
the latter is likely to have a larger or smaller body of vital
experience to control the influence of mere desire.

But to keep to the specific instance under consideration.
Here is the mother who cannot endure inclement weather
Dittering herself unless well protected, who enjoys the feel-
pointsof ing of clothing, and who thinks her position in
view : . .

society requires that her children be always com-
pletely and conventionally attired, while the attitude of her
child is diametrically opposed on every point. What is to
THE POWER OF VOICE AND MANNER 323

be done in such a situation? In this special case the oppo-
sition of J. to the wishes of the parent, and his feeling of
irritation, were finally subdued by an outsider coming on
the scene and speaking to him in a calm, reassuring tone,
and putting his arm around him gently yet strongly, and
suggesting to him that he put on the coat this time, and it
would be seen what could be done about it in the future.
This manifestation of respect for J.’s feeling, and an ex-
pression of willingness to take into account the advisability
of indulging him in it in the future modified his feeling of
resistance. Gradually the happier emotions gained control,
and soon discharged the disagreeable ones altogether. What
seemed to be demanded here was, in the first place, a recog-
nition of the reasonableness of the child’s desires regarded
from his own point of view. Secondly, a strong, positive,
but at the same time sympathetic determination to lead
him, in a way which would not irritate him, to see the jus-
tice of the command that had been given him. In the third
place, there was needed an effective use of suggestion, which
should cause him to see so far as possible the advantages
of doing the thing which had been requested of him, and
so draw his attention off from the unhappy aspects of the
matter.

This will be the appropriate place, perhaps, to mention a
general principle of vast importance. In all discipline it
may be noted that there is a very subtle power in Personal
the voice and manner, which may either antago- fais tat
nize the one under treatment, or it may allay his resistance
anger and release his resistance, so that suggestions may
the more readily be carried out. One of the most serious
mistakes that can occur in the kind of situation described
is for authority to be expressed in an irritable, domineering,
or challengeful way. Possibly it is even more unfortunate
to set to work calling up the child’s past offenses, and “ nag-
ging” him about them, with the end in view to impress his
failings upon him, as though this could reform him. It may
324 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

be a relief to the tense nerves of the governess, but it is
only an excitant to the child. Then it is a simple princi-
ple of psychology that shortcomings which are habitually
brought to the child’s attention in either a positive or a
negative way tend to fasten themselves in his character.
Doubtless there are occasions when summoning his past life
of error before an offender may give rise to emotions which
will put him into a condition ‘to receive instruction from his
elders. But in the great majority of cases it seems best to
deal with the action immediately in hand, and keep the past
out of view. What is required is to produce the proper re-
sponse in the individual, with the least possible disturbance
or debate or delay. Usually mere argument when the of-
fender is on the defensive only strengthens him in his atti-
tude of opposition ; especially is this the case with children
before the adolescent period.

This leads to some reflections upon the futility of word
encounters in discipline, whether of a light or a serious
rhe futility character. The writer has observed that when
ce eator. children are genuinely interested in what they are
rection doing, they are often likely to be but little influ-
enced by anything their elders say to them in the way of
correction or prohibition, unless these elders have early
established complete authority over them. To illustrate: a
boy of six is running across the room and jumping on the
sofa, and the governess says, “I wish you would not do
that,” and he goes right on with the game, pleading, “ Just
once or twice more,” which means until he has become satis-
fied. The words of the governess are not potent enough to
inhibit the flow of energy along the open routes. When
achild gets started in any activity which appeals to him
strongly, he will not leave off until his energy is exhausted,
or until some really powerful stimulus turns his attention
in another direction. An adult is not normally so completely
dominated by any activity asa child often is; which means
that the former can more or less spontaneously turn his
HOW COMMANDS ARE MADE EFFECTIVE 325

attention from one object to another as conditions make de-
sirable, whereas the child is to a large extent “ charmed ”
by anything which has interest for him. One may see well-
disposed and really obedient children who, while playing,
or reading some absorbing story, must be called to meals a
half dozen times. Words strike on their ears, but they have
practically no influence upon the concerns which are at the
time occupying the focus of consciousness. Even if a com-
mand makes an impression for the moment, it is forgotten
in an instant, dislodged by’ the ideas in the saddle, and in
possession of the motor routes. Children have short memo-
ries for behests opposed to the current of their interests.
One may see parents who keep telling their children to do
this or to do that, — to sit up and keep still, to stop fidget-
ing, or playing, or whispering, and so on, and their com-
mands accomplish but little; and if oft repeated they may
lose their force altogether. Words, as they come from the
lips of the average trainer, seem too weak to turn aside or
to restrain the dominant tendencies of the child’s ideas, emo-
tions, and motor processes.

Of course, one may speak in such a way that his words
will take effect; but really in such a case it is not the mere
words that produce response, but the vocal into- How com-
nation, facial expression, gesticulation, bodily atti- Tends
tudes, and the like. These have a deep signifi- sttective
cance for the child, and he early gets his cue from them.
As he develops, words in themselves continually increase
in potency,' because they become enriched with meaning,
and thus acquire both coercive and inhibitive power; so
that the behavior of an adult may be determined by the
words spoken to him, without much accompanying expres-
sion denoting the real attitudes of the one who governs.
But it is altogether different with the child; he gets his
bearing as to the intentions of his trainers mainly from

1 This principle is discussed in detail in the author’s Linguistic Develop-
ment and Education, Part I.
326 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

bodily expression, and especially from direct physical con-
tact. It is not necessary or perhaps desirable that the
trainer inflict pain of any consequence in this physical con-
tact; but simply taking a rebellious child in his arms in
such a manner as to suggest strength and decision will
usually change the attitude of the nonconformist, and he
will be likely to follow the suggestions of authority without
resistance, Instead, then, of standing afar off and command-
ing a young child who is absorbed in his own enterprises,
the governess ought to put herself alongside him, and cause
him to realize in other than verbal terms the urgency and
importance of the command. If words are relied upon
mainly, they must be loaded with suggestions of power and
determination, in which the whole expressive mechanism of
the trainer codperates as a unity. If this be done in the early
years, there will be little difficulty in the later years; but
if it be neglected during the formative period, it will entail
no end of trouble later on. It is a common thing to see
parents in more or less constant verbal contests with their
children from the age of three forward, simply because dur-
ing the first three years. they did not use words sparingly
and other forms of expression generously in their disciplin-
ary methods. The really successful trainer is one who when
the child is in harmony with his environment has a thor-
oughly “good time” with him; but who, when the latter
needs correction, ceases his talk largely, and reveals his
disapproval through the eye and every part of the body.
One whose general expressions do not suggest force, deci-
sion, resoluteness, moral courage, can hardly discipline chil-
dren effectively, no matter how good his theories on the
subject may be. Observe the result of such a person saying
to a vigorous boy, “ Don’t you do that or I will punish you.”
Now, there is doubtless in all normal children a strong
tendency to manifest independence in the face of authority
if they feel they can win. And then for a weak character
in the position of teacher or parent to tell a boy that he will
INDIFFERENCE TO COMMANDS 327

chastise him if he does a certain thing is to dare him to do
it, and the natural reaction of the boy is to accept the chal-
lenge, — not openly and directly, it may be, but rather in
an underhanded way, and by degrees. However, when the
command is given by one who makes the boy feel there is
back of it great strength and firmness and absolute fair-
ness, which qualities cannot be adequately expressed ver-
bally, it tends to break down resisting attitudes, which are
always active in the presence of weak personalities.

Before leaving the topic of making commands effective
we may glance at the following incident, which is typical of
many that can be observed in the ordinary home Commands
where there are three or four children, who are Pat?
stimulated in many ways in the effort to adapt fhe child's
themselves to a complex environment. A boy, attention
Henry, eight years of age, was making preparations to
leave the house to skate. There were other boys in the
house, a brother and two playmates, — who were also pre-
paring to go on the ice. It was a cold day, and the father,
who happened to be passing the boys in the hallway, sug-
gested to Henry that he should put on a sweater under his
coat. When the suggestion was made the four boys were
all talking at the same time; and, of course, they were ex-
cited, and absorbed in the discussion of plans they were
making for a game of hockey. They were debating who
should be partners in the game; and to an onlooker it was
evident that they were deeply interested in the matter, and
each was eager to contribute his views to the solution of
the problem. Henry, who is naturally of an “ intense” type,
throwing himself without reserve into any enterprise in
which he is engaged, was evidently entirely possessed by
his view of the matter under consideration. The expression
of his whole being showed that he was giving himself abso-
lutely to the problem which the group was trying to solve.
When the father made the suggestion, Henry seemed to
give it his attention for a moment, and he responded with,
328 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

“ Yes, I will.” But the very tone of his voice, as well as
the “look in his eye,” and the attitude of his body, showed
that he reacted as he did simply to get rid of the father in
order that he might go back again to the discussion of the
interesting situation which had completely captivated him.
The “ Yes, I will” was a rather automatic, or at best per-
functory, response to his father’s command. It really did
not mean that the boy had fully comprehended the com-
mand, — had understood just what was required of him,
and had given his assent to it. Probably at the moment
when he made his reply his attention was centred prima-
rily on the game of hockey, and not on putting on his
sweater. All his expressions seemed to indicate that the
latter had not gained entrance to the focus of his conscious-
ness at all; certainly it had not presented itself vividly
enough really to attract the boy’s attention and influence
his conduct.

The sequel to this event hardly needs to be related.
Henry went on to the ice without his sweater. The father
presently discovered the fact, and he proceeded at once to
administer what he regarded was just and necessary disci-
pline. He summoned Henry to appear before him, and then
asked him why he did not obey when he was instructed to
wear his sweater. Henry declared he did not hear his father
give the command; and the latter interpreted this to indi-
cate that the boy was not only disobedient, but that he was
also untruthful. Consequently, he forbade Henry to go upon
the ice again for a week. Meanwhile he should not leave
his house to play with other boys, and his companions would
not be permitted to come to play with him. In dismissing
Henry after giving him his penalty the father upbraided
him for indifference to commands, and threatened to make
the punishment more severe next time if he did not “do as
he was told.”

The boy left his father, feeling that he had been dealt
with unjustly. Of course, the penalty was disagreeable; and
HOW INDIFFERENCE IS DEVELOPED 329

why should it have been administered at all? The father had
not really commanded Henry, according to the latter’s re-
membrance of the matter. But was the boy lying, or had he
really forgotten the command altogether ? From the father’s
standpoint it was absolutely impossible that he should not
have heard and understood the command. But the chances
are that Henry really did not hear appreciatively what was
said to him. He heard sufficiently to make an automatic
reply, but not to execute what was suggested, when this was
different, as it actually was, from what he was engaged in at
the moment. It is a simple matter of daily experience with
most people that they perform numerous actions of which
they are wholly unconscious at the time, and which they can-
not afterward remember. When any one, either a child or
an adult, is deeply absorbed in any object or activity, he
may adapt himself mechanically to many familiar stimula-
tions unrelated thereto, but without really appreciating what
he is doing. Ask him afterwards what he did on this oc-
casion, and he may not be able to tell you, for it was not a
matter of conscious execution at all. In the same way a boy
may use the phrase “ Yes, I will,” but without being ex-
plicitly conscious of what is required of him or what he is
saying. The test of whether he is appreciating or not is
found in the expression of the eyes and face and the bodily
attitudes, and not in the mere words themselves.

In all probability Henry was innocent on this particular
occasion. The father was unquestionably at fault. He gave
his suggestion in an off-hand way, under circum- 9, mais.
stances which made it a practical certainty that it terenceto
would not take effect. The situation was aggra- iascuagt
vated because of the tendency of this parent to go ‘™culldren
about among his children, throwing out more or less unim-
portant commands right and left, and then not following
most of them up with appropriate treatment in the event
that they were not obeyed. Consequently the children had
acquired a rather indifferent attitude toward the majority of
330 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

his suggestions; they were given so frequently that. they
had lost their impressiveness. It is a simple law of human
nature that any oft-repeated stimulation tends to become
weakened in its effect, provided that it runs counter to the
usual current and natural trend of the individual’s life. It
is easily possible, then, that a person, even an adult, may get
into the habit of responding conformably in a perfunctory
manner to commands or exhortations, but without really
intending either to obey or disobey. Nature seems to pro-
tect an individual who is in an environment where he is
constantly stimulated in this way, by leading him to react
verbally and automatically to these rather unimportant
stimulations, and then devote himself to matters that are
really vital, as he conceives them to be at the moment. This
principle can be seen operating in many a home and school
with respect to the particular problem under consideration
here.

The moral is not difficult to draw. In the first place it is
disastrous to the development of ready and effective obedi-
ence in a child to be showering commands upon him con-
stantly, most of which he can and probably ought to ignore
with impunity. The inevitable result must be that he will
in time become unresponsive to even important instructions
when issued by any one. It is not that he deliberately sets
himself against the will of his elders or superiors; the trou-
ble is that his will is not awakened at all with reference to
their requests, and his conduct cannot be criticised in respect
to the matter of obedience.

Experience and psychology alike indorse the proposition
that for the welfare of the child in his learning cheerful
compliance with the demands of lawful authority, orders
should be but infrequently issued to him, and they should
always be given under conditions which will insure that the
child thoroughly comprehends them and realizes their mean-
ing and importance. That is to say, a command must be
made to dislodge everything from the focus of conciousness
QUALITIES OF A SUCCESSFUL TRAINER 331

at the moment it is given. A wise parent or teacher, then,
will be cautious about giving directions to a child when he
is dominated by some strong idea or feeling. Under such
circumstances the behest should be deferred, or else the
child’s attention should be completely gained, and the ver-
bal statement should be reinforced by appropriate facial
expression, bodily attitudes, and vocal timbre. In brief,
the command should be made to take effect in the child’s
consciousness; then if he does not execute it, he will be
disobedient ; but otherwise he will simply be uninfluenced
by it.

Our discussion leads us now to mention some of the
general qualities which a trainer must possess in Qualities
order to exert proper control over the young. First ssental in
and foremost, a successful trainer must havemother tu! trainer
love in a large sense, intelligent sympathy, a warm heart,
Promethean fire. He must possess genuine, rational affec-
tion for humanity. Here is a trainer one often meets whose
thoughts are too much upon self and too little upon others,
except as he seeks to use them to further his personal ends,
unconscious as he may be of his own attitudes ; he is self-
centred, isolated, cold. But here again is a quite different
type of person, one who has a fine sort of feeling for people.
He is outward-tending in his life and manner; his mind
dwells not upon his personal concerns to the exclusion of
the interests of his children. He is not constantly wondering
what the world thinks of him, and whether he is receiving
proper “respect” and “obedience” from his flock. These
things he takes to be right and as matters of course. Thus,
being indifferent of self, he is most considerate of others.
This is of thenature of mother love, and it must be implanted
in the heart before the individual sets out on the journey
of life. This instinct alone gives that delicate, ready action
in momentous situations which decides the fate for good or
ill of training. Mother love is kind ; it is not puffed up; it is
long-suffering and generous; but it is always strong and
332 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

effective ; it is lightning-quick in estimating conditions and
deciding upon the course of action appropriate thereto.
There is another grace which should adorn those who train
Hamietasa tHe young, and which, in greater or less part, is a
type of gift of nature and not of culture. It is the attribute
were of resoluteness, of decisiveness. It is the power
of summoning all one’s wits and energies in the face of critical
situations, and driving straight to the desired goal. Ham-
let would never have succeeded as a teacher ; he was too halt-
ing in his actions, too deferential to his intellect, too statical.
There are many Hamlets in the schoolrooms of this country,
who stand sicklied o’er with the pale cast of thought when
immediate and decisive action alone will carry the day.
Students of psychology now conceive of a human being as
comprised of a triune nature. On the one side he is recep-
tive of sensory stimulations from the world without his own
being ; on the other he is judicial, — he weighs, estimates,
considers ; and finally and practically, he is executive, active,
motor. The first two departments of his being exist for the
sake of the third ; life is real and earnest, full of practical
values, and its end lies in conduct, in action, not in mere
reception or contemplation. The most efficient trainer is
the one who “thinks” just enough and rapidly enough to
guide his action aright and without delay. And the right-
fulness of many acts, as James has said, can be determined
only by testing them; while others, in the well-balanced
mind, spring forth from the depths thereof, and go straight
to the mark without let or hindrance from the discursive
reason. Now, with Hamlet, the judicial part of his being
had become severed from the active part, and he was weak-
ened thereby, at least when he was called upon to deal with
practical situations. He was too inward tending; all his ex-
periences were judged from a purely subjective point of view.
He was an egoistic-introspective type, one in whom the whole
delicate machinery of wise instincts was thrown out of gear,
so that he could not cope with the world in any effective way.
RELATION BETWEEN CHILD AND TRAINER 333

And this characteristic cannot but impress a child as in-
competence, as weakness ; for, after all, people, young and
old, are influenced by those who have masterly possession
of themselves in action when this is needed ; in whom there
may be on occasion, which presents itself so frequently in
school and home, a sort of totalizing of all the powers and
capabilities of one’s being. We have already seen that those
who in their demeanor in the exigencies of daily life exhibit
marked strength and harmony of powers carry everything
before them. Antagonistic tendencies in pupils are set at
rest in the presence of great vigor of this kind.

It will be proper now to inquire whether the child should
habitually react toward his trainer, whether parent or
teacher or minister, as one of whom he stands in mca:
awe, or as one whom he regards as a companion between

the child
and even a playmate. We may here glance at ana nis
Locke’s views relating to this point, since he is "2
the most illustrious representative of the doctrine that the
child must not at the outset feel at all familiar with those
who train him, lest they lose their authority over him. Says
Locke : —

I imagine every one will judge it reasonable that their Chil-
dren, when little, should look upon their Parents as their Lords,
their absolute Governors, and as such stand in awe of them; and
that when they come to riper Years, they should look upon them
as their best, or their only sure Friends, and as such love and rev-
erence them. . .. If therefore a strict Hand be kept over Children
from the Beginning, they willin Age be tractable, and quietly
submit to it, as never having known any other: And if as they
grow up to the Use of Reason, the Rigour of Government be, as
they deserve it, gently relax’d, the Father’s Brow more smooth’d
to them, and Distance by Degrees abated, his former Restraints
will increase their Love, when they find it was only a kindness to
them, and a Care to make them capable to deserve the Favour of
their Parents, and the Esteem of every Body else.’

In our own country, as we have already seen, we are not
1 Locke, Education, Quick, sec. 41.
834 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

following Locke’s advice, for most people treat their children
as though they were their equals. American children do not
as a rule stand in awe of their parents, or really of their
teachers, their ministers, or any one else in the community.
In Germany and England, however, the situation is quite
different ; and the outcome upon the conduct of the young
is apparent. English and German children are more “ re-
spectful” and obedient than they are with us, but our
children are more original, forceful, and independent, —
so much so, indeed, in some cases that they are incessantly
in conflict with the representatives of authority in the
home, the school, and the church. There is no doubting
the fact that our young people are more competent, in
the large sense of the term, than those of any European
country, but they are at the same time more “disorderly,”
and less inclined to adjust themselves to the existing condi-
tion of things. They are more boisterous, self-assertive, and
inconsiderate of persons and customs than are the young
people of any other country probably. While there may be
many factors codperating to produce these characteristic
traits of American children, yet one factor is unquestionably
more potent than any other: with us parents do not keep
aloof from their children, they do not assume the attitude
of governors toward them, as they do elsewhere. Here the
father makes a playmate of his boy, and the latter rarely
acquires a feeling of awe toward the former. It is the com-
mon practice for the father to “josh” his boys, who pay
back in kind. They wrestle together, compete in every sort
of game, play practical jokes freely on one another, ad-
dress one another as though they were on terms of absolute
equality, instead of one being ruler and the other subject.
In this give and take between father and son there is at
the time being no restraint on either side, because of
a sense of one being superior to the other; any one who
will observe the current of life in a typical American home
may easily note this fact. If an Englishman or a German
LEADERSHIP AND COMPANIONSHIP 335

happens into such a home when conventionalities are laid
aside (which is the usual thing), he is more or less shocked
at the apparent irreverence of the children, who talk to
their parents as they talk to their playmates. The saluta-
tion “ Sir” or “Ma’am” is almost entirely abandoned in
American homes and schools, though the equivalents thereof
are retained in most foreign countries. In an older day in
our own country children always showed their deference to
their father by addressing him on all occasions with “ Sir.”
But to-day if the typical father asks his seven-year-old son,
say, such a question as “Did you have good lessons at
school to-day?” the boy does not respond with “ Yes, sir,”
or “Yes, father,” but with « You bet,” or “It was bum
work to-day.” Thus have the times changed in respect to
the outward relations, at any rate, between parents and
their children.

The reader has without doubt anticipated a certain
difficulty toward which we have been drifting in our dis-
cussion. On previous occasions it has been said gan teaser-
that comradeship between trainer and child is ship and

companion-
more favorable to sound social development than ship be
formal, conventional politeness or respect, which jy),
can be observed only when the child stands in !Mévidual?
awe of his elders. But if the boy makes a companion of his
father and his teacher, will the latter be able to guide him
in seasons of storm and stress in the effort to adjust himself
to his social environment? While the child is to some
extent educated by his companions, still the latter are abso-
lutely incapable of keeping him growing on steadily until
he reaches the highest point in social development. If a
child had only companions to urge him on, he would early
suffer arrest in his evolution along every line. Adaptation
to the complex phases of the social, the intellectual, or the
industrial environment is a difficult process, and it will not
be achieved by any individual unless he will respond to
a force which will urge him forward when on his own
336 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

initiative he would come betimes to a halt. We must recog-
nize the fact that, if left to himself, the child would in-
evitably stop on a low plane of development, and contact
with persons on the basis of mere companionship would not
keep him growing until he had reached the level of the
social environment about him. So it is not dogmatic to say
that there must be those who stand in such a relation to
the individual that they can and will coerce him when
necessary, and he will not resist them, but will readily
follow their leading.

Is it posssible to combine in the same individual the quali-
ties of a leader and of a companion? Can a father be a
“ good fellow” with his boys, and train them in right living
at the same time? Can a teacher be as one of the group on
the playground, but a guide and master in the schoolroom?
Every reader can doubtless call to mind some persons who
are capable of meeting these requirements, but'they are not
as frequently met with as one could wish. Unquestionably
human nature is so constituted that it cannot, as a rule,
change readily from an attitude of give and take on terms
of complete equality to the attitude of leader, or of disci-
plinarian when correction is essential. But the really com-
petent trainer can do this. He can be on the most familiar
terms with his children when the occasion permits of play
relations ; but when the situation demands coercion, or pe-
nalizing, he can assume the attitudes essential to the efficient
performance of the task. In this way he can lead his chil-
dren to properly evaluate their experiences and the various
lines of conduct which they might pursue. But one who is
either “ easy ” or severe under all circumstances cannot give
the young the right perspective in viewing the varied possi-
bilities of action presented to them.

In our American life we need to cultivate the type of
trainer who can be a playfellow and at the same time a
leader. It is too early, perhaps, to say what will be the out-
come of our method of making friends and equals of our
A DANGER IN AMERICAN LIFE 337

children; but it seems safe to predict that if we can keep
our control over them so that we can secure their constant
growth until they have assimilated all the best the race has
achieved, we will make them all the more capable and happy,
if we may so speak, because of our cordiality with them.
Those children develop in a more optimistic and joyous way
apparently who are not constantly repressed and oppressed
by their superiors. One is struck with this fact as he studies
child-life in different European countries, and notes how in
some instances the constant dread of discipline from stern,
unbending authority sobers and even saddens childhood and
youth. On the other hand, where authority is utterly lax
children are likely to go so far in their spontaneity that they
come frequently into conflict with the established social order,
and they grow irritable and discontented. There is a median
way which the wise trainer will attempt to pursue. He will
at one time put aside entirely his adult austerity and stiff-
ness, and enter completely into the absolutely unconventional
activities of his children; but at another time he will hold
them to exact and unvarying conformity to all the principles
of action essential to their sound intellectual, moral, and
physical development.

In this connection attention should be called to certain
tendencies in American life which indicate that we are.not
keeping our children plastic and educable as long , ikeues
as we should. It is perhaps a familiar fact that the American
young of the lower races of men mature much ae
earlier than the children of highly developed peoples. Among
some of the more primitive African tribes boys and girls dis-
charge many of the functions of men and women before they
have reached their teens. They are beginning to take on
adult traits at an age when our own children are just enter-
ing school. Of course, the effect of early maturing, as was
pointed out in another chapter,! is to put a stop betimes to
development ; and this is without question true of individuals

1 Chapter xiii.
338 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

among civilized peoples as it is of races. As we have seen,
the children on the streets of a great city tend to reach adult-
hood, physically and mentally, several years before those
living under less stimulating conditions. Observation in
European countries will probably convince any one that
those nations that keep the young plastic, and so educable,
for the longest period are unquestionably the most vigorous,
prosperous, and progressive in every way.

Happily the trend in our own country thus far has been
in the direction of lengthening the maturing process. A few
decades ago the grammar school marked the close of the
developing period for the great body of children, but we see
now that a constantly increasing proportion of them remain
in the assimilative attitude until they complete the secondary
school and the college. Our people are probably committed
to the policy of constantly extending the educational period
for all our children; but there are forces at work in our
educational system which are threatening to counteract the
beneficial results of a lengthened school course. At this time
it is the intention to refer only to the adoption of adult
attitudes, interests, and activities by pupils in the elementary
and high-school stage of development. Many observers of
college customs are deploring the prevalence of practices
hostile to the student temper of mind, — smoking, drinking,
gambling, and political and social excesses. A considerable
proportion of the students in our higher institutions receive
comparatively little profit from their college course. They
are not in the learning attitude ; they are too sophisticated.
They have sampled life in all its aspects, and they have largely
lost interest in acquiring what the race has discovered that
may make life richer for the individual and for society. All
they do in fulfillment of college requirements is done in a
more or less formal and mechanical way. They are blasé
before they have completed the period of youth, a catastrophe
which probably happens often when the ripening process
proceeds too rapidly. If adult activities be not assumed until
THE EVIL OF EARLY SOPHISTICATION 339

full maturity of mind and body is reached, they tend in-
definitely to have a wholesome interest for the individual ;
but it is quite different when the boy becomes a man in
experience before nature intended he should.

Harmful as early sophistication is in the college, it is
little short of a disaster in the elementary or even in the
high school. One of our most serious problems in syne oyit of
American education to-day is found right here, early s0-
From every section of the country come loud com- ™™"**4"
plaints from teachers concerning the evil results of the gen-
eral introduction into secondary schools of fraternities and
sororities, inter-academic athletics, gambling, “ proms” and
balls, smoking clubs, and the like. The high school is aping
the college in these respects, and even going beyond its ex-
cesses. Boys and girls still in the preliminary stages of
physical and intellectual development are indulging in cer-
tain of the dissipations of adults, and in consequence thereof
they are losing their enthusiasm for the developing activi-
ties that should occupy them mainly at this time. The tes-
timony from every quarter is to the effect that the legitimate
work of the secondary school is seriously threatened by the
invasion of these extraneous interests, and there is a de-
mand for heroic measures in order to keep the lives of our
pupils simple and plastic and assimilative.

Parents are largely at fault in this matter, for they often
encourage their children in their attempts to be “ exclu-
sive,” and to mimic their elders in forming secret societies,
attending theatres, balls, and the like. They refuse to co-
operate with teachers in their efforts to keep high-school
life simple and wholesome, and adapted to continuous de-
velopment. Principals report that parents often take delight
in the thought that their girls are in a high-school sorority,
and attend balls, and have “beaux,” while a neighbor’s
girls are not invited. Such parents provide dances for high-
school boys and girls, and they encourage late hours and
other excesses practiced by adults. The excuse offered for
340 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

this sort of thing is that young people ought to have diver-
sion, and it is argued that the activities of the ballroom are
more diverting than anything else; but teachers say that
pupils who frequent the ballroom are incapable of effective
work in the school.

Students of human development are universally agreed
that when the relations between the sexes which the ball-
room encourages become prominent early in adolescence,
the result will not be beneficial either to mind or to body.
This does not imply that boys and girls are to be separated
in their work, but there is a difference between their solv-
ing together problems in science or history or literature,
and meeting in a ballroom for the sole purpose of personal
contact. No people have ever long endured among whom
the ballroom, and the relations which it develops, occupied
an important place during the period of early youth. Speak-
ing generally, when an adolescent catches the dancing fever,
and it runs its course, his mental evolution ceases betimes.
It is perhaps about as disastrous when he acquires a profes-
sional interest in an athletic team, either as a player or as
a “rooter” for a team. Everything of this sort operates to
stifle interest in the less exciting situations presented in
science or history or literature; but the mastery of these
latter interests is absolutely essential for the welfare alike
of the individual and of society.

Parents are their children’s worst enemies when they en-
courage them in adopting adult practices in their tender
years. The normal boy and girl will really enjoy the experi-
ence of being initiated into a secret society more if they
wait until they have completed the high school at least.
The adolescent will find wholesome pleasure, and genuine
upbuilding pleasure, in a simple, assimilative, unsophisti-
cated régime, if the people in any community will agree to
preserve the high-school epoch from these practices of ma-
turity, which are now giving us so much trouble. The aim
must be to keep the period of youth teachable, so that the
CONCERNING DANCING 341

thoughts of the individual may be turned toward the things
of the school, and away from mere temporary interests. In
a certain city in the Middle West, in which sororities and
fraternities and athletic teams have flourished, the major
part of the thought and energy of a large proportion of the
students is devoted to these extra-school diversions. The
spirit among these pupils is unwholesome, and detrimental
to their full development, as is shown in the career of a
number of them after they have left the high school.

Since dancing has been mentioned, it will be proper to
speak of it further here, for it is one of the most important
problems in the high school to-day. It will prob- goncerning
ably not be news to any reader to hear that peo- dancing
ple—boys and girls, men and women— have always been
interested in the dance. Even among primitive men, where
the struggle for survival is keen, dancing is a favorite pas-
time. Many of the religious ceremonies of races like our
Indians are based upon the dance. In all their celebrations
dancing in some form furnishes the primary means of amuse-
ment and of social intercourse. This is doubtless due to
the fact that through the dance groups of people can be
unitized and harmonized, as they can hardly be so easily
and effectively in any other way. When the members of a
group all act in unison in response to any sort of rhythm,
they cease to a greater or less extent to be isolated, and to
act as individuals in opposition or indifference to one another.
All who participate in the dance are brought into accord in
action, and to some extent in feeling. Even such a simple
act among children as “ keeping step” to the beat of a drum
is an organizing and harmonizing influence.

There is, of course, a rich emotional effect from respond-
ing to rhythm, which makes the dance so pleasurable to
most persons, particularly to youth. It is probable also that
dancing is of great value in physical development ; and it is
certainly beneficial to the nervous system, if not carried
to excess. People who have danced know that when one
342 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

is “nervous,” dancing often enables him to “ get hold of
himself” again. It helps him to totalize his energies, and
to discipline bis nerves through rhythmical expression. Of
course, in contemporary life, as perhaps among primitive
people, dancing may come to occupy too prominent a place
in the individual’s activities, when its potential value may
be lost. But this indicates simply that it should not be left
to be practiced by people under unduly exciting conditions
and only on rare occasions, for then even temperate persons
are likely to go to excess. It should become a part of their
daily lives, and should be regarded as of marked hygienic
and educational value.

Unhappily, dancing in present-day society has become
confined to a very narrow range of movements. In an older
- day, not farther back than the time of our grand-

‘olk dances 2 :
in the fathers, dancers indulged in a much richer and
schools more varied programme than they now do. And
to go back still farther, the folk dances of our ancestors
comprised a wealth of rhythmical expressions which have
been lost out of modern life completely, so far as the dance-
ing of either young or mature people is concerned. In our
day, even among pinafore boys and girls, the dance is con-
fined almost wholly to the movements of the waltz and the
two-step, which are extremely meagre in variety. Indeed,
they may be said to lack variety altogether. In the execu-
tion of these dances only two persons come into relation with
one another, whereas in the dances of our grandfathers, —
the minuets, the reels, the so-called square dances, etc., —
many persons assumed rhythmical and social attitudes
toward each other at one and the same time. Compared
with these earlier dances, the present-day waltz and two-
step seem degenerate in the extreme. They lack richness
and vitality, alike for the development of rhythmical move-
ment in the individual, and for the cultivation of grace and
courtesy in social adjustment. One might be able to dance
the two-step or the waltz acceptably, and be neither grace-
FOLK DANCES IN THE SCHOOLS 343

ful nor courteous in any large sense; but this would be
impossible in respect to the dances of a more varied charac-
ter, where a dozen persons, say, are brought into adjustment
with one another in any one dance.

So there is not much to be said in favor of the modern
waltz and two-step for high-school boys and girls, and still
less for younger children. But happily new interest is devel-
oping in the dances of our ancestors, and especially the folk
dances. The passion for dancing which appears during the
high-school epoch could be gratified in a beneficial way by
the introduction of folk dances into the high school, making
them a part of the daily work of every student. The writer
has observed these dances in a number of schools in different
parts of the country, and he has found that teachers and
pupils alike are interested in them, and praise them for
their social and physical value, as well as for the pure delight
they afford. They are better adapted than formal gymnastics
to the needs of high-school boys and girls, and they are
much Jess expensive to conduct, for they require no special
apparatus, though it is imperative that there should be a
good-sized room free from obstructions in which they may
be executed. A class may pass from a recitation room
directly into the gymnasium, and utilize fifteen or twenty
minutes to the greatest advantage in dancing. Under the
guidance of a good teacher any one pupil will be required
to adjust himself in courteous relations with many of his
classmates during the fifteen-minute drill. The entire physi-
cal organism of the pupil will be refreshed by the experience,
and the work of the classroom will be attacked with greater
vim and success than if the pupil had no opportunity to
indulge in this exquisite form of physical movement. This
is a perfectly feasible sort of physical exercise for secondary
schools ; and if it can be well done it will aid in controlling
the evil to which reference has been made, — dancing the
waltz and two-step to excess.
344 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

In training the young, conflicts frequently arise because the child,
controlled by impulse and lacking experience, cannot appreciate the
adult point of view. Consequently he thinks the latter’s
demands are often arbitrary and unnecessary. In all training
the following attitudes are of primary importance : a recognition of
the strength and naturalness of children’s desires ; a firm hand in
administering clear-cut rules of conduct ; unyielding but sympathetic
determination to lead a hesitant or rebellious child to see the reason-
ableness of any command without irritating him ; and an effective use
of suggestion.

In all training the voice and the manner of the trainer have a subtle
power either to irritate the individual or to calm him and allure him
into conformity with necessary rules. One’s shortcomings repeatedly
brought to his attention are likely to arouse his evil impulses, which
tend to become established in his character.

Mere verbal corrections are apt to be ineffective, as words alone,
when not reinforced by bodily attitudes and the like, are usually
incapable of restraining the child’s dominant ideas, emotions, and
motor processes. Many of the commands issued by adults never reach
the focus of consciousness of the child, because they are given at times
and under circumstances when the child is wholly possessed by some
idea or enterprise in which he is engaged. In this way indifference to
commands is often developed in children. However, with development
words as such become loaded with meaning, and acquire the power to
move the individual to action. In the early years, words should be
used sparingly and other forms of expression generously in all situa-
tions requiring discipline.

In the administration of discipline, personality is the most important
factor. In a “strong” personality, quality of voice, size and proportion
of body suggesting power, and features expressive of moral purpose
and determination are important characteristics.

The effective teacher must possess by nature a generous amount of
mother love, intelligent, warm-hearted sympathy, and the attribute
of decisiveness.

Children cannot develop properly without constant leadership.
Companionship alone would never lift the child to the highest plane
of development. The really effective trainer, whether parent or
teacher, can be both a leader and a companion of his children. A
teacher or parent who can be a “ good fellow” at times, at other times
a guide, and at still other times a disciplinarian, will accomplish much
more in his training than one who is either always stern and “on his
dignity ” or always lax and “ easy.”

In social training to-day in America we have to combat a tendency
for the young to adopt betimes the interests, practices, and amuse-
ments of adults. Early sophistication means early arrest in mental

Résumé
RESUME 345

development. The elementary and the high school should be kept
simple ; adult tendencies should be eliminated. Once the assimilative
attitude is lost in childhood, the individual’s growth will be speedily
terminated. Dancing is one of the serious evils in the secondary-school
period, mainly because it is not adapted to the nature and needs of
young people. The introduction of folk ‘dancing into the schools would
prove of great service,
CHAPTER XV
METHODS OF CORRECTION

Taus far we have spoken only of those methods of train-
ing and of control which seek to produce proper responses
penal in the child without subjecting him to physical
ameansot pain. But we cannot escape commenting on this
correction Jatter means of government, which has, played the
leading réle in all times in the correction of juvenile errors.
From the earliest times of which we have any record, the
rod has been an apparently indispensable instrument of
discipline. Scourging, flogging, castigation have been fine
arts in their day; and to be skillful in the use of the scu-
tica, the bastinado, the ferule, the flagellum, the knout, the
spatula, the birch, and similar appliances was, in an earlier
period of human development, regarded as the highest ac-
complishment in one who aspired to teach the young idea
how to shoot. As late as Dickens’s time the chief occupation
of schoolmasters seemed to be chastising their pupils, and
the methods of Dotheboys Hall were in fashion in all parts
of the world. The prevailing conception of the schoolmaster
in many localities to-day is as a wielder of the rod. The
newspapers in some sections still announce gatherings of
school-teachers in terms which indicate that their vocation
consists chiefly in flogging youth.

But in the evolution of the race there has been a gradual
growth away from corporal punishment as a mode of control
of wrong-doing. Society has found that the whipping-post,
at least when it is not supplemented by other corrective
agencies, does not reform juvenile offenders, as Morrison!
and others have conclusively shown. Comparatively few pro-
gressive countries now make use of public whipping as a

1 See his Juvenile Offenders.
THE TENDENCY IN OUR OWN COUNTRY 347

form of punishment for young criminals.! In England, Bir-
mingham is said still to retain the whipping-post, but it is
claimed this city has a larger percentage of young criminals
in proportion to its population than any other city in Eng-
land. There are those who believe, though, that flagellation
has played an important and beneficial réle in the develop-
ment of the English people. One hears it said occasionally
that great Englishmen owe their eminence to their flogging
in school as much as to anything else. However, most com-
petent students of the subject to-day seem to attribute the
vigor and integrity of the English character more to native
endowment and to the training on the athletic field than to
the virtues of the rod.

In our own country it is probable that both theory and
practice are inclining toward the employment of other means
than whipping to turn the young into paths of vir- The ten-
tue, though distinguished teachers like President S07"
Hall still believe in the curative properties of “Dr. country
Spankster’s tonic.” There are among us many men of ex-
perience in the control of childhood and youth who agree
with President Hall; and there are also many who are on
the other side. The differences of opinion, together with
the prevailing sentiment, are seen in the following state-
ments recently secured by the Board of Education of the
city of New York in its discussion of corporal punishment
as a means of correction in the schools of the metropolis.
The statements are given as made by the writers, in order
to show their particular experiences with the rod, and their
reasons for retaining or abolishing it.

1 Even in the training of animals now the rod is kept for very special
occasions. The more intelligent animals are never “ punished by chastise-
ment”; a harsh word is enough, and the great danger is that it may prove
too much. It is a matter requiring from the trainer a high degree of tact.
Nor are the bolder felines whipped or clubbed to anything like the extent
that is popularly supposed to be the case. Only when they are stubborn or
show fight do they suffer. “ Do not punish until you have to; then punish

hard,” is the training maxim. — Adams, ‘‘ The Training of Lions, Tigers, and
Other Great Cats,” McClure’s Magazine, September, 1900.
348 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

Andrew W. Edson, Associate Superintendent of Schools, New
York : I do not believe that it is wise to give to principals or teachers
the right to inflict corporal punishment upon children attending the pub-
lic schools. It seems to me that the principal aim in school government
is to train pupils to self-control and to prompt and willing obedience.

Clarence E. Meleney, Associate Superintendent of Schools, New
York : I believe that corporal punishment is not a proper means to be
used by a teacher to control a class, to correct improper conduct, or to
inoculate right ideals. Such means have proved inadequate wherever
employed. The infliction of corporal punishment by a teacher tends
to alienate the pupils, to produce antagonism and resentment, and to
make it harder for the teacher to win the regard of the pupils and to
command their respect for the teacher’s authority.

Edward B. Shallow, Associate Superintendent of Schools, New
York: I favor corporal punishment as a means of last resort with
certain pupils not attending the schools. If a boy’s conduct becomes
intolerable in school, after all means to correct him have failed, and
he becomes impudent to his teacher or the principal, our only way of
correcting him now is to expel him from school, place him in a truant
school, and support him well at public expense. There are certain chil-
dren over whom their own parents have absolutely no control. These
children cannot be reached by any kind of moral suasion. They do not
know what it is to obey ; they grow up in defiance of law and order,
and when they leave school they attempt to break laws, and only a
policeman’s club can subdue them. Would it not be better as a mea-
sure of final resort to have a little cutaneous infliction on these fellows
while they are in school ?

Gustave Straubenmuller, Associate Superintendent of Schools,
New York : I am opposed to the pedagogy of the rod, although I am
fully conscious of a “decadence of positive authority ” in all walks of
life. Principally opposed because the rod has been done away with in
the army, navy, most private schools, penal institutions, ete., with good
effect on those institutions ; also for hygienic reasons. It is usually the
weak and inexperienced teacher who resorts to the rod; the whipped
child does not regard his wrong act as the cause of pain, but looks upon
the teacher as the cause of punishment.

D. L. Bardwell, District Superintendent of Schools, New York :
All discipline from without must lead to self-control from within or
utterly fail. Discipline by corporal punishment never leads to self-re-
straint. The “ bad boy” gets quite too many cuffs and other forms of
corporal punishment now. The occasional case who might seem to be
helped by corporal punishment should not stand in the way of the vastly
greater number who would be injured by the restoration of corporal
punishment. Corporal punishment, where resorted to, almost inva-
riably weakens the real power and influence of the one inflicting it.
OPINIONS OF CORPORAL PUNISHMENT 349

John J. Chickering, District Superintendent of Schools, New York:
I believe the necessity for its actual infliction seldom arises, but when
it does arise it should be thoroughly done by a rattan or rawhide in
the hands of the principal.

John W. Davis, District. Superintendent of Schools, New York :
The punishment should be inflicted by the principal, in my opinion,
with the rattan. There is far less respect for law than there was when
I, as a pupil, attended the schools. At that time the principals had
authority to inflict corporal punishment.

Edward D. Farrell, District Superintendent of Schools, New York ?
I never knew a stupid boy that improved in his lessons through the
assistance of the rod. I never knew a bad boy that was reformed by
the rod. It may have had an educational value or a restraining influ-
ence, but its efficacy in these respects escaped my notice.

John Griffin, District Superintendent of Schools, New York : It
is the parental and natural method. The fear of punishment is the only
deterrent that restrains a wayward child. By educational association
the normal child acquires a habit of well-doing, but this habit is not
instinctive. In a well-disciplined school the use of the rod would be
very infrequent.

Julia Richman, District Superintendent, New York : It is a retro-
gressive step in the progress of civilization. It degrades both the pupil
and the officer inflicting the punishment. To be effective it must be so
severe as to run the risk of being brutal. If a deterrent, it achieves
its purpose only through fear, and not through the development of
self-control on the part of the pupil.

A. T. Schauffler, District Superintendent of Schools, New York :
There are numerous cases of pupils whose home and street influences
are not helpful to them, and whose only conception of authority is the
power to punish. As the compulsory law makes it necessary for these
pupils to be retained in the schools, if not placed in a truant school,
effective means for securing proper respect and obedience are absolutely
necessary. Probably not more than one in fifty of these cases would
require the actual application of the rod ; but the fact that some one
has the right to use it would be a sufficient deterrent from disobedi-
ence and insubordination.

Edgar Dubs Shimer, District Superintendent of Schools, New
York: No. It tends to brutalize both teacher and pupil. Even in the
training of horses blows are not permissible.

Seth T. Stewart, District Superintendent of Schools, New York:
A little corporal punishment would be a great blessing to many a bad
boy. Sparing the rod will, under present conditions, spoil the city, by
giving it gradually a large number of young desperadoes, the only
way to reach whom would be through the much greater curse contained
in a sentence to jail or the House of Refuge.
350 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

Charles W. Cole, Superintendent of Schools, Albany : No. The
decided improvement in good order in the classrooms, and the dimi-
nution in the number of cases of discipline, as well as the clearer moral
atmosphere of the schools, are, in my opinion and in that of the great
majority of our principals and classroom teachers, largely due to the
abolition of corporal punishment in the year 1892.

W.L. Sterling, Superintendent of Schools, Albuquerque: I do.
In every community, so far as my experience has gone, I have found
undisciplined children, with whom no argument prevails save corporal
‘punishment.

John Morrow, Superintendent of Scliools, Allegheny : Yes, when
it is necessary. Either corporal punishment should be permitted or out-
laws should be immediately ejected from the school. I have no sym-
pathy whatever with the namby-pamby policy that will tolerate one
or more unruly pupils taking the time and energy of the teacher that
ought to be devoted to the school. The decent children have some
right to be respected.

William M. Slater, Superintendent of Schools, Atlanta: Yes.
Children in the grammar schools are too young to be controlled entirely
by reason. The home environment of many of them demands corporal
punishment. Of course, moral suasion will prevail usually with children
in grammar grades.

James H. Van Sickle, Superintendent of Schools, Baltimore :
Our teachers have become better teachers since they ceased to rely
upon force. The best teachers have never needed to resort to corporal
punishment.

M. P. White, Assistant Superintendent of Schools, Boston: Yes,
to save the boy ; to save the school ; to save the community. It should
be used rarely and with judgment.

James E. Bryan, Superintendent of ‘Schools, Camden, N. J.:
Nine years’ experience with corporal punishment and nine years’ ex-
perience without have convinced me that the conditions that exist
without it are preferable to those with it. The school has a stronger
and higher influence, the teacher takes a higher position in the public
mind, and the parent takes a higher view of the function of the school
in the community. The pupil’s respect for the school is likewise
heightened. Teachers grow stronger as « better grade of ability is
required.

Edwin G. Cooley, Superintendent of Schools, Chicago : Unneces-
sary and brutal.

F. B. Dyer, Superintendent of Schools, Cincinnati : Yes, before the
age of adolescence.

William H. Elson, Superintendent of Schools, Cleveland : The
legal privilege to use it should be given. In practice it should be
avoided, but it should not be resorted to except in rare cases of viola-
tion of the rule governing the same.
VANN

OPINIONS OF CORPORAL PUNISHMENT 351

C. N. Kendall, Superintendent of Schools, Indianapolis : Teachers
should avoid corporal punishment when good discipline can be pre-
served by milder means.

James Q. Palmer, Superintendent of Schools, Jacksonville, Fla. :
Yes. The majority of teachers could not control their pupils if it was
known that no corporal punishment was allowed (speaking from my
experience alone).

Henry Snyder, Superintendent of Schools, Jersey City : No. Un-
necessary. Control is better without it. Brutal. Governs by fear, not
by love.

M. H. Pearson, Superintendent of Schools, Kansas City, Kansas :
No, indeed. It is not right; it is not wise; it is not pedagogical ;
public opinion will not sustain it.

E. C. Moore, Superintendent of Schools, Los Angeles: In the
extreme cases. I believe that corporal punishment should not be
abolished, but should not be used. It is nearing a vanishing point in
Los Angeles. With an attendance in all of thirty-five thousand, we
had but 254 whippings last year, and the number grows much smaller
each year. ;

H. H. Mark, Superintendent of Schools, Louisville: Yes, if pro-
perly restricted. There are very few cases in our schools requiring the
use of corporal punishment. Asa rule this punishment is resorted to
in too trivial cases, and many times when the one administering it is
angry.

ae K. Whitcomb, Superintendent of Schools, Lowell, Mass.:
As permissible under some circumstances, yes. In my own work as
master of a large grammar school I found that the right to use cor-
poral punishment in extreme cases was a great help, but I made great
efforts to avoid making any use of the privilege. In my last teaching
I did not, indeed, inflict corporal punishment at all.

H. C. Weber, Superintendent of Schools, Nashville : There comes
a time, no matter how long deferred, when the will of the child is
rebellious to authority and no argument seems to reach the case. It
then becomes necessary to resort to one of two expedients, either
corporal punishment or exclusion.

S. S. Murphy, Superintendent of Schools, Mobile, Ala.: Yes, for
boys. There are certain boys in every school who require punishment ;
and corporal punishment, judiciously administered, tends to hold in
check such pupils.

C. Henry Kain, Associate Superintendent of Schools, Philadelphia :
Where corporal punishment is allowed the abuses are likely to be so
great as to overbalance any possible good that might result. There are
reflex influences upon both teacher and pupils which are undoubtedly
bad. No teacher or principal can administer corporal punishment to
a pupil and then go calmly on with the regular duties of the school-
352 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

room. The resulting disturbance of the teacher’s mind must inevitably
affect the character of the recitations which succeed.

‘W. H. Brownson, Superintendent of Schools, Portland, Maine:
In Portland we reduce corporal punishment to its lowest possible
terms. It is used only as a last resort when other means fail. In the
districts where we have the most unruly boys, an extreme case would
mean either corporal punishment or expulsion from school. By the
former we are often able to keep the boy in school two or three years
longer than we could without it, and this seems worth while. There
might be some teachers who could maintain discipline in such schools
if the boys understood that they could not be whipped, but the average
teacher would find herself unable to properly govern her pupils with-
out resort to frequent expulsion.

‘W. H. Small, Superintendent of Schools, Providence: There are
times in a boy’s life when physical pain only seems to bring him to
himself and his relations to others. It is at these rare times that it
should be used.

William F. Fox, Superintendent of Schools, Richmond, Va. :
Yes. I believe that other means of discipline as far as practicable
should be used, but there seems to come a time when nothing will
answer except the rod.

Frank B. Cooper, Superintendent of Schools, Seattle, Wash. :
There are some cases which corporal punishment, properly adminis-
tered, will reach, and no other means seems to be effective.

J. A. Whiteford, Superintendent of Schools, St. Joseph, Mo. :
Yes, for cases where other remedies will not avail. It is not a specific
for every ill, and its use often does harm. However, it is very much
like a well-conducted home. A father should not tell his boys that he
dares not switch them if they need it, although he may never have
occasion. He should not say what might happen, but leave them to
think he is the head of the house.

‘F, Louis Soldan, Late Superintendent of Instruction, St. Louis:
In answer to your specific question : I believe it proper in exceptional
eases where all other means have failed, and where the choice is
between corporal punishment and driving the child out of school.

S. L. Heeter, Superintendent of Schools, St. Paul : I donot believe
in free-handed use of corporal punishment, and I doubt the wisdom
of granting the privilege of corporal punishment to teachers, but
I do believe that such privileges should be given to principals to be
used in extreme cases.

