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BY ‘

Goldwin Smith, M. A. Oxon.,
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Univerfity of Oxford.

 

 
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THE SETTLEMENT orIREL

BY THE ACT OF 26" SEPTEMBER 1653

 

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THE

CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

OF

IRELAND.

BY

JOHN P. PRENDERGAST, ESQ.

 

(From a copy at Kilkenny Castle.)

LONDON:
LONGMAN, GREEN, LONGMAN, ROBERTS, & GREEN.

1865.
vr
DUBLIN:

Printed at the Aniversity ress,
BY M. H. GILL.
PREFACE.

Or all possessions in a country Land is the most de-
sirable. It is the most fixed. It yields its returns
in the form of rent with the least amount of labour or
forethought to the owner. But, in addition to all these
advantages, the possession of it confers such power,
that the balance of power in a state rests with the
class that has the balance of Land.

The laws of most of the states of Europe since the
days of the Northern invasions have been made by the
landowners. They have been enabled to prescribe
to the mass of the people on what conditions they
shall live on the land, or whether indeed they shall
live there at all.

The term “ Settlement,” of such great import in the
history of Ireland in the Seventeenth century, means
nothing else than the settlement of the balance of land
according to the will of the strongest ; for force, not
reason, is the source of law. And by the term Crom-
wellian Settlement is to be understood the history of
the dealings of the Commonwealth of England with
the lands and habitations of the people of Ireland

A2
Iv PREFACE.

after their conquest of the country in the year 1652.
As their object was rather to extinguish a nation than
to suppress a religion, they seized the lands of
the Irish, and transferred them (and with them all
the power of the state) to an overwhelming flood of
new English settlers, filled with the intensest national
and religious hatred of the Irish.

Two other settlements followed, which may be
called the Restoration Settlement and the Revolution
Settlement. The one was a counter revolution, by
which some of the Royalist English of Ireland and a
few of the native Irish were restored to their estates
under the Acts of Settlement and Explanation.* The
other (or Revolution Settlement) followed the victory
of William III. at the Battle of the Boyne. Byit the
lands lately restored to the Royalist English and few
native Irish were again seized by the Parliament of

* Such was the national hatred of the Royalists of England to the
Trish (who fought, and lost country and everything for the King),
that even in their common exile abroad they rejoiced at Cromwell’s
proceedings in stripping the Irish of their lands :-—

“We are at a dead calm [writes Sir Edward Hyde, afterwards
Earl of Clarendon, from Paris, in 1654] for all manner of intelli-
gence. Cromwell, no doubt, is very busy. Nathaniel Fiennes is
made Chancellor of Ireland; and they doubt not to plant that
kingdom without opposition. And truly, if we can get it again,
we shall find difficulties removed which a virtuous Prince and
more quiet times could never have compassed.”” Sir Edward Hyde
to Mr. Betius, Paris, 29th May, 1654.—Clarendon’s “State Tracts,”
vol, iii, p. 244. Folio. Clarendon Press, Oxford.
PREFACE. Vv

England, and distributed among the conquering nation.
At the Court for the Sale of Estates forfeited on ac-
count of the war of 1690, the lands could be purchased
only by Englishmen. No Irishman could purchase
more than the site for a cabin ; for to the condition of
cottagers it was intended that the relics of the nation
should be reduced.*

The Penal Laws, which lasted nearly in full force
till the breaking out of the first American War, were
nothing but the complement of the Forfeited Estates
Act. Their main purpose was, on the one hand, to
prevent the Irish from ever enlarging their landed in-
terest beyond the low state to which ithad been reduced
after the sales by the Forfeited Estates Court—for
which reason they were forbid to purchase land; and,
on the other hand, to contrive by all political ways,
and particularly by denying them the power to make
settlements of their property by deed or will, and
by making their lands divisible equally among their
sons at their death, to crumble and break in pieces the
remnant that had escaped confiscation, and thereby to
deprive them of all power and consideration in the
state.t It will thus be seen that these three Settle-

* They could be purchased by Protestants (2. ¢. English) only.
1st Anne, st. 1, c. 26, sect. 8, English Statute. Two acres was the
utmost an Irishman could take a lease of.—Ib. sect. 10.

+ “As to the intention of the Act,* it is plain the legislature
had a double view; first, to disable Papists from enlarging their

 

* 8th Anne, c. 3, A. D. 1710.
vi PREFACE.

ments are only parts of one whole, and that the Crom-
wellian Settlement is the foundation of the present
settlement of Ireland.

The term Settlement being understood in this sense,
the present sketch is conversant directly with the mea-
sures taken by the Parliament of England in dealing
with the land. The history of the Irish Rebellion of
1641, the personal character of Cromwell and the
chief actors, the account of the war from 1649 to
16538, are no further touched upon than has been
thought necessary to the main purpose of the sketch.
But it will be seen from the Introduction, and in treat-
ing the details of the Cromwellian Settlement, how
large a share of the history of Ireland is involved in
the Land question.

From the days of the first invasion, the King and
Council of England intended to make English landed
proprietors in Ireland the rulers of Ireland, as William
the Conqueror had made the French of Normandy
landlords and rulers of the English. Though the Go-
vernment of England were interrupted in this course
by the wars of Edward I. for the subjection of the
Scotch, by the wars of Edward III. and his successors

landed interest, soas they should soon moulder away in their hands:
the second view was to encourage them to become converts by throw-
ing some temporal invitation in their way.” Vicars against Car-
rol, in the Exchequer, 10th February, 1728. ‘Several Special Cases
on the Laws against the further Growth of Popery in Ireland. By
Gorges Edmond Howard, Esq.” 8vo. Dublin, 1775, p. 37.
PREFACE. vil

for the crown of France, and finally by the civil wars
of England, called the “ Wars of the Roses,” the de-
sign was never abandoned. And when Henry VIL,
disencumbered of any foreign war or domestic treason,
had time to destroy the house of Kildare, he projected
the clearing of Ireland to the Shannon, and colonizing
* it with English. But the new conquest of Ireland
only really began in the reigns of his three children,
Edward VI., Queen Mary, and Queen Elizabeth, when
the conquest of the lands of the Irish for the purpose
of new colonizing or planting them with English was
resumed, after an interval of more than three hundred
years. During this interval the English Pale, or that
part of Ireland subject to the regular jurisdiction of
the King of England and his laws, had been gradually
contracting —partly by the English of Ireland throwing
off the feudal system, and partly by reconquests effected
by the Irish, until in the reign of Henry VI. the Pale
was nearly limited by the line of the Liffey and the
Boyne. Beyond the Pale the English and the Irish
dwelt intermixed. And in all the plans for restoring
the regular administration of the King’s laws in Ire-
land, previous to the reign of Edward VLI., it was al-
ways proposed that the English of Ireland should be
brought back to their ancient military discipline, and
should conquer from the Irish the lands in their pos-
session, in order that they might be given to English
under grants on feudal conditions by the King.

But the English of Ireland clearly foresaw that the
Vul PREFACE.

effect of the complete conquest of the Irish would be
to give the Government of Ireland to the English of
England. Their armed retainers, called Gallowglasses
and Kerne, would be put down,as there would no longer
remain the pretence of defending the ¥and from the
King’s Irish enemies. With the regular administration
of English law would come back wardships, mar-
riages, reliefs, escheats, and forfeitures, which they
were only too happy to have thrown off in the days of
Edward II.; and the final result would be to bring
over new colonists from England, who would be rivals
to supplant them in the favour of the Government, and
in all the offices of the State. The English of Ireland,
consequently, were secretly indisposed to effect the
reconquest, and it was not until they were subdued
that the second conquest began.

The first blow to the English of Irish birth was the
limiting the power of the Parliament. In the reign of
Henry VII., Sir Edward Poynings forced from the
Trish Parliament a statute whereby the Privy Council
of England were made virtually part of the Parliament
of Ireland ; for thenceforth it could originate no statutes,
and could pass only such as had been first approved by
the Privy Councilof England. The Parliament had in
fact long become devoted to the Earls of Kildare, who
had thereby become too powerful for the Kings of Eng-
land. The next and final blow to the power of the Eng-
lish of Ireland was the fall of the House of Kildare, when
Silken Thomas, Earl of Kildare, and his five uncles,
PREFACE, 1X

were executed at Tyburn for treason, at the end of
Henry VIII.’s reign. The head of the ancient Eng-
lish of Ireland had now fallen; their Parliament had
been already deprived of its power ; the main obstacles
to the designs of England were removed ; and in the
following reigns the reconquest of Ireland by planta-
tion began.

At first it was the native Irish that were stripped,
as the O’Moores, the O’Connors, and the O’Neils. The
Earl of Desmond's great territories, extending over
Limerick and Kerry, Cork and Waterford, were next
confiscated and planted. Finally, in James I.’s reign,
the native Irish, not only of Ulster, but of Leitrim, and
wherever else they continued possessed of their origi-
nal territories, were dispossessed of portions of their
lands, varying from one-third to three-fourths, to form
plantations of new English. During the reign of Queen
Elizabeth, the old English of Ireland, though they
agreed in point of religion with the native Irish, always
adhered to the English in any rebellion of the Irish, as
in a national quarrel. In James I.’s reign, as all the
planters were of the new religion, the old English found
themselves supplanted by them in all the offices of the
State, as the Irish found themselves supplanted by
them in their native homes.

It is needless here to recapitulate the long-continued
injuries and insults by which the ancient English of
Ireland were forced into the same ranks with the Irish
in defence of the King’s cause in 1641. Chief among
x PREFACE.

them were the attempts to seize their estates under the
plea of defective title, in order to plant them with new
English. It was thus Lord Strafford got Connaught
and parts of Tipperary and Limerick into his power,
with the intention of forming a new plantation at the
expense of the De Burgos and other old English. One
of the old English, in 1644, thus graphically expresses
their feelings :—“ Was it not the usual taunt of the
late Lord Strafford and all his fawning sycophants, in
their private conversations with those of the Pale, that
they were the most refractory men of the whole king-
dom, and that it was more necessary (that is, for their
own crooked ends) that they should be planted and
supplanted than any others;” and that “where planta-
tions might not reach, Defective Titles should extend.”
He had known many an officer and gentleman, he
adds, who had left a hand at Kinsale in fighting in
defence of the Crown of England, when the Spaniards
and the Earl of Tyrone were defeated by Lord Mount-
joy, to be afterwards deprived of his pension for
having refused to take the oath of supremacy and al-
legiance in the Protestant form, though, as one of them
answered, on being questioned before the State for
matter of recusancy (as they termed it), “It was not
asked of me the day of Kinsale what religion I was
ot” *

* «Queries propounded by the Protestant Party concerning the
Peace now treated of in Ireland, and the Answers thereto made on
behalf of the Irish Nation,” pp. 11,12. Small 4to. Paris: 1644.
PREFACE. Xl

The Scotch and English, however, having rebelled
against the King in 1639 (for the march of the Scot-
tish rebels to the Border in that year was on the invi-
tation of the leaders of the popular party in England,
though they themselves did not openly take the field
till 1642),* the Irish rose in his favour. They were
finally subdued, in 1652, by Cromwell and the arms of
the Commonwealth ; and then took place a scene not
witnessed in Europe since the conquest of Spain by the
Vandals. Indeed, it is injustice to the Vandals to equal
them with the English of 1652 ; for the Vandals came
as strangers and conquerors in an age of force and
barbarism, nor did they banish the people, though they
seized and divided their lands by lot ;f but the Eng-
lish, in 1652, were of the same nation as half of the
chief families in Ireland, and had at that time had the
island under their sway for five hundred years.

The captains and men of war of the Ivish, amount-
ing to 40,000 men and upwards, they banished into
Spain, where they took service under that king;
others of them, with a crowd of orphan boys and girls,

* To obtain a clear account of the leading causes and principal
events of this era in England in a short compass, with all the evi-
dence to support his view, I know nothing equal to “ The Britannic
Constitution,” by Roger Acherley, Esq., of the Middle Temple,
folio, London, 1727 (chap. ix., ‘‘ Breaches of the Constitution
in the Reign of Charles I.”),

+ See Robertson’s “History of the Emperor Charles V.,” Appen-
dix to Introduction.
Xi PREFACE.

were transported to serve the English planters in the
West Indies; and the remnant of the nation, not ba-
nished or transported, were to be transplanted into
Connaught, while the conquering army divided the
ancient inheritances of the Irish amongst them by
lot.

This scene, never before described, is the subject
of the present sketch. By what accident it became
my study may deserve mention.

I had for about ten years belonged to the Leinster
Circuit, travelling through the counties of Wicklow,
Wexford, Waterford, Kilkenny, and Tipperary, when,
in the year 1846, I received a commission from Eng-
land to make some pedigree researches in the latter
county. Furnished with an old pedigree, which had
been given to an ancestor of the family by the Ulster
King of Arms, when quitting Ireland, as an exile, after
the battle of the Boyne, I visited the place where the
family had been anciently seated.

Twelve miles south of Clonmel, on the right bank
of the Suir, under a range of hills that there bars
the course of that river from north to south, and sends
it thirty miles eastward to issue below Waterford,
as one of “the Three Sisters,” to the sea, I found a
ruined castle, and beside it a still more ruined chapel,
and desecrated graveyard. The castle had evidently
been built to guard the pass over the hills to Lismore.
Among many broken tombstones of the family of the
pedigree, within the roofless walls, lay a large one,
PREFACE. XUL

fractured across the centre, recording the name and
virtues of a captain in the army, who, as far as could
be deciphered, had received the public thanks; but
the stone was gapped, and, the next word being
“borough,” it seemed as if he had been a Member
of Parliament. One of the crowd who watched the
attempt to decipher the inscription sent a boy for
the fragment, which marked a potato ridge in the ad-
joining conacre field. It filled the gap, and the in-
scription now showed that he had received the public
thanks [of the great Duke of Marl] borough for his
distinguished services at the siege of Aire, in Flanders,
in 1710.

The prospect of the mountain, the river, and the
plain, together with the scene of ruin all around, so
characteristic of the country, excited my interest ; and
the pedigrees (for in the neighbourhood I discovered
another) were now studied with care. The family,
it seems, had come over from Pembrokeshire with
Strongbow, and by an alliance with the De Berming-
hams had obtained large possessions both in Tipperary
and in Waterford (counties which the chain of hills here
divides) ; so large, indeed, that the country people,
whose imagination supplies a tradition for everything,
call the family, whose memory they tenaciously pre-
serve, the Clan a Gothag, or Clan of the Smoke; for they
say that the founder of the family, the first invader,
halted on the summit of the pass, from whence could
be seen the Suir flowing north and south on one side,
XIV ' PREFACE.

and the Blackwater in the same direction on the other ;
and, lighting a fire, he said that he would follow and
conquer with the smoke. It was a calm summer day,
and the smoke rose, and spread both ways.

There they remained, possessed of lands in Tip-
perary and Waterford, from the days of King John.
In the year 1650, Cromwell, leaving his winter quar-
_ ters in Youghal at an unusually early season of the
year for campaigning in Ireland (the 29th of January),
crossed the Suir at Cahir, nine miles to the north of
this castle; and sending a detachment towards it, it
was surrendered, but was yielded back on condition
of the defences being taken down. A few soldiers
were left to see this done. The rest of the detach-
ment had not proceeded far before they heard con-
fused noises behind; and they hurried back, thinking
that the tenants of the castle were murdering their com-
rades. But it was only the noise of a pack of buck-
hounds, kept in the bawn, or fortified curtilage. So
they brought off the owner and his hounds to Crom-
well, then on his march to the siege of Kilkenny, who
was thus afforded some good sport, whereby the gen-
tleman so ingratiated himself with Cromwell, accord-
ing to the pedigree, that he afterwards interfered in
his favour. And among the few letters of the Lord
Protector there remains one in favour of a gentle-
man of the same name “ofthe County of Tipperary,”
requesting that he might be spared from transplanta-
tion.
PREFACE. XV

His estate, however, passed to the Adventurers.
Whole families of the name, as I afterwards found,
were transplanted into Connaught. Thence some of
them petitioned to be allowed to come back, merely to
get in their last harvest; but they were refused; they
were only suffered to send some servants. Soon after-
wards they sold their assignments in Connaught for a
trifle to the officers of transplantation, and fled in hor-
ror and aversion from the scene, and embarked for
Spain. At the Restoration, the heir, who had served
under the King’s ensigns abroad, returned; and, ex-
pecting to be restored to his estate, complained to
the Council that he found the Adventurer who was in
possession of the family estate cutting down all the
timber, endeavouring, evidently, to make the most of
his time, in case he should lose the lands by this new
revolution. As the timber on all forfeited lands was,
by Cromwell’s Acts, reserved to the State, the Council
had issued a proclamation, on the Restoration, to pre-
vent the cutting down of trees. The affidavit of the
heir still remains, informing the Council that, when
he showed the Adventurer the proclamation, he and
his men answered him, “ that they did not value the
said proclamation, and that they would not leave stand-
ing a tree of all the wood but one, whereon he, this
deponent, should hang.”

Deprived of their estates, which were never re-
stored, different branches of the family became tenants
XVI PREFACE.

under the Adventurers of the lands they had once
owned as lords. Some of them, still adhering to the
Crown, forfeited their leases after the battle of the
Boyne, and became exiles. Others held on. One of
the family—the grandfather of him whose pedigree I
was commissioned to investigate—happened to be con-
ducting agent for one of the candidates at the election
at Clonmel for the county of Tipperary caused by the
accession of George III. He tendered his vote. “You
know you married a Papist,” said the opposing agent,
and thus denied his right. The other challenged him
for the insult. They retired at once to the Green of
Clonmel, behind the Courthouse, where the man in-
sulted on account of his wife’s supposed religion was
shot dead, the other with difficulty escaping, on a horse,
from the excited crowd across the River Suir, which
runs by the Green. I did not understand, until later,
that a Protestant who married an Irishwoman, if she
did not conform to English religion within one year of
the marriage, sank to the helot-like condition of his
' wife’s people; he was deprived ofall rights; he became
‘a constructive Papist ;” and “a Protestant of this class
was, in the eye of the law, a more odious Papist (to
use the words of the Court) than a real and actual
Papist by profession and principle.”*

* The case of Rives against Roderic, in the Exchequer, Hilary
Term, 1729. Howard’s ‘Cases on the Laws against the further
Growth of Popery in Ireland,” p. 60. 8vo.. Dublin: 1775.
PREFACE. XVil

On my return to Dublin, I had recourse to the
Records, to trace the pedigree. The Rolls of Chan-
cery begin only in the reign of Edward II., almost
all the earlier ones having been burnt by a fire that
destroyed St. Mary’s Abbey, where they were then
deposited. Many early links, however, were obtained
from the Tower of London, whither appeals in Writs
of Right by members of the family, and in one case of
Wager of Battle, carried from Ireland to Westminster
in the reign of Edward I., had been preserved. From
Edward II. to the 34th of Henry VIII. compara-
tively little information was to be obtained, as in that
interval the regular administration of English law
was suspended, except in the Pale; and the English
in the provinces ruled their differences by March Law,
the Irish by Brehon Law, and some of the towns (as,
for instance, Galway) by the Civil Law.

But after the fall of the House of Kildare, the Feu-
dal Law was resumed, and Inquisitions taken upon the
death of every landowner “found,” or recorded in
Chancery, his death ; what estates he died seised of ;
who was his heir, and whether under age, and unmar-
ried ; for in that case the King became entitled to the
guardianship and marriage of the heir, and to the rents
of the estate during the minority, without account.
Thus, from 1540 to 1640 nothing was easier than to
trace the chain. But here these documents ended, and
a gap ensued, which it was long difficult to bridge. The
Statutes, after a similargap, began in 1662 withthe Act
b
XVili PREFACE.

of Settlement. After some study it proved unintelli-
gible. It was founded on transactions of which there
was no explanation. The histories of Ireland afforded
next to nothing.

The search for information had been for some time
abandoned as nearly hopeless, when I remembered
that in the King’s Inns’ Library there were pamphlets
amounting to thousands, but not catalogued. Each
day, after court, a certain number were gone through,
until at length the whole was examined. Between
1641 and 1650, there were plenty of pamphlets about
Ireland; but they concerned the War ; andit was not
such I wanted. I had come to perceive the importance
of the history of the Landed Settlement of Ireland,
and I desired those that concerned the period from
1650 to 1659. I only found the following, viz.:—
“The Great Case of Transplantation in Ireland Dis-
cussed,” in the year 1655, with an answer by Colonel
Lawrence, and areply by Vincent Gookin (the author
of the “ Case”) ; and Colonel Lawrence’s “ Interest of
England in the Well Planting of Ireland with English
People Discussed,” in 1656.

My interest was now redoubled, for I had formed
some conception of the Settlement. I went back to
the Rolls’ Office, to ask Mr. Hatchell, so long Deputy-
Keeper, if he knew anything of the history of the
Settlement ; and if not, who did? He answered, he
knew nothing of it, “ but perhaps Groves might.” He
was an old clergyman, who had been one of the Record
PREFACE. X1X

Commission of 1810. Mr. Groves knew nothing, but
said Mr. Shaw Mason might—he had been Secretary
to the Commission; but Mr. Mason knew no more than
Mr. Groves.

I now thought of searching the Record Commis-
sioners’ Reports, and found that there were several
volumes of the very date required, 1650-1659, in the
custody of the Clerk of the Privy Council, preserved in
the heavily embattled Tower which forms the most
striking feature of the Castle of Dublin. They were
only accessible at that day through the order of the
Lord Lieutenant or Chief Secretary for Ireland. I ob-
tained at length, in the month of September, 1848, an
order. It may be easily imagined with what interest
I followed the porter up the dark winding stone
staircase of this gloomy tower, once the prison of the
Castle, and was ushered into a small central space that
seemed dark, even after the dark stairs we had just
left. As the eye became accustomed to the spot, it
appeared that the doors of five cells made in the pro-
digious thickness of the Tower walls opened on the
central space. From one of them Hugh Roe O’Donel
is said to have escaped, by getting down the privy of
his cell to the Poddle River that runs round the base
of the Tower. ‘The place was covered with the dust
of twenty years; but, opening a couple of volumes of the
Statutes, —oneas a clean spot to place my coat upon, the
other to sit on,—I took up my seat in the cell, exactly’
opposite to the one just mentioned, as it looked to the

b 2
XX PREFACE.

south over the Castle garden, and had better light.
In this Tower, I found a series of Order Books of the
Commissioners of the Parliament of the Commonwealth
of England for the Affairs of Ireland, together with
Domestic Correspondenceand Books of Establishments
from 1650 to 1659. They were marked on the back by
the letter A over a number, as will be observed in the
various references in the notes to the present sketch.*
Here I found the records of a nation’s woes. The first
page I happened to open presented the following :—

‘* Forasmuch as the within Mrs. Mary Wolverston, by reason of
the bad weather that hath happened, was disabled to travel with her
provision and carriages into Connaught by the tyme limited in the
within passe, these are therefore to desire all whom it may concern
to permit the said Mary, and the within named persons her servants,
with such corne and other necessary provisions as she or they shall
have with them, quietly to pass into Connaught aforesaid to their
habitations, she and they behaving themselves as becometh.

‘“*Taomas Hersert, Clerk of the Council.

“« Dated the 14th October, 1654.’’+

 

* See the Catalogue of these Books, among the papers contained
in the Council Office, in the volume of Reports from the Record
Commissioners from 1816 to 1826, Appendix, p. 227.

t = The Wolverstons were at this time owners of the noble
demesne called Stillorgan Park, three miles south of Dublin, derived
through the Cruise family, who were possessed of it in the beginning
ofthe 13th century. (“‘ History of the County of Dublin, by John
D’ Alton, Esq., Barrister at Law,” p. 840. 8vo. Dublin: 1838.) It

‘subsequently got the name of Carysfort Park, from becoming the
property of the Earls of Carysfort.
PREFACE. XX1

I felt that I had at last reached the haven I had
been so long seeking. There I sat, extracting, for
many weeks until I began to know the voices of many
of the corporals that came with the guard to relieve
the sentry in the Castle yard below, and every drum
and bugle call of the regiment quartered in the Ship-
street barracks. At length, between the labour of
copying, and excitement at the astonishing drama per-
forming as it were before my eyes, my heart by some
strange movements warned me it was necessary to
retire fora time. But I again and again returned at
intervals, sometimes of months, sometimes of years.

‘ Other depositories were ransacked. I got free range of
the Exchequer, full of interesting historical documents,
and containing the Minute and Order Books of Crom-
well’s Court of Claims. I had access to the Records
of the late Auditor and Surveyor-General’s offices in
the Custom House Buildings, in the custody of W. H.
Hardinge, Esq., whose works on the Official Maps
and Surveys of the 1641 and 1688 Forfeitures, now
publishing in the “ Transactions of the Royal Irish
Academy,” will become, for their extent and accuracy,
the basis of much authentic history. Some of the
Order Books of the Council are to be found here ; and
the correspondence of the Revenue Commissioners of
the fifteen precincts into which Ireland was divided
by the Commissioners of the Commonwealth abound
in curious details, Every circuit I visited, through

_ the kind permission of the late Marquis of Ormond, the
XX PREFACE.

muniment room of Kilkenny Castle, containing a series
of private and public historical documents, some
cosval with the first Conquest—a pleasure enhanced
by a friendship with their accomplished keeper, the
Rev. James Graves, Honorary Secretary to the Kil-
kenny Archeological Society.*
This depository is still surprisingly rich, though
drayloads of papers concerning the Cromwellian and
- Restoration eras were carried away by Carte, to enable
him to write the “History of the Life of James Duke
of Ormond,’—papers which now form the Great Carte
Collection in the Bodleian Library at Oxford. These
were visited, as also the British Museum and State
Paper Office, which, however, did not yield much.
I must add the Library of Charles Haliday, Esq., at
his Lucullan villa, Monkstown Park, rich in all the
rarest literature relating to Ireland, with a collection
of pamphlets and fugitive pieces from the earliest time
to the present, probably unequalled,} over the door of

* Author, jointly with J.G.A. Prim, of the ‘“‘ History of the
Cathedral of St. Canice, Kilkenny.” 4to. Dublin : Hodges and
Smith, 1857. Mr. Graves is now editing, under the sanction of
the Master of the Rolls, a Council Roll of 18th Richard II., A. D.
1395, preserved in Kilkenny Castle.

+ Plutarch, after describing the elegance of Lucullus’s villas,
praises him for the libraries he had collected, and the number of
volumes he had caused to be copied for him in elegant hands. His
libraries were open to all. The Greeks repaired at pleasure to the
galleries and porticos, as to the retreat of the Muses, and there spent
whole days in conversation on matters of learning, delighted to re-
PREFACE. XXill

which might be written, “ The Books of Charles
Haliday and his friends.”* As the materials grew,
so grew the difficulty of selecting and framing an ac-
count. Other occupations also interfered.

It seemed asif I had nowgone through every deposi-
tory. I had got a tolerably clear view of that great work,
the Transplantation of a Nation, which the Commis-
sioners of the Parliament found it such a labour to exe-
cute. But to express the despondency I felt at attempt-
ing to describe it, I mightalmost use the language of the
Commissioners themselves in effecting it,—‘‘ The chil-
dren were now come to the birth, and much was ex-
pected and desired, but there was no strength to bring
forth.” f

In the beginning of the year, 1864, however, the
Earl of Charlemont intrusted me with the care of the
noble collection of books, coins, and papers in Char-
lemont House, Dublin, formed by his grandfather,

tire to such a scene from business and from care. Lucullus often
joined these learned men in their walks, and gave them his advice
about the affairs of their country ; so that his house was in fact
an asylum and senate house to all the Greeks that visited Rome.
“ Life of Lucullus.”

* Rabelais inscribed in all his books the following :—‘“ Francisci
Rabelesi, medici, cai rv adtod Gidwy.” Notwithstanding his de-
votion to commerce, there are to be found valuable papers from
Mr. Haliday on the early history of Dublin and its port, in the
‘“‘ Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy.’’ His researches into the
history of the Danes of Ireland would be a most important addition
to the history of the kingdom.

{ See at p. 3], post.
XXIV PREFACE.

James, first Earl of Charlemont, a man no less distin-
guished in arts than for patriotism,—the General in
Chief of the Irish Volunteers. The library was a rich
one (particularly in early English and Italian litera-
ture) ; but, as I had had constant access to so many fine
Public libraries, it did not seem likely that I should
meet with anything in print that had not come under my
notice. What, then, was my surprise to find twelve
small quarto volumes, in old sheepskin covers, com-
prising the London weekly newspapers between 1641
and 1659, the same substantially in form as those of
the present day! There is the leading article (those
of the year 1650, for instance, have “ Young Tar-
quin” for their subject, sometimes called “ the Scotch
King,” nicknames for Charles II., to render him odious
to the English), proceedings in Parliament and the
Law Courts, and correspondence from Paris, Sweden,
Rome, &c., and Ireland—the letters from Ireland sup-
plying some of those lively touches that such cotem-
porary accounts alone can give.

It was plain that all the information that could be
hoped for had now been obtained ; and if not brought
forth, the subject might sleep for another period as
long as the last—some of the information might, per-
haps, be buried for ever with the possessor.* Much

* « When a learned man dies,” said the Master of the Temple,
in his speech at the grave of the great jurisconsult, John Selden,
in 1654, in the Temple Church—‘“ when a learned man dies, much
learning dies with him ;” adding, “If learning could have kept
PREFACE. XXV

of it had been collected with the view of being able
some time or other to treat the subject of the Settle-
ment of real property in Ireland, historically consi-
dered, before the body of the Bar ; but as neither of
the two chairs founded by thé’ Benchers had the law
of real property allotted to it, and still wishing to
interest my own profession in a favourite pursuit, a
select audience of them was addressed.* The interest

a man alive, our brother had not died.”—Wood’s “* Athenze Oxo-
nienses,” vol. ii., ‘‘ John Selden,” p. 134. Folio. London: 1721.

* This lecture was delivered on the 9th of June, 1864, at
the Four Courts, Dublin. The following was the notice is-
sued :—

“THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT OF IRELAND.

‘A lecture, to be based on Acts and Ordinances of the Parlia-
ment of the Commonwealth of England, on unpublished Orders and
Declarations of the Lord Deputy and Council for the Affairs of Ire-
land, and on other original sources.. To be illustrated by transcript
maps of Strafford’s Survey, taken in 1687, on occasion of the confis-
cation of Connaught and part of Tipperary ; also by transcripts of
the Down Survey, for setting down the regiments of the Army of
the Parliament of England, by troops and companies, in 1654 and
1655; by original certificates of Adventurers’ allotments, and by
conveyances from the soldiers of whole troops and companies of their
debentures to their officers ; likewise by coloured maps, showing, in
different tints, the baronies assigned in Connaught for the new settle-
ments of the ancient nobility, gentry, and farmers of the Irish nation,
corresponding in character to their old habitations in the three other
provinces from whence they were transplanted; and showing the
division of those three provinces between the Adventurers, for their
advances towards putting down the rebellion, and between the
officers and soldiers for arrears of pay.
XXV1 PREFACE.

and appreciation shown by men so well qualified to
judge gave assurance that the subject could not be
without interest to the public.

@ JOHN P. PRENDERGAST.

3, Tower Terrace, Sandymount, Dublin,
May 1, 1865.
CONTENTS.

gt
PAGE,
TRPRODUCTION,.. 0 2 4 8 8 a e 8 8 « & « «© w SRisbeie
PART TI.
CIRCUMSTANCES IMMEDIATELY LEADING TO THE CROMWELLIAN
SETTLEMENT OF IRELAND.
The Great Irish Rebellion of 23 October, 1641, ei a> St 2 1

The Difficulties of the Irish War, “and the ise offered to the Ten: oe # 32

Schemes for the New Planting of Ireland, By Gir SS cen ang He) ee PEE.
Departure of theSwordmen for Spain, . . . . . 1. . hh
Ireland assigned to the Adventurers and Soldiers, . . . . . . . . 28

PART II.

THE TRANSPLANTATION.

The First Trumpet, . . . tr nde 58-26
The Second and Last Trumpet, vet t the Doom of the Irish Nation, i Ge & 29)
The Remonstrances of the Irish, . . . «© 2. 2. 1 eee eC
Applications for Dispensations from Transplantation, . . . . . . . 88
The Troubles of the Commissioners for Ireland,. . . . . . . . . 48
The First Aspect of Connaught, . hs GE Nae ode a BL GR ee ae, nods Og. a TE
The First Year of Transplantation, . . Ce ee ny a ey ae a”)
The Second and following Years of riesiselicitxtton, Be te <3 he cle de la. BE,
The Condition of the Transplanted in Connaught, . . . . . . . . 65

PART III.

THE ADVENTURERS AND SOLDIERS.

The Civil Survey, 6 ee ee ee TB
The Down Survey, . . fe owe ee i ae a a Sg ee ge ee ABR

OF tiesBosinged ate keas WE Landa eo ae ee wae we va cle) (8: Bs oe, FAR
XXVill CONTENTS.