A. B. Blodgett, Superintendent of Schools, Syracuse, N. Y.:
Brutalizing and unsafe.

John J. Blair, Superintendent of Schools, Wilmington, N.C. :
There is some penalty which should stand as a severe punishment for
grievous offenses, such as impertinence and the offering of insult to
a lady teacher.
PRACTICE IN THE LARGEST CITIES 353

Homer P. Lewis, Superintendent of Schools, Worcester, Mass. :
It is often less injurious in its effects than other forms of punish-
ment. It best meets the impertinent and defiant attitude on the part
of the pupil. Where corporal punishment is not allowed in the schools,
in a majority of cases parents inflict corporal punishment for school
offenses, but not so wisely as the teachers. As obedience is the chief
virtue of the child, the discipline that best secures this is best.

In this connection it will be of interest to examine the
practices with respect to the use of the rod in American
cities of over one hundred thousand inhabitants.

 

 

Crry.

REGULATION.

 

Allegheny, Pa. .

Baltimore, Md. .
Boston, Mass. . .

Buffalo, N. Y. .

Chicago, Il. .
Cincinnati, Ohio

Cleveland, Ohio

Columbus, Ohio .

Denver, Colo. .

 

To be avoided when obedience and good
order can be preserved by milder mea-
sures. Full and accurate record required
to be kept, which at all times must be
subject to inspection of any member of
the board or a parent of a pupil in
attendance.

Forbidden.

Forbidden in high schools and kinder-
gartens, and as to girls in any school.
In any case, restricted to blows upon
the hand with a rattan. Each case must
be reported through the principal to the
superintendent.

The schools must be governed, as far as
possible, without corporal punishment,
special permission of the superintendent
necessary for any other than a principal
or an assistant principal to administer
punishment.

Forbidden.

May not be inflicted for failures in lessons
or recitations. Blows on head or violent
shaking of pupils prohibited.

Forbidden, except in unclassified schools,
where it is permitted when principal
and superintendent consent.

Allowed when all other means have failed.
To be inflicted in schoolroom by pupil’s
teacher, the principal being the judge of
special cases.

Teachers are required to consult with and
to get the approval of the principal be-
fore administering corporal punishment.
The child’s parent and the superintend-
ent must be promptly informed by letter.

1 See Report of U.S. Commissioner of Education, 1904, pp. 2285-2287.
354

SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

 

Crry.

REGULATION.

 

Detroit, Mich. .

Fall River, Mass. .

Indianapolis, Ind. .

Jersey City, N. J..
Kansas City, Mo. .

Los Angeles, Cal. .

Louisville, Ky. .
Lowell, Mass.
Memphis, Tenn.

Milwaukee, Wis. .

Minneapolis, Minn.

Newark, N. J. .

New Haven, Conn.

 

Must be avoided if possible. Must not be
inflicted without full knowledge and con-
sent of principal.

May be inflicted when milder measures
fail. Must not ordinarily be adminis-
tered in presence of school. Record of
each punishment and offense must be
sent to superintendent for inspection of
the board.

Must be avoided as far as possible. May
be inflicted only in presence of princi-
pal, and must be immediately reported
by him to superintendent.

Forbidden.

May be inflicted in cases of flagrant of-
fenses, and then only after duly notifying
parents or guardians of intended punish-
ment; and if parent or guardian will
administer punishment, so as to preserve
discipline of the school, teacher must
inflict no additional punishment. Must
not be inflicted in presence of school,
but at the close of session and in pre-
sence of two other teachers or the super-
intendent.

Must be avoided if possible ; switch or
strap to be used; blows upon face or
head forbidden.

Forbidden.

To be inflicted only as a last resort.

Must be avoided when good order can be
preserved by milder measures.

Permitted as last resort by principal only.
Excessive punishment and lonely con-
finement prohibited. Must not be in-
flicted in presence of class. All cases
must be reported monthly to superin-
tendent.

Permitted only when all other means fail.
Principal only may inflict corporal pun-
ishment ; then only when parents give
written consent. Each case must be re-
ported by principal to superintendent.

Forbidden.

May be administered, with consent of prin-
cipal, in extreme cases only, but never
at same session of school at which the
offense was committed. Cases to be re-
ported monthly to superintendent.
PRACTICE IN THE LARGEST CITIES 355

Ciry.

REGULATION.

 

New Orleans, La. .

New York, N.Y...
Omaha, Nebr. .

Paterson,N. J. .
Philadelphia, Pa. .

Pittsburg, Pa. .
Providence, R.I. . .

Rochester, N. Y. .
St. Joseph, Mo.

St. Louis, Mo. .

St. Paul, Minn.. . .

San Francisco, Cal.

Scranton, Pa.

.

Restricted to male pupils below high
school, and to be administered only after
all other means have failed. Only princi-
pal, or assistant principal by authority
of the former, have right to inflict. Re-
stricted to the hands, and must not be
inflicted in presence of class, or at time
of offense. Monthly report to superin-
tendent required.

Forbidden.

Teachers are required to govern their
pupils by kindness and appeals to their
nobler affections and sentiments.

Forbidden.

There is no rule ; but corporal punishment
is said to have been abandoned by com-
mon consent.

Not forbidden, but is inflicted only in ex-

treme cases.

No pupil above primary liable, and-in the
latter only with written consent of
parent or guardian, Each case must be
reported to superintendent immediately,
who causes an investigation to be made.

May be inflicted in extreme cases by the
principal or, with his consent, by an
assistant.

Must be avoided as far as possible. Each
case to be reported to principal and by
him monthly to superintendent.

. [Inflicted only with consent of principal, by

either teacher or principal, presence of
both being required. Authorized but not
encouraged by the board, being left
largely to the discretion of principal.

Forbidden, except when necessary to repel
violence.

May not be inflicted in the high schools or
upon girls in any schools. Itis permitted
only in extreme cases, and may be in-
flicted only by principals or by vice-
principals with the consent of principals.
Excessive punishment is prohibited, only
a strap or a rattan being allowed.

Forbidden except in flagrant cases of dis-
obedience and disorder. Not to be ad-
ministered in presence of school, but
some other teacher or the superintend-

 

ent required to be present.
356 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

 

 

Crrr. REGULATION.
Syracuse, N.Y. . . . | Forbidden.
Toledo, Ohio . . . . | Forbidden.

Washington, D.C. . . | Must be avoided if possible. All cases must
be reported monthly to principal and
through him and supervising principal
to superintendent.

Worcester, Mass. . . . | Permitted only in extreme cases, then only
when approved by principal or superin-
tendent. Must not be inflicted in pre-
sence of school. Teachers are required
to make and keep complete records of
all cases.

 

 

 

There is a marked difference of opinion among European
schoolmasters regarding the value of the rod as a means of
Theten- control. In Germany, one finds corporal punish-
dcney in ment in general use, at least in the elementary
countries schools; and the principle is recognized even in
the secondary schools. The German teacher in every grade,
from the kindergarten through the gymnasium, believes in
“strict discipline.” He is not in the least sentimental in
his attitude toward his pupils; and if appearances can be
relied upon, he would rather whip in cases of doubt than
let an offender escape. The German instructor is not easily
affected by the tears of his subjects; indeed, he seems to
think a certain amount of chastisement is essential to the
proper training of a child. Spontaneity, as the term is used
among us, is not much in evidence in a German school.
There pupils are required to do as they are commanded,
and not as they might choose on their own initiative. The
German seeks to train men and women who are obedient
and respectful toward authority, and he does not hesitate
to crush out originality or independence among children,
wherever it is manifested in opposition to the rules and
regulations under which one is supposed to conduct himself.
The German school is essentially a military institution, and
force is relied upon as the chief means of control.
IN ENGLAND AND IN FRANCE 357

Until -recently, the rod was much in evidence in the
schools of England. English satirists have chosen the
schoolmaster as the chief object of their ridicule. They
have represented him as a tyrant, a sanguinary monster,
eager for the blood of his helpless victims. Let one go
through English literature dealing in any way with school
training, and he will be impressed, and it may be oppressed,
by the prominent place occupied by the birch and the cane
as instruments of education. In descriptions of school-
rooms, the only apparatus mentioned often are the ferule
and the rod. But the times are changing. Dickens and
others drove the rod almost, though not entirely, from the
school. It is still used on occasion, even in such institu-
tions as Eton and Rugby; but the schoolmasters in these
schools say it is not necessary to resort to it often. Self-
control and self-discipline are coming to be relied upon
more and more largely; and though older boys do some-
times, in Eton for instance, flog their fags for carelessness
or “freshness,” still there is much less of this form of cor-
rection than there was when the present system was first
put into effect. The use of physical pain as a method of dis-
cipline is declining, even in the hands of boys themselves.

The general tendency to restrict the use of the rod has
gone farther in France than in any other country, so far as
the knowledge of the present writer extends. There corporal
punishment is absolutely prohibited in all public schools.
One may go into schoolrooms in that country, and note a
large placard in the front of the room, so that it can be
read by all the pupils, bearing the following directions
from the Réglement des Ecoles primaires publiques : —

Article 17.

Les punitions admises dans les écoles publiques sont (the pun-
ishments allowed in the public schools are) : —

1. Les mauvais points. (Demerit marks.)

2. La réprimande. (Reproof.)
358 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

3. La privation partielle de la récréation. (Partial loss of re-
cesses.)

4. La retenue apres la classe du soir. (Detention after school.)

5. L’imposition d’un court devoir supplémentaire dans la fa-
mille. (The assignment of short tasks, supplementary to the regu-
lar school work, to be done at home.)

6. L’exclusion de trois jours au plus sous la seule responsabilité
du Directeur de l’école. Avis en sera donné a la famille et & ’In-
specteur primaire. (The Director of the School may suspend the
pupil for three days at most, notice of this to be sent to the par-
ents and the inspector of elementary schools.)

Dans le cas d’inconduite notoire, cette peine pourra étre portée
de trois 4 huit jours avec l’assentiment de l’Inspecteur pri-
maire. Avis en sera donné a la mairie et aux parents. (In the
case of serious misconduct, suspension from school “ May be ex-
extended” from three to eight days, with the consent of the in-
spector of primary schools, notice to this effect to be sent ta the
parents and the mayor.)

Article 18.

Tl est absolument interdit d’infliger aucun chatiment corporel.
(Corporal punishment is absolutely forbidden).

When one asks the French schoolmasters whether the
pupils, knowing they cannot be punished severely, do not
take advantage of their teachers, he is told that no diffi-
culty has been experienced from this source thus far. “We
iry to be fathers to our children,” they say, “and our pu-
pils appreciate it. When we cannot use the rod we find
other means of control. We would not return to corporal
punishment even if we were given the right so to do. Our
pupils are much happier now than they were of old, when
the rod was depended upon almost wholly in the discipline
of pupils.”

Now, it may be instructive to compare the conduct of
French and German pupils in the schools. One difference
between them will be readily apparent to any observer.
There is.a great deal more spontaneity among the French
children, but the German children have a much more seri-
RESULTS IN EUROPEAN COUNTRIES 359

ous attitude toward their work. French schoolmasters find
it necessary frequently to ask for the attention of o., sesutts
their pupils, and to caution them against disturb- of experi-
: : ments in
ing their classmates. But rarely does one hear a European
German teacher ask for attention, or exhort pupils °™™*
to “behave themselves,” or to apply themselves to their
tasks, and the like. From the beginning of his school life
the German child is made to feel that if he errs he will pay
the penalty therefor in dermal pain, and this seems to make
him eager to conform completely to the rules of the school.
It is probable that the French schools would be somewhat
more effective if they had a little of the German rigor of
discipline; not too much of it, but enough to make pupils
feel the need of applying themselves more faithfully to the
tasks appropriate to the school. On the other hand, the Ger-
man system seems to be lacking in that it crushes individ-
uality and initiative, and it does not develop in pupils, taken
as a whole, the ability to control themselves effectively when
they escape from authority. In the universities all govern-
ment of pupils from without is abandoned; each student
may do as he chooses. Unfortunately the majority, perhaps,
do not choose to apply themselves to university duties in an
earnest, effective manner. In no institutions anywhere ap-
parently are students more given to dissipation and riot-
ous living than they are in these German universities, most
of the members of which have been put through a rigorous
system of training for from twelve to fifteen years. Probably
the students at the Sorbonne, trained under a lax system of
discipline, are as capable of controlling themselves and ap-
plying themselves to serious work as are the German students
trained under a rigid military system. It would seem that,
after all, the rod, whether extensively used as it is in some
places, or prohibited as it is in others, is not the chief factor
(though it doubtless plays a part) in determining self-control.
To return to the prevailing practice in our own country,
while we may rejoice heartily in all that has been achieved
360 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

in liberating childhood from the bondage of the rod, it is
Isthepen- still possible that we have erred in thinking that

dulum : .
swinging the young react to coercion and corporal punish-

oe ment as an adult does, and so that physical pain

country? ought never to be employed as a means of control.
One who in an unprejudiced spirit observes the child in all
his daily struggles to adapt himself to the world, comes inev-
itably to believe that he is happiest when he concludes that
he should yield without protest to the guidance of those wiser
than he. When he persists in his own way, which is unhap-
pily the way of darkness in considerable part,!— the philoso-
phy of Froebel and Dickens to the contrary notwithstand-
ing, —he finds himself in constant antagonism to his social
environment. In the end, of course, he must fall into line or
be ruled out altogether; but when his trainers take too senti-
mental a view of their duty, he is likely not to learn the
lesson of ready compliance with rightful authority until it is
too late. Unless the child has the experience and inhibition
of the adult, he cannot be intrusted with adult freedom, in
the sense that he can ignore authority, speaking now from
the standpoint of his own welfare. The really happy child,
after all, is the one who accepts his elders as his experience,

1 Spencer makes this point strong in his educational philosophy. ‘“ Why
is education needed at all?” he asks in Social Statics, pp. 207, 208. “ Why
does not the child grow spontaneously into a normal human being ?
Why should it be requisite to curb this propensity, to stimulate the other
sentiment, and thus by artificial aids to mould the mind into something dif-
ferent from what it would of itself become ? . . . It is an indisputable fact
that the moral constitution which fitted man for his original predatory state
differs from the one needed to fit him for this social state, to which multi-
plication of the race has led. . . . The law of adaptation is effecting a tran-
sition from the one constitution to the other. Living then, as we do, in the
midst of this transition, we must expect to find sundry phenomena which are
explicable only upon the hypothesis that humanity is at present partially
adapted to both these states, and not completely to either — has only in a de-
gree lost the disposition needed for savage life, and has but imperfectly ac-
quired those needed for social life. . . . The selfish squabbles of the nursery,
the persecution of the playground, the lyings and petty thefts, the rough
treatment of inferior creatures, the propensity to destroy — these imply that

tendency to pursue gratification at the expense of other beings which quali-
fied man for the wilderness, and which disqualified him for civilized life.”
THE TREATMENT OF OBSTINACY 361

and acquiesces readily in their suggestions. If they are per-
fect in wisdom, and guide, not repress him, then will his hap-
piness be perfect. But even if their vision be obscured in
many ways, it is still best that he should readily follow their
leading. The first lesson which is taught the young of any
species of animal life is to do instantly what they are told
to do by their elders, who chastise them if they do not obey.
This seems a hardship at the moment, but it is a blessing
in the long run, for without it survival would be impossible.
But suppose the child refuses to follow the leading of
authority ; what then? This problem gave Locke, as it has
given most trainers of the young, more trouble ,. | sat.
than any other. He could forgive every deviation ment ot
from conventional conduct in a child except ob- opens
stinacy ; but this he regarded as a grievous sin, that in the
last resort must be cudgeled out of the child. His childish
errors may be overlooked; there is no need to rate and vex
him about his manners, they will take care of themselves ;
age alone will cure these faults.! But if he be obstinate,
beat him ; use the rod until you break his will. There is no
middle ground ; you must get the upper hands of your child.
Rousseau condemned Locke’s doctrine, and the followers of

1 “Nothing but Obstinacy should meet with any Imperiousness or rough
Usage. All other Faults should be corrected with a gentle Hand; and kind
engaging Words will work better and more effectually upon a willing Mind,
and even prevent a good deal of that Perverseness which rough and impe-
rious Usage often produces in well-disposed and generous Minds. ’T is true,
Obstinacy and wilful Neglects must be mastered, even though it cost Blows
to do it: But I am apt to think Perverseness in the Pupils is often the Effect
of Frowardness inthe Tutor ; and that most Children would seldom have de-
served Blows, if needless and misapplied Roughness had not taught them
Ill-nature, and given them an Aversion for their Teacher and all that comes
from him.

“Tnadvertency, Forgetfulness, Unsteadiness, and Wandering of Thought,
are the natural Faults of Childhood; and therefore, where they are not ob-
served to be wilful, are to be mention’d softly, and gain’d upon by Time. If
every slip of this kind produces Anger and Rating, the Occasion of Rebuke
and Corrections will return so often, that the Tutor will be a constant Ter-
ror and Uneasiness to his Pupils. Which one thing is enough to hinder their
profiting by his Lessons, and to defeat all his Methods of Instruction.” —

Locke, Education, Quick, p. 144.
362 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION
Froebel regard it as cruel and inhuman. This seems to be a
matter again of sentiment largely, — the interpretation of
childish feeling from the adult standpoint. The experiences
of unbiased parents and teachers, together with studies
like those of Barnes and Darrah‘ upon children’s views of
punishment, lead one to think that they often regard whip-
ping as the just and reasonable penalty for certain misdeeds.
Tf it be plainly merited it probably does not crush the spirit
of the offender, as the philosopher sitting in his armchair
and working with preconceived premises sometimes reasons
that it will The administration of physical pain for insub-
ordination is not regarded by children as the adult would
regard it if it were inflicted upon him; and if a child is im
continual conflict with his social environment because he
insists on doing what in the nature of things he cannot do,
and day after day there is verbal contest between himself
and those who are responsible for his well-being, then would
it not be better for all concerned occasionally to have the
question of leadership definitely settled by the application
of force if necessary ?

It will not require much argument to convince any reader
that it is not wise to use the same methods of correction
Methods and exhortation with all pupils indiscrimimately.
varied ta Take, for example, the case of the boy in the first
Witsoe. grade, say, who has always «had his own war.”
caliarities His thoughts. his feelings. his very muscles have
become surcharged with the autocratic temper. His experi-
ences have given him no data for interpreting an order of
thing: where he must follow imstead of lead. and he must
begin a6 initio in learning this lesson. Of course. the teacher
cannot expect that he will at once respond appropriately to
his requests, as will the boy who has been trained im obedi-
ence in his home, and who has gained facility in carrying
commands out into appropriate conduct. No one but a
strong, capable person. and a patient one as well, can induce

+ See Studies ir. Education, two volumes, edited by Barnes.
VARIED METHODS OF CONTROL 363

the bully to assume a reasonably docile attitude in the
schoolroom. It will take time to accomplish this, and there
will be frequent backsliding on the part of the offender, for
his original attitudes of resistance and domineering will not
easily be overcome. The wise teacher will not be discour-
aged in his task of breaking in the untrained colt, nor will
he let his anger get the better of him, for he will realize
that the offender is really not at fault. No one, boy or man,
can in an instant will his past out of his desires and im-
pulses, nor can he will all at once a wholly new attitude or
quality into his feelings and expressions.

Fortunately, the teacher has an opportunity deeply to
impress the child when he first enters school, for he is then
in a more or less plastic condition in respect to his attitude
toward the new order. Even if he has been a bully in his
home, he may usually be made, without the use of harsh
means, to feel the importance and the dignity of the order
and rules of the school, and this appreciation will lead
easily to the attitude of docility. One may often see boys
who dominate over every one in their homes, but who are
as humble and respectful in the school as one could wish.
However, the right start must be made. From the very
beginning pupils must be impressed with everything per-
taining to the school. If an attitude of indifference or disre-
spect be acquired at the outset, it will be difficult, if at all
possible, to establish a different attitude later.

It is probably within the bounds of fact to say that men
have always felt that force and coercion applied in some
manner is necessary in order to insure the devel- control by
opment of right social attitudes in the young. jzamal
Persistent nonconformists must have serious, or qences”
even painful, experiences occasionally, which will impress
upon them the difference between right and wrong, and the
necessity of choosing the former. But how are these expe-
riences to be gained? As we have seen, this is the question
which has troubled educationists since Plato’s day. The
364 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

plan indorsed by Locke, Rousseau, Spencer, and others is
most nearly in accord with contemporary feeling, — that a
child must be made to realize clearly that social conduct
will increase his happiness, while ill-will toward his fellows,
selfishness, and disobedience will diminish his pleasures and
augment his pains. Out of this conception has grown the
doctrine of the discipline of “ natural consequences.” Arbi-
trary punishment often fails of its end, it is said, because
the offender does not look upon his penalties as the inevi-
table result of his misdeeds. When a child strikes his finger
with a hammer he is not in doubt regarding the relation of
cause and effect in this instance, and consequently he is on
his guard to prevent a repetition of the event. But when
he plays truant and is some time later whipped for it, he
may think that his punishment is due to the ill temper and
the injustice of his teacher, or that it is an accidental affair,
and would not have occurred with another teacher or under
other conditions. So he will try it again when the situation
is altered; the punishment seeming to him capricious, he
will take chances with it when the conditions change. And,
too, when the boy is always whipped for certain kinds of
wrong-doing, he is apt to reach the conclusion that every-
thing for which he is not whipped is permissible ; and so
he gains little if any appreciation of the corrective forces
that alone are effective in mature life. If as a man he is
selfish and people treat him accordingly, though he be not
whipped, he will be likely to think himself abused. He can-
not connect causes and effects in much of his conduct, be-
cause during his plastic years he was not practiced in this
subtle art. He is quite incapable of detecting the very in-
tricate ways in which his deeds return upon him, and so
experience teaches him little which can be of service to him
in mending his errors. He does not ascribe his social mis-
fortunes to his own shortcomings; instead he thinks some-
thing is wrong with the world. It is too late for him when
he reaches maturity to acquire the habit of tracing natural
CONTROL BY NATURAL CONSEQUENCES 365

consequences in behavior; rather he will be inclined to
spend his time complaining at the injustice of men if they
oppose his undertakings.

Rousseau would permit no direct expression of repres-
sive, coercive, or punitive authority in the training of the
child. The latter should stand in awe or in fear of nothing
but the inevitable consequences of his actions. No one
should ever command or forbid him; let him learn what is
right through experience, which, as Rousseau thought of
it, excludes the indignation even of his elders. The kinder-
garten has apparently indorsed this principle, and has given
it standing among many people. Every child, say some of
the interpreters of Froebel, possesses a spark of divinity,
and no adult has the right to quench it by the exercise of
autocratic authority.

But those who think in the spirit of modern thought
doubt the possibility or the wisdom of letting the child at-
tempt to learn the whole of the social law without . a,
authority to coerce him at times. If the principle tects in

* the plan
of control by natural consequences, as Rousseau
and Spencer ' expound it, were the only one followed in the
training of the young child, he would surely be destroyed

1 The following statement from Spencer indicates his view of the exercise
of authority over the child. “ The power of self-government,” he says, “like
all other powers, can be developed only by exercise. Whoso is to rule his
passions in maturity, must be practiced in ruling over his passions during
youth. Observe, then, the absurdity of the coercive system. Instead of habit-
uating a boy to be a law to himself as he is required in after life to be, it
administers the law for him. Instead of preparing him against the day when
he shall leave the paternal roof, by inducing him to fix the boundaries of
his actions and voluntarily confine himself within them, it marks out these
boundaries for him, and says, ‘cross them at your peril.’ Here we have a
being who, in a few years, is to become his own master, and, by way of fit-
ting him for such a condition, he is allowed to be his own master as little
as possible. Whilst in every other particular it is thought desirable that
what the man will have to do, the child should be well drilled in doing, in
this most important of all particulars — the controlling of himself — it is
thought that the less practice he has the better. No wonder that those who
have been brought up under the severest discipline should so frequently turn
out the wildest of the wild. Such a result is just what might have been
looked for.” — Social Statics, pp. 206, 207.
366 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

before he could reach the point where he could recognize
causes and effects in conduct, and govern himself accord-
ingly. Rousseau and his disciples have apparently failed to
take due account in their theories of the fact that a prin-
ciple of social training which may be serviceable in the
education of a child of eleven may be, and is likely to be,
utterly useless if not vicious when applied to the infant in
arms. The child of maturer years has gained some insight
into the connections between actions and their outcome
upon his welfare ; that is, he can trace the connections be-
tween what he does and what happens to him “naturally”
as a result thereof. But it is altogether different with the
infant; his vision for matters of this sort extends only an
arm’s length; he cannot see the relation between misdeeds
and their “ natural” consequences except in the simple and
more obvious instances. He can doubtless make some sort
of connection between his destroying his mother’s china, for
instance, and the dermal stimulation administered by her
immediately thereafter; but if some time later his mother
refuses to give him food because he has broken his dishes,
his piece-meal mind will not be apt to trace the desired
relation between the previous wrong act and the present
unhappy consequence. He will be more apt to think that
his mother is mean or freaky.

After all, correction of wrong action by the parent or
the teacher or the policeman is “ natural” punishment, for
there. the representatives of law and order have to be
sponses to reckoned with when we are considering the con-
advances of sequences of deeds. It is surely “natural” for a
the zerre mother to be indignant when her china is heed-
oflawand Jessly or purposely broken, and to take steps to

properly prevent anything of the sort occurring again. Of
mo course, there is danger that the parent will not
quences” administer the moral law as uniformly or wisely
as nature does the physical law, but this does not affect the

principle. The sorrow, or indignation, or even punitive reac-
ATTITUDE OF THE PARENT AND TEACHER 367

tion of one in authority, occasioned by the misdeed of a
child, is a sign to the latter that he must change his course,
or at least be more circumspect in his conduct. In his early
years he does not raise the question of justice or arbitrari-
ness when he is corrected for his errors ; he simply concludes
therefrom how he should carry himself in the future, just as
when he burns his finger on the stove he decides “naturally ”
to avoid the source of his trouble on all occasions. This in
principle is all he cares for or is capable of appreciating
during his first few years. What can I do with safety? is
. the question ever on his lips ; and whatever brings no serious
pain of any kind, so far as can be discerned, is allowable,
while all else must be guarded against, or abandoned com-
pletely.

Viewed from the evolutionary standpoint, the parent and
teacher were conserved to direct the child in his immaturity
and helplessness. They are simply wisdom stored up for him,
and put at his disposal, while he is gaining wisdom for him-
self ; and the child should properly regard them in just this
light. It is as though in obeying them he abides by the
verdict of his own experience, when it commands him to do
this deed and not to do that one. The right relation between
trainer and pupil will develop this attitude of confidence and
obedience on the part of the latter. This relation, though,

1 It is possible that some of us are carrying the theory of self-activity too
far in these days. Those in authority ought not to be continually asking
young children whether they want to do this or that or the other thing. In-
fants ought not to be required to make their own judgments in reference to
many of the things in daily life. The teacher or parent ought to go ahead on
the assumption that certain things should be done, and there is no need of
asking questions about them. The governor should study the temperament
of the child in order to ascertain his likes and dislikes, and these should be
respected. Ifa child does not like bread, for example, the adult ought not to
force bread upon him; nor ought he to ask at every meal, ‘‘ Will you have
bread ?” This gives the child too much importance. It places government
in his hands before he is ready to govern. At his stage of development it is
easier and more natural for him to have things determined for him in some
part. There need be no arbitrary authority in this. It is not necessary for
the adult to say, ‘‘ You must do this or that or the other thing.” There is a
median course which the wise trainer will pursue.
368 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

will continue only during the early years. It is but a make-
shift; for in due course the discipline of natural conse-
quences will become operative, and then the function of the
guardian will be simply to help the child to see straight in
his social relations, so that he may connect together causes
and effects that are quite remote from one another in time,
and that do not seem to be causally related.

Corporal punishment, once the chief means of correction, is being
superseded by other modes of control, though there are still distin-
guished educators who believe in the value of the rod, at
least on occasions. In Germany, the aim in the training of
the young is to secure obedience and respect for authority, and corporal
punishment is freely used. In England, self-control and self-discipline
in childhood and youth are being relied on more and more, and the use
of force in discipline is declining, though it has not entirely disappeared
yet. In France, corporal punishment is absolutely prohibited in the
public schools.

The German schools repress initiative and spontaneity almost wholly.
But they do not develop a high type of self-control. On the other hand,
the French method fails to secure effective work from children, such as
one sees in Germany. The youth of France seem to be as well con-
trolled, however, and as serious and earnest as the German youth. It
is probable that the rod does not play a really vital réle in developing
self-control in maturity.

The child is undoubtedly happiest when he learns early that he must
yield without protest to the guidance of those wiser than himself. Not
until the individual has the experience and has developed the inhibitions
of the adult can he be intrusted with adult freedom.

Obstinacy and insubordination may require the application of force
as a corrective ; although on this point men differ greatly in their
views. Plato would use the rod rather freely, it seems; Quintilian
would never strike a child ; Locke would employ it to cure obstinacy,
but not otherwise ; Rousseau has no confidence whatever in any form
of physical force as a means of control; Froebel would substitute love,
sympathy, gentleness for the rod ; and Spencer regards corporal pun-
ishment as arbitrary and ineffective. In our country we are tending
away from the use of the rod in the home and in the school.

Methods of correction and coercion must be varied to suit individual
peculiarities. One child may be injured permanently by corporal pun-
ishment, while another may receive marked benefit from it when it is
administered with fairness, and for plain wrong-doing. On entering
school the child is usually in a receptive mood, and the teacher can
by appropriate methods make a deep impression upon him, and lead

Résumé
RESUME 369

him to assume a docile attitude toward authority. But the impression
must be made in the beginning.

Arbitrary punishment generally fails of attaining its end. Moreover,
it does not lead the child to acquire the habit of tracing “natural
consequences” in his conduct. While the child trained in accordance
with the doctrine of natural consequences will become skillful in tracing
the relation of cause and effect in his actions, nevertheless the method
is of value only to a limited extent with young children, before they
can appreciate actions and their “natural” effects, and conduct them-
selves appropriately.

The young child does not ordinarily raise the question of justice or
arbitrariness in his corrections ; but from the outcome of his action in
the present he learns how to conduct himself in the future. From the
evolutionary standpoint the parent and the teacher have been conserved
to direct the child during his immaturity and helplessness, and their
attitudes toward his conduct must be reckoned among the “natural
consequences ” of his behavior.
CHAPTER XVI
SUGGESTION

Tue reader who has gone through the preceding two chap-
ters has doubtless remarked the importance which has been
= given to resistant, coercive, and punitive measures
@ general oe .
character ot —-to Spartan training ——in the early stages of
suggestion <ocial education. He may have felt that compul-
sion was assigned too prominent a place in those chapters;
but if so, he cannot have failed to see the reasons why force
has been thought to be essential at times. The child comes
among us equipped with impulses, many of which alienate
him from his present social environment ; and it is the busi-
ness of training, when imperative, to compel him, for the
welfare of himself as well as of others, to restrain these ten-
dencies, and to choose modes of conduct in harmony with
contemporary customs and institutions. But granting the
necessity of the child’s being led to adjust himself in con-
gruent relations with the existing social order, can this be
accomplished in the majority of cases in some more agree-
able and successful way than by the employment of concrete
rewards and pains and penalties? In considering the ques-
tion, we must first glance at an important principle of modern
psychology, —the principle of suggestion, —the tendency
of an individual to act in conformity with or in opposition
to ideas abruptly thrust into consciousness from without, or
in certain cases from within. In another connection‘ the
author has shown that, in the view of contemporary psy-
chologists, conscious processes always have motor accom-
paniments. Some present-day scientists go so far as to say
that ideas are really part motor; or what amounts to the
same thing, that every idea has a motor aspect. Whether

1 In Dynamic Factors in Education, chaps. i-iii.
GENERAL CHARACTER OF SUGGESTION 371

this view in all its implications can be successfully defended
is not appropriate for us to discuss here ; but it is important
to appreciate the fact, for fact it seems to be, that in child-
hood an idea, using the term in the popular sense, tends to
find ready expression in correlated motor actions, no matter
how the idea gains entrance to consciousness.1 The young
child is a sort of reflex of the stimulations that play upon him
from the environment in which he is placed at any time.
There is little if any unity in his conduct, except when his
environment is uniform, so that he does not receive sug-
gestions which induce a variety of disconnected activities.
The adult can, in a measure at any rate, ignore stimulations
from his environment which are not congruous with a domi-
nating purpose, or in harmony with the trend of his action
at any moment; but it is otherwise with the child, who has
not established well-integrated series of ideas and actions
which will prevent him from responding to chance sugges-
tions that may come to him without order or method. This
opportunity may be taken to observe that in a sense char-
acter, as we ordinarily use the term, means the sum of these
habitual sequences in ideas and actions which make an in-
dividual’s conduct, whatever it may be, uniform and con-
sistent; qualities which the child’s behavior lacks in large
measure, except as his instinctive tendencies are for a period
uniform and consistent.

Let us here glance at the natural history, as it were, of a
typical act of suggestion in childhood. Inthe first no naturat
place, the child consciously or deliberately makes Distr of

an act of
an adjustment to a situation, —a person, a word, suggestion

1 Compare the following: ‘‘ It is a familiar principle that attention to the
thought of a movement tends to start that very movement. I defy any of my
readers to think hard and long of winking the left eye, and not have an almost
irresistible impulse te wink that eye. There is no better way to make it diffi-
cult for a child to sit still than to tell him to sit still; for your words fill up
his attention, as I have occasion to say above, with the thought of the move-
ments, and these thoughts bring on the movements, despite the best inten-
tions of the child in the way of obedience.’ — Baldwin, The Story of the Mind,
p. 180.
372 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

a dog, a hot stove, or what not. If this adjustment, whether
it be of a positive or of a negative character, proves of some
advantage to the individual, in his own estimation, he will
tend to repeat it whenever he is placed in the particular
-situation in which it originated. Gradually upon repetition
the adjustment ‘will be made subconsciously, and it will tend
always so to occur on the proper stimulus being presented,
unless there becomes associated with it a stimulus or sug-
gestion which operates to restrain it,’ by inciting an act con-
trary to it, or by withdrawing the attention from it on to
some different action. To give a simple illustration: V. is
reading by my side. Without addressing him directly, I say,
“T think I will go out on the lawn and play ball for a while.”
Instantly he drops his book, and finds his way without hesi-
tation to bat and balls, and then to the lawn. ‘The entire
proceeding seems to be almost, if not quite, automatic with
him. The words “lawn” and “play ball” serve mainly to
release the motor processes which have become connected
through past function with this particular stimulus. This
very simple instance is typical of what is occurring con-
stantly in the life of the average child, and to some extent
in the life of the adult. The following incident illustrates
the principle, though in a rather extreme form: —

E. W. Sabel, in the Saturday Evening Post, tells an anecdote
of Frederick Villiers, the famous war correspondent. Villiers had
been under fire for some days, the enemy bombarding the force
to which the artist was attached, so that the arrival of a shell was
a commonplace circumstance, to be treated in the usual way. Out
of this ordeal he came unscathed to London, and was strolling down
the crowded Strand.

On a sudden the pedestrians were appalled to see him fling him-

1 Compare the following : Here, as elsewhere, the conscious energy of past
function becomes the unconscious mechanism of present function, which
thereupon is able to work without attention and almost without exertion;
will loses its character, so to speak, in attaining to its unconscious perfection ;
and meanwhile the free, unattached path-seeking consciousness and will, that
are, as it were, the pioneers and perfecters of progress, are available to initiate
new and to perfect old functions. — Maudsley, Body and Will, p. 98.
THE PRINCIPLE OF SUGGESTION 373

self at full length upon the greasy, muddy pavement, and there lie
on his face rigid as a dead man. From all directions men rushed
to render him assistance. They turned him over to rub his hands
and unbutton his collar, expecting to find him in a fit. But no.
On his face they found not the pain and pallor of epilepsy, but
astonishment and mud. Villiers, when they laid hold of him,
quickly jumped to his feet, shook the mud from his hands and
clothes, and then looked round for an explanation of his own ap-
parently idiotic act. The explanation was forthcoming.

A few yards behind him stood a horse and cart. The carter had
a moment after Villiers passed pulled the pin and allowed the
cart-box to dump upon the ground a load of gravel. The heavy
beams of the cart, of course, struck the wood paving with a re-
sounding “dull thud,” and the clean gravel hissed out with an
evil roar. This combination of sounds, the war artist declared, was
identical with the striking of a live shell, and Villiers, forgetting
that he then stood some thousands of miles from the seat of war,
flung himself down to wait the dreadful explosion.}

Without attempting to discuss the psychology of sugges-
tion in all its phases, we may here say simply that the prin-
ciple which is of chief importance to us at this the princi-
point may be stated thus: any percept or image Pen tt
of an act, which becomes focal in the child’s con- stated
sciousness, tends automatically to produce the act if he has
previously performed it or anything resembling it closely.
It is hardly necessary, perhaps, to add the qualification,
“which becomes focal,” for a percept or image of an act
cannot become focal in attention until it has been exe-
cuted, at least spontaneously.2 So whatever is attended to
that relates to action is likely to induce, or rather, sug-
gest that action. If, then, one should wish a child to crow
in imitation of a rooster, say, the proper way to proceed
would be to turn his attention strongly on to this act, by
the use either of words, of pictures, or of concrete ex-
amples. If this should be a wholly new act to the child,

1 Thorndike, The Human Nature Club, p. 199.
2 See the author’s Dynamic Factors in Education, chap. vi, where the
principle touched upon here is developed in detail.
874 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

he could not gain either a percept or an image of it by
hearing words describing it or even by looking at a picture
of a crowing rooster. But he could probably gain a more or
less adequate and efficient percept by looking at or hearing
some one else perform the act. If there should be onlook-
ers, his attention might be distracted, so that the percept
could not become focal. If the child had been forbidden to
perform this act, or punished or laughed at for doing it,
the revival of these experiences would tend to restrain him
now, since they would prevent the act in question from be-
coming freely and clearly focal in consciousness. Besides,
the inception of this act would tend to arouse the associated
acts produced by ridicule and whipping or admonition, and
the individual would at least stand a chance of acting in
the direction of these latter suggestions, which in effect
inhibit the first ones. If the circumstances of the moment
tended to weaken the perception of the act in question,
and strengthen some experience already registered in con-
sciousness, the latter and not the former would be likely
to determine the individual’s conduct. We here catch a
glimpse, but only a glimpse, of the complexity of the
problem of suggestion; it is as complex as consciousness
itself. In a way, consciousness is simply the sum of the
suggestions to actions which an individual has accumulated
since birth; and while the tendency of all these is, under
appropriate conditions, to find realization in associated ac-
tion, it is manifestly impossible for this to happen in every
case, since some of them are certain to antagonize and often
to neutralize one another.

It would, of course, require several volumes to describe
exactly the psychological conditions under which particular
suggestions will issue in action, or be checked in their
dynamogenic tendencies ; how a suggestion will take effect
with an individual at one time and not at another; why a
suggestion made to a group of children will be carried out
by some and not by others, and so on, But as our present
THE INFLUENCE OF PERSONALITY 375

purpose is a practical one purely, we may proceed without
further analysis to lay down some rules for the use of sug-
gestion as it is involved in the simpler phases at least of
social education.

To begin with, personality is the most potent factor in
suggestion affecting social conduct, especially during the pe-
riod of childhood. Every expression of features, The infu-
quality of voice, bodily attitude, and the like, in one i

good or {ill
the teacher, the parent, the governess, or the play- % the per-

. sonality of
mate, constitutes a more or less powerful sug- the trainer
gestion to the child, and tends to determine his action in
accordance therewith. This is less marked in youth, and
still less in maturity, than it is in the earliest years, when
the individual is relatively very plastic; but it holds true
to some extent in every age. In his “ Essay on the Alchemy
of Influence,” Drummond expresses the principle, with a

measure of poetic license, when he says: —
No man can meet another on the street without making some

mark upon him. We say we exchange words when we meet;
what we exchange is souls. And when intercourse is close and

very frequent, so complete is this exchange that recognizable |

bits of one soul begin to show in the other’s nature, and the sec-
ond is conscious of a familiar and growing debt to the first.

It is the Law of Influence that we become like those whom we
habitually admire. Through all the range of literature, of his-
tory, of biography, this law presides. Men are all mosaics of
other men. There is a savor of David about Jonathan, and a
savor of Jonathan about David. Jean Valjean, in the master-
piece of Victor Hugo, is Bishop Bienvenu risen from the dead.
Metempsychosis is a fact. George Eliot’s message to the world
was that men and women make men and women. The Family,
the cradle of mankind, has no meaning apart from this. Society
itself is nothing but a rallying point for these omnipotent forces
to do their work. On the doctrine of influence, in short, the
whole vast pyramid of humanity is built.2

1 The following from Holmes seems in the main true to human nature :

“ A certain involuntary adjustment assimilates us, you may also observe, to
that upon which we look. Roses redden the cheeks of her who stoops to
876 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

The practical word to be spoken here is, that if we could
place our children in schools or homes where social conduct
would be constantly under their observation; where fair
play, sympathy, good-will, good cheer, and codperation
would be positive, dynamic, and never wavering, they would
go far by themselves in adopting these as their own rule of
life. Give us for our children well-mannered, generous,
honest companions, and thoroughly socialized parents and
teachers, say present-day students of human development,
and we will not pay great heed to what they are taught in
a formal way in text-books, or whether they are so taught
at all. «It has appeared to me,” says one of the observers
of human nature,! “that some of the most nutritive and
effective functions of an instructor are really performed
while he seems least to be instructing.” It sounds rather
commonplace to say that a trainer who is himself weak in
his social relation cannot make children efficient in these
relations, no matter what formal methods of instruction in
morals or ethics or other subjects he employs, or how much
theory of teaching he has mastered. Our chief concern,
then, in social education should be to keep the child in
association with people who in their own demeanor express
dynamically the attitudes we wish to develop in him. The
boy will be no better than his hero, but he will endeavor to
gather them, and buttercups turn little people’s chins yellow. When we
look at a vast landscape, our chests expand as if we would enlarge to fill
it. When we examine a minute object, we naturally contract, not only our
foreheads, but all our dimensions. If I see two men wrestling, I wrestle
too, with my limbs and features. When a country-fellow comes upon the
stage, you will see twenty faces in the boxes putting on the bumpkin expres-
sion. There is no need of multiplying instances to reach this generalization:
every person and thing we look upon puts its special mark upon us. If this
is repeated often enough, we get a permanent resemblance to it, or, at least,
a fixed aspect, which we took from it. Husband and wife come to look
alike at last, as has often been noticed. It is a common saying of a jockey,
that he is ‘all horse’; and I have often fancied that milkmen get a stiff,
upright carriage, and an angular movement of the arm, that remind one of

a pump and the working of its handle.” — The Professor at the Breakfast
Table, p. 196.

1 Huntington, Unconscious Tuition, p. 5.
THE SUGGESTION OF EVIL 377

be just as good in all that he regards as essential. It is a
simple matter of every-day experience that often, when one
is placed in an important social situation to which automatic
adjustment has not been acquired, his action is shaped by
the conception he has of how his model would conduct him-
self under similar circumstances. That is to say, one’s
model really determines in large part his social apprecia-
tion, his conscience, and his will; and this is why it is
imperative that we should have in the schoolroom socially
strong, efficient men and women, who have a delicate and
sane sense of what is right and best in the varied situations
of daily living, and who have organized their perceptions
into vigorous conduct.

Plato would not permit children to listen to stories
which exhibit evil deeds, on the theory that what is seen or
heard will sooner or later find realization in cor-

‘5 . The sug-
responding action. So he denounced the drama gestion ot
as it existed in his day, since it presented ex- li
amples of lewdness, dishonesty, and the like, even though
it pretended to show that these moral deformities were in
the end punished as they deserved to be. Only what is
morally and zsthetically pure and wholesome ‘should be
exhibited before the young, for, as he says in the Republic!
in discussing the general principle in question, — “ we would
not have our guardians grow up amid images of moral
deformity, as in some noxious pasture, and there browse
and feed upon many a baneful herb and flower day by
day, little by little, until they silently gather a festering
mass of corruption in their own soul. Let our artists rather
be those who are gifted to discern the true nature of beauty
and grace ; then will our youth dwell in the land of health,
amid fair sights and sounds; and beauty, the effluence of
fair works, will visit the eye and ear, like a healthful breeze
from a purer region, and insensibly draw the soul even in
childhood into harmony with the beauty of reason.”

1 Book II.
378 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

Aristotle presents a quite different view, in respect to
the function of the drama at least ; for he maintains that
if one sees a crime dramatized on the stage it will purge
his own soul of a similar deed, if the impulse to commit
such an one should be lurking therein. On the other hand,
Aristotle agrees with Plato in his contention that we should
banish all evil pictures and stories from the schoolroom
and the nursery, for they will suggest the very evils they
describe. John Locke viewed human nature on the practical
side differently from either Plato or Aristotle. If my boy
must live in the world among men, he says, in substance,
I wish him to be shown everything therein. Whatever
faults and vices of men will fall in his way when he is
a man, he should learn the aspect of when he is young. In
this manner instruction should build up a fence against the
world in childhood, and prevent it from breaking in upon
the young man’s character. If the youth has been shown
what the major forms of evil are and in what guises they
present themselves, he will be on his guard against them.
Designing men and women cannot then take advantage of
his innocence, for he will be familiar with their insidious
schemes, and will understand to what doom they would
lead him. And having a just conception of the quality and
effects of vice, he will shun it as he would some savage
monster or dread disease.

As one goes through the literature of education, he finds
many distinguished students of human nature supporting
Plato’s view, and others equally eminent standing with
Locke. Again, there are those, like Bacon, who hold that
knowledge is always the essential requisite for physical or
moral well-being; on the one side, the positive, it teaches
us what can and should be done; while on the other, the
negative side, it shows us what we ought to avoid, And
human nature is so constructed that if wrong-doing is but
once understood it will be abandoned. People go astray
because they cannot discriminate clearly between what is
THE VIEW OF MODERN PSYCHOLOGY 379

virtuous and what is vicious. But many teachers of morals
give us a quite different view of man’s tendencies. They
maintain with the poet that evil may at first sight be
hated, yet if often seen it will soon be endured without
distress, and it will ultimately be embraced. Some go fur-
ther and say that man is naturally inclined toward the bad,
and to introduce the child to it is but to take the first step
in leading him to espouse it.

Modern psychology gives us the view that the effect
upon the child’s conduct of experience with evil, whether
in concrete life or in literature or in the drama,

The view of
depends upon the attitude which he assumes modem
toward the general situation in which it is pre- "8
sented. If he lends himself to it; if he approves of it; if
he finds it fascinating, then damage will be done, for he will
absorb it, and it will work its way into his springs of con-
duct. But if he reacts against it; if he can be made to
hate it; then he will be the stronger for his contact with it.
In every experience one has with vice, if his feelings are
aroused in hostility to it and he comes off victor, he will be
the better man thereafter. Moral strength is developed, to
a considerable degree at least, by facing sin squarely and
fighting it successfully. So with fear and dishonesty and
every other attitude of the kind. But it is absolutely
necessary that the encounter end right. The evil must be
resisted, condemned ; courage must overcome fear; the
temptation to lie must be made to arouse the impulse
toward truth-telling.

Here is seen the real criterion of the value of any
experience in the development of character. If it affords
opportunity for the exercise of virtue, whether positively or
only in the way of combating evil, it will in any event
develop moral strength, which is in large part resistance to
evil suggestion. But when sin is in a subtle manner made
more inviting than goodness, then nothing but disaster can
result. It should be added that it seems much easier for
380 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

one to slip backward than to move forward in social con-
duct ; which means that many forms of social error are
more attractive and compelling than the antithetic virtues.
The path of vice is frequently the way of least resistance,
because we have come up this way, and the route is open
behind us. But the road ahead is more or less untrodden, and
we need every encouragement to try it. The danger of ex-
hibiting sin, even to condemn it, is that it will attract the
child’s attention, and awaken his interest; and when this
happens the chances are that he will wish to experiment
with it. We must count upon it as certain that many con-
crete evils call to the youth in enchanting tones if he comes
into their presence, and it may be wisest on the whole to
fill his ears with other voices.

To illustrate the principles which have been mentioned,
we may here examine in a little detail the treatment of fear
Thetreat- in childhood. Plato would not permit children
aly as to read literature which depicted frightful scenes
atypical of any sort, for he maintains that these will
undesirable ‘i
attitude strengthen their natural tendency toward unrea-
sonable fear. Locke and Rousseau strictly prohibit stories
which may frighten a child; everything of the nature of a
ghost story, or tales of ogres, goblins, and even giants
should be banished from the nursery. Spencer, too, com-
plains of the ignorance of parents and nurses who make
their children timid with stories of the evil deeds of terri-
ble creatures. This general view is, perhaps, coming to be
taken by the majority of parents and teachers in our own
day. In many of the story-books for children now pouring
from the press, tales like Little Red Riding-hood have a
happy conclusion ; the wolf is not allowed to “eat up” the
little girl. Bluebeard is likely to be banished altogether
from juvenile literature, and so is Jack the Giant-killer,
and all stories of this nature. We are apparently striving
to keep our children’s minds free from scenes of killing and
devouring, and carrying off into horrid caves or dens.
THE TREATMENT OF TIMIDITY 381

‘ The logic of the situation seems very simple to many
persons. They declare that when the child is told frightful
tales, he is himself made afraid of the monsters which he
cannot see, but which he believes exist somewhere in his
environment. In time he comes to feel that there is some-
thing in the air, or in the darkness, or in a strange part of
the city, or in the woods, which is seeking to do him harm.
But people who hold these views have overlooked one of
the most profound principles of human nature already
referred to, namely, that what determines whether one will
be helped or injured by any experience is the sort of reac-
tion which he makes thereupon. A child may be placed in
a situation which from one point of view is frightful; but
if he conducts himself in a courageous way, he will be all
the braver for the experience. The courageous reaction will
develop courage as a habit in him. It will give him a sense
of power which he could never acquire without such expe-
rience. If the situation be one of imaginary harm, as told
in the stories, and he responds in a fearless way and de-
monstrates that it is but imaginary, —a thing of the air,
—he will in some measure purge his feelings of the more
or less obscure fears that reside therein as a bequest from
heredity. In proving that a thing is groundless, that it is
false, he gets a sense of the truth more vividly, more effect-
ively, than if he had never had to deal with fiction. Hu-
man nature is so constructed that there is needed this tension
and struggle to develop power, —to build strong character,
that is to say.