PAGE
Of the Equalizing of Counties and Baronies, . . . . . + © + + 8%
The Counties as valued by the Army, . . we tn We Be Om che Gas EERE

The Baronies as valued by the Regiments of so Province, . . . - + 89
Of the Equalizing of the Lands in the Lot of a Troop or Company, . - - 94
Sale of Debentures by the Common Soldiers to their Officers, . . . + + 95

Common Soldiers cheated of their Lots of Land by their Officers, . 107
Attempts of the Officers to take unfair Advantages of one another in the Setting

out of Lands, . - oS te ce eld
Of the Distribution by the Adventurers of their ‘Altai niate & io “Stee oe BL2
The Replanting of Ireland, . . . ee oh ep wR
Of English Planters invited back by the ‘Gioviceateat from AaieeE, =» « 120

Proceedings of the Adventurers in Replanting, . . . . «+ ee + 122
Proceedings of the Officersin Replanting, . . . . » - «© «© « « 127
Of The Five Counties, . . . . 133
Of the reinhabiting of the Towns by new English, by the Orders of the Cavite
ment, 2 6 6 ee ee eee ee ee ee we 186

CONCLUSION.
THE THREE BURDENSOME BEASTS.
Desolation of Ireland, Bh He ke HE GP te. to Sn dh a: ve ED
First Burdensome Beast, The Wolff, 2. 2. 2. 2. 2. 1 wee OL
Second Burdengome Beast, a Priest,. . . «© . »« «© «© «© « « . 154
Third Burdensome Beast,a Tory, . . . . . «© . «© «© « «© . 163
APPENDIX.
I. Of the Map of Connaught, . . . a Ga tee 28 185

II. Of the Map of the County of ope as divided between ihe, iia
turers and Soldiers, with the List of the Adventurers and their
Localities therein, .  . a Wat) ow #8 » « . 196

III. Sale of Debentures by the Caranion Soldiers to their Officers, wy 8, Sy ELL

IV. Petitions for Dispensation from Transplantation, . . . . . . 218

V. Mallow Commission, A.D.165€, . . . 227

VI. Of the Seizing of Widows, Orphans, and the ies tues and nen
ing them to the Barbadoes and the English Plantations in America, . 237

VII. Petitions of Maurice Viscount Roche, Fermoy; and of Jordan Roche's

Childrens ci 9 ay ooh ae OA oT
VIII. Transplanters’ Certificates, 2. 2. 2. 2 . . 2... 44
Indexof Subjects, « 6 © 68 #8 © & © ¢ 3s § © © © w « 253

Index of Names, .
INTRODUCTION.

t

“THE Irish are one of the most ancient nations,” says Spen-
ser, ‘that I know of at this end of the world; ” and come of
‘tas mighty a race as the world ever brought forth.”*

They belong to that great Gaelic or Celtic race that ages
ago inhabited Erin, Britain, Gaul, and the northern part of
Spain.

Men of big hearts, and big bodies,t the Gauls were long
the terror of Rome. Bursting over the Alps, they sacked the
city (B. C. 388). Camillus paid a ransom for it, and they re-
tired; and Camillus got the name of Second founder of Rome.
Others of them, following the course of the Danube, burst into
Greece, and attacked the Temple of Delphi for its treasures
(B. C. 279). Another body crossed over into Asia Minor.
Three of their tribes divided the country among them. Antio-
chus at length put a stop to their attacks on the Greek cities,t

* “View of the State of Ireland, written by Edmund Spenser, Esq.,
in the yeare 1596,” pp. 26 and 32. Folio. Printed at Dublin: 1633,

t “Ingentes animos ingenti corpore versant.””—The men of Tipperary
are said to have hearts as big as bulls, and to their foes as fierce ; but to
woman or friend as tender as thrushes.

$ See the touching song, in Greek, of three young Ionian ladies of
Miletus, who voluntarily quitted life rather than meet these Gauls :—

“Then let us hence, Miletus dear! Sweet native land, farewell !
The insulting wrongs of lawless Gauls we fear whilst here we dwell.”

Bohn’s ‘‘ Greek Anthology,” translated, 12mo., London, 1852, p, 449.
XXX INTRODUCTION.

and confined them to the central mountains of Asia Minor ; for
this he got the title of Soteer, or Saviour (B. C. 277). There
they long dwelt, the only free people amid nations of slaves.
The chiefs of the clans met yearly on a plain, surrounded by
ancient oaks. Here St. Jerome found them speaking their
own language, six hundred years after their first settlement.
Of these were “the Galatians,” or Celts, to whom St. Paul ad-
dressed his Epistle.

About one hundred years before the birth of Christ, the
Cimbric Gauls again threatened Rome. Marius, fresh from his
conquest at Carthage, defeated them. It bespeaks the great-
ness of the peril that the Romans gave him for this victory the
name of Third founder of Rome. They were a warlike race.
Whoever wanted to buy headlong courage hired the Gauls.
They were in the pay of Carthage ; they were the chosen sol-
diers of Pyrrhus, that king of blasted triumphs, who loved
fighting for fighting’s sake. It was in going to the rescue of
his Gaulish troops, overmatched in the market-place of Argos,
that an old woman killed him in one of its narrow streets, by
a tile thrown from the roof. Vast in their hopes, noisy, rhe-
torical, laughers, talkers, sympathetic,—such is the character
of the carly race. ‘The Gauls march openly to their end,”
says Strabo, ‘‘ and are thus easily circumvented.”

Some people seem always disposed to side with the power-
ful, but the Gauls, according to the same author, more readily
took part with the weak and injured.

Cesar, meditating schemes for the overthrow of the aristo-
cratical power in Rome, exercised his armies in subduing the
Gauls. Having desolated a country, the Romans set about

One might have presumed that these Gauls belonged to Gallia Celtica
(they did in fact come from Toulouse, in France) ; if they had been Irish,
these virgins need not have felt the least alarm,—for

‘© No son of Erin would have offered them harm.”
INTRODUCTION. XXXi

civilizing it. They established on the ruins of ancient Gaulish
freedom a Roman government and a bastard Roman civi-
lization.

They gave the Gauls baths, circuses, and forums; but they
took away from them their arms and the management of their
own affairs. Their best citizens were withdrawn from them,
to seek their fortunes at the capital of the world. Dearly did
they pay for their civilization. Large landed estates, which had
ruined Italy, now ruined Gaul.* Weighed down with taxes,
and the overpowering shadow of the empire, in their wretched-
ness the Gauls of France actually welcomed the irruption of
the barbarians.

The Britons, in the course of 400 years of Roman govern-
ment, were reduced to similar weakness. The descendants
of those warriors that startled Julius Cesar with their enthu-
siastic bravery and contempt of death, were unable to strike
in their own defence, when the Roman armies withdrew to the
Continent to support the crumbling empire. When the Irish
of Caledonia invaded them, the Britons could do nothing but
“oroan,” and finally called in the Saxons to defend them. It was
the same with Spain—this country, that so long maintained it-
selfagainst the Romans, was overrun by the Vandals, and par-
titioned in two years. It was the same wherever the Roman
power prevailed. Italy, and Rome itself, Gaul, Spain, Britain,
were overrun by hordes of barbarians.

Huns, Alans, Vandals, Burgundians, Goths, Ostrogoths,
Visigoths, Lombards, Saxons, Franks, poured over Western
Europe, like wave succeeding wave. Whole countries were
depopulated ; their names were changed, their laws and

* “ Latifundia perdidere Italiam; jam vero et provincias.” C. Plin.
Secundi, Nat. Hist. lib. xviii. 7.

+ For an account of the Gauls, see Michelet, ‘+ Histoire de France,”
b.i., cc. 1-3; Amadée Thierry, “Histoire des Gaules.” 2vols. 8vo.
Paris: 1857.
XXXil INTRODUCTION.

languages lost; the survivors became the farm slaves of the
conquerors, to be taxed, worked, and flogged at the will of
their masters. These conquerors began to fight amongst them-
selves; the strong ones knew no law but their own will,
limited only by their power. They built themselves castles
on the heights, clad themselves in iron, and compelled
each man to be either of their band or to be their victim. The
earlier invaders resigned to some later tyrant in the neighbour-
hood the allotments they had carved out for themselves with
their own swords and held independent of any superior. They
took them back from him as his Tenants on the condition
of serving him with his followers either in robbing, or in
defending him from being robbed, he on his part yielding
them protection.* This was the feudal system, the foundation
of the law of real property in Europe, modified in the course of
centuries, by the growth of towns, by the spread of intelligence,
by the Crusades; happily extinguished utterly in France by the
Revolution of 1789, and wherever the French army carried
the Code Napoleon with its abolition of settlements or quasi-
entails, by deed or will, and its freer diffusion of property in
land, accompanied by general self-respect, and increase of
national well-being.

Britain from her remoteness, and by being an island, was
not subject to so many invasions as the Continent of Europe.
She fell, however (A.D. 450) to one of the fiercest of the bar-
barian nations, the Saxons. They were possessed in the highest
degree of the Land hunger that made the invasions of these
northern hordes so terrible beyond all former conquests.
They seized the houses and farms of the Romanized Britons,
exterminated them and their language, and the very names of

* Robertson, “History of the Emperor Charles V.;” preliminary
chapter and appendix, ib.
INTRODUCTION. XXXili

their towns and districts, and drove the survivors behind the
River Severn ; and there they shut them up among the moun-
tains of Cambria, surrounded by the Severn and the sea, and
further secured on the land side by the dyke called Offa’s
Dyke, just as their descendants, one thousand years later,
penned up the Irish in Connaught behind the Shannon.

Six hundred years after the settlement of the Saxons in
Britain, another race of pirates, who had issued in their boats
from the fiords and bays of Norway and the Baltic, sailed
up the Seine. They made themselves masters of Neustria,
took wives of the native race, and became the French of Nor-
mandy. Thence William the Conqueror led his French and
Flemish followers into England. These French of Nor-
mandy reduced this great English nation to such slavery,
that they seized the entire lands and government of Eng-
land, made the inhabitants their serfs, taxable and floggable
at their will, until it became a disgrace to be called an English-
man.* :

The English peasantry, deprived of the protection of their
native gentry and national Government, took the only means
they had to make themselves respected : they cut the throats
of the worst of their foreign landlords whenever they caught
them unawares in byways and thickets. As no one would turn
informer (for national hatred is the firmest bond of association
and secrecy), the vill or townland was then fined where a
Frenchman was found murdered. To escape this fine, the
English peasantry used to cut off the poor gentleman’s nose,
slit his cheeks, and so disfigure the corpse, that no one could

* «Ut Anglum vocari foret opprobrio.” Matthew of Paris, b. i.,
ec. 12. :
+ “Black Book of the Exchequer,” by Richard Fitz Nigel (or Lenoir),
afterwards Bishop of Ely, written in 24th of Henry IL, A. D. 1172, in the
c
XXXIV INTRODUCTION.

know whether it was French or English. This practice is
alluded to in the ballad of “ Robin Hood and Sir Guy of Gis-
borne,” where, after Robin has slain Sir Guy, the ballad pro-
ceeds, —

“Then Robin pulled out an Irish knife,
And nicked Sir Guy, in the face,
That he was never of woman born
Could know whose head it was.”

It was then enacted that the corpse should be deemed
French, unless ajury found it was only an Englishman. This
was called the presentment of ‘‘ Englischerie.” The French
who ruled England charged the English peasantry with trea-
chery and murder as characteristic of their race. They said
that abroad over the wide extent of Germany, inhabited by so
many races, whenever any very atrocious deed was committed,
it was common to hear people say, “ Perfidious Saxon!”* But
the English peasantry had no natural taste for murder. They

introduction to Madox’s ‘‘ History and Antiquities of the Exchequer,”
2 vols. 4to, London, 1769, vol. i., p. 390. It has been truly said—

“* Qui de ses sujets est. hai,
N’est pas seigneur de son pays.”

‘“« The lord whose tenants canuot well endure him,
Finds no place in his country to secure him.”

See Randle Cotgrave’s French and English Dictionary, A. D. 1610, at the
word “Seigneur.” Howell’s edit. Folio. London: 1673.

* “ Who dare compare the English, the most degraded of all races under
heaven [says Giraldus Cambrensis], with the Welsh? In their own
country they are the serfs, the veriest slaves of the Normans. In ours
who else have we for our herdsmen, shepherds, cobblers, skinners, cleaners
of our dog kennels, ay, even of our privies, but Englishmen? Not to
mention their original treachery to the Britons, that hired by them to de-
fend them they turned upon them in spite of their oaths and engagements,
INTRODUCTION. XXXV

sheltered and protected the man that avenged his own
wrongs with spirit, as in some degree the champion of their
cause and race ; feeling, perhaps, that if it was not for shooting
a gentleman now and then, there would be no living in the
country for a poor man. This law (and probably these insults
and murders) lasted till the reign of Edward III.. Then, when
the services of the English bowmen were wanted to bring
back the revolted French provinces under the hated rule of
England,* they ceased from these national insults, and no doubt
found the English peasantry possessed of bravery, truth, and
all the virtues under the sun.

These French conquerors were settled one hundred years
in England before they invaded Ireland. A body of them,
principally Flemings, had settled in the southern part of

they are to this day given to treachery and murder, so that whenever,
&e.” The concluding words in the Latin of Giraldus are—‘‘ Unde et in
Teutonico regno quotiens enormiter quis delinquere videtur, de natione
quacunque, quasi proverbialiter in suo vulgari dici soles Untrewe Sax, hoc
est, infidelis Saxo.” Giraldi Cambrensis Opera, edited by J. S. Brewer,
M. A., vol. iii., p. 27. 8vo. London, Longman & Co.: 1863.

* « The English,” says Carte (alluding to the brutal insolence displayed _
in the debates in the Parliament of England upon the Live Irish Cattle
Importation Prohibition Bill, in 1666, which he says was urged out of wan-
tonness, and a resolution taken to domineer over that distressed kingdom),
“never understood governing their provinces, and have put them under a
necessity of casting off their government whenever an opportunity offered.”
“ Life of James Duke of Ormond,” vol. ii., p. 8317. And he had seen the
treaties which the provinces of Gujenne, Poictou, Anjou, &c., had made
with the Kings of France, when by the intolerable pride of the English they.
had been forced to throw off their yoke. In these they expressly stipulated,
“that in any distress of the affairs of France they should never be delivered
back into the power of the English.” Ib., ib. And the people thus injured
andinsulted by them in Ireland, in 1666, were their own blood and nation,
the Adventurers and Soldiers not ten years settled in the country.

c2
XXXVI INTRODUCTION.

Wales along the Bristol Channel, round by St. David’s Head,
from whence Ireland was in view.

A party of these men, by way of private adventure, sailed
over to the aid of the King of Leinster, then at war with the
neighbouring Irish kings. The contingent they brought was
small in number compared to the Irish army which they joined;
but better arms, and discipline acquired in foreign war and in
maintaining the rule of conquerors over the English they had
enslaved, gave the victory to the side they espoused. Their
leader married the King’s daughter, and received as her dowry
the kingdom of Leinster; his followers obtained estates in
the same district ; and, an opening being thus made, the
French prince then ruling in England followed, with an
army of French and Flemings, and established his rule in
Treland.

The country to which the invaders had now arrived struck
them as another world.* The rest of western Europe had
been for more than a thousand years enslaved, first to the Ro-
mans, then to the northern hordes ; so that the Feudal system,
which is founded on the conquest and colonization of the coun-
try by an army of foreigners, had come to be considered as the
natural state. ;

Ireland, however, lying on the verge of the western world
in the Atlantic, separated from Britain by the unquiet Irish
Sea, scarcely calm for three days in summer,f had escaped
Roman and feudal thraldom.

Tacitus had often heard Agricola, his father-in-law, com-
mander of the Roman forces in Britain, say that the country

* « Thus separated from the rest of the known world, and in some sort
to be distinguished as another world.”—Giraldus, ‘‘ Topographia Hiber-
niz,’’ b. i., chap. 2. *

t Ibid., b. ii., chap. 1.
INTRODUCTION. XXXVI

could be conquered and held by one legion, and that the con-
quest of it much concerned the interests of the Romans in
Britain ; for the neighbourhood of a free country rendered
the Britons more difficult to govern. It would be well, there-
fore, that freedom should be as it were taken out of sight, and
the Roman armies be seen everywhere.

To this end he kept aMac Murrogh* in his camp, and moved
alegion to the coast of Wales, watching for some opportunity ;
but the exigencies of the empire called the Roman forces home
without having invaded Ireland.} So that when the companions
of Strongbow landed, in the reign of King Henry II., they
found a country such as Cesar found in Gaul 1200 years be-
fore; the inhabitants divided into tribes on the system of
clansmen and chiefs, without a common government, suddenly
confederating, suddenly dissolving, with Brehons, Shannahs,
Minstrels, Bards, and Harpers, in all unchanged, except that
for their ancient Druids they had got Christian priests. Had
the Ivish only remained honest Pagans, Ireland perhaps had
been unconquered still. Round the coast strangers had built
seaport towns, either traders from the Carthaginian settle-
ments in Spain, or outcasts from their own country, like the
Greeks that built Marseilles.t| At the time of the arrival of
the French and Flemish adventurers from Wales, they were
occupied by a mixed Danish and French population, who sup-
plied the Irish with groceries, including the wines of Poitou,

* « Agricola, expulsum seditione domestic4, unum ex regulis gentis ex-
ceperat, ac specie amicitie in occasionem retinebat.”——-Tacitus, “‘ Life of
Agricola.”

+ ‘ Life of Agricola.”

{ Giraldus Cambrensis says the towns were built by the Ostmen, ‘‘ To-
pography of Ireland,” Distinction iii., chap. 43. But, as Tacitus says the
ports of Ireland were better known to merchants than those of England,
the account here given is the more probable one.
XXXVii1 INTRODUCTION.

—the latter in such abundance, that they had no need of
vineyards.* ;

Unlike England, then covered with castles on the heights,
where the French gentlemen secured themselves and their
families against the hatred of the churls and villeins, as the
English peasantry were called, the dwellings of the Irish chiefs
were, of wattle or clay. It is for robbers and foreigners to take
to rocks and precipices for security ; for native rulers there is
no such fortress as justice and humanity.

The Irish, like the wealthiest and highest of the present
day, loved detached houses, surrounded by fields and woods.
Towns and their walls they looked upon as tombs or sepul-
chres, where man’s native vigour decays, as the fiercest animals
lose their courage by being caged.+ They wore woollen gar-
ments much in the present fashion, and disdained to case them-
selves in iron, thinking it honourable to fight naked, as it was
called, with the mailed French of Normandy and their Fle-
mish and English followers, just as the Gauls fought naked
with the well-armed soldiers of Rome.t

They were fond of music, poetry, and genealogy, and the
professors of these arts in each tribe or clan had land heredi-
tarily allotted to them. In the spirited character of the Irish

* Giraldus Cambrensis, Distinction i., chap. 5.

} This was the feeling of the ancient Germans.—Gibbon, chap.
xix.

¢ Sentleger, Lord Deputy, giving Henry VIII. a description of such
troops as he might command out of Ireland to France, after describing the
galloglasses, says :—‘‘ ‘The other sort, called kerne, are naked men but only
their shirts and small coats, and many times when they came to the bicker
[fight] but bare naked saving their shirts to hide their privities,” p. 444.
State Papers (Ireland), H. VIII., vol. ii., Paper 385. In the battle with
Lucius Hmilius, the young chiefs of the Gesate stripped themselves naked,
except only their collars and armlets of gold.—Polybius, b. ii., chap. 2.
INTRODUCTION. XXX1X

the new settlers found themselves in the presence of a people
‘of original sentiments and institutions, the native vigour of
whose mind had not been weakened by another mind. Nothing
surprised the invaders more than the natural boldness and
readiness of the Irish in speaking and answering even in the
presence of their chieftains and princes, accustomed as the in-
vaders were to the servile habits of the English, produced, as
Giraldus says, either by long slavery, or (more probably he
adds) by the innate dulness of men of Saxon and German
stock.*

They were equally astonished at the freedom and familiarity
of the Irish gentry with their poorer followers, so different
from the haughty reserve of an aristocracy of foreign descent
towards the lower classes of a subject nation reduced by
conquest to the state of villeins and serfs. Free by nature, the
Irish were followers of nature and freedom in all things.

Unlike most other nations .of the world, the Irish did not
bind up their infants in swaddling clothes.t It required the

* Giraldus Cambrensis, ‘‘ Description of Wales,” b. i., c. 15; but the
same remark was applicable to the Irish even in a greater degree.

+ Such was the custom of the Jews :—‘‘ And when I was born, I drew
in the common air, and fell upon the earth . . . and the first voice which
I uttered was crying . . . I was nursed in swaddling clothes.” . . . Wis-
dom of Solomon, chap. 7. And of the Romans :—“ Hominem tantum nu-
dum, etin nuda humo natali die [natura] abjicit ad vagitus statim et plora-
tum. Ab hoc lucis rudimento, . . . vincula excipiunt et omnium mem-
brorum nexus: itaque feliciter natus, jacet, manibus pedibusque devinctis,
flens animal ceteris imperaturum, et a suppliciis vitam auspicatur, unam
tantum ob culpam quia natum est.””—C. Plinius, lib. vii.,.chap. 1. ‘“ Nature
flings down man alone naked on the bare ground on the day of his birth, to
begin life with cries and tears. On his entrance into light every limb is
chained and bound; and there lies this little weeping animal that is to com-
mand all others, born under these happy auspices, and begins its life in
chains and punishment, guilty only of being born.”
xl INTRODUCTION.

lapse of ages, and the burning eloquence of Rousseau, to in-
duce the world to follow the practice of the Irish, who never
went wrong in this respect; so true is the saying that he
who follows nature never goes out of the way. We learn
from Giraldus, that the Irish midwives did not raise the new-
born babe’s nose, nor shape its face, nor stretch and swathe
its little legs. Nature, he says, was in that country allowed to
adjust the limbs she had given birth to; and, as ifto prove that
what she was able to form she does not cease to watch over,
it was found that she gave growth and proportion to the Irish
until they arrived at perfect vigour, tall and handsome.* And,
being never swathed in infancy, their limbs had a freer turn,
and their countenances a more liberal air.

The harp that had long been silent in Gaul, and was heard
in Britain only in the mountains of Wales, was universally
played in Ireland ; and the gaiety of the airs, and the skill of
the artists, astonished and delighted those accustomed to the
slower airs of the Welsh.f

They amused themselves with hurling, the men of one dis-
trict playing against those of another, the prize probably, as in
later times, being often some fair girl, arranged to be the bride
of the favourite youth of the winning side.t

* Topography of Ireland,” Distinction ili., chap. 10.

+ Ibid., chap. 11. ®

t“ There is a very ancient custom here (county of Tipperary] for a
number of country neighbours among the poor people to fix upon some
young woman that ought, as they think, to be married. They also agree upon
a young fellow as a proper husband for her. This detcrmined, they send to
the fair one’s cabin, to inform her that on the Sunday following she is to
be horsed, that is, carried in triumph on men’s backs. She must then pro-
vide whiskey and cider for a treat, as all will pay her a visit after mass for
a hurling match. As soon as she is horsed, the hurling begins, on which
the young fellow appointed for her husband has the eyes of all the company
INTRODUCTION. xi:

The great body of the people were of pastoral habits. The
different families used the tribal lands in common, following
their herds from the winter feeding grounds to the summer
pastures in the mountains, shifting their quarters as the need
of fresh pasturage for their cows required, and building for
themselves light booths of boughs of trees, covered with long
strips of green turf.

The tillage ground of each tribe, near which they seem to
have had dwellings a little more durable than their moveable
summer huts in the mountains, was annually divided among
the families by the Caunfinny, according to their stock and re-
quirements. .

But, though the great body of the people had no separate
properties, the chief families had portions appropriated to them
in perpetuity. There were also lands appointed as well for the
elected chief, as others for the Tanist who was to succeed him ;
other portions were also enjoyed hereditarily by the Brehons,
and bards, and physicians of the tribe. The chief also was
entitled to tributes of victuals, and certain of his dependents
were bound to entertain him and his company for stated times
in the year. /

But the Irish knew no such thing as tenure, n8r forfeiture,
nor fixed rent; at this they repined, though willing to offer

fixed on him: if he comes off conqueror, he is certainly married to the girl ;
but if another is victor, he as certainly loses her, for she is the prize of the
victor.” —Vol. ii., p. 250, ‘‘A Tour in Ireland in the years 1776, 1777,
1778,” by Arthur Young. 8vo. Dublin: 1780. See also his account of
Irish dancing, ibid.; but, with the advance of English power and Eng-
lish religion,

“These healthful sports that graced the happy scene,
Lived in each look, and brightened all the green,
These, far departing, seek a kinder shore,

And rural mirth and manners are no more.”
xhi INTRODUCTION.

such tribute of victuals as was required, and to let their chief-
tains eat them almost out, of house and home: hence the
saying, ‘‘ Spend me, but Defend me.”*

The treaty between Henry II. and Roderic, King of Con-
naught, entered into at Windsor, three years after the king’s
return from his “‘ Veni, vidi, vici,” visit to Ireland, as Sir
John Davies styles it, justifies his ridicule of the nature of the
conquest attributed to him.

By that instrument, signed on O’Connor’s behalf, as King
of Connaught, and Chief King of Ireland, by two of the Pope’s
new archbishops of Ireland, O’Connor is made to become the
King’s liegeman, and to be King of Connaught, and Chief
King of Ireland, under Henry Il. He undertakes that the
Irish shall yield the King of England annually one merchant-
able hide for every ten cows in Ireland, which O'Connor is to
collect for him through every part of Ireland, except that
which is in the possession of King Henry II. and his barons,
being Dublin, Meath, and Leinster, with Waterford as far as
Dungarvan. The rest of the kings and people of Ireland are
to enjoy all their lands and liberties as long as they shall con-
tinue faithful to the King of England, and pay this tribute
through the hands of the King of Connaught.

Two systems were thus established side by side in Ireland,
the Feudal and the Brehon systems ; for the Irish, as Sir John
Davies remarks, merely became tributaries to the King of Eng-

* Spenser says, ‘‘Coigny isin common use amongst landlords of the Irish:
to have a common spending upon their tenants . . . . neither in this was
the tenant wronged, for it was an ordinary and known custom... . for
they were never wont (and yet are loth) to yield any certain rent but onlv
such spendings ; for their common saying is, ‘Spend me, but Defend me.’ ”
‘A View of the State of Ireland,” by Edmund Spenser, Esq., in the year
1596.

t Rymer’s “Feedera,” vol. i., p. 31. Folio. London: 1816.
INTRODUCTION. xiii

land, preserving their ancient Brehon law, and electing their
chiefs and tanists, making war and peace with one another,
and ruling all things between themselves by this law, until the
reign of Queen Elizabeth ;* and this, as Spenser remarks, not
. merely in districts entirely inhabited by Ivish, but in the English
parts. He speaks as an eye-witness, having seen their meet-
ings on their ancient accustomed hills, where they debated
and settled matters between family and family, township and
township, assembling in large numbers, and going, according
to their custom, all armed.f

There, surrounded by the Irish lords and gentlemen and
commonalty, seated on the accustomed stone, or under some
ancient tree, the Brehon gave his judgment according to the
Brehon code, formed partly of Irish customs, and partly of
maxims culled from the Roman Digest.t

Campion, an English Jesuit, from Cambridge, who travelled
in Ireland in Queen Elizabeth’s day, saw their schools of Bre-
hon law; the rising Brehons, stretched at full length, conning
their tasks, and learning by rote fragments of Roman and Irish
law, at which they continued for many years.§ Spenser admits

* « A Discoverie of the State of Ireland, and the true Cause why that
Kingdom was never entirely subdued until the Beginning of His Majesties
[James I.] most happie Reign.” London : 1613, p. 603.

+ ‘View of Ireland,” pp. 421, 500.

$ Sir James Ware, “ Antiquities of Ireland,” chap. viii.

§ “ They speak Latin like a vulgar language, learned in their common
schools of leacheraft and law, whereat they begin children and hold on
sixteen or twenty years, conning by rote the aphorisms of Hippocrates and
the Civil Institutes, and a few other parings of these two faculties. Ihave
seen them where they kept school, ten in some one chamber, grovelling upon
couches of straw, their books at their noses, themselves lying prostrate, and
so to chaunt out their lessons by piecemeal, being the most part lusty
fellows of twenty-five years and upwards.”—p. 18, Edmund Campion’s
“ Account of Ireland,” written in May, 1571.
xliv INTRODUCTION.

that their decisions had great show of equity. Stanihurst, a
cotemporary of Spenser’s, had witnessed the breaking up of
their meetings, and seen the crowd in long lines coming down
the hills in the wake of each chieftain, he the proudest that
could bring the largest company home to his evening sup-
per.*

It was from a priest who had once been a Brehon that
Sir John Davies, in 1610, received the treatise on “‘ Corbes
and Herenachs ;’f and few who have read his account of the
first assizes held for the county of Fermanagh, in the ruins of
the abbey, in the island of Lough Erne, will forget the aged
Brehon of the Maguires drawing from his bosom with trem-
bling hand the ancient roll, and refusing to part with it until the
Lord Deputy, Sir Arthur Chichester, had given him his hand
and faith that it should be restored to him.{ It was only at
this period of the reign of King James I. that the practice of
the Brehon law was forbidden in Iveland ;§ for the Statutes of
Kilkenny, passed in the 40th of Edward III., only prohibited
the use of it in ruling differences between the English. The
Irish had no other, as they were denied the use of the English
law. But after the subduing of Tyrone’s rebellion, the Eng-
lish judges, who had hitherto gone their circuits round the
Pale, were sent all round Ireland to administer English law ;
and the practice ofthe Irish code was superseded, and declared
to be no law, but a lewd custom.

* Ricardus Stanihurst, ‘De Rebus in Ilibernid Gestis,” p. 37. 4to.
Antwerp: 1584.

+ “Letter to Robert Earl of Salisbury, touching the State of
Monaghan, Fermanagh, and Cavan ; wherein is a Discourse concerning the
Corbes and Herenachs of Ireland,” 1607, 8vo, Dublin, 1787, p. 246.

t Ib., ib., p. 253.

§ In Hilary Term, 3rd James I. (A. D. 1605). Sce Sir J. Davies, Re-
ports, p. 40.
INTRODUCTION. xlv

At the date of the Treaty of Windsor the invaders had
planted themselves only on the east coast of Ireland; and King
‘Henry II. by that treaty purported to guarantee their lands
to the rest of the Irish. Yet he did not hesitate, unknown
probably to the Irish, to cantonize or divide Ireland among
ten of his followers, who received by these grants petty king-
doms, to be divided among their comrades and followers, in the
expectation that they should bring over fresh Adventurers from
England, and that as they grew more numerous, they should
gradually supplant the Irish, and strip them of their lands.*

These barons and their followers all held their lands on
feudal conditions, liable to homage and fealty, to aids and tal-
liages, to wardships and marriages, to fines for alienation, to
primer seisins, rents, reliefs, escheats, and forfeitures—contri-
vances of the stronger for exacting money from the weaker.
They stood instead of legacy and succession duties and stamp
duties of modern times. No man could come into his estate
without paying a year’s rent as a relief, or sell it or settle it
without a fine for alienation.

But beyond all other feudal burthens were wardships and
marriages. Ifa gentleman left his heir under age at his death,
he could appoint no guardian: the king or superior lord (for
each lord exacted from his tenants what the king exacted from
him) took possession of the heir and the estate, leaving the widow

‘to maintain the rest of the family out of her dower, while the
guardian spent the rents of the estate without liability to ac-
count, often letting the castle go out of repair. As incident
to the wardship, he had the right to sell it, and with it the
right for the purchaser to dispose of the heir or heiress in
marriage to the highest bidder. Thus the Earl of Lincoln
gave King John 3000 mares for the marriage of Richard de

* Sir John Davies’ “ Discoverie,” &e. p. 652.
xvi INTRODUCTION.

Clare in order to marry him to his eldest daughter, Matilda.*
Geoffry de Mandeville gave him 20,000 mares, that he might
marry Isabella Countess of Gloucester, and possess her lands.t
Sibella de Singera offers the king 200 mares to marry as she
likes.{ Heiresses remained in wardship to the king or their
landlord until they married, no matter what their age, and when
they became widows became wards again, and to marry a se-
cond time must have their landlords’ consent.§ Thus Alice
Countess of Warwick gave the king £1000 for liberty to re-
main a widow as long asshe liked, and not to be forced by the
king to marry, and for the wardship of her sons.|| One of the
great inducements to settle in towns was the privilege con-
ceded by almost every founder of a borough by his charter,
that the burghers or citizens might marry, themselves, their
sons, and daughters, and widows, without license’ from their
lords ; a license of late required on the estates of some land-
lords managed in the English or feudal mode in Hreland.

No man could hunt or hawk on his own estate; the game
was all reserved for the king ;** he could not even take the
young hawks in his own oaks—this was one of the liberties
won and consecrated by Magna Charta. So strict a game pre-
server was King John, that the beasts and fowl of the forest
seemed to be aware that they were under his protection. In
England the country abounded with them; they would not ~

* Preface, p. xxx,“ Oblateand Fine Rolls in the Tower of London, in
the Time of King John,” Record Publication. 8vo. By T. D. Hardy:
1835.

+ Ib., ib. } Tb., xxxii. § Ib., ib. || Ib., ib.

q See the charter of the City of Dublin and other charters, in “ Carte
Privilegia et Immunitates,” Irish Record Commission. Folio. -

** Walter de Riddlesford offers King John (A. D. 1200) twenty mares
to have the King’s confirmation of his lands, and for license to hunt the hare
and the wolf. ‘Oblate and Fine Rolls,” preface, p. ix, n.
INTRODUCTION. xlvii

fly from the traveller, but would only move to a short distance
and continue to feed.* This slavery the Anglo-Saxons always
endured; but the Irish never knew the Forest Law or Game
Law, nor could the English ever impose iton them. ‘“Ifthey
had,” says Sir John Davies, “it might have been a means
of conquest; for they might have turned the Irish out of the
wild places where they dwelt in freedom, and might have given
them up to the beasts of chase, less hurtful, and less wild than
they.”

The feudal system proceeded on the principle that the lands
were all derived from the king, as the captain of a conquering
army, and had been distributed by him amongst the members
of it on certain conditions (the main object of which was the
maintaining of the conquest), liable to be forfeited if they were
not observed.

The Izish, having never undergone a feudal conquest and
plantation like the rest of Europe, considered the territory as
the common property and patrimony of the clans or nations—
not held from any one, not liable to forfeiture, which indeed
was impossible, as it was owned and occupied by them jointly
or in common.

The chief families had contrived, contrary to the general
principle, to appropriate some portions to themselves, divisible
however at the death of the father among all the sons, legi-
timate and illegitimate alike. The inferior members ofthe tribe
yielded to the chiefs milk and honey, and even money for the
grazing of their cows, and were bound to maintain their lords,
with their wives, sons, and daughters, their horses, servants,

* See a curious account by one of the Flemish soldiers of King John’s
expeditionary army to Ireland, in the year 1210, “ Histoire des Ducs de
Normandie,” vol. i., p. 109. 2 vols. 8vo. Paris: 1840.

Sir John Davies’ “ Discoverie,” &c., p. 664.
xlvili INTRODUCTION.

their dogs and dog boys, for a specified number of meals or
days in their houses when they went among their dependents
“coshering,” as it was called. But they knew no such thing as
rent or services in the feudal sense, as an acknowledgment of
holding their land from a landlord, liable to forfeiture if not
rendered.

The chief, like the baron, had his law court, but it assembled
under his Brehon on the hill.* He had his retainers, and each
of them had their kerne, or foot soldiers, ready to appear on
summons, quartered on the poorer families of the tribe. The
Irish custom of fosterage was in the nature of wardship ; but

“the object being to make the young chief the beloved of his
followers, he was brought up in the bosom of the family of his
foster parents, who paid largely for the honour of thus bring-
ing him up from his earliest years in the midst of them.f
Nursed up in a sense of his own importance, he became the
proud and spirited head of the clan, their pride and joy, and
bound to his foster family and they to him by ties of affection
stronger than those of blood.

Though their lands were thus left with the Irish, it was the
design of the English Government that they should gradually
come into the possession of the English, until all should be

* “ Other lawyers they have liable to certain families, which after the
custom of the country determine and judge causes. . . the Breighoon
(as they call this kind of lawyer) sitteth him down on a bank, the lords
and gentlemen at variance around about him, and then they proceed,” p. 19,
Edward Campion (1571).

+ ‘They love tenderly their foster children, and bequeath to them a
child’s portion, whereby they nourish sure friendship, so beneficial in every
way, that commonly 500 kine and better are given to winne a nobleman’s
child to foster.” Ib., pp. 13-14. Gifts of the Irishry to foster with the
Earl of Kildare, pp. 70 71, “ Earls of Kildare,” vol. ii., by the Marquis
of Kildare. Dublin: 1860.
INTRODUCTION. : xlix

held in feudal tenure, and the feudal system be spread through-
out the kingdom. With this intent, therefore, the Irish were
denied the right of bringing actions in any of the English
Courts in Ireland for trespasses to their lands, or for assaults
and batteries to their persons. Accordingly, it was answer
enough to the action in such a case to say that the plaintiff
was an Irishman,* unless he could produce a special charter
giving him the rights ofan Englishman. Ifhe sought damages
against an Englishman for turning him out of his land, for the
seduction of his daughter Nora, or for the beating of his wife
Devorgil, or for the driving off of his cattle, it was a good de-
fence to say he was amere Irishman. Andif an Englishman
was indicted for manslaughter, if the man slain was an Ivish-
man, he pleaded that the deceased was of the Irish nation, and
that it was no felony to kill an Irishman. For this, however,
there was a fine of five mares, payable to the king; but mostly
they killed as for nothing. Ifit happened that the man killed
was a servant of an Englishman, he added to the plea of the
deceased being an Irishman, that if the master should ever de-
mand damages, he would be ready to satisfy him.f Not unlike

* Thus in 29th Edward I., before the justices in Eyre, at Drogheda,
Thomas le Boteler brought an action against Robert de Almain for certain
goods. The defendant pleaded that he was not bound to answer him, be-
cause he was an Irishman, and not of free blood. A jury was summoned,
and found that the plaintiff was an Englishman, and thereupon he had judg-
ment to recover his goods. Sir J. Davies’ ‘“‘ Discoverie,” p. 639.

+ ‘Lastly, the mere Irish were not only accounted aliens, but enemies,
and altogether out of the protection of the law, so as it was no capital offence
to kill them.” Andthen SirJ. Davies gives a record of a gaol delivery at
Waterford, where “ Robert Walsh, indicted of the manslaughter of John,
son of [vor Mac Gilmore, admits the slaying ; but says it was no felony, be-
cause Mac Gilmore was a mere Irishman, and not of free blood: But when
the master of the said Jobn shall ask damages for the slaying, he will be
ready to answer him as the law may require.” ‘ Discoverie,” p. 641.

d
1 : INTRODUCTION.

the story of those hot bloods of Charles II.’s day who ran the
waiter through at a tavern with their rapiers, and threw the
body out at the window, and then rang the bell for the land-
lord, and bade him put him in the bill.

The Irish, too, were forbid to purchase land. Though the
English might take from the Irish, the Irish could not even
by way of gift or purchase take any from the English. In
every charter of English liberty, as it was called, granted to an
Trishman, besides the right to bringactions in the king’s courts,
there was given an express power to him to purchase lands to
him and his heirs ;* without this he could not hold any so ac-
quired. The Exchequer officersconstantly held inquisitions for
the purpose of obtaining a return that certain lands had been
aliened to an Irishman, in order thereupon to seize them into
the hands of the Crown as forfeited. Thus, by inquisition taken
at Dunboyne, in the first year of King Henry VI, the lands
of Moymet and Clonfine in the county of Meath, were found
forfeited ; and were seized by the king’s escheator, as having
been aliened by Esmond Butler, son and heir of James Lord
and Baron of Dunboyne, deceased, to Connor O’Mulrooney
and John Machan, chaplains, and their heirs, they being Irish
and of Irish nation.t Not that this was any beneficial con-
veyance to these two Irishmen, but simply a feoffment to them
as trustees for the purposes of a will or settlement. In 16th of
Edward IV., lands near Swords, in the county of Dublin, were
seized on a like inquisition, finding them to have been conveyed
by Catherine Dowdal to John Belane, chaplain, an Irishman of
Irish nation, that is to say, of the O’Belanes, Irishmen, and
enemies to our lord the king ; although O’Belane was evi-

* Sir J. Davies’ “‘ Discoverie,” p. 641.
t Fifth Edward IV., c. 24. Transcript of Statute Rolls, made by the
Record Commissioners (1810), in the Record Tower, Dublin Castle.
INTRODUCTION. li

dently only a trustee to answer the uses of Mrs. Dowdal’s will.*
The Parliament Rolls are full of cases where the inquisitions
are set aside, for the finding having been malicious and untrue,
the parties complained of not being Irish, but English. They
prove, however, that no Irishman could take lands by convey-
ance from an Englishman; and this continued to be the law
until the year 1612, when Sir John Davies framed an act abo-
lishing the distinction of nations.t But the prohibition prac-
tically prevailed after the passing of the act; for, by Plantation
rule, the English were forbidden, under pain of forfeiture, to
convey any of the lands taken from the Irish in the extensive
plantations of English made in Munster, Ulster, and Leinster,
to any Irishman, and the Irish there could only aliene to Eng-
lish; so that the Irish must be always losing, and the English
gaining, by any change. The prohibition was again extended
to the whole nation by the Commonwealth Government;
and when the lands forfeited for the war of 1690 came to be sold
at Chichester House in 1703, the Irish were declared by the
English Parliament incapable of purchasing at the auction
or of taking a lease of more than two acres. Shortly after-
wards, another act disqualified them for ever from purchasing
or acquiring any lands in Ireland, and declared the purchase

* Sixteenth Edward IV., c.80. Ib., ib.

+ ‘ Statutes of Ireland,” 11th, 12th, and 13th James I., c. v.

{ But it was when the estate was made the property of the first Protes-
tant discoverer, that animation was put into this law (Robinson, Justice,
in Lessee M‘Carty against Stanley, King’s Bench, Hilary Term, 1771),
Howard’s “ Popery Cases,” Dublin, 1775, p. 209. Discoverers then be-
came like hounds upon the scent after lands secretly purchased by the Irish.
Gentlemen fearing to lose their lands found it now necessary to conform.
“Between 1703 and 1709 there were only 36 conformersin Ireland. In
the next ten years (i. e. after the Discovery Act), the conformists were 150.”
Ib., ib., pp. 211-12.

d 2
hi INTRODUCTION.

void.* But, notwithstanding these prohibitions, the Irish grew
and increased upon the English, instead of the English upon
the Irish ; and the Irish customs overspread the feudal, until at
length the administration of the feudal law was confined to
little more than the counties lying within the line of the Liffey
and the Boyne.

It may be asked how the Irish contrived to preserve
their lands? In the first place, then, it is to be remembered that
they kept their arms, and the whole tribe rose in war against the
English of that district whence their lands had been invaded,
or by whom an Irishman had been killed. They ravaged it,
and made prisoner of the highest Englishman they could take,
and held him to ransom, and by this obtained a “health saute,”
or satisfaction to the family of the deceased.*

Had the first English adventurers in Ireland been of the
same mind as the king and nobility in England the Irish might
possibly been subdued, their lands taken from them, and the
nation reduced to serfdom, or exterminated. But the early -
settlers learned to love the Irish, and to prefer the freedom of
Irish life and manners to the burdensome feudal system. The
case of the leader of the first English adventurers in Ireland
may serve to explain the relations of the English in Ireland
with the Irish in early times.

Richard Strongbow, Earl of Pembroke, was married to an
Irishwoman ; he had a large body of Irish kinsmen; he had an
army composed largely of Irishmen, and he and they had been
comrades in war; his territory was nearly sixty miles square,
inhabited almost entirely by Irish. His English captains
and men-at-arms, amongst whom he divided his territory
in fiefs, were much in the same condition. They, many

* The payment of “ Health Saute’’ by the English to the Irish, made
high treason, 11 & 12 Edward IV., c. 5 (Unpublished Statutes).
INTRODUCTION. li

of them, took Irish wives and mistresses—had Irish kinsmen
and comrades. As Strongbow left the Kavanaghs and M‘Mur-
roughs, relations of his wife’s, in possession of their lands,
liable to serve him with their followers in war, so did his cap-
tains other Irish; no difference of religion divided them ;
they early learned the language of Ireland; they gave out
their sons to be fostered with their Irish relations ; the young
English heir became the pride of his foster father and his
clan ; hurled with his Irish cousins ;* listened with delight
to the harpers, bards, and minstrels, and became enamoured
of Irish life, and probably of some fine Irish girl also.t
The young Englishman, however, remained of his father’s
nation, an Englishman ; and held his estate on English tenure,
liable to the demands of the Exchequer for aids, reliefs, and
fines. How burdensome this tenure was, may be judged from
the complaints of the English of Ireland. In 1347 they com-
plained to the king, that bad as were the Irish enemies, the ex-
tortions and oppressions done by the king’s officers were
worse.§ But, bad as these burdens were, the law of forfeiture

* “Tt is ordained and established that the English do not henceforth
use the plays which men call hurlings with great sticks and a ball upon the
ground, and other plays called coitings; but that they do apply them-
selves to draw the bow and throw lances, and other gentlemanlike games
appertaining to arms, whereby the Irish enemies may be better checked,” &e.
‘« Statutes of Kilkenny,” 40th Edward III. (A. D. 1367), s. 6.

t Ib., sect. 15.

£ “It is ordained that no alliance by marriage, gossipred, fostering
of children, concubinage, or by amour, be henceforth made between the
English and Irish . . . and if any shall do to the contrary, he shall have
judgment of life and member as a traitor to our Lord the King.” Ib., s. 2.

§ “ Petitions delivered to our Lord the King of France and England,
by Friar John L’Archer, Prior of St. John of Jerusalem, in Ireland, and
Master Thomas Wogan, sent in message by the Prelates, Earls, Barons, and
Commons of the land in Ireland.” “Red Book of the Exchequer of Ire-
land.”
liv INTRODUCTION.

must have been a more constant source of disquiet. Under
convictions of high treason the king could enrich himself and
his courtiers with confiscated estates. The De Lacys, beggared
by this law, and driven from their principalities of Meath and
Ulster, induced Edward Bruce to invade Ireland. John
Fitzthomas with an army of Irishmen recovered the kingdom
for Edward II., but not until the greater part of it had been in
possession of the invading force, supported by some of the Eng-
lish of Ireland, for more than a year, during which time the sit-
ting of the courts and the administration of the feudal laws was
suspended. The English of Ireland beyond the immediate
neighbourhood ofthe metropolis took care, under various pre-
tences, to oppose its being resumed ; and thenceforth the regu-
lar administration of the English law was confined to the limits
of the Pale. They represented the whole Irish nation as hos-
tile to the English, and thereby had an excuse for keeping up
their forces. These forces of kerne and gallowglasses were
maintained by coyne and livery, nearly equivalent to free
quarters on their tenants; and their English tenants, being
unwilling to endure this infliction, retired to England, and the
lands thus deserted were granted by these great lords to
Trish.*

“The Irish enemy” now became an excuse for feudal duties
neglected, and feudal payments withheld. The government
of Ireland became impossible to strangers from England. The
English lords of Ireland had always a means of moving the
Trish to rebellion by oppressing them, or to attacks on their
neighbours, or the king’s officers, by secretly egging them on.

The judges, who from the days of the first Settlement had
regularly ridden their circuits in Munster to administer the

* Preamble to 10 Henry VII., c. 4. Sir J. ‘ Davies’ Discoverie,”
p- 675.
INTRODUCTION. lv

feudal law, now ceased to hold assizes. The danger from the
Irish enemy was alleged to be the cause, though there was no
reason why the Ivish should object to the administration of the
law, as it was only administered between the King’s English
subjects. The journey to the South lay through Kildare and
Carlow, under the Dublin and Wicklow mountains, to the
bridge of Leighlin, for many ages the only passage over the
Barrow. These hills were inhabited by the three nations of
the Tooles, the Byrnes, and the Kavanaghs, and the opposite
side of the river towards Leighlin Bridge by the O’Moores, so
that there was a kind of gantelope to be run between these
tribes. It is alleged that the Tooles, the Byrnes; and Kava-
naghs, exiled the administration of the king’s law from Mun-
ster, by preventing the judges riding their circuits past Leigh-
lin Bridge.* But as the English of Munster had much greater
reason to fear the return of the king’s officers than the Irish,
there is good reason to suspect that they were egged on by
them. In Henry VIII.’s days, the Earl of Kildare was charged
with having always protected these three nations, the Tooles,
the Byrnes, and the Kavanaghs, whom he kept at his bidding,
it was said, ready torise and ‘‘ make war behind” when any
of the king’s forces marched out of Dublin on any expedition
which he secretly wished to counteract.t Now ‘the Irish
enemy ” was no nation in the modern sense of the word, but
a race divided into many nations or tribes, separately defend-
ing their lands from the English barons in their immediate
neighbourhood. There had been no ancient national govern-
ment displaced, no national dynasty overthrown; the Irish
had no national flag, nor any capital city as the metropolis

* State Papers, Henry VIII. (Ireland), vol.i., p. 411. Memorial, or
“A Note for the Wynning of Leynster,” A. D. 1536.
+Ib., ib., p. 410.
lvi INTRODUCTION.

of their common country, nor any common administration of
law; nor did they ever give a national opposition to the
English. All the notions of nationality and independent em-
pire are ofa surprisingly modern date. The English, coming in
the name of the Pope, with the aid of the clergy, and with a
superior national organization, which the Irish easily recog-
nised, were accepted by the Irish. Neither King Henry II.
nor King John ever fought a battle in Ireland.

In the early days of English rule in Ireland, the Irish
generally lived as tributaries to the king. During the reign
of Henry III. and in the beginning of that of Edward I. the
kings and captains of nations received regular writs of sum-
mons, in precisely the same terms and by the same cursitor
or courier as the De Burgos, the Butlers, the Le Poérs, to
attend the war in Wales or Scotland, or yield the king an aid
in money.* The chief or royal tribe in each of the five pro-
vinces became allies of the English at the first invasion, as is
plain from their receiving the rights of Englishmen to bring
and defend actions. They were legally known as the Five
bloods, being the O’Neills of Ulster, the O’Connors of Con-
naught, the O’Melaghlins of Meath, the O’Briens of Munster,
and the M‘Murroughs of Leinster.t Different encroach-
ments of English adventurers caused partial insurrections. In
Bruce’s invasion the Northern Irish formed a more general con-
federacy, and, owing to their situation, established their inde-
pendence; but the Irish tenants and kerne of the F itzgeralds,
the Butlers, the De Burgos, the Roches, the Barrys, adhered
to their English chiefs in Leinster, Munster, and Connaught.

No soldiers came from England, and it was Irish troops

* See some of these writs, ‘‘ Liber Munerum Publicorum,” vol. i., part
Iv., pp. 6, 12. 2 vols. Folio. London: 1826.
1 Sir John Davies’ “ Discoverie,” p. 639. *
INTRODUCTION. lv

that recovered the dominion of Ireland for the English.* But
from thenceforth all the Irish were called in law the king’s
Irish enemy. So that the very men who filled the troops
levied by the English Deputy for service against the Irish
were known as such. Thus O’Hanlon and O’Mulloy, who
claimed to be hereditary standard bearers of Ulster, and bore
the Banner of Queen Elizabeth’s army as soon as it crossed
the Boyne on alternate days, on its march against Hugh
O'Neill, were Irish enemy.t It meant that ghey were excluded
from claiming any rights or privileges under English law ;
and was in fact a far less injurious disqualification than that
of Irish Papist in the last century. The English of Ireland
intermarried with them, fostered with them, and made alliances
with them, though the Statutes of Kilkenny made it high trea-
son so to do. Butas the English law was now confined within
the limits of the English Pale, and no judges went circuit
beyond the Barrow, the prohibition was nugatory. If it is
only remembered that from the reign of King John no army
ever came out of England except the expeditionary army of
Richard JJ., and that the few forces subsequently sent over,
until the 29th of Queen Elizabeth, were to subdue rebellions
of the English,t it will be evident that the term Irish enemy
simply meant that the Irish had no legal rights, and that sooner
or later they should lose their lands to the English.

The English in all the provinces beyond the Pale saw with
joy the regular administration of the English law confined
within the line of the Liffey and the Boyne. Many of them
had acquired lands not held from the Crown, which they feared
would be seized.§ Others had large arrears of fines due by

* Sir J. Davies’ ‘‘ Discoverie,” p. 674.

} Sir Richard Cox, ‘‘ Hibernia Anglicana,”’ vol. 1., p, 407.
t Sir J. Davies’ ““Discoverie,” p. 617.

§ Ib., p. 676.
lviii INTRODUCTION.

them, for which their estates were liable to forfeiture. Thesc
men boldly banished the king’s sheriffs, escheators, and pur-
suivants, by making it dangerous for them to approach. The
Burkes, or De Burgos, were in this class. They had lands
which the king claimed by title derived by the intermarriage
of Lionel, son of Edward III., with the heir female of William
De Burgo, Earl of Ulster. Lionel came over with a considera-
ble force to seize these lands from the Burkes, but did not
march into Connaught. Thenceforth they employed every
effort to prevent the king’s writ running in Connaught. In
this sense, and through fear of losing their lands, they became
the king’s English rebels.* They allied themselves for this
purpose with the king’s Irish enemies, but they had no inten-
tion of rebelling to eject the English out of Ireland; they
were too proud of their English blood. To the eye they
looked like Irish, for they dressed and spoke as Irishmen, yet
they are described as “tall men who boast themselves to be of
the king’s blood, and berith hate to the Irishrie.”"t But
besides English rebels, the king had his English lieges beyond
the Pale. The English lieges beyond the Pale acknowledged
themselves to be the king’s subjects, on his peace and war,
and held their Irish tenants and forces ready to appear in the
field on the king’s side. But they had for the most part ceased
to pay feudal dues, as there were no sheriffs or escheators to
enforce them; though the Butlers of Kilkenny, and the
Earls of Kildare and Desmond, as they were about the
king’s court, and aspired to be lord deputies and treasurers,
seem to have sued out livery, and paid some of the feudal
charges.

The English of Ireland, however, of all classes except in

* Deputy and Council to the King, A. D. 1610. State a s, Henry
VIII. (Ireland), vol. ii., p. 307.
+ Ib., ib., vol. i., p. 327.

«
INTRODUCTION. lix

the neighbourhood of Dublin, had adopted the Irish language,
dress, and manners, and never appeared in English apparel, ex-
cept when attending Parliament or the Lord Deputy’s court ;* .
and no sooner home thence (or from the Coprt of England),
than off with their English apparel, and on with their brogues
and saffron shirt, and kerne’s coat, and other Ivish attire.ft

In their justice halls, they administered March law, a mix-
ture of the English law and the Irish law of Kincogish, the
latter being a system of fines or satisfaction exacted from the
clan or nation of the party committing the injury, payable,
part to the party injured, and part to the lord who enforced
it.t :

The king and statesmen of England, indignant that the
feudal system had been nearly abandoned in Ireland, and that
the English settlers had adopted the freer mode ‘of life of the
Irish, by an ordinance made in England in the year 1342
(15 Edw. III.), resumed—in other words, confiscated—the es-
tates of all the great English nobility and gentry of Ireland,§

* State Papers, Henry VIII. (Ireland), vol.i., p. 477.

+ “ That the Earl of Clanricarde’s sons (not without manifest consent of
their father) had stolen across the Shannon, and there cast away their
English habit and apparel, and put on their wonted Irish weede.” Sir
Henry Sidney to the Council in England (A. D. 1576), pp. 119, 120,
Collins’ “ Memorials of the Sidney Family.” 2 vols. Folio.

Patrick, the Baron of Lixnaw’s eldest son, ‘‘ Notwithstanding he was
trained up in the court of England, sworn servant to her Majesty, in
good favour there, and apparelled according to his degree, yet he was
no sooner come home, but away with his English attires, and on with his
brogs, his shirt, and other Irish rags, being become as verie a traitor as
the veriest knave of them all.”—A. D. 1586. Holinshed, “ Chronicle of
Treland,” p. 477.

t “The Deputie’s Boke,” State Papers of Henry VIIL., vol. i, Paper
181, p. 447.

§ Sir J. Davies’ “ Discoverie,” p. 660.
lx INTRODUCTION.

intending plainly to send over colonists from England to plant
such parts of their lands as the king should judge conve-
-nient, just as was done about 200 years later (in the year
1585), when the estates of the descendant of the Earl of
Desmond, one of the noblemen now aimed at, were confiscated,
and set out to planters from Somersetshire and Devonshire,
from Cheshire and Lancashire. For this purpose the Deputy
summoned the nobility and commons of Ireland to a Parlia-
ment at Dublin, largely filled with prelates and lords, and
landed proprietors of English birth, who were eager, no doubt,
for a reformation and improvement of Ireland, founded on
a redistribution of Irish lands to English capitalists. But the
Earls of Desmond and Kildare, and the rest of the English
nobility possessed of Jrish estates, refused to attend, and,
with the citizens and burgesses of the principal towns, held
a separate Parliament or Convention at Kilkenny, and remon-
strated against the design. The Earl of Kildare was there-
upon arrested, and the Earl of Desmond and many others
indicted, their lands seized, and their titles called in, and can-
celled.* But about ten years afterwards (26th Edw. IIL.),
their lands and liberties were restored; much, however, to
the chagrin of the Parliament of England, who made the king
engage not to restore them if he again got them into his
hand.f

The expedition of Lionel Duke of Clarence, the king’s son,
to Ireland, a few years afterwards, was a partial renewal of
the same design. He claimed the greater part of Connaught
from the Burkes, and other lands in other parts of Ireland,
which he intended to take from the present possessors, and to
plant, of course, when recovered, with settlers out of England.

* Sir John Davies’ “ Discoverie,” pp. 660, 680.
+ Ib, p. 655.
INTRODUCTION. lxi

Preparatory to his invasion of Connaught, he assembled a
Parliament at Kilkenny, where the most rigorous laws were
passed against those English that had adopted Irish customs,
or should adopt them for the future. Those who should take
Irishwomen for wives or mistresses, or should give out their
children to be fostered or reared up in Irish families—who
should maintain Irish harpers, bards, rhymers, or minstrels in
their halls—were to undergo various punishments. For mar-
rying an Irish wife, or for having an Inishwoman for a mis-
tress, the penalty was to be half hanged, disembowelled alive,
and to forfeit his estate.*

* «Tt was manifest from these laws,” says Sir John Davies,
“that those who had the government of Ireland under the
Crown of England intended to make a perpetual separation and

* “The Statutes of Kilkenny, of the 40th Year of King Edward III.,
enacted in a Parliament held at Kilkenny, A. D. 1367, before Lionel Duke
of Clarence. Now first printed. Edited by James Hardiman, M.R.I. A.”
4to. Dublin. For the Irish Archeological Society : 1843. The English
of Ireland became as fond of the harp as the Irish. In the inventories of
the household goods of the gentry confiscated at the Revolution of 1688,
the ancient English families of the Pale are found possessed of “ one
Trish harpe.” (W. Lynch, author of “ Feudal Dignities in Ireland,” Sub-
Commissioner of Irish Records, ‘‘ Dublin Penny Journal,” vol. i., p. 335.)
And the Irish ‘ Hudibras,” printed in London, 1698, to ridicule and vilify
the Irish, thus describes the gentlemen of the same class :—

“‘ There was old Threicy [Tracy], and old Darcy,
Playing all weathers on the clarsey,
The Irish harp,—whose rusty metal
Sounds like the patching of a kettle.”

Ten years afterwards it survived in Connaught, where the old Irish
gentry are described as careful to have their children taught to speak Latin,
write well, and play on the harp. ‘‘ Discourse concerning Ireland, and the
different Interests thereof; in Answer tothe Exon and Barnstaple Petition.”
Small 4to., London, 1697-8, p. 19.
lxii INTRODUCTION.

enmity between the English settled in Ireland and the native
Irish, in the expectation that the English should in the end
root out the Irish.” But the numerous English of Irish birth
possessed of lands to which the Crown laid claim, or which
were liable to forfeiture, had now nearly equal reason with the
native Irish to fear the designs of the Government of England.
The degenerate English, like the Burkes of the counties of
Mayo and Galway, the Poers of Waterford, and others, be-
came only more determined “English rebels.” The other
English beyond the Pale, though they professed allegiance to
the king, were in secret equally disinclined to see the king’s
escheators, sheriffs, and judges resume their duties among
them. They knew the value of being free from the feudal
burdens of wardships, marriages, fines for alienation, and all
the other taxes which it was the secondary aim of these re-
forms to restore; and they did not feel that hatred and con-
tempt for theirIrish tenants, neighbours, and kinsmen, required
by the Statute of Kilkenny. Nor did the English who came
over from England render themselves very agreeable to their
countrymen settled in Ireland, or make them very anxious for
any reformation that should bring a fresh accession of them
from the mother country ; for they were, of course, preferred
to all the chief offices of the State, and they despised the Eng-
lish of the birth of Ireland. It appears from this very Statute
of: Kilkenny (which forbids the use of the contemptuous term),
that the newly arrived English had no better nameforthemthan
“Trish Dogg,”—insolence which the English of Ireland hurled
back by calling them ‘“‘ English hobbe” or churls.* The Irish
marked the coarser manners, the cold reserve of the English
by birth, by calling them “Buddagh Sassenach,” Saxon

* « Also . . that no difference of allegiance shall henceforth be made
between the English born in Ireland and the English born in England by
INTRODUCTION. Lxili

elowns ;* for they conceive it to be the mark of a gen-
tleman to be free and affable with inferiors and equals: clowns
are cold, they thought, but gentlemen courteous.} Thus, both
the English of the birth of Ireland and the native Ivish had rea-
son to dislike the reforms aimed at by the Statute of Kilkenny ;
but it was the English of Ireland that became the main impe-
diment to the reconquest of Ireland, and more malicious to
the Englisht—more mortal enemies than the Irish them-
selves,§ as better knowing their power and purposes.||

During the long wars in France, and afterwards during
the civil wars of the Roses, when the English, driven back
from their attempted conquests in France, turned in their lust
for land and power to rob each other, this reformation of Ire-
land was suspended. But no sooner were these wars over,
and the Government firmly established in England, which was
not until Henry VIII.’s reign, than all these projects were
renewed.

At the commencement of Henry VIII.’s reign, the regular
administration of the law was limited to the four counties ad-
jacent to the capital, called the English Pale. In these only

calling them English hobbe or Irish dog; but that all be called by one
name, the English lieges of our Lord the King.” 40th Edward III. (Irish),
c. 4. .
* Stanihurst, in Holinshed’s “ Chronicle,” vol. ii., chap. 8, p. 44.
Folio. London: 1586. ;

+ ‘Les vilains s’entretiennent ; les nobles s’embrassent.” Old French
proverb.

{ Spenser's “‘ View of Ireland.”

§ Sir J. Davies’ ‘ Discoverie.”

|| In Henry VIII.’s reign the Deputy and Council dissuade the king
from seeking to confiscate Connaught, as it was “ the fearing to be expelled
from these their possessions,” that kept M‘William [the ancestor of the
present Marquis of Clanricarde] and his ancestors so long English rebels.”
State Papers of Henry VIII. (Ireland), vol.ii., p. 309.
lxiv INTRODUCTION.

were there justices or sheriffs under the king. In the rest of
Treland no judges had held assizes for more than 200 years. No
escheators or sheriffs had levied the reliefs payable to the king
for each succession ; no fines had been paid for alienations.
The estates of all the old English settlers beyond the Pale
were for this reason alone liable to forfeiture. -

The native Irish were in a still worse case, From the days
of the first conquest, they were denied the protection and en-
joyment of the English law, with the intent that the English
should in the end root them out of their lands. Many of the
largest English proprietors were absentees, who possessed
land in both countries, and scorned to dwell in this remote and
backward island. In their absence, the Irish reoccupied their
ancient territories. During the civil war of the Roses whole
families had left Ireland for the battle fields in England, and
been swept away. The Irish repossessed themselves of the
deserted lands. But it was against the policy of England that
any Irish should ever possess any lands that had once be-
longed to an Englishman. About this period much of the
county of Kildare was thus deserted of English, and reoccu-
pied by Irish. The Parliament offered it to any English who
would come, and inhabit it ; and as an inducement, they were
to be tax-free for six years.* In like manner, in the counties
of Kilkenny and Tipperary, many of the native proprietors
had got back into their ancient lands, abandoned by the Eng-
lish. This, if not remedied, would be the destruction of these
counties, which (piously adds the Parliament) God forbid. —
For the English seem to have thought God made a mistake in
giving so fine a country as Ireland to the Irish; and for
near seven hundred years they have been trying to remedy
it. Sir James of Ormond was therefore commissioned to

* 28th Henry VI. (Irish), c. 35 (Unpublished Statutes).
INTRODUCTION. lxv

recover the lands for himself.* The Earls of Kildare subse-
quently had grants of all lands they could win from the Irish.f
The Irish were therefore never deceived as to the purpose of
the English. And though the English Pale had not been
extended for 240 years, their firm persuasion in the reign of
Henry VIII. was, that the original design was not abandoned.
‘“Trishmen be of opinion among themselves,” says Justice
Cusack, to the King, “that Englishmen will one day banish
them, and put them from their lands for ever.”{ How cor-
rectly they judged of their purposes is now evident from the
State Papers of that day. Upon the subduing of Thomas
Fitzgerald’s rebellion there is to be found project after project
for clearing Ireland of Irish to the Shannon.§ Almost all con-
cur in proposing that the country south of Dublin, within the
line of the Barrow, be inhabited exclusively by English. It
was to be a base of operations against the rest of Ireland.
Some even contemplated the entire extirpation of the Izish ;
but, luckily for the Irish, there was no precedent for it found
in the chronicle of the conquest.|| Add to this the difficulty
of finding people to reinhabit it, if suddenly unpeopled. Ac-
cordingly, the chiefs and gentlemen of the Irish only were to
be driven from their properties, and worn out in exile, while
their lands should be given to English. The towns were to

* 8th Henry VII. (Irish), c. 25. |

+ State Papers of Henry VIII. (Ireland), vol. i., p. 177.

t Ibid., vol. ii., p. 326.

§ See Cowley’s ‘ Treatise,” ibid., vol. i., pp. 323-328. Another paper
thus concludes—‘“ Consequently, the premises brought to pass, there
shall no Irishrie be on this side the water of Shennyn unprosecuted, un-
subdued, and unexiled. .... . Then shall the English Pale be well 200
Iryshe miles in length, and more.” Ibid., ib., p. 452.

|| ‘* The lande is very large, by estimation as large as Englande, so that
to enhabit the whole with new inhabiters, the number would be so great

e
lxvi INTRODUCTION.

be all cleared, their walls repaired, and rendered defensible
against the attacks of the exiled Irish.* And the projectors
of these improvements were, of course, to be rewarded by lands
thus recovered. The king, however, seems to have been satis- :
fied with confiscating the estates of the Earl of Kildare and
his family. Fierce and bloody though he was, there was some-
thing lion-like in his nature. Notwithstanding all these prompt-
ings, he left to the Irish and old English their possessions, and
seemed anxious even to secure them, but failed to do so for want
of time. Swarms, however, of English adventurers were hun-
gering and thirsting after Irish lands, and there wasno difficulty
in driving a high-spirited people, full of well-grounded suspi-
cions, into rebellion. The O’Moores and O’Connors rebelled
in Edward VI.’s reign. Their territories were formed by Philip
and Mary into the King’s and Queen’s Counties, and their
lands passed to English. The Earl of Desmond’s great terri-
tories in Munster were forfeited in Queen Elizabeth’s reign,
and were set out to companies of planters out of Devonshire,
Dorsetshire, and Somersetshire—out of Lancashire, and Che-
shire—organized for defence, and to be supported by standing
forces. Each new plantation produced fresh rebellions, from
the pride and insolence of the new planters, the cupidity of

that there is no prince christened that commodiously might spare so many
subjects to depart out of his regions... .. . But to enterprise the whole
extirpation and totall destruction of all the Irishmen of the lande, it would
be a marvaillous and sumptious charge and great difficulty, considering
both the lack of enhabitors, and the great hardness and misery these Irish-
men can endure, both of hunger, colde, and thirst and evill lodging, more
than the inhabitauntes of any other lande. And by president of the con-
quest of this lande we have not heard or redde in any cronycle that at
such conquestes the hole inhabitauntes of the landes have been utterly ex-
tirped and banished. Wherefore,” &c. Lord Deputy and Council to the
King, ibid., vol. ii., p. 176.
* Cowley’s ‘‘ Treatise,” ibid., vol. i., p. 326.
INTRODUCTION. lxvii

standers-by, and the fears and resistance of the neighbouring
Trish ; till at length, in Hugh Earl of Tyrone’s rebellion, in
1598, the most of the native Irish were engaged, and great
numbers of degenerate or rebellious English.

This rebellion was subdued in the closing hours of Queen
Elizabeth’s life; and James I. ascended the throne with the
country at his disposal.