This principle is as freely illustrated in the lives of chil-
dren as of adults. Nature has taught persons of every age
who dread certain objects or forces in their environment to
summon those things before them and to prove to them-
selves the futility of being afraid. Listen to children assur-
ing themselves and others over and over again that they
are not afraid of this, that, or the other thing. An adult,
if he will take note of the matter, will find himself often
882. SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

struggling in imagination with situations which later he
must struggle with in reality. And what is he accomplish-
ing in this struggle? He is arousing and strengthening all
within him that will give him force and nerve, and thereby
he is rendered more aggressive and courageous than he
would be without experience of this sort. And so it may
be that we are going too far in eliminating from children’s
literature all stories which test their credulity and their cour-
age. Most of these stories have come down to us from the
time when men mistrusted and feared the forces of nature.
Life was more precarious in early times than it is to-day ;
but man has retained reminiscences of the ancient order,
and his fancy is filled with very general, indefinite creatures
that are bent on doing mischief. In his stories he gives
force and figure to these evil beings, and he emboldens
himself for conflict with them by reciting his methods of
overcoming or outwitting them. So when we tell our chil-
dren these stories, which the natural trend of their young
minds enables them to respond to so readily, it may be that
if we can get them to react strongly and positively in a
courageous way, we will really contribute to the develop-
ment of their valor. The child who has been told that the
goblins will get him if he does not watch out, and who can
say to himself, “There are no goblins, and they will not
get me,” though at first he may not say it with great con-
fidence, still, if we can induce in him this attitude in which
he becomes master of the situation, we will give him a very
valuable experience. We shall leave him much stronger
than if he had had no occasion to face danger, and meet
it bravely. This is what Aristotle must have meant by
“catharsis of the soul.” Fear, like any evil humor, may be
drained off by meeting the object of it squarely and con-
quering it.

There is a special phase of the general question before
us which is of particular importance in all social education.
In the past it apparently was commonly thought that if
NEGATION AS A METHOD OF TRAINING = 383

one would only keep a “ negative idea” before the attention,
it would restrain the correlative positive action. i

a 2 ‘egation as
But we are hearing on every side to-day that a method of
such “negative ideas” are often the means of "“™™
initiating the acts they are designed to inhibit. When you
“think ” of not performing an act, as not closing your hand,
what are you really thinking about? Try riding a bicycle
and getting your attention concentrated negatively, so to
speak, on a person or a tree in your path, and note the
effect upon your adjustment. Try telling a child, or even
an adult, not to look toward the clock or the door, say, and
observe the outcome of your command upon his behavior.

If you have never reflected upon this matter, these tests
will indicate to you that what you may have been calling
a negative idea is really in many instances, so far as its
dynamogenic tendency is concerned, not negative at all. It
is negative only in a verbal sense. From the standpoint of
the content and functioning of consciousness, an idea is
made negative when it is forced out of the focus of atten-
tion by other ideas that become dominant, at least for the
moment. Further, the more one dwells upon the verbally
negative form of an idea, the more potent the positive form
often becomes. Breese touches upon the principle involved
here, when he says : —

If one attempts to thrust out of consciousness an idea, or an
emotion, the attempt serves only to intensify it. The more direct
the effort the clearer will the idea become, and the more persist-
ently does it remain. The willis successful in inhibiting mental
states only when working through the motor adjustments of the
body. If we wish to banish certain thoughts from our mind, we
can do so only indirectly by inhibiting the bodily adjustments
which accompany such thoughts. A change of bodily activity tends
to bring about a change of mental states.’

There are very important educational principles that grow
out of this fundamental law of human nature. To state a

1 “© On Inhibition,” Psych. Rev. Monograph Supplement, vol. iii, 1899-
1901, p. 16.
384 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

great deal in a word: our chief aim must always be to sug-
Positive gest right conduct by precept and by example. In
suggestitn , the past men placed their faith in moral training
of training mainly in the direct suppression of evil; but we
are now ready, it seems, to declare emphatically that the
most effective means of controlling evil is not so much by
verbally denouncing it, as by keeping it away from the at-
tention very largely, and putting something worth while in
its place. A human being is endowed with a given amount
of energy, which is certain to express itself in some direc-
tion; and the great problem of education must ever be to
direct this energy into the right channels. Moral training
really implies the establishment of good rather than the sup-
pression of bad conduct, although if we attain the first end
we will attain the latter; but the reverse of this statement
is not always true.

Discussing the principle upon which this point is based,
Royce! says that, “ whenever we can get higher functions
of a positive sort established, we thereby train inhibitory
tendencies. And, on the whole, this is the wiser course for
the teacher of the growing brain to take, where such a course
is possible. Inhibition is a constant means, but it is still but
a means to an end. The end is the right sort of motor pro-
cess. You teach a man to control or to restrain himself so
soon as you teach him what to do in a positive sense. Healthy
activity includes self-restraint, or inhibition, as one of its ele-
ments. You in vain teach, then, self-control, unless you teach
much more than self-control. The New Testament statement
of ‘the law and the prophets’ substitutes ‘ Thou shalt love,’
etc., for the ‘ Thou shalt not’ of the Ten Commandments.
A brain that is devoted to mere inhibition becomes, in very
truth, like the brain of a Hindoo ascetic —a mere ‘ parasite’
of the organism, feeding, as it were, upon all the lower in-
herited or acquired nervous functions of this organism by
devoting itself to their hindrance. In persons of morbidly

1 Outlines of Psychology, p. 76.
POSITIVE METHODS OF TRAINING 385

conscientious life such inhibitory phenomena may easily get
an inconvenient, and sometimes do get a dangerous intensity.
The result is then a fearful, cowardly, helpless attitude
toward life, an attitude which defeats its own aim and
renders the sufferer not, as he intends to be, ‘ good,’ but a
positive nuisance.”

It seems within bounds to say that we are aiming in
modern life to put emphasis chiefly upon positive methods
of training, not alone in the school, but in the ea
home, and in the church as well. The reform- day ten-
atory as an educative institution based on the
positive principle is rapidly taking the place of the prison
as a mere inhibitive or punitive institution. Interesting,
vital studies in the school are making less necessary, even
though slowly, the employment of the cane and the birch
in school government. Playgrounds and wholesome amuse-
ment halls are to some extent depopulating the jails in con-
gested communities. Young Men’s Christian Associations
are reducing the number of men who look to the saloon for
their recreation. But there is a vast deal still to be accom-
plished. Law-makers have not yet realized their full respon-
sibility in this respect, else they would devote more attention
than they seem now to do to devising means of enticing
young people into social ways, rather than of punishing
them when they have sinned. The church has not realized
its full responsibility; if it had it would-give greater promi-
nence to positive and less to mere negative methods. It
would lead people to be more dynamic in doing good, and
to be less devoted to the negative attitude of condemning
the evil in themselves. “I am a miserable sinner and there
is no life in me,” indicates an attitude still altogether too
prominent in the church. It is strange that people have not
appreciated this, as it touches the practical life, since they
believe apparently that “out of the heart are the issues of
life,” and “as aman thinks so is he.” Ina word, the greatest
virtue in a trainer, whether in the school, the home, or the
386 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

church, lies in his ability to direct and to guide rather than
to repress the young; to transform evil into good; to sug-
gest ways of right action which will turn energy out of
wrong channels ; to hold up ideals which will be attractive,
and which will stimulate children to work them out prac-
tically into their own conduct; to present for emulation
strong, vigorous personalities which will be positive, and
not negative, which will make the child dwell upon what is
upright and worthy and wholesome, rather than upon the
opposite.
As Guyau puts it: —

To assert that a child is indifferent to its parents is not the way
to make it affectionate; on the contrary, it is much to be feared
that assertion of indifference only produces it or at any rate in-
creases it, by persuading the child of its existence. A sentiment
must be imputed in far more delicate terms than an act. We may
reproach a child for having done or not done this or that; but in
my opinion it should be a rule in education to suggest rather
than reproach in matters of sentiment.

In preceding chapters attention has been frequently called
to the difficult problems encountered in social training in
aeeetil modern city life, and it may now be appropriate
problems of to mention some of the tendencies in village life
See especially which operate against wholesome, effect-
ive education in the home, the school, and the church. In
a recent tour of inspection through a number of villages in
the middle West, the writer made some observations respect-
ing the opportunities offered for the entertament and
inspiration of the young. One of the features that impressed
him most deeply and unhappily in all these communities
was the art displayed on the bill-boards and in the shop
windows, and the fascination this had for the boys and girls
of all ages. One “ show” had passed through this region a
short time before, and had left behind traces of itself in
prominent public places; another was to appear soon, and

1 Education and Heredity, p. 28.
PROBLEMS OF VILLAGE LIFE 387

the fact was announced in blatant posters spread every-
where. These in most cases suggested vividly a kind of life
in direct contrast with that which we believe we ought to
develop in the young. The boys and girls as they came from
the schools could be noticed enjoying the crude and rather
indecent illustrations. Even the older people could not
refrain from giving them their attention, because there was
little else in town so striking and enticing.

The bill-board artist knows how to make his pictures stop
people of all ages on the street. Unforjunately the teacher
and parent and minister seem frequently to lack his skill in
arousing the interest and curiosity of youth, or maturity
either. These show pictures often make a stronger impres-
sion upon young people than does the grammar or cube
root or Declaration of Independence taught in the school,
or the catechism in the church. The school appeals to inter-
ests that are not yet very profoundly established in the
race; but it is just the other way with the feelings which
the show artist aims to stimulate. This vulgar art deter-
mines to a very important extent the thoughts and emotions
of a large proportion of the people, especially the young,
in many a village throughout our country ; and rarely does
it portray situations that suggest fine, delicate feeling, such
as we strive to awaken and nourish in the schools. An old
man slips upon the sidewalk, cracking his skull, and acrowd
of ruffians stand around and make merry over the affair.
An ungainly woman is tossed by the street car into the air,
all her belongings being scattered about her, and every one
in the picture who witnesses it regards it as a huge joke.
Some rowdies get up on a building and drop water down
the backs of passers-by and then hide, and we are led to
infer from the expressions of the boys that this is glorious
fun. Possibly the most vicious of all the representations
depict bibulous scenes. Gay fellows are seen drinking and
having a “good” time, and there are always girls who
approve of their conduct and urge them on. The artist
388 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

knows that this will excite young people, — that it will fas-
cinate some of them, and they will wish to see the real
thing. And these pictures always convey the impression
that the libertine is a happy fellow, who gratifies his pas-
sions, and gets a good deal more out of life than one who
has moral scruples and observes them. The minister, as the
representative of sobriety and decency, is generally depicted
as a cold, formal, unattractive personality.

The effect of such representations upon the ideals and con-
duct of youth is likely to be especially unfortunate in the
village, because the tide of wholesome social action here is
commonly not strong enough to carry young people along
with it. There is little for them to do that demands self-
control and wise husbanding and employment of their ener-
gies, and under such conditions they are only too apt to
revert to primitive modes of enjoyment. In the larger com-
munities, where the current of positive life moves more
swiftly and along many routes, these suggestions cannot
make so deep an impression upon youth; there is not time
to linger over them ; and if a boy does lend himself to them
he is soon ordered out of the ranks.

The problem of the village lies in the commonplaceness
of the ideals so often set before youth, and the lack of vigor-
ous, wholesome, interesting occupation. It must be acknow-
ledged that the chief concern in many of these places is not
the care and culture of the young, but the hoarding of
money; and this militates against the uplifting influences
of church and school and home. Recently the ministers,
principals of schools, and police authorities in one hundred
and twenty-five towns in the middle West were requested
to furnish information respecting boy-life in their respec-
tive communities, and complete returns were received from
sixty-five towns. One question asked was, — What propor-
tion of the homes in your community make life attractive
for the boys who live in them? What do the unattractive
homes lack? The replies which follow are typical of most
of those that were received : —
HOME INFLUENCES IN THE VILLAGE 389

A very small portion of the homes are attractive. Lack of sympathy
with the boy in his work or plans, and lack of games or gome influ-
means of amusement. In the better kind of homes the ences in
sources of attraction are suitable reading matter, games, the village
and freedom to engage in sports. It is not things but parental attitude
that determines the attractiveness of the homes here.

So little is done here to make the home attfactive that one might
say that no home is attractive. They lack music, books, good periodi-
cals, and games. In the few well-kept homes music, books, good peri-
odicals, and games exist, and a place is found for the boys.

Not one half. They lack good reading material, and father and
mother are so engrossed with this world’s affairs that they entirely
forget their duty to the man of to-morrow. Pleasant games, good read-
ing material, pleasant rooms tastefully furnished, are sources of
attractions.

Not more than twenty per cent, if that. They lack good literature,
books, daily papers, games, and pleasant family conversations. In at-
tractive homes parents are stern but kind. Books, papers, games,
pleasant faces, and interest in the boy make the home attractive.

Not over one in ten. Many homes are dark and desolate. Games,
attractive books, and magazines are lacking. Sources of attraction are
attention from parents and older children, kind words, music, pictures,
and games.

About five per cent. They lack those social comforts which are most
needful to boys ; music, games, books, and journals. Also that kind of
fatherly and motherly companionship which is so necessary to weld
children to the home.

These confessions indicate the most serious defects in the
life of the typical village. The majority of the homes are des-
olate; there is little in them that appeals to the boy, that
ministers to his deep-seated instincts, and so he takes to the
street. The correspondents mentioned above declare that
relatively few of the boys in their respective communities
spend their evenings at home. Says one,—

From the great number of boys on the street, loafing in the stores,
barber shops, and saloons, I should judge very few spend their evenings
at home. Most of those who do are the church and high-school boys
who read and study.

Says another : —

The percentage, judging from the numbers on the streets, is very
small. A goodly number spend their time in the billiard hall or bowl-
ing alley. A large number on the street corners. This town has no
place for them at night.
390 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

And this is the condition in a majority of the towns from
which reports have been received.

As a consequence of lack of interesting employment for
the boys of the village, rowdyism is certain to develop.
“We have gangs in our town,” writes a superintendent of
schools, “‘and their aims are low. There is a marked indiffer-
ence to all that is good. The bad, immoral boys are the
leaders.” A minister says that in his town of a thousand
souls there is the gang that “smokes cigarettes, annoys
citizens, etc. This develops frequently from mischief into
vice.” And so it goes throughout the list of towns ; most of
them have these groups of embryo brigands, who are such
mainly because there is little else to attract them strongly.
The institutions that should train these boys into the ways
of civilization have not yet learned that this can be done
only by reaching them on the plane of their native interests,
and not by ignoring the latter altogether, and adopting a
merely formal, negative, prohibitory régime.

Here is the way an editor, who has seen much of the
Boy-litein Subject of which he treats, writes of boy-life in
the towns the towns of a Western state, but what one will

of a West- :
emmstato be of no interest to the reader: —

The boyhood that characterizes the life of the small towns does not
give much hope. These towns are strung along the railroad lines as
beads on a string — communities of from two hundred to a thousand
people. They differ in tone, but in many of them the railroad station,
the barroom, and the livery stable are the chief resorts for the youth,
and cheap boastings, silly banter, constant profanity, and indecent
stories make up the conversation. New books are appearing each day;
great social movements of vital importance are engaging thoughtful
men ; our new islands of the sea are crowded with interest; the
details of our warships would fascinate any boy; the biography of
Edison, of Marconi, of Theodore Roosevelt would appeal to him as a
fairy tale. The men of the future are wrangling, bragging, and swear-
ing about the speed of some horse that lived or died on the town
“bus,” or the size of the fish that got away in the mill-pond the year
of the Johnstown flood. The city with all its drawbacks is better soil
than this, for in the city occasional ideals are forced on the most care-
less youth. There are multiplied types of the gentleman in the city, of
THE OPPORTUNITY IN THE VILLAGE 391

muscular Christianity, of the best success ; visions of upright, decent
living ; manifestations of sound, contagious manhood, that cannot
eseape the boy. But as one observes the idle loafer around the railroad
stations awaiting the evening train or notes their exchange of obscen-
ities in the tavern, the vision seems to be wholly obscured; it seems as
if the only captivating ideal of manhood was some blustering loafer,
who boasted of his vileness ; as if quiet courage, clean humor, sound,
well-controlled, ambitious manhood were types which the dull, sodden
mass leave to others to attain.

The remedy for the present condition of affairs in the
village must be found in wholesome occupation in line with
the natural interests of boys and girls. There su oppor
must be furnished opportunities for employment tally oe
that will be upbuilding, and at the same time in- inthe
teresting and attractive. Manual training schools “#2*
would do for the boy in town what the farm did for his
father, and more, — they would engage him in an activity
which he would like, and in the prosecution of which he
would have to codrdinate his powers in the attainment of
definite ends. He would be compelled to save his energies
for this purpose, and not squander them in riotous living.
Greek and algebra and parsing alone will never keep the
village boy from drink and things worse ; such a curriculum
is liable to drive him out of school on to the street. Every-
thing in the schools ought to have an obvious life relation
for the boy who has passed his twelfth birthday. He must
feel that in mastering any study he is gaining real power,
which he will find of service in the world outside.

The movement which has gained such headway in larger
places, looking toward making the school the centre of the
life of the community, will do much for the boy in the
village. The school will be open for him in the evening,
and he may go there for reading and study, and for amuse-
ment as well. As it is now, though, the school is sometimes
little else but a place for tasks, for drudgery; so that the
boy often hates it, and all it stands for. Consequently it
exerts little beneficial influence upon his spontaneous con-
892 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

duct. When he gains his freedom he wants to get as far
away from the school and its ideals as he can. The boy
who retains affection for the mere formal type of school is
an exception, and he is apt to be ignored by the gang.
But once let the new ideal of the school as a social centre,
and a place where interesting, dynamic activities flourish, —
let this ideal get established in any village, and the attitude
of the typical boy toward the school will be completely
changed. It will then be a place where he can grow nor-
mally, and not simply a prison-house where he must be
confined for a time.?

The church in the village, too, is often derelict in its plain
duty. Sometimes it spends most of its energies in verbaliz-
ing, one might say, and it does little if anything to enlist
youth in wholesome, interesting social or other kinds of
work. The churches ought to assist in providing occupations
or amusements that will keep boys out of the saloons and
gambling dens. How long must we wait before ministers
and others who are trying to save souls will realize that
they can achieve success only as they make right action
possible and attractive? Mere negation, which is so char-
acteristic of village preaching, has the effect often to urge
boys on to sin. The saloon seems to understand boy nature
better than the church does; or at least it is frequently
made more attractive to him, and so it gets a firmer grip
upon him.

This subject should not be left without first noting a few
Practical Suggestions made by correspondents relative to
methods of the practical methods of improving the conditions

improve- 7 ;
ment for boys in the towns. There is one general point

1 The extraordinary interest manifested in the vacation schools in all the
large cities bears out this statement. It has been found impossible to pro-
vide sufficient accommodations for the children who voluntarily seek admis-
sion to these schools. The secret lies in the curriculnm and methods of
teaching, the aim being to make everything concrete and attractive, while at
the same time highly educative. It is certainly not impossible to make the
work of the regular school appeal very strongly to the young.
PRACTICAL METHODS OF IMPROVEMENT 398

which nearly every writer emphasizes, — provide opportu-
nities for wholesome occupation in the home, school, and
church, and in properly conducted resorts and clubrooms.
Public playgrounds and athletic rooms under right super-
vision would keep practically all young boys out of saloons.
Here are a few suggestions from men who are in the midst of
things, and who are students of the problems involved: —

Have parents wake up to the need of knowing their boys and plan-
ning for them. Form efficient clubs for them in both the church and
the school, — some place for them in both summer and winter that will
keep them from the saloon. I aimed at a public library for the boys,
but no church here has yet realized that there is a need of a place for
boys. ’

What our small cities need is some attractive place of meeting for
the boys who will be away from home at night. Of course, I would lay
special stress on the home attractions, as nothing can ever equal or take
the place of a well-regulated home. It would pay the small cities in
the line of making good citizens, to levy a mill-tax, to be used exclu-
sively in maintaining a clean, well-managed resort for young men, and
then close the saloon, if possible. No young man is safe while the
saloon, as now run, is the most attractive place of social resort on the
public streets of our small towns.

I would distribute good periodical literature in every home for the
boys ; have a public library and reading-room ; debating and literary
clubs ; abolish the saloon, card-playing, and the cigar store; have
athletic, ball, and boat clubs; give the boys « regular holiday each
month ; have more social gatherings in the home and the church.

First, I would thoroughly Americanize all foreigners. To my mind,
a club and a place where good reading, good games, and gymnastic
exercises can be carried on is the only thing that will bring about a
better condition. There is too little amusement in the home for boys.
The present system in the Sunday school must be remodeled, as it is
very repulsive to the boy.

United effort on the part of all churches. What to do for the boy
is the serious problem of the church. This town has no place to enter-
tain the boys but the saloon. The education is limited, and drinking
and carousing, even by boys, frequent. What we want is an attractive
resort to keep the boy from the saloon.

I would let the boy dance, play cards and billiards in the home.
For those who had not good homes I would introduce these games into
a well-regulated clubroom for the boy. In fact, I would allow anything
that was not contrary to decency. Do everything possible to keep the
boy off the street and away from the saloons.
394 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

In suggestion an individual tends to act in conformity with or in
opposition to ideas abruptly thrust into consciousness, either from
without or from within. To-day students of human nature
accept as an hypothesis the proposition that every idea has a
motor aspect. The young child’s conduct is more or less of a reflex of
the stimulations that play upon him from his environment, and that
always tend to become realized in action.

Whatever an individual has done frequently in a given situation he
tends ultimately to do automatically when the appropriate stimulus is
received, though in the beginning he may have had to struggle con-
sciously to do it, or to learn it. Whenever the attention is concentrated
on any act that has been performed, the probabilities are the act will
occur again unless it is restrained by inhibiting acts. The psychological
conditions under which a given suggestion will take effect, in any par-
ticular instance are well-nigh infinitely complex.

The personality of the trainer is the most potent influence for good
or ill in suggesting modes of conduct to the child. The chief problem
in education is to keep the young in contact with socially strong,
capable, efficient men and women ; all else is secondary in importance
to this.

Throughout the history of education men have differed in their views
regarding the wisdom of permitting children to become familiar with
evil so as to learn to combat it. Plato best represents the negative side
of the question, and Locke the positive side. Modern psychology takes
the view that the effect upon the child’s conduct of experience with
evil depends upon the attitude he assumes toward the situation in which
it is presented. If contact with evil arouses hostile attitudes, the child
will be the better for his experience ; if it attracts him, he will be in-
jured. Moral strength is developed by meeting evil and successfully
combating it. Fear, as a typical disadvantageous emotion, cannot be
cured by avoiding altogether the objects that arouse fear, but only by
facing them and strongly assuming the courageous attitude.

Negation as a method of training is fundamentally wrong. It often
weakens instead of strengthens character ; it suggests evil when such
suggestion is harmful. The positive method of strongly suggesting in
every way possible wholesome social conduct will alone prove success-
ful in most situations. In modern life we are apparently striving to
base our training on the positive method, substituting the reformatory
for the prison, etc.

The village, as well as the city, has its problems in social training.
In the typical village the suggestions of indecent, vulgar action are
often stronger than those of an opposite sort. The tide of wholesome
life in the village is commonly not dynamic enough to overcome the
suggestions to idleness, vice, and so on. The influence of the typical
village home for good is not very prominent, — not nearly as strong as

Résumé
RESUME 395

the saloon, the barber shop, and the livery stable. The school and the
church are often not dynamic enough to counteract the evil suggestions
dominant in the village. What is needed here is opportunity for whole-
some, interesting occupation ; and the school and the church could
easily codperate in furnishing this.
CHAPTER XVII
IMITATION

In any biological group, the markedly exceptional indi-
vidual in respect to any particular trait generally arouses

arony the antagonism of some or all of the remaining
ee members, unless he be very clearly a leader and

is accepted as such. Only birds of a feather can
flock together. The odd sheep in the flock is constantly
plagued by the rest of the group, and they would eliminate
him if they could. The treatment of the ugly duckling is
typical in principle of that accorded the peculiar individual
in the life of the forest, or elsewhere. In previous chapters
we have noted instances showing that this same phenomenon
may be seen in human society. Study the life of the play-
ground, and it will be seen that a boy in any way markedly
peculiar is apt to become an object of more or less direct
and persistent bullying by the crowd. The group will not
easily tolerate any considerable departure from general group
characteristics, either in respect to physical traits, or to
dress, manners, or any attitudes or actions affecting the
interests, customs, or practices of the group. If it is the
habit of the group in school to tantalize the teacher, any
boy who is “ good” will not be in favor, and he may suffer
for his virtue. In the universities where it is the custom of
students to appear to be indifferent to study, any individual
who advertises himself as eager and industrious, and who
attends his classes with demonstrative faithfulness, will be
made the butt of ridicule, and often he will be ostracized.
From the earliest times student communities have used
physical measures to compel the “ queer ” or “ smart ” fresh-
man to adjust himself to the practices of the group; this
is the real object of hazing in colleges. As a general prin-
ILLUSTRATIONS OF IMITATIVE ACTIVITY 397

ciple — though allowing for exceptions — those individuals
in any company who come nearest to conforming to the
trend of group characteristics will prosper in every way.
Also, only those individuals who have had a disposition to
adapt themselves to environmental tendencies have survived
in the struggle for existence, and they have transmitted
this trait in greater or less degree to their descendants. We
might expect that this characteristic would be particularly
marked in the human species, since group life is so much
more pronounced here than elsewhere. As a matter of fact,
we find that people in all times have attached great impor-
tance to imitation as an assimilative and harmonizing pro-
cess in human society. “The child is a born imitator” is a
popular saying; and in this chapter we shall inquire what
is the significance of this activity for social development.
We may first glance at some of the simplest ways in which
this imitative tendency is expressed. To begin with, the
young child — say two years of age —and his pier
father are together in a room, each engaged in his aise
own particular occupation, and more or less uncon- imitative
scious of the existence of the other. For purposes *!#7
of an experiment the father “makes up a face” when the
boy happens to be looking his way, and immediately the
latter does the same as best he can. He does it before he
«thinks what he is doing,” though he may afterward be
aware of what he has done. The father starts humming an
air, and the child is soon humming also. The former goes to
answer thé telephone, and the latter may begin saying more
or less mechanically “ hello,” “yes,” “I think so,” “good-
by,” and he may endeavor to reproduce the peculiar into-
nations as well as the words of his father.'! So one might
follow the child throughout the whole day, and he would
be found to be continually imitating those actions occur-
ring about him that are within his range of interest and ex-

1 [ have discussed in detail the child’s imitation of language in my Lin-
guistic Development and Education, chaps. ii-v.
398 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

ecution at the time. He is especially ready in reproducing
bodily attitudes, and vocal and facial expressions.

If we keep an eye on him as he develops, we will find that
for a long stretch, until he arrives at the period of ado-
lescence at ‘any rate, he retains this mimetic tendency, which
is manifested in reference to all activities he is learning at
any particular time. But when he becomes facile in the ex-
ecution of any act so that he is really master of it, he seems
not to be so eager to reproduce it for mere practice. Thus
the boy of nine does not repeat what he hears said at the
telephone, unless something quite novel occurs, when he
will be likely to do as he did so freely when he was a babe.
But at this age he repeats golf and football terms and
phrases, much as the young child copies the simple words
of ordinary speech. Of course, if he should be placed in an
environment where the simple words of ordinary speech
were strange to him, as when he is taken to a foreign coun-
try, he will reproduce them more or less mechanically upon
hearing them, as when a babe he reproduced the words and
phrases of his native tongue. Whatever he is learning he
will be in a specially sensitive condition to practice, to imi-
tate on every occasion. Needless to add, what he has learned
he does not need to practice, for he is already adjusted to
his environment in this respect. As a general principle,
learning proceeds just so long as one is not assimilated to
his environment.

Children from the second year on are adept in imitating
the simpler forms of industrial and social activity which
Conditions they see going on about them, taking the most
fecnia, elementary and concrete activities first, and passing
imitations along gradually to those more complex, involved,
and “abstract.” Children normally reflect in their own
activities the simpler occupations and pastimes of the people
in their environment. However, a novice will reproduce
only what is fundamental in any act copied, and what is
closely related to what he has previously done, so that he
CONDITIONS GOVERNING IMITATIONS 399

usually reflects only the general type of the action he ob-
serves, not its ditferentiated details. On this account he is
not critical of the implements or materials he uses, though
as he develops he becomes ever more eager to make his
own activity like the copy in all details, which compels him
to pay heed to his instruments. The student in the art
college takes account of all the peculiarities in workman-
ship of his teacher; but the kindergarten child ignores all
these peculiarities, and notes simply the general action of
mixing colors, and spreading them on his paper. Any im-
plements will suffice which will enable him to reproduce
this general activity. He will choose the same implements
if he finds them at hand, but if he fails in this he will put
up with anything that will answer for the time being.

The doing of an act seems at the outset to engage the
attention of the novice more than the results of his action ;
though with development the situation is reversed. .To
illustrate: one may observe a child of four, say, washing
her doll’s clothing. For hours at a time she will apply her-
self earnestly to this task, which in adult life would be re-
garded as hard labor. What is the source of her interest in
this activity ? For the adult clean clothing has an esthetic
value; it ministers directly to his well-being, and this is
the reason he does laundry work. But it is certainly differ-
ent with this child; for ,her the pleasure is mainly in the
action itself. She evidently cares little about the results of
her efforts, as the adult does. Being able simply to execute
the activity is a sufficient reward, without anything addi-
tional. Again, one may observe children making mud pies,
when it is apparent that it is not the pie which has value
for them ; it is the making of it that gives delight. Perhaps
these activities anticipate the future, and if so they become
of great service in adapting the child to his environment.
The girl who washes her doll’s clothes, while not now effect-
ing anything of immediate value, is yet acquiring skill and
habits which will later prove of considerable importance.
400 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

It is a commonplace fact that a child of four years, say,
will “ imagine ” himself to be some particular in-

Personation _, ,
{nohild- dividual, or a bear, a dog, a wolf, a horse, or any
et other creature he has seen or heard described ;
and he will often carry out his new réle for hours at a time.!
Sometimes he will be aggrieved if the people about him
do not treat him as his assumed personality requires. In
the course of a week the child may assume the personality
of his mother, his father, each of his playmates, and numer-
ous animals. At first, of course, he will exhibit only the
more simple, direct, striking phases of the people or ani-
mals dramatized. The carpenter will be imitated in his
manual activities, not in his life as a citizen, which is more
complex and obscure. When the father and mother are
dramatized, it is not in their subtle relations to society,
though they may be copied in respect to impressive con-

1 The following instance of personation is typical of well-nigh numberless
examples given in the literature of child-life : —

“We pretended to be two caterpillars, and we would creep along the
ground upon our stomachs and our knees, and hunt forleaves toeat. After
having done that for some time we played that we were very, very sleepy,
and we would lie down in a corner under the trees and cover our heads with
our white aprons — we had become cocoons. We remained in this condition
for some time, and so thoroughly did we enter into the réle of insects in
a state of metamorphosis, that any one listening would have heard pass
between us, in a tone of the utmost seriousness, conversation of this
nature : —

“¢ Do you think that you will soon be able to fly ?’

“Oh, yes! I'll be flying very soon ; I feel them growing in my shoulders
now ... they ll soon unfold.’ (‘They ’ naturally referred to wings.)

“ Finally we would wake up, stretch ourselves, and, without saying any-
thing, we conveyed by our manner our astonishment at the great transforma-
tion in our condition. ...

‘*Then suddenly we began to run lightly and very nimbly in our tiny
shoes ; in our hands we held the corners of our pinafores, which we waved
as if they were wings; we ran and ran, and chased each other, and flew
about, making sharp and fantastic curves as we went. We hastened from
flower to flower and smelled all of them, and we continually imitated the
restlessness of giddy moths; we imagined, too, that we were imitating their
buzzing when we exclaimed: ‘Hou ou ou!’ a noise we made by filling the
cheeks with air and puffing it out quickly through the half-closed mouth.”
Loti, The Story of a Child, pp. 62, 63.
PERSONATION IN CHILDHOOD 401

ventions or formalities. In due course, though, the child
becomes chiefly interested in the personation of people in
their more genuine social activities. The college student
“imagines ” himself in the place of his favorite instructor or
author or soldier or lawyer, and he endeavors to conduct
himself in the spirit of the personality of his model in the
complex adjustments of his daily life. The youth is consider-
ably less demonstrative in his personating activity than the
child, and he does not so readily assume personalities ; and
when he does assume them they modify his general intel-
lectual, emotional, and moral attitudes, rather than his
outward demeanor. With development, at least after the
early years of adolescence are passed, one’s motor attitudes
seem to become relatively fixed and unmodifiable. Com-
pared with childhood they are much less plastic, so that the
individual normally plays new réles with ever increasing
difficulty, unless he makes a special effort to preserve his
plasticity, as the playwright does.

There is another aspect of this general activity which is
of theoretical and practical interest. The child not only as-
sumes personalities readily, but he also is very active in
constructing an imaginary environment of particular persons
or animals, and reacting upon it as though it were real. To
illustrate: S. at five asks me repeatedly to be a bear, or a
dog, or a wolf, or a horse, or what not, and then he conducts
himself as he thinks appropriate. When I am a bear, he
runs away screaming as if frightened, or he hides in some
secure place, or he shoots me with his improvised gun, when
he instructs me to fall at his feet as if dead. Often he re-
quests me to be teacher, and at once he puts himself into
the attitude of a learner, and carries out the programme
of the schoolroom as completely and correctly as he can.
When there are no people about to play the parts he wishes,
he will make use of the furniture of the room, —the chairs,
or the piano, or perhaps his pets or playthings. All this
make-believe is, of course, for the sole purpose that he may
402 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

act in a variety of adjustive ways. Every attribute that he
assumes, or projects into the things around him is made the
stimulus for a special sort of response.

It is suggestive to note that Plato would not allow chil-
Platoon the dren to personate animals, or even human beings
moral effect’ of an unworthy type, — as rogues, cowards, rev-
zation. elers, or comedians. “‘ The same person,” he says
in his Republic,' “ will hardly be able to play the serious
part of life, and at the same time be an imitator and imitate
many other parts as well.” Plato’s Guardians were advised
not to imitate at all; or if they did, they should from
youth upward copy only those persons who were temperate,
courageous, holy, free, and the like. He would object to the
child, who is destined for a high place in the state, imitat-
ing a blacksmith in his plays; for if he does he will absorb
the characteristics of the blacksmith, and this will degrade
him, because any occupation which deals with material things
issordid. The logic of this argument seems sound enough, in
a way. From one point of view Plato appears to be in the
right when he says that a child who copies the barking of
a dog, or the bleating of a sheep, or the crowing of a rooster,
will have his growth upward toward the highest human
attributes impeded, for one who imitates the outward char-
acteristics of an animal tends to acquire the inner attributes
as well,

But this argument is only apparently sound. Current
theory respecting the conscious and subconscious “ selves”
leads us to the view that the child may play many parts
without losing his own identity at any time, or without the
self of one character influencing the self of another per-
manently. Each self preserves its own individuality intact.
When the child is a bear, his human, social self has for the
moment abdicated the throne of consciousness; but it stands
ready to resume its authority at any moment, when the
bear-self will be thrust summarily into the background,

1 Loe. cit.
MORAL EFFECT OF DRAMATIZATION 403

and it will exert no controlling influence over the real
self, though the latter may use advantageously some of the
adjustments acquired while playing the réle of the former.
But the personality of the bear as such does not and can-
not break in upon the child’s personality ; the two as unit-
ized selves apparently remain perfectly distinct, and only
change places on occasion. The real self, however, is always
able at will to dislodge the assumed personality so long as
sanity is maintained. Often when a child has apparently
lost himself fully in the characteristics of the thing he is
impersonating, if an adult appears on the scene, or some
interesting or distracting event occurs, the human self in-
stantly steps forward, and the make-believe self is com-
pletely routed. There is no evidence that it lingers about
the focus of consciousness, and dislodges or in any way in-
terferes with the real self in dealing with the serious situa-
tions of every-day life. It is this power of make-believe
which enables the child to simulate many characters, his
own real nature watching, as it were, in “subliminal re-
gions’ while others disport themselves in the foreground
of consciousness for brief periods.

The child who at this moment may lap up his food like
a pig, may the next moment, if the situation calls for it, eat
like a human being, and he may show no disposition to
revert to the habits of swine when the situations in which
he is placed require human activities. The manners of the
pig, though simulated, do not break into the solidified body
of human manners which the child has come to regard as
real, as proper, as natural. When he acts like a pig he
knows he is playing a part, and his playing does not make
a serious impression upon his conduct as a whole. He is
all the time correcting the tendency of his simulations to
become real, and thus they do not get aserious hold on him,
so that his real personality is obscured. It is possible that
under certain circumstances, and with some children, the
personations may come dangerously near establishing them-
404 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

selves permanently in the seat of authority, and holding in
abeyance the real and human characteristics of the individ-
ual; but it is probable that such occurrences are extremely
rare.

What, then, does the child gain from his personating
activity? It seems that, for one thing, he increases the
miesddtas amplitude of his powers. Take the voice, for in-
of personat- stance; it appears that the child who barks and
ing sctivitY Grows and bellows and roars, develops a breadth
and fullness of voice that would be impossible for a child
who should always speak in modulated tones as his father
and mother do. If it be asked of what use is this breadth
and fullness of vocal powers, since the child will not need
to roar and bellow in mature life, it may be answered that
nature takes precautions to provide for all possible emer-
gencies. In human life there may be opportunities for a
person to influence his fellows through a voice of great
power, as in oratory or song. Again, the child’s practice in
roaring like a lion, for example, may tend to strengthen
the emotional attitudes of which the roar is ordinarily an
expression — attitudes of fearlessness, of daring. Then one
cannot help but feel that the child who has assumed many
personalities has disciplined his powers in a large way, made
them more supple and responsive, so that they will express
his own proper personality more completely in the varied
situations in which he may be placed in daily life.

The principle is, of course, of particular importance as
it concerns the child’s personation of human beings. Every
personality he assumes stretches his own in one direction
or another, enriches it perhaps, or at least broadens it.
Through personation one gets the point of view of others ;
he discovers how it feels in a broad sense to do as they
do, and in this manner he gains understanding of his fel-
lows, and is put in a way to sympathize with them. Again,
when the child creates an environment, and then reacts
upon it, he is really pre-adjusting himself to that environ-
VALUE OF PERSONATING ACTIVITY 405

ment. He is in a vital sense practicing for the serious life
ahead.

The importance of this principle has been impressed upon
the writer as a result of some observations extending over
a number of years which he has been able to make upon
two children. One of these two is constantly personating
the people and things about her. She cannot come into
contact with an individual without “acting out” much of
what she sees and hears, — the language used, the peculiar
vocal intonations, the expressions of the face, and the gen-
eral attitudes, intellectual and emotional, as well as motor.
She is very active in constructing “imaginary ” environ’
ments of one sort or another, and she reacts appropriately,
as far as she can, to each. In this manner she appears
already to have developed a wide range of adaptability to
varied situations, though it is not intended to imply that
her adjustments have been attained solely through her per-
sonating activity. Another child in the same house rarely
personates anyone or anything. Her range of activity is
thus quite limited; she spends her time to a large extent
sucking her thumb, or doing something equally simple and
concentric. In consequence of this as an important factor,
her development has been much slower than that of her
sister. Of course, if she had been born with the same equip-
ment of energy and dynamic tendency as her sister, she
would doubtless have developed more rapidly than she has
done, even if she did not personate extensively. Neverthe-
less, dramatic activity furnishes one of the most educative
ways in which to expend energy. It is significant that
feeble-minded children do not imitate in any complex way,
though they may mimic simple expressions of features or
of body; and doubtless this is one reason, though not the
only one, why they progress so much more tardily than the
normal individual.

Happily we are beginning to recognize in the work of the
school the fundamental principle in question here. Already
406 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

the classic myths, fables, fairy stories, and folk tales are
Dramatiz. dramatized by young children in some schools.
ing work ~—_And how interested, and even enthusiastic, pupils
school do become when they get started in this delight-
ful business, so that they are not too stiff and self-conscious !
And how thoroughly they learn the classic tales when they
dramatize them, and the gods and goddesses that are re-
ferred to so frequently in much of our best literature! When
a boy endeavors to impersonate Zeus, say, he gains a know-
ledge of the peculiar qualities of this mythical personage
which he could not acquire so effectively in any other way.
And the teacher does not need to keep urging the boy to
“learn his lesson.” His spontaneous interest will be all the
incentive he will need to try in every way to find out the
characteristics of his model, and to represent him so that he
might be recognized by his friends.

The writer recently followed a group of children from
six to ten or eleven years of age through a series of dra-
matizations of the more familiar Greek myths. The work
was wholly voluntary; and it was not necessary to apply
any pressure from without in order to secure the attend-
ance and hearty codperation of the children. They were
given a large measure of freedom in deciding how the vari-
ous deities should be portrayed; and they had to get their
cues from their reading of myth literature, Now, there was
no complaining among those children respecting their read-
ing tasks. They attacked the Greek myths with a vin,
which, if the like of it could be secured for all their regular
school work, would enable them to do in four years, per-
haps, what now takes them eight to accomplish. They were
devoted to the work, and fervent in its performance, too,
which was a sufficient gain in itself for all the trouble it
cost the instructors and the parents. In a few months they
acquired a knowledge of a number of the Greek gods and
goddesses, which was more extensive and more faithful to
the subjects than the typical college student possesses who
DRAMATIZING WORK IN SCHOOL 407

has simply studied big text-books on the subject. They
had more than a mere verbal knowledge of mythology ;
they knew in a way how it felt to be Zeus and Ceres and
Mercury, and all the others. As a matter of fact, genuine,
workable, valuable knowledge of anything can be gained
only by reacting upon the thing according to its nature in
relation to the learner; mere looking at it, or listening to
or reading words about it, does not yield understanding that
will be of service in the world.

The writer predicts that dramatizing activities will come
shortly to occupy a far more important place in school work
than they now do in most places. The history and litera-
ture classes will be constantly working out into dramatic
form what they are studying. This principle, generally ap-
plied in the schoolroom, will break up the formality of
much of the work. The children who participate in these
activities will not only gain a more vivid conception of the
persons or events they are learning; but they will at the
same time acquire a freedom and readiness in expression
which much of our formal school work stifles. How many
persons brought up along traditional lines of memorizing
words and reciting in history and literature have any power in
assuming a character, and representing it effectively? Most
of us are too self-conscious for this; we are afraid, when
we are in the presence of others, to abandon our own formal
personalities. We are stiff, conventional, inflexible. We
would unquestionably get more out of life, and be less of a
heavy weight on others, if we could be more pliant, capable
of giving out a variety of tones, as it were, instead of be-
ing incapable of rendering more than one. Freedom in dra-
matizing in the school should give flexibility to personality,
and stretch the ego in various directions.

Teachers often say they cannot undertake this work in
the school, since they cannot secure the necessary “ pro-
perties.” They feel they must have a stage more or less elab-
orately fitted out with scenery, and costumes suitable for
408 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

the impersonations of gods and goddesses, fairies, and the
wheatricat Like. Without question a dramatic representation
eee becomes all the more real to a child if he can
notessen- array himself in garments which make him out-
sa wardly, in his own observation, to resemble his
hero. When he actually sees himself decked out in the tog-
gery of another, the momentary illusion that he is that other
is made the more real therefor. Even adults are aided in
make-believe by appropriate costuming, which strongly sug-
gests the thing which is for the time being to be regarded
as real. So if a teacher can have her children construct, or
in some way secure, the paraphernalia suitable for the
various deities to be represented, and the fairies, giants,
heroes, and so on, her pupils will not fail to be benefited
thereby in conceiving the scenes depicted in a more lively
way.

But it is not at all necessary, in order that pupils should
enjoy their dramatizations and profit by them, that they
should be provided with any accessories whatever. They
will enter into the spirit of the drama with vigor without
the aid of anything but their imagination. Once they get
the feeling of freedom of impersonation, they will make use
of any objects that may be at hand to express their concep-
tions. A girl who is cast for Red Riding-hood will make a
basket out of her apron, and will fold a paper for a hood.
A boy will flop down on all fours and simulate a wolf, and
another boy will find plenty of things about the school
building which will serve him, when cast as a hunter, for a
gun or a bowie-knife. Indeed, one may see some of the best
work in dramatization where the pupils come right out of
their seats in their own proper persons and garments, if
only they are free in expression, and have gained some self-
confidence in playing a part. We need not hesitate to
carry forward this work because we cannot have a well-
appointed theatre in the schoolroom.

This suggests the interesting and important movement
THE INFLUENCE OF IMITATION 409

now in progress to establish theatres in which the players
and the audience are mainly children. These theatres are
in a sense educational in purpose, the aim being to enact
on the stage the best literature within the grasp of children,
and suited to impress wholesome ethical lessons. The reports
of those who are conducting such theatres are generally
enthusiastic in favor of them. The children are always
delighted with them; and they exert a potent force for
good in a normal way. It is a simple matter of psychology
that one can best teach an ethical lesson effectively, espe-
cially to children, by having them live through concrete
situations in which their feelings are strongly aroused on
the side of what is honest and wholesome and fair; and the
children’s theatre makes it possible to accomplish this. The
principle of the theatre can be and ought to be applied
in every schoolroom, whether of elementary or high-school
grade.

Personation is in the large view prospective ; it is antici-
patory of the future. It might be said to secure adaptation
to the world in a vicarious way. If I reproduce personation
the activities of the people in my environment, I “sm ot
may adopt their adjustments without going all «adjustment
through their detailed experiments. Thus in this manner
the results of experience in living may be passed on from
one individual to another, and from one generation to an-
other. I can cause a child of a year and a half to throw away
food by a grimace indicating that it is disagreeable. He
does not taste the food himself, but he accepts my adapta-
tion to it as revealed in my expression which he reproduces,
and he is in this way harmonizing himself with his environ-
ment by utilizing my experience.

The influence of imitation in determining the attitudes
of children toward the social environment is seen in the fol-
lowing characteristic instance. A girl of four years of age
had acquired a respectful, childlike attitude toward her par-
ents. But shortly after her fourth birthday she commenced
410 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

to associate with an autocratic child, one who always ‘had
her own way,” and “ bossed” her mother about a great deal.
She rebelled against authority, was domineering and inso-
lent often; in short, she was a “spoiled” child. Now, in a
very brief time the first child began to show the effects of
keeping bad company. She rapidly assumed a different atti-
tude toward her parents. If she had spent the afternoon at
the home of her new-found companion, one would not need
at night to ask her where she had been. Her conduct
showed this plainly enough. This, in principle, is the way
the individual acquires from his associates his attitudes
toward the people in his environment, whether these atti-
tudes be right or wrong, and whether advantageous or
otherwise.

In the same way a pupil comes to like a certain study or
detest it in some measure because of the attitude of his
teacher toward it. One teacher dislikes algebra and plainly
shows it, and her pupils without knowing why, perhaps,
grow to “hate” it. Another teacher loves algebra and is
enthusiastic in her praise of it, and her pupils imitate her
expressions and become enthusiastic over it also. It is
probably true, as a rule, that what a great teacher admires
heartily will have a strong attraction for his pupils; and
the principle doubtless applies to all the concerns and in-
terests of life. For instance, a freshman in college who
joins a fraternity will soon acquire the attitudes of his
JSratres toward all the activities going on about him. If
the fraternity looks favorably upon the Y. M. C. A. work,
we will say, you will find the novitiate assuming that atti-
tude before long. If, on the other hand, they scoff at this
institution, you will observe that the new man soon does
the same, though he may know little about its work. He
adjusts himself without examination, by appropriating the
adjustments of those nearest to him.

In the first chapter attention was called to the fact that
children of all ages normally choose for their companions
DOMINANT PERSONALITIES 411

those of a dynamic nature, who are able “to do things.”
Persons of a static tendency, though “ good ” and “ respect-
able,” are not commonly emulated by the young. jp ninant
In any community it will probably be found that personali-

. . ties in any
men of action, whatever this may be — men who commu-
accomplish things— become dominant in the per- ™Y
sonations of the young. Ordinarily the minister does not
in any important way determine the dramatic activities of
young people, though he may be more potent in the lives
of those approaching maturity. In a student community,
those who are most studious are not the most prominent in
the personating activities of the plastic members’ of the
community ; but rather those who excel in athletics or ora-
tory or even “deviltry” tend to become dominant. No
matter where the young are found, —in the city, the vil-
lage, the country, the school, the college, or the commercial
establishment, — the ascendant personalities in their emu-
lating activities are those who are bringing things to pass
in the most obvious and emphatic manner.

Cooley,! discussing this particular point, illustrates it in
an effective way. Speaking of the child’s love of action, he
says that “his father sitting at his desk probably seems an
inert and unattractive phenomenon, but the man who can
make shavings or dig a deep hole is a hero; and the seem-
ingly perverse admiration which children at a later age show
for circus men and for the pirates and desperadoes they
read about, is to be explained in a similar manner. What
they want is evident power. The scholar may possibly be as
worthy of admiration as the acrobat or the policeman; but
the boy of ten will seldom see the matter in that light.

« Thus the idea of power and the types of personality which,
as standing for that idea, have ascendancy over us, are a
function of our own changing character. At one stage of
their growth nearly all imaginative boys look upon some
famous soldier as the ideal man. He holds this place as

1 Human Nature and the Social Order, pp. 290, 291,
412 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

symbol and focus of aggressive, contending, dominating im-
pulses of vigorous boyhood ; to admire and sympathize with
him is to gratify, imaginatively, these impulses. In this
country, some notable speaker and party leader often suc-
ceeds the soldier as a boyish ideal; his career is almost
equally dominating and splendid, and, in time of peace, not
quite so remote from reasonable aspiration. In later life
these simple ideals are likely to yield somewhat to others
of a more special character, depending upon the particular
pursuit into which one’s energies are directed. Every occu-
pation which is followed with enthusiasm has its heroes,
men who stand for the idea of power of efficient action as
understood by persons of a particular training and habit.
The world of commerce and industry is full of hero-wor-
ship, and men who have made great fortunes are admired,
not unjustly, for the personal prowess such success implies:
while people of a finer intellectual development have their
notion of power correspondingly refined, and to them the
artist, the poet, the man of science, the philanthropist, may
stand for the highest sort of successful action.”

It is worthy of mention in passing that masculine person-
alities, in modern society, seem to be more dominant in the
Are mas- lives of girls than are feminine personalities in
saline cr — the lives of boys. Indeed, feminine types appear
personali- to exert a less important influence upon girls
fies dom- themselves than do men. Girls personate mascu-
the young? Jine characters more freely than feminine, probably
because the former are more prominent in actual life and in
literature than the latter. In a coeducational college the
women adopt the customs of the men more generally than
the other way round. The masculine personality is unques-
tionably made more dominant in modern life for both sexes,
with the result, perhaps, that genuine feminine traits are
declining in the race. It is conceivable that under a system
of coeducation in which masculinity would constantly be
made most conspicuous, and so be emulated by both sexes,
THE DOMINANCE OF THE MASCULINE 413

femininity would gradually be eliminated, or at least it
would be fundamentally modified. « All studies,” says
Chambers,! “ combine to emphasize the appalling extent to
which girls emulate male ideals, especially in the adolescent
years. There can be no doubt that this tendency has pro-
moted the disintegration of feminine character, and aggra-
vated the excesses of the so-called ‘emancipation of women.”
The curricula, the books, and the instruction of our schools
must be modified so as to supply a sufficient number of
worthy feminine ideals for the girls, and in all places the
peculiar womanly and domestic qualities of the sex must
receive a more outspoken commendation and encourage-
ment if the sex, and consequently the race, is to be restored
to the condition of greatest health and progress.”