And here, before entering on his settlement of Ireland, it
may be worth inquiring what were the crimes of the Irish to
cause the English for so many ages to treat them as alien ene-
mies, to refuse them the right to bring actions in the courts
set up by the English in Ireland, and to adhere to their
cherished scheme of depriving the nation of their lands. The
Irish gave no national resistance to the English; they had no
dynasty to set up; no common government to restore ; no
national capital to recover. They never contemplated inde-
pendence or separation. The doctrine that allegiance and pro-
tection were reciprocal was not yet established—the rights
of man not yet suspected. There was no inveterate re-
pugnance between the races; on the contrary, they were too
ready to intermarry, and the heaviest penalties could not pre-
vent these alliances. The designs of extirpation were on the
side of the English—the fears of it on the side of the Irish.
The Irish only too quickly forgave the robbery of their lands.
The Fitzgeralds and the Butlers soon became to them as much
theirnaturalleaders and captains as the O’Briens, the M‘Carthys,
and O’Neills.* No one ever questioned their titles. Sir J.
Davies has said that the Irish, after a thousand conquests,
pretended title still. This was to transfer the feelings en-

* Thus, in 1520, the Earl of Surrey urges that James Lord Butler be
sent over to Ireland, as the Earl of Ormond has gout, and cannot take the
field; ‘‘ and his men will never go forth unless they may have the said Erl,
or ellys his sonne and heire with them, to be their capitaine.” State Papers
of Henry VIIL., vol. i. (Ireland), p. 49.
Ixvill INTRODUCTION.

gendered by the Plantations of the reigns of Queen Eliza-
beth and James I. to a period when no such feelings were
known. If they had entertained them, they might easily have
expelled or massacred the English when the jurisdiction of the
English Government was limited for 200 years to the line of
the Liffey and the Boyne. No forces came from England ;
there was no standing army of English; yet the English lived
unharmed among the Irish, as secure of their castles and lands
as native Irish. Campion, Spenser, and Davies have noted
with no friendly hand the faults of the Irish ; but the murder-
ing of English landlords is not in the catalogue; on the con-
trary, their devotion to them was unbounded. Thousands
sacrificed themselves to maintain the Kildares and the Des-
monds in their right. And the love of lord and tenant was re-
ciprocal. When the Earl of Kildare and his five uncles had
been cut off by a kind of Turkish butchery,* the Ivish of
Leinster pined for the return of the heir; they longed to see
young Gerald’s banner displayed, and coveted more to see a
Geraldine reign and triumph than to see God come among
them ;f and the last Earl of Desmond declared he had rather
forsake God than forsake his men.f

Their crime was to be possessed of lands the English

* Hanged and disembowelled alive at Tyburn on 3rd of February, 1538.
‘“ Butchered to make a London holiday.”

Some or all of the uncles were guiltless of their nephew’s rebellion. But
the king was told there should never be peace and good order in Ireland
“till the bludde of the Garroldes were wholly extinct.” Lord Audley to
Thomas Cromwell, 13 Sept., 1535, “ Lives of the Earls of Kildare,” by
the Marquis of Kildare, vol. i., p. 152. For details of the punishment
for treason, see post, p. 106, n.

+ State Papers of Henry VIII. (Ireland), vol. ii., p. 147. /

} Carleton (Bishop of Chichester), ‘‘ Thankful Remembrance of God’s
Mercy to the Church of England,” p. 48. 4to, London: 1624,
INTRODUCTION. lxix

coveted. Moreover, the English could not endure that the
Irish should enjoy their lands in a freer manner than them-
selves ; and the Irish could not submit to give them up, or to
change their free and independent title into feudal tenure.
The English planted in Ireland soon learned to prefer Irish
freedom to feudal thraldom. This became a fresh crime in
the Irish—they corrupted the English, and both became
odious, and the lands of each were to be confiscated.

James I. ascended the throne at the very hour of Hugh
O'Neill Earl of Tyrone’s submission. The country was aruin,
from the devastations of ‘the fifteen years’ war.” He recog-
nised the insecurity of the properties of the Irish as the capi-
tal error of all the former governments, from the days of the
Conquest. He saw also how largely the fears of the dege-
nerate English for their estates, held under defective title, had
contributed to the disturbance of Ireland. His first act was
to proclaim a general oblivion and indemnity. He restored
the Earl of Tyrone to his estates; he promised the Irish that
they should thenceforth hold their lands as English freeholds,
instead of under the law of tanistry, and assured the degene-
rate English that their estates should be confirmed to them
for the future against the claims of discoverers, on easy terms
of composition. By these measures the perpetual war which
had continued between the nations “ for four hundred and odd
years,” and was caused, says Sir John Davies, by the purpose
entertained by the English “to roote out” the Irish, was to be
brought to an end. But before many years were passed these
first good resolutions were abandoned. The right of the Irish
to their lands was derided, and we find Sir John himself sharing
in the spoil.* In the mean time the king’s design with re-

* Tn the Plantation of Ulster he got, in the county of Fermanagh,
1300 acres; in the county of Tyrone, 2000 acres; in the county of Ar-
magh, 500 acres. Pynnar’s “‘ Survey of Ulster by Commission under the
lxx INTRODUCTION.

gard to the Irish was to restore to the chiefs and principal
gentlemen such demesnes as they kept in their own occupa-
tion, to hold as tenants by knight’s service under the king;
and to fix the inferior members of the clan, hitherto living
the wandering life of the creaghts, in settled villages, paying
certain money rents to their lords, instead of their former un-
certain spendings,—the object being to break up the clan
system, and to destroy the power of the chiefs.

This plan seems to have been matured by the summer of
1607. On the 17th of July in that year, Sir Arthur Chiches-
ter, Lord Deputy, accompanied by Sir John Davies and
other commissioners, proceeded to Ulster, with powers to in-
quire what lands each man held. There. appeared before
them in each county which they visited the chief lords and
Irish gentlemen, the heads ofcreaghts, and the common people,
the Brehons and Shannahs, a kind of Irish heralds or chro-
niclers, who knew all the septs and families, and took upon
themselves to tell what quantity of land every man ought to
have; they thus ascertained and booked their several lands,
and the Lord Deputy promised them estates inthem.* ‘He
thus,” says Sir John Davies, ‘“‘ made it a year of jubilee to the
poor inhabitants, because every man was to return to his own
house, and be restored to his ancient possessions, and they all
went home rejoicing.”

Notwithstanding these promises, the king, in the following
year issued his scheme for the Plantation of Ulster, urged to
it, it would seem, by Sir Arthur Chichester, who so largely
profited by it, though the highest councillor in the kingdom

Great Seal of Treland, A. D. 1618-1619.” Harvis’s ‘‘ Hibernica,” 8vo,
Dublin, 1717, p. 181.

* Letter of Sir John Davies to the Earl of Salisbury, A. D. 1607.
‘* Historical Tracts,” by Sir John Davies, 8vo, Dublin, 1787, p. 258.

+ Ibid., ib., p. 238.
INTRODUCTION. lxxi

told him to his face in the king’s presence that it was against
the honour of the king and the justice of the kingdom.* It
could not be said that the flight of O’Neill andO’Donnell, Earls
of Tyrone and Tyrconnell, gave occasion to this change; for
the king immediately issued a proclamation} (which he re-
newed on taking formal possession of the Earls’ territories), t
assuring the inhabitants that they should be protected and
preserved in their estates, notwithstanding the flight of the
Earls: nor the outbreak of Sir Cahir O’Doherty in the month
of May, 1608, as it was confined to the neighbourhood of Lon-
donderry, which he attacked, killing the governor, who had
dared to strike him. The truth would seem to be, that the
English, with their feudal prejudices, regard the land in a
higher light than man, and consider the improvement of the
country to consist in better tilled fields and straightened fences,
and not in the happiness of the countrymen ; the more espe-
cially as they assume that the Irish cannot effect these works,
and that the lands must accordingly be assigned to themselves,
careful not to remember that the energies of the Irish are de-
stroyed by their sense of impending exile. Manors of 1000,
1500, and 3000 acres were offered by this project to stich
English and Scottish as should undertake to plant their lots
with British Protestants, and engage to allow no Irish to dwell
upon them. For the security of the Plantation, all Irish who
had been in arms were to be transplanted with their families,
cattle, and followers, to waste places in Munster and Con-
naught, and there set down at a distance from one another ;

* “ Analecta Sacra, Nova et Mira de Rebus Catholicorum in Hibernia
pro Fide et Religione Gestis. Collectore et Relatore T. N. Philadelpho-
Colonie,” 1617, 12mo, p. 239.

+ Dated Rathfarnham, 7th Sept., fifth James I. ‘“ Printed Calendar
of Patent Rolls of James I.,” p. 419.

{ Dated 9th November of same year. Ib., p. 420.
lxxii INTRODUCTION.

while those who should be suffered to remain were to remove
from the lands allotted to the planters, to places where they
could be under the eye of the Government officers.

The Irish gentlemen who did not forfeit their estates re-
ceived proportions (intended ‘> be three-fourths of their
former lands, but often only one-half or one-third, as the
English “were their own carvers”), as immediate tenants of
the king. Their lands were liable to forfeiture if the chief
took from any of his former clansmen any of his ancient cus-
tomary exactions of victuals ; ifhe went coshering on them as
of old; if he used gavelkind, or took the name of the great O,
whether O’Neill or O’Donnell, O’Carroll or O’Connor. On his
death, his youthful heir was made ward to a Protestant, to be
brought up in Trinity College, Dublin, from his twelfth to his
eighteenth year in English habits and religion, —often after this
enforced conformity, all the more embittered, like Sir Phelim
O'Neill, against English religion. The wandering creaghts
were now to become his tenants at fixed money rents. He
covenanted that they should build and dwell in villages, and
live on allotted portions of land, ‘‘to them as grievous as to
be made bond slaves.” Unable to keep their cattle on the
small portions of land assigned to them, instead of ranging
at large, they sold away both corn and cattle.* Unused to
money rents, though of victuals they formerly made small
account because of their plenty, they were unable to pay
their rents; and their lords finding it impossible to exact them,
and being thus deprived of their living, numbers of them
fled to Spain. Similar Plantations followed in Leitrim, Long-
ford, King’s County, and Wexford, except that in some (as
in Leitrim) one-half of the lands of the Irish were seized.

* Letter of Sir Arthur Chichester to the King, 30th October, 1610.
Sir Henry Ellis’s “ Original Letters.” Third series.
INTRODUCTION, Ixxili

Ifthe fair promises of James I. were of no value to the
native Irish, his commission to secure the defective titles
of the English availed them but little more. Notwithstanding
large sums paid during his reign, as compositions to obtain
perfect titles, Discoverers with eagle eyes (to use the language
of a Committee of the House of Commons of Ireland to Lord
Strafford, in 1634), piercing into the grants made to them
under this commission, took advantage of the errors of the
persons employed in passing of patents and estates from the
Crown, and disheartened them from making their possessions
beautiful or profitable.* And King Charles I., occupied in
devising means to raise moneys without the aid of Parliament,
connived at the Earl’s proceedings in the confiscation of the
estates of the old English of Connaught, though they had
bought off the claim of the Crown, three hundred years old, de-
rived through the De Burgos, whose daughter and heir Lionel,
son of Edward III., had married. Lord Strafford found flaws
in the execution of the previous commissions, and got the
king’s title found. More unscrupulous than James I., who
took one-fourth from the native Irish, Strafford resolved to
take one-half of the lands of the old English of Connaught,
with the intention of founding there ‘a noble English Planta-
tion.”f And when Lord Holland, in the Privy Council in
England, declared that taking so much might induce them to
call the Irish regiments out of Flanders, Lord Strafford an-
swered that if taking one-half should move that country to

* « Strafford’s Letters,” vol. i. p. 310. For a good account of the
various technical errors for which the Patents were declared to be void,
see “ Fiction Unmasked,” by Walter Harris, Esq., 12mo, Dublin, 1752,
pp- 60-83.

+ Sir Richard Cox, Secretary to King William III., and afterwards
Chancellor of Ireland, in his “Hibernia Anglicana,” vol. ii., p. 56.
Folio. London: 1690, ‘
Ixxiv INTRODUCTION.

rebellion, the taking one-third or one-fourth would hardly
insure the Crown their allegiance ; and if they were so rotten
and unsound at heart, wisdom would counsel to weaken them,
and line them thoroughly with Protestants as guards upon
them.*

His despotic proceeding in the confiscation of Connaught
was made one of the grounds of his impeachment ; but the
managers for the Parliament abandoned it.t It had served
its purpose by swelling the train of the Earl’s accusers ; and,
in their Declaration concerning the Rise and Progress of the
Irish Rebellion, the Commons of England made it a ground of
complaint against the king that he had allowed the Connaught
proprietors to compound with him for their estates.t

* “Strafford’s Letters,” vol. ii., p. 33.
+ Rushworth’s “ Historical Collections,” vol. viii., p. 717.
t Ibid., vol. v., pp. 346-7.

OBSERVE.

The signs, 4, > ~ &e., &c., so frequently used in the foot
notes to the following work, refer to the series of books of the Lord
Deputy and Council, otherwise called ‘‘ The Commissioners of the
Parliament of the Commonwealth of England for the Affairs of
Ireland,”’ preserved in the Record Tower, Dublin Castle, as
described at page xx of the Preface.
THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

oF

IRELAND.

PART I.

CIRCUMSTANCES IMMEDIATELY LEADING TO THE
CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT OF IRELAND.

THE GREAT IRISH REBELLION OF 23RD OCTOBER, 1641.

THE forty years between the defeat of the Irish at Kinsale, on
the 2nd January, 1601-2, and the great War or Rebellion
which broke out on the 23rd October, 1641, have been repre-
sented as the period of the greatest peace, improvement, and
prosperity known in Ireland since the days of the first invasion.
And so it was in one sense ; but in another the period of the
greatest misery. The land wasimproved. Castles and bawns
sprang up among new formed fields. The planters, happy and
energetic, thought all the world was happy too. Under the
labours of about twenty years, their lands began to smile.
Little they thought or cared how the ancient owner, dispos-
sessed of his lands, must grieve as he turned from the sight of
the prosperous stranger to his pining family; daughters with-
out prospect of preferment in marriage ; sons, without fit com-
anions, walking up and down the country with their horses
and greyhounds, coshering on the Irish, drinking and gaming,
, B
2 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

and ready for any rebellion ;* most of his high-born friends
wandering in poverty in France or Spain, or enlisted in their
armies. There was prosperity, but it was among the supplant-
ing strangers—misery among the displanted and transplanted
Irish. There was peace, but it was the peace of despair, be-
cause there remained no hope except in arms, and their arms
were taken from them.

The case was little better among the old English gentry of
Leinster, Munster, and Connaught, once possessed of the finest
lands, and all the power and privileges ofthe kingdom. They
were now supplanted in all the offices of'state by the later in-
vaders of Queen Elizabeth’s, and James the First’s, and Charles
the First’s reigns, all Protestants. The towns, always hitherto
the sure defence of the English power, were equally unhappy
in this prosperous time. The seaport towns were built by the
Danes, the inland ones raised and walled under charters from
the kings of England or of feudal lords. They were so strictly
English, that no Irish could originally by law dwell in them.
They were considered by Sir Henry Sydney the Queen’s un-
paid garrisons, which had ever stood staunch in all wars as well
of English rebels as of Irish enemies. The ancient burgher
families were now supplanted by English Protestants in the
office of mayors, sheriffs, and recorders ; and where these

* Act of 10th and 11th Charles I., chap. 16 [Irish], a. p. 1636, ‘‘ For the
Suppression of Cosherers and idle Wanderers.” It speaks of ‘‘ the many
young gentlemen of this kingdom that have little or nothing to live on of
their own. . . . but live coshering on the country and sessing themselves
and their followers, their horses and their greyhounds, sometimes exacting
money to spare them and their tenants, and to go elsewhere for their
eeaught and adraugh, viz., supper and breakefaste . . . . being commonly
active young men, and such as seek to have many followers. ..... apt
upon the least occasion of insurrection or disturbance . . . . to be heads
and leaders of outlaws and rebels, and in the meantime do support their
excessivedrinking and gaming by several stealths.”
OF IRELAND. 3

could not be had, and Roman Catholics took the offices, the
members of the corporation were summoned before the Lord
Deputy, and fined £100 each, and imprisoned, for not taking
the oath of supremacy when tendered to them.* Churchwar-
dens enumerated in lists the Irish of every parish that did not
attend the English service, and these were tendered to grand
Juries at sessions of the peace and.assizes to be presented for
fines. If the old English or Irish grand jurors outnumbered
the new English, there were no presentments made; for they
made it a matter of conscience not to be accessory to fining
their fellow-worshippers for an act of duty. They were then
all “‘ censured” by the Court of Castle Chamber by heavy fines,
and put in prison, till at times the jails were choked with
them.f

Suddenly, on the night of the 23rd of October, 1641, the
Irish of Ulster, under the leading of Sir Phelim O’Neil, rose in
insurrection, seized the forts of Charlemont and Mountjoy, and
all the places of strength in the North except Derry and Car-
rickfergus, made prisoners of some of the planters, and caused
the rest to fly towards Derry or Dublin. The planters were
like criminals seized with the goods in their possession: the
owners had come to claim their properties. So terrified were
they, that for the first three days and nights no cock was heard.
[by them] to crow, no dog to bark, nay, not even when the
rebels came in great multitudes.} The English power was

* P. 325, ‘ Analecta de Rebus Catholicis in Hibernia” (Collections re-
lating to Catholic affairs in Ireland), 12mo. Dublin: 1617.

ft “Last Michaelmas term the jurors who were imprisoned for refusing
to find verdict against their fellow Catholics were packed in jail like her-
rings in a barrel; their fines reached to £16,000, which, instead of going
to the poor ofthe parishes, went to private favourites.” Ibid., p. 49. Those
of the county of Cavan alone were fined £8000. Ibid., p. 59. ,

{ Deposition of the Rev. Dr. Maxwell, Rector of Tynan, in the county
of Armagh. Borlase’s ‘‘ History of the Execrable Irish Rebellion,” p.

418.
B2
4 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

overthrown in three-fourths of Ireland in a night ; and before
Christmas, 1641, they only held Londonderry, Carrickfergus,
and Drogheda, in the North ; and Cork, Youghal, Kinsale, and
Bandon, in the South. Though the Ivish were at first a popu-
lar rout of unarmed clowns, the English durst scarce peep out
of the gates of their great garrisons of Dublin and Drogheda.*
__ It was not until the month of February, 1642, that Lord
Ormond marched out of Dublin with a large force, to relieve
the gentlemen in the neighbourhood of the capital confined to
their castles. It has been represented that there was a general
massacre, surpassing the horrors of the Sicilian Vespers, the
Parisian Nuptials, and Matins of the Valtelline, but nothing
is more false. The English, whose conscience made them
expect such retribution, had often foretold this outburst of
injured and outraged humanity. They themselves massacred
the Danes ; but the Ivish, to use the words of an old divine, have
ever lacked gall to supply a wholesome animosity to the eternal
enemies and revilers of their name and nation.| They were
content to recover their ancient lands. While these designs,
therefore, were freely attributed to them, their very accusers

* P. 11, “ Queries propounded by the Protestant Party concerning the
Peace now treated of in Ireland, and the Answers thereto made on behalf
of the Irish Nation.” 4to. Paris: 1644.

+“ Six hundred years ago we found the native Irish murdering and pil-
laging, burning towns, carrying off heiresses and wives, too ; and it cannot
be said that the leaven is quite out of them yet. A hundred years, more
or less, are a trifle in the cure of so deep a disease... .. So long as there
are ——s [naming the latest sacrifice on the scaffold to the maintenance
of the unendurable feudal land monopoly], there will be stout Saxons,
who, by fair means or by foul, will carry the day, or send them to work
and be honest across the ocean. We wish, of course, the animal could
be tamed [i. e., reduced to the serfish condition of the rural population
of England], and kept at home; but it is no use wishing when a whole race
has an innate taste for conspiracy and manslaughter.”—‘‘ Times,” 10th
May, 1859.
OF IRELAND. 5

furnish proof of the falseness of the charge; for they show
that, when they had the opportunity to effect their alleged
purpose, they let their enemies go. Contemporaneous ac-
counts, especially those that give results against the bias of
the writers, are mostly the true ones. All these prove there
was no massacre. Thus, a minister of God’s Word, writing in
December, 1641, with the express object of rousing the in-
dignation of the English by an account of the atrocities done
by the Irish, in order to draw forth charitable aid to their
victims, says, ‘It was the intention of the Irish to massacre all
the English. On Saturday they were to disarm them; on
Sunday, to seize all their cattle and goods; on Monday, at
the watchword ‘Skeane,’ they were to cut all the English
throats. The former they executed; the third only [that is,
the massacre] they failed in.”* :

Against such intentions, provided only they were true,
there could of course be no cruelty too great. Accordingly,
the English of Dublin petitioned the Parliament of England,
in December, 1641, that the towns should be cleared of Irish
and forfeited, and given to English ; that all the cows, cattle,
and provisions of the country should be brought into them, or
driven under their guns, out of reach of the Irish, to starve

“ The Lion of St. Jarlath’s ... surveys with an envious eye ... the
Irish exodus, .. . and sighs over the departing demons of assassination and
murder... So complete is the rush of departing marauders, whose lives
were profitably occupied in shooting Protestants from behind a hedge, that
silence reigns over the vast solitude of Ireland.... Just as... civiliza-
tion gradually supersedes the wilder and fiercer creatures by men and
cities, so decivilization, such as is going on in Ireland, wipes out mankind
to make room for oxen.” —“ Saturday Review,” Nov. 28th, 1863.

* « A Brief Declaration of the Barbarous and Inhuman Dealings of the
Northern Irish Rebels ...; written to excite the English Nation to relieve
our poor Wives and Children that have escaped the Rebels’ savage Cruel-
tie... By G.S., Minister of God’s Word, in Ireland.” Small 4to, Lon-
don: 1641.
6 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

them; and pardon and reward offered to any rebel that should
bring in the head of his fellow-rebel, and promotion to respect
and honour for the head ofa chief ringleader, provided the
traitor would turn Protestant.*

That the massacre rested hitherto in intention only is fur-
ther evident from the proclamation of the Lords Justices of
the 8th of February, 1642; for, while offering large sums for
the heads of the chief Northern gentlemen in arms (Sir
Phelim O’Neil’s name heading the list, with a thousand
pounds), the Lords Justices state that the massacre had failed.
Many thousands had been robbed and spoiled, dispossessed
of house and lands, many murdered on the spot; but the chief
part of their plots (so the proclamation states), and amongst
them a universal massacre, had been disappointed.

But after Lord Ormond and Sir Simon Harcourt, with the
English forces, in the month of April, 1642, had burned the
houses of the gentry in the Pale,t and committed slaughters
of unarmed men,§ and that the Scotch forces, in the same
month, after beating off Sir Phelim O’Neil’s army at Newry,

* « Remonstrance from Ireland to the High Court of Parliament in
England for the speedy oppression of the Rebels without cost, and the
probable way of moving the Rebels to submit themselves, and to cut one
another’s own Throats, and to bring in the Heads of the chief Actors,
thereby to get their pardon. Presented by a Member of the House of
Commons in Ireland.” Small 4to. First printed at Dublin. Reprinted at
London: 1641.

{ The proclamation is given at length in Borlase’s ‘ History of the
Execrable Trish Rebellion.”

$ Page 117, ‘‘ The humble Protestation of the Catholics of the English
Pale of Ireland against a Proclamation dated 8th February, 1641-2.”—
‘‘Desiderata Curiosa Hibernica, or Select State Papers,” &c. Dublin:
1772.

§ “A full Relation of the good Success of Lord Ormond and his Army,
from their going out of Dublin on 2nd April, 1642, till the 17th of the
same, when they returned thither again.” Small 4to. London: 1642.
OF IRELAND, qT

drowned and shot men, women, and priests, in that town, who
had surrendered on condition of mercy,* then it was that some
of Sir Phelim O’Neil’s wild followers, in revenge, and in fear
of the advancing army, massacred their prisoners in some of
the towns in Tyrone. The subsequent cruelties were not
on one side only, and were magnified to render the Irish de-
testable, so as to make it impossible for the king to seek their
aid without ruining his cause utterly in England. The story
of the massacre, invented to serve the politics ofthe hour, has
been since kept up for the purposes of interest, No inven-
tions could be too monstrous that served to strengthen the
possession of Irish confiscated lands.

The truth seems to be, that the English were to the full as
bloody as the Irish ; but, as regarded the acts of the English,
law,t which is nothing but the will of the strongest, made
killing no murder. Incited by those who hungered after Irish
estates, and therefore determined to render them desperate,

* Monday, May 5th, [1642] :—The common soldiers, without direc-
tion from the general-major, took some eighteen of the Irish women of
the town [Newry], and stript them naked, and threw them into the river,
and drowned them, shooting some in the water. More had suffered so, but
that some ofthe common soldiers were made examples of”. . .—‘‘ A True
Relation of the Proceedings of the Scots and English Forces in the North,
of Ireland.” 4to. London: 1642.

“Mr. Griffin, Mr. Bartly, Mr. Starkey, all of Ardmagh, and murdered
by these bloudsuckers on the sixt of May. For, about the fourth of May,
as I take it, we put neare fourty of them to death upon the bridge of the
Newry, amongst which were two of the Pope’s pedlers, two seminary
priests, in return of which they slaughtered many prisoners in their cus-
tody.”—“ The Levite’s Lamentation,” pp. 13, 14.

+ “ Amongst acts some produce great evils. The Strongest wished to
arrest the course of acts prejudicial [to themselves], and for that reason
turned those acts into crimes. The will of the strongest, clothed with out-
ward forms, received the name of law.”—“ Bentham’s Principles of Morals
and Legislation,” edited by Dumont, vol.i., p. 153.
8 » THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

and drive all into rebellion, they proclaimed all of them
rebels,—old English of the Pale as well as the ancient natives;
confiscated in advance 2,500,000 acres of their lands ; invented
crimes for them, thereby maddening the people of England,
until extermination was preached for gospel, and the sparing
of any of them was declared a crime. So that when the Bishop
of Meath, in a sermon in Christ Church, Dublin, in 1642,
pleaded for mercy for women and children, an English officer,
publicly by print in London, justified his quitting the army of
Ireland, inasmuch as the plea was made by the bishop in the
presence of the Lords Justices, and not reproved, and they
must, therefore, be traitors to the English interest.*

The Puritans heard of the Irish rebellion with feelings of
great anger; for it gave the king an opportunity to demand
fresh forces to be employed into Ireland, which he might turn
against the Parliament, when he had subdued or made a treaty
with the Irish. The king was already suspected of such a
design. One of the charges against the Earl of Strafford, who
had been impeached the previous year, was that he purposed
to bring an army from Ireland to England ; and it was believed
that his brother only spoke the Earl’s sentiments when he said
that the English nation would never be well till they were
conquered overagain.f They had also knowledge of the king’s
design to supersede Borlase and Parsons, the Lords Justices,
who were in the interest of the Parliament, by. Lord Ormond;
and then Lord Ormond having command of the army, and a

*% An Apology made by an English Officer of Quality for leaving the
Trish Wars, declaring the design now on foot to reconcile the Irish and
English, and expelling the Scotch, to bring their Popish Forces against the
Parliament.”

+ Trial of the Earl of Strafford, ‘“ Rushworth’s Collections,” vol. viii.,
pp. 725, 728; and “ Declaration of the Commons of 25th July, 1648,
concerning the Rise and Progress of the Rebellion in Ireland.” Ibid., vol. v.,
p- 353,
OF IRELAND. 9

majority in the Parliament of Ireland, formed by a junction of
the Protestant Royalist gentry with the old English gentry of
Ireland, all Catholic and Royalist, the king could raise taxes
there, dissolve the Parliament of England, and use all his pre-
rogative uncontrolled against the English Puritans.

It was this secret coming to the knowledge of Sir Phelim
O’Neil that induced him to rise with the native Irish, that they
might anticipate the other parties, and have the credit of
greater zeal for the king.* But the Parliament defeated the
king’s design : unwilling to trust him with an army for Ireland,
or with the funds to pay it, they offered 2,500,000 acres of
Irish lands to be forfeited, as security to those who should
advance moneys towards raising and paying a private army for
subduing the rebels in Ireland. The moneys, instead of being
paid into the king’s exchequer, were to be paid to a com-
mittee, composed half of members of the House of Commons,
and half of subscribers to this joint fund, who were to nominate
the general and the officers, the king having nothing to say
to the force but to sign the officers’ commissions. All the Irish

* Pp. 22, “ Case of Ireland Stated,” by Hugh Reilly. The Marchioness
of Antrim [Lady Catherine Manners, heiress of Rutland, and widow of G.
Villiers, first Duke of Buckingham] said that Lord Ormond hated her hus-
band, believing he had blabbed the plot to Sir Phelim O'Neil. Ibid., p. 23.

+‘' Petition of divers well affected to the House of Commons, offering to
raise and maintain forces on their own charge against the rebels of Ireland,
and afterwards to receive their recompense out of the rebells estates,” Feb.
11, 1642, p. 553, 4th Rushworth’s Collections ; Act for the speedy re-
ducing of the rebels in Ireland, 16 Charles I. [English], c. 33.

“ The adventurers, with their moneys raised under the Act, were to have
carried over a brigade of 5000 foot and 500 horse into Munster against the
rebels, which business they were to have carried on by officers chosen by
themselves, whereby they had the oversight of that business, and laying out
their own money for the best advantage of the service.”—Reasons of the
Committee of Adventurers for refusing to lend moneys on the Ordinance
of 15th August, 1645.
10 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

saw that this army of adventurers were coming, like the first
invaders under Strongbow, to conquer estates for themselves
and their employers, and therefore could not but oppose them
for the sake of their wives and children, who must be deprived
of their homes. They must therefore fight against England,
thus represented, and the king be deprived of their aid. The
king objected to the Act: it took away from him the power
of pardoning the Irish, and he suggested that it must only
render them desperate, which in truth was the very purpose of
the Parliament, but he dared not refuse his assent.* The
measure was received in England as a triumph over the king
and the Irish. The subscribers, or adventurers as they were
called, were to have estates and manors of 1000 acres given
to them in Ireland at the following low rates:—In Ulster for
£200, in Connaught for £300, in Munster for £450, and in
Leinster for £600, and lands proportionably for less sums. The
rates by the acre were four shillings in Ulster, six shillings
in Connaught, eight shillings in Munster, and twelve shillings
in Leinster.

If this plan were carried out, it was to put an end for ever,
according to Sir John Bulstrode Whitelock, the Speaker of
the House of Commons, to that long and bloody conflict fore-
told (with so much truth) by Giraldus Cambrensis.t According
to another, it would bring in such sums of money (which are
the sinews of war) as would bring the war to a speedy end;
the more certainly as many of the officers of the force would
themselves become adventurers, and thus, in the language of
Tacitus describing the soldiers of Catiline, they would carry
fortune, honour, glory, and riches at their swords’ points. The
work of Queen Elizabeth and James the First, it was said,

* P. 557, ibid.

+ “Speech at a Conference between the Lords and Commons on 13th
February, 1641-2, concerning the Proposition of divers Gentlemen, &c.,
for the speedy Reducing,” &c. Small 4to. London : 1642.
OF IRELAND, 11

would now be perfected. The Irish would be rooted out by
a new and overwhelming plantation of English: another Eng-
land would speedily be found in Ireland, and that prophecy
be proved false that Ireland will not be reformed till the day
of judgment.*

The adventurers had their private army of 5000 foot and
500 horse at Bristol, under the orders of Lord Wharton, ready
for the invasion of Munster, in the summer of 1642. But the
conflict between the king and Parliament growing embittered,
he delayed the giving the commissions for the officers ;+ and
the civil war having broken out, the Parliament directed
Lord Wharton and his force to march against the king ; and
on the 23rd October, 1642 (the first anniversary of the Irish
rebellion), they were defeated at the battle of Edge Hill, with
the rest of the English rebels. The adventurers, finding that
the funds they had raised to conquer lands in Ireland were
thus misused by the Parliament, it was difficult to obtain
further subscriptions, though the measure of land was enlarged
to the Irish standard, and afterwards doubled for any adven-
turer that would pay in a sum equal to a fourth of his original
subscription. But the conflict in England prevented any forces
from coming thence for seven years. It was not until they
had put a conclusion to their strife by cutting off the king’s
head and dethroning the dynasty, that Cromwell, as Lord Lieu-
tenant of Ireland, and general-in-chief of the Commonwealth
armies, landed at Ringsend, near Dublin, on the 14th August,
1649, in order to carry on the war in Ireland. He remained

* « Fidelity, Valour, and Obedience, of the English declared by way of
Pacification of His Majesty, and a desire of reunion between His Majesty
and the Parliament, as also, that the present forces now ready to bicker
here in England, may be turned against the barbarous Irish rebels. By
Walter Meredith, Gent.” Small 4to. London : 1642.

+ 4th “Rushworth’s Collections,” p. 776.
12 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

here for nearly nine months, being called back to England on
the 29th May, 1650, just after the capture of Clonmel.

The war lasted more than two years longer ; for it was not
until the 27th September, 1653, that the Parliament were
enabled to declare the rebellion subdued, and the war ap-
peased and ended.*

THE DIFFICULTIES OF THE IRISH WAR, AND THE TERMS OFFERED TO
THE IRISH.

The immediate cause of the settlement of the soldiery in
Ireland was the waste caused by the war, and the difficulty the
government were in about satisfying them their large arrears,
or finding them current pay.

Spenser has described the English method of war in Ire-
land. He was an eye-witness of the measures pursued by his
master and patron, Lord Grey de Wilton, to subdue Munster,
in 1580. By this method a most populous and plentiful coun-
try, he says, was suddenly left void of man and beast, so that
(to use the language of the Irish annalists) the lowing of a
cow nor the voice of a herdsman was not heard from Dunquin,
in Kerry, to Cashel, in Munster.t It consisted in so placing
garrisons as to confine the Irish to some narrow fastnesses.
The English then destroyed the cattle and growing crops in
the neighbourhood, and removed away or spoiled all those
that bordered on those parts, that the enemy might find no
succour; and the Irish being closely penned up, and their
cattle prevented from running abroad, they were soon con-
sumed and the people starved.{ ‘In one year and a half,” says

* “ Ordinance for the Satisfaction of the Adventurers for Lands in Ire-
land, and the Arrears due to the Soldiery there, 27th September, 1653.”—
Scobell, “ Acts and Ordinances.”