But there is another aspect to this matter. Our elemen-
tary and high schools are staffed so largely by women that
there is grave danger that boys will not have presented to
them for emulation during their most impressionable years
concrete masculine types. The situation is becoming all the
more serious, since men are, as the years go on, playing
a less and less important part in shaping the lives of the
young in the home. Many a boy in urban communities
does not see his father oftener than once or twice a week,
and then not under circumstances so that he may enter into
give-and-take relations with him. Consequently, such boys
grow up to manhood without having come into genuine
vital contact with any adults of the masculine persuasion.
His models have been women, — his mother, his governess,
his teachers. Foreigners predict that our masculine charac-
ter will speedily decline under such a régime as this; and
there is surely just cause for apprehension. There is prob-
ably greater danger of the disintegration of masculine than
of feminine character in American life. It seems absolutely
imperative that we should have a very much larger pro-
portion of vigorous men in the schools than we now have

1 “ The Evolution of Ideals,” Ped. Sem. March, 1903.
414 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

in every section of the country, if we shall succeed in pre-
serving the masculinity of our boys.

Thus far we have spoken only of the general principle
of imitation as it is illustrated in the ordinary phenomena
Imitation ot Of every-day life in childhood and youth; but we
abnormal may, before leaving the subject, note especially

the tendency of the young to reproduce undesira-
ble physical traits as manifested in those about them. Here
are a few typical instances, given by Russell and Haskell,
that show the disposition of children to copy more or less
abnormal expressions in others, particularly their asso-
ciates : —

Girl, 9. L. until recently had a teacher whose under lip protruded.
After a short time L. held her lip in the same position. Presently she
was promoted. The teacher in the new room always kept her lips
tightly drawn. L. gave up the old habit, and now goes with lips com-
pressed. We cannot break her of the habit.

Boy, 5. Last fall he went to school for the first time. Soon after,
his mother noticed that he had a peculiar squint when very much in
earnest. She found later that he got the habit from his teacher.

Boy, 5. My little cousin took a great fancy to our English washer-
woman. He soon caught her habit of dropping or inserting the letter
‘th,” and used to sing, “ Little Hannie Rooney is my sweet ’art.”

An adult makes the following confession : —

When I hear an odd or striking note in music, my throat seems to
go through the same strain as the singer’s. I do not notice this until
the music stops, when I find that my throat really aches from the
tension.

Nervous irregularities are contagious among the young.
Cases are on record where stammering or involuntary mus-
cular twitching in one pupil has passed swiftly through
a whole school. Instances like the following might be cited
ab libitum : —

When I was four years old, a boy who lived next door stammered
badly, and soon had all the children in the vicinity stammering. It
was only by means of great exertion that mamma kept me from being
a terrible stammerer.

1 See their “ Child Observations,” First Series, Imitation and Allied Activ-
ities, in which are described, with comment, 1208 examples of imitative
activities, graded according to age.
NERVOUS AND MORAL DISORDERS 415

Girls, 12-15. In 1894, in the Orphan Asylum at ——, New Jersey,
there was a little girl who had chorea. In a short time after her com-
ing, several boys began to imitate her for sport. The habit soon spread
to her friends, as wellas to those who were making sport of her, A
large number of children were affected. After the little girl was sent
away from the asylum the choreic movements in the others ceased
gradually, except in the case of one child, who was sent to the Asylum
for the Feeble-minded as incurable.

Girls, 14-19. In a certain city high school one girl was affected with
a spasmodic twitching of the eyes, involving movements of the cheeks.
She was a favorite, and soon several of her friends showed signs of
the habit. Latér, not only her friends, but all who were much in con-
tact with her were affected. At the end of the year this girl went
away, and signs of the habit began to die out. The writer caught the
habit in a mild form, but “broke off” when she found “bow it
looked.” Another girl was less fortunate. When the movements of her
eyes ceased, her head began to jerk.

We do not need to dwell longer upon the proposition
that nervous and moral disorders are contagious; the ques-
tion now is, How may these maladies be con- ,,,
trolled? It is significant for our present discussion quarantine

. oe of nervous
that every progressive country to-day has rigid ana moral
laws relating to the control by isolation of infec- “8°
tious diseases. If a man in any of our communities should
be attacked by smallpox, say, the board of health in that
community, representing the citizens, would at once deprive
the individual of his freedom. It would prevent any person
except those caring for him from communicating with him
directly, by word of mouth, by letter, or in any way in
which he might spread his disease. Society proceeds in this
way, of course, in order to protect itself from destruction.
It acts on the principle that when any one is a source of
physical danger to his fellows he forfeits his right to move
freely among them. If the unfortunate person himself or
any member of his family should protest against the treat-
ment he receives, the community would pay no heed to
such objection. If some theorist should claim that the
group has no right to deprive one of its members of his

liberty, his view of the case would be ignored. Self-protec-
416 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

tion on the part alike of the individual and of society is
the first law of life; and through long ages of tribulation
and misfortune we have come to appreciate that this law
applies to the control of infectious diseases. In those parts
of the world where people are too sentimental or not
sufficiently enlightened to protect themselves by quarantine,
we see the unhappy outcome in the spread of plagues and
epidemics which so frequently destroy entire communities,

As an extension of the general principle of self-protec-
tion, we see that advancing countries have taken steps to
safeguard the health of school children. In Germany and
France especially there is thorough medical inspection of
the schools, with the view in part to detect at the outset
contagious diseases, and isolate the children who have them
so they will not infect their schoolmates. In England there
is, as we write, a bill before Parliament to establish a
national system of medical inspection, the primary purpose
of which is rigorously to control infectious diseases. In the
more progressive cities in our own country there is sys-
tematic medical inspection. The health authorities in these
cities pay no heed to the remonstrances of a parent or
a sentimentalist when a child suffering with a communi-
cable disease is excluded from a school, and quarantined in
his own home or in some appropriate institution. Wherever
this system of medical inspection with quarantine has been
tried, the only attitude of the people is to perfect it, never
to abandon it.

The principle of self-protection is being carried still fur-
ther in some of the progressive countries. In London, for
instance, there is in operation a plan whereby physicians
visit the schools and examine the children for the purpose
of detecting nervous disorders, such as St. Vitus Dance,
stuttering, and the like. When any cases of these are found
they are at once removed from the schools and placed in
special institutions. In many cities at home and abroad, the
plan of self-protection has been extended so as to provide
NERVOUS AND MORAL DISORDERS 417

for the elimination from the regular schools of children who
are backward in their work, or who have deviated from the
normal in moral development. It is capable of ready de-
monstration that a boy who is deficient intellectually, though
he may not be feeble-minded, is a source of infection to
normal children with whom he comes in close contact in the
classroom. He tends to set a standard for the normal indi-
viduals, though they do not consciously imitate him. A
large part of all that exerts a vital influence upon the con-
duct of children does not become defined in consciousness
in any explicit sense; it is a matter of suggestion simply.
This is peculiarly true in respect to nervous, intellectual,
and moral defects, which makes quarantine in regard to
these disorders absolutely imperative.

Now, go into the schools in most of the smaller cities
and villages anywhere in our country, and you will certainly
find pupils who are two or three grades behind ,, 4.
their proper class. The teachers will tell you that tion in our
these pupils cannot do the work assigned them, ae
and they are a constant source of trouble. They hold back
the children who are capable of working more rapidly and
effectively, and consequently they are a cause of waste of
schoolroom energy ; and what is worse, they are the means of
developing vicious mental habits in normal pupils. No matter
what may have occasioned their deviation, they are a nui-
sance in the schools. In accordance with law they are com-
pelled to go to school, and there is no place to put them
except with normal individuals. A teacher recently said
that three backward boys in her room consumed practically
all her time and strength, while the children who could
profit best by her instruction were failing to get what was
their due.

But unfortunate as the situation is in respect to back-
ward children in the schools, it is far worse in respect to
those who are morally delinquent. One may see boys in the
schools of many of our cities and towns who corrupt all the
418 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

children with whom they come in contact. Among other fail-
ings, they smoke cigarettes and are vulgar in speech and in
action. They sit in the schoolroom and caricature the teacher
when she is giving a moment’s attention to some other
pupil. Just as infectious diseases spread against all resist-
ance when the infected person is in contact with others, so
the influence of the perverted boy permeates a school in
spite of all that can be done to counteract it. The situation
is especially deplorable among us, since our schools are for
the most part in charge of women, who cannot supervise
the playgrounds and congregating places of the boys, so
that the evil-minded individual is left free to spread moral
infection wherever he goes.

If one should venture to recommend that a special school
be established in a village for this class of boys, he will find
that certain persons will claim that such a school would
be undemocratic. “No child ought to be humiliated by
being put into such a school,” they say; “we have got on
well enough in the past; let us not now adopt any new-
fangled ways.” This in plain speech is shallow sentimen-
talism. If a boy breaks into a house and robs, we do not
think it undemocratic to send him to the reform school ;
but if he is corrupting his classmates, and making it im-
possible for the school to do its work, then we are told it
is “aristocratic” and ‘“ autocratic” to protect ourselves by
isolating him.

This sentimental attitude works harm to every one con-
cerned. These boys who are a source of moral contagion in
Shallow the school are every day going from bad to worse.
sentinan: They are constantly in a hostile attitude toward
dealing the work of the school. They are made conscious
wane. Of the fact that they are exceptional; and by
ems 3 fundamental law of human nature they resist

those who attack them and impute meanness to
them, with the result that they grow continually meaner.
They would destroy the school and the teacher if they
SUB-NORMAL CHILDREN 419

could, for they cannot adjust themselves to its demands,
either intellectual or moral. So their aim is to sow the wind,
to exalt disorder, to resist authority. This is but natural ;
we all plot against the individual or the institution that we
feel is opposed to our interests.

The situation with us is all the more serious, since, as stated
above, our schools are in feminine hands. It will be granted,
of course, that women can do for children a great many
things which men cannot do for them ; but in most schools
there are boys who need a kind of treatment which women
cannot possibly give them. Women do not know what boys
of this sort require anyway ; and they could not administer
the medicine even if they knew what was appropriate. But
put these boys under men who know boy nature, and who
have made it their business to study the conditions that pro-
duce backwardness and deviation, and what will be the re-
sults ? The thing has been done in some places at home, and
here and there abroad, and we know what can be accomplished
for such boys. The first transformation which occurs in
them, according ‘to the writer’s observation, is that they
begin to take an interest in the work of this special school,
which should be worked out on a masculine plan. There is
usually some study of nature at first hand, and a good deal
of manual work, without which it is practically impossible
to reach backward or wayward boys and influence them for
good. Some of the roughest boys have gone through one
such school which the writer has studied, and they have
come out capable of making an honorable living, and get-
ting on peaceably with their fellows. So it is far better for
the boy himself, as well as for the community, that he should
be put into the ungraded school than that he should keep on
in the regular school for which he is entirely unfitted.

The principle in question here has universal application
in all social education. Wrong action of any sort when put
before children tends to be absorbed by them, on account
of their imitative disposition, unless hostility to it can be
420 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

aroused. Even then it often persists in the attention of

those who behold it, until finally it may become expressed

Does acopy in the conduct of some of them. Many persons

presented t0 have the experience that when they see an in-
young

forimita- dividual who has a peculiar facial expression, say,
tion some-

times they can with difficulty prevent themselves from
ede imitating the expression, even though they may

action? = not wish so to do; and even though they struggle
against it they may, in an unguarded moment, execute it.
Whatever is seen or heard that makes an impression upon
the observer is likely to keep bombarding consciousness
until it gets itself realized in appropriate action. This is the
very essence of imitation, which is in childhood primarily,
though not entirely, a more or less subconscious process.
Of course, if any act which is perceived by a child
awakens in him strong impulses to act in the opposite
direction, the result may be that instead of imitating the
copy he may become more firmly set against it. This in
social education may operate in two very different ways. In
the first place, if the representatives of the school or the
church arouse antagonism in the individual, they will be
likely to develop in him a settled tendency to do just the
reverse from that which is desired of him. If the teacher is
precise and accurate in speech, the pupil may deliberately
strive to be slovenly and inaccurate in his own speech. If
the minister will not use profane language, the boy on the
street who reacts against him may devote himself to the
acquisition of a vocabulary of profanity. One often sees
persons in a community who take pleasure in consciously
doing the opposite of the church people among whom they
live, and who,*instead of being reacted upon as models for
imitation, are the means of inciting just the contrary atti-
tudes from their own. In the same way, religiously inclined
persons are usually strengthened in their special tendencies
by observing those of contrary inclinations with whom they
are really, though they may not be outwardly, in conflict.
RESUME. 421

This tendency for the individual under certain conditions
to act in a hostile way to the copies set before him may
serve to develop in him social attitudes when he observes
one in whose conduct are exhibited anti-social traits. For
example, the teacher, wishing to awaken in her pupils
antagonism toward cigarette-smoking, may hold up before
her class for their observation a typical case of the vice she
desires her pupils to avoid. Or she may take her children
to see specimens of drunkenness in a barroom or on the
street ; or she may describe a case so vividly that it can be
readily imaged by her auditors. Often one sees moral and
ethical teaching proceed on this principle, and at times the
end aimed at is undoubtedly attained. But it is equally
probable that on many occasions the “horrible example ”
presented to the young becomes fixed in their attention,
and in time, if not immediately, is imitated more or less
completely. At best there is danger in putting before the
young while they are still very plastic concrete types of
ethical and moral error, though the danger is much less,
speaking generally, during adolescence, and especially in
maturity. However, it might be decidedly dangerous to put
before youth definite examples of licentiousness; for then
the organism is especially sensitive to this sort of thing,
and the individual is exceedingly plastic with reference to
it, so that it may easily fasten itself in his attention and
become a model for imitation. Whenever at any point in
development the individual’s nature makes him especially
susceptible to any form of social, ethical, or moral errancy,
it is at least perilous to attempt to awaken hostile attitudes
in him toward the thing in question by showing him concrete
illustrations thereof.

In any biological group the exceptional individual generally arouses
the antagonism of the group, unless he be accepted as a leader. The
group wishes to secure homogeneity among its members, and
it penalizes those who do not conform to group customs,
standards, attitudes. The deepest impulse in an individual, perhaps, at

Résumé
422 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

least in his early years, is to assimilate the fundamental traits of the
group into which he is born ; and this he does through imitation.

The young child imitates mainly the simpler bodily attitudes and
vocal and facial expressions of those with whom he is in vital contact.
As he develops he imitates ever more complex activities of a social,
political, ethical, esthetic, and industrial character. The novice always
reproduces only the elemental characteristics, not the differentiated
details, of any activity. In the beginning it is the doing of an act, not
the results thereof, that interests the individual ; the reverse is usually
true in maturity.

Personation is the chief activity in childhood. Any living thing the
child has seen or heard described may be personated. However, com-
plex social and other attitudes of human beings are not personated
until maturity is approached. From the simple to the more complex
holds in personation as in other activities. The child not only person-
ates living things, but he freely constructs them in his fancy, objec-
tifies them, and then reacts as though they were real. Thus he will
“imagine” his nursery chair is a bear, and he will in make-believe
conduct himself as though it actually were such.

Plato condemned the personation by children of human beings of an
unworthy type, as rogues, comedians, etc., and also animals, as dogs,
roosters, and the like, since this, he thought, would arrest their devel-
opment into the highest type of human beings. But to-day we realize
that in make-believe u child may play many parts, but preserve his
own proper personality intact.

In his personating activity the child increases the amplitude of his
powers, stretches his personality, gains the point of view of those per-
sonated, and appropriates their adjustments. In a certain sense he
pre-adjusts himself to his environment. The best way to learn a thing
is to endeavor to assume its personality, and to react as it would in
any given situation.

It is encouraging to note the introduction into the schools of drama-
tization of myths and fables, and even literature and history. This
work should be greatly extended. Every school should be provided
with facilities for the dramatic treatment of literature, history, etc.
But elaborate “ properties” are not in the least essential to efficient
work of this character.

The dominant personalities in any community, so far as the young
are concerned, are always those who are conspicuously dynamic, though
there is usually a change in this respect with development. However,
even in maturity the individual is dominated by those who are most
effective in the fields of action in which he is specially interested.
Masculine more than feminine personalities are, as a rule, dominant
for both sexes, though our present-day social and educational régime
is tending to eliminate masculine types for the emulation of the young
in home and school. ;
RESUME 423

Expressions of abnormal as well as normal traits are freely imitated
by the young. This means that for social well-being all individuals who
are ethically and morally sub-normal should be quarantined. Special
ungraded schools or rooms should be established in every community ;
these will prove a blessing, alike to exceptional children and to those
who are normal.

Sometimes copies presented to the young for emulation may incite
directly contrary conduct. The representations of the church, the
school, etc., should be capable of securing positive responses from
the young ; otherwise they will spread disrespect and disorder with
regard to the fundamental institutions of society. On the whole, it is
a dangerous practice to present to the young concrete types of immoral
conduct in the effort to arouse hostility thereto.
REFERENCES FOR READING

Tue purpose kept constantly in mind, in the preparation of the
following list of books and articles, has been to suggest those,
easily accessible for the most part, which bear quite directly upon
the problems of social development and education as they have
been discussed in this volume. It has not been the intention
to present an exhaustive bibliography of the literature in this
particular field ; on the contrary, the greater portion, perhaps, of
such literature has purposely not been mentioned at all. The
primary reason for omitting so many references that discuss in
some manner the social, ethical, or moral training of children is
that they do not consider the subject from the standpoint taken in
the present volume. Of course, no one will infer from this state-
ment that it is thought these other points of view are not worth
taking; certainly they are. But it has seemed best herein to keep
quite closely, in the reference list as well as in the text, to the
naturalistic way of looking at child development and education,
to the end that this point of view may be given the emphasis
which it appears to merit.

The aim in selecting these references from all the available
books and articles has been to make a reading list which would
not seem too elaborate, and especially not too technical for the
average student or practical person, parent or teacher or law-
maker, who might wish to get a glimpse, at least, of what has
been contributed to the subject by ancient as well as by modern
writers upon education, and also by contemporary psychology in
its various phases, child-study, anthropology, sociology, evolution,
and autobiography. The author has attempted to choose the best
typical references in these several fields, —the dest, considering
the needs of those who will probably be specially interested, theo-
retically and practically, in the development and training of
children in respect to their social adjustments. Without doubt
some readers will question why certain references have been
omitted ; but the author appreciates that it is entirely impossible to
make a select bibliography in any field which will in details meet
the approval of all who may be interested therein. The personal
‘factor necessarily plays a more or less prominent réle when the
=

REFERENCES FOR READING 425

relative values of various books is being determined. But if any
reader should feel that certain references which are lacking in
this list should have been included, he is requested kindly to
remember that those that are presented treat the subject in hand
from a rather special point of view, and that they have been
chosen because they seem to present a given topic more effectively
than other books.

For the convenience of those who may not be familiar with the
literature in this field, the general character of each reference is
denoted as follows: (1) Classical writers on child training by
AE; (2) modern writers on general education by ME; treatises
dealing solely with ethical, moral, or social education by EE; (8)
references on ethical theory, without special regard to education
by ET; (4) references on religious theory or education by RE;
(5) psychological references, general and experimental, by P;
(6) sociological references by S; (7) contributions from child-
study, which includes a wide variety of references not conveniently
classified under (2), (3), (4), (5), or (6), by CS ; anthropological
literature by A; evolutionary literature by D; and autobiographies
by X. Some of the references should be mentioned in two or
more of these groups, and this fact is appropriately indicated.

Apams: Relation of the School Studies to Moral Training. In
the Third Year Book of the National Herbart Society,
pp. 73-100 (EE). Chicago (1897), University of Chicago
Press.

Appams: Democracy and Social Ethics (S, EE). New York
(1902), The Macmillan Co.

ADLER: The Moral Instruction of Children (EE). New York
(1895), The International Education Series, D. Appleton
& Co.

Atprico: The Story of a Bad Boy (X). Boston (1892),
Houghton, Mifflin & Co.

Amicis: Cuore, The Heart of a Boy. Translated by G. Mantel-
lini (X). Chicago (1899), Laird & Lee.

ANGELL: Psychology, chaps. xvi-xxii (P). New York (1905),
Henry Holt & Co.

ARIsTOTLE: Politics. Translated, with an Analysis and Critical
Notes, by J. E. C. Welldon. Book IV, chaps. xiv—xvii, and all
of Book V (S, AE). New York (1897), The Macmillan Co.
426 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

Bacrey: Classroom Management, Part I (ME). New York
(1907), The Macmillan Co.

Batpwin: Mental Development in the Child and the Race;

Methods and Processes (P, CS). New York (1895), The

Maemillan Co.

Social and Ethical Interpretations in Mental Development:
A Study in Social Psychology (P, 8S, ET, CS). New York
(1897), The Macmillan Co.

Barnes: The Child as a Social Factor (CS). In Studies in
Education, edited by Earl Barnes, vol. i, pp. 355-360.
—— Children’s Attitude towards Theology (CS). In Studies in
Education, edited by Earl Barnes, vol. ii, pp. 283-307.
Children’s Ideals (CS). In The Pedagogical Seminary,

vol. vii, April (1900), pp. 1-12.

Punishment as Seen by Children (CS). In The Pedagogical
Seminary, vol. iii, October (1895), pp. 233-245.
BasHxkintsErF: The Journal of a Young Artist, translated by

Mary J. Serrano (X). New York (1889), Cassell & Co.

Bett: A Study of the Teacher’s Influence (CS). In The Ped-
agogial Seminary, vol. vii, pp. 492-525.

Bret: La Suggestibilité (P). Paris (1900), Colin.

Birney: Childhood (EE). New York (1905), F. A. Stokes Co.

Buiow: Symbolic Education; A Commentary on Froébel’s
‘Mother Play” (ME). New York (1895), International
Education Series, D. Appleton & Co.

Bowannon : A Study of Peculiar and Exceptional Children (CS).
In The Pedagogical Seminary, vol. iv, pp. 3-60, October,
1896.

—— The Only Child in a Family (CS). Ibid. vol. v, p. 475.

Bovuser: Chums; A Study in Youthful Friendships (CS). In
The Pedagogical Seminary, vol. x.

Briaes: School, College, and Character (ME). Boston (1901),
Houghton, Mifflin & Co.

Bryan: Nascent Stages and their Pedagogical Significance (E).
In The Pedagogical Seminary, vol. vii, pp. 357-396.

Bryant: The Teaching of Morality (ET, EE). London
(1897), Swan Sonnenschein & Co.

Buck: Boys’ Self-Governing Clubs (EE). New York (1903),
The Macmillan Co.

 

 

 
REFERENCES FOR READING 427

T
Burk: Teasing and Bullying (CS). In The Pedagogical Semi-
nary, vol. iv, pp. 336-371.
Burien: The Meaning of Education, chap. i (ME). New York
(1903), The Macmillan Co.

Carpenter: Affection in Education (EE). In The Interna-
tional Journal of Ethics, vol. ix, pp. 482-494.

CHAMBERLAIN: The Child: A Study in the Evolution of Man
(D, A, CS). London (1900), The Walter Scott Publish-
ing Co.

Cuamsers: The Evolution of Ideals (CS). In The Pedagogical
Seminary, vol. x, pp. 101-143.

Cor: The Spiritual Life: Studies in the Science of Religion
(RE). New York (1900), Eaton & Mains.

Compayré: Development of the Child in Later Infancy. Being
Part II of The Intellectual and Moral Development of the
Child. Translated by Mary E. Wilson (P, EE). New York
(1902), International Education Series, D. Appleton
& Co.

Cootey: Human Nature and the Social Order (ET, EE). New
York (1902), Charles Scribner’s Sons.

CroswELt: Amusements of Worcester School Children (CS).
In The Pedagogical Seminary, vol. vi, pp. 314-371.

Darra: Children’s Attitude toward Law (CS). In Studies in
Education, edited by Earl Barnes, vol. i, pp. 213-216,
254-258.

Dawson, Georcre S.: Children’s Interest in the Bible (CS).

In The Pedagogical Seminary, vol. viii, pp. 151-178.

A Study in Youthful Degeneracy (CS). In The Pedagog-
ical Seminary, vol. iv, pp. 221-258.

Dewey: Ethical Principles Underlying Education (ET, EE).
In the Third Year Book of the National Herbart Society, pp.
7-34. Chicago (1897), University of Chicago Press. —

The School and Society (ME). Chicago (1900), Univer-
sity of Chicago Press.

Dewey and Turts: Ethies (ET). New York (1908), Henry
Holt & Co.

Du Bois: The Natural Way in Moral Training (EE). Chicago
(1903), The Fleming H. Revell Co.

 

 
428 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

Durron: Social Phases of Education in the School and the
Home (EE). New York (1900), The Macmillan Co.

Exuts: Sunday School Work and Bible Study in the Light of
Modern Pedagogy (RE, CS). In The Pedagoyical Semi-
nary, vol. iii, pp. 363-412.

Extis and Hatu: A Study of Dolls (CS). In The Pedagogical
Seminary, vol. iv, pp. 129-175.

Farrineron: The Public Primary School System of France
(ME). New York (1906), Teachers College, Columbia
University.

Forsuso: The Boy Problem, A Study in Social Pedagogy
(S, CS). Boston (1907), The Pilgrim Press.

Frear: Class Punishment (CS). In Studies in Education,
edited by Earl Barnes, vol. i, pp. 332-337.

Granam: The Golden Age (X). New York (1898), John Lane.

Griees: Moral Education (EE). New York (1905), Huebsch.

Groos: The Play of Man (P. A). Translated with the author’s
codperation by Elizabeth L. Baldwin. New York (1900),
D. Appleton & Co.

Gutick: Psychological, Pedagogical, and Religious Aspects of
Group Games (P, CS). In The Pedagogical Seminary,
vol. vi, pp. 135-151.

GuncKEL: Boyville: A History of Fifteen Years’ Work among
Newsboys (P, CS). Toledo (1903). Toledo Newsboys’

_ Association.

Guyau: Education and Heredity (ME). Translated from the
second edition by W. J. Greenstreet, with an Introduction
by G. F. Stout. London (1891), The Contemporary Science
Series, The Walter Scott Publishing Co.

Hau: Adolescence, its Psychology and its Relation to Physi-
ology, Anthropology, Sociology, Sex, Crime, Religion, and
Education, chaps. .x-xvii. (P, S, A, CS, EE). Two vols.
New York (1904), D. Appleton & Co.

Children’s Lies (P, CS). In The Pedagogical Seminary,
vol. i, June, 1891.
REFERENCES FOR READING 429

Hauu: Moral Education and Will-training (EE). In The Ped-

agogical Seminary, vol. ii, pp. 72-89.

Anger (P, CS). In the American Journal of Psychology,

vol. x, pp. 511-591.

The Moral and Religious Training of Children and Adoles-
cents (EE, RE). In The Pedagogical Seminary, vol. i,
pp. 196-210.

Hatt and Smira: Showing Off and Bashfulness (P, CS). In
The Pedagogical Seminary, vol. x, June, 1903.

Hanus: A Modern School (ME). New York (1904), The Mac-
millan Co.

Harris: The Relation of School Discipline to Moral Education
(EE). In the Third Year Book of the National Herbart
Society, pp. 58-72. Chicago (1897), University of Chicago
Press.

Harrison: A Study of Child Nature from the Kindergarten
Standpoint (ME). Chicago (1895), Chicago Kindergarten
College.

Henperson: Education and the Larger Life (ME). Boston
(1902), Houghton, Mifflin & Co.

Herzart: Outlines of Educational Doctrine (AE). Translated
by A. F. Lange; annotated by Charles DeGarmo. New
York (1901), The Macmillan Co.

Houenes: Dickens as an Educator (EE). New York (1901),
International Education Series, D. Appleton & Co.

Froébel’s Educational Laws (AE). New York (1897),

International Education Series, D. Appleton & Co.

 

 

 

James: The Principles of Psychology, chaps. iv and xxiv—-xxvi

(P). Two vols. New York (1907), Henry Holt & Co.

Pragmatism (P, ET). New York (1907), Longmans,

Green & Co.

Jounson : Education by Plays and Games (ME). Boston (1907),
Ginn & Co.

Jounson, Joun Jz.: Rudimentary Society among Boys (S, EE).
Overland Monthly, October, 1883.

Jonzs: Sociality and Sympathy (P, A). In The Psychological
Review, vol. v.

Jupp: Genetic Psychology for Teachers (P), chaps. iv and vy.
New York (1903), D. Appleton & Co.

 
430 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

Kipp, Bensamin: Social Evolution (D, P, ET). New York
(1894), Macmillan & Co.

Kiwp, Dupizy: Savage Childhood, chaps. v—viii (P, A, 8).
London (1906), Adam & Charles Black.

Kine: The Psychology of Child Development (P, CS). Chicago
(1903), The University of Chicago Press.

Kirkpatrick: Fundamentals of Child Study (P, CS). New
York (1904), The Macmillan Co.

Kuine and France: The Psychology of Ownership (P, CS).
In The Pedagogical Seminary, vol. vi, pp. 421-470.

Locke: Some Thoughts concerning Education (AE). With In-
troduction and Notes by R. H. Quick. London (1892),
Cambridge University Press.

Loti: The Story of a Child (X). Translated from the French
by Caroline F. Smith. Boston (1902), Birchard & Co.
Lyrrieton: Instruction of the Young in Sexual Knowledge
(EE). In the International Journal of Ethics, vol. ix,

No. 4, pp. 453-467.

MacCunn: The Making of Character; Some Educational
Aspects of Ethics (EE). The Cambridge Series for Schools
and Training Colleges. New York (1900), The Macmillan
Co.

Magor: First Steps in Mental Growth (P, CS). New York
(1906), The Macmillan Co.

Marx: Individuality and the Moral Aim in American Education
(ME, EE). The Gilchrist Report presented to the Victoria
University, March, 1901. New York (1901), Longmans,
Green & Co.

Mitt: Autobiography (AE, X), New York (1887), Henry Holt
& Co.

Monratens: The Education of Children (AE). Selected, trans-
lated, and annotated by L. E. Rector. New York (1899),
International Education Series, D. Appleton & Co.

Morrison: Juvenile Offenders (S, EE). New York (1897),
D. Appleton & Co.

Patmer: The Teacher (ME), chaps. i-iii. Boston (1908),
Houghton Mifflin Company.

ee
REFERENCES FOR READING 431

Pavutsen: A System of Ethics ; translated and edited by Frank
Thilly, Book II, chaps. vi-viii, and Book III, chaps. i, ii, vi,
viii—xi (P, ET). New York (1899), Charles Scribner’s
Sons.

Payor: La Morale & l’eole (EE). Paris (1907), Armand
Colin.

Pecaut: L’Education Publique de la Vie Nationale (ME).
Paris, Hachette.

PrerrE: L’Education Morale (EE). In Revue Pedagogique,
July 15, 1900.

Puato: The Republic, Books ii-v (AE). Translated by
Alexander Kerr. Chicago (1902-1907), Charles H. Kerr
& Co.

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EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS, PART I
Based on Chapters I- VITI inclusive

I. SOCIABILITY .

1. In what respect does the infant distinguish between ob-
jects and persons ? between persons in general and his mother
and nurse? In the beginning does he realize that objects are
to be used merely? What is the evidence upon which your
answer is based ?

2. Do the children of primitive tribes manifest greater
desire for the companionship of adults than do the children of
advanced peoples? Or is it the other way around? Try to
account for any difference which exists between them.

3. Does the child’s attitude toward persons change when
he begins to walk, and so to move about freely among them?
If so, just what change takes place, and why? In the same
way, say whether his attitude toward persons changes when
he begins to talk so that he can be understood.

4. Are children of five, say, more sociable toward their
pets, as puppies and kittens, than toward their brothers and
sisters? In what situations would a typical child choose to
be with pets rather than with people? What is the basis
for this interest in pets?

5. What is the real attitude of babies described as
“ good”’ who, if properly cared for, will lie in their cradles
apparently feeling no need of companionship, even after
reaching theage when they know, and in a way appreciate,
the mother and the nurse?

6. How far does physical attractiveness in the alter influ-
ence the expression of sociability on the part of a child of
five? of a boy of seventeen ? of a girl of the latter age? of
an adult?
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 435

7. Which is more favorable to the development of gen-
uine sociability in children, parents who are dynamic or
those who are relatively neutral in a social sense? Why?

8. Does amarkedly dynamic boy of inferior secial station
in any community appeal to the typical girl of seventeen
more strongly than a neutral boy of high social standing?
Will she ignore the social stratification of her community
in favor of the former? If so, why ?

9. What answer would you give to the following ques-
tion, asked by a high-school principal : —

Is it not often true that groups of boys from the age of eighteen on-
ward insist upon including in their parties unusually attractive girls

of lower social standing in the community rather than the girls with
whom they habitually associate ?

If this is the case, how may we account for it? Is it
different in city as compared with country groups?

10. If adolescent boys are really more “liberal” than
girls in their social groupings, why are they so willing (as
many say they are) to accept the group limitations deter-
mined largely by the girls with whom they associate?

11. Can a child of wealth, who is richly provided with
good clothes, toys, and other luxuries, be kept humble and
sociable toward his less favored associates by the admo-
nition simply of wise parents? Give specific instances to
illustrate your opinion.

12. The State of Nebraska conducts a large number of
corn-growing contests among farmer boys from fifteen to
twenty-one years of age. The State Superintendent says
that the boys form clubs for this purpose, but are actuated
largely by the desire to secure money prizes. Why should
the financial factor seem more important to the boys than
the social one? Mention other apparently purely social ac-
tivities of boys in which the financial factor is really the
dominant one. Are country boys more eager to obtain
money than city boys? Why?

13. Is the effort to curb high-school fraternities wise ?
436 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

(a) Are the standards and ideals of the fraternities adapted to
the needs and interests of high-school students ?

(0) Are social distinctions certain to be drawn in high schools,
even if fraternities are abolished ?

(c) How far can pure democracy (or sociability) in a high school
be stimulated. or restricted by arbitrary commands or rul-
ings of authorities ?

14. Are college fraternities and sororities of benefit to
a college community as a whole? Are they of benefit to
their individual members? Is there a more democratic spirit
in non-fraternity than in fraternity colleges? Give concrete
evidence in support of your position.

15. From the point of view of the development of socia-
bility in childhood and youth discuss : —

(a) The gymnasiums and reading-rooms connected with churches
in certain communities.

(0) The Y. M. C, A. athletic clubs found in many cities.

(c) Inter-denominational ball games for boys.

(d) Any similar efforts to codrdinate athletics, sociability, and
religious spirit.

16. “ Mere static goodness is not rated high among chil-
dren.” Is it so rated among adolescents ? among adults in
business? in education? in religion? Is it the same in the
country as in the city?

17. In groups formed by girls, is it often the case that
individuals are left alone more because they hold themselves
aloof than because they are not wanted in the group? Give
concrete instances in illustration of your answer.

18. Does the child’s choice of companions differ accord-
ing to his needs at any moment; as, for example, when he
desires sympathy, does he seek out a particular member of
the group or the family? When he wants a “ good time,”
does he seek out a different person? etc.

19. Would the presence of mother or father mean any-
thing at all to the child if such presence were abstracted
from the service rendered? Just what would lead the
child to differentiate people from things if the former did
not minister to his wants?
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 437

20. “Girls admire most those boys who are good in
books.” ‘Is this quotation, taken from a recent educational
book, true? Discuss the matter in the light of definite con-
crete cases with which you are familiar.

21. Do parents as a rule insist upon one standard of
behavior when there is “company ” in the house, and another
standard when there is no one present but the family?
What effect does such training have on the social develop-
ment of children? Is it of advantage to children to have
much “company” in the home? Is it of advantage in
youth? Compare city and country children in this respect.

22. Is the increase in self-consciousness, which appears
at adolescence, the cause of “clothes talk” among girls? Is
there anything like this among boys? Do country girls
pass through a “‘clothes-minded” period? Describe the atti-
tudes of a girl who has “clothes on the brain.”

23. Give your opinion in response to the following ques-
tion asked by a parent: —

My two little daughters are the direct opposite of one another in
respect to their interest in clothes. The older one has now and has always
had, a decided love for pretty things, while the other manifests no
such interest. Why should there be this difference, both having been
reared under the same influences ?

24. Is it true that girls often “take up” with new-found
associates who have good clothes, but who have little if any
skill or initiative in “doing things” ?

25. Do all children strive to secure the good-will of their
fellows? When they fail so to do, what is the reason?
Describe a child you know well who does not have the good-
will of his fellows, and show why he does not.

26. Present-day mothers are often advised to leave their
children alone very much of the time during the first year
or two of life. What would be the effect of such a method
of training upon the social development of a child? Have
you known children who have had this experience? If so,
describe their social tendencies.
438 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

27. “A child is pleasurably affected in the presence of
his mother because he feels her to be a friend.” How early
can a child distinguish between “friends” and others?
Upon what data does he make such a distinction? Upon
what data do you make such a distinction ?

28. Does the typical two-year-old child prefer an adult
to a child of his own age as competitor in his plays? What
determines whether an adult or a playmate will be pre-
ferred? Do boys of ten, say, enjoy having their teachers
for playfellows? Why, in any case? How is it with boys of
fifteen? with girls of the same age?

29. Is it true of the adult as of the child, that he may fre-
quently be spiteful and aggressive in the home, yet on the
street be habitually gentle and docile toward members of
the family? What principle is involved in your answer?

30. Do children who “naturally put on airs” ever become
humble and modest? If so, indicate the developmental
forces which produce the change? Describe a case of this
sort you have known intimately.

31. Are crippled children, those who cannot play, ever
favorites with normal children? Are such unfortunates left
aside entirely’? How about the boy who has lost a leg in an
accident, for instance; is he ever a leader of a group? Is
such a boy ever admired because he has only one leg, and
is regarded as a hero? Be specific and concrete-in your
discussion.

32. Is the popular saying true, that most boys who take
pride in being poor in scholarship are leaders in school
activities outside the classroom? Discuss this question in the
light of data furnished by the pupils you know best. If it
is true, what is the explanation ?

33. Which is more favorable to the development of gen-
uine sociability in children, teachers who are dynamic or
those who are relatively neutral in a social sense? Why?

34. Is there any relation of cause and effect between
one’s occupation in maturity and his sociable tendencies?
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 439

Give numerous concrete illustrations in support of your
view.

35. What qualities in an adult make him a “ natural”
leader of children? Describe at least five such natural leaders
whom you know well. Also describe at least one person
whom you know who has made a failure in his.attempts to
lead children.

36. Are the qualities essential for leadership of children
of eight also essential for leadership of adolescent children ?
Have you known persons who could easily impress and in-
fluence young children but who could not make an impres-
sion upon high-school students? If so, explain the case.

37. If it were possible for a strictly male community to
develop a very complex social organization, would such de-
mocracy as is usually seen in lumbering and mining camps
prevail? Why?

38. Is there a difference between young boys and young
girls in their charitable tendencies in sociability ? How is it
with boys and girls at adolescence? Describe instances you
have known of genuine charity in the sociable expression
of children.

39. Why doyoung children normally tell “family secrets”
to strangers whenever they have an opportunity so to do?
Do city and country children differ in their tendency to com-
municate with acquaintances and friends? Is there a differ-
ence between boys and girls in this respect? If so, how can
this difference be accounted for?

40. Why do certain people always act contrary to the
views and the desires of the groups of which they are mem-
bers ? Would it be better for themselvesand for their groups
if they were more conformable to group sentiment? Describe
in detail at least two persons of this kind.

41. Why are certain persons more given to “ gossip ”
than others ? Are women more likely than men to indulge
in “ gossip”? Or is it the other way around? If there is a
difference, what conditions have produced it?
440 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

42. Why are practically all persons, adults as well as
children, so eager to communicate “news”? Have you
known people who were not inclined to do this? If so, try
to account for them as exceptions to the rule.

43. Do children tell tales on each other primarily for the
purpose of making the alter suffer, or of gaining commen-
dation and approval by making themselves for the moment
important through the imparting of information which will
interest others, especially their elders ?

44. Does a child of eight, say, normally show that he
takes account of public opinion in regard to such a thing as
theft? What is the evidence, pro or con?

45. In trying to gain permission to “do things,” does a
child usually cite to his parents or his teacher other chil-
dren who are permitted to do what is denied him? If so,
point out the social meaning of such a tendency.

46. Comment on the following incidents furnished by an
observer of children : —

(a) I have in mind a babe who when he was only three and one
half months old would, upon the return of his father at noon,
kick, coo, and lift his little hands in order to have his father
take him. The same babe, at six months of age, when left
with his father while his mother went down town, cried un-
ceasingly. The father tried in every way to appease him, but
he erled all the harder. Finally, the father left him alone
in the house, and went down town for the mother. As soon
as she appeared, the babe stopped crying.

(6) My little nephew, three years old, runs to his mother when-
everanything unpleasant happens to him or whenever he wants
anything. But whenever he sees his father he will manifest the
greatest enthusiasm. He will always do whatever his father
asks him in preference to the requests of his mother. His
father takes him to the barn and allows him to ride the horses ;
and he also plays with him in a rough-and-tumble manner.

47. Discuss the following : —

The desire for companionship is an inheritance from an ancestry
that must have sought it in order to survive.

48. A certain girl in the third grade of a city school
desires while at school to be alone constantly. She does not
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 441

seem happy in the presence of others. In her home she is
exceedingly social with all the members of the family, but
“shy” of strangers. Might she be regarded as a non-com-
municative type? What may be the cause of her reticence
at school, and her tendency to be “ distant” toward un-
familiar persons? What advice would you give her parents
and teacher respecting the training of this child in her
social relations ?

49. What would be the proper course for a teacher to
pursue in dealing with the following instance of ostracism
among children, often seen in group relations, as in large
schools : —

In the seventh grade of a public school there was a little foreign girl,
who did exceptionally good work, in the neatest possible manner. She
was always dressed nicely and “ behaved ” very well ; and yet the girls
in her class were unfriendly toward her. One day, these girls assem-
bled at recess and decided that she was “likable,” but as she was a
foreigner they could not associate with her. She learned of this and
wept bitterly, but this did not affect the girls at all.

50. Do the children of markedly intellectual parents
regard the dynamic abilities of their playmates as highly as
do the children of parents of moderate intelligence? Do
the former children place chief value upon mental superi-
ority in their social groupings earlier than do the latter chil-
dren? Describe concrete types of children referred to in
this question.

51. What proportion of the children you know well pre-
fer to gather about themselves groups of rather static ad-
mirers instead of more dynamic groups of “ thingers” ?
Are there sex differences in this respect? Do the “brighter”
children incline to be learners or teachers? Does the situ-
ation change in the course of development ?

52. Have you ever noticed a desire upon the part of chil-
dren to associate with others who are inferior to them in
physical and intellectual ability? If so, how would you ex-
plain their interest ?
442 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

58. Do friends (adults as well as children) usually or
ever take pleasure in tattling upon each other? Why?

54. Does the suppression by the group of the unconven-
tional or non-conformable type of person operate to prevent

‘the development of valuable ideas and inventions? Does the
typical school tend to do this too greatly? Be specific in
your answer.

55. What principle is illustrated in the following testi-
mony of a parent: —

My little boy was always determined to run on ahead when walking
with me, though later in life he proved to lack none of the social qual-
ities.

56. Suppose that the child of the millionaire will play
gladly with the child of the day laborer ; does not the réle
which each takes in this play show some appreciation of dif-
ferences in social status? Describe a situation in which a
boy from a wealthy home plays with a boy from the home
of a workingman, pointing out the rdle which each takes in
the play.

57. Describe an adult who manifests sociable feeling
toward those who can be of no possible service to him. En-
deavor to state just what is the source of the friendly feel-
ing in such a case.

58. Could you be sociable with a neutral human being, —
one who could teach you nothing, or who could not assist
you in attaining any objects you desired, or who could not
gratify your zsthetic or other interests, or upon whom you
could not practice any social activity? Look about among
your friends and note whether their sociable impulses are
strongly expressed toward those who are relatively neutral.
What qualities in your associates arouse the strongest so-
ciable feeling on your part ?

59. To what extent do you commune with the “ people
of your fancy”? Do you ever actually converse with these
imaginary persons? Would you often rather hold commun-
ion with ideal than with flesh-and-blood personages ? Discuss
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 443

this matter in respect to the changes that have occurred
since you were a child.

60. Are the adults you know best (including yourself)
guided in their social adjustments mainly by public or by
individual opinion? How can you tell which sort of opinion
weighs most heavily with them? Make outa list of the acts
you perform in response to public sentiment.

II. COMMUNICATION

1. Is “no impression without expression” more true in
childhood than in adolescence? than in maturity? Show
the bearing of your answer upon the tendency to communi-
cate in childhood and in youth.

2. Does the typical child communicate more freely with
his father than with his mother? Or is the reverse true ?
Is there any change in this regard as development proceeds ?
Are there certain kinds of experience which are habitually
shared with the father, say, and other kinds which are shared
with the mother? If so, why? ,

3. Does an adult who appears to bear misfortunes with-
out complaint outgrow the desire of his youth to be recog-
nized as a hero or amartyr? What proportion of the adults
you know intimately “keep their trials absolutely to them-
selves” ? Give typical concrete instances.

4. How old would you think that boy to be who, when
his teacher pointed out that his seatmate had done better
work in the arithmetic test than he, said, “ Well, I can wal-
lop him, anyway”? Was he a typical boy?

5. What differences may be noticed in the freedom and
the character of the communications of a boy of ten who
has lived a secluded life with his grandparents, and the
typical boy who has had brothers and sisters, and who has
had intimate contact with boy companions at school and on
the street? Describe specific cases you have observed.
444 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

6. It is a common saying that wine and cigars encourage
friendly communicability among men. If this be true, how
can we account for it? In this connection comment on the
significance of “ The Pipe of Peace ” ceremonies in frater-
nal organizations, college societies, and the like.

7. Why is reticence usually thought to indicate greater
wisdom in a person than volubility? Have you known of
instances proving the reverse of this ?

8. What is the significance of the policy of the United
States government in providing two lighthouse keepers at
lonely stations where the work to be done might readily be
accomplished by one?

9. What effect has the life of the lonely sheep herder on
the vast ranches of the West upon his desire to communize
his experience with his fellows? Do you know whether the
cowboy is contented when he leaves the plains, and takes
up his residence in the city?

10. Givea detailed account of how any particular inven-
tion or discovery of service to mankind is made known from
one end of the world to the other. Make out a list of all
the ways in which knowledge is spread among men. Is
“news” disseminated by the same agencies? Does “news”
travel faster than knowledge’? If so, why? Is the average
man more eager to read his daily paper than a new scientific
book presenting fresh facts and principles of vital concern
to him in daily life? Why?

11. Is it of greater importance in American life to-day
that a man should be keenly sensitive to public opinion on
any question than that his grandfather should have been?
Why?

12. Comment on the following testimony from an obser-
vant mother : —

The relations between my daughter (now aged twenty-one) and
myself have always been close and sympathetic. There was no period
in her development when she was in any degree reticent in her confi-
dences, but instead, from babyhood to maturity she has come to me with
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 445 |

all her perplexities and troubles, whether of slight or of great import.
Has this been due to peculiarly sympathetic relations between us ? Is
she an exceptional person ?

18. Do you know of exceptions to the following prin-
ciple? Describe occasions when this principle has been re-
versed, according to your observations, and explain if you
can : —

The individual is readier in insisting upon the alter bearing the pains
and penalties of his misdeeds than in receiving rewards for his good .
actions.

14. Is the following experience, described by a woman,
a common one : —

When a child of eight years I was devotedly attached to a boy of
about the same age, and he to me. Other children did not “guy” us
for our affection. I am sure we differentiated in our affections between
boys and girls.

15. Have you observed cases like the following : —

I have in mind a clergyman, a scholar in his particular field, who
seems very much interested in the petty gossip of his neighborhood,
more so indeed than the “common” men of the community are.

16. Comment on the following typical case of childish
insubordination : —

I am boarding in a family where there is a boy aged eleven years.
There is constant conflict between him and his parents concerning his
conduct. The boy insists upon having his own way, until very forceful
measures are taken by his parents to compel obedience. It seems to be
pure meanness on his part.

Does the fact that this boy lives in a boarding-house bear
upon the question of his opposition to the wishes of his par-
ents?

17. Write out in detail what meanness in children im-
plies in respect to their relation with people? Are mean
children born so, or made so? Give specific instances to
illustrate your answer.

18. Is thisstatement,made bya superintendent of schools,
true according to your observation ? Give concrete evidence -

pro or con - —
446 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

Young children seem more anxious that others should share in their
own experiences, than that they themselves should share in the experi-
ences of their fellows.

19. What answer will you give to this question, asked by
an observer of children : —

Is not the child’s reputation in regard to his tendency to communi-
cate everything due largely to his lack of appreciation of a suitable
time and place in which to express himself ?

20.. What is your opinion on this point : —

Is the fact that the boy at adolescence shows less disposition to com-
munize than does the girl due entirely to adolescent changes ?

21. Are boys of eighteen or so normally interested in
debating clubs? Would they rather “argue” without obser-
ving Robert’s rules of order? Does a boy tend to argue more
or to argue less with his mates after he joins a debating
club ?

22. Does the necessity of “looking out for themselves”
early in life cause much of the reticence seen in certain
persons, boys as well as girls, as they approach maturity ?
Does it help or hinder freedom in communicability to be
early thrown on one’s own resources? Describe specific
cases of this sort you have known.

23. Go over the lives of the persons with whom you
have grown up, and present some positive evidence bearing
upon the vital problems indicated in the following ques-
tions. Do not let preconception determine what evidence
you will select.

Is not the attitude of the home largely responsible for any child’s
insisting upon having his own way ?

Should not the home, in some respects at least, be toward the boy
more like the “ gangs”? whose suggestions he so readily follows ?

The “gang” views his conduct with much more indifference than
the typical parent seems able to.

24. Have you known pupils who seemed to be pleased
when their classmates received higher marks than they did
, themselves? Are pupils often satisfied with a low grade, if
others in their classes are still lower? Discuss the bearing
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 447

of your answers upon the plan of giving marks to pupils,
showing whether social development is helped or hindered
thereby.
25. How do particular individuals in a college community
influence the general opinion of a student body ?
(a) Study the editorials of a college daily ; in how far do they
reflect or antagonize prevailing opinion? How far do the
suggestions contained in the editorials have weight ?

(5) What types of college students most largely influence the
opinions of the student body ?

26. In any class of students, observe the individuals
thereof in the effort to select those who are communicative
and those who are apparently reticent? Try to account for
the difference in freedom of expression. How does: each
affect the group? Does the communicative student listen
patiently while his mates express themselves? Discuss this
fact: In most universities graduates of normal schools are
“called down” by their classmates for continually “ butting

” as the college slang puts it. Why should normal grad-
uates be readier in expression than others?

27. To what extent can “bashfulness ” be overcome by
effort on the part of an individual? Do not theorize on this ;
base your answer on concrete evidence.

28. Discuss the responsiveness of individuals in the com-
munity you know best to the following sentiments : —

(a) Group scorn of a boy “ who will not fight.”

(5) Group scorn of “sissy boys.”

(c) “ When you are in Rome, do as the Romans do.”

(d) “Forget a man’s past : never a woman’s.”

29. What characteristics must a man possess in order
successfully to stand out against community sentiment on
a matter of politics? of religion? of morality? Give exam-
ples from history in which this has been done.

30. What is the result upon the social ideals of the
young of society overlooking the moral shortcomings of men
like Burns and Byron ?
448 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

31. To what extent are children normally inclined tc
shield their playmates in their wrong-doing? Is there a
change in respect to this matter as development proceeds?
How is it in the high school ? in the college?

32. What do you think is the real reason why the child
wishes all those about him to take such an attitude as he
himself takes toward any object or experience?

33. When a man makes an important discovery and
derives pleasure from publishing the fact, is this pleasure
of a purely personal character, or does it arise out of his
unselfish interest in the discovery itself? Illustrate with
specific instances.

34. Are children who are very diffident, and who never
make advances to strangers, likely to be all the more ex-
pressive in the home? Do men who talk but little out in
the world have a good deal to say in the home, and vice
versa? How is it with women?

35. Do children learn an ethical or moral lesson all the
more readily when they are unconscious of the fact that
their teachers are seeking to impress such a lesson? Why?

36. What are the predominating principles of right and
wrong which boys of ten or so make use of in determining
whether an act performed by a member of the group
should be praised or censured? Describe specific cases.

37. What proportion of the adults in the communities
you know endeavor to realize in their own beliefs and con-
duct the ideals of the community? What proportion try
to win over their associates and the public to their own
views and standards of behavior ?

88. Do children before the age of adolescence feel cha-
grined if older people take no notice of them? If so, how
do they show their displeasure? Is there any change in this
matter at adolescence ?

39. Are the following cases typical or only exceptional ?

Ihave known a number of cases of boys who, during the adolescent
period (from fourteen to eighteen), would never say a word at dinner-
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 449

table about the happenings of the day at school or elsewhere, but after
eighteen or nineteen their whole attitude seemed to change. They be-
gan to talk about their affairs and became interesting conversationalists.

40. Is it true that every person normally has a certain
field of activity in which he feels thoroughly at home, al-
though he may be bashful and ill at ease in every other
social situation ?

41. Is the regard for public sentiment greater among the
educated than among the uneducated members of the com-
munity? Are eollege trained people as a rule conformists
or nonconformists in respect to conventionalities in matters
of dress, or daily conduct, or religion, or morals? Do revo-
lutionary suggestions in government come usually from the
most or the least educated people in a country ?

III. ETHICAL ATTITUDES

1. How does the child discover that others may suffer pain
in any situation as he may himself? Discuss this question in
respect to definite concrete instances you have observed.

2. Give concrete illustrations, taken from the lives of
older children, which tend to show that the reaction of the
alter upon the individual’s expressions furnishes him his
most important data for gaining the notion that the alter
is possessed of desires and needs like his own.

3. What are the social implications of the term “cru-
elty””? Describe a genuine case of cruel action you have ob-
served on the part of a child, and say why he should have
been guilty of it.

4. Discussthe social and educational bearings of the policy
of offering for good conduct such rewards as the following :

(a) A mother says to her two-year-old child: “Baby may go
down town if he stops crying.”

(b) A father says to his ten-year-old son : “You may have an
ice-boat, if you get your lessons perfectly.”

(c) Giving honors to pupils for perfect attendance at school.

(d) Excusing students from examinations if they attain a high
standing in class work.
450 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

5. Cite, if you can, concrete examples of children on
whom the promising of rewards for good behavior has had
an unwholesome influence. Describe these cases in detail.

6. What principle of ethical development is illustrated
in a child whipping his rocking-horse or drowning his toy
soldiers?

7. How does the influence of a counselor, as the minister
or the teacher, who advises ethical conduct, become trans-
formed into principles of action for the child? Work outa
specific case illustrating the principle.

8. Name at least ten concrete experiences which a typ-
ical ten-year-old boy might have, and which would help to’
establish right ethical attitudes on his part.

9. What is the social significance of the appeal to students
and even faculty, heard so frequently in the present-day
high school andcollege, —“Come out and support our team.”
Is such an appeal ever heard in the elementary school?
Discuss the developmental principle involved in your an-
swer.

10. Discuss the ethical value for a child of eight of his
joining a church. For a youth of fifteen. For a man of
twenty-five.

11. What would you say was the ethical effect upon a
willful son of an angry father saying to him, —“ Well, if
you won’t learn anything from me, you ’ll get it pounded
into you out in the world” ?

12. Which most stimulates ethical growth in children, —
repressive measures, punishments, ete., or commendatory
measures, approving words, etc.? Give concrete examples
to illustrate your answer.

18. Does the study of a subject like algebra contribute
to the development of concrete ethical sentiment? Be defi-
nite and detailed in your answer.

14. Discuss the principle involved in 18 in respect to
the study of (a) physics, (6) history, (c) Latin, (d) gram-
mar, (¢) composition, (f) domestic science, (g) drawing,
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 451

(A) geography, (2) botany, (j) spelling, (4) bookkeeping,
(2) stenography, (m) music, and (n) English literature.

15. “ During the early weeks of life a child is concerned
solely with the interests of self.” What is the effect upon
his ethical development of his mother urging him to respond
to her expressions ?

16. Does it help or hinder a child’s social development
for adults to stimulate him to social reactions of one sort or
another? Give concrete instances illustrating your view.

1T. Say whether the following experience of a school
principal is typical : —

"I remember that for a number of years after leaving the normal
school I never faced a situation in teaching without asking myself,
«“ What would Miss D. do?’ (Miss D. was the supervisor of practice.)

Give instances from your own experience to illustrate
the principle.

18. Will the typical child of three choose to be in re-
sponsive relations with persons most of the time in contrast
to his playthings ? Under what conditions will the child leave
persons for his toys. Discuss these questions in respect to
children of different ages, up through the adolescent period.

19. Discuss vivisection in respect to —

(a) Its influence upon the ethical sentiment of those who per-
form it.

(b) Its influence upon the ethical sentiment of the community in
which it is practiced.

(c) Say whether children are instinctively in sympathy with or
hostile to vivisection, and whether there is any change in this
regard as development proceeds.

20. What is the influence upon the ethical sentiments
of children of the following sorts of experience : —

(a) Living in the vicinity of slaughter-houses, or witnessing the
butchering of hogs or cattle on the farm.

(b) Participating in barbecues and the like.

(c) Being in attendance upon-an execution of a human being by
hanging or otherwise.

(d) Being ina home or a school where corporal punishment is
frequently administered.
452 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

21. In the case of the child of A. J. H., mentioned on
page 55, would it have been better for the parent to have
used means other than moral suasion to secure the desired
action? Discuss the matter in detail, pointing out the effect
upon the child’s ethical development of different methods
of treatment.

22. Do inanimate objects exert any influence on the
ethical development of the child? Consider in this connec-
tion the boy’s tin soldiers, the girl’s doll, and so on.

23. What is the effect on the child’s ethical develop-
ment of having little or no masculine influence in his train-
ing in the home or in the school?

24. Point out just what is the essential difference, if any,
between masculine and feminine influence in ethical train-
ing.

25. Give a number of definite concrete instances show-
ing that the interests of the individual and of the group
are or are not identical.

26. Give a number of concrete instances showing that
the ego does or does not act for the approval of the alter
and for nothing else.

27. Discuss the principle involved in the following inci-
dent : —

Not long ago I smiled at a boy of nine, a perfect stranger, who, sit-
ting near me in a public place, was gazing at me ; and he immediately
asked me if I would have some candy which he had in his pocket.

~ 28. Discuss the following question, asked by a minister
of the gospel : —

Do not all men have the feeling that if they help humanity in this
life, they will be rewarded in the future life, — men who make little
pretense to religion, but who in their inner consciousness rely on their
good deeds to save them ?

29. What principle of ethical development is involved
in the following observation of a police captain : —

A boy left to run the streets frequently has no conscience regarding

stealing, telling lies, and playing truant ; but with his fellow compan-
ions in crime he will be honest and sympathetic ?
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 453

30. Discuss the following question asked by a school
principal : —

Do not religious teachers sometimes go too far in their efforts to
make the bad boy good ? Is it not the fault of these teachers that they
do not make the right kind of an appeal to individuals ?

31. Is it true that a considerable proportion of minister’s
children speak disrespectfully of religious ceremonies, such
as “long prayers,” “heavy sermons,” and the like? Why
should they feel this disrespect ?

32. What is the ethical value in the child’s development
of having pets to play with and to care for? Do those who
eare for animals on the farm have keener ethical sentiments,
speaking generally, than those who have no such experi-
ences? Do those who cultivate plants receive ethical benefit
from their care and culture? Is there any ethical value to
be derived from taking care of delicate, expensive china
or books or furniture? In discussing these questions take
pains to avoid being unduly influenced by conventional
beliefs in respect to them.

88. Discuss “ graft” from the point of view of the iden-
tity of the interests of the ego and the alter. Describe
specific cases of “ graft” in considering this problem.

34. Do punishments for evil deeds make a more lasting
impression on a child than rewards and praise for good
deeds? Work this out in respect to your own development.

35. To what extent is the child’s early sense of right
based upon what is pleasure to himself? Is it different in
maturity? In how far does the child think that is wrong
which is hostile to his personal interests? Is it different in
maturity ?

36. Describe the ethical attitudes of children who give
some of their possessions to their playmates, and soon cry for
them again. Do adults ever exhibit such an attitude as this ?

37. Which is it, harmful or otherwise for teachers and
parents to cultivate in children the tendency to tell every-
thing in their experience?
454 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

38. Discuss the principle involved in the following inci-
dent : —

My little niece, nearly six years old, visited me during Christmas
vacation. She had been told by her mother to say “thank you’”’ when
helped at the table. She was very careful to do so during the first
meal; but at the second meal she neglected to do so. Her aunt noticed
it, and showed her disapproval, whereupon the little girl said, “ Well,
I see M. (an older member of the family) does not say ‘thank you,’
and why should I?”

39. Does the child continue to think that inanimate
things have feelings after he discovers that they do not
react to him as persons do? Give the evidence upon which
your answer is based.

40. When does the child first show that he distinguishes
between the kinds and degrees of feeling shown by “ dumb
brutes ” as contrasted with persons ?

41. Do people ever reach a point where they act with-
out regard to how the alter may feel toward them and their
deeds? If so, endeavor to account for their peculiar atti-
tudes. What experiences have they had which have devel-
oped this attitude?

42. A correspondent says: —

I have observed that in every family of three or four children or
more, some one is more generous and thoughtful than the others. This
is almost always the oldest child. The youngest is usually the least
thoughtful of the welfare of others, generally caring only for his own
pleasure.

Will this proposition hold forthe typical family? Dis-
cuss the entire matter, producing concrete evidence in
support of whatever position you take, and giving an ex-
planation therefor.

43. “Children often tell falsehoods so that they may not
forfeit the good opinion of some friend.” Why do not all
children prevaricate under similar conditions ?

44, Discuss the following: “Cooley states that the ego
always acts with a view to securing approval of the alter, and
hence he is not selfish. But is not this a selfish attitude?”
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 455

45. Is there any difference, from the child’s point of
view, between a so-called altruistic act, when it secures him
pleasure, and a so-called selfish act, when it also secures
him pleasure? If there is a difference, how has it become
established ?

46. Would an act ever be considered right or wrong if
it were not for the reaction of the alter? Work the prob-
lem out in detail.

47. Respond to the following inquiry of a mother : —

Ifthe child’s experiences teach him that altruistic action will pro-
mote his interest, is he not thereby educating himself in selfishness ?

48. Comment on the following instance of apparent al-
truistic action : —

I have frequently seen a child of about two and one half years of
age offer his doll or other toy to a playmate, when he was not looking
for any reward from the one whose good-will he apparently desired
to have.

49. Comment on the ethical significance of the fol-
lowing :—

A number of children, my own among the number, were playing on
the banks of a creek, when one child of six years of age fell into the
water. His brother, a little older than himself, at once went to his
rescue, losing his own life thereby. Does this not show that a child
may feel the needs of the alter are greater than his own ?

50. Explain the following case : —

T had a high-school pupil who could not adapt himself to his en-
vironment in school, and who at all times imagined himself imposed
on by his fellows and his teachers. He was bright in his work, but did
grudgingly whatever he was asked to do.

IV. JUSTICE

1. Make out a list of all the conditions under which you
believe you are entitled to claim as your own any object you
now possess, or any object you may acquire henceforth. In-
dicate any changes that have taken place in your own con-
ception of the right of possession of property or objects of
any sort? Why have youchanged your views on this subject ?
456 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

2. Have you had any conflict with the representatives of
government in your community regarding the question of
ownership of personal or real property? Have you known
of others who have had such a conflict? If so, present the
point of view of each party to the controversy, and show
why there should be a difference of opinion.

8. Have you known of children who have learned to
“take their turn,” and respect the rights of others, without
being resisted in their aggressions? How have such chil-
dren gained their notions of “fair play,” of the “rights
of others,” and the like?

4. Have you ever known of a person, whether child,
youth, or adult, who did not have to be resisted in respect
to any of his desires? If so, try to trace the developmental
history of such a person, in the effort to discover what ex-
periences he had that enabled him to get on without arous-
ing opposition on the part of any one.

5. Think over the people whom you know best (includ-
ing yourself): are those who most easily awaken opposition
in their associates of greater service to their fellows than
those who awaken but little resistance to their advances?
Are political, religious, educational, moral, and other re-
formers resisted in their efforts to secure change in exist-
ing practices. Why?

6. Can one “do things” in the world without arousing
antagonism on the part of those who are affected thereby ?
If so, show how, by presenting concrete examples of persons
who have succeeded in this; and describe their methods.

7. Study a group of children of eight or nine years of
age at play ; note whether the spirit of justice prevails in
the group as a whole, and among individual members. Give
in detail the concrete evidence upon which your answer is
based. Repeat these observations upon groups (a) of boys
twelve or thirteen years of age; (6) of girls of the same
age; (c) of boys and girls playing together; (d) of boys
and girls in the high-school period.
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 457

8. Write out an account of the experiences in your life
that have been most potent in developing the sense of fair
play. Take into consideration lessons by parents, teachers,
and others, suggestions from books, give-and-take relations
with your fellows, the example set you by persons you have
admired or respected, the loss of the good-will of your
associates through egoistic action, and the like. Are you
still in a learning attitude in regard to fair play? What
kinds of experience are having an influence for good upon
you?

9. Are adults more ready in insisting that burdens
should be equalized than that benefits should be? Is the
typical college professor, say, apt to complain when the
salary of his colleagues is increased while his own remains
stationary, while he is quite satisfied when he receives a
“raise” without any one else being favored? Have you
known adults who would “make a great fuss” if they
were compelled to shovel off their walks the first thing in
the morning, while some one else on the street left his snow
on half a day, but who would try to justify their action
when they themselves left their snow lying while others
cleaned the walks promptly? Discuss the principle in re-
spect to a number of the common activities of daily life.

10. Have you observed any cases like the following : —
“My daughter was a child who seemed to make all her
social adjustments without conflicts. No matter what her
environment was on any occasion, she adjusted herself to
it without friction.” Is it probable that this testimony
from a mother must be discounted a good deal? Why?

11. Comment on the following from the standpoint of
the development of the sense of responsibility : —

I know a young boy who unintentionally shot and killed his play-
mate, and who, although fully exonerated by all concerned, was so over-
whelmed because of his act that he ended by taking his own life. He
seemed to be a normal boy. Why did he not excuse himself because
of his innocence, so far as motive was concerned ?
458 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

12. At. what period in their development do children in-
sist most strongly on their own rights? Does the boy insist
upon his rights more strenuously than the girl? In respect
to what matters or situations do children of different ages
demand that their rights be respected ?

18. Have you known individuals who had apparently
reached the stage when they could view the interests of the
self impartially, and deal with it as strictly as with the
alter? Describe the attitudes of such an individual in some
critical social situation involving conflict between the ego
and the alter.

14. “Justice demands that every person should receive
pleasure and pain according to his deserts.” Does the con-
ception that the ego should receive pain according to his
deserts develop pari passu with the idea that the alter
should receive pleasure according to his deserts, and vice
versa?

15. Have you known of people with whom the concep-
tion of equality of rights and responsibilities had extended
beyond the members of any class, so that it embraced all
people ?

16. Discuss this question : —

Is not the sense of justice somewhat perverted in persons who pro-
fess to grant to others social and other liberties of action which they
would not condone in themselves ?

17. Why are some children so slow in learning that they
may not infringe upon the rights of others, while other
children learn this lesson quite readily? Discuss this ques-
tion by describing the training which individuals, illustrat-
ing these different types, have had.

18. Is the sense of justice in a group of boys largely in-
fluenced by the relative physical strength of its individual
members? Is it true that “what might seem fairly just
conduct in the case of the strongest member of the group

may not be so considered in the case of a weaker mem-
ber?”
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 459

19. Do we require the genius to observe principles of
justice to the same extent that we do mediocre people? Or
do we as a rule feel that unusual ability entitles one to un-
usual rewards and liberties? In the same way, do we excuse
men in high places for offenses against rules of fair play,
when we would condemn ordinary men for similar offenses ?
Discuss this whole matter in all its aspects.

20. Comment on the experience of a teacher, who writes
as follows : —

I spent one year without success trying to get a boy fourteen years
old, who insisted upon doing all the reciting, running on every errand,
and the like, to see that he was not fair to his classmates. Reasoning

did not help him. What method should I have adopted in dealing
with him ?

21. Most of our bad boys are mean because society thinks they
are so. The boys feel they can be no worse in our estimation by their’
doing their very worst. As they say, “we have the name, we may
as well have the game.”

This is a rather popular sentiment these days. It is given
expression in one form or another in books and articles, and
on the platform. Take some specific cases of “ meanness ”
in boys, and discuss them from the point of view of the
above statement.

22. Does the fact that young girls when playing with
boys often condemn the latter for acts of injustice show
that they develop the sense of justice earlier than boys do?
What does it show? Does the fact hold for boys and girls
of all ages? Does it hold for men and women ?

23. To what extent do grown people overestimate their
own needs and merits when dealing with children? Give
concrete cases to illustrate your opinion.

24. Comment on the principle involved in this testimony
from a teacher : —

Does a child really ever take pleasure in seeing another punished,
even if that other has hurt him? It seems to me he is really sorry for

the other, and ashamed of having told on him, and uncomfortable
down in his heart. He often seems to try to draw the displeasure of
460 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

the parent on the other children, yet cries or acts ashamed while the
punishment is going on. I have heard my little sister say, when her
younger brother was being punished because of some injury done her,
— “Well, of course you don’t need to hit him hard.”

25. Discuss the following statements in the light of your
own first-hand observations : —

It seems to me that the child does not always side with the one in
need of help. In a group of children the victorious combatant is usually
admired and followed. This is perhaps more true with girls in their
quarrels than with boys. I have seen little girls, a lot of them, all
“pick on” one of their number, refuse to play with her, send her
home, or refuse her admittance into their secrets or their club. Sucha
child will go away an outcast, crying and almost entirely without sym-
pathy, while her quondam friends will cluster around their new leader.

26. Will boys favor a stronger and more skillful fighter
in a combat just because he is stronger and more effective ?
‘Will they ridicule and despise a weaker one?

27. In a debating contest, will the sympathy of the on-
lookers be with the stronger or the weaker ones ? How is it
in a tennis contest, say ?

28. In a prize fight, are the sympathies of the crowd
with the weak or the strong combatant? On which side are
the newspapers usually ?

29. In a contest between a teacher and a pupil, suppos-
ing the latter to be the weaker one, and deserving of dis-
cipline, with whom will a school sympathize?

30. When a teacher finds it necessary to administer
punishment in correction of the faults of some of his pupils,
how can he best retain the confidence of the innocent pupils,
and cause them to side with him as against the offenders,
and thus make his discipline all the more effective? Under
what conditions will a teacher arouse the hostile feeling of
his school when he chastises a malefactor ?

31. Looking at the matter from the standpoint of de-
veloping the sentiment of justice in pupils, how far should
they be graded in their work on the basis of actual results,
and how far on the basis of earnestness and application in
the performance of their tasks ?
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 461

32. Suggest some question, problem, or exercise in each
of the following subjects, by means of which a teacher could
give positive instruction in property rights: numbers ;
reading ; writing ; history; geography ; manual training.

33. In certain colleges, there are laid down rigid detailed
rules designed to regulate the conduct of students in their
relations toward one another and toward the faculty. In
other colleges, no rules are insisted upon; but the general
sentiment, “Be a gentleman, play fair in all you do,” is
made prominent on all occasions. Which of these methods
is best adapted to develop the spirit of justice among stu-
dents? Does it make any difference whether the students
are in the elementary school, the high school, or the
college?

34. Why is it that students who have a sense of fair
play in respect to many of their relations with people often
think it entirely legitimate to take advantage of an in-
structor whenever they get the chance? Mention some
forms of unfair play indorsed in typical colleges.

85. Discuss the relative value of games and plays out of
doors, as contrasted with classroom work in formal studies,
in developing effectively the sentiment of justice.

86. Make out a list of games and plays that are espe-
cially useful in developing the sentiment of justice.

87. Make out a list of five successful and five unsuccess-
ful cases of school discipline which you have observed. Be
careful to diagnose every case so that the vital factors in
each may be appreciated. Also, keep in mind that disci-
pline is successful only when it seems to onlookers as fair
and just, so that it secures their approval.

38. Describe in detail a successful case of discipline of
a ringleader of a group, who has taken a stand against the
authority of the home or the school, and who has the back-
ing of all his followers.

39. Give concrete instances to illustrate the following, if
it presents a typical case : —
462 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

Is it not often true that a bully will not be resisted in any way by
the group because of the fear of the members that they will be
“ drubbed ” if they “squeal” ? I have found this to be true with school
children. In a number of cases the teacher had to discover through
observation for himself that there was a bully on the school grounds.
There was not a whimper from the pupils who were being bullied.

40. Discuss the principle illustrated in the following : —

I have noticed that when a teacher punishes little children in school,
the pupils of the upper grades will invariably condemn him for his
“ cruelty,” until their point of view is changed by leading them to see
the justice of and the necessity for the punishment.

Have you observed this to be a fact?

41. Can the testimony of children in regard to the conduct
of others with whom they are in conflict ever be relied
upon ?

42. Is the following experience of a truancy officer typ-
ical of situations presented in the home and the school? If
so, describe concrete cases : —

In truancy eases, I have often found the only excuse offered to be,
“the other boys did” so and so. An effort is usually made to shift the
blame ; and yet the offenders are usually ready to admit that they

have done wrong. However, when committing the offense they feel
perfectly justified in doing so, because others have offended.

43. Does a child in school who receives low grades usu-
ally think the teacher has a grudge against him? Why?
Does the principle hold for students in the high school? in
the college? If the teacher is just, how can the pupil be
made to appreciate it? To what extent do teachers allow
personal likes or dislikes to influence their marking of
pupils?

44, What is the excuse usually given by a child who has
been unjust to another? What is the excuse given by a
youth? by an adult? What principles of social develop-
ment are illustrated by your answers ?

45. Is it of advantage in games among children to have

adult umpires, who will insist upon a rigid observance of
rules?
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 463

46. Are American children given“ their own way” too
largely in their relations with their elders? What factors
must be taken into account in answering this question?
Do people generally consider all these factors in giving
their opinions ?

47. Have you observed that a keen sense of justice in
parents is reflected in their children? Consider whether
the children of lawyers and judges are distinguished for
their tendency to play fair with their fellows. Are the chil-
dren of ministers fairer than other children in their rela-
tions with their associates? How is it with the children of
professors in college?

48. In respect to this matter of fair play, have you no-
ticed any characteristic traits in the children of merchants?
of professional gamblers? Take a number of adults you
know intimately (yourself included), rank them according
to their tendency to give a ‘square deal” to every one, and
then see whether there is any significant trend in regard to
their parentage.

‘Vv. RESPECT

1. Mention, by pseudonym, the five most respected peo-
ple in the community with which you are best acquainted,
and indicate the traits, deeds, or circumstances which have
won them the respect of their associates.

2. Mention, by pseudonym, persons whom you know who
have once had the respect of the people in their communi-
ties, but who have now forfeited it. Why have their asso-
ciates “lost confidence” in them?

8. How do the people you know intimately manifest
their respect for any one? How do they show their lack
of respect for a person? Is there a characteristic way of
showing respect, or the lack of it, for men as contrasted
with women ?

4, Can the attitude of respect be assumed toward a young
child? Why? Toward an adolescent? Why?
464 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

5. Are certain classes of persons, as teachers and minis-
ters, respected in most communities as a matter of course?
Why? Are they shown disrespect in certain communities?
Why? Is a change taking place in regard to this matter
in society at large? Mention specific instances to illustrate
your view.

6. What classes of persons, if any, are as a matter of
course shown disrespect by society at large? Why? Are
there some classes toward whom society at large is neutral ?
If so, explain.

7. What type of a person will be most highly respected
in a college community? in a seaside resort? in a frontier
town? in a small New England village? in a farming com-
munity? in a metropolis? in a capital city? in a slum dis-
trict ?

8. Do the children of native-born German parents show
greater respect as a rule for their teachers in our public
schools than do the children of native-born American par-
ents? How is it with the children of native-born Irish,
Swedish, English, and Italian parents ?

9. How can one distinguish between genuine respect in
a child’s relations with people and mere conventional po-
liteness which is only “ skin deep” ?

10. Describe a case of “natural” respect on the part of
a child for a parent or a teacher or a minister. Be careful
to distinguish between respect, and fear or admiration or
conventionality. If you have observed a case of this sort,
give an account of the conditions or experiences which de-
veloped the attitude of respect in the child.

11. Describe the attitudes of any person you know who
demands of the self observance of a higher ethical code
than is demanded of the alter.

12. In reference to what sort of situations have you ob-
served that shame is first manifested by children? Speak
also of humiliation, remorse, chagrin, and the like. Do the
situations in which these attitudes are assumed change with
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 465

development? Work out the developmental history of sev-
eral of these attitudes.

13. What sort of accusations will a typical boy of ten
resent, and how will he resent them? Does it make a dif-
ference whether the boy lives in the city or in the country?
in the slum or on the boulevards? Discuss the principle as
it applies to girls of ten; to boys and girls of fifteen; of
twenty.

14. With respect to what qualities does a boy of fifteen
wish to have a good reputation? A young man of twenty-
one? A man of forty? A girl of eighteen? A woman of
twenty-five? Does it make a difference whether the indi-
vidual lives in the city or in the country? Whether he is
engaged in public or only in private enterprises? Whether
he has a distinguished or only a commonplace ancestry? In
your discussion take account of all the varieties of good
reputations which the people you know best desire, and
endeavor to account for the choice in each case.

15. What sort of an experience will cause the boy of
twelve, say, whom you know best to lose his self-respect ?
The boy of eighteen? The girl of twelve? The girl of six-
teen ? How is the loss of self-respect in each case mani-
fested? Describe the effect of such a condition upon the
individual’s joyousness, his forcefulness, and even his health,
if you can.

16. Bring before your attention a boy whom you were
able to follow closely in his development through the ado-
lescent period. If you have not been fortunate enough to
have had this experience, talk with an intelligent parent who
can speak accurately of the principal changes which occurred
in his boy’s development. Then write out an account of the
effect upon the boy’s thought of himself when he became
genuinely interested in some girl. In the same way indicate
the influence upon a girl of adolescent interest in some boy.

17. Is there a growing tendency in America to celebrate
in a public way individuals who serve their fellows effect-
466 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

ively as teachers, or investigators, or ministers of the gospel,
or physicians, or lawmakers’? If you think so, give concrete
instances in proof of your view.

18. Discuss the following question from a school princi-
pal : —

Has the custom of showing great respect for the clergy developed

bad national traits in some countries ? I am sure I have observed this
in dealing with the children of foreign peoples.

19. Give your opinion in response to these questions : —

A person has great regard for the opinions of others of his class, and
he tries to live up to the standards of his class. Then a high regard for
the opinions of those of a class above one tends to lift one out of the
class he is in at the time, does it not ? And conversely, the loss of
respect for the standards of one’s class, with a growing regard for the
standards of those below one, tends to put the individual in this lower
class, does it not ? :

20. Give concrete cases of the way in which a public
school pupil may be taught respect for what society has
considered necessary for its welfare.

21. Why do ancient institutions often secure obedience
and respect from many persons, while at heart they may be
in a rebellious attitude toward them? Discuss the question
by describing concrete instances illustrating the principle.

22. Do clean linen, polished shoes, etc., develop respect
for one’s self? or does the development of respect for self
lead to attention to personal appearance, in the effort to
observe community standards?

23. Granted that genuine self-respect does not develop
until adolescence ; what is the bearing of this fact upon the
methods of controlling children in the fifth grade, say?
What motives for good conduct can be appealed to in the
case of a boy or girl who lacks self-respect ?

24. Have you observed that children often have deep
affection for a person, but no marked respect for him?
Have you observed the reverse of this? Show why the atti-
tudes of affection and respect are not necessarily assumed
toward one and the same individual.
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 467

25. Take the case of a man who is not a church at-
tendant, but who is highly respected by the people among
whom he lives on account of his honesty in business or
politics, his unusual ability, his patriotism, his charitable
tendencies, or the like; would he receive still greater pub-
lic esteem if he should become a regular attendant upon
religious services? Would it make a difference in what
community he lived? Why?

26. What classes of persons, if any, once well thought of
in this country are now rapidly losing the respect which has
been accorded them? Be specifie in your discussion, and
give reasons.

27. Do you think it would be of service to the cause of
education in this country if medals were given to unusually
successful teachers? Why are honorary degrees given to
college presidents, distinguished scholars, and others ?

28. To what extent must a man merit respect in order to
be popular with a college community? with the loafers in
a saloon? with a group of clergymen? with a high-school
fraternity ?

29. If it is true that a boy of seven does not care greatly
for a reputation for gentleness, kindness, goodness, and the
like, what can be said of prevailing methods of ethical
training in the Sunday school, and perhaps even in the
secular school? Be specific in your discussion.

30. What is the real attitude of the individual described
in the following ?

I know a child only four years old who shows humiliation, if I am
not mistaken. She will be “showing off,” perhaps to an unpleasant
extent, and will seem perfectly unconscious of the fact that every one
about her is disapproving of her. Finally, it seems to dawn upon her,
and she will begin to act uncomfortable and angry, and will try to
keep from crying. But in the end she will run from the room, crying
loudly, and pretending all the while that she is angry at a particular
person for something he had no idea of doing.

81. Comment on this testimony :—

I know a child who, when reprimanded by a certain person, will, on
468 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

seeing that person again, sometimes run away from her, or walk past
her, trying not to look at her, yet really looking at her out of the
corner of her eye. Does n’t this indicate a remembrance of shame, or
is it simply fear, or dislike of the person ?

32. If a group of children could be brought up to ado-
lescence free from any traditional conventions, would they
then develop a system of conventions of their own? Discuss
the principle involved.

38. Have you observed that those adults who as children
were most obeisant and respectful toward their elders are
now distinguished among their fellows for their respect for
existing institutions, and persons in places of authority,
civic or religious? Have you observed that the opposite is
true? Produce some reliable evidence relating to this mat-
ter.

34. Discuss the propriety and the effectiveness of asking
children between the ages of three and ten if they are not
ashamed of their soiled hands, torn clothing, and the like.
Would your answer be different if in the place of “ soiled
hands,” etc., there should be substituted lying, foul speech,
fighting, and so on? Why?

35. For how many of your teachers in the elementary
and the high school did you have genuine respect? What
qualities inspired this respect in each case? What was
lacking in the teachers whom you did not respect ?

36. Do pupils in school to-day respect their teachers as
fully as they did in an older day? Present the evidence
upon which your opinion is based. If there is less or more
respect now than formerly, account for the change.

387. Are learned men respected in America to-day as
fervently as they were formerly? Why? What sort of
wisdom is most highly esteemed among us? Would you
venture to express your opinion on how Solomon would be
regarded to-day if he lived in Chicago? in Boston? in
Seattle? in Butte? in Madison? in Paris? in Berlin? in
Rome? in London? in Algiers? in Cairo? How would
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 469

Plato be regarded? Aristotle? Bacon? Pasteur? Thomas
Aquinas ? Galileo? Mahomet ? Raphael ? Beethoven ? Shake-
speare? Marshall Field? Jefferson ? Roosevelt? Carnegie?

38. Just what is the content and significance of the oft-
heard phrases: “My children like their teacher, and will
do anything for him”; and “All the pupils hate the teacher,
and he can’t get them to do anything.”

39. Make out a list of ten historical personages who
have most deeply awakened your enthusiastic admiration,
and indicate the qualities in each that have appealed to you.
In the same manner make out a list of the characters in
fiction who have left the most lasting impression on you.

40. In American history, what men and women as a
rule win the good-will and devotion of pupils in the ele-
mentary school? Why? in the high school? Why? Are
there men and women described in all the histories who do
not appeal to boys and girls of any age? If so, explain.

41. According to your observations, do American parents
as a rule show their children as much respect as the chil-
dren show them? Is there a sentiment in the community
you know best to the effect that children should be re-
spected? If not, why not?

42. Is it well to teach the young to respect and obey
those in authority without questioning whether they merit
it? Why do people insist upon obedience to established
authority, right or wrong?

48. Can a child be taught to show respect for a partic-
ular office in church or state without feeling respect for
the individual who occupies the office? Is such an attitude
common among us? Is it of service? How?

44. Comment as you think appropriate on the follow-
ing: —

I always dreaded to visit my sister’s home when her boy, aged six
years, was around. His appearance when he would come in from play
irritated her. When he went to school all she thought of was that he

should have clean clothes, a clean face, and clean hands. Many is the
time I have heard her say, “ He’ll be cleanif he is n’t anything else.”
470 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

Now he is ten years old ; and truly the first thing he will say when he
meets a new acquaintance is something concerning cleanliness or ap-
pearance. When speaking of boys in his grade at school he refers to
their dirty face or torn shirt, as though these were the greatest evils
imaginable.

45. Respond to this question, asked by a university stu-
dent : —

I occasionally see dishonest practices when I am taking an exami-
nation. I always feel extremely indignant, and never afterwards have
I the same respect for the ones whom I know to have been guilty. Is
this not opposed to the principle that one holds himself on a higher
standard than he does his fellows ?

46. Respond to the following question : —

When I was eight years old my mother used to have me doa certain
amount of knitting every day. One day I was obstinate, and would not
do my task. About seven o’clock of that day my mother was taken
violently ill, and for hours was in a critical condition. I was so over-
come with what I call remorse that, in spite of all the excitement at-
tendant upon such an occasion, I took my work and knitted the required
number of rounds late at night. If my feeling was not remorse, what
should it be called ?

VI. DOCILITY

1. Observe a group of boys in any community, and note
what traits the leader possesses which give him his pres-
tige. Note whether he is a teacher of the rest of the group,
and if so what activities he attempts to have his followers
learn. Then discuss your observations in the light of the
principles of docility. Make similar observations with
respect to groups of girls, and note any difference between
them and boys in the things they learn readily from a
leader.

2. Toward what sort of situations is the typical city boy
of seven most docile? of fifteen? of twenty-one? Does it
make a difference whether he lives in the slums or on the
boulevards ? Why? Answer these questions with respect to
the typical city girl.

3. Toward what sort of situations is a typical country boy
of seven most docile? of sixteen? of twenty-one? Does it
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 471

make any difference whether he is a “hired hand” or the
son of a well-to-do farmer ?

4. Work out with all the care possible this question :
What are the essential differences in docility between chil-
dren of (a) American parents; (6) Irish parents ; (¢)
German parents ; (d) English parents ; (e) Italian parents ;
(f) Scandinavian parents ?

5. Prepare a biographical sketch, mentioning marked
epochs in your development when you (a) resisted the learn-
ing of conventions imposed on you by teachers and parents ;
and (6) persisted in learning things which were distasteful
to those in authority over you.

6. Try to find out whether the distinguished men and
women you know had the reputation of being docile as
children. Or were they rebellious, as a rule, toward the
conventions in force about them ?

7. In many schoolrooms, and in many homes also, one
may frequently hear complaints like the following : « Why
don’t you sit still, as I told you to do?” “ Why do you
communicate when I told you to attend to your own
affairs?” “* Why don’t you study your lessons, as I told
you to do?” and so on ad libitum. Take up each of these
complaints, and others like them, and show why the typical
child is not docile in respect to the matter urged upon him.

8. In what proportion of the homes you know intimately
do the children readily accept the view of the parent in
respect to (@) “manners” in the home and outside; (6)
the choice of companions ; (c) indulgence in sweetmeats,
etc.; (d) application to studies; (e) refraining from cer-
tain plays and games, as swimming, skating, and the like ?
Describe in detail the life in a home where the children are
docile in the ways indicated.

9. Have you known of boys from fourteen to twenty who
have “run away from home”? If so, give in detail the causes
which led to the estrangement of the boy and his parents.

10. Are fathers and their adolescent sons usually on
472 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

good terms with one another? Are mothers and their ado-
lescent daughters usually confidential friends? Work outin
detail the social principles involved in these questions.

11. Do parents in rural districts get on more happily or
less happily with their adolescent sons and daughters than
parents in the city? Why?

12. Describe the appearance, actions, speech, and so on
of a child conforming to some convention which he resents,
but which is forced on him. Do girls accept the inevitable
in this respect with less difficulty than boys?

18. Make out a list of familiar conventions which you
have heard boys of ten ridicule? Do girls ridicule the same
things ? What do boys of eighteen ridicule? Girls of eight-
een? What is the method of ridiculing a convention at the
age of ten? of fifteen ? of twenty?

14. Do high-school students conform more easily than
college students to the rules laid down by their teachers ?
Do students in both sorts of institutions often feel that the
faculty is unreasonable in its demands? Why do students
so often think they should be granted more liberties than
are usually allowed them ?

15. At what age do students most readily look upon
their instructors as models to be emulated in all ways? Is
there a difference between boys and girls in this respect?
Is it the same in the city as in the country?

16. Is there anything taught in the kindergarten toward
which the typical child of five is naturally in a docile, assim-
ilative attitude? Would he of his own accord ask the kin-
dergartner to teach him any of the things in her regular
programmes? What is the situation in the typical primary
school? in the high school? in the college?

1T. Do the teachers you know, whether in the element-
ary school, the high school, or the college, suggest in their
speech and manner that they are leading groups of devoted
followers? or that they are urging forward disinterested
loiterers ? Comment on the situation as you see it.
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 473

18. Is the attitude of the high-school student toward his
work more cordial or less cordial than that of the element-
ary-school pupil toward his tasks ? How is it in the college?
Are graduate students in a more assimilative frame of mind
than undergraduates ? Why?

19. To what extent in your life at the present time do
you imitate the people about you? Do you consciously
imitate any one? Why?

20. Looking over your developmental career, what seems
to you to have been the period when you learned most
readily by imitation? What did you learn most freely in
this way ?

21. Could you tell what proportion of your present views
and attitudes are the result of direct imitation? How did
you acquire views and attitudes not learned imitatively ?

22. Have you been a member of a dramatic club? If so,
say whether you gained much of positive value therefrom,
and why. :

23. Make out a list of the more important dramatizations
in which you engaged at one period or another in your
developmental career. Describe in some detail what influ-
ence these experiences exerted upon your intellectual and
emotional development.

24, What types in any community do children of differ-
ent ages frequently impersonate,— teachers, ministers,
policemen, railway engineers, robbers, and the like? Does
it make a difference whether the children live in the city or
in the country? Why?

25. Is the following instance at all typical? What prin-
ciple is involved ?

A boy aged eight was told several times by his teacher that it was
the proper thing for him to lift his hat when he met her on the street.
She had also given little morning talks on street manners. One day
as she was walking down the street he saw her coming, and rather
than not do as she wished, he hurriedly took off his hat and sat on it.

Then when she came, he had no hat on, and so did not need to perform
the hated act.
474 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

26. The following questions are asked by a school su-
perintendent. Give your view in response to them : —

(a) Is it not a good plan simply to start children on any and all new
activities, and then let them learn by hard knocks the perfected exe-
cution thereof, when they can appreciate its value? (6) Are not our
educational methods at fault if the docile attitude in which the child
enters the kindergarten is abandoned as he goes on?

27. What attitude does the typical child take toward the
following conventions: (a) “ Dressing up” on Sunday;
(6) refraining from games on the Sabbath; (c) Dressing
in mourning for the loss of a relative?

28. “ Many of the conventions of modern society stunt
the real growth of children.”” Do you agree with this state-
ment? Discuss the matter in detail.

29. Name a number of conventions of high-school and
college life which tend to preserve docility in pupils, and
say why they have this effect.

30. Reply to this question, giving reasons for your an-
swer : —

Does not the wise parent or teacher always make certain that the
youth sees the ultimate end or goal toward which his conduct is lead-
ing ?

31. Present your view of the problem indicated in the
following question : —

Is convention a good thing when it is mere make believe ? Is it not
better for children to be spontaneous and natural in childhood, for
then will they not be more apt to be the same in adult life ?

32. Are mothers liable to overdo the matter of urging
conventions on their boys? Ask a frank parent the follow-
ing questions, and report his response. Then give the result
of your observations, and present your theories on the gen-
eral question at issue : —

Do you think if a young boy uses his knife at the table while other
members of the family use their forks, he will continue all his days

to use his knife unless he is instructed to the contrary ? Will he not

change in time without the customary heroic efforts of the mother to
reform him ?
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 475.

33. Ask these questions of a frank teacher, and report
his response. Then give the results of your own observa-
tions, and present your theories on the general question at
issue : —

Is it not many times the teacher’s fault that children are not more
docile toward the work of the school? True, children often like to
play truant; but isn’t it possible to keep them interested by intro-
ducing manual training and athletics ?

34. Is the situation presented in the following testimony
met with frequently in high-school or college classrooms ?

Is the boy in college who attends simply to please his parents, neces-
sarily hostile to all that goes on in the classroom ? I know several
eases of boys who try often to appear indifferent, because they think
that in so doing they will not be thought to be “sissies” or “ grinds,”
but good fellows. Yet, given a subject which is not above their heads,
they will certainly not be hostile.

35. Is the premise on which the following question is
based a sound one? If so, explain the phenomenon de-
scribed : —

If children are reluctant to adopt the conventions of society, why
do we see, as we do, the little boy who has just learned the art of
doffing his cap eager to do it upon every possible occasion ?

36. Can one teach a child that he should be agreeable to
one whom he detests, and at the same time make him feel
that he is not playing a “sneaky game”?

37. What effect would it have on the child’s social de-
velopment if he were allowed to observe only the conven-
tions which suited his fancy at any time? Have you known
persons who have had this experience? If so, describe their
social attitudes in maturity.

38. Does the typical child derive more pleasure from
giving information than from receiving it? Is the same
true with boys as with girls? What is the evidence bear-
ing on this point? Do children differ in this regard? Be
specific in your response.

39. Can a child of eight, say, be made to understand
why he should be held for clear, accurate work in all he
476 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

does, and not allowed to be inaccurate and superficial ?
How is it with a child of twelve? of eighteen?

40. Discuss the following : —

Is it the result of lack of training in social conventions that some
persons find it very difficult to appear friendly when they do not feel
that way ?

41. Are college students more ready than kindergarten
children to master completely the technic of any new art
before they begin to practice it?

42. Under what conditions will the typical child willingly
apply himself to the mastery of the technic of instrumental
music? of written language? Should he be allowed to exe-
cute in either of these ways before he has gained some
facility in the use of the correct technic? Apply the prin-
ciples to other arts the child must learn.

VII. RESENTMENT

1. According to your observations, which children from
two to five years of age find it hardest to adjust themselves
to the order of things about them, — those in the homes of
the rich or those in the homes of the poor? Why?

2. Observe young children in a home where both the
father and the mother are hard-working in the effort to
earn daily bread. Are these children in conflict with their
parents and others much of the time? Why?

3. Is it a disadvantage in the training of a child that his
parents must work for their living, provided they are tem-
perate, and not overpowered by their labor? Discuss the
matter in detail.

4. Do you ever in your present reactions upon the world
feel resentment toward things? Or when matters do not
go right, is there always some person who is at fault, as it
seems to you?

5. Describe cases of intense anger you have observed
in (a) a child one year old; (4) a boy five years of age;
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 477

(c) a girl of the same age; (d) a boy of eighteen and a
girl of the same age; (e) a mature man and woman.

6. Doyou ever, at your present stage of development, be-
come angry at a person who has not intentionally done you
harm, or who has not willfully neglected to do his duty by you?

7. Has your view of what ought to be resented in the
people with whom you have relations changed as you have
developed. Be specific and detailed in your answer.

8. Have you observed that people who never get angry
at others are imposed upon by their fellows? Are irascible
persons aggressed upon less than docile persons? How is it
with children of different ages ?

9. In the groups of which you are a member, are there
certain persons who “ cannot bear to be in one another’s
presence”? Why? Does it weaken or strengthen their
antipathy to be thrown together frequently ? Is it the same
way in childhood and youth?

10. Describe a case of revenge in childhood which you
have observed. What were the ages of the children con-
cerned? How long an interval was there penne the injury
done and the revengeful deed ?

11. Describe any case of long enduring anger against
a playfellow which you have observed in childhood. What
occasioned the anger? How did the injured child manifest
his feeling ? Describe such a case in youth; in maturity.
How were these cases distinguished one from another ?

12. Can you tell when a person is angry as contrasted
with indignant ? How?

13. Describe the case of indignation which you have
observed earliest in childhood or youth. What occasioned
this attitude ? How was it expressed ?

14. In your own resentful attitudes at your present stage
of development, which state of mind is predominant, anger
or indignation? What situations now most easily and fre-
quently arouse resentful attitudes in you? Do you differ in
this respect from your associates whom you know best ?

”
478 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

15. Describe concrete cases of jealousy you have observed
in childhood, and say what occasioned them. Describe such
cases in youth; in maturity. What are the essential differ-
ences in these cases ?

16. Mention in detail an instance you have observed
wherein jealousy proved to be of service to the one who
expressed it. Why? Mention an instance wherein it proved
to be a disadvantage. Why? On the whole, is the emotion
of service in human life?

17. Is jealousy predominantly a masculine or a feminine
trait in childhood? in youth? in maturity ?

18. In the community you know best, what are the prin-
cipal causes of jealousy among the people? What classes
of persons in the said community are most jealous of one
another? Why?

19. Does jealousy prevail more generally in the city than
in the country? Why? Does it play a larger part in a
graded city school than in an ungraded rural school ?
Why?

20. Is jealousy more active among the brighter pupils of
a school than among the duller ones? Among those who
are physically strong than among those who are physically
weak ?

21. Do the poor people you know assume a hostile atti-
tude toward those who have more of this world’s goods than
themselves ? Do those who have but little schooling ridi-
cule those who are educated? Be specific in your discus-
sion.

22. Have you heard rough persons make fun of those
who have the reputation of being “ refined” in speech or
manner? If so, what was the motive behind their action?

23. Have you known of children who inflicted pain upon
themselves in order to make a parent or teacher or other
person suffer? If so, describe the case in detail, and say
whether it is at all typical? Have you known grown people
to do anything of this sort?
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 479

24. Observe a child reared apart from other children,
and under conditions where he is given practically every-
thing he desires. Does he manifest the jealous attitude? If
so, under what circumstances? Will jealousy fail to appear
unless the child is in competition with other children ?

25. Have you known of any instance in which jealousy
apparently failed to appear until the adolescent period was
reached? Describe in detail what circumstances seemed
first to call it forth.

26. What influence, if any, does school education have
on the attitude of jealousy? Present some very definite
concrete evidence illustrating the principle in question
here. :

27. To what extent is an adult’s “ temperament” due to
repression or ready expression of angry states during his
developing years ?

28. Do parents and teachers as a rule bestow favors on
a child as liberally when he is “ good” as when he assumes
an angry or belligerent or bullying attitude? Mention
definite concrete details in support of your view. What
inferences of social significance can be drawn from your
answer to the above question ?

29. Are bright, active individuals more likely than those
of a duller nature to be in conflict much of the time with
the people with whom they have vital relations? Why?

30. Would you prophesy a happy or an unhappy future
for a boy of seven who is distinguished because of his tend-
ency to resent any trespassing upon what he fancies are his
rights? Contrast with this type the one that rarely offers
_, opposition to the aggression of playmates or others. In dis-
cussing these cases, take into account the relative success in
life of adults of these different types.

31. If a child should always express his anger “on the
spot,” would he develop attitudes of hatred and revenge ?
Why?

82. “The expression of anger in childhood is essential
480 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

to the best physical development of the individual.” Dis-
cuss this proposition, consulting with a physician or an
intelligent parent, if you are not yourself an authority in
respect to this matter.

38. The following testimony is given by an observant
mother. Is the case described a typical one? Discuss it in
all its bearings :—

My daughter at the age of four years had a habit when angry of
shutting herself up in a vacant room, thowing herself on the floor, and
kicking and screaming as a vent to her overcharged feelings. What in
her aroused the desire to be alone on these occasions ?

34. Comment on the following observation of a stu-
dent : — ‘

Do the following remarks by students illustrate the attitude of jeal-
ousy ? “That fellow is a shark, but he is awfully queer” ; “She is
pretty, but she has no brains.” I have heard many such remarks dur-
ing my stay in . One fellow said recently he was thankful he was
just a common “bonehead.” Are these persons not magnifying imper-

fections in their associates, in order to give vent to the feeling of
jealousy ?

 

35. Get all the accurate information you can regarding
the attitudes which twins assume toward each other. Do
they resent the aggressions of one another? Do they, if the
occasion arises, manifest jealousy of one another? If you
find twins an exception to the rule in regard to these mat-
ters, what explanation can you offer therefor?

36. What ordinarily is the true attitude of a child of
five when he says to a playmate, “I hate you.” How is it
with a boy of ten? with a girl of this age? with a youth of
either sex at eighteen?

37. Does jealousy exist among distinguished teachers? .
lawyers? ministers? between great universities ? small col-
leges appealing to the same clientele? state normal schools
in any one state? churches in any small city? Why, in
each case?