+ “Annals of the Four Masters,” at the year 1582.

t ‘* View of the State of Ireland, written dialoguewise between Eudoxus
and Ireneus, by Edmund Spenser, Esq., in the Year 1596,” p. 526, vol. i.
OF IRELAND. 13

Spenser, ‘‘they were brought to such wretchedness, as any stony
heart would have rued the sight. Out of every corner of the
woods and glynns they came forth on their hands, for their legs
could not bear them,—they looked like anatomies of death,
and spoke like ghosts crying out of the grave; they flocked
to a plot of water-cresses as to a feast, though it afforded
them small nourishment, and ate dead carrion, happy when they
could find it, and soon after scraped the very carcases out of
the graves.”* Yet this gentle poet only describes this war-
fare, and all its horrors, in order to recommend it for adop-
tion by the Earl of Essex in the war then on foot against
Hugh O’Neil, Earl of Tyrone. And though Essex did not
carry out this ruthless plan, Lord Mountjoy, who superseded
him, did, burning the houses and destroying the corn and
cattle, till the dead lay unburied in the fields in thousands.f
Carrion and corpses became the food of the survivors; and,

more horrible still, children were killed and eaten, and the
poor wretches who killed them were tried and hanged for it
by those that drove them to such horrors.”} Archbishop
Ussher, who was ordained on the very day that Tyrone’s war was
ended by the defeat of the Irish and Spaniards at Kinsale, and
therefore speaks of what was within his own knowledge, re-
lates how women were known to lie in wait, and to rush out,
like famished wolves, upon a rider, to drag him from his
saddle and to seize and devour the horse.§ The war in Ire-

of “ Collection of Tracts and Treatises illustrative of Ireland.” 2 vols. 8vo.
Alexander Thom. Dublin: 1860.

* Ibid., id

+ Fynes Morison’s “ Itinerary ;” and ‘‘ The History of Hugh O'Neil,
Earl of Tyrone’s, Rebellion, and its Suppression,” p. 237. Folio. London :
1617. ,

$ Idem, p. 271.

§ ‘ Life of Primate Ussher, by Dean Barnard,” p. 67. 12mo. London:
1656.
14 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

land in 1650 was of the same nature; but the resistance was
more general; for the ancient English, and all the towns, who
were upon the Queen’s side in Tyrone’s, and all former wars,
were now united with the Irish, The process consequently
was longer, because the English forces were comparatively
fewer: the methods were the same. It may seem strange
to hear counted as military weapons issued from the store at
Waterford, among swords, pikes, powder, shot, bandaliers
and match, ‘“ eighteen dozen of scythes with handles and rings,
forty reape hooks, and whetstones and rubstones propor-
tional ;"* but with these the soldiers cut down the growing
crop, in order to starve the Irish into submission.f

Not less strange is it to hear of the Bible being served out
of store, with their other ammunition, to the army; yet they
had no bloodier implement in all their arsenal of war.t

On the lst January, 1651-2, the Parliament (so the Commis-
sioners report) had in Ireland an army of 30,000 men, but they
had 350 garrisons and military posts to maintain, and 100 more
to plant; while the Irish had an equal number of men, all of

* 4, p. 281.

+ ‘ Dublin, Ist July, 1650.—Last Monday, Colonel Hewson, with a
considerable body from hence, marched into Wicklow. Colonel Hewson
doth now intend to make use of scythes and sickles that were sent over in
1649, with which they intend to cut down the corn growing in those parts
which the enemy is to live upon in the winter time, and thereby, for want
of bread and cattle, the Tories may be left destitute of provisions, and so
forced to submit and quit those places.—Dublin, 1st July, 1651.”—Letter
of the Commissioners for Ireland to the Parliament, ea p- 7.

t ‘Dublin, 38rd August, 1652.—Ordered, that the Governor of Dublin
do give warrant to the commissary of the stores in Dublin to issue the Bibles
now in the stores to the several companies of foote and troopes of horse within
the said precinct of Dublin according to muster, that ts to say, one Bible
to every file ; and that the several commissaries of the musters within the
said precinct have order every muster to sce the said Bibles accounted for
by the officer so commanding the said troope or company ; and when they
find the said Bibles to be wanting upon musters as aforesaid, to certify the
OF IRELAND. 15

them, except those in their towns and garrisons in Connaught,
_ in woods, bogs, and other fastnesses of the greatest advantage
to them, arid from which there was no dislodging them. They
describe the country as almost everywhere interlaced with
great bogs, with firm woody grounds like islands in the middle,
approached by a narrow pass where only one horse could go
abreast, easily broken up, so as no horse could attack them ;
but in and out the Irish could pass over the wet and quak-
ing bog by ways known only to themselves, whereby they
could attack or escape at pleasure. To place garrisons near
their fastnesses, to lay waste the adjacent country, allowing
none to inhabit there on pain of death, was the course taken to
subdue the Irish.* The consequence was, that the country
was reduced to a howling wilderness. Three-fourths of the
stock of cattle were destroyed. In 1653, cattle had to be im-
ported from Wales into Dublin ;f it required a license to kill
lamb ;{ tillage had ceased: the English themselves were
near starving. Soldiers and officers were encouraged, there-

same to the governor and commissioners of the revenue in the respective
precincts, that defalcation may be made of the said troopes or companys
pay for such Bibles as are wanting.” = p. 294.

“ Drogheda, 17th August, 1652.—You are desired forthwith to deliver
out of the stores under your charge one hundred Bibles unto Mr. Robert
Clarke, or whom he shall appoint to receive the same, to be by him dis-
posed of for the use of the forces and others as may bee for the propagation
of the Gospell within the precinct of Galway as hee shall see cause.

‘To the storekeeper at Limerick or Galway.” 4, p- 304.

* “ Some particulars humbly offered to consideration, in order to the
breaking of the enemy’s strength, and lessening the charge of England in
managing the affairs of Ireland. Commissioners for Ireland to the Coun-
cil of State in England, dated 1 January, 1652.” 4, p- 288.

+ Petty’s “ Political Anatomy of Ireland,” 1672, vol. ii., p. 26, ‘‘ Tracts
and Treatises on Ireland.” Alexander Thom, Dublin: 1860.

t ‘‘ Upon the petition of Mrs. Alice Bulkeley, widow, and consideration
had of her ould age and weakness of body: It is thought fitt and ordered
16 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

fore to till the lands round their posts ;* and such of the Irish
not in arms as would come down from their fastnesses and raise
crops within the line of a garrison, until the Parliament of Eng-
land should declare their intentions towards the Irish nation,
were promised the benefit of their crop.{ The revenue from
all sources, even in 1654, did not amount to £200,000 (exact,
£198,000). The cost of the army exceeded £500,000.t It
became important, therefore, to come to some terms with the
Irish. The Commissioners for Ireland reported that the natives
were of opinion that the Parliament intended them no mercy.
At length, on12th May, 1652, the Leinster army of the Irish sur-
rendered on terms signed at Kilkenny,§ which were adopted
successively by the other principal armies between that time
and the September following, when the Ulster forces surren-
dered. By these Kilkenny articles, all except those who were

that she be and she is hereby permitted and lycensed to kill and dresse so
much lambe as shall be necessary for her own use and eating, not exceed-
ing three lambes for this whole year, notwithstanding any declaration of
the said Commissioners of Parliament to the contrary. Dated at Dublin,
17 March, 1652.” * p. 721.

* Waste and untenanted lands to be let to officers and soldiers of the
garrison for five years, from 25th March, 1653, at reasonable rents, free of
contribution, on condition that they till and manure, and sow one-third of
arable land with corn, and occupy. = p- 601.

+‘ The stock of cattle in this country are almost spent, so that above
four parts in five of the best and most fertile lands in Ireland lye waste and
uninhabited, which threatens great scarcity here ; for prevention whereof,
declarations have been issued forth for encouragement of the Irish to till
their lands, promising them the enjoyment of their crop, as also for en-
forcing those that are removed to the mountains to return. Dublin, 1 July,
1651. Commissioners for Ireland to the Council of State in England.”
2, p- 12.

$ “Memoir on the Mapped Surveys of Ireland from 1640 to 1688,
remaining in the late Auditor-General for Ireland’s Office,” by W. Hl.
Hardinge, ‘‘ Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy” for 1862, p. 7.

§ &, p- 103.
IN IRELAND, 17

_ guilty of the first blood were received into protection, on laying
down their arms ; those who should not be satisfied with the con-
clusions the Parliament might come to concerning the Irish
nation, and should desire to transport themselves with their
men to serve any foreign state in amity with the Parliament,
should have liberty to treat with their agents for that purpose.
But the Commissioners undertook faithfully and really to me-
diate with the Parliament to their utmost endeavours, that they
might enjoy such aremnant of their lands as might make their
lives comfortable who lived amongst them, or for the mainte-
nance of the families of such of them as should go beyond
seas.

SCHEMES FOR THE NEW PLANTING OF IRELAND.

Under this destructive system of war, the country was be-
coming a waste, without cattle, and without inhabitants. The
taxation to support the army was continually increasing on
the parts of the country under protection, and amounted to
double the rent in the former times of peace. Soldiers who had
taken farms were throwing them up.* The Irish under pro-
tection were quitting the English quarters with their cattle, un-
able to endure the grinding taxation, and flying to the moun-

*11 January, 1653. On reading the petition of the inhabitants of the
barony of Shilelogher, in the county of Kilkenny, complaining of the as-
sessment, the Commissioners of Revenue were directed, if they found that
the persons who took waste lands in the said barony have deserted them,
they are to compel such persons to stand to their agreements, and the rents
and contributions payable by such persons to be allowed to the petitioners
for the better enabling them to pay their monthly contribution [i. e. a like
amount to be deducted from the monthly assessment of the barony, as the
parties deserting their holdings ought to have paid]. 2 p. 542.

7 January, 1653. On reading the petition of the inhabitants of the
barony of Cranagh, in the county of Kilkenny, ordered, if it be true as is
suggested that many have thrown up their farms which they had taken,

c
18 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

tains again; and the charge to be supplied from England
was continually increasing. There was only one remedy for
these evils—to plant and inhabit the country, and reduce the
army.

The officers of the army were eager to take Irish lands in
lieu of their arrears,* though it does not appear that the com-
mon soldiers were, who had small debentures and no capital,
and no chance of founding families and leaving estates to their
posterity. But the adventurers must be first settled with, as
they had a claim to about one million of acres, to satisfy the
sums advanced for putting down the rebellion on the faith
of the Act of 17 Charles I. (A. D. 1642), and subsequent
Acts and Ordinances, commonly called “The Acts of Subscrip-
tion.” By these, lands for the adventurers must be first as-
certained, before the rest of the country could be free for dis-
posal by the Parliament to the army.

Pressed with these considerations, the Commissioners for
Treland, on the Ist of January, 1652, proposed to the Council
of State in England, that the adventurers should cast lots for
their lands presently, notwithstanding the war was not over ;
and they suggested that four allotments, one in each province,
amply sufficient to pay the adventurers, should be made, and
that they should then cast lots to ascertain in which of them
their proportions should be fixed ; the first lot to consist of the
counties of Limerick, Kerry, and Clare in Munster ; and Galway
in Connaught; the second, of the counties of Kilkenny, Wexford,
Wicklow, and Carlow, in Leinster; the third, of the counties
of Westmeath and Longford in Leinster, and Cavan and Mo-
naghan in Ulster ; the fourth of the counties of Fermanagh

casting them as a burthen upon the said barony, that such persons stand to
their bargains, and discharge the rents and duties falling on their holdings.
= p. 523.

* “ Some proposals humbly offered by a General Council of officers to the
General and Commissioners of Parliament. 22 October, 1652.” Ib., p. 47.
OF IRELAND. . 19

and Donegal in Ulster, and Leitrim and Sligo in Connaught.*
By which it appears, that they had not as yet determined on
the transplantation of the Irish to Connaught, but still adhered
to the plan of the Adventurers Act, that the lands should be
taken equally out of the four provinces. They also proposed
that the soldiers should have land in their quarters, as well for
their arrears as in lieu (for part at least) of their present pay.
They would thus be encouraged to follow husbandry, and to
maintain their own interest as well as that of the Common-
wealth.{ The adventurers, therefore, were directed on 30th
January, 1652, to attend the Committee of Parliament sitting
in the Speaker’s Chamber at Westminster, and propose a form
of speedy plantation.

The adventurers had been very urgent during the whole
course of the war for lands to be set out to them. In 1645, they
demanded to be put in possession of the houses belonging to
the Irish in Cork, Kinsale, and Youghal, with lands adja-
cent, and to be given other lands in Munster as they should
be conquered from the rebels.{ Now they declared, ifthe Par-
liament insisted on a speedy plantation, they were undone. The
war was not over—people feared the Tories. No plan was
proposed for their security. The Irish were to be removed.
Men were hard to be got in England for tenants and labourers,
as they saw that the government would have to give people land
in Ireland for nothing, as there must be many millions of acres
still left after satisfying the adventurers and soldiers, which
must be waste and untenanted, unless given away to prevent
them from being reoccupied by the Irish. That labourers were
scarce, by reason of the many forests and chaces lately disaf-

* 5, p. 290. t Sp. 289.

} P. 11, “ Reasons offered by a Committee of Adventurers for refusing
to lend Moneys on the Ordinance of 15th August, 1645, for raising Moneys
for Ireland for six months from November, 1645.” Small 410: London..

c2
20 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

forested in England, and then under improvement. They
accordingly demanded to be paid in lands, in such parts of Mun-
ster, Kilkenny, and (if need be) in other parts of Leinster most
contiguous, as they should choose; that they should have the
city of Waterford, and such towns as they should point out,
preserved for them ; that they should be well guarded.

But they refused to be put under conditions to plant in any
limited time, and demanded that they should be free of taxes
while planting. Unless they should be greatly favoured, they
must be forced to plant on such terms that the labourers would
grow rich, and the adventurers poor, as many did in New
England. And if the first adventurers should prove unsuc-
cessful, it might cast such a damp upon the spirits of others,
like a dismal discomfit in the beginning of a battle, as they
would hardly be brought on again on any conditions.*

The government, however, still pressed for a speedy plan-
tation. They wished to limit them to three years, and the
lands not then planted and inhabited to be forfeited. To which
the adventurers gave for final answer, that it would take 40,000
labourers and their families to execute such a work, for whom
no housing was provided, no guards against Tories, and that to
attempt it would be to destroy the plantation.

The officers of the army were at the same time urging that
the army should have lands set out to them forthwith for their
arrears. There was no way of preventing a further increase
ofthe charge that weighed upon England, but by planting the
country, and reducing the forces by degrees, and with as much
speed as might be consistent with safety. And they proposed

* Proposals of the Adventurers, dated April 5, 1652. Carte, MSS.,
Bodleian Library, ‘“ Ireland,” vol. x., pp. 280-236.

+‘ Adventurers’ remarks upon the Proposals of the Committee of Par-
liament for the Planting of Ireland, sitting in the Speaker’s Chamber, 23rd
December, 1652.” Ib., p. 257.
OF IRELAND. 21

that one or more counties should be allotted to the adven-
turers, adequate to their demands, and others to the army, that
so the planting by the adventurers and by the gradually dis-
banding army might go on together. As the utmost speed
was necessary for the relief of England, they proposed that the
army should have lands for their arrears at the same rates as
they were given by the Act of 1642 to the adventurers, called
the Act rates, namely, lands in Leinster at 12s. per acre; in
Munster, at 8s. ; in Connaught, at 6s.; and in Ulster, at 4s. To
value the several estates and farms in a convenient time, would
require more fit valuers than could be found, would cost more
than the revenue could bear, and the army and its pay (drawn
from England) must continue. Moreover, it would be a very
uncertain valuation, the lands being in many places waste, the
inhabitants destroyed or gone, so as there were none to give
evidence of the value when they were inhabited. And, lastly,
the Ordinance of the year 1643, allowing officers of the army
to become adventurers to the extent of their pay on the same
terms as the adventurers, was a precedent for paying the
whole army their arrears now at the Act rates.* All very
good reasoning to give them the lands at extraordinary cheap
rates.

DEPARTURE OF THE SWORDMEN FOR SPAIN.

Foreign nations were apprised by the Kilkenny Articles
that the Irish were to be allowed to engage in the service of any
state in amity with the Commonwealth. The valour of the
Irish soldier was well known abroad. From the time of the
Munster plantation by Queen Elizabeth, numerous exiles had
taken service in the Spanish army. There were Irish regi-
ments serving in the Low Countries. The Prince of Orange

* 5, p» 391.
22 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

declared they were born soldiers ;* and Henry IV. of France
publicly called Hugh O’Neil the third soldier of the age,} and
he said there was no nation made better troops than the Irish
when drilled. Sir John Norris, who had served in many coun-
tries, said he knew no nation where there were so few fools or
cowards. Agents from the King of Spain, the King of Poland,
and the Prince de Conde, were now contending for the services
of Irish troops. Don Ricardo White, in May, 1652, shipped
7000 in batches from Waterford, Kinsale, Galway, Limerick,
and Bantry, for the King of Spain.t{ Colonel Christopher
Mayo got liberty in September, 1652, to beat his drums to
raise 3000 for the same King.§ Lord Muskerry took 5000 to
the King of Poland.|| In July, 1654, 8500, commanded by

* « There lives not a people more hardy, active, and painful... ...
neither is there any will endure the miseries of warre, as famine, watching,
heat, cold, wet, travel, and the like, so naturally, and with such facility and
courage that they do. The Prince of Orange’s Excellency uses often pub-
liquely to deliver that the Irish are souldiers the first day of their birth. The
famous Henry IV., late king of France, said there would prove no nation so
resolute martial men as they, would they be ruly, and not too headstrong.
And Sir John Norris was wont to ascribe this particular to that nation above
others, that he never beheld so few of any country as of Irish that were
idiots and cowards, which is very notable.” P. 219, ‘‘ Advertisement
for Ireland,”’ MS., folio (A. D. 1615), Library of Trin. Coll. Dublin,
F. 3, 16.

+ ‘Se ipsum primum esse significans,” &e., ‘‘ meaning himself to be
the first, and the illustrious Count de Fuentes the second: as testified to
this day by the most noble the Count D’Ossunia, late Viceroy of Naples
and Sicily, in whose presence he said so.”” Lynch’s ‘‘ Alithinilogia,” vol. ii.
p- 50. ‘

t Sp. 205. § Ib., p. 831.

|| ‘On reading the within petition of John Gould, in behalf of the Lord
Muskerry, who has license to transport 5000 men out of Ireland to the ser-
vice of any prince in amity with the Commonwealth, praying that while
his lord is now in treaty with the Polish ambassador for those men .. .
they may not be transplanted: It is ordered, &e...... Dublin, 12

4

February, 1655.” 4 p. 426.
OF IRELAND. 23

Colonel Edmund Dwyer, went to serve the Prince de Condé.*
Sir Walter Dungan and others got liberty to beat their drums
in different garrisons to a rallying of their men that laid down
arms with them in order to a rendezvous, and to depart for
Spain} They got permission to march their men together to
the different ports, their pipers perhaps playing “ Ha til, Ha til,
Ha til, mi tulidh”—We return, we return no more st or more
probably, after their first burst of passionate grief at leaving
home and friends for ever was over, marching gaily to the
lively strains of Garryowen. Between 1651 and 1654, thirty
four thousand (of whom few ever saw their loved native land
again) were transported into foreign parts.§

IRELAND ASSIGNED TO THE ADVENTURERS AND SOLDIERS.

These discussions occupied the whole of the year 1652;
but caused in point of fact no loss of time, for the war was
still raging, and there could be no planting.

Towards the close of the year 1653, the island seemed
sufficiently desolated to allow the English to occupy it. On
the 26th of September in that year, the Parliament passed an
Act for the new planting of Ireland with English.

_ The government reserved for themselves all the towns, all
the church lands and tithes; for they abolished all archbishops,
bishops, deans, and other officers, belonging to that hierarchy,

* > p. 112. : ¢ 2) p. 342.

“{ The tune with which the departing Highlanders usually bid farewell to
their native shores. Preface to Sir Walter Scott’s ‘‘ Legend of Montrose.”

§ Sir W. Petty’s “‘ Political Anatomy” (published A. D. 1672), p. 27.
‘The chiefest and eminentest of the nobility and many of the gentry have
taken conditions from the King of Spain, and have transported 40,000 of
the most active spirited men, most acquainted with the dangers and disci-
pline of war.” P. 20. ‘‘ The Great Case of Transplantation in Ireland dis-
cussed,” [by Vincent Gookin] Small 4to. London: 1655.
24 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

and in those days the Church of Christ sat in Chichester
House on College-green.* They reserved also for themselves
the four counties of Dublin, Kildare, Carlow, and Cork. Out
of the lands and tithes thus reserved, the government were
to satisfy public debts, private favourites, eminent friends of
the republican cause in Parliament, regicides, and the most
active of the English rebels, not being of the army.

They next made ample provision for the adventurers. The
amount due tothe adventurers was £360,000. This they divided
into three lots, of which £110,000 was to be satisfied in Mun-
ster, £205,000 in Leinster, and £45,000 in Ulster, and the moiety
of ten counties was charged with their payment ;— Waterford,
Limerick, and Tipperary, in Munster; Meath, Westmeath,
King’s and Queen’s Counties, in Leinster; and Antrim, Down,
and Armagh, in Ulster. But, as all was required by the Adven-
turers Act to be done by lot, a lottery was appointed to be held
in Grocers’ Hall, London, for the 20th July, 1653, to begin
sat 8 o'clock in the morning, when lots should be first drawn in
which province each adventurer was to be satisfied, not ex-
ceeding the specified amounts in any province ; lots were to be
drawn, secondly, to ascertain in which of the ten counties each
adventurer was to receive his land—the lots not to exceed in
Westmeath £70,000, in Tipperary £60,000, in Meath £55,000,
in King’s and Queen’s Counties £40,000 each, in Limerick
£30,000, in Waterford £20,000, in Antrim, Down, and Armagh,
£15,000 each. And, as it was thought it would be a great
encouragement to the adventurers (who were for the most pat

* « Whereas Mr. Thomas Ilicks is by the Church of Christ meeting at
Chichester House approved as one fully qualified to preach and dispense
the gospel . . . . he is appointed to preach the gospel at Stillorgan, and
other places in the barony of Rathdown, in the county of Dublin, as often
as the Lord shall enable him, and in such places as the Lord shall make his
ministry most effectual. Dated 12th September, 1659. Tuomas Herpert,
Clerk of the Council.” ‘‘ Book of Establishments,” p. 181.
OF IRELAND. 25

merchants and tradesmen), about to plant in so wild and dan-
gerous a country, not yet subdued, to have soldier planters
near them, these ten counties, when surveyed (which was di-
rected to be done immediately, and returned to the committee
for the lottery at Grocers’ Hall), were to be divided, each county,
by baronies, into two moieties, as equally as might be, with-
out dividing any barony. A lot was then to be drawn by the
adventurers, and by some officer appointed by the Lord
General Cromwell on behalf of the soldiery, to ascertain which
baronies in the ten counties should be for the adventurers, and
which for the soldiers.

The rest of Ireland, except Connaught, was to be set out
amongst the officers and soldiers, for their arrears, amounting
to £1,550,000, and to satisfy debts of money or provisions
due for supplies advanced to the army of the Commonwealth
amounting to £1,750,000. Connaught was by the Parliament
reserved and appointed for the habitation of the Irish nation ;
and all English and Protestants having lands there, who should
desire to remove out of Connaught into the provinces inhabited
by the English, were to receive estates in the English parts,
of equal value, in exchange.*

-*“ For the satisfaction of the Adventurers for Lands in Ireland, out
of the arrears due to the Souldiery here, and of other Publique Debts.”
Scobell’s “ Acts and Ordinances,” chap. xii.
26 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

PART IL.

THE TRANSPLANTATION.

THE FIRST TRUMPET.

WHEN the Irish forces laid down arms in 1650, they could
scarce have anticipated the measures adopted towards them,
two years later, by the Parliament of England. Many of the
Irish gentry embarked, in the years 1650 and 1651, for Spain.
Those who stayed behind had families, that prevented them
from following their example; they returned to their former
neighbourhoods, took up their abode in the offices attached to
their mansions, or shared the dwellings of some of their late
tenants,—their mansions being occupied by some English officer
or soldier,—and employed themselves in tilling the lands they
had lately owned as lords. Let us conceive the dismay of a
poor nobleman, with his wife and daughters, thus employed on
the evening of the first market day, after the 11th October,
1652, when some neighbour came to announce the news pro-
claimed by beat of drum and sound of trumpet in the adjoin-
ing town.* It was, in fact, the proscription of the nation. If

* “The Parliament of the Commonwealth of England having by one Act
lately passed (entitled an Act for the Settling of Ireland) declared that it is
not their intention to extirpate this whole nation, but that mercy and pardon
for life and estate be extended to all husbandmen, plowmen, labourers,
artificers, and others of the inferior sort, in such manner as in and by the
said Actis set forth ; for the better execution of the said Act, and that timely
notice may be given to all persons therein concerned, it is ordered that
the Governor and Commissioners of Revenue or any two or more of them,
OF IRELAND. 27

he had been a colonel or a superior officer in the army, as al-
most all the highest were, it was a sentence of confiscation and
banishment; and a separation from his now beggared wife
and daughters, the partners of his miseries, unless he had the
means of bringing them abroad with him.

The Earl of Ormond, Primate Bramhall, and all the Catholic
nobility, and many of the gentry, were declared incapable of
pardon of life or estate, and were banished. The rest of the
nation were to lose their lands, and take up their residence
wherever the Parliament of England should order.* On 26th
September, 1653, all the ancient estates and farms of the people
of Ireland were declared to belong to the adventurers and the
army of England; and it was announced that the Parliament
had assigned Connaught (America was not then accessible),
for the habitation of the Irish nation, whither they must trans-
plant with their wives, and daughters, and children, before the
Ist of May following (1654), under penalty of death, if found
on this side of the Shannon after that day.

It might, perhaps, be imagined that this fearful sentence
was a penalty upon the supposed bloodthirstiness of the Irish.
But for blood, death, not banishment was the punishment ; and
the class most likely to be guilty of blood,—the ploughmen, la-
bourers, and others of the lower order of poor people,—were ex-

within every precinct in this nation, do cause the said Act of Parliament
with this present declaration to be published and proclaimed in their
‘respective precincts by beat of drumme and sound of trumpett, on some
markett day, within tenn days after the same shall come unto them within
their respective precincts.
“Dated at the Castle of Kilkenny, this 11th October 1652.
. “Epmunp LupLow, Mirzs Cornet,
“ JoHN JONES, R. WEAVER.”

A
<, p- 367.

* Act for the Settling of Ireland, passed 12th August, 1652. Scobell’s
“ Acts and Ordinances.”
28 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

cepted from transplantation. The nobility and gentry of ancient
descent, proprietors of landed estates, were incapable of murder
or massacre; but it was they that were particularly required to
transplant. Their properties were wanted for the new English
planters. There is an anecdote told by an Englishman of the
order of the Friars Minors, who must have dwelt, disguised
probably (a not uncommon incident) as a soldier or servant,
in the household of Colonel Ingoldsby, Governor of Lime-
rick, that explains the reason why the common people were
to be allowed to stay, and the gentry required to transplant.
He heard the question asked of a great Protestant states-
man (“magnus hereticus consiliarius”), who gave three reasons
for it :—First, he said, they are useful to the English as earth-
tillers and herdsmen; secondly, deprived of their priests and
gentry, and living among the English, itis hoped they will be-
come Protestants ; and, thirdly, the gentry without their aid
must work for themselves and their families, or, if they don't,
must die, and if they do, will in time turn into common
peasants.*

The truth is, that, having engaged to take 2,500,000
acres from the gentry of Ireland, the Parliament feared
they might seek to recover their own again, unless they
went through with the business, and swept the nation beyond
the Shannon.

* « Threnodia Hiberno-Catholica, sive Planctus universalis totius Cleri
et Populi Regni Hibernie,” Ge. [‘ The Wail of the Irish Catholics ; or,
Groans of the whole Clergy and People of the Kingdom of Ireland, in which
is truly set forth an Epitome of the unheard of and transcendental Cruelty
by which the Catholics of the Kingdom of Ireland are oppressed under the
Arch Tyrant Cromwell, the Usurper:and Destroyer of the three Realms of
England, Ireland, and Scotland,” p. 25. By F. Maurice Morison, of the
Minors of Strict Observance, Lecturer in Theology, an Eye-witness of those
Cruelties. Innsbruck. A.D. 1659, 12mo. The book is dedicated to
his worthy patron, Don Guidobald, Archbishop of Salzburg, and to the
dean and canons there,
OF IRELAND. 29

The Parliament made one exception. Those Irish who
could show by active proof that they had borne a constant
good affection to the Parliament of England during the ten
years’ contest, were to be exempt from transplantation. To
render it more difficult, however, the claim was barred if it was
shown the claimant had dwelt on an estate in the Irish quar-
ters, or that the rents were remitted to him though dwelling
in the English quarters. The exception, too, of husbandmen,
ploughmen, and others of the lower ranks, did not save them
for the use of the English, as was intended ; for all swordmen
were to transplant, and in this term were included all who had
attended muster, though compelled by their landlords, and any
who kept watch and ward, which comprised almost every one.
For their share in the war, or not proving a constant good af-
fection to the Parliament of England, the proprietors of lands
were to suffer a loss of the greater part of their estates, and to
receive an equivalent for the residue in Connaught for the
support of themselves and their families.

THE SECOND AND LAST TRUMPET, WITH THE DOOM OF THE IRISH
NATION.

Connaught was selected for the habitation of all the Irish
nation by reason of its being surrounded by the sea and the
Shannon, all but ten miles, and the whole easily made into
one line by a few forts.* To further secure the imprisonment
of the nation, and cut them off from relief by sea, a belt four
miles wide, commencing one mile to the west of Sligo, and so
winging along the coast and Shannon, was reserved by the
Act of 27th September, 1653, from being set out to the Irish,
and was to be given to the soldiery to plant. Thither all the
Trish were to remove at latest by the first day of May, 1654, ex-

* 9th March, 1654-5. Order. Passes over the Shannon between

Jamestown and Sligo to be closed, so as to make one entire line between

Connaught and the adjacent parts of Leinster and Ulster. =
30 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

cept Irishwomen married to English Protestants before the 2nd
December, 1650, provided they became Protestants; except
also boys under fourteen, and girls under twelve, in Protestant
service and to be brought up Protestants; and, lastly, those
who had shown during the ten years’ war in Ireland their
constant good affection to the Parliament of England in pre-
ference to the King. There they were to dwell without enter-
ing a walled town or coming within five miles of some, on
pain of death. All were to remove thither by the 1st of May,
1654, at latest, under pain of being put to death by sentence
of acourt of military officers, if found after that date on the
English side of the Shannon.*

Connaught was at this time the most wasted province
in the kingdom. Sir Charles Coote the younger, disregard-
ing the truce or cessation made by order of the King with the
Trish in 1644, had continued to ravage it, like another Attila,
with fire and sword.t The order was for the flight of the
Irish nation thither in winter time, their nobles, their gentry,
and their commons, with their wives and little children, their
young maidens and old men, their cattle, and their household
goods.

The officers of the army were themselves struck with the
difficulties of executing the orders of the Parliament of Eng-
land. The gentry and farmers were then engaged in getting

* “The further Instructions confirmed by this Act.” Act for the Satis-
faction of the Adventurers for Lands in Ireland and Arrears due to the
Souldiery there. 26 September, 1653. Scobell’s “‘ Acts and Ordinances,”
Anno 1653,“chap. xii.

+ P. 58, vol. 1st, ‘‘ Alithinologia; sive Veridica Responsio, é&c. [in
English] A true Answer to the Attack of R. F. [Richard Farrel], Capuchin,
full of Lies, Fallacies, and Calumnies against a large body of the Clergy,
Nobility, and Irish of every rank, presented to the Propaganda in the year
1659. By Eudoxius Alithinologus [John Lynch, Priest, Archdeacon of
Tuam.]’’ Printed at St. Malos, 1664. 2 vols. 4to.
OF IRELAND. 31

in the harvest they had been encouraged to plant on account
of the scarcity. The whole nation, panic-struck at having to
travel during the winter to Connaught, and to abandon the
lands they were still in occupation of, were deprived of all
motive to go on with their tillage. The country must next
year be a waste, for the soldiers could not be put in posses-
sion in time to sow. Then there was the possibility that the
Irish generally might decline to remove, and incur all penal-
ties, and prefer death itself to transplanting under such diffi-
culties.

The officers communicated their thoughts to the commis-
sioners for the Government of Ireland, who communicated
them to the Council of State in England.

The Commissioners for Ireland, to use their own expres-
sions, were overwhelmed with a sense of their difficulties, and
of their own unworthiness and weakness for so great a service.
They felt they had neither wisdom nor strength for such
matters ; and that they might truly say, “ The children are now
come to the birth, and much is desired and expected, but there
is no strength to bring forth.”