38. It is generally acknowledged that President Lincoln
bore no resentment toward. his enemies, personal or political,
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 481

but bestowed favors on them as liberally as on his friends.
On the other hand, some reformers apparently show in-
tense resentment toward those who oppose their policies, or
who do not realize their ideals of civic virtue. Try (1) to
account for the differences between these men ; (2) to de-
termine which attitude proved to be most effective in “ get-
ting things done” readily and effectively.

VIII. AGGRESSION

1. Are girls of three normally as combative as boys of
this age? In groups of young boys and girls, who are the
aggressors, the former or the latter? How is it at the age
of ten?

2. Among the boys in a city public school, do those from
the avenues and the boulevards aggress upon those from the
alleys? Or is it the other way around ?

3. Do the German boys as a class encroach upon the
others? How is it with the Irish boys? the American boys?
the Scandinavian boys ?

4. Do the same tendencies prevail among the girls as
among the boys ?

5. In the rural school, do the sons of well-to-do farmers
“lord it over” the sons of day laborers? Or is it the other
way around? How is it among the girls?

6. What situations will lead to a fight among the boys
in a city public school? in a rural school? Describe group
fights you have observed, pointing out the causes as fully
as possible.

7. Do the boys who secure the highest marks in school
have the reputation of being the aggressors in the group?
Or do the dullards carry off the honors in this respect?
Ask this question of (a) a principal of a high school; (6)
a principal of an elementary school.

8. In a group of boys of any age, are the physically
strongest members the most aggressive? Have you known
unusually capable boys in a muscular sense to be noted for
482 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

their peace-loving disposition? Does the question of age,
nationality, economic status, or locality of residence play a
prominent part in reference to this matter ?

9. How early have you observed that a group of boys
will as a group endeavor to prevent conflicts among their
members, or settle them without physical encounter when
they arise? Does this tendency develop earlier among city
than among country boys? At what age does it manifest
itself among girls?

10. Do the boys on the boulevards fight less or more
. than the boys in the slums? Why? Try to get first-hand
evidence on this matter.

11. Whatis the social significance of the term “a bowery
tough”’? Are boys born “tough,” or are they made so?
Discuss the subject in view of definite, concrete types you
have known intimately.

12. Describe in detail a case you have observed of group
settlement of troubles existing between two or more of its
members. Say whether the group, or the contestants them-
selves, took the initiative in this proceeding, and whether
the latter readily accepted the decision of the group. Tell
just how the group went about it to determine who was
in the right in the contest.

18. Ask the parents of a family of boys from five to
fifteen years of age whether they have to take precautions
to avoid “scrapping” between them. Find out precisely
and in detail what the parents do, and what success they
have, in their own estimation.

14. Listen for an hour to the talk of a group of boys of
any age, who are not engaged in some interesting activity
demanding their full attention, and note what proportion
of what they say relates to combat of some kind, either
between themselves and their rivals, or between others
whom they know at school or elsewhere. Mention the situ-
ations they depict, the attitudes they assume, the terms
they use, and the like.
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 483

15. In the same way listen to the talk of a group of girls,
and note in detail how it differs from that of the boys.

16. Just what is the social significance and the social
effect of «holding a grudge” against a rival or an associ-
ate? Do the children of certain nationalities more than
others incline to hold grudges? If so, give the evidence in
support of your answer. Is this tendency more marked in
the city than in the country ?

17. Write out a list of the methods which a boy of the
age of five whom you know well employs to tease (@) his
parents : (6) his brothers; (¢) his sisters; (@d) his play-
mates ; (¢) his pets.

18. Write out a similar list for a girl of the age of five.

19. Indicate the favorite ways for tormenting teachers
in (@) rural schools; (6) city graded schools; (c) city
high schools ; (@) small colleges: (¢) universities.

20. Do children ordinarily take pleasure in teasing a
cripple? Does it make a difference what the particular
character of the disability is, or whether the children live
in the city or the country, in the slums or on the boule-
vards? Be specific in your discussion.

21. Study the cartoons in any daily newspaper with
strong partisan affiliations. Dves the artist pursue the same
method in principle of plaguing his victims as does the boy
of ten who teases a fellow by magnifying and ridiculing his
peculiarities? May any inference be drawn here regarding
group reaction upon individual variations from the type ?

22. Deseribe an adult you know well who is a * great
teaser.” What are his methods of teasing? Whom does he
tease? Why does he do it? How do people react to his
teasing? Why?

23. Ina high school, are the most aggressive students
the most or the least popular with their fellows ? with their
teachers? Why?

24. Explain why in a college community students resent
the attempts of those of their fellows who try to get a
484 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

“stand in” with an instructor. How do they show their
resentment ?

25. What is the real attitude of a college student who at
roll-call in his classes answers “here” for an absent class-
mate? What is the attitude of one who tries “to get even”
with an instructor who has given him a low mark which he
deserved ?

26. Is the following a typical case? Discuss the prin-
ciple involved : —

I recently observed a group of small boys preparing to snowball
some little girls. They seemed to ignore those girls who showed they
were not afraid, but they took delight in chasing those who ran away.

27. Discuss the following questions proposed by a school
principal : —

(a) Do not boys when they have been whipped in a fight ty a
rival often feel relieved if they in turn can whip some other
boy, whether he has done them an injury or not ?

(®) Do boys who have been punished in school for some mis-
demeanor feel it for any length of time ?

28. Do college students as a body resent the efforts of
one of their number to excel in athletics? in debate? in the
regular studies? in social activities? How is it with high-
school students ?

29. Describe an organization for self-government formed
spontaneously by boys or girls of any age. What led to
such an organization? How long did it last ? Was it effect-
ive? Say just why in any case.

30. Do girls form self-government associations of any
sort more readily than boys? Or is it the other way around ?
Give reasons, whatever your answer may be.

31. Do ten-year-old boys prefer to govern themselves
rather than to be governed by a parent or a principal or
a faculty? What is the evidence, pro or con? How is it
with girls of this age? with boys of eighteen? with girls of
the latter age ?

32. Do ten-year-old children, in the settlement of dis-
putes among themselves, more readily abide by the deci-
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 485

sions of a teacher than of a parent? Why? Will they
more readily accept the verdict of the teacher than of an
older playmate? Why? Does the situation change as the
children develop ?

33. Is the following a typical case?

I have a little niece aged three, who takes delight in slapping and
pinching a quiet, inoffensive neighbor child of about the same age.

She seems to do this especially when she is tired or sleepy, or when
she has been punished herself.

34. Is the following a typical case?

A boy of mine of three years of age always rushes at his little sister
to scratch her face if she in any manner acts contrary to his desires ;
but she does not retaliate, nor does she seem to desire to do so.
Instead, she simply goes to her mother for comfort.

35. Discuss the following: —

Is it not true that well-brought-up children who adopt the language
of the slums do it because of their ignorance of its meaning, instead of
because they possess a natural inclination to use such speech ?

36. Describe instances illustrating the capacity of women
to codperate with one another on a large scale in the attain-
ment of (a@) economic ends ; (6) social ends; (c) philan-
thropic ends ; (d) educational ends ; (e) hygienic ends.

37. Show, if you can, that codperative activity among
women is developing rapidly in. modern society, especially
in America.

38. From the standpoint of the development of self-
government in group activity, discuss the tendency in college
life for the Freshman class to seek the advice and accept
the arbitration of the Junior class in their difficulties, and
similarly with the Sophomore class and the Seniors.

39. Newsboys and bootblacks are notoriously combative
and aggressive. Is it that only boys with these tendencies
engage in these undertakings? or is it that their work
develops these traits? Discuss the matter in detail.

40. Describe codperative societies you have known
among newsboys and bootblacks. Can boys of this charac-
ter conduct self-government clubs? Give concrete details.
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS, PART II
Based on Chapters X—X VII inclusive.

X. FROM A NATIONAL STANDPOINT

1. Which of the people from the Old World who come
to live among us are the most ready in adapting themselves
effectively to the conditions here? Which of these people
are the least adaptable? Why? How do they manifest their
lack of adaptability ?

2. Are the Italian children in the public schools of a city
like New York or Chicago as plastic as the German or Irish
or English or Scandinavian children?

8. Are the children of foreign-born parents more ready
or less ready than “ Yankee” children in taking advantage
of new conditions to promote their interests? Give specific
examples to illustrate your answer.

4, Are the people who live in rural regions more plastic
or less plastic than those born and reared in the city? What
is the evidence upon which your answer is based ?

5. Show which among the great nations of the Old World
is the more progressive, and the probable reason therefor.
Give evidence indicating that the United States is or is not
leading the nations of the world in sound progress.

6. Show in a concrete way the difference between a plas-
tic, adaptable people, and one that is simply mobile or
volatile. d

7. Do you know of any section in our country where
progress appears to have been arrested? If so, describe the
life of the people in such sections, and indicate what has
led to such arrest.

8. What in your opinion is the tendency among nations,
—to be too conservative or too changeable? Present con-
EXERCISES ANB PROBLEMS 487

crete evidence in support of your view. What is the tend-
ency with respect to individuals? Does an individual
exhibit different tendencies at different periods in his life?

9. How do the people of means whom you know spend
their leisure time? Compare the dwellers in the city, in the
town, and in the country in this regard. Is the pursuit of
intellectual, esthetic, and kindred interests increasing or
declining in the community in which you were reared? How
can you tell?

10. How do the adults in the communities you know
best spend their leisure time? Do they have a fondness for
reading? If so, what are they most interested in? Give
concrete, first-hand evidence in answer to these questions.
Then say whether the interests of the grown people in these
communities are upbuilding or otherwise. What influence
do the schools in these places exert upon the aspirations,
amusements, and dominant interests of the people?

11. Is it of advantage in the development of our nation
that it is the Mecca of all the ill-adjusted people in the
countries of the Old World? Is it of disadvantage to us
that the people who come to us are, as a rule, poverty-
stricken ?

12. Are the following statements applicable to the boys
in the communities you know best? If so, what is the rea-
son they do not possess lively interests in art, literature,
and music ?

In the towns and villages of our country, boys from the age of
twelve or thirteen te maturity spend their leisure time largely on the
street, or at the railway station, or about the livery stable. They have

little or no interest in the public library or the Sunday school, or an
art exhibition, and the like.

18. Are the interests of city boys from the age of twelve
or thirteen to maturity different from those of boys in small
villages or in the country? If so, point out the differences,
and express your opinion as to whether the present tra!
of life among the young in the city is more hopeful or
488 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

less hopeful than the tendencies in the towns or in the
country.

14. Study the lecture courses offered in the communities
you know best, whether in the city, the village, or the coun-
try. Find out what lectures have been given during the
past few years, and what interest has been manifested by
the people in the various lectures. Have the lectures de-
signed to present theoretical or useful knowledge in any
field been popular? Have the people insisted upon “ enter-
tainments” ? Give some accurate, first-hand information
relating to this matter, and discuss its significance in re-
spect to the intellectual tendencies among us.

15. Farmers’ institutes throughout the country are al-
ways well attended. Also, homemakers’ conferences attract
an interested body of women from the country, at least in
Wisconsin. But, in our cities, it is practically impossible to
awaken general interest in lectures on education or hygiene
or similar matters. Is there any social significance in these
facts ?

16. Examine the programme of women’s clubs in the
communities you know best. What interests predominate
in them? What is the significance of the facts as you find
them ?

17. Study carefully the tendencies in the communities
in which you have lived, and say whether —

(a) Parents show a genuine interest in acquiring accurate know-
ledge relating to the care and culture of their children in and
out, of school.

(0) Teachers show a genuine interest in the study of the serious
problems of education.

(c) Farmers avail themselves of every opportunity to learn what
science is doing for the improvement of agriculture.

18. Call to mind the men and women with whom you
grew up, and who are now following a trade or engaged in
commerce, or in practicing a profession. What proportion
of them learned their business by “ rule of thumb”? How
many of them received a scientific training for their work ?
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 489

Comment on the significance of the results of your investi-
gation.

19. Among the adults you know, what proportion of
them are not fitted for any useful work? Why? Are they
a charge on the community? Could they have been made
self-helpful by a sound system of education? Discuss this
matter at length.

20. Is the proportion of dependents among us increas-
ing? If so, why? What can be done by any community to
prevent this ?

21. How is the spirit of charity manifested among the
people you know intimately? Are food, clothing, and money
given directly to those who ask for them? What is the
prevailing method among us of dealing with beggars ?

22. Looking at the matter from a social standpoint,
which is the more likely to result from our charitable meth-
ods, good or evil? Why?

23. Could it be demonstrated that the development of
natural science has been the most important factor in keep-
ing certain modern nations in a plastic and progressive at-
titude? Suggest principles bearing on this matter.

24. “The process by which society keeps itself going is
fundamentally a process of reasoning.” If this is true, could
we say that the most important work of the school is that
afforded by those branches which develop a reasoning type
of mind? What are those branches? Why do they develop
a reasoning type of mind?

25. Discuss these questions, submitted by a student of
history : —

(a) Is it desirable to keep nations from rising and falling ?
(6) Was a faulty educational system the cause of the decay of
nations in past times ?

26. Discuss the following : —

Why should solid, substantial, unimaginative Germany be recovering
its youth, while romantic, volatile, impulsive Italy seems to be declin-
ing? Is not this a tribute to the educational value of logic, reason,
judgment ?
490 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

27. Is the feeling in England toward woman suffrage
due to the natural conservatism of the English people, or
to some special feeling which they have against women?
What is the significance of their attitude for the progress
of the nation ?

28. China, after a very long period of comparative inac-
tivity, has at last awakened to a realization of her condition,
and she is making a supreme effort to regain the ground
that she has lost. To what extent does this fact bear upon
the doctrine that a nation must live through the periods of
infancy, youth, old age, and death?

29. « Clannishness tends to the destruction of a people.”
Is it not clannishness that has helped certain peoples to
survive, as, for example, the Swiss, the Norwegians, the
Scots ?

30. Is not our present-day activity in establishing trade
schools, introducing commercial courses, domestic science,
etc., into the public schools, a refutation of the following
statement : —

The first schools were for the learned professions and the leisure
classes. We have extended education, but not changed the character of
the schools.

81. New York, Chicago, and other large American cities
have many hungry school children. It'is quite evident that
they must obtain bread in some way. Which will it do,
benefit or harm them in their future career if they are cared
for at public expense ?

32. What is likely to be the effect in the long run upon
our people of furnishing school children free text-books,
cheap luncheons, gratuitous entertainments, and the like?
Have you observed effects of any kind from this sort of
thing ?

33. What provisions are being made in your own com-
munity to make all the young, boys and girls, self-helpful
when they become mature? What proportion of the men and
women you know have come to maturity without having
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 491

skill in any trade, business, or profession? Is this becoming
a serious problem in our country?

34. Discuss this proposition: The study of geography
will give an individual social breadth and ability which
could not be acquired in any other way. As taught in the
schools you know, is geography valuable from the social
point of view? Why?

35. Discuss the subject of history in the same manner as
you have discussed geography.

36. Discuss the subjects (a) reading, () elocution, (c)
composition in the same manner as you have discussed
geography.

37. If you have an opportunity so to do, study the work
of a typical trade school of high-school grade. Comment on
the social value of its curriculum and methods of teaching,
as compared with those of the ordinary high school.

38. Suppose a girl will terminate her formal education
with the high school. Suppose again that during her course
in the high school she has the option of electing algebra
or domestic science. From the social point of view, would
you advise her to choose one rather than the other? Give
reasons for your action.

39. Has it been your observation that art museums and
art exhibits exert a beneficial influence upon the social life
of a community ? Go into the matter in some detail, basing
your opinions upon concrete evidence if you can secure it.
Do not stop with mere repetition of conventional beliefs
on this point.

40. Are artists distinguished for their superior social
qualities? Are musicians? Are art centres, like Paris, cele-
brated for their exalted social and ethical tone?

41. From your observation, could you say whether or not
instruction in the catechism in Sunday school develops re-
ligious feeling and attitudes in children? Have you known
of persons who appeared to be made irreligious by this
instruction ? If so, what can be the explanation of such a
disastrous result ?
492 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

42. If children at different points in their educational
course were to outline the “course of study,” what sort of
work do you think they would emphasize? What studies
now required of them would they cast out of the course?
Why?

43. What mistakes in teaching would a teacher probably
avoid if he should constantly ask himself the questions :
“To what extent do the children I am teaching actually
apply in their daily lives what I am offering them? Will
they ever make effective use of it?”

44. Do the children from “good homes” tend to “rea-
son things out” and insist upon “knowing the reasons
for everything ” more than children from “ poor homes”?
Answer this question as it applies to the children of the city
in contrast with those of the country.

45. Is a person helped or hindered by being educated
above the estate in which he was born, and reared during
his early years? Should a child be educated to fit into the
community of his birth? Why?

46. Comment on the views presented in the following : —

It is extremely common nowadays to hear college professors sneering
at the oratory, debating, poetry, essays, and stories of college students.
These attempts are said to be empty, vain, high sounding. But in
taking this attitude a college professor proves himself more ignorant
and more ridiculous than the boys whose efforts he jeers at. The
teacher acknowledges by such criticism that he does not understand
the fundamental principle of pedagogy, — namely, that self-expression, _
imagination, production, effort, independent thought, are the best
methods of training. Now the important thing is not for the college
Sophomore to deliver an oration which might help save the nation ; the
important thing is for him to do his best to express himself effectively.
He is organizing his powers of successful behavior. In short, it seems
to me utterly unjustifiable for a college teacher to make fun of the
earnest efforts of college boys, no matter if their efforts have abso-
lutely no intrinsic merit.

47. “ Appreciation depends upon execution.” Is it true
that one can appreciate the “best” music without being
able to execute in any way musically ? What bearing has
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 493

your answer upon the effective teaching of music from the
social standpoint ?

48. “It does not signify much for esthetic development
simply to live in the presence of esthetic things.” Does
having the “ best” pictures hanging on the walls in a school-
room help to give children a taste for art? Does familiarity
with pictures breed contempt, or perhaps indifference for
them ?

49. In what respects, if any, does complete uniformity
in school work, such as one finds in France and in some of
our own communities, fail to meet the needs of a democratic
society? Are we in danger in this country of insisting upon
too great uniformity ?

XI. EDUCATIVE SOCIAL EXPERIENCE

1. Have you observed that those whose business it is to
expound and advocate ethical, moral, or religious doctrines
are themselves more ethical, moral, or religious than those
whom they teach? If you can do so, give concrete illustra-
tions of the proposition, — that one may believe a principle
of ethical or social conduct, but not observe it in his own
behavior. Show why there should be this divorce between
theory and conduct.

2. Make a careful study of an “only child,” writing out
in detail his social tendencies so far as you can determine
them. Then see if you can account for these tendencies in
the light of his home training. You will need to know
accurately who are in the home, and what their attitudes
are toward the child. How does this child differ socially
from the typical child of his age?

3. Compare children of twelve years of age, say, trained
in a private school, or under tutors, with children of this
age trained in the public schools, and describe the dif-
ferences between them socially. Make the comparisons first
in respect to the group as a whole, and then in respect to
individuals. You will need to exercise great care to detect
494 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

the essential factors that are responsible for any differences
you may note.

4, Write out a list of the maxims you learned as a child,
‘and say in each case what help in a social way, if any, you
received from them. Did you comprehend their meaning
when you first learned them? If not, and yet you feel you
have been helped by them, show how they have exerted
upon you any influence for good.

5. What proverbs did you learn as a child? Which of
them related at the time they were learned to social situa-
tions in which you had little if any experience? Trace the
effect of each upon your present social tendencies.

6. Have you known children who were made “ rough”
and “unmannerly” by attending a public school? Be spe-
cific in your answer, and give reasons.

7. Have you observed any children who have been injured
in their social and ethical life by having give-and-take rela-
tions with their fellows? If so, show just why this effect
should have been produced on them.

8. In the community which you know best, are children
now having a wider range of social contact with each other
than they did when you were a child? If so, what effect is
this exerting on their social abilities and tendencies? In
what ways is their social life being enriched?

9. Do you know children who have too much associa-
tion with other children? If so, say why.

10. Can people who have until maturity lived largely in
isolation in the country adapt themselves to an active social
life when they come into the city? Give definite concrete
examples to illustrate your view of this matter. °

11. Are American children as gregarious as the Italians?
How about the Irish ? The Germans? The Scandinavians ?
The English ?

12. Are youths reared in the country “good mixers”
when they enter a high school or a college in a town or
city? Are city-bred youths always “ good mixers”? Why?
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 495

13. How is the schoolmaster in his attitude toward his
pupils usually depicted in general literature? The school-
mistress? Enumerate the traits of at least five teachers
described in fiction.

14. Describe in detail the social opportunities of the
schools in which you have been trained. Speak first of the
advantages, and next of the disadvantages, as you now view
the matter.

15. Show whether the following questions are important
from the standpoint of social development : —

Should stereotyped positions, inflections, rhyme, and pauses ever be
used in the teaching of pupils to read with expression ? If so, how is
one to get from these to natural expressions which will be pleasing to
those who listen ?

16. Is the following view a sound one? If so, what are
its implications for social training :—

To be so cautious as to be afraid to stir, or to take risks for worthy
ends, is a conservative attitude governed by a subconscious fear.

17. To what extent is it safe to allow children to select
the kind of stories told to them? Why?

18. What principle is involved in the following incident?
Does it bear on social education? If so, show how : —

T have in mind a little boy who asked how it was or what it was
that made a watch go. The whole thing was explained to him fully.
Nevertheless, the next day he was found under a bed pulling the
watch to pieces to see for himself.

19. With the variety of subjects in the curriculum, and
the limited time in which to present them, how may a
teacher always employ induction in social education, and
not superimpose his opinions upon his pupils?

20. Discuss this question, giving the evidence upon which
your yiew is based : —

Is the desire to get, rather than the desire to give, the dominating
motive in acquiring an education, even on the part of children ?

21. Many business men have posted in conspicuous places
in their offices such mottoes as, “Do it now”; “ Don’t
496 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

growl”; “Time is money”; etc. Is any significance to be
attached to this practice, viewing the matter in the light of
our present discussion ?

22. What is the effect upon social development of re-
quiring children to read stories for the sake of the moral
they contain? Give the moral of some of the stories you
heard as a child, and comment thereupon.

23. Discuss the following statement : —

The pupil who is weaving a mat under the direction of a teacher
cannot fail. . . . The responsibility rests with the teacher.

Is it not the duty of the teacher to lead the pupil to feel
responsibility for the results of work assigned him, since the
majority of individuals will in maturity need to work under
the direction of others ?

“24, Discuss the following questions asked by a teacher:

In the development of conscience, honor, altruism, to what extent
may blame or condemnation be safely employed ?

(a) Is it not wiser to punish by withholding praise rather than by
condemnation ?

(0) Aside from the possibility of condemning wrongly, does not
condemnation injure the friendly relations which exist between
teacher and pupil ?

(c) And yet, what can be done by a teacher who finds a pupil is
willfully disobedient, or careless in his work ?

25. Can this statement be defended : —

After all, the development of individual industry and efficiency
seems to be the most important element of social education.

26. Some people contend that every child should be told
the reason for performing an act instead of simply being
made to realize that he must obey law. Is it good for the
child to be reasoned with in respect to most of the actions
demanded of him?

27. Discuss the following question, proposed by one who
teaches boys in a Sunday school: —

Boys who read dime novels, exciting Indian stories, train-robberies,
ete., tend to emulate the heroes in the tales. Why do they not tend
to lead religious lives when they read religious stories ?
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 497

28. Comment on the following : —

Is there not much foolish twaddle about “character building” as the
purpose of school and college? The person of character is not one
who refrains from stealing and lying and profanity ; he is the one who
is able to recognize all subtle powers of wrong in modern conditions.
Passing intelligent judgment on great moral dangers, he stands reso-
lutely against them. Now when President Wilson says, “ Character
is a by-product of education,” this is what he means, is it not? Edu-
cation is to organize all the powers of body and of mind, — that is, to
develop self-control. This done, has education (secular) not completed
its task? Must not inspiration for ethical actions come from outside
influences ?

29. Give your views on this problem :—

Professor Scott, in chapter viii of his Social Education, commends
an experiment in which boys in the third grade of a public school were
allowed to pour molten wax down into the home of a harmless ant
colony. Granted that such an experiment developed judgment, did it
also develop a tendency toward cruelty ?

80. Discuss the following : —

(a) I knew a clergyman who wished to teach his son of fourteen
how to use a shot-gun. Together they went into a neighbor-
ing wood, where the man shot down every bird he saw, from
robin and oriole to the common blackbird. From the view-
point of training, was this a wise course to pursue ?

(5) “The purpose of education is to surround each child by the
best influences and conditions, so as to direct his physical,
mental, and moral growth, so that he shall, as a present and
future member of society, live the highest life of which he is
capable.”

(1) How does the making of maps, charts, etc., in geography
work toward this result ?

(2) Give a series of questions about the products of Canada
which would lead a child of twelve to realize the inter-
dependence of the people of Canada and the United States.

(3) Can a teacher in a geography lesson impress the dignity
and worth of labor ? If so, show how.

31. In the light of your own experience and observa-
tion, discuss the following testimonies of teachers : —

(a) “A stitch in time saves nine.” This is the first proverb that

I can remember my mother quoting to me. It seemed to be a

part of the day’s work. It did not mean much to me until IL
was old enough to mend my clothes. Then, when I, instead of
498 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

my mother, had to do the stitching, I felt the meaning of her
words, and they have had the proper effect.

(6) When I found fault with others, the following was often
quoted to me, but without effect : “He who lives in glass
houses should not throw stones.” It has only been during the
last few years that I have really appreciated the truth of
these words.

(c) “Do not throw away dirty water until you can get clean” was
a great favorite of my mother’s. I recall many, many instances
when she quoted this, especially if she wanted to impress us
with the fact that we were extravagant. It was like water
poured on a duck’s back. Very often we laughed at mother.
Last year, I resigned a position before I had secured another ;
and although I had many little experiences previous to this,
they seemed trivial, and reminded me of the oft-quoted pro-
verb, but its real truth was not brought home to me until
this last experience.

32. From the standpoints of the development of social
breadth and appreciation, discuss the value of the following
school exercise : —

On Friday afternoons we took trips to foreign countries. Pro-
grammes were prepared by members of the geography class for the
pleasure of the other pupils. The astonishing thing about this was that
no one ever refused to do his part.

The schoolroom was always decorated in the colors of the country
to be visited, members of the class bringing flags, pictures of noted
places, ete. When we took the trip to England, one boy was very
glad to bring one of the old text-books used in England, and a pen
that Queen Victoria wrote with. Another boy, whose father had vis-
ited the large factories in London, brought all his postal cards, and as
he told the class about some of the large manufacturing districts, he
made use of these.

Others brought interesting articles that their mothers and fathers
were preserving as relics. The literary part of the programme consisted
of national songs, selections from England’s poets, a trip to West-
minster Abbey, ete.

I well remember the Scotch boy whom the class paid little attention
to, until he brought newspapers and numerous other things from Scot-
land. He interested the boys so much by the trinkets that he held a
warm spot in their hearts ever after.

Another afternoon, when a programme was given on Japan, the
little girls who had charge of it planned a Japanese party, to be held
in the Kindergarten, as a surprise to the others.
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS: 499

33. Discuss this view of the moral value of proverbs : —

Often they serve to strengthen a purpose decided upon. For exam-
ple, I am in doubt about a certain piece of work ; it might be just as
well, and surely much easier, to let it slide. I think “Heaven helps
those who help themselves,” and do it. Of course the “saying ” did n’t
decide my action, yet it approved ; and it gives one a comfortable feel-
ing of determination to know that the sages approve. Of course, I
have not always analyzed them, but I have had experiences like this
since childhood.

34. Are the following experiences at all typical ?

(a) “A wise man changes his mind often, a fool never.” Before
hearing this maxim I always carried the idea (unexpressed)
that it was a sign of weakness for one to “ give in,” even after
he saw that he was wrong. However, after once hearing this
statement it stuck, and I have often used it since to uphold
a changed opinion. This maxim at the time it came to me
was just what I needed.

(6) “There is so much good about the worst of us, and so much
bad about the best of us, that it little behooves any of us to
talk about the rest of us.” This motto, printed on a colored
ecard and placed above the blackboard in our high-school
auditorium, inspired me to resolve never totalk about others,
or at least to say nothing bad about others. I have failed,
however, many times, and the motto has seldom kept me
from failing. However, it was the “catchy” way in which
the idea was expressed which made me heed it at all.

XII. THE CRITICAL PERIOD

1. Observe a dynamic year-old child throughout the
experiences of a typical day in adjusting himself to his
parents, his brothers and sisters, his pets, his toys, and his
daily programme of feeding, resting, and so on. Note how
often he cries, or assumes attitudes of protest against what
occurs in his environment, and what are the specific causes
thereof. Then comment on the relation between the child’s
erying and the intensity of the pain or the disappointment
which occasions it.

2. Note how the people who are charged with the care of
the child respond to his crying or his protests. Does the
father respond differently from the mother? If there is a
500 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

grandfather, how does he respond? What about the grand-
mother? the aunts? the brothers? the sisters ?

3. Comment on the influence on the child of the attitudes
of each of the types mentioned above. Suppose the child
has relations with all these types: what is the resultant
effect on him of their various attitudes ?

4, What is the customary response of the several types
mentioned in 2 to the bullying attitudes of a dynamic boy
of five years? of ten years? of fifteen years? Describe
actual cases which you know well.

5. In the community you know best, what proportion of
the children are cared for in their early years mainly by
maids or governesses? Comment on the situation as you
find it. What proportion of the children are cared for
mainly by older brothers or sisters ?

6. Try to get accurate data relating to the proportion of
children in your community who live in homes where both fa-
ther and mother work for wages. Comment on the situation
in respect to the bearing of these facts on social training.

T. Without any preconceptions whatever, endeavor to
observe the attitudes on the playground and in the school-
room of children who come from the homes of working
people, as compared with those who come from homes where
there are servants who do the work and attend to their
wishes. Which children seem to adapt themselves most
easily to the rules of the school? Why?

8. Let it be granted that children may be too severely
repressed in their spontaneous activities, and at the same
time they may not be repressed enough. Go over the homes
you know well, and indicate in each case whether you think
parents are going to one extreme or the other. Describe the
method of treatment in each instance. Comment on the
results of your inquiry.

9. Do parents who live in the country to-day treat their
children differently, as a rule, from parents who live in the
city? Work the matter out in detail.
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 501

10. Make a list of the attractions which stimulate chil-
dren ina typical city to-day, which their parents, as children
in the country thirty or forty years ago, knew nothing about.

11. “The prettier the child, the greater is the likelihood
that he will be spoiled.” Is this true? If so, why so? I£
not, why not?

12. Locke would not tolerate the whining or complaining
of a child. Would you? Why?

18. Rousseau declares that the child starts out in this
life pure, innocent, and possessed of a full complement of
social virtues; but he is corrupted by adults. Do you
believe this? Argue the matter, whatever may be your
opinion.

14. Discuss the Spartan as contrasted with the Athenian
method in the treatment of children. Do you find these
methods illustrated in the training of children about you
to-day ?

15. The Germans are strict “ disciplinarians” with their
children. They make them “ toe the mark ” on all occasions.
The French treat their children in just the opposite way.
Which system, if either, do you indorse? Why?

16. Do the teachers you know best train the children
under their care, or do they simply discipline them so as
to settle problems for the day or the year? Do they look
forward to the needs of their pupils in maturity? Give
specific instances to illustrate your answer.

17. What, in your opinion, is the effect on the criminally
inclined in this country of our elaborate system of admin-
istering justice, which enables a criminal to carry his case
through various courts, thus greatly delaying the infliction
of any penalty he may receive? Apply the principle to an
involved system of discipline in the home or the school.

18. What is the psychological explanation of women
sending flowers to a brutal murderer, and petitioning for his
pardon if he be convicted? Apply the principle to the
training of children in the home and the school.
502 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

19. Suppose a mother, living in a city with neighbors
within arm’s length of her on every side, decides to permit
her babe to cry out his “ tantrums,” and so to learn that he
cannot coerce her into doing as he wishes on all occasions.
What difficulties will she encounter with which a mother
in the country would not have to deal ?

20. How does the presence of * outsiders ” in a home, or
very near it, affect the social training of children? Work
this out in view of actual situations with which you are
familiar.

21. Describe the general spirit of the school that exerted
the greatest influence for good on you. Was it about the
same as, or was it much different from, your home?

22. Describe the teacher who has influenced you for good
most deeply. Was he as a father or she as a mother to you?

23. Give schoolroom illustrations of this principle:
“Familiarity breeds contempt.”

24. Give schoolroom illustrations of this principle: “ We
can respect those things only that are somewhat removed
from the merely ordinary or commonplace.”

25. In the discipline of school children, what are the
advantages of a system which requires the individual
teacher to send all refractory cases to the principal or su-
perintendent for treatment? Give instances showing the
successful operation of this system.

26. Are there disadvantages in the system mentioned in
the last problem? If so, point them out in detail, illustrat-
ing by concrete examples.

27. Can you indorse the sentiment expressed in the
latter part of the following testimony? Do you know of
college teachers who, being “ sympathetic ” but not scholarly
or strong teachers, have made a deep impress upon stu-
dents? Is the following case an exception?

When I was a senior in college we took a freshman boy into our
fraternity group, who was entirely dependent upon his own resources.
When the first semester was half over he came into my room one day
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 503

erying. He could n’t make it go. The steward at the club refused to
give him credit for even a week’s board. I could n’t help him ; but I
took him under my wing to the home of Professor H . There we
told the boy’s story. Professor H put his arm around the boy,
cheered him up, gave him a note to the steward guaranteeing his
board, and helped him to find some work. Now Professor H was
not a learned or scholarly man, nor a great success in the classroom.
But the lesson of charity and helpfulness and sympathy made that
day upon two impressionable boys was worth infinitely more than any
number of intellectual truths.

 

 

 

28. Locke would never yield to a child in his importun-
ing for playthings or sweetmeats, or what not. Do you
sympathize with this view? Why ?

29. Observe a parent’s relation to his two-year-old son,
who is very active, and “wants the earth.” Does the parent
ignore the child in many of his requests? Or does he yield
if the child importunes long enough and vigorously enough ?
What proportion of parents resist the demands of their
young children ?

30. Can one develop the importuning tendency in a
child? How? Describe a concrete instance illustrating
your answer.

31. Locke condemned the practice current in his day of
blaming children in public for their faults. He said one
might praise in public, but never blame. Do you agree ?
Why? As you observe what is going on about you, do
parents and teachers follow the plan you approve ?

82. Will the child whose coercive tendencies are en-
couraged be more likely to hold his own in the business
world — to be a leader without being a bully —than the
child who is “ taught to keep his place” in the early years ?
Give concrete instances to illustrate your view.

33. A parent asks the following question : —

Is the typical schoolroom homelike enough to win the child ? Would
making schoolrooms more attractive detract from the efficiency of
school work ?

Make observations in the schoolrooms of your commu-
504 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

nity, and then discuss the above question. Make practical
suggestions if you think any changes are desirable.

34. A father proposes the following : —

Mrs. Birney suggests to the mother of a boy who constantly dawdles
at his work, — “Get all the historical anecdotes you can find which
deal with the vice of tardiness and the virtue of punctuality, and repeat
them to him at intervals.” If an invitation to work faster at the time of
the offense does not have the desired effect, would not a strap prove
more effective in the majority of cases ?

Discuss this important problem in all its bearings.

35. Give your views of the following problem suggested
by a teacher : —

What do you think of parents who drink tea and coffee, but forbid
their children doing so? Do the latter really believe an adult if he
says to them, — “Tea and coffee are n’t good for children ” ?

36. Should parents insist upon a child taking music
lessons if he dislikes to do so? How about lessons in draw-
ing ? in physical culture? in domestic science? This prob-
lem has many aspects; do not dismiss it summarily.

36. Discuss the following : —

I know of parents who make it a point to encourage their children
in choosing playmates who are a little older, a little more advanced in
their studies, or a little brighter or more independent than they them-
selves are. Is this 2 commendable practice? Will a child develop
leadership and individuality to a large degree if his associates are
superior in these respects ?

38. In the community you know best, do parents as a
rule sustain the teacher in all cases of discipline? Or do
they take the part of a child who has been punished? If
the parents do not sustain the teacher, what is the effect
upon the morale of the school? What is the effect upon
individual children? Give concrete, specific instances.

39. A recent educational book makes the statement that
“nine hundred and ninety-nine out of every one thousand
teachers will be glad to have the parents of their pupils call
at the school.” Do you agree? Have you known exceptions
to this statement? Discuss the whole matter.
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 505

40. The following editorial, taken from a daily newspa-
per, discusses several very important details regarding the
relation of the home to the school in respect to the disci-
pline of pupils. Do you indorse the sentiment of the editorial
in all respects? Whatever position you take, give concrete
evidence in support of your view : —

Parents have a distinct duty before them in upholding the discipline
of the school and the rules of the teachers at whatever cost. Children
constantly come home with complaints. The parents condole and sym-
pathize, little dreaming that they are encouraging their children to
open rebellion. In this way parents often keep alive resentment, the
small beginnings of which they should in wisdom have turned aside.
“ Mother thinks it was real mean of teacher,” or, “ So do I,” has been
the beginning of innumerable school tragedies. If parents suspect a
teacher of unfairness or neglect, 2 few quiet words outside of school
hours will set the matter straight. But the child should not know that
the visit has been made or the words spoken. Nothing helps a child
more substantially to surmount the hard places of school life than the
firm support of its parents. Parents who are unfaltering in their alle-
giance to school discipline, and who uphold the teachers through the
crises and climaxes of the school year, have their reward, for they are
sure to see the best results the system is capable of producing worked
out in their children’s character. Such parents, by this example alone,
invite in their children the same high-grade quality of obedience and
confidence they themselves make it a business to express. There are
always good sides to every school, and, with a little looking, fine qual-
ities to be found in all the teachers. Parents can do much towards
influencing their children’s point of view by speaking of them. There
is no discouragement to a young child greater than to hear from his
parents’ lips slighting or jesting remarks about his school. Without
loyalty and enthusiasm the school will fail in some mysterious way to
do its best for the child, and the pupil who is lukewarm in his allegiance
will draw very little upon the real strength of its grander inner life.

41. In a certain city the superintendent of schools has
three children in the schools. The teachers who have these
children under their care are “easy” on them, because of
their relations to the father. The children are let off from
requirements exacted of their classmates. They are not
compelled to remain after hours to make up back work,
and so on. Are these children to be epngrainlaied, or to be
pitied ? Why?
506 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

42. Have you known any homes in which the father has
not sustained the mother in the discipline of the children,
and vice versa ? Has this always had a bad effect on the
children? How can one tell?

43. Have you known schools in which the principal or
the superintendent has not supported his teachers in their
infliction of penalties upon pupils ? Describe concrete cases
of this sort. Was the principal or the superintendent in
error? Why?

44. Discuss the following actual cases of discipline, show-
ing the principle involved in each, and suggest whether it
is probable any better course might have been followed in
each case : —

(a) A muscular lady teacher in the sixth grade of a Milwaukee
grade school had for a pupil an overgrown boy, distinguished
for his lack of knowledge. The boy was always showing off
in various ways to the smaller children. One day he was
“making a face” behind the teacher’s back. She suddenly
turned around, and caught him in the act. She jumped down
the aisle, seized him by the shoulders, and shook him until
he was breathless. He could not resist, and when she was
through he was thoroughly subdued. After that episode the
teacher was highly respected, and the discipline in her class
was exceptionally good.

(b) The most successful case of discipline I have ever seen was
the case of a boy of about twelve who had a brute-like father,
and had been whipped a great deal at home. Every teacher
dreaded to have him in her room. He would scratch up every
one’s work around him, as well as his own. The principal
had tried corporal punishment, but it was unsuccessful. The
teacher tried to be indifferent to him. She placed people
around him who did excellent work, and when he scratched
up their papers, she would turn to the one whose paper was
spoiled and say, — “ That was a very good paper; Ill give
you a good on that.” In this way, even the children became
indifferent to his actions.

One night the teacher kept him after school and talked to
him a long time on doing the “square thing.” The next day
she found him trying to do better, and said “ good.” He im-
mediately went back to his old tricks again. Every possible
chance after that which the teacher had she would say “ good ”
(c)

(@)

EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 507

to him. He got so he would look for it, and do little things to
see if she would say it. One day, however, he was particu-
larly fiendish. The teacher kept him after school; and when
they were alone she told him that when she first knew him she
thought him the meanest boy she had ever known, but that
she was entirely mistaken; that now when she understood him,
she found him as fine and “square” a little gentleman as she
had ever known. This was unexpected, and the child burst
out crying. The teacher went down to him and tried to make
him stop crying, but it was impossible; he was sobbing as
a child rarely does. At last she quieted him, and they left
the school together. Of course he often fell back into his old
ways, but one could see that he was really trying to be good;
by the end of the year he was almost a model boy. The first
part of the year he was shy, and never laughed or played
with the other children. At the end of the year he would talk
over his work with the teacher, and was friendly with the
other children.

He had always been beaten, and he expected it from every

one. He was suspicious of any one who tried to be kind to
him; but by constant efforts and encouragement he tried to
approach the standard which the teacher had set for him that
night.
I once knew a mother who made a rule that her son should be
in the house every night at eight o’clock. He always played
as long as he wanted to, and it was after eight when he got
home. His mother was always waiting for him with a light
little switch. She would meet him at the door and start to
whip him. He would run through the house, ever and anon
getting a little touch of the whip, at which he would yell as
if it were killing him. The tender-hearted mother simply
could n’t stand to see her son in such pain; so after the second
or third yell she would stop and say, —“ Now, will you be in
to-morrow night at eight?” The next night the same scene
would occur, and so it went on for weeks.

The boy knew what was coming every night, but it didn’t
hurt, and the fun of staying out more than made up for those
few strokes of the whip. She tried forbidding him to go out
at all; but when he would come after dinner and beg to go
out “just for a few minutes,” she simply could n’t refuse him.
Promising faithfully to be in at eight, he would run off, to
come back when he got ready.

A child at the table refused to ask for what he wanted, as
he had been told to do. His mother informed him he could
not have his plate until he would say “Please.” He refused
508

(2)

(f)

SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

obstinately, and persisted in saying “I want my plate.” His
plate was not given to him until about a half hour later, when
he said “ Please.” He seemed as joyful over the fact that he
had said the word, as his mother was, and he told every one
who came in that he had said “ Please.”

The next day, to his mother’s surprise, the same difficulty

arose ; but again he did not have his way until he had said the
word. Since then she has had no difficulty with him, and the
lesson has proved a good one.
In the fifth grade of a city school a very unroly, overgrown
boy was annoying the teacher and every one else in the room,
by deliberately shuffling his feet on the floor, and making as
much noise as possible. The teacher endured it for a few mo-
ments ; and then she turned to the school and said, — “ Does
the disturbance John Jones is creating bother any one besides
myself ?” Immediately almost every hand in the room went
up to affirm that John Jones was disturbing practically every
one. “ All right,” said the teacher, confident that the school
was on her side. “John Jones, you may come up here to my
desk.”’ The boy sheepishly arose and did as he was told.

“ Now, John,” continued the teacher, “here are thirty-two

people, whose time and quiet you are intruding upon. What
right do you think you have to do this?” John was silent.
‘* Now go to your seat, and get your lesson for the next class.
If you do this properly, you won’t have time to waste.” John
took his seat and went to work, and the teacher had no more
trouble with him.
It was 2:15 p.M., and the school was marching out for re-
cess. Johnnie Jones was evidently to be “first to bat,” judg-
ing from his great haste to get out to the playground. He
was just one aisle from the door now ; and what was the use
of marching up and down another whole aisle, when you could
pass right through a seat and escape ? Johnnie hesitated a
single instant, and then he did it.

The teacher’s eyes flashed fire, as she called out in a rasp-
ing voice, ‘“‘ Johnnie Jones, come back here this minute, and
take your seat!”

Again Johnnie hesitated. But the teacher fairly flew after
him, and pulling him back by one ear and one arm, she pushed
him into his seat. “‘ Now stay there, and see how you like that,”
she said, as she turned to put some work on the blackboard.
Just then a small voice called to her from the door, and she
turned to hear Willie Smith say, “ Teacher, can’t Johnnie
please come now? He’s up to bat, an’ we ’ll lose this game
to the fourth-graders if Johnnie don’t come an’ make a home-
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 509

run for us.” But the teacher only told Willie to go out and
close the door, while Johnnie took out his Speller and tried
to choke back the tears.

After recess nothing went right. The pupils all whispered
incessantly about how mean teacher had been to Johnnie.
Nobody recited well, and the teacher was so cross that when
four o’clock came the pupils almost ran out of the room to
get away.

XIII. COOPERATION IN GROUP EDUCATION

1. Describe an instance you have observed of a number
of children of any age organizing themselves into a group
for purposes of work or play, without suggestion or aid from
any outsider. How did the idea of organization originate
among them ?

2. In your own development, when did you first become
conscious of the group as a unit? With reference to what
interest or activity did the sense of group solidarity earliest
appear in your case?

3. Do children in the city organize into groups earlier
than they do in the country, or vice versa? Why should
there be any difference in this respect ?

4. Do boys organize into groups earlier than girls, or vice
versa? Why should there be any difference between them ?

5. In the community you know best, what are the domi-
nant interests which cause boys in the elementary school to
form true groups? Speak in the same way of girls.

6. What dominant interests lead to group life among
high-school boys? High-school girls? College men? Col-
lege women ?

T. Describe the group life in any boy’s gang that you
know well. Mention its rules of organization, explicit or
implied, its ideals, if there are any, etc.

8. Describe any groups you know to have been formed
spontaneously by boys or girls for literary, scientific, or
esthetic purposes. Indicate how the idea of organization
originated, how the group is conducted, ete.
510 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

9. Mention the by-laws, written or unwritten, of any boy
groups you know well. Do the same for any girl groups.

10. Describe in detail a group of either boys or girls, of
which a minister is an active member in good and regular
standing. Also a teacher.

11. Can you distinguish elementary-school teachers from
other people, by their dress or manner or appearance? If
so, what are their peculiar traits? How is it in respect to
high-school teachers ? University instructors ?

12. What proportion of the fathers you know are com-
rades to their young sons? to their adolescent sons? to
their grown sons? Speak in the same way of the relations
of mothers to their daughters.

18. What proportion of the boys you know speak of
their fathers in terms of genuine good-fellowship ? How do
the girls you know speak of their mothers? Are the relations
between fathers and daughters, and mothers and sons, more
friendly than the other way around ? Why?

14. What are the opportunities for children to play
freely without annoying adults in the community in which
‘you now live? By careful observation, determine what
proportion of the boys around you from seven to fifteen
years of age have proper facilities for a reasonable amount
of play according to their needs and interests.

15. How do the boys in the community in which you
live spend their leisure time in winter? Find out whether
there is a suitable place of any sort whatever dedicated
solely to the needs of boys. Are the girls any better off?

16. Describe any experiments you know being made by
churches, schools, or charitable organizations to provide
opportunities for children to play.

17. What progress is the playground movement making
in the community you know best? Are there people opposed
to it? What arguments do they advance in hostility to it?
Comment on their opinions.

18. Are the school buildings in your community sur-
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 511

rounded by generous open ‘spaces dedicated to the pupils for
play purposes ? Comment on the situation as you find it.

19. What games or plays do the boys and girls play to-
gether in the community you know best? What do you
think is the social value of these games? What benefit do
the girls receive from playing with the boys, and vice versa?
Be specific, in respect alike to games and to benefits.

20. Do boys and girls of any age receive social injury
from playing games together in the community you know
best? If so, mention the games, and the disadvantages re-
sulting from playing them.

21. To what extent do high-school boys and girls dance
together in the community you know best ? Are they bene-
fited socially thereby? Are they injured? Give your reasons
in detail.

22. Comment on the value for social development of
such old-fashioned school exercises as (a) “ spelling down ”
matches; (0) passing to the head or to the foot in recita-
tions, according as one was superior or inferior to his class-
mates ; (¢) “ speaking pieces ” on Friday afternoons, and at
the close of a school term ; (d) evening debating exercises.

23. What was the social value, if any, of the olden time
practice in schools of having two pupils sit in the same seat,
often a boy and a girl together ?

24. Would you overlook fighting on the playground at
school, provided the principals were not injured, and a dis-
pute was settled as a result? Do you consider fighting a
part of a boy’s legacy, — a natural right ?

25. Is the worst feature about fighting among boys found
in their aptness to develop profanity? If we could elimi-
nate profanity, would fighting be a commendable exercise ?

26. Granted that rewards are of service in school work,
could they be given on the basis of the judgment of the
entire school, rather than of the teacher alone? What
would be the advantage of such a system? What would be
the difficulties in administering it?
512 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

27. Comment on the social value of the following school
experiences : —

(a) One thing which has aided me much in social development was
the necessity of appearing regularly before the school to re-
cite or read. This taught me to keep my poise before people.
It also taught me never to try to talk unless I had something
to say, and knew what it was.

(b) One experience which helped me much was this: I hada
problem to solve. I worked on it quite strenuously, with no
success. I then went to the teacher with it, and said that I
could not get it, as though I did not intend trying again. The
teacher calmly said that he did not know before that I was
a “quitter.” I hardly knew what a “quitter” was then, but
the word did not feel good. After thinking it over, however,
I decided as to about what it must mean, and although I did
nothing further to solve that problem, I decided never to “ be
a quitter” again.

28. In the light of your own experience and your obser-
vations in the schools of to-day, discuss each point in the
following testimony : —

As I look back over my school life, I do not see that I received
direct social training through any specific school experience. I did
receive some valuable training of this sort from mingling with other
pupils on the playgrounds, in games, in the literary society, and at
the few school social functions which were held. I feel now that there
is not enough of these activities in the schools to-day.

29. Is the following incident at all common among chil-
dren of any age? What principle is illustrated by it?

When I was a boy in the eighth grade I received a very bad injury
on my head. For many weeks I remained at home, finally going back
to school with head bandaged heavily, and smelling strongly of car-
bolic acid and other chemicals. Some little girl classmates, who did not
like the odor from my bandages, turned up their noses at me, and
requested one teacher to allow them to change their seats. I then and
there learned a lesson in self-control and sacrifice, by resolving never
to cause another the chagrin and mortification I was compelled to
suffer by my playmates.

30. Comment on the following instance of group disci-¥”
pline of non-conforming individuals : —

A certain fraternity here in had some trouble this fall with
their freshmen. At the beginning of the year a rule was read which

 
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 513

said that freshmen “should not drink.” The law was violated by the
freshman class as a group, and those who should have had authority
pursued the laissez faire policy, and merely winked at the proceedings.
Thus encouraged, the freshmen persisted in breaking the rule. Those
in authority finally realized that the thing was going too far, and
determined to discipline the freshmen at any cost. With this in view
a meeting was called, and the rule was read and clearly stated once
more. For a few days it was obeyed ; but finally two freshmen broke
the rule, and came to their house with cireumstantial evidence of the
infraction. Then authority asserted itself. Those two freshmen were
popped into a bath-tub full of ice-cold water, with all their clothes on,
and left there to reflect upon their action. The other freshmen looked
askance, but were given no satisfaction. The next week one freshman
only persisted in breaking the rule. He was given a nice bath-tub party,
and in addition a “talking to” such as he had seldom experienced in
his life. That was the last of the insubordination, and a better disci-
plined crowd of freshmen cannot now be found in the university.

31. What principle of group organization among the
young is illustrated in the following instance ?

 

In a small town not far from the pupils in the upper grades of
the elementary school became enthused with the idea of renting a hall
for a sort of gymnasium for playing basketball and the like. The im-
petus had been given them by one of their number who had lived
formerly in a near-by town, where he had had the advantages of a
gymnasium. The instructor approved of the movement, but resolved
to see whether the pupils could not conduct affairs themselves, he being
ready at any time to take over the matter if they failed. A few of the
older boys got together and arranged a sort of contract, whereby the
signers pledged themselves to pay a quarter each to rent a hall. This
they passed around among the pupils until enough had been received
to rent an unused hall. At first there was little regularity and order
in the use of the hall ; but finding that their quarreling and squabbling
over the hours each was to play was spoiling their fun, they organized
themselves into a society and made out a regular schedule of hours for
the members, arranged for games, and conducted the affair in an
orderly manner during the winter months, with practically no advice
given them by their elders. There was no organization to start with,
and it was not until discord and quarreling became serious that the
older ones began to take charge and organize into a definite body.

32. What principle of group relation and control is illus-
trated in the following instances ?

(a) The best example of successful control that I ever witnessed
was on the subject of talking in the halls at high school. The
514

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SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

principal came into the assembly room and discussed the
matter with the pupils, and got several people to express their
opinions. In this way he created a feeling of fellowship
between himself and the pupils, and made them realize that
they were in a sort of partnership with him in keeping order.
After this friendly discussion the talking ceased.

When I was teaching in a country school, one of my boys, who
was about thirteen years of age, used language in the presence
of some of the little girls which was very improper. The next
morning I gave a short talk on the occurrence, and said that
I was sorry to learn that some of my boys were not gentle-
men, as I had thought them to be. Such boys were altogether
unfit to associate with the little girls of the school ; therefore,
I had given orders to the girls that they were not to talk to
or play with such a boy until he had apologized to them
before the school for his conduct. This practically ostracized
that boy from all the games. He stood it for three days, but
gave way at last, and made the required apology, being very
careful thereafter to keep the respect of myself and the
rest of the pupils.

The following case of discipline came up in a fifth-grade city
school. A boy of twelve had entered school late in the fall.
The grade was in good working order, and the spirit of the
work was fine. This new boy was larger and stronger physi-
cally than the other boys, and he began immediately to tease
and annoy them on the playground. He carried the same
bullying spirit into the schoolroom, and chaos reigned round
about wherever he sat.

Finally it became evident that something had to be done,
and that soon. The teacher knew her pupils, and how they
would respond to her. She began one afternoon to tell an
unusually interesting story. Even Frank listened until the
story was well under way ; but all at once it occurred to him
that he was not living up to bis reputation, so he slapped at a
fly loud enough to startle every one. The teacher had expected
this interruption, and she ceased telling the story. The chil-
dren begged her to go on, for Frank had not yet been in
school long enough to be a leader or centre of attraction.
When the teacher said that she could not tell the story with
so much noise, some of the pupils suggested that Frank be put
out of the room. But she herself suggested that this would
be a temporary cure only. So the children concluded it was
not the thing to do. One boy made the remark that Frank
was spoiling all their fun out of doors, and another said that
she could n’t study near him. The teacher stated that the
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 515

situation was a serious one, and as all were being annoyed, it
would be well for them all to talk it over. Frank heard these
remarks, mumbling something to himself all the time. Al-
though corporal punishment was seldom heard of, the chil-
dren seemed to think this the place for it. The teacher asked
if they thought she ought to be obliged to do it, and they
thought not ; but some of the boys said they would. In the
mean time, looks of approbation passed from one to another.
The teacher deftly turned the subject by saying that there
was other work to do to-day, and they would have to think
awhile. School was dismissed soon, and a few minutes later,
two little girls came running back to tell the teacher that the
boys had pounded Frank, and if she looked out of the window,
she could see them chasing him home.

That afternoon Frank did not appear, but the next morn-
ing as he walked in a smile was plainly visible on all faces ;
but nothing was ever said except to the mother, who wrote a
note of complaint. Frank, although often careless, was never
a nuisance again.

XIV. PROBLEMS OF TRAINING

1. In the first part of Chapter XIV there is described
a concrete situation in which a child, J., refused to obey a
command given him by his governess. What in your opin-
ion would have been the advantage or the disadvantage to
the child if he had been whipped by his governess until he
had yielded to her will? Suggest other methods of solving
the problem presented by this case.

2. Describe a specific instance of conflict you have ob-
served between a parent or teacher and a child. Give the
adult’s and the child’s point of view, and say which you
think was in the right. Could the conflict have been avoided ?
Could the adult have dealt with the situation more effect-
ively than he did? Why?

8. Discuss this proposition, taken from a recent manual
for parents : —

If the parent or the teacher really understood child nature, and was
unselfish in his dealings with any child, seeking only to train him in
the best way, there would never be any problem of discipline. The
516 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

trouble in educating children always comes from the adult’s lack of
understanding, or his unwillingness to go halfway in his relation with
a child.

4. Describe as accurately as you possibly can the situa-
tion in a schoolroom you have observed in which there was
an unustial amount of conflict between the teacher and his
pupils. Bring out clearly the causes of this conflict, and say
whether or not it could have been avoided. Do not allow
your prejudices to influence your perception of the true
factors operating in this case. Do not forget, either, that the
attitudes of children in the past determine in large measure
their conduct in the present.

5. Describe in detail a schoolroom in which there is very
little conflict between the teacher and his pupils, and point
out the factors which are operating to produce this peaceful
condition.

6. Describe a home in which there is much quarreling
between the parents and the children, and bring out clearly
the causes therefor.

T. Describe a church in which there is an unusual amount
of conflict between the minister and his flock. What are the
reasons for this ?

8. Are the problems of training children to-day more
serious in the city than in the country? Or is it the other
way around? Why?

9. Are the problems of training more serious in the high
school than in the elementary school? in the college than
in the high school? Why?

10. Discuss this proposition: “ Every child should be
taught to obey for the sake of obedience.”” Whom should
he obey at the age of two? of five? of twelve? of twenty?
of thirty?

11. Aristotle thought children should not be suppressed
when they were crying or screaming, for these activities
were essential to their full development. On the other
hand, Locke would not tolerate anything of the kind; for
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 517

if permitted to cry and scream, the child would acquire will-
ful habits, which would set him against authority later on.
With whom do you take sides? Give reasons in full.

12. Locke thought the chief problem in training was to
develop in the child the power to deny his own cravings.
This can be accomplished by refusing to give the child many
of the things he asks for. Discuss the whole matter, present-
ing definite concrete evidence in support of your view.

13. Do women in training the young tend to make use
of verbal discipline more largely than men? Or is it the
other way around ?

14. Bring before your attention the best disciplinarian
you have ever known. How did he or she secure results, —
by “laying down the law” effectively, or by some other
means ?

15. Describe a parent or teacher you have observed
whose commands were more often ignored than obeyed. Be
careful to point out the reasons the commands carried little
weight.

16. Describe a parent or teacher you know well whose
behests are always obeyed without delay or resistance. How
does he differ in his methods from the person you described
in response to the preceding question ?

17. If you have read “ The Hoosier Schoolmaster,” com-
ment on the principles of training and discipline expounded
in that story. Mention the more important concrete situa-
tions in which the schoolmaster was placed, and how he
solved the problems presented to him.

18. Say why “ Arnold of Rugby ” has come to stand for
the highest kind of efficiency in dealing with schoolboys.

19. Take any three of the teacher-characters in Dickens’
novels, and comment on their personality and their methods
of discipline.

20. Mention a number of great teachers depicted in fic-
tion, and point out the qualities of each which the authors
aimed to celebrate.
518 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

21. Plutarch declared that in his day parents paid little
or no attention to the charaéter or attainments of those
who taught their children, thinking that any one who could
keep them in order, and protect them from physical harm,
would meet requirements. What do parents think along
this line to-day? Give concrete facts in support of your
statement.

22. Quintilian urged that in the training of children we
should treat each as an individual with special tendencies
and needs, so we should avoid dealing with them en masse.
Do you agree? To what extent do we observe Quintilian’s
principles in our practice to-day ?

28. Describe a father or a teacher who is at one time a
genuine playfellow with his boys, but at another time their
efficient instructor, and if need be their judge and corrector.

24. So far as you have observed, are parents and
teachers too free or too reserved in their relations with the
children under their care? Is it different in the city as com-
pared with the country ?

25. What principle of training is involved in the fol-
lowing ?

At the house where I board there is a little seven-year-old girl. She
is pretty but to me unattractive, and although I love children and
usually win their confidence at once, I took a dislike to this little girl,
but in every way possible tried not to show it. Nevertheless, she actu-
ally hates me, and makes no secret of the fact either. She would not
say a kind word to me or step across the floor to serve me. If I have on
any garment she has not seen before, she calls it out at the top of

her voice, so that the other boarders can hear her, because she thinks it
displeases me.

26. Are parents and teachers more reserved with younger
or with older children ? Is this best? Discuss the matter at
length.

27. What pastimes do high-school pupils in the commu-
nity you know best indulge in to-day, which might better be
left until the completion of the school period ?

28. Dothe-best students in the high school dance the most?
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 519

In answering this question, review your own experience as a
student in the high school. Then get the opinion of a prin-
cipal in whose views on such matters you have confidence.

29. What is the relative rank in the legitimate work of
the high school of the boys who smoke? Be careful to ‘get
some accurate data relating to this matter; do not be satis-
fied with merely repeating current theories regarding it.

30. Have you known boys and girls who were very
“gay” as high-school and college students, but who have
become more or less blasé in maturity? If so, describe the
career of one such individual, and comment thereupon.

31. Is it a help or a hindrance to a girl of twelve to have
a “ beau,” who in the language of the day is a “ steady ”?
How is it with a boy of this age? It will be easy to make
platitudinous remarks in response to this question, but try
to get some definite, specific information bearing on the
matter.

32. Ask the distinguished men and women about you
whom you know well when they began to have “beaux.”
Then get their opinion on these propositions: —

It would be better all around if boys did not begin to think about
the girls, except as playmates, and vice versa, until the adolescent

period is nearing completion. No one should have a regular beau, at
least until graduation from the high school.

33. Does the training of boys and girls together in the
same school during the high-school period make it difficult
to keep this period free from dancing and the like? Would
it be easier to delay the development of sex interest if the
boys and girls were taught separately at this time?

34. What proportion of the girls in the co-educational
high school you know best are distracted from the legiti-
mate work of the school by the presence of boys? Answer
this question as it relates to the boys also.

35. Comment on this statement : —

From what I have observed, I do not find that the sentimerttal age
ends with the adolescent period. Last year I was where I could ob-
520 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

serve the conversation of three university (co-educational) girls, — a
junior, a senior, and a girl who had graduated. They talked invari-
ably about boys when together. They were all.very good students, and
girls who ordinarily would not be looked upon as sentimental.

36. How would you deal with a situation where the boys
in a high school were becoming too much interested in the
girls, and vice versa? Give an account of experiments in this
direction that have proved successful.

37. What would you have done in the following situa-
tion ?

When I was teaching in the high school at home, one of the girls,
who was considered “troublesome” by most of the faculty, discov-
ered, or thought she discovered, that I was always “better-natured ”
when I had flowers around me. Consequently, I was seldom without
flowers. Almost every day A. came with her floral offering. One result
was, she and I got very well acquainted, and had many common inter-
ests outside of school work. We came to like each other, and I have
always maintained that her liking for me led her to do good work in
my classes. I could never quite understand how other teachers could
call her unladylike and a poor student, but I have learned since from
her classmates that she ‘did n’t do anything in some of her classes.”
Other teachers laughingly told me that she was “ working” me. I had
to confess to the influence of delicately scented, beautiful flowers. The
question remains, — Was I bought ? I am certain that A. first brought
her flowers with the intention of “ buying me,” or, as she would put it,
rendering me less critical by subjecting me to the influence of flowers.

38. Discuss the statement of facts in the following quo-
tation. Also present your view of the most effective method
of dealing with the matter: —

In a small town girls as well as boys go to the neighboring towns to
play basketball, etc. While on these trips, if left alone, they delight
in doing things of which the chaperon would not approve, and which
seem to them a little wicked. Should they be rigidly brought to task
for these tendencies ? or how can such matters best be handled ?

39. Discuss the statement of fact in the following quota-
tion. Then discuss the principle of training involved : —

Children, at least adolescents, and sometimes adults, try to make out
that they are a little worse morally than they really are. Should par-
ents and teachers try to remedy this? And if so, how can it best be
done ?
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 521

40. Are the suppositions and inferences contained in this
quotation sound ?

We believe that education probably teaches the same lessons, but is
more appropriate for an immature individual than actual experience in
moral situations. Then is not formal moral training which is designed
to create correct attitudes toward individuals and society commend-
able?

41. Discuss the following : —

In a high school with which I am very familiar, some of the pupils
(girls) are not interested in any but a very small group of perhaps
three or four special friends. They do not care for parties, or for associ-
ation with the boys in the school. Would it be better for themselves
and for society if they were urged, and even compelled, to mingle
with the other pupils ?

42. Do you think the following experience, described by
a university student, is typical in principle?

“ Politeness is to do and say the kindest things in the kindest way.”
This motto was in our second reader, and probably would have made
no impression on me but for the fact that the teacher required an
essay upon this motto. Each member of the class wrote an original
essay, which emphasized the thought. During the discussion one
member of the class said something that was not considered polite
according to the definition, and this increased the impression.

43. How should the following type of person be treated
in the elementary and in the high school ?

A. is a young man twenty years of age. He has been from childhood
timid, bashful, and taciturn. He has not cared for associates ; in fact,
he declines association with others. He is ill-at-ease in the presence
of any one except a close friend. He acquired this attitude on account
of the domineering manners of older brothers, and on account of ill
health. He cannot converse with another in any connected way. He
seems to lack thought material. He is considered a bore by all who
know him.

However, A. is very pronounced in his desire to communicate his
thoughts. He is‘frequently overheard while addressing the cows in the
stable on political subjects. He is much sought after to make speeches
at birthday parties and family gatherings. At such occasions he is
eloquent, and does not lack thought material, or words for expression
of this material. He writes lengthy articles for the local newspapers.
He takes part in numerous debates.
522 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

He has developed a great propensity for talking to himself or to
some imaginary person. After he has retired, he will frequently be
heard to talk with some imaginary companion, although he would
become mute if any real person should enter his presence.

44, How would you explain the differences between the
individuals described in the following observations made by
a careful student of human nature ?

(a) I have observed two types of boys, who furnish examples of
directly opposite effects of suppression at home. Both of these
boys are freshmen in the university. They come from differ-
ent cities, different kinds of homes, and have been brought up
by different kinds of parents, though both have been exceed-
ingly restricted.

The first boy, A., is the son of a well-to-do physician. He
has had an excellent home, and within the limits of the home
a great deal has been furnished that has interested him. His
parents are refined and cultured people. While he has al-
ways been provided with things which helped to increase his
knowledge and ability, he has been practically cut off from
the society of other boys and girls. His parents demanded
that he should always come home immediately after school,
where either work or play in the attic awaited him. He was
never allowed to play football, baseball, or anything in the

‘least rough. He never invited other boys to play in his yard,
and he never went to play in theirs. When he reached the
age of fourteen or fifteen, other boys ceased to take any in-
terest whatever in him. I believe he was never known to
talk to a girl.

This boy, as I said before, is now in the university. He seems
to be reticent, dull, uncommunicative, and seemingly sullen.
He seems to take no interest in what others are doing, or in
their relation to him as a member of their group. He seems
isolated, even in the midst of many.

The second boy, B., was brought up under different cireum-
stances, but was kept continually under the eyes of an ever-
watchful mother. The home of this boy is a very plain and
ordinary one. His parents are of limited means. They are
quite lacking in education, and their social position is not
very high. They are, however, honest, earnest, respectable
people.

B. was brought up on the same general plan as A., but not
quite so severely and strictly. While other boys played after
school, B. did odd jobs for the neighbors while he was little,
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 523

and later worked in a store. He seldom had time or money
for entertainment ; the proceeds of his labor went to his par-
ents. During the years he attended high school he always
worked during vacations, and was at home evenings.

This boy, since coming to » has completely changed his
mode of life. He is social, friendly, and inclined to enjoy
those things which other boys enjoy. He is not a book-worm,
but goes out with other bcys and takes a keen, active inter-
est in everything pertaining to university life. His attitude
toward strangers has undergone a complete revolution.

 

45. Comment on the following : —

Not long ago, a child of about three or four years visited with her
mother, in a sorority house containing twenty girls. The mother, a
dreamer, —some say a genius, —spends all her time writing books.
She makes a “companion” of her three-year-old child. So the child
does as she chooses, goes to bed at eleven or twelve, when her mother
does, and talks continually at the table, unchecked by her mother.
One night we had company to dinner, —a girl we wanted to make a
“hit” with, as it happened. The visitor sat with her back toward the
main part of the dining-room, while Virginia sat facing the room, so
that she was back to back with the visitor.

During dinner, as we were talking to our guest, Virginia turned
around in her chair, and, without warning, wiped her spoon in the vis-
itor’s hair. As the mother apparently never noticed it, we apologized
to our friend, and continued dinner. Soon the child turned around
again, and deliberately began to pull down Miss ’s hair. The mother
still seemed oblivious to her daughter’s actions, who continued her
misbehavior until it became necessary for one of us to reprimand her,
and to keep guard to see that she practiced no more indignities on
Miss This is only one of many such incidents.

 

 

46. What principles of social development and training
are illustrated in the following autobiographical note? In
discussing it, say whether the case is a typical one.

The most impressive social experience of my life occurred when I
was‘ senior in the high school. Although my mother always dressed
me well, I never had had a silk dress; and I, like other young girls,
liked pretty clothes. However, for the banquet which the juniors pro-
vided for us, my mother gave me a blue silk dress. It was pretty
and becoming, and I was very happy over it. The eventful night came,
and my heart was filled with supreme joy. The Junior Banquet was
quite a social function, and every one was there in his “ best clothes.”
524 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

The principal, whom I liked very much, remarked immediately about
my pretty dress. That remark placed me in the seventh heaven. As
the evening passed, the principal was rather attentive, and I was al-
most beside myself with joy; and to cap the climax, when the time
for refreshments came he asked me to go with him. From a group of
thirty girls the principal chose me. I cannot explain the effect all this
had upon me. I was only sixteen at the time, and I thought it was the
blue dress which was the cause of so much attention on the part of the
principal. Consequently, after that I wanted silk all the time, until I
became older and knew better. However, I still believe that “fine
feathers make fine birds.” This experience meant more than this to
me. It made me feel that the principal, whom I had placed far, far
above me in every respect, was only an ordinary human being after
all; but since I was to graduate in a week or so, I think that had no
particular effect on me. But now, as I think of the matter, many ques-
tions come to me. Is it wise for a teacher to take part in the social
functions of the town in which he is teaching ? If so, to what extent ?
In what way can he take part, if he does, so as not to lower his position
in the estimation of his pupils? It seems to me that discipline and
efficiency in instruction will be out of the question when pupils realize
that their teacher is only an ordinary human being after all.

47. Discuss the principles of social development and
training illustrated in the following instances : —

(a) Will Brown had been the terror of the school from the time
he was in the second grade, when he began to realize that
he could make his teacher angry. If the teacher’s attention
was ever called to a fight on the playground, Will Brown was
always found to be the cause of it. He got into every possible
scrape, and did everything a bad boy could do, and was the
bully of the school. He had to stand in the corner, stay in at,
recess, stay after school, and was whipped until it seemed all
the wickedness must have been whipped out of him, but all
to no avail. He only became more stubborn every time he
was whipped. In the high school he still continued his mis-
chievous pranks, and each teacher in turn tried all her methods
to make Willcome to time. He found supreme joy in the fact
that he could annoy them all the time, and that they did not
dare to whip him. When the new assistant in German arrived,
Will said he could tell by her scared look that he would make
it lively for her. During her hour in the assembly room, Will
found any number of excuses to go upon the platform, and he
always stubbed his toe on the last step, and stumbled, creat-
ing a great disturbance, and making the other pupils laugh.
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 525

 

Miss X said nothing and ignored him. Will did his best
to try to annoy Miss X for the next two weeks, and then,
finding that she paid no attention to him, and would not get
angry, he finally settled down to work and became a fairly
good boy. :

(6) It was a beautiful evening in September, and the call from
the outdoor world was strong. It was Thursday evening,
and Thursday evening was the maid’s evening “out.” The
small girl, who is the heroine, or perhaps the victim of this
episode, was racing down the lawn to the gate to play at
Blindman’s Buff with the neighborhood children, when her
mother called to her to come back and help Mary (the serv-
ing girl) with the dinner dishes, since this was Thursday
evening. This did not suit Ethel’s notion at all, and after
much hedging and begging the question, she finally refused
to do as her mother bade her. Her mother then told her that
she was free to choose between helping Mary with the dishes
and going to bed. Ethel, with her young head in the air, at
once proceeded up the stairs to her own room, somewhat com-
forted by the thought of the new “ Youth’s Companion ” which
had come that afternoon, and which was now in her room.
She was undressing, preparatory to going to bed, when her
mother came in, and after quite a severe lecture went away,
taking not only the “ Youth’s Companion,” but also the elec-
tric light globes with her, and incidentally locking the door
on the outside. Ethel lay on the bed erying, half from anger
and half from pity of her own hard lot. After what seemed
an eternity, she heard her father’s footsteps on the stairs. He
came to her door, and finding it locked, bade Ethel open it at
once. Ethel explained that her mother had the key, and told
him the whole affair. She thought that her father went down-
stairs with unusual rapidity, and was at a loss to understand
it, until she heard him coming up again in a few minutes.
He unlocked the door, came in, screwed in the electric light
bulbs, and sat down near the bed, at the same time producing
from his pocket a box of marshmallows and the “ Youth’s
Companion.” The influence of the candy, aided by the influ-
ence of the reading aloud of the magazine from cover to cover,
served to dispel the look of antagonism on Ethel’s face, and
by ten o’clock she was fast asleep. Her father went softly
out of the room, and down the stairs, where he favored
Ethel’s mother with a few ideas of his own on the subject
of the bringing up of children.

(c) In a certain junior class in a high school the boys were in
the habit of occupying the front row of seats in the recitation

 
526

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SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

room. On entering the class one duy, they found company
oceupying their accustomed places, so they sat in the second
row of seats. During the progress of the recitation one of
the boys unconsciously put his hand on the back of the seat in
front of him, and as it was not securely fastened, it moved.
The teacher noted the act ; and thinking the boy did it pur-
posely, she asked him to come up and sit on the front seat
beside the company. This the boy did, rather embarrassed,
however, at having the attention of all centred on him. To hide
his embarrassment he took from his pocket a small spoon,
and began to play with it. The teacher, thinking he did this
to aggravate her, and not realizing it was merely because he
was embarrassed, asked the boy to give it to her, saying she
wanted it for 4 souvenir. This second attack angered the
boy, and aroused his stubbornness, and he refused to give up
the spoon. Upon this refusal the teacher lost control of her-
self and became very angry, saying, “ You can either give
me the spoon or leave the class.” The boy immediately rose
to leave, and as he was passing out of the door the teacher
told him he could not return to class again until he made a
public apology. This the boy refused to do, not feeling it was
right to ask him to do this when he had not offended inten-
tionally or maliciously. Later, the case went before the school
board, and they decided that he could return to class without
making an apology.

Last year my work lay among the children of all nationalities
(save Americans) in a suburb of Chicago, devoted exclusively
to manufacturing interests. I stopped at the building of a
fellow principal one afternoon, and saw a strange spectacle.
Medeo Cassakio was standing facing the teacher, chewing
gum and pulling it forth in that refined way most teachers
have seen; Tony Napoli was half-standing at his desk, wav-
ing his hand most forcibly ; and Sam Raczykowski, poor sul-
len Sam, who bore a chronic grudge against the universe, was
standing facing the teacher too, wagging his head and grum-
bling inan undertone. And the teacher — she sat there smil-
ing, and urging on their efforts whenever they showed signs
of flagging. She explained that these boys were so fond of
these chewings and hand-wavings and grumblings that re-
peated warnings had been in vain. “So,” she continued, in a
manner which intimated she thought she was doing the boys
a favor, “I told them I’d stay with them this evening, and
let them enjoy themselves in this manner as long as they
pleased. Iam enjoying it as much as they are ; in fact, more,
perhaps, for strange as you might think it, they say they don’t
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS . 527

want to do it any more. But I think such fun as this ought to
last till supper time.”

It didn’t last long, but it lasted long enough to give the
boys a surfeit of their pet vices. This was good discipline, with
this particular principal and these particular fifth-graders,
because: (1) It seemed so just to them. (2) There was no
nagging. The teacher was acting like a “good fellow” with
them — only too good. (3) It appealed to their sense of
humor, more effective than their sense of pain, for the poor
lads were used to that at home. After that, even Sam, the
hardest problem of the trio, used to stop short at the first
grumble when he met her quizzical glance.

XV. METHODS OF CORRECTION

1. Is corporal punishment as a method of correction
declining or increasing in importance in the school in which
you received your elementary education? Give the detailed
evidence upon which your opinion is based.

2. Has the conduct of the pupils in the elementary
school, referred to in question 1, improved since you were
a pupil therein? Or are the pupils less well-behaved than
they were formerly ? Be careful to give an abundance of
definite, accurate data in support of your view.

3. If you find a change taking place in the conduct of
pupils in the elementary school in which you were trained,
show what has produced or is now producing this change,
whether for better or for worse. Has corporal punishment
had anything to do with it? What is the evidence in the
case ?

4. Were you at any time in your elementary-school
career under a teacher who never made use of corporal
punishment in correction of the errors of pupils? If so,
describe in detail the methods employed by this teacher,
and their success or failure in maintaining “ good order”
in the school.

5. Describe an elementary-school teacher you know well
who freely employs the rod or the ferule in the school-
room. Why does he need to make use of these instruments
528 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

of discipline? Does he have “ good order” in his school?
Do his pupils like him? Do they respect him? Do they
make rapid advances in their work under him? Do not
allow yourself, in discussing these questions, to be in-
fluenced by current theories regarding the matters to which
they relate.

6. As a rule, do men teachers make use of corporal pun-
ishment in the schoolroom more freely than women teach-
ers? Or is it the other way around? Whatever you find
the tendency to be, explain it.

7. Are there any methods of correction that may be said
to be predominantly feminine in character, and others that
may be said to be predominantly masculine in character?
If so, make out lists in both cases. ,

8. Do you know any person, man or woman, who has
arrived at full maturity without ever having received cor-
poral punishment for wrong-doing ? If so, describe carefully
the social and ethical status of this individual. Say whether
he is self-controlled, whether he adapts himself readily to
the people about him, whether he is liked by his associates,
and so on.

9. Do you know any person who was whipped a ‘great
deal during his childhood and youth? If so, describe in
detail his present social and ethical status. Say, also,
whether he seems now to have a happy disposition, and to
be optimistic about life in general.

10. Have you observed that corporal punishment is
more in vogue in the country than in the city ? or have you
noticed that the reverse is true? In any event, explain the
situation as you find it.

11. Have you observed that parents are using the rod
to-day less than they did when you were a child? Are they
using it more? What is the evidence? Does it make a
difference whether the parents are in the city or in the
country ?

12. Do native-born German parents use the rod more
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 529

freely than American parents? How is it with Irish parents?
with Scandinavian parents? with English parents?

13. Were you ever whipped when you were a pupil in
the high school? Have you observed any one who was cor-
rected in this way in the high school? If so, describe the
matter in detail, and state your opinion respecting the
effect of the punishment upon the offender.

14. John Locke would whip a child if he was obstinate.
Describe a genuine concrete case of obstinacy in a child,
show what gave rise to it, how it was handled, and with
what results.

15. Plutarch thought it brutalized a child to strike
him. Have you known cases in corroboration of Plu-
tarch’s view? Have you known cases in corroboration of
just the opposite of this view? Describe the cases in detail.

16: Rousseau and Spencer maintained that a child should
be made to appreciate the ill consequences upon his own
welfare of any wrong act for which he might be responsible.
In the light of your own experience, discuss the view held
by these writers.

17. Make out a list of typical misdeeds of a child one
year old, which might be readily and effectively corrected
by the method of “ natural consequences.” Make out such
a list for a child three years old. Ten years old. A youth
nineteen years old.

18. Make out a list of typical misdeeds of a child one
year old that cannot easily be corrected by the method of
“natural consequences.” Make out such a list for a child
five years old. Ten years old. Fifteen years old.

19. What proportion of the adults you know well (in-
eluding yourself) are wont to ascribe their social adversi-
ties to their own unfortunate social attitudes ? Discuss the
matter at length, illustrating your position with definite
concrete cases.

20. Diseuss the use of sarcasm as a means of correc-
tion for wrong-doing. Cite cases of sarcastic teachers and
530 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

parents, and describe their influence upon the children they
have trained.

21. In the same way discuss the use of ridicule as a
means of correction for wrong-doing, and give instances of
the success or failure of this mode of procedure.

22. Also, discuss scolding as a means of correction, and
give concrete instances, as in 21.

23. What is the social and educational significance of
the term “an incorrigible child” ? Describe such a child,
and give an account of his upbringing.

24. If you had been asked to advise Mr. R-—, men-
tioned in the following note, regarding the control of his
school, what counsel would you have given him?

Mr. R was a good teacher so far as presenting his subjects was
concerned ; but when it came to disciplining a school, he was sadly at
fault. In the first place, his personal appearance was somewhat against
him, and his actions only served to emphasize the defects, so that he
was the butt of all the students’ jokes. He was nervous and excitable,
and very inquisitive. If there was any commotion in the rear of the
room, he would rush down there, to see what the trouble was, and of
course everybody would be innocent. He insisted upon getting and
reading every note that was thrown across the room, and this delighted
the pupils, for often the notes were blank sheets of paper carefully
folded, or some joke about Mr. R himself. If he was conducting
a class in the assembly room, he would interrupt the class perhaps half
a dozen times, to go to pick up a note, or to talk to some pupil who
was whispering ; or perhaps he would violently slam his book on the
desk, and say, — “ We will have to wait until this noise ceases.” The
noise would cease for just about five minutes. When the class had
resumed work, it would be worse than ever. Not a day passed but
what Mr. R had a long list of names of people to stay after
school. But this was n’t much of a penalty, for they always had such
a good time, and made so much noise, that he usually dismissed them
before the time was up. The poor man put up with this behavior on
the part of the students for about half a year, and then, realizing that
he had no control over them, he resigned and left town.

 

 

 

25. How would you deal with a case like the following?

R. was one of the smartest boys in my school, but he had never
been forced to any line of conduct ; so, forming a dislike for Mr. A.’s
authority, he sought in every manner to annoy and thwart him. Other
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 531

teachers avoided coming into contact with his will by a series of diplo-
matic movements. When in Mr. A.’s classes, R. broke every rule of
behavior that could possibly be formed. He ate candy, threw paper,
talked in an undertone, and even walked around the room, calling on
his different friends. In the literary society, should a friend be the
president, no better behaved boy was present. Even when some one he
disliked occupied the chair, his conduct was angelic beside his usual
school behavior. When he himself was president, he demanded and
usually obtained the perfect order which enabled a society to have a
good record and produce good work. In the meetings of the athletic
club, his conduct, while not always perfect, was a large per cent better
than in school. In the meetings of his class, because he disliked one
girl, he took advantage of every chance to be on the opposite side. It
always seemed to me that it was his great love for a combat of will
power which made him so disagreeable. Had some one crushed him,
probably he would not have continued ; but he was always victorious,
and. enjoyed not only the victory, but the fact that it brought him
before the school, and made the eyes of the students large with wonder
at his daring.

26. Below are described a number of typical cases of cor-
rection in the home and in the school. Discuss each case,
indicating what principle is involved, and give your opinion
as to whether the most effective method was employed in
each instance.

(a) One of the eighth-grade pupils in a Western school had been
a constant source of trouble to his teacher. Whenever the boy
misbehaved, the teacher became exasperated and lost his tem-
perin trying to correct him. One day Harry was refused per-
mission to go to the Library, just off the main room. The boy
went in spite of the refusal. He was requested to remain in
his seat during recess in punishment for it. But thinking he
could overrule the teacher, he got up to leave. The teacher
caught him by the collar, and was about to administer a few
blows, when the boy turned and struck him several times.
The next day the boy was expelled from school, and being
idle during the day, he grew constantly worse outside the
school.

(b) A little girl had received a piano as a present. As long as
practicing proved a novelty, she was quite willing to play with-
out being told. However, after a couple of years had passed
she grew tired of practicing incessantly, and no amount of
reasoning, coaxing, or scolding could make her practice as she
should. Finally, her father, after talking about an hour, sent
532

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(4)

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SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

her with a note to her music teacher, stopping the lessons, and
he made a pretense of selling the piano. This was kept up
for over a week in spite of the girl’s tears and protestations,
and proved so effective that her parents had no more trouble
with her.

One of the most effective punishments my mother ever inflicted
upon me, was to deprive me of the privilege of helping her
with the household duties. Not usually a very industrious
child, immediately upon committing some deed I knew to be
wrong, I was filled with a great desire to help everybody. My
mother’s gentle but firm remark, “I don’t need any of your
help to-day,” left me to my otherwise well-loved play or story-
books. But the stronger the realization that I could not be
of any help, the greater my desire to work, and the more
positive the decision never to transgress again.

A new gymnasium had just been completed, and arrangements
made for the various grades to use it. Because of their excite-
ment and desire to get into the new work, the seventh-grade
pupils were so disorderly in going down for the first time,
that complaints of disturbance came from several other rooms.
Their teacher, Miss A., reprimanded them gently, telling them
how other children were disturbed. But she was new, so they
resolved to try her, and the next time they were even more
noisy than before. This time she said nothing about it, and
such remarks as “she ’s easy,” were heard on the playground,
for they thought they had won out. It happened that the
sixth and seventh grades were seated together, and as it was
desired to take but one grade to the gymnasium at a time,
arrangements were made with Miss L., a high-school girl, to
remain with the other class. The time for the next class came.
The children hastily put away their books, and were ready to
dash downstairs, many of them bent on mischief. Miss L.
appeared at the door. Miss A. said quietly, but so the class
could hear, ‘‘ We do not need you to-day, Miss L., thank you.
There is to be no gymnastic work at this hour.” All was quiet
then. The plans of the children were foiled ; the day was won.
When dismissed, the children overdid: the matter of going
downstairs quietly, to the extent of not doing it naturally.
Miss A. made no comment. She knew the unnaturalness would
wear off better without it. Many of the children appeared
with rubbers on the next day, though it was bright and sunny,
because they thought they would go downstairs more quietly
with them on. The class was never omitted again, nor did
any more complaints come from the other teachers.

Next door to us lives a boy of about twelve years of age. He
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 533

is an orphan, and his grandfather and grandmother are
attempting to bring him up. Like most boys of his age, he
has tried to smoke; and he and several of his companions
will go anywhere out of the grandfather’s sight and smoke.
When his grandfather first discovered him, he grasped him
by the arm and led him into the house, and we knew some-
thing serious was about to happen. It was not long before
we heard the boy screaming. We could hear his grandfather
whipping him, scolding him, and even swearing at him. The
very next day, however, this boy was caught again at the same
trick, and he received the same punishment ; but it did not
cure him. The boy was willing to take the chances of escaping
his grandfather. The punishment he received only made him
angry and stubborn, and he grew very heartily to dislike his
grandfather. He was a boy who was lovable if approached in
the right manner, and he would do almost anything for you
if you would only treat him kindly.’

(7) It was not long before another case of discipline for smoking
came to my notice, which amused me at first, but which proved
the wiser of the two methods. The second boy’s father dis-
covered him in his lumber yard smoking the stub of an old
cigar he had found. He had evidently just begun at it. When
he saw his father, he was about to throw away the cigar, but
his father said, “ No, don’t do that; come with me and finish
smoking it.” He took the child to his place of business, and
saw that he finished the cigar. Of course, it made the boy
deathly sick, but he could only blame himself. He was very
much ashamed. He begged his father not to tell anybody
about it, and, as far as I know, he has never tried smoking
since that time.

(g) When my little nephew was three years old, he was possessed
of the disagreeable habit of biting people. It seemed an
uncontrollable passion with him. He could never resist the
temptation to test the strength of his strong white teeth. One
day, when he had made the matter very serious by biting his
baby sister’s fingers severely, his mother realized that some-
thing desperate must be done. It happened that at this time
his baby sister was the possessor of six sturdy little teeth,
which had had excellent training upon an ivory ring. The
mother bade the boy to put his finger into baby’s mouth, in
order to discover how many teeth she had. The little fellow
immediately complied with the request, and a moment later
he withdrew his hand with a shriek of pain. He had at last
discovered the sensation caused by a bite. This experience
cured the child of his unfortunate habit.
534

SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

(h) A boy of about five years was an only child in a family. One

day he was playing with the kitten, pulling its tail and ears,
and putting his fingers in its eyes, until finally his mother in-
terfered, and told him very gently that it hurt the kitten. He
paid no attention to her, but kept on. She finally offered him
candy if he would stop. He took the candy greedily, keeping
one hand on the cat; and when the candy was gone, and his
mother had turned her attention to something else, he went
back again to the cat. His mother continued to buy him off
with candy until the supply was exhausted, when she admin-
istered a few slaps, with the promise of his receiving harder
ones when his father should return. This only made him sulky
and obstinate, and when the cat was forcibly removed from
his grasp, he lay on the floor and screamed lustily.

() A boy in the fifth grade had a habit of laughing aloud when

anything out of the ordinary happened in school. Often in
his work something would “strike him funny” and he would
give a very audible and annoying ha! ha! The teacher tried
corporal punishment at last, but it was of no avail. She was
not strong enough to whip the boy so that it would hurt him.
He had no fear of the whipping, and took it rather as a joke.
The annoyance to the teacher brought no great dissatisfac-
tion to him, nor deprived him of any privilege, so he had no
incentive to stop laughing for his own good.

(j) The incident I am about to relate took place in a fourth-; 8

penmanship class. One of the boys in this class had a tend-
ency to do little things to aggravate the teacher. At first the
latter tried to overlook many of the things which this boy did,
thinking that by so doing she, might through kindness get him
to mend his ways. Finally, however, seeing that this device
was not going to work, she decided to try another plan.

One day she told the class to place their pens on their desks,
and when she gave the signal they were all to take them
up at the same time and begin writing. This boy, however,
decided he did not want to take up his pen with the others, so
when the signal was given he made no attempt to take up
his pen. The teacher, on observing this, said not a word, but
immediately walked down to where the boy was sitting, took
him by the coat collar, and marched him out of the room,
telling him that when he was ready to go on and do things
when he was told to, he might come back. The boy remained
out of the room only a short time. He then returned, quietly

took his seat, and thereafter was ever ready to do as he was
told.

(&) A mother in our neighborhood had a child, a little girl, about
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 535

eight years old, who continually disobeyed every wish or com-
mand of her mother. Finally, as a last resort, the despair-
ing mother said: “ If you do that again, I will put you in the
dark cellar.” The child turned away and disobeyed. Immedi-
ately the mother put the girl in the cellar as threatened. For
a very short time all was quiet, then followed the most fear-
ful, terrorized, heartrending yells. The trembling mother
standing outside the door was almost as frightened as the
child, until she heard the yells abruptly cease, and a low
moan follow; and then she tore the door open, and picked up
the pale and unconscious child. The child did not seem any
more obedient after this experience; but as a result of the
punishment she is to this day “scared to death” of the dark.

(© When I was about nine years old I attended a country school.
One of the boys of the school was very fond of whispering.
The teacher soon began to make him stand in the corner every
time he did it. I am sure that boy stood in the corner at least
twice every day during the entire eight months of the school
year. This punishment was futile, for the boy continued to
whisper whenever it was possible.

(m) My brother (age seven) had been forgetting to put on his
overshoes before coming home from school at the noon hour.
He was reminded of it time after time when he started off in
the morning, but every noon he came home without them and
got his scolding. After this had been going on for some time,
he was met at the door one noon, and not allowed to enter
the house. He was sent back to the schoolhouse for his over-
shoes. He protested and cried, but he had to go back —a dis-
tance of about five blocks — before he could have his dinner.
And it was the very last time he forgot his overshoes.

XVI. SUGGESTION

1. Plato would not allow the young to listen to stories
that described sacred beings as indulging in any coarse or
immoral practices, lest they should derive vicious sugges-
tions therefrom. Do we permit our children to hear any
stories of this character? Be specific in your reply.

2. Plato would banish from the nursery and the school-
room all stories describing ugly or horrible people or things,
so that the young might not become acquainted with such
objects. Do we banish such stories from present-day nurser-
536 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

ies or schoolrooms ? Is the effect of these stories unwhole-
some? Why?

3. Plato would not allow children to hear tales of ogres
or goblins or other beings which would frighten them. Do
we agree with Plato in our present-day practice ? Make out
a list of tales commonly told to children, in which the ele-
ment of fear is the dominant one.

4. In telling children the story of Little Red Riding-hood,
say, would you omit or transform the scene in which the
wolf eats the grandmother? Why ?

5. In the light of our discussion of suggestion, speak of
the benefit or the harm that would come to a child from
reading each of the following, as types: (a) The Iliad and
the Odyssey; (6) The Old Testament; (c) The Greek
Myths; (d) Old English Folk Tales ; (¢) Mother Goose ;
(f) Hsop’s Fables; (gy) Siegfried; (4) Beowulf; (i)
Robin Hood; (j) Knights of the Round Table; (4) Rob-
inson Crusoe; (7) Alice in Wonderland; (m) Hiawatha;
(n) The Great Stone Face; (0) Lady Nicotine; (p) The
King of the Golden River.

6. Discuss the psychological and social effects upon the
young of (a) a book like “ Peck’s Bad Boy” (6) ; the sort
of book people have in mind when they describe it as a
“ Sunday-school book”; (c) the “ funny page” of the Sun-
day newspaper.

7. Plato would not permit children to hear stories in
which death was depicted as an undesirable or dreadful ex-
perience. Do we tell such stories to our children? Is the
effect good or otherwise? Why ?

8. Speak in particular upon the social and moral value
on childhood of (@) fairy tales; (6) myths; (c) fables.

9. Should children be told ghost stories? Give your
reasons in full.

10. Plato would not allow a boy to “sow wild oats”;
Locke would give him greater latitude. With whom do you
take sides? Why?
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 537

11. Plato would not permit the young to listen to music
which suggested softness or indolence or luxury, — the
Jonian and the Lydian harmonies, for example. Do we think
there are any harmonies which our children should not
hear? If so, what ones are generally condemned ?

12. Which of our familiar melodies suggest indolence,
luxury, and softness? Would you banish these from the
home and the school? Why?

13. Which of our melodies frequently heard suggest (a)
courage, (0) fortitude, (¢) endurance, (d) calmness, (¢)
temperance? (/) charity, (g) humility, (A) courtesy?
Would you give them a prominent place in the training
of children? Why?

14. What is the effect upon the young of songs such as: —

(a) Little Annie Rooney.

(6) There'll be a Hot Time in the Old Town To-night.

(c) Yankee Doodle.

(d) The Star-Spangled Banner.

(e) Should Auld Acquaintance be Forgot?

Cf) Dixie.

15. Plato and Aristotle would not allow such musical in-
struments as the flute to be heard by children. Would you
banish certain instruments from the home and the school ?
Why? Give specific evidence showing the good and evil
effects of different instruments.

16. Locke maintains that when a mother addresses her
young daughter as “My Little Queen,” “My Lovely Prin-
cess,” and so on, she cultivates vanity in the child. Do you
agree? Discuss the matter by citing definite cases where
good or ill results have followed from this practice.

17. Locke maintains, also, that when parents beat their
children they suggest cruelty to them, and so corrupt them.
Do you agree? Discuss this question in connection with the
adage, “Spare the rod and spoil the child.”

18. Further, Locke declares that when parents urge their
children to eat, saying to them, “* What can I get you that
538 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

you would like?” and so on, they suggest intemperance and
gluttony to them. Discuss Locke’s view.

19. In present-day educational literature one often reads
the following statement: “It is impossible to make a child
good by punishing him.” What do those who make such a
statement mean by it? How do they think a child can be
made good? Discuss the whole matter.

20. Will the praising of a neighbor’s children by a mo-
ther tend to make her own children imitate those who are
praised ? Give specific examples to illustrate your view of
the matter.

21. Suggest practicable and effective methods of dispell-
ing a child’s fear of the dark, and state the principle upon
which each method is based.

22. Comment on this method, suggested in a recent book
on the training of children, — “ Tell the child who is afraid
of the dark that the flowers, grass, trees, birds, and soon,
are sleeping peacefully and happily out in the night.”

23. Suppose a child has a tendency to become angry
upon slight provocation, particularly in his relations with
certain individuals, — could you assist him by suggestion
to control himself?

24. Could you, by suggestion, cure a child of the habit
of biting his nails? Describe a case of this sort you have
known.

25. Discuss the following in the light of the principles
of suggestion, — “ A soft answer turneth away wrath.”

26. In the same way discuss this sentiment, — “ Be not
overcome by evil, but overcome evil with good.”

27. Also this, —“Lead us not into temptation, but
deliver us from evil.”

28. Many children under present-day urban conditions
are “finicky ” about their food. Parents, as a rule, urge
them, usually against their desires, to eat certain dishes
because they are nutritious. Often a parent talks to a child
before he goes to the table, telling him he must eat this or
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS ‘539

that article, whether he likes it or not, since it is good for
him, and he must do as the others do, and so on. Comment
on this method of influencing a child’s dietetic habits.

29. If in discussing the above question you do not ap-
prove of the parent’s methods, suggest the course that
should be pursued with a “finicky” child, and state the
principles involved.

30. Make out a list of poems best adapted to suggest
the attitudes mentioned in problem 13. |

31. In the same way make out a list of pictures in ac-
cordance with instructions given in problem 18.

32. Are pupils in the high school more easily or less
easily influenced by suggestion on the part of the teacher
than pupils in the lower grades of the elementary school ?
Which group of pupils is the more responsive to physical
environments ?

33. Are people born and bred in the country more easily
or less easily influenced by suggestion than people born
and bred in the city? What is the evidence bearing on this
problem ?

34. Is Hawthorne’s story of “ The Great Stone Face,”
already referred to, psychologically sound? If so, extend the
principle to familiar situations of daily life.

35. Is there anything in the common saying that a hus-
band and a wife grow in time to look alike? Work out
the principle involved.

86. Through a careful study of national and individual
character and temperament, show what is the peculiar in-
fluence, if any, upon human nature of living in these various
regions :—

(a) In the mountains, as at Leadville, or
(6) On the prairie, as in North Dakota.
(c) By the seashore, as at Boston.
(d) On the banks of great rivers, as the Mississippi or the Rhine.
(e) In regions noted for clouds and fog, as London or Seattle.
(f) In regions noted for sunshine, as Monte Carlo or Southern
California.
540 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

(g) In regions of perpetual summer, as in Florida.

(h) In regions of well-nigh perpetual winter, as in northern
Sweden.

(i) In regions of changing seasons, as in Berlin or Madison.

()) In regions barren of flowers and all vegetation, as at Butte.

37. What is the influence upon the young of reading the
details of crimes in the newspapers ? What is the influence
upon adults? Cite concrete instances to illustrate your
answer.

38. What is the influence upon boys of reading Eee
novels ? Cite specific cases.

39. Is it good policy to allow criminally inclined persons
to witness the execution of one condemned to death for
crime? Why?

40. A university professor, upon reading Scott’s “So-
cial Education,” wrote out the following comments and
questions. He proposes a number of problems involving
principles of suggestion, and other principles of social de-
velopment and education. Discuss each problem in the light
of principles developed in the text : —

In chapter i, Professor Scott’s main thesis seems to be : ‘The schools
must develop individual liberty together with public responsibility. Lib-
erty is to be realized by self-direction, self-organization, self-control ;
responsibility is to be realized by obedience to the authority of teach-
ers, of parents, of social causes.

This chapter has helped to raise anew in my mind the greatest prob-
lem of the teacher, — how can he coérdinate his efforts to develop in
his students individuality wisely directed for social responsibility? As I
see the matter, the efforts of a teacher are to be expended —

(1) As an instructor : imparting information, knowledge.

(2) As a director : supervising individual activities in acquiring and
imparting knowledge.

(3) As a leader: inspiring individual service for society.

Several questions and a few criticisms and observations I desire to
offer, as to proper coérdination of these efforts.

(1) Does the above classification cover all of a teacher’s duties ?

(2) Are there any fields in which a teacher’s only duty is imparting
information ? Not many teachers bridge the gap between the
first and the second divisions. Nine tenths of the teachers of
(3)
(4)

6)

(6)

)

(8)

(9)

(10)

EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 541

my high-school and college days did nothing more than impart
information.

Would it not be folly to attempt to suggest social relationships
in a class in Greek grammar, for instance ?

How far can one wisely attempt to keep these activities dis-
tinct ? Can the teacher say to himself, “ To-day, I will impart
information only ; to-morrow, I will stimulate independent
thought in a certain class ; the next day, I will have an oppor-
tunity to create a desire for public service ” ?

Or is “ character” (which may be called an unselfish desire to
serve society ) ‘‘a by-product,” as President Wilson says? Is
it something to be absorbed unconsciously by students ?

To what extent may a teacher moralize in the classroom ;
for instance, in American History in dealing with the life of
Hamilton, the raid of John Brown, or the recognition of
Panama ?

One of the wealthy men of , with whom I play golf, fre-
quently refers to the university in his town as “that so-
cialistic institution.” He unsparingly condemns the attitude
taken by “advanced thinkers.” If a teacher dares not express
what he believes, does he not lose most of his power of inspira-
tion ?

I once took a course in economics under a man who would
never commit himself as to his own belief. We did not know
whether he was a high-tariff or a free-trade man. Is this the
right attitude for the teacher to assume ? Does it not create
the impression among students that the teacher is timid, or in
a state of doubt himself ? Would it not be better frankly to
state one’s private judgment ? If the teacher has rightly stim-
ulated independence and freedom on the part of his students,
may he not safely expound his convictions, if he is careful to
state the other side ? Indeed, is not the right to disagree with
the instructor an essential element in creating liberty ?

Of certain menI have heard it said by students who are pre-
paring for examination: “ Well, old has this hobby. He
believes so and so. Just touch him on that point and jar the
other fellow, if you want a high mark.” What is the influence
of such a teacher upon his pupils ?