They therefore fasted, and enjoined the same thing on all
Christian friends in Ireland, and invited the commanders and
officers of the army to join them in lifting up prayers
with strong crying and tears to Him to whom nothing is too
hard, that His servants, whom He had called forth in this
day to act in these great transactions, might be made faithful,
and carried on by His own outstretched arm against all oppo-
sition and difficulty, to do what was pleasing in His sight.*

Meantime they proceeded, as in duty bound, to carry out
the law. They issued their orders, dated the 15th October,

* Letter, dated 9th November, 1653, from the Commissioners for Ire-

land “ to the commanders of the respective precincts, to be communicated to
act nie A
the rest of our Christian friends there.” 5, p. 555.
32 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

1653, for the better carrying on the great work. Fathers and
heads of families were to proceed before 30th January, 1654,
to Loughrea, to commissioners appointed to set them out
lands competent to the stock possessed by them and by the
tenants and friends who were to transplant with them. They
were there to build huts against the arrival of their wives and
families, whowere to followbefore the first of May. The commis-
sioners were to be guided by a statement, or Particular, which
each proprietor, before leaving home, was to present to the
revenue officer of the precinct for his certificate. It set forth
the abode, names, ages, stature, colour of the hair, and other
marks of distinction, of the transplanter and his family, and of
all his tenants and friends who were to accompany him into
Connaught, together with the number of their cattle, quantity
and quality of tillage, and other substance.* From the grey-
haired sire to the blue-eyed daughter of four years old, the
family portraiture is given in these transplanters’ certificates.
Sometimes there is along list of tenants and friends, and sheep
and cattle, accompanying the chief proprictor of the district into
exile, like the pictures of the descent of the Israelites into
Egypt. In others, alandlord, who perhaps had rendered him-
self distasteful to his tenants, has none to accompany him;
for tenants were not required to adhere to their landlord ;
they might sit down in Connaught as tenants under the
state. Occasionally in these certificates is described a gen-
tleman, like Sir Nicholas Comyn, of Limerick precinct,
“numb at one side of his body of a dead palsy, accompanied
only by his Lady, Catherine Comyn, aged thirty-five years,
flaxen-haired, middle stature ; and one maid servant, Honor ny
McNamara, aged twenty years, brown hair, middle stature ;
having no substance, but expecting the benefit of his qualifica-

* From a printed copy (original), preserved in the muniment room,
Kilkenny Castle.
OF IRELAND. 33

tion.” Or orphans; as, ‘Ignatius Stacpoole, of Limerick,
orphant, aged eleven years, flaxen haire, full face, low stature ;
Katherine Stacpoole, orphant, sister to the said Ignatius, aged
eight years, flaxen haire, full face; having no substance to re-
lieve themselves, but desireth the benefit of his claim before
the Commissioners of the Revenue.”*

James, Lord Dunboyne, in the county of Tipperary, de-
scribes himself as likely to be accompanied by twenty-one:
followers, and as having four cows, ten garrans, and two
swine.t Dame Katherine Morris, of Lathragh, in the same
county: thirty-five followers, one and a half acre of summer
corne, ten cows, sixteen garrans, nineteen goats, two swine.
Lady Mary Hamerton, of Roscrea: forty-five persons, three and
a halfacres of summer corn, forty cows, thirty garrans, forty-six
sheepe, two goats.{ Pierce, Lord Viscount Ikerrin: seven-
teen persons, sixteen acres of winter corne, four cows, five
garrans, twenty-four sheep, two swine. For each acre of
winter corn, three acres of land were to be assigned,
summer corn and fallow being included; for each cow or bul-
lock (of two years old and upwards), three acres ; for each year-
ling one acre; for each garran, nag, or mare (of three years old
and upwards), four acres; for every three sheep, one acre;
and for goats and swine proportionably.§ These assignments
were only conditional; for at a future day other commis-
sioners were to arrive and sit at Athlone, to determine the
claims, i. e. the extent of lands the transplanter had left be-
hind him, and to distinguish the qualifications, i, e, the extent
of disaffection to the Parliament, by which the proportion to
be confiscated was to be regulated, and an equivalent, calleda

* Pp. 12, 18, Book of Transplanters’ Certificates, in the Record Tower,
Dublin Castle. :

+ Ib. Among the records of the late Auditor-General’s Office in the cus-
tody of W. H. Hardinge, Esq., Custom House Buildings.

f Ib. ib. §<, p. 629.

D
34 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

Final Settlement was to be given in Connaught. These first
assignments were technically called Assignments de Bene
Esse.

REMONSTRANCES OF THE IRISH.

And now there went forth petitions from every quarter of
the kingdom, praying that the petitioners’ flight might not be in
the winter time; or alleging that their wives or children were
sick, their cattle unfit to drive,—that they had crops to get in.
Some were still collecting men for transport to Spain. Others
had claims to exemption under articles of war. All sought a
dispensation.

The petitioners were the noble and the wealthy, men of
ancient English blood, descendants of the invaders—the Fitz-
geralds, the Butlers, the Plunkets, the Barnwalls, Dillons,
Cheevers, Cusacks, names found appended to various schemes
for extirpating or transplanting the Irish after the subduing
of Lord Thomas Fitzgerald’s rebellion in 1535,—who were
now to transplant as Irish. The native Irish were too poor to
pay scriveners and messengers to the Council, and their sor-
rows were unheard, though under their rough coats beat
hearts that felt pangs as great at being driven from their na-
tive homes as the highest inthe land. The first dispensations
were limited within the 1st of May, the Commissioners for the
Affairs of Ireland not being empowered to dispense from com-
pliance with the Act of Parliament. But they represented to
the Council of State in London that all tillage would cease
unless people were encouraged to putin a crop with the pros-
pect of reaping it. Powers were accordingly given to them
to grant dispensations for the wives and children and neces-
sary servants of those who should crop their land, who were
to be permitted, in case the father or head of the family should
have complied with the orders of the state, and have removed:
into Connaught, to stay behind with not more than one or
OF IRELAND. 35

two servants to watch the corn in the ground, and to attend
to the threshing and “inning” of it.* But from the Ist of
May, 1654, their estates would be either taken possession of
by the soldiers, or let by the state to other tenants, to whom
they must pay for the standing of their crop from that date
till removed, an eighth or a fifth sheaf, according to the cus-
tom of the country.

The estate now called Woodlands, the seat of Lord An-
naly, adjoining the Pheenix Park, Dublin, formerly known as
Luttrelstown, was the seat of the Luttrels, from the days of
King John until sold, about seventy years ago, by Luttrel,
Lord Carhampton, to the ancestor of Lord Annaly.

Thomas Luttrel, the owner, though strongly attached to
the English interest, as appeared by his getting a decree at
Athlone, in 1658, of good, though not constant good, affection,t
was obliged, as an Irish Papist, to make way, when Lord
Ormond handed over Dublin and the sword of state, in 1647,

* “ Commissioners for Ireland to Colonel Foulk, Governor of Tredagh,
and the Commissioners of Revenue there.

“ GENTLEMEN,—The Commissioners of the Commonwealth of England
for the Affairs of Ireland have read your letter of the 25th instant, declar-
ing that several persons removing from your parts into Connaught desire
some time to stay for their wives, children, and stock, for the better
enabling them to travel, and that it is your judgment that by their short
stay the contribution will be the better secured. They have commanded me
to signify that you may suspend the transplantation of such wives and
children (whose husbands and parents are to go into Connaught) for such
time as you shall judge fit, not exceeding the 1st July next, and may
permit the stay of their cattle until they be in a condition to drive, allow-
ing but one servant to look after the respective herds or flocks, and
such servants to be neither proprietors nor such as have been in arms
against the Commonwealth.

: ‘“THos. HerBert, Clerk of the Council.
‘* Cork House, 27th April, 1654.” * p- 668.

t $ p. 149.
D2
36 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

to the Parliament, for Lord Broghill, who was afterwards suc-
ceeded as tenant to the state by Colonel Hewson, Governor
of Dublin. In 1652, Luttrel got permission to occupy the
stables and till the land.*

On the 30th of September, 1654, he was dispensed from
being transplanted until the 1st of December following, in
“yegard his whole livelihood and his family’s depended on
improving the crop of corn that was then in taking off the
ground.”t On the 15throf March, 1655, upon his inability,
through his weakness by sickness, to travel into Connaught,
he was further dispensed till the lst June.{ Before this time,
however, he had departed, leaving his wife behind; for on the
18th of May she was dispensed until the 1st of June follow-
ing, on her representation that her husband was already
transplanted, and that she had a great charge of children and
stock which were not yet in a condition to drive.§

But often the owners were transplanted, and got liberty to re-
turn to reap their crop, or to send back their servants. Thus,
John Talbot, ancestor of Lord Talbot de Malahide, had to yield
his castle to Chief Baron Corbet, and transplant, and in April,
1655, got a pass for safe travelling from Connaught to the
county of Dublin to dispose of his corn and other goods,
giving security to return within the time limited.|

Considerable difficulties arose about these allowances be-
tween the families ofthe transplanted, left behind to watch the
crop and the soldiers. On the Ist of May, 1654, the first
considerable disbanding took place ; and from the moment any
district was assigned to the soldiers, they became uncontrolled
masters of it. Thus, the officers and soldiers whose lots had
fallen in the district called the Rower, in the county of Kil-
kenny, were declared entitled to have an allowance for the

* A, p.515; ib., p. 534. + 2 p17. t 4, p. 134.
§ Ib., p. 217. || Ib., p. 173.
OF IRELAND. 37

standing of the corn on the lands fallen to them for their
arrears, from the 1st of May last (1654) till December follow-
ing, according to the custom of the country, not exceeding a
fifth sheaf;* and the transplanted inhabitants of the county of
Waterford, finding that their wives and children were inter-
rupted in the securing of their crops, petitioned the govern-
ment from Connaught for protection.t The government
thereupon ordered that the Commissioners of Revenue of the
precinct where the respective crops of corn were should per-
mit the wives, and such servants of theirs as were permitted
to stay, to receive the benefit of their crop, having discharged
the contribution due thereout, and allowing the new proprie-
tors an eighth sheaf, or such proportion as is usually made in
those parts, according to the custom ofthe country. But the —
cruelest act of these rough soldiers was that they and the
state tenants entered, and proceeded without mercy to turn
out the wives and children of these transplanted proprietors
and their servants engaged in watching their last crop, with-
out giving them even a cabin to shelter in, or allowing them
grass for their cows on lands so lately their own.{ The

* 3p. 6 t Ib., p. 50.
t “ To the Commissioners of the Revenue of the respective Precincts.
“ Dublin, 26 May, 1654.

‘“‘ GENTLEMEN,— Whereas we have been informed that several persons
that have taken leases of lands from the Commonwealth belonging to Irish
inhabitants that are to be transplanted into Connaught from the Ist of May,
instant, and upon orders of possession for the same, have entered by virtue
of their said leases, and turned out the former Irish possessors and their
servants, without allowing them any cabbins or other habitacons for such
necessary servants as they leave behind them for looking after their corn
in the ground, and inning and thrashing of the same, contrary to the pro-
visions made in the order for transplantation, we therefore hereby order
that you take care that in cases where the said Irish are denied such liberty
as abovesaid, you cause convenience of room to be allowed for servants
dwelling and thrashing the said corn now in the ground, with grazing on the
38 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

ancient owners became, in fact, strict tenants at will to the
state from the time that the Parliament declared the forfeited
lands to belong to the soldiers and adventurers, though, as
would appear from Sir John Burke’s complaint, they had
been promised, or understood they were entitled to, a six
months’ notice to quit.*

In the case of Thomas Luttrel, of Luttrelstown, in the
county of Dublin, we have a proprietor reduced, with his
family, to occupy the stables while taking the last crop, and
thence transplanted to Connaught.

APPLICATIONS FOR DISPENSATIONS FROM TRANSPLANTATION.

The applications for dispensations were innumerable, and
the Commissioners were overwhelmed with them.

Margaret Barnwall had long been troubled with a shaking
palsy.t Mary Archer had an aged father, who would be sud-
denly brought to his grave wanting his accustomed accommo-

said lands fit for such sort of cattle as will be needful for carrying in the
corn in harvest.
“We remain your loving friends,

a p. 702. “ Cnas. Fierrwoop, Mites Corset, JOHN JONES.”

* “ Upon consideration had of the agreement made by the Commis-
sioners of Revenue with the petitioner, Sir John Bourke, and others in
like condition with him, that he should, upon six months’ notice, remove
out of the possession of the lands in the petition mentioned, and the peti-
tioner having been required to remove into Connaught upon the general
declaration for transplanting, the Councill do not think fit to do anything
in his case, but do expect that the petitioner should conform himself to
former orders for removing into Connaught.

“16th Oct., 1654. “ Tyos. HERBERT, Clerk of the Council.”
4 p. 67.

A
t Z, p. 266.
OF IRELAND. 39

dation.* Lady Margaret Atkinson was of great age, and no
one to support her but her son, Sir George Atkinson, a Pro-
testant.| Lady Culme prayed not to be deprived of her
servant.{ Elinor Butler, widow, had a charge of helpless chil-
dren.§ Dowager Lady Lowth was of great age and impotency.|
John, Lord Baron Power, of Curraghmore, had for twenty
years past been distracted, and destitute of all judgment.4
Piers Creagh, of Limerick, was hated by his countrymen for

A
* 2 p. 65.

t ‘“‘ Upon consideration of the petition of Sir G. Atkinson on the behalf
of his mother, the Lady Margaret Atkinson, desiring that his said mother
might be dispensed with from transplantation, and remain in the province
of Ulster ; and consideration being had of the report of Colonel Mark-
ham, Captain Shaw, and Thomas Richardson, Esq., unto whom it was
referred, who have certified that in regard of the said Ladys great age, as
also that she hath no friend to support her save only her said son, a Pro-
testant, and for that it appears by Sir Charles Coote’s certificate that she
hath always lived inoffensively in said quarters, they are of opinion she
should not be removed into Connaught or Clare without special direction ;
and that she may in the meantime continue to reside with her said son.
It is therefore ordered that she be dispensed with from transplantation until
1st May, and that she be permitted to enjoy that proportion of her estate
according to her qualification. ;

“'T, Hersert, Clerk of the Council.
“ Dublin, 80th October, 1654.” + p.116.

tf p. 214.

§ ‘Upon the consideration of the petition of Ellinor Butler, widow, and
the order of the Commissioners of the Revenue of Waterford, and the re-
port of Colonel Lawrence, &c. &c., and it being his opinion that the pe-
tioner’s own person and her helpless children should be dispensed with
as to her present transplantation ; and that she be permitted to bring back
her cattle from Connaught towards the maintenance of herself and children :
We, the said Deputy and Council, agree, &c., that she be permitted to bring
back her said cattle without molestation, &c. Dublin, 16th October, 1654.”

2, p. 64.
| $.p. 211. q Ib., p. 363.
40 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

his former known inclination to the English Government.* Ro-
bert Plunket had given information against several prisoners
now in the Marshalsea, who are of great alliance to the Trish,
andhis safety would be risked in Connaughtt (a common state-
ment). Lord Viscount Ikerrin had great weakness andinfirmity
of body.{ Dominic Bodkin, Nicholas oge French, and Richard
Kerroan (Kirwan), inhabitants of Galway, pleaded their singular
good services, whereby they had prejudiced their private inte-
rests, and contracted malice from those of their own nation,
amongst whom they were now to live, which might prove dan-
gerous to them ;§ Major Charles Cavanagh and his brother
James,—their inoffensive demeanor to the English.|| Anne
White, widow, of the town of Wexford, soughtto spend the rem-
nant of her days there on the certificate of Colonel Lawrence,
Governor of Waterford, who had observed her charity for
four or five years past, her good affection to English officers
and others quartered in her house—a very useful person to that
town; and if any of her religion might live in any garri-
son, none more deserving than she.{/ Cicely Plunket,—that her
husband was a schoolboy at the breaking out of the rebellion,
and had since lived inoffensively ; that her husband was upon
his transplanting, but that his whole substance depends upon
her corn in her haggard, and prayed time for making benefit of
her corn and provision for herself and her children.** Margaret
Cusack, that she was seventy-eight yearsof age, anddropsical.tt
Mary Butler, widow of Mr. Richard Butler, of Ballinakill, in
the county of Tipperary, her affection to the English forces,
and having discovered an ambushment of the Irish to cut off
the English.{{ John Rose, of Warrenstown in the barony of

0 Ap. 112, t , p. 581. t Ib., p. 384.
§ 4, p. 160. | 2, p. 9. { Ib., p. 170.
** Ib., p. 248. tt Ib., p. 188. tt Ib., p. 219.
OF IRELAND. 41

Dunboyne, his having suffered much in the beginning of the
rebellion for his affection to the English interest, and served
as a trooper under Captain Bland against the rebels, and was
wounded and also that he was of English parents.* Henry
Burnell, for his tedious and languishing sickness, sought time
till 1st of June next, by which time it was probable he might
recover his strength, and be able to travel onfoot to Connaught.
Nicholas Barnwall, of Turvey, and Bridget, his wife, Countess
of Tirconnel, in regard of their great age and infirmity of
body.

The transplantation of the Kilkenny submittees, as those of
the Leinster army were called, that laid down their arms under
the terms of the articles entered into on 12th May, 1652, had
some features of peculiar hardship. ‘The officers ofthe Parlia-
ment army engaged to really and truly mediate for them with the
Parliament, that they might enjoy such moderate parts of their
estates as should make the lives of those who should not retire
in voluntary banishment to Spain, but live amongst the Eng-
lish, comfortable, and undertook that in the meantime they
should enjoy such part.of their estates as had not been dis-
posed of; and under this latter clause the Commissioners for
Ireland ordered them possession of their undisposed of estates
till 1st April, 1653.

Part of Lord Trimleston’s manor had been given in custo-
dium to Mrs. Penelope Bayley, the widow of Colonel Bayley,
by a special order of Lord Deputy Treton, in 1650; butin May
of 1652, for her greater security, she took a lease of them for
one year from the state, which she let for the time to one
Cusack, who assigned them to his brother-in-law, Lord Trim-
leston. When this lease expired, she renewed it for three
years ; but Lord Trimleston, being in possession at the expira-

t =, p. 285.
42 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

tion of the first lease, contended he was entitled to hold them
under the Kilkenny Articles, and bribed Mr. Bryan Darley,
the surveyor, who was to put Mrs. Bayley in possession, by
£4, Mrs. Bayley having given Mr. Darley £6. Lord Trim-
leston being thus in possession, Mrs. Bayley had to get an
order to put him forth, and to have the surveyor arrested for
the fraud.* When the order for transplantation issued in Octo-
ber, 1653, and Lord Trimleston and the other Kilkenny submit-
tees were called on to transplant, Lord Trimleston on his own
behalf and theirs pleaded that by the 6th article they expected
the enjoyment of such remnant of their real estate as should
make their lives comfortable amongst the English, and that this
was not performed; and that they were exempt from trans-
plantation. But the Commissioners for Ireland answered that
the Act of Parliament overrode the articles, and that they
must transplant to Connaught, where they would have one-
third set out to them by the Loughrea Commissioners in some
convenient place, with such houses and accommodation as
might make their lives comfortable, and with due regard to the
nature and goodness of the soil from whence they should re-
move.t They then appealed to the Committee of Articles, at
Westminster, who were of opinion that it would be a breach
of faith to transplant them; but the Commissioners enforced
their view. On 12th of April, 1655, they made their last
effort, and got liberty to stay in their respective dwellings
until the 1st of May, and their wives and children until the
20th.t ;

These Kilkenny submittees were the lords and gentlemen
of the Pale, the Barnwalls, the Nettervilles, Bellews, Plunkets
. and others. They complained that the officers in possession of
their estates were sheltering their tenants, and prayed that

A A
* =, p- 408. + | p. 177. t 2, p. 205.
OF IRELAND. 43

they might be ordered to assist them in driving their cattle,
and removing of their carriages to Connaught. But this was
refused : all relation between landlord and tenant had ceased
between them, but the transplantable tenants were ordered to
be arrested.*

How strict was the imprisonment of the transplanted in
Connaught may be judged, when it required a special order
for Lord Trimleston, Sir Richard Barnwall, Mr. Patrick Net-
terville, and others, then dwelling in the suburbs of Athlone
on the Connaught side, to pass and repass the bridge into the
part of the town on the Leinster side on their business, and
only on giving security not to pass without the line of the town
without special leave of the governor.t

It has already been remarked that the descendants of
those statesmen of Henry VIII.’s day, who were so full of
schemes for confiscating the lands of the Irish, and transplant-
ing or extirpating them, had to abandon their estates, and to
transplant to Connaught. In Queen Elizabeth’s reign there
was no more deadly enemy to Ireland than Edmund Spenser ;
he was secretary to Lord Grey de Wilton, all whose cruelties
he justified. He deals with transplantation as if the Irish
were beasts of the field, that might be driven from one pro-
vince to another for the convenience of the English. One can
scarce pity his lot, which was to see his castle of Kilcolman,
late the abode of one of the Fitzgeralds, burned before his
eyes with all.it contained, including one of his infant children.
The robber was thus robbed, the spoiler spoiled; and he went °
down to his grave in darkness, in lodgings in London, banished
by the Irish, who retook their former lands. By aretribution
so common in Ireland, the grandson of this English settler had
become Trish, and the very woes his ancestor had contrived
for the Irish came to be inflicted on his descendant. Among

*&  p. 205. + Ib., p. 346.
44 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

those seeking to be dispensed from transplantation toConnaught
was William Spenser, whose grandfather was that Spenser who
by his writings touching the reduction of the Irish to ci-
vility brought upon him the odium of that nation. That very
estate near Fermoy which was confiscated from the Fitz-
geralds, and conferred on him about seventy years before, is now
confiscated anew, and set out among the soldiers of the Com-
monwealth army, and his grandson is ordered to transplant to
Connaught as an Irishman. William Spenser appealed to
Cromwell; and Cromwell, out of regard for the works of
Edmund Spenser, his grandfather, endeavoured, but in vain, to
save his lands for him.*

* “ Lord Protector to Commissioners for Affairs in Ireland.

“ Whitehall, 27th March, 1657.
“Riaut Trusty AND WELL BELOVED,

“« A petition-hath been exhibited unto us by William
Spenser, setting forth that being but seaven years old att the beginning o¢
the rebellion in Ireland, hee repaired with his mother to the Citty of Corke,
and during the rebellion continued in the English quarters; that hee
never bore arms, or acted against y° Commonwealth of England ; that his
grandfather, Edmund Spenser, and his father, were both Protestants, from
whom an estate in lands in the barony of Fermoy, and county of Corke,
descended to him, which during the rebellion yielded nothing towards his
reliefe ; that y* estate hath been lately given to the souldiers in satisfac-
tion of their arrears, upon accompt of his professing the Popish religion,
which since his coming to years of discretion hee hath, as hee professes, ut-
terly renounced ; that his grandfather was that Edmund Spenser, who by
his writings touching the reduction of y* Irish to civility brought on him
the odium of that nation, and for those works and his other good services
Queen Elizabeth conferred on him y* estate which the said William Spen-
ser now claims. Wee have also been informed that y® gentleman is of a
civill conversation, and that the extremitie his wants have brought him unto
have not prevailed over him to put him upon indiscreet or evil practiees
for a livelihood. And if upon enquiry you shall find his case to be such,
wee judge it just and reasonable, and do therefore desire and authorise you
y' hee bee forthwith restored to his estate, and that reprisall lands bee given
OF IRELAND. 45

THE TROUBLES OF THE COMMISSIONERS FOR IRELAND.

Besides the complaints of the transplanting Irish, the
Commissioners of Ireland had to meet and answer the petitions
of their own officers. The Commissioners of Revenue found
their returns affected by the transplantation, “it had so dis-
tracted and discomposed the people.” Irish entrusted by
their neighbours with collecting the assessment payable by
the different baronies were escaping into Connaught with the
balances, without passing their accounts.* Officers and Pro-
testants prayed that they might not be deprived of their
tenants and servants. Officers entrusted with clearing the
towns of Irish, unwilling to be answerable for the consequences

to the souldiers elsewhere. In y* doing whereof our satisfaction will be the
greater by the continuation of that estate to y° issue of his grandfather
for whose eminent deserts and services to y° Commonwealth y' estate was

first given to him.
‘We rest, your loving friend,

; “ Oxrver, P.”

Book of “ Letters from the Lord Protector,” p. 118, Record Tower,
Dublin Castle.

* « The time for transplanting the Irish being at hand, and the ablest
of the Irish inhabitants to remove thereupon, amongst which it is probable
that the most of those persons who have been entrusted as commissioners,
agents, or trustees for baronies will be included, who will some of them
doubtless take the advantage to avoid accompting with the country for
their receipts and collections before departure... . . We therefore desire
you will take care to call all such of the Irish or others who have been en-
trusted with the receipt of publique moneys in your precinct, to account in
convenient time before their transplanting. . . .

“ Your affectionate friends,
““ Epw4RD ROBERTS. BrngamMin WorRSLEY.
“ Corke House, March 2nd, 1654.
“ To the Commissioners of the Precinct of Limerick,”
Records of late Auditor-General’s Office, Custom House Buildings.
AG THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

of literally executing the order, required categorical answers
from the government to their queries. Colonel Sadleir asks
whether any Irish Papist shall be permitted to live in the
town of Wexford? If any, whether all the seamen, boatmen,
and fishermen, or how many ? How many packers and gillers
of herrings? How many coopers? How many masons and
carpenters? What shall be done with the Irishwomen
which are Papists, who are married to Englishmen and Pro-
testants? What shall be done with the Irishmen who are
turned Protestants, and come to hear the word of God ?*
The Commissioners at Loughrea troubled them even more,
They asked whether by Popish recusants of the Irish nation,
and therefore transplantable, might be understood those whose
fathers or mothers, or both, were English, only themselves born
in Ireland? Whether persons enlisted by their landlords,
being officers, though they were never in the field, nor marched
out of their country? Whether Papists that first served in
the rebel army, but then took service under the Common-
wealth, if still on muster? Whether men marrying transplant-
able widows become themselves transplantable? Whether
the wives and children of those gone to Spain be transplant-
able, as well as those remaining behind in like condition with
themselves? What do the Commissioners for Ireland mean
by Irish widows of English extract? What course shall be
taken with those transplanted that set themselves down where
they choose, refusing to come to their assignments, contrary
to the 4th, 5th, 6th, and 7th instructions, which hinder the
Commissioners from giving any account either of the number
or quality of the transplanted persons, and also from dispersing
the septs according to instructions ?¢
«A ».178, " fIbid., p. 544.

$5!
OF IRELAND. 47

THE FIRST ASPECT OF CONNAUGHT.

The difficulties of the government were increased by the
reports arriving from Connaught from the earliest transplanters,
to the families they left behind preparing to follow, who were
thereby discouraged. They found the country a waste. The
county of Clare was totally ruined, and deserted of inhabitants.
Out of nine baronies, comprising 1300 ploughlands, not above
40 ploughlands at the most, lying in the barony of Bunratty,
were inhabited in the month of June, 1653, except some few
persons living for safety in garrisons.* Scarce a place to
shelter in. The castles either sleighted by gunpowder, as
dangerous to be left in the hands of the Irish ;f or occupied
by the English soldiery, or by the ancient Irish proprietors,
who looked upon the transplanters as enemies liable to sup-
plant them, and therefore, encouraged their followers to give
them rough reception.{ Besides this, the Loughrea Commis-

* Zp. 205.

+ “ Upon reading the petition of Edmund Dogherty, mason, and the
certificates of the Commissioners at Loughrea, setting forth that the said
Edmond Dogherty is to receive the sum of £82 10s. Od., for demolishing
thirteene castles in y* county of Clare, at £2 10s. Od. each castle: ordered, &c.

“ CHARLES FLEETWOOD, Rosert Goopwin.

“¢ Dublin, 1st January, 1655.”
Late Auditor-General’s Records, vol. x., p. 188.

$“ Whereas information hath been given unto this Board, that many
of the Irish nation of the province of Connaught have offered several affronts
and abuses to divers of the transplanted persons. ..... it is hereby or-
dered, that Sir C. Coote, Knt. and Bart., Lord President of Connaught,
Colonel Ingoldsby, &c., or any two or more of them, be empowered upon
proof made before them . . forthwith to transplant such Irish proprietors
or others from their present habitations into some remote part of Con-

naught, that shall so menace or assault, &c., there to live.

“ Dated at Athlone, 18th June, 1655.” 2, p. 346,
48 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

sioners gave some of the earliest transplanters assignments in
the barony of Burren, in the county of Clare, one of the barren-
est, where it was commonly said* there was not wood enough
to hang a man, water enough to drown him, or earth enough
to bury him.t They were therefore scared, like the first beasts
too suddenly driven at a slaughter yard, communicating their
terrors to the herd behind. The English officers, too, were
not assisting to put them in possession of their assignments.
Ferrymen and toll-keepers were exacting tolls, contrary to the
orders of government.§

* « Whitelock’s Memorials,” at the year 1651, p. 521.

+ ‘“* Council of Ireland to Loughrea Commissioners.
“ Dublin Castle, 18th July, 1655.
‘‘ Being informed that you begirin to sett down persons in the baronies
of Burren and Inchiqueen, which places being generally reputed and
known to be sterill, wee fear it may much hinder the business of the trans-
plantation, by disheartening those which shall come after, when they shall
see such assignations made in the entrance of this work, &c.” = p- 82.

Grievances of the Transplanted in Clare.

“ Qndly. In regard it was the misfortune of your suppliants to be as-
signed on that part of y* county of Clare that is most barren, unfertill, and
waste, which yields no corn but oats (and that itself with much labour and
husbandry), your suppliants pray that no sheaf or tax be exacted from
them whence they remove.

“ 8rdly. Whereas the several transplanted persons thither have with-
drawne themselves with their cattle, as well back [across the Shannon] as
into Connaught, and that have returned of late their substance in the book
of the fourth part of the said county, may be forthwith forced to return back
to the said county with their stocks, otherwise the remaining transplanted
to be eased of their proportion of the charge for the future.” 5th Septem-
ber, 1654. “Grievances of the transplanted inhabitants now in the
county of Clare.”

Order Book of the Council, Late Auditor-General’s Office, Custom
House Buildings, vol. vii.

t op. 745. g Asp. 144,
OF IRELAND. 49:

FIRST YEAR OF THE TRANSPLANTATION.

But the progress of the transplantation during the first year
was not rapid enough for the officers possessed by that land
hunger characteristic ofthe Anglo-Saxon race. They com-
plained of any delay being granted to the Irish as displeasing
to God :—

“« Letter from Dublin, May 31, 1654.

‘We are somewhat in a confused posture yet with our trans-
plantation: many are gone, but many others play ‘loath to de-
part.’ And many are dispensed with : as particularly one whole
town, Cashel, towards which we had no great obligation upon
us. But the Lord, who isa jealous God, and more knowing of,
as well as jealous against their iniquity than we are, by a fire
on the 28rd inst. hath burnt down the whole town in little
more than a quarter of an hour, except some few houses that
a few English lived in [having probably taken the best stone
and slated ones], which were wonderfully preserved, being in
the midst of the town, and the houses round each burnt to the
ground, yet they preserved.

“The persons that got their dispensations from the trans-
plantation died the day before the fire, of the plague, and none
else long before nor since dead of the disease there.”*

Six weeks later comes the following intelligence to Lon-
don :—

“ From Dublin, 12th July, 1654.

“The transplanting work moves on but slowly ; not above
six score [families] from all provinces are yet removed into

* P. 3538, ‘ Mercurius Politicus, comprising the summe of all Intel-
ligence, with the Affairs and Designs now on foot in the three Nations of
England, Ireland, and Scotland ; in Defence of the Commonwealth and the
Information of the people. [Published weekly.] Licensed to be printed.”

E
50 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

Connaught. The flood-gates being shut from transporting [to
Spain], and one vent stopt for sending away the souldiery, part
of them Irish, they begin to break out into Torying, and the
waters begin to rise again upon us.”*

“ From Dublin, August 24th, 1654.
“The work of transplanting is at a stand. The Tories flie
out and increase. It is the nature of this people to be re-
bellious; and they have been so much the more disposed to
it, having been highly exasperated by the transplanting work.”

‘The year closes, however, more satisfactorily :—

“ From Dublin, December 21st, 1654.
“The transplantation is now far advanced, the men being
gone for to prepare their new habitations in Connaught. Their
wives and children and dependents have been and are packing
away after them apace, and all are to be gone by the Ist of
March next.”

* P. 3636, ‘¢ Mercurius Politicus,” &e. + P. 3782, ibid.
t P. 5048, ibid. They got a further short reprieve :—

“27th February, 1654-5.

‘“« Whereas, by an order of 30th November last, it is declared that all
persons in Ireland who are declared to be persons that ought to transplant
themselves, their wives, children, and families into Connaught, at or before
the 1st of March next, and should wilfully refuse or neglect to do so,
should incur the penalties declared in and by the several acts, orders, in-
structions, and declarations in that behalf, more particularly in that of the
30th November above mentioned: the Lord Deputy and Council, taking
into their serious consideration the immoderate and unusual fall of rain at
this season of the year, and how much the deepness of the waies and weak-
ness of cattle occasioned thereby may make their journeys more difficult
and hazardous, especially to their wives and young children, with their
breeding and young cattle: therefore, that all persons concerned may
know (as it hath hitherto been in the hearts of those in authority over them,
as hath been expressed in their proceedings towards them in this matter, to
OF IRELAND. 51

SECOND AND FOLLOWING YEARS OF TRANSPLANTATION.

By the 1st March, 1654-5, the last of the Ivish gentry and
farmers were to be withdrawn across the Shannon. The tem-
per of the officers and soldiers and other expectant planters

exercise all tenderness therein that is consistent with carrying on the work,
withal to leave such as shall prove refractorie thereto without excuse), they
do declare that the persons transplantable as above said and not dispensed
with, as in and by that declaration of 30th November is held forth, do
transplant themselves before the 1st day of March next, into the province
of Connaught, according to former declarations, and address themselves to
such as are there empowered for that purpose to take out their respective
assignments of lands, and proceed to build and settle themselves there, and
make provision for their families respectively. And it is further ordered,
that such persons [i. e. husbands and heads of families] so transplanting
themselves as aforesaid, their wives, children, and necessary servants, with
their cattle, shall be permitted to continue at their present dwellings
and holdings for such time as the Commander-in-Chief, with the Jus-
tices of Peace of each precinct, shall think fit to give lycense for under their
hands and seals respectively, provided that the said persons themselves so
to transplant as aforesaid do procure a certificate of the Commissioners in
Connaught appointed to set them out lands there, that they have appeared
before them, and are preparing for their families in Connaught, for want
of which certificate, their wives, children, and servants remaining in the
other three provinces, after the last day of March now next ensuing, are
hereby declared out of protection. Provided also that not any lycense
given by the Commander-in-Chief and Justices as aforesaid, to any of the
wives, children, servants, or cattle belonging to any such persons shall ex-
tend for longer than the 20th May next at furthest, but are to be limited
for less or more time within that space as they in their judgments (consi-
dering the conditions of the several persons so lycensed) shall think fitt.
“ Dated at Dublin (as above), :
“Tuomas Herpert, Clerk of the Council.” |

“Ordered by the Lord Deputy and Council that this declaration be forth-
with printed.” : ,
British Museum, 806. i, 14.
E2
52 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

=

may be judged by the following intelligence, all of which, like
the foregoing, was written for publication in London :—

“« Athy, March 4, 1654-5.

“T have only to acquaint you, that the time prescribed for
the transplantation of the Irish proprietors, and those that have
been in arms and abettors of the rebellion, being near at hand,
the officers are resolved to fill the gaols and to seize them: by
which this bloody people will know that they [the officers] are
not degenerated from English principles; though I presume
we shall be very tender of hanging any except leading men ;
yet we shall make no scruple of sending them to the West In-
dies, where they will serve for planters, and help to plant the
plantation that General Venables, it is hoped, hath reduced.”*

The government, accordingly, pressed on the great work.
They proceeded to seize and sell the crops of those families that
delayed to transplant, and to apply the moneys arising from
the sale for buying stores to relieve those that transplanted
themselves according to the law.f

They issued the most threatening orders. They then or-
dered the general arrest of all transplantable persons untrans-
planted by a certain day,t under which men and women, all
over the kingdom, were hauled out of their beds in the dead of

* P. 4530, ‘ Mercurius Politicus,” &e.

+ Ibid., p. 4569. “ Monday, April 2nd, 1655.

“The Lord Deputy and Council in Ireland have published a De-
claration for making sale of the corn of such Irish proprietors and
others that did not transplant themselves into Connaught according to the
Declaration of 30th November last, for buying stores to relieve those that
do transplant themselves according to the said Declaration.”

“ Perfect Proceedings of State Affairs, &c. (during the week between
29th March and 8rd April, 1655).”

{ 19th March, 1654-5. General search for and arrest of all transplant-
able persons untransplanted, ordered, and courts martial appointed to
try them, > p. 75.
OF IRELAND. 53

night to prison, till the gaols were choked,* and the Commis-
sioners of Parliament for the affairs of Ireland were obliged
to devise excuses to release them. But the aspect of Con-
naught was so terrible, that the wretched hunted nobility and
gentry of Ireland still lingered. Death was necessary to make
them move.

“© March 25th, 1655.

“ Daniel Fitzpatrick and another in Ireland [this was pub-
lished in London for the satisfaction of the adventurers and
other capitalists and speculators there] are condemned by the
Commissioners in Kilkenny for refusing to transport themselves
into Connaught, which makes the rest to hasten.”

Tn the same month, with a view of making their movements
quicker, a court martial, sitting in St. Patrick’s Cathedral,
Dublin, sentenced Mr. Edward Hetherington, of Kilnemanagh,
to death. The Commissioners confirmed the sentence, and
he was duly hanged on the 3rd of April, with placards on his
breast and back, “ For not transplanting.’ t

* «That pursuant to the said pretended act (27th September, 1653),
some were put to death with inscriptions on their breasts and backs for
non-transplantation. And for the more strict and effectual executing of
the said pretended act, it was a frequent practice to make general restraint
of all the Irish generally that were found out of the said province of Con-
naught, which were put in execution at one and the same time through all
the other provinces, by troopers and souldiers dragging the poor people
out of their beds in the dead time of the night, and bringing them in such
troopes as there were not gaol room enough to contain them. Therefore
some were put to death as aforesaid, others sold as slaves into America,
others detained in prison till they were not able to put bread into their
mouths, others (as partakers of the greatest favour that could he expected)
sent to Connaught.”

“<The Roman Catholics of Ireland, their Answer to Proposals offered
[to the Privy Council of England] in order to the Settlement of Ireland by
the Commissioners from the Convention of Ireland in 1660.” Carte MSS.,
Treland, vol. vii., p. 6. Bodleian Library.

+ “Upon reading the report of the court martial sitting in St.
54 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

Still the unfortunate gentry of Ireland would not obey the
law :—
“ Letter from Dublin, 27th July, 1655.
‘“‘The business of transplanting is not yet finished. The
Trish, in many places, chuse death rather than remove from
their wonted habitations. But the state is resolved to see it
done.”

But the spectacle of universal misery of the Irish nation,
and the evil consequences to the English planters themselves,
now called forth the book called‘ The Great Case of Transplan-
tation in Ireland Discussed.”* It was anonymous. But the

Patrick’s Church, Dublin, touching one Edward Hetherington of Kilne-
mana, whom the said court found guilty of the breach of the Declaration
concerning transplantation of 30th November last, whereby it appears
that for the breach aforesaid, as also for that his disobedience to several
declarations for transplantation, he was found guilty by the court mar-
tial in July last (he being a person that had borne arms against the Com-
monwealth). And likewise it did appear by an original examination
had from the High Court of Justice, by the positive oath of two English-
men that in the year 1643 he was a Tory, and (with others) had
taken them prisoners near the Naas, and had confessed to them that he had
that day killed seven Englishmen, with many other circumstances likening
the truth thereof. And that the said court have unanimously sen-
tenced him to die as a spy, according to the penalties of the said declara-
tion of the 80th November last. Upon consideration had thereof, it is
thought fitt and ordered by this board, that the court martial do consider
their former proceedings; and they are hereby empowered either to put
their former sentence of death against the said Hetherington into execu-
tion, or to reprieve him, as they shall judge most agreeable to justice.
‘“'T, Hersert, Clerk of the Council.

“ Dublin Castle, 2nd April, 1655.”
A
b> p- 114,

* «“ The Great Case of Transplantation in Ireland Discussed ; or, cer-
tain Considerations, wherein the many great Inconveniences in transplant-
ing the Natives of Ireland generally out of the three Provinces of Leinster,
Ulster, and Munster, into the Province of Connaught are shown, humbly

+s
OF IRELAND. 55

author was Vincent Gookin, son of a planter of King James I.’s
reign, then and long before resident in the county of Cork.
He was one of the six members for Ireland returned to the first
Commonwealth Parliament in 16538, called the Little Parlia-
ment.* He was elected by the people of Kinsale, and repre-
sented a large district in Munster.

Living among the Irish, he had as usual learned to love
them. He had appreciated that hearty, affectionately loyal
race of men, who seem to be fresh from nature’s hand, and to
belong to an earlier and uncorrupted world. His land hungert
had been appeased. He was possessed of considerable es-
tates. He had tasted the free gaiety of a country that had
escaped the feudal yoke.

Over the rest of Europe a thousand years of Roman and
feudal slavery had divided society into conquerors and con-
quered, into gentlemen and serfs ; so that the lower classes are
in many countries but emancipated villeins, exhibiting traces
of their former serfish condition, in their brutal manners.
Ireland escaped the feudal yoke, and hence perhaps it is, that
the commonest Irishman has something in him of the gentle-
man.

tendered to every individual Member of Parliament, by a Wellwisher to
the good of the Commonwealth of England.” 4to. London: for J. C., 1655.

* He also sat as one of the twenty-nine members for Ireland in the
Parliament of 1654.

+ “ The land hunger of the Anglo-Saxon race.”—‘‘ The Times” news-
paper. In another article of ‘29th November, 1861, on the Governor-
General’s throwing open the soil of India to English settlers, it says, “ that
the resolution of 17th October, 1861, appeals to one of the strongest pas-
sions in the human breast, the love of land. In most nations this feeling
is strong, but in the British population the love of land [of other peoples’
land] is powerful in the extreme. Our colonial wars are simply wars for
land. We fight for landin New Zealand, at the Cape, and wherever we
settle.” Denied it at home, they are led or driven like buccaneers to make
prey of it abroad.
56 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

Our author is an instance of the peculiar power possessed
by Ireland, observed even by Giraldus, of enchanting stran-
gers, who, he says, are scarce arrived before they are contami-
nated by the vices of the Irish.* These Circean charmst are
nothing else than the graces of a people not bowed or broken
by the feudal yoke. Unless, indeed, it be the contrast .pre-
sented between the life and gaiety of the Welsh, French, and
Irish, and that dumbness, the characteristic, as the same Giral-
dus has observed, of men of Saxon and German stock.

His father, Sir Vincent Gookin, in 1634 published a
pamphlet in Ireland, in the form ofa letter to the Lord Deputy,
being a bitter invective against the whole nation, Natives, Old
English, New English, Papists, Protestants, and all, which so
enraged all people against him, as they would have hanged
him ifthey could.§ In his “‘ Great Case of Transplantation Dis-
cussed,” he objected that the soldiers lately disbanded (espe-
cially the private soldiers) had need of the Irish. They had

* “ Topographia,” chapter xxiv.—'* How new-comers are stained with
the same vices.” Such are the only terms each Englishman employs, from
the very first to the latest, to describe the habits of the Irish.

+ ‘‘These were the Irish customs which the English colonies did
embrace and use; whereby they became degenerate, like those who had
drunk of Circe’s cup, and were turned into very beasts, and yet took
such pleasure in their beastly manner of life, as they would not returne to
their shape of men again.” Sir John Davies, “ Discovery why Ireland was
never thoroughly subdued until the Reign of King James I.,” p. 672.

t ‘Description of Wales,” by Giraldus, chapter xv., ‘‘Their freedom
and confidence in speaking.”

§ Pp. 34-39, ‘ Earl of Strafford’s Letters,” vol. i., folio.

Strange to find even Henry Cromwell, who had warred here as
Colonel, and became afterwards Lieutenant-General and Lord Lieutenant,
enchanted with the country :—

“ Henry Cromwell to the Duke of Ormond.
“« March 8, 1661-2.

“May Ir PLEASE youR Grace—The time of my protection expires
apace. Nor is the expense of this towne [London] very suitable to my condi-
OF IRELAND. 57

neither stock, nor money to buy stock, nor, for the most part,
skill in husbandry. But by the labours of the Irish on their
land, together with their own industry, they might maintain
themselves, improve their lands, and by degrees inure them-
selves suitably to their new course of life.* Moreover, there
were. few of the Irish peasantry but were skilful in husbandry,
and more exact than any English in the husbandry proper to
the country ; few of the women but were skilful in dressing
hemp and flax, and making woollen cloth. In every hundred
men there were five or six masons and carpenters at least, and
those more handy and ready in building ordinary houses, and
much more skilful in supplying the defects ofinstruments and
materials than English artificers.| They have always been
known as uncommon masters of the art of overcoming difficul-
ties by contrivances.

The transplantation would injure the revenue. It was paid
out of corn which the Irish raised, living themselves on the

tion. It would be of great concernment to mee to knowe my doome [he was
seeking to hold his Irish land], before I return into y* country, and Isuppose
my businesse is now as ripe as ever it can be for a determination. Where-
fore I humbly beg leave of your Grace to bee importunatt, that a period may
bee putt to my languishings, and the great unsettlement of niyrelations. I
neither expect nor desire to hold a foot of any restorable land, nor a foote
more than what by the mercy of his Majesty’s declaration is afforded mee.
I onely entreat your Grace to save mee the vexation and hazard of sollicit-
ing and attendaunces in Ireland, and of contests with any person what-
soever there, where I wish above all other places to live though never so
obscurely under your Grace’s protection, to show how much your Grace’s
patience about my business hath obleiged. May it please your Grace,
your Grace’s most humble, most faithfull, and most obedient servant,
“ Henry CROMWELL.”

Carte MSS. FF., p. 265, Bodleian Library.

* P. 16, “ Great Case of Transplantation Discussed.”

+ P.17, ibid.
58 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

roots and fruits of their gardens, and on the milk of their cows,
goats, and sheep, and by selling their corn to the English they
provided money for the “ contribution.”*

A considerable number of English had by this time already
come over and scattered themselves over the country, purchas-
ing farms, and buying stock. This early hope must be nipped
in the bud. For, if the transplanting went forward, it would so
multiply Tories, they could not live in the country,—and their
stock could not live in towns,—and their improvements and
buildings must be utterly lost, and themselves, when they least
expected it, undone.f For many of the inhabitants of Ire-
land, who were then able to subsist on their gardens, unable
to find subsistence in travelling to Connaught, or any imme-
diate support when they reached that wasted province, would ra-
ther choose the hazard of Torying, than the danger of starving.t
“The chiefest and eminentest of the nobility, and many of the
gentry, had taken conditions from the King of Spain, and had
transported forty thousand of the most active spirited men,
most acquainted with the dangers and discipline of war.§ The
priests were all banished. The remaining part of the whole
nation was scarce one-sixth part of what they were at the be-
ginning of-the war, so great a devastation had God and man
brought upon that land; and that handful of natives left were
poor labourers, simple creatures, whose sole design was to live
and maintain their families, the manner of which was so low
that their design was rather to be pitied, than by any body
feared or hindered. Then there was the danger that in Con-
naught they would be under their chiefs, seated in a country
furthest distant from England, with its coast most remote from
the course of the English fleet, ready to receive aid from any

*P. 15, ‘ Great Case of Transplantation Discussed.”
+ P.17, ibid. } P. 20, ibid. § Ibid., ibid. || P. 22, ibid.
OF IRELAND. 59

foreign country. It was by these advantages the English in
the late rebellion first lost Connaught, and last regained it.”*

The taxation to maintain the army was so insupportable
upon the people under protection, as to amount to a monthly
diminution of their capital substance, and drove many hus-
bandmen to such poverty that they had only the hard choice
left of starving or turning Tories. Their bands had been thus
lately much increased ; and the rigour of the Parliament in ex-
cepting them from mercy made them resist to the uttermost.f
To all these objections was to be added the difficulty of enfore-
ing the transplantation. ‘The Irish would say they could but
find want and ruin at the worst if they stay, and why should
they travel so far for that which will come home to them?
Against transplantation the Irish have ('tis strange) as great a
resentment as against loss of estate, yea, even death itself.
But, supposing they should have a dram of rebellious blood
in them, or be sullen and not go? can it be imagined that a
whole nation willdrive like geese ai the wagging of a hat upon a
stick” ?§ And in conclusion it was asked, ‘‘ When will this wild
war be finished; Ireland planted; inhabitants disburthened ;
souldiers settled? The unsettling of a nation is easy work ; the
settling is not. The opportunity for it will not last always;
it is now. The souldiers, exhausted with indefatigable labours,
hope now for rest. It had been better if Ireland had been
thrown into the sea before the first engagement on it, if it is
never to be settled.”

The publication of this work roused all the fury of the
officers of the English army. It was just at the moment when
one of the three great disbandings was about to take place,
and lots to be cast and possession of their lands to be taken by
the soldiery. They sent in petitions from various quarters.

* P, 26, ‘ Great Case of Transplantation Discussed.”
+ P. 18, ibid. t P. 25, ibid. § P. 26, ibid. || Ibid.
60 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

“The Council of War at head quarters in Ireland” addressed
His Highness the Lord Protector, stating that the Parliament
had provided for their satisfaction in land and for the trans-
plantation of the Irish, and that without such transplantation
your petitioners’ lands cannot long be safely enjoyed by them
and their posterity.” And they fell upon the author of the
book, including him amongst “ some persons belonging to
Ireland,” who endeavoured to obstruct them in their settle-
ment upon the lands provided for them by Parliament, and
with plainly injuring the army, and unsettling the work of
English plantation in Ireland.* But, besides the odious charge
of being an Irishman, or of having ‘“‘degendred” as Spenser
calls it, from being a “ right Englishman,” hating and despis-
ing the Irish and everything belonging to them but their lands,
they insinuated that he was bribed by them :—

“ Dublin, February 16th, 1654-5.

‘“‘ The Irish are troubled to hear of the dissolution of the
late Parliament, in whom they had great hopes; but, blessed
be God! their hopes are prevented. There is a letter carry-
ing on for maintaining of agents, of which I presume the gen-
tleman that lately wrote the Case of Transplantation (thereby
abusing rulers) is to have a considerable share. The Irish are
much given that way, the sweetness of which makes some of
those that have lived long among them so much desire their
company; but assure yourself, that if they were in Con-
naught, Ireland would be a very good land, and soon all

planted.” t

” Numb. 26.

P. 4530, ‘Perfect Proceedings of State Affairs in England, Scot-
land, and Ireland, with the Transactions of other Nations, from Thursday,
March 15th, to Thursday, March 22nd, 1654-5. Entered into the Re-
gister’s Book according to the Act for Printing. 4to. Printed at London
for Robert Ibbetson, dwelling in Smithfield, near Hosier-lane: 1654.”

t P. 5136, ‘ Mercurius Politicus,” &e.
IN IRELAND. 61

The Council of War sitting at Dublin plainly stated the real
purpose of the transplantation.

From the officers in the country (as provincials are natu-
rally more stupidly religious than people at head-quarters),
came the following petition, in which is strangely mixed the
Bible stuff they had crammed their heads and hardened their
hearts with, and the true end in view,—the possession undis-
turbed of the lands they had seized from the gentry of Ire-
land :—

“The humble Petition of the Officers within the Precincts of
Dublin, Catherlough, Wexford, and Kilkenny, in the behalf
of themselves, their Souldiers, and other faithful English Pro-
testants, to the Lord Deputy and Council of Ireland.”
They pray that the original order of the Council of

State in England, confirmed by Parliament September 27th,

1653, requiring the removal of all the Irish nation into Con-

naught, except boys of 14 and girls of 12,.might be enforced:

“For we humbly conceive [say they], that the proclamation for

transplanting only the proprietors and such as have bin in arms

will neither answer the end of safety nor what clse is aimed at
thereby. For the first purpose of the transplantation is to pre-
vent those of natural principles [i. e. of natural affections]
becoming one with these Irish, as well in affinity as idolatry,
as many thousands did, who came over in Queen Elizabeth’s
‘time, many of which have had a deep hand in all the late mur-
thers and massacres. And shall we join in affinity [they ask]
with the people of these abominations? Would not the Lord
be angry with us till he consumes us, having said, ‘The land
which ye go to possess is an unclean land, because of the
filthiness of the people that dwell therein. Ye shall not
therefore give your sons to their daughters, nor take their
daughters to your sons,’ as it is in Ezra, ix.11,12,14. ‘Nay,
ye shall surely root them out before you, lest they cause you
to forsake the Lord your God,’ Deut. vii., 2, 3, 4, 16, 18.” ..
62 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

3rd. Thereby honest men will be encouraged to come
and live amongst us, in reguard the other three provinces
will be free of Tories when there is none left to harbour or
relieve them .

“4th. That malice or exasperation of spirit may be pre-
vented that will arise in them against us when they see us
enjoy their estates.

“6th. You may thereby free many from being murthered
by those whose relations were killed by their means [i. e. by
the English] as instruments in the hand of the Lord, they
being a people of such inveterate malice as to continue and
labour to revenge themselves twenty or thirty years after an
injury received which they cannot do when separated.

“10th. You will thereby enlarge the liberties of the poor
English who are confined within walls and garrisons, to their
great impoverishment, in reguard that they are fain to house
or barn their cattle, and to make use of barren land, whilst the
Irish enjoy the benefit of the best land, orchards, and gardens
in the country, and keep their cattle abroad both day and
night, where they can and do conceal their cattle, which the
English cannot do, who by that means will be liable to bear a
greater proportion of contribution than the Irish; all which
arguments and reasons we humbly submit to your honours’
most serious consideration, desiring the Lord to direct and
guide you therein, and what else may tend to the honour of
God and comfort of this poor nation.”*

Colonel Richard Lawrence, who seems to have been the
leading member of the Committee of Transplantation formed
on the 21st of November, 1653, published an answer.t He

* P. 5236, ‘* Mercurius Politicus,” &e.

t ‘(The Interest of England in the Irish Transplantation stated ;
chiefly intended as an Answer to a scandalous, seditious Pamphlet, en-
titled, ‘The Great Case of Transplantation in Ireland Discussed.’ By a
faithful Servant of the Commonwealth, Richard Lawrence.” 4to, Lon-
don : 1655.
OF IRELAND. 63

said the true reason of the dislike of the Irish to transplant
was that they looked to their national interest, and discerned
that the transplantation laid the axe at the root of the tree of
their future hopes of their recovering their lost ground ;*
and besides their unwillingness to quit the possession of their
ancient inheritances, and to be settled upon other men’s in-
heritances in Connaught, they foresaw, perhaps, that the Con-
naught proprietor might bid them such welcome as they would
bid the soldier and adventurer upon their lands.t

Not only had Protestant statesmen of Ireland who were
advised with on the matter, both at Westminster and in Ire-
land, recommended it, and several solemn meetings been held
upon the business, but several godly ministers and other pious
Christians had been desired to attend to seek the Lord toge-
ther with them for direction in this work; and Colonel Law-
rence did not remember that any of them had manifested
dissatisfaction, or offered reasons against the work, though
very many godly and judicious persons complained of its
limitations and slow pace ;f and he added, in conclusion, “ If
any rebellious consequences follow from the mooting of these
objections by any Protestant friends of the Irish in such a nick
of settlement, I doubt not but God would enable that authority
yet in being to let out that dram of rebellious bloud, and
cure that fit of sullenness their advocate speaks of.Ӥ

Accordingly, the state pressed on the great work. ‘“ They
were resolved to see it done.” Again and again they filled
the gaols, threatening to execute the criminals.

Wholesale executions, however, for this crime, seem to
have been thought inexpedient ; but the government had no
scruple, we see, to sending them to the West Indies. At the
summer assizes of 1658 the numbers condemned to death in

* P,19, ‘ The Interest of England in the Irish Transplantation,” &.
+ Ibid. t P. 9, ibid. § P. 25, ibid.
64 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

the several counties for not transplanting were very great,
but they were by the judges reprieved, and by his Excel-
lency and the Council pardoned, but were, nevertheless,
ordered to be transported into the Barbadoes, or some of the
English plantations in America; and on the 26th of October,
1658, Sir Charles Coote, Knight and Baronet, President of
Connaught, and Colonel Thomas Stubbers, Governor of Gal-

way, were ordered to have a ship properly victualled to carry
from 80 to 100 of these criminals,* and ready to sail with the
first fair wind direct for the Indian Bridges in the Barbadoes.

* “ To the Rt. Hon. Sir Chas. Coote, Knight and Bart., Lord President
of Connaught, and Coll. Thos. Sadleir, Governor of Galway, or either

of vhem.
“ Council Chamber, Dublin Castle, 26th Oct., 1658.

‘¢ His Excellency and the Council having been pleased to pardon sun-
dry persons who have been condemned at the assizes and general gaol
delivery in the respective counties, and by the judges reprieved, have
nevertheless thought fitt to order their transplantation into the Barbadoes,
or some other of the English plantations in America, as also divers whose
banishment hath been adjudged at the late assizes (pursuant to the Act
of Attainder) for not transplanting, and conceiving Galway to be the
fittest port, they request Sir C. Coote and Colonel Stubbers to deal with
some merchant there about receiving them on board, and what may con-
cern the fees expended in removing them from the prisons where they
now are to Galway, the clothing them where needed, and having ready a
properly victualled ship for such a number (which may be towards eighty
or a hundred), and to set saile with the first faire wind directly for the
Indian Bridges, the usual landing place in the Barbaboes, or other English
plantation thereabouts in America, where he is within two days after
arrival to set them ashore, to deliver them to the said merchant or mer-
chants (who are to be at the charge and to have the disposal of them)
shall direct, except the number of ten, who will be speedily designed to
a person inhabiting in the Barbadoes; and by the time they have made
arrangements with a merchant or merchants you will have a more particu-
lar account both as to the certain numbers to be sent from the gaols, and
concerning a proper convoy for conveying them from garrison to garrison
until they arrive at Galway.” S, p- 338.
OF IRELAND. 65

This was only the first batch of those sentenced at these
assizes. By these means they continued to clear out the
ancient gentry and farmers, and fix them in Connaught,
where their condition is now to be considered.

THE CONDITION OF THE TRANSPLANTERS IN CONNAUGHT.

The cruelty of transplanting a nobleman like Lord Trim-
leston, for instance, with his stock of heavy cattle, from his
rich grazing and fattenmg grounds in the county of Meath,
to a fine sheep walk in the county of Galway—or John
Talbot, of Malahide, from his castle in the best part of the
county of Dublin to the wilds of Erris, in the county of Mayo,
fit only for goats—induced the government to appoint a com-
mittee, of which Sir Charles Coote the younger, President of
Connaught, was a member, to lay out certain baronies in Con-

‘(26th January, 1658-9.

Nathaniel Marks, High Sheriff of the Queen’s County, is answered
“that the convicts at the late assizes for not transplanting be secured
in Mariboro’ Castle until the gaol be made capable, pending the
general returns of late convictions from all the judges of assize.”—
5p Pr 855.

The following explains a passage in the letter of his Excellency and
the Council given above :—

“¢ Council Chamber, Dublin Castle, 29th Nov., 1658.
“ To Mr. Edward Smyth.

‘¢Srr,—I have, by means of a friend of yours, the tenne men and
two women hereunder named, ordered to be delivered to yourself or your
assigns at the Indian Bridges or other port in the Barbadoes.

‘‘ These are only to signify to you the same, and that it is agreed with
the merchant that you make discharge and payment for their passage,
your friend here having taken care to defray their charge out of prison and
conveyance on shippboard.

‘¢THomas Hersenrt, Clerk of the Council.”
Ib., p. 343.
F
66 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

naught, to receive the inhabitants from certain counties in the
three other provinces, so that the transplanted might receive
suitable lands as near as might be in quantity and quality
to the places from whence they were removed. Accordingly,
Sir Charles Coote furnished a scheme by which, for instance,
all the inhabitants of Ulster, except the Down and Antrim
Trish, were to be set down in various baronies in Mayo and
Galway. They lay west of a line drawn due north from the
town of Galway, in which were comprised Erris and Conna-
mara, two of the wildest and barrenest districts in Ireland.
The committee probably thought it best suited the wild and
fierce nature of the Ulstermen, not reflecting nor caring, pro-
bably, that in the counties of Armagh, Tyrone, Monaghan,
and Cavan, there are some fine lands, the owners of which
must suffer great hardship in being set down amongst the
heath and rocks of Erris. But these niceties could not, of
course, be attended to. The Down and Antrim men, being of
ancient Scottish descent, originally from the Hebrides and
adjacent coast of Scotland, with some antagonism to the rest
of Ulster, were to be set down in the baronies of Clanmorris,
Carra, and Kilmaine, keeping them still divided from the other
Ulstermen.

To the Kildare, Meath, Queen’s County, and Dublin Irish,
coming from the finest feeding and fattening lands in Ireland,
were assigned the barony of Boyle, comprising the famous
plains of Boyle, that fatten a bullock and a sheep to the acre;
and the baronies of Roscommon and Ballintubber, and the half
barony of Bellamo, in the county of Roscommon; and so of the
" rest.*

But the transplanter’s trials had only begun when he

* 12th Feb., 1655-6, “ Proposal for effecting the better setting down
of the Irish transplanted into Connaught.” S, p. 189.
“OF IRELAND. 67

reached Connaught. ‘The officers employed had to be bribed
by money if the poor transplanter had any money left, or by
a secret promise that he would give him part of the lands al-
lotted, if he got a good allotment, or speedy despatch.* Some
of great rank, whose wives got longer dispensation or passes
to return from Connaught, besieged the Council Board with
their attendances, praying for special orders to the Loughrea
Commissioners to give them and their families good assign-
ments either of planted lands, i.e. having tenants yielding
rents, or with a house upon it, or near a garrison. Thus Lady
Margaret Talbot, who had already interested them by her suf-
ferings and by being an Englishwoman, obtained from them
an order that the Loughrea Commissioners should admit Sir
Henry Talbot as tenant to 300 acres lying as contiguous as
might be to the lands already allotted to him, in consideration
of his many good services done to the English interest, and
the great estate he lost in Leinster.f Having thus sped in her
suit, they gave her twenty pounds in consideration of her dis-
tressed condition, to enable her to return to her husband and
children in Connaught.t

* “May 19, 1666. Sir James Cuffe claims as a Connaught purchaser.
Brawn Byrne had a final settlement of 2000 acres. He contracted
_ with Major Byrne for a certain sum of money, to let him have 200 acres,
who afterwards conveyed to the claimant. Sir James Cuffe being one of
the commissioners for setting out lands to the transplanted persons, the
said Brawn Byrne alleged that the said contract was chiefly in considera-
tion of obtaining his assistance to the procuring of the remainder of his
2000 acres to be set out to him, which was not done, he having never had
more than these 200 acres.” ‘‘ Minute Book of the Court of Claims,” p. 9,
Office of the Crown and Hanaper.

t dp. 154.

{ “‘ Ordered that James Standish, Esq., Receiver-General, &. do out of
the first public moneys that shall come into his hands issue forth and pay

F2
68 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

Walter Cheevers, of Monkstown, descended from a family
that came in with the Conquest* of Henry II., was possessed
in 1641 of a large estate between Dublin and Kingstown.
The ruins of his castle are still to be seen not far from the Salt-
hill station of the Dublin and Kingstown railway. The Mar-
quis of Ormond and Sir Maurice Eustace, by their report made
to the King after the Restoration, certified that oftheir own
knowledge he was very innocent of the rebellion.t But he
was a Catholic and an Irishman (as that term was understood

unto the Lady Margaret Talbot, the wife of Sir Henry Talbot, the sum of
£20, to enable her to returne to her husband and children in Connaught,
and for the better reliefe of their distressed condition ; for payment whereof
this (with the Lady Talbot’s receipt) shall be a warrant.

“ Henry CROMWELL, Ww. STEELE, Chancellor ;

“ RoBERT GOODWIN, Mites THomLInson,

‘OW. Bury.

“ Council Chamber in Dublin, 20th March, 1657.”

Treasury Warrants, p. 142.

* John Cheevers, of Mayston, in the county of Meath, in his petition
to the Lords Justices, sets forth that his ancestors have until the usurper’s
time enjoyed the lands granted unto them by King Henry II. on the Con-
quest. Vol. ii. p. 439, papers relating to the Act of Settlement; Record
Tower, Dublin Castle.

+ ‘And very faithfull to our royal father of blessed memory ; and
they saw no cause or reason why he should be evicted, as he hath
long been, from the possession of his estate, more than that Colonel Ed-
mund Ludlowe had obtained a grant of the same or most parte thereof
from Oliver Cromwell. And therefore, &.

Given at White Hall, 22nd November, 1660, the 12th year of our reign.

By His Majesty’s command.
“ Epwarp NICHOLAS.

“ To the Chief Baron, to the Sheriff of the County of Dublin,
and all other our loving subjects whom it may concerne.”

Book of King’s Letters, Chief Remembrancer’s Office, Court of Ex-
chequer of Ireland.
OF IRELAND. 69

in England), and had not shown that constant good affection
to the Parliament of England that alone exempted the Irish
from transplantation. He was, moreover, guilty of another
crime (like the bear, who is often killed, not for what he has
done, but for his skin)—he had a fine house and estate. This
was granted by Cromwell to General Ludlow, one of the Com-
missioners of Parliament for the affairs of Ireland; and Mr.
Cheevers was ordered to transplant, with his family, to Con-
naught. On the 16th December, 1653, he sent in to the
Commissioners of Revenue of the precinct of Dublin the par-
ticulars required by government from all transplanters, by
which may be seen the number of his family, and the extent
of his stock and crop, and what tenants or friends proposed to
accompany him to Connaught. The certificate is as follows :—
viz :—‘* Walter Cheevers, of sanguine complexion, brown hair,
and indifferent stature; his wife, Alson Netterville, otherwise
Cheevers, with five children, the eldest not above seven years
old; four women servants, and seven men servants, viz. Daniel
Barry, tall stature, red beard, bald pate; Thady Cullen, of
small stature, browne haire, no haire on his face; Morgan
Cullen, of small stature, blind of one eye, with black haire;
* Philip Birne, aged about forty years, black haire, low stature ;
William Birne, tall stature, aged thirty-five years; Patrick
Corbally, aged forty years, red hair, middle stature. The said
Walter doth manure twenty colpe of corn, and hath twenty
cows, sixty sheep, thirty hoggs, two ploughs of garrans. The
tenants willing to remove with him are Arthur Birne, of little
stature, brown haire, aged thirty years; Dudley Birne, middle
stature, brown haire, aged twenty-five years—which tenants
have a plough of garrans, twelve cows, forty sheep; Martin
M’Guire, tall of stature, and redd haire, aged thirty years,
hath six cows, four garrans, twenty sheepe; ‘Thos Eustace,
lowe stature, browne haire, twenty-five years, hath ten cows,
70 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

forty sheep, a plough of garrans, and ten hoggs. The substance
whereof We conceive to be true. -
‘“‘In witness whereof, we have hereunto set our hands
and seals, the 19th day of December, 1653.
“HH. MARKHAM, R. Doyty,
“Tos. Hooker. Isaac Dosson.”*

When proceeding to Connaught, to obtain a Final Settle-
ment there from the Commissioners sitting at Athlone, he took
a letter to them from the state, directing them to assign him
lands with a good house upon them, so as to enable him and
his family to subsist and render his being there comfortable,
in consideration that he had parted with a fair house and a con-
siderable estate near Dublin,t of which they all probably had
personal knowledge, as it is only natural to suppose they must
have often dined at Monkstown Castle with their brother
commissioner, General Edmund Ludlow. But the Athlone
Commissioners were either unable or unwilling to comply
with the order; for Mr. Cheevers had recourse again to go-
vernment, complaining that he had not obtained the favour the
government intended for him.t The truth was, it was found
in July, 1657, that the lands in Connaught had fallen short to
satisfy the decrees of the Athlone Commissioners, “ except
what was so remote and waste as to be useless ; and many Irish
who (like Cheevers) had parted with considerable estates and
convenient habitations, were thereby reduced to little better
than a starving condition.” And, notwithstanding the Com-
missioners had contracted the three-mile line along the sea

* Book of Transplanters’ Certificates, returned from the several pre-
cincts in the Province of Leinster, viz. Dublin, Wexford, Kilkenny, Car-
low, Athy, Athlone, and Drogheda. Records of the late Auditor-General’s
Office, Custom House Buildings.

+ Letter from the Council, dated 27th August, 1656. x p. 179.