After all, is not real power of leadership, in a teacher as in any
other person, an indefinable element of personality, which can-
not be reduced to rules or even analyzed? If a teacher finds
himself studying the laws of leadership in order that he may
inspire, does he not thereby show that he has no inspirational
qualities which can make him a leader ?

 

 

 
542 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

XVII. IMITATION

1. Describe the first imitative act of any child you know.
What was the age of the child at the time the imitation
occurred? Give the evidence showing it was a genuine act
of imitation.

2. Describe in detail the intellectual and any other re-
sults of the first imitations of a child.

3. Write out a list of the more common dramatic per-
formances of a typical year-old city boy. Of a typical year-
old girl. Are there any essential differences between the two?

4, Write out a list of the ordinary impersonations of a
city-bred boy of seven. Of a city-bred girl of this age.
What are the essential distinctions between them ?

5. What do city boys of the age of fifteen imitate most
freely ? What do city girls imitate? Describe a concrete
case in each instance.

6. Show in what respects the imitations and impersona-
tions of boys and girls born and bred in the country differ
from those of children in the city. Account for any differ-
ences you find.

7. What aspect of the life about them do children
reproduce more or less faithfully in their sandpiles? Does
it make a difference whether the children are five, eight, or
twelve years of age? Are there differences between city
and country children ?

8. Describe in detail a concrete case of doll play on the
part of a girl of four years of age. In what way does this
play change as the girl develops ?

9. Discuss the value of doll play for a girl. Ask some
woman in whose judgment you have confidence just what
benefit or injury she thinks she received from doll play.
Would boys receive benefit from playing with dolls?

10. Is there any object that serves the boy in his play as
the doll serves the girl? Observe this matter for yourself,
and then ask parents to give their opinion.
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 543

11. Is the game of marbles imitative? Is it impersona-
tive? Work this matter out in detail.

12. What type of person in the community you know
best is most freely impersonated by girls of ten years of age?
by girls of fifteen years of age? by boys of these ages ?

13. Describe the characteristics of the teacher whom
you imitated most largely during your own school career.
Say why this particular teacher had so marked an influ-
ence upon you. Did he or she have a similar influence upon
your classmates ?

14. As you look back over your school life, do you find any
teachers whom you endeavored not to copy in any respect?
If so, say why they should have affected you in this way.

15. Are you conscious of copying any individual at your
present stage of development? If so, in what particulars,
and why? Do you meet persons who stimulate you to do
just the opposite from what they do themselves ?

16. Describe a case of a child or an adult who acquired
stuttering, -stammering, facial twitching, or any other
peculiarity through imitation.

17. Have you known of families in which a dissolute
father was the means of making his children severely absti-
nent? Discuss the principles involved.

18. Have you known of irritable, fault-finding, shrewish
mothers who have had self-controlled, quiet, considerate
daughters ? Discuss the principles involved.

19. In your opinion, what are the advantages of co-
education in the elementary school? in the high school? in
the college? Are there disadvantages ?

20. In the co-educational high school you know best, do
the boys set the fashion in dress and conduct for the girls ?
Is it the other way around? Or are the sexes uninfluenced
by one another in these respects ?

21. Could you duplicate the following testimony of a
school principal? Comment on this testimony from the
standpoint of teaching the evils of smoking : —
544 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

Several eighth-grade boys who came under my observation last year
learned to smoke. They lived in a college town, and played basketball
and bowled at the gymnasium, where they fell in with the college fel-
lows. Each of them when individually questioned stated voluntarily
that he learned to smoke because the college men approved of it, and
rather ridiculed those who did n’t. In most instances the boys’ fathers
did not smoke and disapproved of the habit, and the boys really stood
against the usé of tobacco themselves, but they could not face the
reputation they were likely to have with this one class of associates, in
case they did not smoke.

22. The following are concrete examples of imitative and
allied activities, discussed in Chapter XVII of the text.
Discuss each case, indicating (1) the appropriate age of the
child or children whose performances are described; (2)
the motive of the performer; (8) the probable effect of the
imitation upon the individual’s intellectual and emotional
processes, and his adjustment to his environment; (4) the
influence upon his character of his impersonation of people
or things : —

(a) I watched this child for twenty minutes, and this is what he
did. He came out of the house, and set off at a trot round
and round the house. He looked serious. Now and then he
stopped, and said something to himself. A girl came out of
the house, and attempted to lead him in. He shook her off,
saying, ‘I’m going to be a horse !” and began to trot round
the house again. After a time he went up to the side of the
house, pawed the ground with his feet, and acted like a horse
going into a stall.

(6) Arthur amused himself a part of the afternoon playing feed
the pig. He had a tin pail, into which he put whatever he
could lay his hands on. He carried this to a corner of the
room and emptied it. He held his arm very stiff when he
earried the full pail, as if it were heavy ; and he would raise
the pail slowly, taking hold of the bottom to empty it. On
the way back he would swing the pail lightly. I looked in the
corner, and found many cards, six tin boxes, some box covers,
spools, clothespins, apples, a doll, and other toys. He had
been talking about his pig; and when he saw me looking at
the things he said, “‘I’s feeding my pig.”

1 A number of them are taken, with some modifications, from Russell,
Child Observations.
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 545

(c) I heard some one in the next room say, “Bang!” Then I

(4)

(2)

heard my father’s voice asking Nathan what he was doing.
“Shooting partridges,” said Nathan. “How many did you
get?” “Two.” I went to see what Nathan was doing. He
had an old stove-hook and some clothespins. He would put
two clothespins inside the hook, and holding it above his
head, say, ‘‘ Bang.” He did this eight times.

Thomas plays sell meat from a wagon. His wagon is the
inside of a table with a long bolt. When he pushes the bolt
in he shuts the wagon ; when he pulls it out he opens the
wagon. He insists on details like this : “Do you want to buy
any meat?” “Yes ;-what kind have you? How much is it

‘a pound?” “Ten cents.” “Bring me in two pounds.” —

“Get your plate and bring out your book.” I get a book, as
requested, and go to the wagon. He wishes me to stand first
on one side and then on the other, that I may see all the
meat. He makes believe write in the book, shuts the wagon,
and goes on to another customer.

A hand-organ man was playing in the street. Tommy stood
by, and imitated his movements. The next day I saw Tommy
in the yard with some other children, playing for them. His
left hand was the organ, and his right hand turned the crank
by moving around the left hand. He made the sound “de,
de, de,” ete. Every few minutes he put his hand over his
shoulder as if to fix a strap, and then walked slowly away, as
if carrying a heavy load. He then played in another place.

(f) Daisy made a little inclosure in a corner of the room by

(9)

means of chairs, which she called her house. She was a
nurse, and the doll was sick. An imaginary doctor was present
a part of the time, and she conversed with him about the
sickness. After about twenty minutes the house became a
schoolroom, and she was a teacher.

Della played house with a smaller child. The house was a
large mat spread in.the yard. On one end was a box, sur-
rounded by four sticks laid in the form of a square. On the
box were bits of broken glass and crockery arranged as on
a table. This was the kitchen. Outside this was the parlor.
Della, seated in her rocking-chair, was rocking her doll, sing-
ing, and giving orders to the other child, who was busying
herself with the dishes. I heard Dellasay, “Oh, dear! I want
to go to that concert to-night, and I don’t see how I can with
seven children to take care of. I never saw such a man as my
husband is, anyway. He is n’t like any other man. He might
take care of the baby once ina while, anyway, I should think.
Will you go with me if I go?” They played this about an hour.
546

(4) Lulu. Uncle O:

SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

 

,1’m coming to see you, and you must
play you are glad to see me.

O——. I can’t play now ; I’m tired.

Lulu. Oh, I won’t make you play hard. How do you do?
O——. How do you do?

Lulu. You would like to have us come in, would n’t you?

O. . Yes.

Lulu (to the doll). The gentleman says he would like to have
us come in. (7 O——) Would you like to have us sit down?
o——. Yes.

Lulu, Thank you! we will sit down a few minutes. Don’t
you think my little girl looks:like her mamma ?

0. . I guess so.

Lulu (to the doll). Your uncle thinks you look like me, dear.
At this point the play was interrupted.

 

 

 

(2) Hattie put one of her dolls in my lap, placed my hands around

it in a certain way, and told me to rock. She placed another
doll in my cousin’s lap with the same directions. Pretty soon
she said to each of us in a whisper, “‘She’s asleep,” and, tak-
ing the dolls, placed them in a chair, and covered them up
carefully. Presently she took one up and said, “She’s sick.”
She then took up the other and said, “ You’ve been slapping
her ; what did you do that for?” Then, in a feigned voice,
“Cause I wanted to.’’ Resuming her natural voice, she said,
“Well, you ’d better not do that again.” She laid the sick
doll down, and bringing the offender to me, asked me to whip
it. I did so, and then she whipped it very vigorously. She
then wanted me to go to sleep. She put her arms around
my neck, and rocked me back and forth, and said, “ You go
to sleep, and sleep till I get my apple eaten up.” She went
on eating an apple, but every little while came to me and
rocked meas before. She then wanted to hold me. She sat in
a rocking-chair, and I allowed her to hold me and rock me
to sleep. She then made believe put me on the bed. During
this time she often kissed and patted me.

(G) Harry went to a few of the Murphy temperance lectures. I

saw him standing on the piazza talking toa boy that plays
with him. He tossed his arms, and I knew that he was talk-
ing aloud, though I could not hear what he said. I saw him
a little later, and asked him what he was playing. He said,
“T wasn’t playing; I was Mr. Murphy then, and I’ve made
Willie sign the pledge.”

(4) Frank’s father trained a colt. For six days Frank has annoyed

his mother by playing that he is a horse. When crossing a
room he stamps his feet; sometimes he goes on all fours ; in
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 547

the centre of a room he stops suddenly, and kicks into the
air, describing a circle as he kicks. At another time he faces
the corner of the room, kicks vigorously, and neighs. As a
punishment he was shut in a room by himself, but he con-
tinued his outlandish guttural sounds. When put in a chair
he still kicked and neighed. When asked to do anything he
said, “I can’t, I’m a wild horse.” On Monday there was to
be cottage pudding for dinner, and he is very fond of it. In-
stead of putting his chair in its usual place, his mother placed
it at a side-table, where there was nothing but oats and hay.
When his mother put him in his chair he thought she was
playing ; then he looked puzzled, and finally cried bitterly,
saying, “I ain’t a horse, I won’t be a horse.”

(J) Lizzie was teaching Charlie and Della how to play “court.”
Charlie and Della were on the stairs, and Lizzie was at the
foot.

Lizzie. Charlie, are you guilty or not guilty ?

Charlie. Not guilty. ;

Lizzie. Della, are you guilty or not guilty ?

Della. Yes’m.

Lizzie. Oh, you must n’t say that ; you must say guilty or not
guilty.

Della. What is that guilty ?

Lizzie. Oh, you must say guilty if you want to.

Della. Guilty.

Lizzie. Come here! (Very sternly.) Hold out your hand !
(Lizzie struck the hand.) Now you’ve got to go to prison till
you get good.

Della went back to her place on the stairs.

Lizzie. Now the judge is coming around again. Charlie, are
you guilty or not guilty?

Charlie. Not guilty.

Lizzie. You’re a good boy. You can go home and never do
s0 again. (To Della.) Now, little girl, are you guilty or not
guilty ?

Della. Guilty.

Lizzie. Well, then, I’ll have to punish you some more. Hold
out your hand.

Della. No, I won’t. When Charlie minds you, you say he’s
good. But when I mind you, you say you must punish me.
Lizzie. But you must get whipped if you’re guilty.

Della. Well, I’m not guilty, then.

Lizzie. We won’t play that any more, I guess.

(m) Three girls were sitting on a doorstep, their faces hidden in
their hands. Another girl, a little older, was standing in front
548

(n)

(0)

(p)

SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

of them, watching them silently. Presently she said, speaking
to each in turn, “ Your time’s up! Your time’s up! Your
time’s up ! You can gonow!” The three walked away arm in
arm, while another girl was put on the doorstep to sit with
her face hidden, under the watch of the older girl. In a few
minutes the older girl ran after the three who had walked
away, and seized them quite roughly. One of the three said
angrily, “No, we ain’t drunk! Me and Carrie didn’t take
any beer at all.” The older girl said in a behind-the-scenes
tone, “Oh, yes ; you must !” I walked on, but turned to look
back, when I saw the three on the doorstep again.

I heard Johnnie and Robbie running around the dining-room,
and talking about killing Indians. One said he had killed a
lot of Indians, and the other said he had got to find some
more Indians to kill. They soon came into the room where I
sat, and presently something fell on my dress. I found it to
be a hen’s feather, with a needle stuck in the end of it. They
said it was anarrow. When it stuck upright in anything they
said they had killed the Indian, when it inclined they had
only wounded him.

We had a book containing colored pictures of Indian chiefs,
and from this we drew the characters of a favorite game for
rainy days. My oldest brother, about twelve, was the chief,
my next oldest an old warrior, and a younger one an Indian
without a title. The chief had a red cotton handkerchief for
a headdress, and a plaid shawl] for a blanket. The warrior
wore my father’s overcoat of hairy cloth. An umbrella
handle was a gun, and a broom with a piece of cloth tied
around it was a tomahawk. A skein of yarn, when we could
get it, was a scalp. My youngest brother and I were the
people of a village. When we heard the Indians yell we ran
to the fort, a corner of the room barricaded by two old chairs
and a broken clothes-horse. I put a stick, my gun, between
the bars of the clothes-horse, and shot the chief. The other
Indians entered the fort, the chief came to life, and were
taken captives. I was dragged out by my hair. I had been
told to hold back, and resist as much as possible ; but my
brother pulled my hair so hard I did not dare to after a
first attempt. We were marched around the room’ three
times, and then taken to the Indians’ hut to have our fate
decided. Once I was allowed to become a squaw, and once I
was allowed to escape. The play usually ended with a war
dance so noisy that my mother broke it up.

Estelle takes a stick, and, pointing to the wall, says to her
dolls, “ As I point to the notes, you must sing them. Now all
EXERCISES AND PROBLEMS 549

begin at once, and don’t lag behind, for that will spoil the
others.” She then sings the notes herself. Sometimes she
shakes one of the dolls, and says, “N ow, you will mind the
place next time.” Last evening, while playing this, she seized
a doll, and placed it in the corner, face to the wall, and, after
a few minutes, said, “You may go into the dressing-room
for making faces when my back is turned, but I saw yon.
This noon you will go to the office of Mr. T to get a
whipping.” :
(q) Each of these girls sat in a rocking-chair, holding a doll.
Gertie. How do you do, Missus ?
Louise. Pretty well, thank you.
Gertie. Don’t this train go fast ?
Louise. Oh, awful fast ! How is your baby ?

_ Gertie. She is pretty well, only she got her leg broke off the
other day. I’m taking her to Washington. The President is
going to fix it.
Louise. Oh, that’s too bad! How long does it take to go to
Washington ?

Gertie. Only ten days and a week.

Louise. I should think the poor baby would be dead.

Gertie. Oh, no, Missus! I’m going to be there to-night.
My husband lives there. Where are you going, Missus ?
Your baby is real good, ain’t she ?

Louise. Yes, ma’am, she is. I’m going to Connecticut. My
Cousin Hattie Nichols lives there, and my Aunt Jane lives
there.

Gertie. What is your baby’s name ?

Louise (after hesitating a moment). My baby’s name is Gertie.
Gertie (laughing). Why, that’s my name, and my baby’s
name, too.

Louise. That’s funny, ain’t it ?

Suddenly Louise said, “ Ding-dong, ding-dong! now the
train must stop.” She then tried to make a sound like a train
stopping, and said, “ This is Connecticut; I’m very sorry to
go, but I must. Good-by.”

She then left the room.

Gertie now rocked faster than before, and talked to her doll.
She said, “ Wait a minute, wait a minute; mamma has some-
thing in her pocket for you.” She took out a rubber ring,
and put it on the doll’s head, saying, “ You’re a nice little
baby. Here’s Washington ! Do you see my husband, baby ?
He’s going to take us to the President to fix your poor leg.”
She went into the next room, where Lonise was arranging a
tea-set.

 
550

1)

(s)

®

()

(2)

()

(2)

SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION

My sister and I used to play “ prayer-meeting.” We arranged
our dolls in rows. One of us was the minister. The meeting
was as orderly as the meetings of grown people usually are.
Our favorite time for playing it was between sunset and
supper time, when we could have the sitting-room to our-
selves. If any one came into the room, the meeting was at
once closed.

There was a burying-ground near the schoolhouse. One day
several of us buried a doll there. It seems as if the doll
were made for the purpose. We carried small bottles of water
with us, and wet our eyes with the water, for tears.

Marion and Horace went to acireus. After they came home I

saw them trying to suspend themselves from a ladder which
was resting against a tree, first by their arms, then by their
feet. When they were forbidden to do this, they went be-
hind the barn, where they thought they would not be seen,
and turned somersaults, and tried jumping over a chair.
I used to arrange all the kitchen chairs in a row, and play
“school,” imagining that the chairs had real occupants. I sat
in a chair in front, and used a high-chair for a desk. I called
the classes onto the floor, and asked and answered the ques-
tions. I enjoyed the play better if my brothers would act as
pupils.
These boys play “Indian.” They have a tent, and wear
leather leggings fringed down the outside, gaudy-colored
horse-blankets on their shoulders, and cocks’ feathers in their
caps. Some of them carry light muskets, others popguns,
while the smaller ones have only sticks for weapons. I have
seen them marching in long line, pounding an old boiler, and
sometimes beating a drum.
A favorite pastime of ours was to imitate the slaughtering of
pigs, which we had often seen. We stretched one another on
the floor, and aimed a large knife at the throat. After stab-
bing we pretended to rip up the body through the centre.

These boys frequently have “shows” on Wednesday and
Saturday afternoons. The last one was an exhibition of pic-
tures by a magic lantern. The entertainment often consists of
songs, dialogues, and playing on a harmonica. The actors
wear old clothes. They have tickets of admission, for which
they ask a certain number of pins.
INDEX
INDEX

Admiration, as distinguished from re-
spect, 120, 121. See Sociability, Imi-
tation, Respect.

Adolescence, effect of development of,
on sociability, 19-23; on communica-
tion, 31; 34-37; on the feeling of re-
sponsibility, 110-112; on self-respect,
123; 130, 131. See Aggression, Anger,
Communication, Coéperation, Cor-
rection, Docility, Duty, Educative
Social Experience, Imitation, Jus-
tice, Resentment, Respect, Sociability,
Social types, Suggestion, Training.

sthetic interests, the development
of, 235-237. See Social training.

Aggression, 184-206; the combative at-
titude, 184-186; interdependence of re-
sentment and aggression, 184; cause
and nature of, 184, 185; very marked
before adolescence, 185, 186; methods
of retaliation, 187, 188; the impulse to
get even, 187; retaliation upon the
basis of injury done to one’s reputa-
tion, 188-190; to one’s character, 189;
early methods of preserving group sta-
bility, 190, 191; settlement of conflict
by muscular contest, 190; attitude of
the group toward combativeness, 191;
genesis of the judicial attitude, 192;
illustrations of the judicial attitude
in typical self-governing groups, 193,
194; the principle illustrated at Eton,
193; at the George Junior Republic,
193; the sanguinary tendencies of
boys, 194, 195; these tendencies are re-
vealed in verbal as well as fistic en-
counters, 195, 196; girls are less san-
guinary than boys, 196, 197; injuring
an adversary’s reputation, 196; wo-
men more individualistic than men,
197; the attitude of the sexes toward
each other, 197, 198; absence of dis-
tinctions during early years, 197; girls
less dynamic than boys, 198; the in-
fluence of adolescent development
upon these attitudes, 199, 200; the
group attitude toward the ‘‘sissy-
boy,”’ 199; sex antipathy because of
group demands, 199; cessation of
rivalry between the sexes after ado-
lescence, 200; teasing, 200, 201; teasing
by arousing fear, 201-203; teasing by

 

calling names, 203, 204; teasing by

arousing shame, 204; teasing among

primitive children, 204-206; Kidd on

fagging among savage children, 204-

206.

Aliens, in sociable expression of chil-
dren, 11-15. See Codperation, Soci-
ability.

Alter-sense, genesis of, 58-60; acquisi-
tion of, 60-62; development and en-
richment of, 62-65. See Duty.

Altruistic interests, the development
of, 240-242. See Social training.

Anger, absent in the infant, 157; earli-
est expression of, 158, 159; Tanner on
appearance of, 158, note; in the typi-
cal year-old child, 159-160. See Aggyres-
sion, Resentment.

Boys, sanguinary tendencies of, 194-
196. See Aggression, Anger, Compan-
ions, Cobperation, Correction, Do-
cility, Justice, Respect, Types.

BREESE, on inhibiting mental states,
383.

Calling names. See Resentment.

CHAMBERS on the tendency of girls to
emulate male ideals, 413.

Charitable tendencies, in sociability,
25-27; before adolescence, 26, 27; in
different nations, 240-242.

Church, the opportunity of, in the vil-
lage, 392. See Suggestion.
Coercion. See Correction,

period, Docility.

Communication, in development, 29-
62; the need of communication, 29-31 ;
the desire to share experiences, 29, 30;
the function of the passion to com-
munize, 30; changes in the character
of the communications with develon-
ment, 30; influence of adolescence
upon, 31; the beginning of restraint
in the communizing activity, 31-33;
influence of reflection upon, 31, 32; the
desire for approval, 32; the humilia-
tion of competitors, 32; ‘“ tattling,”
32,33; the tendencies at adolescence,
34-37; the winning of favor through
communication, 34; group competi-
tion in communication, 35; commu-

Critical
554

nication in respect to attachments
between the sexes, 35; boys’ football
groups, 35, note; the communications
of the fifteen-year-old, 56 ; of the col-
lege boy, 36; of the adult, 36; of the
specialist, 37; the reticent type, 37-
40; differences in children in the de-
sire to communicate, 37; illustrations
of these differences, 37-39; timidity as
a cause of reticence illustrated, 37-39,
note; illustration of a reticent adult,
40; the social value of the communiz-
ing activity, 41, 42; learning what is
of real worth for communication, 41;
the influence of the individual in de-
termining public opinion,42-44; in his
early communizing activity the indi-
vidual is only a learner, 42-43; pur-
pose of adult communizing activity,
44; individual variation in adult com-
munication, 44; the influence of the
environment on the individual’s ex-
pressions, 44-46; the influence of the
group, 45; the child’s tendency to fol-
low his own inclination, 46; acting in
the presence of persons real or ima-
ginary, 47-49; the substitution for
concrete personalities of feelings of
public approval, or condemnation of
conduct, 49; the development of re-
sponsiveness to community senti-
ment, 49-52; concrete personalities in
the early stages of development, 49;
their consolidation into general and
public opinion, 50; the method of
consolidation, 51; the persistence of
impressive personalities, 52.

Companions, bases for choice of, 11.
See Dress, Scholarship, Sociability,
Social stratification, Wealth.

Competitive Activity. See Codpera-
tion.

Conflict. See Adolescence, Aggression,
Correction, Critical period, Jus-
tice, Training.

Conformity, essential to individual and
social well-being, 281-283. See Criti-
cal period, Training, Types.

Conventions, the child’s attitude to-
ward, 136, 137. See Docility.

CooLEy on early sociability, 5, note ;
on companionship, 8, 9, note; on
choice of companions, 11 ; on selfisb-
ness, 70; on self and other as exclu-
sive, 71, 72, note; on the child’s love
of action, 411, 412.

Coéperation, in group education, 295-
319 ; children’s self-discipline in the
group, 295-297; illustrations of princi-
ples, 295-297; leadership in the group,

 

INDEX

297; the adult as an outsider, 298 ;
the teacher as a member of the group,
298-300 ; the first form of group activ-
ity in childhood, 302, 303; the develop-
ment of group consciousness, 303, 304;
how the sense of group unity is ac-
quired, 304, 305; opportunity for play
the chief requirement, 305, 306; a les-
son from European civilization, 306,
307; the chief count against the city,
307, 308; the need of playgrounds, 309;
a@ sound mind in a sound body, 310,
811; playgrounds lessen crime, 311, 312;
the testimony of playground experts,
312, 313; Secretary of the Philadelphia
Culture Extension League on the
value of playgrounds, 312; value of
the playground conducted under the
auspices of the University Settlement
of Northwestern University, 313; the
playground and school discipline,
313-315; hazing, 314, 315; rivalry in
group activity, 315-317; the value of
competitive activity in the school-
room and on the playground, 317, 318;
the survival of the fittest in competi-
tive activity, 318, 319.

Correction, methods of, 346-368; the rod

as a means of correction, 346, 347; the
use of the whipping-post, 347; the
tendency in our own country, 347-356;
the tendency in older countries, 356—
358; the results of experiments in Eu-
ropean countries, 359; is the pendulum
swinging too farin our country ? 360,
361; the treatment of obstinacy, 361,
362; Locke’s view, 361; methods must
be varied to meet individual peculiar-
ities, 362, 363; control by natural con-
sequences, 363-365 ; some defects in the
plan, 365, 366; Spencer on the coer-
cive system, 365, note; the responses
to the child’s advances of represent-
atives of law and order are properly
natural consequences, 366-368; the
parent and teacher viewed as agents
of natural consequences, 367, 368.
Critical period in social education, 274—
293; the infant’s reaction upon his so-
cial environment, 274, 275; the child
as an expert in coercing his caretak-
ers, 275, 276; misinterpretation of
childish expression, 276, 277; how the
child is encouraged in his coercive
tendencies, 277-279; individual differ-
ences in the nonconforming disposi-
tion, 279, 280; the child’s winsomeness
often a disadvantage, 280, 281; Locke
on coercion, 280, note; conformity es-
sential to individual or social well-be-
INDEX

ing, 281-283; Locke on submission to
authority, 282, 283; new times bring
new problems in social training, 283,
285; the governess in social education,
283, 284; dispersed authority renders
good social training impossible, 285,
286; the home and the school, 287, 288;
true sympathy for childhood, 288-290;
leadership is what is needed in home
and school, 290-293.

Crying, treatment of, 162, 163. See
Correction, Critical period, Train-

ing.
Culture, child’s attitude toward, 136,
137. See Docility.

Dancing, influence of, in social train-
ing, 341-343. See Adolescence.

Danger, the feeling of, in sociability, 9,
10. See Sociability.

DEWEY on social training ip the school,
262, 263, note.

DIcKENs on the social training of
children, 258, 259.

Differentiation of persons from things,
5. See Duty.

Docility, 135-155; the child as a learner,
135, 136; the varying attitude of docil-
ity, 136; the child’s attitude toward
most of the culture and the conven-
tions of society, 136, 137; convention
as a load on feeling, inoperative in
childhood, 137, 138; the change at ad-
olescence, 138, 139; the appreciation
of conventional attitudes, 138; the
process of assimilating social con-
ventions, 139, 140; the attitude of the
coerced child, 139, 140; the child’s re-
actions upon conventions forced on
him, 140-142; the antagonistic atti-
tude, 140, 141; table manners, 141; the
learner turned teacher, 142, 143; is
the child docile toward the wise ? 143-
145; the docile attitude of the adult,
143, 144; the child, now learner, now
teacher, 144, 145; the child’s attitude
is predominantly dynamic rather
than assimilative, 145-147; the child’s
lack of docility toward his elders, 145,
146; the child’s indifference toward
rules of health, 146, 147; indocility
with respect to ethical instruction,
147, 148; the inevitable conflict be-
tween the child and the adult, 148, 149;
difference in capacity to foresee con-
sequences, 148, 149; the growing do-
cility of the youth, 149; docility in the
school, 149-151; the child’s indiffer-
ence toward learning and culture,149;
receptive toward what is of present

 

555

value, 150; pupils as “ natural” tru-
ants, 151; docility as affected by
broadening experience, 151-153; the
influence of environment upon, 151,
152; imitation as a method of learn-
ing, 153; the dramatic tendency, 153-
155; prominent in early years, 153; as
ameans of adjustment, 154

Dramatization, in school, 406-409. See
Docility, Imitation, Sociability.

Dress distinctions, as affecting socia-
bility, 16,17. See Coéperation, Socia-
bility, Social stratification.

DRuMMOND on the influence of per-
sonality, 375.

Duty, 55-83; absence of the sentiment
of obligation in infancy, 55, 56; the
passion forself-gratification, 56; Sully
on, 55, note; Perez on, 55; illustra-
tions of, 55, note; origin of the idea of
persons as distinguished from things,
56-58; indications of this distinction,
56; the meaning of alter, 56,57; dawn-
ing sense of duty, 58; the genesis of the
alter-sense, 58-60; the influence of im-
itation on, 58; of the reactions of the

‘alter on, 58; instinctive appreciation
of expression, 59, 60; essential expe-
riences in acquiring the alter-sense,
60-62; effect of approval and disap-
proval, rewards and punishments on,
61; desirable and undesirable actions,
62; Kirkpatrick on, 62, note; devel-
opment and enrichment of the con-
ception of the alter, 62-65; the mean-
ing of self to the child, 64; interpre-
tation of the alter’s expressions, 65-68 ;
on the basis of experience, 66, 67; the
evaluation of the alter as compared
with the ego, 68; popular notions re-
specting the relation of the self and
the alter, 68-70; the egoistic attitude
of the child, 68, 69; the rédle of the
alter with development, 69; analogies
between the social and the biological
organism, 69, 70; Cooley on selfish-
ness, 70; are the interests of the ego
and the alter identical? 70-72; the bio-
logical illustration further consid-
ered, 70, 71; egoism viewed from the
standpoint of development, 71, 72;
Cooley on self and other as exclu-
sive, 71, 72, note; mental attitudes in
childhood, 72-76; absence of delibera-
tion in childhood, 73; attitude toward
the helpless and needy, 74; illustra-
tion of the altruistic impulse of a
five-year-old child, 74, note; Kirkpat-
rick on the absence of selfishness in
childhood, 74, note; growth in altruis-
556

tie action with reflection as viewed
from without, 75; as viewed from
within, 75; instinctive altruistic ac-
tion, 75; genesis of the sense of duty,
76-79; influence of social experience
upon, 76; the consciousness of con-
crete personalities, 77; the réle of con-
science, 77; of ideal spectators, 78;
the réle of religion in the develop-
ment of conscience, 79, 80; influence
of religious personages, 80; the real-
istic character of the child’s religious
conceptions, 80-83; mistakes in reli-
gious teaching, 82; the need in reli-
gious teathing, 83.

Educative social experience, 248-272;
education and social efficiency, 248-—
250; the need of education for social
adjustment, 249; educative social ex-
perience the first requisite, 250-252;
Quintilian on the training of the ora-
tor, 251, note; the social training of
the only child, 252, 253; hard knocks
are essential to effective learning,
253, 254; present-day tendencies, 254,
255; mere gregariousness not enough
for social development, 255, 256; the
need of reflection, 255; suggestions
from literature, art, science, and the
like, 256; suppression as a method of
social training, 257-260; the teachings
of our forefathers as found in the
Babies’ Book, 257; Dickens’s charac-
terization of the training of children,
258, 259; Locke on the training of chil-
dren, 260, note; the situation in the
public schools, 260, 261; Quintilian on
public education, 260; the virtues de-
veloped by the school, 260, 261; the
typical school is modeled on the static
plan, 261-263; Dewey on the social
training of the school, 262, 263, note;
the principle partially realized in the
kindergarten, 264; the question of
moral instruction, 265-268; formal
ethical instruction, 265; the program
of moral instruction in the French
schools, 265-268 ; the method of teach-
ing moral principles, 268, 269; the pu-
pil must be led to see the social ne-
cessity for every moral attitude urged
upon him, 269-271; moral instruction
during adolescence, 271, 272; keeping
the attention properly occupied, 272,
See Codperution, Correction, Critical
period, Imitation, Natural Conse-
quences, Suggestion.

Ego. See Duty, Justice, Self-respect,
Sociability,

 

INDEX

Environment, influence of, on the indi-
vidual’s expression, 44-46,

Equity, the child’s sense of, 106. See
Justice.

Eton, illustrative of the judicial atti-
tude in self-governing groups, 193. +

European civilization. See Codpera-
tion, Correction.

Evil, the suggestion of, 377-380. See
Suggestion.

Exercises and problems, 434-550; socia-
bility, 484-443; communication, 443-
449; ethical attitudes, 449-455; justice,
455-463; respect, 463-470; docility, 470-
476; resentment, 476-481; aggression,
481-485; from a national standpoint,
486-493; educative social experience,
493-499; the critical period, 499-509 ;
codperation in group education, 509-
515; problems of training, 515-527;
methods of correction, 527-535; sug-
gestion, 535-542; imitation, 542-550.

Extenuating circumstances, develop-
ment of a sense of, 103-105. See Jus-
tice.

Favorites, in sociable expressions of
children, 11-15. See Codperation, So-
ciability.

Folk dances in the acer 342, 343.
See Training.

George Junior Republic, illustrative of
the judicial attitude of self-govern-
ing groups, 193.

Girls, less sanguinary than boys, 198.
See Aggression, Anger, Chambers,
Companions, Coéperation, Correc-
tion, Docility, Justice, Respect, Types.

Governess, in social education, 283, 284.
See Critical period.

GUYAU on positive suggestion, 386.

Hatred, development of the attitude
of, 169-171. See Resentment.

Health, the child’s attitude toward, 146,
147. See Docility.

Home and the school, 287, 288. See
Correction, Critical period, Sugges-
tion, Training.

Hostility, absent in the infant, 157. See
Resentment.

Humiliation, appearance of the atti-
tude of, 124. See Respect.

HUNTINGTON on unconscious instruc-
tion, 376.

Imitation, 396-421; group homogeneity,
396, 397; the treatment of the excep-
tional individual, 396; familiar illus-
INDEX

trations of imitative activity, 397, 398;
conditions governing the child’s imi-
tations, 398,399; at first the general
type of the action only is imitated,
398; the child’s interest in the execu-
tion of an act, 399; personation in
childhood, 400, 401; personation be-
fore adolescence, 401; constructing an
imaginary environment, 401; Platoon
the moral effect of dramatization,
402, 403; the value of personating ac-
tivity, 404,405; dramatizing work in
the school, 406, 407; theatrical proper-

’ ties are not essential, 408, 409; person-
ation isa sort of vicarious adjustment,
409, 410; effect of, on the attitude of
children toward the social environ-
ment, 409, 410; toward school require-
ments, 410; dominant personalities in
any community, 411, 412; Cooley on
the child’s love of action, 411, 412; are
masculine or feminine personalities
dominant with the young? 412, 413;
Chambers on the tendency of girls to
emulate male ideals, 413; the absence
of male teachers in elementary and
secondary schools, 413; imitation of
abnormal traits, 414, 415; the quar-
antine of nervous and moral dis-
orders, 415-417; medical inspection
in England, France, and Germany,
416; the situation in our own country,
417, 418; shallow sentimentalism in
dealing with sub-normal children in
the schools, 418, 419; does a copy pre-
sented to the young for imitation
sometimes arouse antithetic action ?
420, 421.

Indignation, development of attitude
of, 171, 172; distinction from anger,
172. See Resentment.

Intellectual interests, the development
of, 237,238. See Social training.

Irritability, among the members of a
group, 168, 169. See Resentment.

Jealousy, appearance of, 172-174; causes
of, 174-188 ; during adolescence, 181,182.
Justice, 86-112; basal experience in the
development of the sentiment of, 86,
87; effect of sympathy, pity, and
mercy, 87; equality of rights and re-
sponsibilities limited to members of
a class, 87, 88; justice as a factor in
social stratification, 88; the rdle of
conflict in the child’s first social ad-
justments, 88-90; the fundamental
meaning of justice, 89; the method
of the first lessons in justice, 90, 91;
appearance of the sense of property

 

557

right, 91,92; implications of the sense
of right, 91; the appropriativeness of
the infant, 92; give-and-take rela-
tions in developing sense of justice,
92; development of appreciation of
the right of possession, 92-94; effect
of the alter’s reaction, 93; learning
property rights, 94; developmental
changes in respect to principles of
ownership, 95, 96; reconstruction of
principles of ownership with changes
in society, 96; the réle of positive
instruction in developing the senti-
ment of justice, 96, 97; purposeful ed-
ucative training by the group, 97, 98;
evidence that the sentiment of jus-
tice is the product primarily of social
reaction, 98; instinctive elements in
the sentiment of justice, 99, 100; in-
stinctive tendencies to defend the
weak, 99; the reflex character of the
sentiment of justice in the beginning,
100-103; lack of consistency in chil-
dren’s views of justice, 101, 102; de-
velopment of an appreciation of ex-
tenuating circumstances, 103-105; the
favoring of age a matter of social
inheritance, 104, 105; development of
an appreciation of motive in the
alter’s actions, 105-109; the child’s
code of ethics and equity, 106; social
reactions as giving rise to a sense of
motive and intention, 107, 108; de-
velopment of the sense of responsi-
bility, 109, 110; the general sense of re-
sponsibility, 110; the effectof adoles-
cent development upon the feeling
of responsibility, 110-112; the growing
idea of responsibility, 111; taking
account of natural abilities, 111.

KIRKPATRICK, on the desire for com-
panionship, 6; on the absence of
selfishness in childhood, 74, note.

Leadership, as inspiring obeisance, in
childhood, 120; the chief need in
home and school, 290-293; in the
group, 297; combined with compan-
ionship, 335-337. See Aggression, Co-
operation, Critical period, Socia-
bility.

Lineage, as affecting social stratifi-
cation, 23. See Sociability, Social
stratification.

Locke, on the training of children, 260,
note; on coercion, 280, note; on sub-
mission to authority, 282, 283; on the
treatment of obstinacy, 361; views
on the suggestion of evil, 378.
558

Medical inspection, in England,
France, and Germany, 416; the situa-
tion in our own country, 417, 418.

Mercy. See Justice.

Moral instruction, 265-272; formal in-
struction in, 265; in the French
schools, 266-268; efficient methods in,
268, 269. See Educative social expe-
rience.

Motive, development of a sense of, in
the alter’s reactions, 105-109. See Jus-
tice.

Natural consequences, as a method of
control, 363-366; some defects in
the plan, 365, 366; Spencer on, 365.
See Codperation, Correction, Resent-
ment.

Negation, as a method of training, 383.
See Suggestion.

Neutral attitudes, in childhood, 72-76.
See Duty.

Obligation, sentiment of, in infancy,
55, 56. See Duty.

Obstinacy, the treatment of, 361, 362;
Locke’s view of, 361. See Correction.

Only child, the social training of, 252,
253. See Codperation, Duty, Educa-
tive social experience, Justice.

Ownership, development of the sense
of, 95, 96. See Justice.

PEREZ, on self-gratification, 55; on the
appearance of anger, 158, note; views
on the appearance of jealousy, 172,
note.

Personalities, dominant in any com-
munity, 411, 412. See Codperation.
Personation. See Imitation.

Persons, differentiation
things, 5.

Pity. See Justice.

PLATO, on the suggestion of evil, 377; on
the moral effect of dramatization, 402,
403.

Playgrounds, need of, 310, 311; function
of, 312-315. See Communication, Co-
operation, Training.

PLINY, on the appearance of the first
smile, 4, note.

Possession, development of the sense
of, 92-94. See Justice.

Problems. See Exercises and problems.

Property Rights, appearance of sense
of, 91, 92. See Aggression, Justice, Re-
sentment. :

of, from

Quarantine, of nervous and moral dis-
orders, 415,417. See Imitation.

 

INDEX

QUINTILIAN, on the training of the ora-
tor, 251, note; on public education,
260.

Rage, expression of, 161-164. See Re-
sentment.

Religion, the rdle of, in the development
of conscience, 79, 80; the teaching of,
82, 83. See Duty.

Remorse, appearance of the attitude of,
124. See Respect.

Reputation, the child’s indifference to,
126-128. See Correction, Respect.

Resentment, 157-182; the infant’s atti-
tude as a non-resistant one, 157, 158;
absence in infancy of anger and hos-
tility, 157; the attitude of supplica-
tion, 158; the earliest expression of
anger, 158, 159; the defiant attitude,
158; Tanner on the appearance of
anger, 158, note; Perez’s view, 158,
note; effect of manifestations of
anger on the alter, 159; Major’s view,
159, note; the typical year-old child
is angry much of the time, 159, 160;
the demands of the unrestrained
child, 160; the development of resent-
ment as a personal emotion, 160, 161;
inanimate objects as inciting anger,
160, 161; change of attitude with de-
velopment, 161; methods of express-
ing rage, 161-164; the purposeless ex-
pression of the infant, 161; the pur-
poseful reaction of the year-old, 161;
“calling names’ in anger, 162; cry-
ing in anger, 162,163; the sullen atti-
tude, 164; instinctive manifestation
of anger, 164; situations which stimu-
late the attitude of anger, 165, 166;
anger as affected by intention of the
alter, 166; the function of anger iu
social relations, 166, 167; conditions
which favor the development of
irritability among the members of a
group, 168, 169; the influence of out-
side associations, 168; experiences
essential to good fellowship, 168, 169;
development of the attitude of ha-.
tred, 169-171; the temporary character
of childish hostility, 170; the changing
attitude which comes with adoles-
cence, 170; revenge, 171; the develop-
ment of the attitude of indignation,
171, 172; distinction between indig-
nation and anger, 172; appearance
of the attitude of jealousy, 172-174;
Perez and others on jealousy, 172,
note; situations which incite the
attitude of jealousy, 174-177; competi-
tion for favors, 174, 175; rivalry, 176;
INDEX

conditions favoring the development
of jealousy, 177, 180; schoolroom jeal-
ousies, 178-181; effect of school dis-
tinctions, 176, 180; jealousy during
the adolescent period, 181, 182; sex
recognition and appreciation, 181.

Respect, 115-133; characteristics of re-
spect as a social phenomenon, 115,
116; nonconformity with social stand-
ards, 115; community reaction upon
the individual’s conduct, 116; re-
spect is a restrained, appreciative
attitude, 116, 117; demonstrative re-
action in certain cases of social or
anti-social conduct, 117; respect for
institutions and superiors, 117-119;
effect of, on social stability, 118; re-
spect vs. the observance of conven-
tional proprieties, 119, 120; respect
vs. admiration, 120, 121; chieftainship
rather than excellence as a motive
for obeisance, 120; the meaning of
self-respect, 121, 122; favoring the
alter vs. favoring the self, 122; origin
of the attitude of self-respect, 122-124;
relation of self-respect to respect for
others, 122; changes at adolescence,
123; appearance of the attitudes of
shame, humiliation, remorse, self-
esteem, etc., 124, 125; the subjective
attitude after adolescence, 124; the
child’s reaction to reproof, 125, 126;
the child’s indifference to his reputa-
tion, 126-128; absence of ethical pride
in infancy, 127; resistance to accusa-
tions of wrongdoing, 128; the attitude
of respect is taken in view primarily
of the motive of action, 128, 129; the
influence of adolescent development
upon the attitude of self-respect,
130, 131; the effect upon the individual
of love of self-respect, 131; the effect.
upon the attitude of self-respect of
the development of sex appreciation,
132, 133.

Responsibility, development of the
sense of, 109-112. See Justice.

Revenge, development of the attitude
of, 171. See Resentment.

Rivalry, development of, 176; cessation
of, between sexes after adolescence,
200. See Codperation, Imitation, Re-
sentment.

Royce on inhibition, 384.

Scholarship, influence of, on sociable ex-
pression, 23. See Sociability, Respect.

School, as a social centre, 391, 392. See
Educative social experience, Social
training.

 

559

Self-governing groups. See Codpera-
tion, Eton, George Junior Republic,
Only child.

Self-respect. See Respect.

Sentimentalism, in dealing with sub-
normal children, 418, 419. See Critt-
cal period, Training.

Shame, appearance of attitude of, 124,
125. See Adolescence.

Smile, the first appearance of, 4.

Sociability, in development, 3-28; in-
stinctive manifestations of, 3-6; the
child’s early reactions are vague and
indefinite, 3; development of appre-
ciation of values in the environment,
3; earliest attempts at evaluation, 4;
the first smile, 4; Pliny on, 4, note;
the desire to commune with persons,
4; indications of awareness of per-
sonal presence, 5; differentiation of
persons from objects, 5; rudiments
of sociability, 5; Cooley on, 5, note;
communing with objects other than
persons, 6; passion for personal inter-
course, 6, 7; Sully on the instinctive
sociability of children, 6; desire for
companionship of racial origin, 6;
Kirkpatrick quoted, 6; service not
the only source of pleasure to the
child from personal relations, 7; the
feeling of dependence as one source
of sociable expression, 7-11; the need
of companions inadjustment, 8; Coo-
ley on companionship, 8, 9, note; the
feelings of danger in sociability, 9,
10; the appearance of the highest
form of sociable feeling, 10, 11; first
manifestation of interest in personal
worth, 10; effect of religious feelings
on sociability, 10; decline of interest
in personal presence, 11; favorites
and aliens among children, 11-15; ba-
sis for choice of companions, 11; Coo-
ley on the choice of companions, 11;
estimation of static goodness, 12;
concrete illustrations of this princi-
ple, 12; appearance of the boastful or
egotistic trait, 13; discipline of the
individual by the group, 13; sociabil-
ity as conditioned by equality, 13;
the relation of a group to its leader,
14; to a bully, 14; moral and intellec-
tual qualities as bases for sociable
expression, 14, 15; the influence upon
the child of adult social stratitica-
tion, 15, 16.

Social stratification, before adoles-
cence, 15; social groupings as affected
by parental attitudes, 16; sociability
on the basis of dress distinctions, 16,
560

17; on the basis of intellectual attain-
ments, 17-19; superiority in books as
affecting groupings among boys, 17;
among girls, 18; social groupings of
children in European countries, 18;
influence of adolescent development
upon sociability, 19-23; wealth as a
factor in groupings, 20; re-grouping
during adolescence, 20; groupings
due to social organizations, 21, 22; re-
groupings of boys as influenced by
girls, 22; social stratification on the
basis of economic status, 23-25; effect
of economic independence on socia-
ble expression, 23; influence of line-
age, 23; of scholarship, 24, 25; chari-
table tendencies in sociability, 25-27;
the Y.M.C. A. as promoting socia-
bility, 25, 26; charitable tendencies
before adolescence, 26, 27.

Social training, from a national stand-
point, 229-245; light on our American
problems from the experience of
older civilizations, 229, 230; the real
function of education, 231; the cru-
cial period in the life of a nation, 232,
233; the lesson taught by decadent
peoples, 233; the situation in Ameri-
can life, 233; the chief problem in ed-
ucation, 234; development of esthetic
interests, 235-237; development of
intellectual interests, 237, 238; lessons
for our American schools, 238; tend-
encies in our own country, 239, 240;
the tendency in the schools, 239; con-
temporary movements, 240; develop-
ment of sound altruistic interests,
240-242; charitable tendencies in dif-
ferent nations, 240, 241; teaching self-
helpfulness, 241, 242; development of
industrial interests, 242, 243; develop-
ment of individual initiative and etti-
ciency, 243, 244; conformity to estab-
lished law, 244, 245.

Social types, 209-224; the principle of
social types, 209; individual variabil-
ity recognized in popular philosophy,
209, 210; are there types in childhood
and youth? 210, 211; the adaptable
type, 211; the weak type, 212, 213; the
tactful type, 213, 214; the development
of the adaptable child into the tact-
ful and diplomatic individual, 214;
the unadaptable child, 214-216; his
attitude toward his elders, 215; the
impertinent and impudent types, 216,
217; the attitude of scorn, 217, 218;
its prominence in the static type,
218; the frank, open type, 218; the de-
ceitful type, 218; the communicative

 

INDEX

type, 219, 220; the self-conscious type,
220; the dramatic type, 220, 221; the
hectoring type, 222; the meek type,
222, 223; developmental transforma-
tion in types, 223, 224,

Suggestion, 370-393; the general char-
acter of suggestion, 370, 371; the nat-
ural history of an act of suggestion,
371-373; anecdote of Frederick Vil-
liers, 372, 373; the principle of sugges-
tion stated, 373-375; the influence for
good or ill of the personality of the
trainer, 375-377; Drummond on the
influence of personality, 375; Holmes
on personal influence, 375, 376, note;
Huntington on unconscious instruc-
tion, 376; the suggestion of evil, 377-
379; Plato’s doctrine, 377; Aristotle’s
view, 378; Locke’s view, 378; Bacon’s
view, 378; the view of modern psy-
chology, 379, 380; the attractiveness of
evil and vice, 380; the treatment of
timidity as a typical undesirable atti-
tude, 380-382; negation as a method
of training, 383; Breeze on inhibit-
ing mental states, 383; positive sug-
gestion as a method of training, 384,
385; Royce on inhibition, 384; Guyau
on positive suggestion, 386; special
problems of village life, 386-388; the
immoral influence of bill-boards, 387,
388; home influences in the village,
389, 390; boy-life in the towns of a
western State, 390, 391; the opportunity
of the school in the village, 391, 392;
the function of manual training, 391;
the school as a social centre, 391, 392;
the opportunity of the church, 392;
practical methods of improvement,
392, 393; the vacation schools, 392,
note; the need of wholesome, inter-
esting occupation, 394; making the
home attractive, 394; codperation of
the churches, 393.

SULLY, on instinctive sociability of
children, 6; on self-gratification, 55,
note.

Supplication, in infancy, 158. See Re-
sentment.

Suppression, aS a method of social
training, 257-260. See Correction,
Training.

Survival of the fittest. See Codperation.

Sympathy, for childhood, 288-290. See
Justice.

TANNER, on appearance of anger, 158,

note.
Teasing, 200-206. See Aggression, So-
cial types.
INDEX

Training, problems of, 321-343; a typ-
ical instance of conflict in the train-
ing of children, 321, 322; differing
points of view, 322, 323; personal traits
that incite resistance, 323, 324; the fu-
tility of much verbal correction, 324,
325; how commands are made effec-
tive, 325-327; commands that do not
reach the child’s focus of attention,
327-329; how indifference to com-
mands is developed in children, 329-
331; qualities essential in a success-
ful trainer, 331; Hamlet as a type of
trainer, 332, 333 ; relation between the
child and his trainer, 333-335; Locke’s
views, 333; the situation in the Amer-
ican home, 334, 335; can leadership
and companionship be combined in
the same individuals ? 335, 337; the
need in American life, 337; a danger

 

561

in American life, 337-339; the evil of
early sophistication, 339-341; keeping
high-school life simple, 339; concern-
ing dancing, 341, 342; folk dances in
the schools, 342, 343.

Truancy, as ‘“‘ natural’’ for children,

151. See Docility.
Types. See Social types.

Village life, special problems of, 386-
395. See Suggestion.

Wealth, as a factor in Social stratifi-
cation, 20.

Whipping-post. See Correction.

Winsomeness, often a disadvantage
to a child, 280, 281. See Critical pe-
riod.

Wise, attitude of the child toward the,
143-145. See Docility.
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