} Ib., ib.
OF IRELAND. 71

coast to one mile, and had given up to transplanters the lands
about different garrisons, reserving only 500 acres around
Clare Castle, 100 acres round Cahir na Mart (or Westport),
700 acres about Athlone, and lands of a mile compass about
Carrigaholt, the government were informed there would
still not be sufficient to satisfy the decrees given to the trans-
planted.*

Pierce Butler, Viscount Ikerrin, was the ancestor of the
Earls of Carrick, a younger branch of the house of Ormond.
He dwelt at Lismalin Park, in the barony of Ikerrin, in the
county of Tipperary, contiguous to the county of Kilkenny,
where the ruins of his ancient castle may still be seen on a
hill side, overlooking a pleasant valley. Like the rest of his
house, with the exception of the Earl of Ormond (who, being
a king’s ward, had been brought up, by order of the Court of
Wards, a branch of the Court of Chancery, a Protestant), he
was a Roman Catholic; and having, with the rest of his country-
men of that persuasion, taken the King’s side against the Par-
. Hament, and been Lieutenant-General of the Leinster army,
under Lord Mountgarret, he was included in the Decree of Con-
fiscation pronounced by the Parliament of England, on the 12th
August, 1650, against all who had not manifested their con-
stant good affection to their interest. After the surrender of the
Leinster Irish to the Parliament forces under the articles
signed at Kilkenny on 12th May, 1650, he returned to the
neighbourhood of Lismalin Park, and was there employed as te-
nant at will to the state, farming those lands that were so soon
to pass to the conquerors, when the order of 14th October,
1653, was proclaimed, directing the Irish nation to transplant
themselves into Connaught before the 1st of May following.
On the 25th of January, 1654, he proceeded to Clonmel, and

+ = Letter of 27th July, 1657.
72 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

presented to the Commissioners of Revenue there the par-
ticulars of his family and establishment, their names, ages, and
descriptions, the extent of his stock and tillage, and the names
of those of his tenants and friends who were disposed to go
down with him into captivity in Connaught. By an abstract
of this certificate it appears that between his family and tenants
he had seventeen persons to accompany him. He had already
tilled and cropped sixteen acres of winter corn; he had four
cows, five garrans (or cart horses), twenty-four sheep, and
two swine ;* which he was to leave behind him in charge of
Lady Ikerrin, while he was to go forward into Connaught to
build a hut to shelter her and his daughters, who were to fol-
low in autumn with the cows, sheep, swine, and household fur-
niture. For on a general complaint that transplanters would
be great sufferers in their corn in ground, and other substance,
if they were not permitted to look after their harvest, they
obtained license for their wives and families to continue upon
their holdings until harvest came in (with’a general provision
for all aged, decrepit, and sickly persons, that they might
not be put on hard things), which gave the government,
according to the usual practice of rulers, cause to praise them-
selves for their great mercy and kindness, because of this mo-
dification of their cruelty.f Lord Ikerrin, having fallen sick, as
the 1stof May, thetime fortransplanting, approached, got license
on account of his distemper to repair to the Bath in England
for six months, necessary, according to his physician’s advice,
for the recovery of his health ; and Lady Ikerrin was dispensed
with from transplantation for two months from the 1st of May,
and her servants till the harvest was gathered in} On his

* Book of Transplanters' Certificates of the precinet of Waterford. Re-
cords of the late Auditor-General’s Office, Custom House Buildings.

+ Lawrence, “Interest of England in the Irish Transplantation Stated,”
p. 7. London: 1655. “

t Order of 24th April, 1654. 3, p. 304.
OF IRELAND. 73

return to Ireland some judgment may be formed of his po-
verty by an order of the Council of 27th November, 1654,by
which Sergeant Mortimer (Sergeant at Arms attending the
Council) was to pay the Lord Ikerrin £20 in consideration of
his necessitous condition ; after which the said Lord Ikerrin
was to acquiesce in the late order of this board for prosecut-
ing his claim at Athlone, and not to expect any more money
by order of this Council.* Lord Ikerrin, however, still evaded
transplantation ; for in 1656 he went over to London, and in
London found means to approach the Lord Protector, who,
finding him in an extremely poor and miserable condition, with-
out means to subsist in London, or to return back to Ireland,
bestowed upon him some relief, and wrote to the Lord Deputy
and Council of Ireland to allow him some proportion of his es-
tate without transplanting him, or to provide some relief out
of the revenue for him and his family: “‘ For indeed,” adds the
Lord Protector, ‘he is a miserable object of pity; and we de-
sire that care be taken of him, and that he be not suffered to
perish for want of subsistence.” How this poor nobleman fared

* Volume of Treasury Warrants (No. 14). Late Auditor-General’s
Office, Custom House Buildings. ;

t “To the Right Hon. ye Lord Deputy and Counceil in Ireland.

‘My Lorp aNp GENTLEMEN,—We being informed by several per-
sons, and also by certificates from several officers under our command in
_ Treland, that the Lord Viscount Ikerrin hath been of later times serviceable
to suppress the Tories; and we being very sensible of the extreame poor
and miserable condition in which his lordship now is, even to the want of
sustenance to support his life ; we could not but commisserate his sad and
distressed condition by helping him to a little reliefe, without which he
could neither subsist here nor returne back to Ireland; and therefore do
earnestly desire you to take him into speedy consideration, by allowing him
some reasonable proportion of hisestate without transplanting him, or other-
wise to make some provision for him and his family elsewhere, and to allow
him some competent pension or money out of the revenue. Indeed he
74 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

after Cromwell's interference does not appear. But Lismalinhad
passed irrevocably to the soldiery, for it gave Sir William
Petty opportunity of retorting upon his adversary Colonel
Hierome Sankey, “his unhandsome dealings with his soldiers
in the matter of Lismalin Park.” No further payments ap-
pear made to Lord Ikerrin, and he probably soon sank under
his misfortunes, for at the Restoration his grandson claimed
the estate before the Commissoners of Claims.*

But even after getting an assignment the poor transplanter
was not secure ; the Commissioners by mistake or fraud might
have given it to another: such was was the case of Maurice
Viscount Roche, of Fermoy. His whole case well illustrates
the misery of Ireland. Viscountess Roche, it appears, had been
hanged by the sentence of one of those High Courts of Justice
(or injustice) set up immediately after the surrender of the
Irish in 1652, when victims were required to justify the former
fury of the English, who had denounced all the Irish as mur-
derers. She was condemned on the evidence of a strumpet
for shooting a man with a pistol, whose name even was un-
known to the witness; and though it was ready to be proved
that Lady Roche was twenty miles distant from the spot, and
that the sight of a pistol was enough to fright her from the

he is a miserable object of pity, and therefore we desire that care be taken
of him, and that he be not suffered to perish for want of a subsistence :
‘¢ And rest, your loving friend,

“ Oxiver, P.
A. “ Whitehall, 27th February, 1657.”

Book of Letters from the Lord Protector, Record Tower, Dublin
Castle.

* «7th June, 1666, Viscount Ikerrin claims as an innocent Protestant ;
was born in 1639; was a student at Maudlin, Oxford, where he went to
church ; at Athlone went to church; Dean Blood administered the sacra-
ment to him at St. Owen’s Church, Dublin. Decree adjourned.” Minute
Book of Court of Claims, Hanaper Office, p. 43.
OF IRELAND. 75

room.* Lord Roche was in 1654 dispossessed of his whole es-
tate, having (as his petition sets forth) the charge of four young
daughters unpreferred, to whose misery was added the loss of
their mother by an unjust and illegal proceeding, for whose
innocence heappealed to the best Protestant gentry and nobility
of the county of Cork. Thenceforth Lord Roche and his chil-
dren lived in a most disconsolate condition, destitute of all
kind of subsistence (except what alms some good Christians
in charity gave them), the consequence of which was, that one
of his daughters fell sick and died for want of requisite accom-
modation either for her cure or diet. After ten months’ atten-
dance on those in authority at Dublin, all the succour he got
was an order to the Loughrea Commissioners to set him out
some lands there De Bene Esse.f With this order he was ne-
cessitated to travel on foot to Connaught, where he spent six
months in attendance on the Commissioners at Athlone and
Loughrea, and in these attendances and the prosecution ran
himself £100 in debt. Yet at the last he had but an assign-
ment of 2500 acres in the Owles in Connaught, and part in the
remotest parts of Thomond, all waste and unprofitable; and
from these he was evicted before he could receive any manner
of profit, by others to whom the Commissioners had disposed
of the same by Final Settlements, both before and after.}

* “A Continuation of the Brief Narrative, and the Sufferings of the Irish
under Cromwell,” p. 7. Small 4to. London: 1660. [By Father Peter
Walsh.]

+ That, is temporarily, conditionally, for his present habitation and sup-
port, and to maintain his cows and other cattle, until he could prove at
Athlone the extent of his estate confiscated, and his qualification, i.e. the
class of his demerit or delinquency, or amount of want of affection for the
Parliament of England.

{ “The humble petition of Maurice Lord Viscount Roche, of Fermoy,
to the Right Honourable the Lords Justices, March, 1661.” Records of the
late Auditor-General’s Office, Custom House Buildings, vol. xvii., p. 112.
76 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

With such spectacles daily and hourly before their eyes, it
is no wonder that the transplanted who could find means to fly,
or were not tied by large families of children, sold their assign-
ments for a mere trifle to the officers of government, and fled
in horror and aversion from the scene, and embarked for
Spain. Some went mad; others killed themselves ;* others lived
on, and founded families there in their Final Settlements which
subsist to this day, like some of the Talbots and the Cheevers ;
and some laid their bones in Connaught, whose heirs got re-

* P. 19, ‘* Threnodia Hiberno-Catholica, &c., &c. The Wail of the
Irish Catholics : or, the Groans of the whole Clergy and People of the
Kingdom of Ireland, in which is truly set forth an Epitome of the un-
heard of and transcendental Cruelties by which the Catholics of the
Kingdom of Ireland are oppressed by the godless English under the Arch-
tyrant Cromwell, the Usurper and Destroyer of the Three Realms of Eng-
land, Ireland, and Scotland. By Friar Maurice Morison, of the Minors
of Strict Observance ; Lecturer in Theology ; an Eye-witness of those
Cruelties.” Innsbruck. Printed by Michael Wagner: A.D., 1659.
12mo.

In the month of January, 1852, I went to see the lands of Kilsallaghan,
lying near Saint Margaret's, seven miles north of Dublin, preparatory to
bringing them to sale in the Incumbered Estates Court for the arrears of
jointure of a kinswoman. It was church-time when I got there; and
while waiting in a farmer’s house till the service was over, as the church
was on the lands attached to the ruined castle of Kilsallaghan, I asked the
farmer’s daughter if she knew who dwelt in the castle in old times, know-
ing very well that it had belonged to the Hores. She was quite aware of
it; and on my asking if there was anything bearing the name of the family
in the neighbourhood, she said there was Molly Hore’s Cross up the road
a bit. I was getting ready my note book to copy the inscription, when
she informed me that it wasn’t a stone cross, but a cross of the roads so
named. I asked how it got the name? She said, “‘ When the orders
came from Cromwell to put the people out, Molly Hore couldn’t stand it,
and she went into a stable they had down there, and hanged herself;”
and they buried her, of course by the crowner’s "quest law, as a suicide, at
the cross roads.
OF IRELAND. 17

_ stored after the restoration of the monarchy,—as Lord Trim-
leston, on whose gravestone, within the ruins of the Abbey of
Kilconnel that overlooks the fatal fields of Aughrim, may be
still read the epitaph: ‘‘ Here lies Mathew, Twelfth Lord
Baron of Trimleston, one of the Transplanted.”*

* Died at Monivea, in the county of Galway, 17th September, 1667.
“Tour in Connaught,” A. D., 1839, by Rev. Cesar Otway, p. 145. 12mo.
Dublin: Curry and Co.
78 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

PART III.

THE ADVENTURERS AND SOLDIERS.

THE CIVIL SURVEY.

THE officers of the army (for the common soldiers had no voice
in the matter) had now obtained their desires. The army, con-
sisting of about 35,000 men, were to have their arrears satis-
fied in land at the Act rates, that is, to have 1000 acres planta-
tion measure (equal to 1600 English measure) in Leinster, for
every £600 of arrears—a like quantity in Munster for £450 of
arrears,—a like quantity in Ulster for £300 arrears ; being at
the rate of twelve shillings for the acre, plantation measure, in
Leinster, eight shillings in Munster, and four shillings in
Ulster.

The next step of the government was to take an account of
what lands were forfeited, their extent and value. It was
about Michaelmas Day, 1658, that the Commissioners for the
affairs of Ireland received the instructions of the Parliament
for the survey of the lands forfeited on account of the rebel-
lion. Commissioners were immediately sent into every county
in the three provinces, to take an account of the lands in the
disposal of the government, which included not merely the
lands forfeited by the Irish, but the Church and Crown lands.*
They were to hold courts of survey, and to summon juries, and
charge them, if necessary, to view and tread the metes and
bounds of the premises ; and the Commissioners were to sum-

A
* 2 p. 544,
OF IRELAND. 79

mon and examine on oath all persons who could give evidence
of the names of the late proprietor, of his conduct, and of the
extent and value of his estate. Agents were to produce the
rentals, and bailiffs to show the bounds ; and where they should
find it impossible through the wastedness and depopulation of
the county to inform themselves of the metes and bounds, and
other certainties directed, they were to discover it as best they
could.* It must have been painful to the owners of these estates
and their families to see them valued before they had actually
passed out of their hands, being only a preparation for their
banishment, and for others to occupy their ancient hereditary
seats, endeared to them by a thousand tender memories. But
the Commissioners were enabled, by taking this inquiry before
the proprietors were removed to Connaught, to obtain evidence
not forthcoming two years later, when the Down Survey was
executed, there being then in many places no persons remain-
ing that knew the bounds, and families were obliged to be sent
back from Connaught to show them to the surveyors.

The purpose was to ascertain by the report of these Com-
missioners what was the amount of the fund applicable to the
payment of the debt due to the adventurers, and to the army,
and of the extent and value ofthe tithes and lands reserved to

* See a commission at fulllength in “ Petty’s History of the Down Sur-
vey,” by Major T. A. Larcom, R.E., pp. 383-386. 4to. Dublin: 1851,
Published for the Irish Archeological Society.

+ ‘‘ Whereas Mr. Henry Paris, late one of the Commissioners of Re-
venue of Clonmel, hath informed us that the transplantation hath been so
effectually carried on in the county of Tipperary, and especially in the
barony of Eliogarty, that no inhabitant of the Irish nation that knows the
country is left in that barony, which may be a great prejudice to the Com-
monwealth, for want of information of the bounds of the respective territo-
ries and lands therein upon admeasurement ; it is therefore ordered, that
it be referred to the Commissioners at Loughrea, to consider of four fitt
and knowing persons of the Irish nation lately removed out of that barony
into Connaught, and to return them with their families to reside in or near
80 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

the state ; so that the government might afterwards be enabled
to contract with skilled surveyors for an exact admeasurement
and maps of the lands, in order to a proper allotment of the
army’s lands amongst the officers and soldiers, and that grants
and leases might be made with greater ease and security by
the government of the lands reserved to them, and that the as-
sessments might be equally levied. This report was duly re-
turned for all Ireland, and was called the Civil Survey.*

Having thus ascertained, by as near a computation as could
be made without actual admeasurement, the extent and value
of the lands seized from the former proprietors in each of the
three provinces on this side of the Shannon, a general coun-
cil of officers next apportioned the amount of arrears to be
satisfied in each province. They then proceeded, like the adven-
turers, to draw the first or grand lot, to ascertain in which pro-
vince each regiment of horse, foot, and dragoons was to be
satisfied its arrears. For on debate of the matter whether they
should take their lands by lot, or have them assigned to them
respectively by some competent authority, they resolved for
the former mode, declaring that they had rather take a lot upon
a barren mountain as a portion from the Lord, than a portion
in the most fruitful valley upon their own choice.t

their old habitations, for the due information of the surveyors appointed of
the respective bounds of each parcel of land admeasureable, and to con-
tinue there till further order.

“ Tuomas Herpert, Clerk of the Council.

“ Dublin, 20th December, 1654.” > p. 54,

* For a specimen, see ‘‘ A Survey of the Half Barony of Rathdown, in
the County of Dublin, containing the parishes following, viz., Donnebrook,
Tannee, Kill, Monkstown, Killiny, Tully, White Church, Killternan, Kill-
gobbin, Rathmichael, and Connagh. By order of Charles Fleetwood,
Lord Deputy, October 4th, 1654.” P. 528. “2nd Desiderata Curiosa
Hibernica ; or, a Select Collection of State Papers,” &c. 8vo. Dublin:
2 vols. 1772,

+ ‘ Petty’s Down Survey by Larcom,” p. 91.
OF IRELAND. 81

But when the officers in the Munster lot found that all the
coarse mountain land in the baronies of Iveragh and Dunkerrin,
in the county of Kerry (the neighbourhood of the Lakes of
Killarney), considered by them “the refuse county” of Ireland,
which they expected to have thrown in to them gratis as un-
profitable, was counted as profitable (though ten, twenty, and
thirty acres of it were sometimes counted for one”), they called
the General Council of the Army together, and proposed to get
rid of them. The Council, however, with a spice of humour,
fixed them with these two coarse baronies, by reminding them
of the pious intent upon which they had agreed to the lottery.t

THE DOWN SURVEY.

The officers of the army next agreed with the government
to join them in contracting with Dr. William Petty, Physician
to the Forces, to make accurate maps of the forfeited lands be-
longing respectively to the government and to the army, in
the three several provinces of Leinster, Munster, and Ulster.
Connaught was assigned to the Irish; and good maps of most
of the lands in that province had been made about fifteen years
before, by orders of Lord Strafford, when he intended the Eng-
lish plantation there, by which the government were enabled
to set down the transplanted Irish there the more readily. It
was characteristic of the period, that this great step in perfect-
ing the scheme of plantation was consecrated with all the forms
of religion, the articles being signed by Dr. Petty in the Coun-
cil Chamber of Dublin Castle, on the 11th of December, 1654,
in the presence of many of the chief officers of the army, after
a solemn seeking of God, performed by Colonel Thomlinson,
for a blessing upon the conclusion of so great a business.} Such
is the account given by Dr. Petty, this able man being himself

*  Petty’s Down Survey,” by Larcom, p. 96.

+ Ibid., p. 91. t Ibid., p. 22.
G
82 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

all the while a freethinker, who laughed at the many different
sects of that day, considering sects tobe like worms and maggots
in the guts ofa commonwealth.* He was also of opinion that the
gathering of churches might be termed “listing of soldiers.”f

By his contract, Dr. Petty engaged to mark out upon the
map the subdivision of the lands into so many parcels as might
satisfy each man his particular arrears, thus showing each offi-
cer’s and soldier’s particular lot,t with an index of their names
and position on the map. But this provision was afterwards
dispensed with, as the army were not ready to subdivide at the
time of the survey being taken, and the subdivisions were only
returned by the officers in descriptive lists to the Chancery.
These being sent at the Restoration to the Commissioners for
executing the Act of Settlement, they remained amongst the
documents they had had recourse to, and were destroyed in a
great fire that burned down the Council Office, where they were
then deposited, in the year 1711—an irreparable loss. Had
they been marked in the Down Survey, there would have been
seen regiment by regiment, troop by troop, and company by
company, encamping almost on the lands they had conquered;
for they were thus set down without intervals, and without
picking or choosing, the lot of the first regiment ending where
the lot of the second regiment began.

The field work of the survey was carried on by foot soldiers
instructed by Dr. Petty, and selected by him as being hardy
men, to whom such hardships as to wade through bogs and
water, climb rocks, and fare and lodge hard, were familiar.§

* « Reflections on some Persons and Things in Ireland,” p. 119. 12mo.
London: 1660.

+ Ibid., p. 92.

{ “* Articles of Agreement between the Surveyor-General and Dr. W.
Petty,” dated 11th December, 1654, Article 8, “ Petty’s Down Survey,” by
Larcom, p. 25.

§Ibid., p. 17.
OF IRELAND. 83

They werefittest, too, ‘to ruffle with” the rude spirits they were
like to encounter, who might not see without a grudge their
ancient inheritances, the only support of their wives and chil-
dren, measured out before their eyes for strangers to occupy;
and they must often when at work be in danger of a surprise
by Tories. Some of the surveyors were captured by these bold
and desperate outlaws, when the sending away of the forces
for England and Scotland; about the beginning of the work, left
him naked of the guards he had been promised.*

OF THE BOXING OF THE ARMY FOR LANDS.

Sir William Petty says, that as for the blood shed in the con-
test for these lands, God best knows who did occasion it; but
upon the playing of the game or match the English won, and
had, among other pretences, a gamester’s right at least to their
estates ;[ and like gamesters they proceeded to divide the
spoil. The lands they had won were to be set out to the army
by lot, and were to be so assigned to the different regiments in
the several provinces, that the lands might be set out together
without intervals, and without picking and choosing. Accord-
ingly, it was ordered that the several regiments whose lots had
fallen in any of the three provinces should be put into posses-
sion of their lands successively one after another, each regiment
beginning to take their possession from the bounds of such
places where the lots of the respective regiments preceding
respectively ended.{ The regiments in each provincial lot cast
lots to ascertain in what county and baronies each regiment

* « Articles of Agreement,” ibid., pp. 123, 125.

+ “ The Political Anatomy of Ireland,” 1672, by Sir W. Petty, p. 28,
1st vol. ‘Tracts and Treatises relating to Ireland,” by Alexander Thom
and Sons. 2 vols. 8vo. Dublin: 1861.

t Pp. 64, 65, “ Petty’s Down Survey,” by Major Thomas A. Larcom,
Trish Archeological Society’s Publication. 4to. Dublin: 1851.

G2
84 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

should be satisfied. A lot or ticket was then made for every.
troop or company, containing the names of the several officers
and soldiers of the troop or company, the arrears due to each,
and the number of acres due to the entire troop or company.*
These lots or tickets were prepared on papers of equal size, and
sealed with wax wafers or glue, so as one might not be distin-
guished from the other without opening them. They were
then to be put ina box, out of which they were to be drawn as
lots, to distinguish in which of the baronies the proportion of
land due to each company was to fall.f

The lands in the several baronies having been already ar-
ranged by the Surveyor-General in a fixed sequence, called a
file or string of contiguity,t the Commissioners for setting out

* “ Ordered, that the officers of the army now at head quarters docon- -
sider how the lotts of the party now to be disbanded may be drawn most
equally. 20th August, 1655.” =, p. 223.

‘¢Ordered, that the Surveyor-General do prepare lotts for each regiment,
and for each company and troope of each regiment, inserting the name of
each regiment, troope, and company in the lotts, that the troopes and
companies may know who are to begin, and in what manner they are to
proceed successively to take their satisfaction.” Ib., p. 224.

} Boxing was aterm in common use in that day: thus, ‘‘ Waste lands
and undisposed of may be lett to any English well affected, not exceeding
three years, without putting y° same to y* box, rendering such reasonable
rent, &c. Dated at Cork, Tth of July, 1652.

‘‘Mites CoRBeTt. JOHN JONES.”

Order Book of Council, vol. vii., Landed Estates Record Office.

Again—“ Or, if they [discovered forfeitures] may bee sett out at un-
equall rates, whether there shall bee a free and open boxing for them in-
differently, as whereby one that has received his clear satisfaction in Munster
may box for the dubiouse lands of Ulster?” ‘+ Petty’s Down Survey,” by

Larcom, p. 200.
+“ Your petitioners propound that every barony may be reduced,
OF IRELAND. 85

the lands to the particular regiment proceeded on the day ap-
pointed to the place of drawing, generally some town nearest
to the chief baronies, and there in the presence of the officers
and soldiers of the regiment drew the lots for the first barony.
They were directed to draw out only one lot at once, and, open-
ing it, to read it aloud in the hearing of all persons present,
and then to file the lot on the file of that barony, entering the
same in their record, fairly and distinctly, before another lot
was drawn; and so to proceed, lot by lot, until as many lots
were drawn as contained all the number of acres in the barony
in the disposal of the Commonwealth, according to the survey,*
with a copy of which they came provided. As soon as the lot
was drawn, all persons into whose shares the barony fell were
to deliver up their debentures upon the spot, in order that they
might be cancelled; but each man received in exchange a cer-
tificate, stating the fact of the debenture having been delivered
up, and declaring the amount of arrears in the debenture, and
the number of acres to be set out in the barony to satisfy it.f

as to the several denominations comprehended therein, into one continued
file or string of contiguity.” ‘‘ Petty’s Down Survey,” by Larcom, p. 239,

‘* Monday, 10th December, 1666.

“ The three regiments claym for lands in the county of Kerry, sett out
to them in satisfaction for their arrears... . . The claymants produce a
string whereby the lands were sett out... . . Mr. Petty swears that the
paper signed was the original, written by himself and Sir W. Petty,—that
these strings had as much force as injunctions,—that they took posses-
sion under them.” Minute Book of Court of Claims, p. 38. Hanaper
Office.

* The Civil Survey. ‘

+ The proceedings thus described are set out in “‘ A Commission for y*
Setting out Landsin y* County of Corke to y* Disbanded Forces in lieu of
their Arrears. Dated at Dublin, y° 10th day of January, 1653-4.”

A
a Pp: 81.
86 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

Thus Lord Broghill, Colonel Phaire, and others, were ap-
pointed Commissioners, on 10th January, 1654, to set out lands
in the baronies of Fermoy, Duhallo, Condon, Orrery, and other
baronies in the county of Cork, to satisfy arrears due to the
officers and soldiers of the regiments, troops, and companies
named ina schedule annexed to the commission, amounting to
£60,611, 8s. 6d., which required 75,735 acres, 2 roods, to sa-
tisfy them,—lands in the county of Cork being rated by the
army, as between themselves, at £800 per thousand acres. The
Commissioners were to fix a time and place for drawing lots, of
which they were to give seven days’ previous notice at least, in
Cork, Mallow, Youghal, and Bandon. They were directed by
the commission to begin to draw out the lots for the barony of
Fermoy, and so lot by lot, until all the land in the barony was
exhausted; and if the number of acres in the lots drawn for
any barony should exceed the amount of land in the barony,
the defect was to be supplied out of the adjacent barony,—the
particular parish or townland where to begin the supply hav-
ing been appointed before drawing the first lots, in order to
avoid controversy or imputation. The officers and soldiers
who fell to be satisfied in any one barony or allotment were
immediately to take possession ; and, having subdivided it be-
tween them, were to send up the subdivision, with each man’s
lot described by such bounds and other certainties as it could
be known to the Commissioners of Revenue of the precinct.*
Upon getting possession, the half pay of the officers and sol-
diers ceased. But, in addition to the original list of those to
be satisfied by the Commissioners, additional lists were con-
stantly sent down of soldiers whom they were to admit to re-

* « A Commission for y* setting out Lands in y* County of Corke to
the Disbanded Forces in lieu of their Arrears.” z, p. 31.
OF IRELAND. 87

ceive their satisfaction as if they had been in the original
lists.*
OF THE EQUALIZING OF COUNTIES AND BARONIES.

The state gave all the forfeited lands to the army at the
Adventurers’ or Act Rates ; but the several regiments compos-
ing each provincial lot were unwilling to cast the regimental
lots, or lots to ascertain in what counties and baronies within
the province the several regiments were to be satisfied their
arrears, without some regard to the value of lands. They
thought it too desperate a hazard for a regiment to cast a lot
and find itself paid off with 10,000 acres of land in the moun-
tains of Kerry, while the next regiment received 10,000 acres
in the rich pastures of Tipperary or Limerick as of equal value,
though the army received all the Munster lands from the state
at £450 per 1000 acres. Accordingly, they equalized or set
an approximate or more real value on the lands in the several

* “A list of several persons of Captain Lewis Jones’s troop of horse
that desire satisfaction for their arrears in the county of Sleigo :—

 

 

 

 

£os d. Ao RP.

Corporal John Jones, . . . . . . 43 19 0 97 3 24
Alexander Irwin,. . . . «1... 2214 4 45 1 24
Christopher Jones, . . . . «ss 2115 8 43 2 0
Richard Jones). . . . . 1. es 20 8 2 40 3 8
James Hugh, . at 21 3 5 42 1 8
Quarter-Master Nicholas Goulding, . .| 283214 9 | 465 1 24
Pence excluded, totalis . . . .. |£367 13 0-| 735 1 8

 

 

“ These are to certify that the arrears of the above persons are stated,
and amounts to the several sums according to their names respectively an-
nexed, for which proportions of land are required at the rate of £500 for
1000 acres ; as is likewise to their sums affixed, which amounts in the whole
for the said £367 13s. Od. to the sum of 7354. 1r. 8r. 30th March,
1655. ‘Wirtram Diceus.
“To Major W. Shepherd, Major John King, and the other Com-

missioners for setting out lands in the county of Sleigo, that they

be added to the list of those to be satisfied there, and be permitied

to draw lots as if they had been named in the original list.” = p. 220.
88 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

counties and baronies, when casting lots for lands in discharge
of their pay. Thus the regiments in the Munster lot valued
the barony of Glaneroughty, containing the mountain land of
Kerry, at £250 per thousand acres; but the barony of Clan-
william, containing the Golden Vale of Tipperary, at £1100
per thousand acres.*

THE COUNTIES AS VALUED BY THE ARMY.

In the following list will be seen the valuation of the seve-
ral counties by the army, to make them more equal among
themselves, preparatory to casting the first ‘‘ Grand” or “ Pro-
vincial Lot,” to determine in what province each regiment
was to be satisfied its arrears.

“ Dublin, the 21st November, 1653.

“A Particular of the Rates of the severall Counties in the Provinces of
Leinster, Munster, and Ulster, as they were agreed to by the Generall
Councel of Officers to be settled upon each of the said Counties respec-
tively, in order to the setting out of Lands for the satisfaction of the
Arrears of them that are disbanded, until the pleasure of the Parliament
shall be further known therein, or a more exact account had of the
quantity of Forfeited Lands in Ireland ; viz. :

FOR EVERY THOUSAND ACRES IN THE PROVINCE OF LEINSTER.

 

 

 

 

 

aes Counties. New Rates.
£
600 Wicklow. Six hundred pounds.
600 Longford. Six hundred pounds.
600 King’s County. Six hundred pounds.
600 Waxford. Nine hundred pounds.
600 Catherlo, Eleven hundred pounds.
600 Kaldare. Thirteen hundred pounds.
600 Kilkenny. Eleven hundred pounds.
600 Queen’s County. Nine hundred pounds.
600 West Meath. Nine hundred pounds,
600 Meath. Thirteen hundred pounds.
600 Dublin. Fifteen hundred pounds.
The barony of Athirdee in the county of Louth,
twelve hundred pounds; the rest of the county
being reserved wholly for the Adventurers.

 

% s, p. 854. Order dated 28th July, 1653.
OF IRELAND. 89

FOR EVERY THOUSAND ACRES IN THE PROVINCE OF MUNSTER.

 

Rates in the

 

‘Act. Counties. New Rates.
£
450 Cork. Eight hundred pounds,
450 Waterford. Fight hundred pounds.
450 Tipperary. One thousand pounds.
450 Limerick, Eleven hundred pounds.
450 Kerry. Four hundred and fifty pounds.

 

FOR EVERY THOUSAND ACRES IN

THE PROVINCE OF ULSTER.*

 

Rates in the

 

 

 

 

‘Act. Counties, New Rates.

£

200 Antrim. Five hundred and twenty pounds.
200 Armagh. Four hundred and sixty pounds.
200 Tirone. Four hundred pounds.

200 Fermanagh. Four hundred and twenty pounds.
200 Donegal. Four hundred pounds.

200 Londonderry. Four hundred and fifty pounds.
200 Cavan. Four hundred pounds.

200 Monaghan. Four hundred and twenty pounds.
200 Down Five hundred and twenty pounds.

For every thousand

Five hundred pounds.

acres in the baronies of Sligo,

 

 

VALUATION OF THE BARONIES.

The lots for provinces having been cast, the officers of the
several regiments in each provincial lot, before lotting for
counties, valued the different baronies in their lot.

In the following list, which only concerns some one of the
three general assignments of lands made to the army in Septem-
ber, 1655, and July and November, 1656, and is unfortunately
incomplete, will be found not only the equalization of the se-
veral baronies, but the names of the different captains, troops,
and companies, to whom they were to be set out in succession.

* From an original printed Declaration, small folio of six pages, in the
library of Charles Haliday, Esq., of Monkstown Park, Monkstown. “ Dub-

lin: by William Bladen: A.D. 1653.”

+ “ Petty’s Down Survey,” by Larcom, p. 174.
90

PROVINCE OF

 

Names of the

Counties where the

Disbanded are to
be satisfied.

The Names of the Regiments out of
which the Disbanded are reduced.

Names of the particular Troopes and:
Companies that are-Disbanded. |

 

 

 

 

 

 

Captain Helsham.
Captain Lynocks.
Captain Garrett.
Captain Mathews.
Captain Pennyfather.

Wexford. Lord Henry Cromwell’s Re- | Captain Barrington.
giment of Horse.
Lieutenant-Generall Ludlow’s | His owne Troope.
_ Regiment of Horse. Captain Ivorie’s.
Captain Nunn’s.
Captain Clayploe.
Colonell Daniel Abbott’s Re- | Captain Packenham.
~ giment of Dragoons.
Sir Hardress Waller’s Regi- | Captain Holmes.
ment. Captain Candler.
: Captain Wilkinson.
Lord President’s Regiment. Captain Collis.
Colonell Phair’s Regiment. Captain Cartrett.
Loose Companies. Captain Morgan.
Major Cuppage.
Captain Highgate.
Major Shepherd.
Captain Skinner.
Supernumeraries of the Lord |
Henry Cromwell’s Regi- |
ment to be added to this |
Lott.
West Meath | Colonell Ingoldsby’s Regi- | His owne Troope.
and ment. Captain Napper.
East Meath. Captain Cambell.
Captain Wrenn.
Captain Gibbons.
Generall Venables’ Regiment. | Lieutenant-Colonell Pinchion. |
Captain Bromwell. :
Colonell Axtell’s Regiment. | Captain Cornock.
Captain Gardiner.
Colonell Clarke’s Regiment. | Captain Talbott.
; Captain Disney.
Loose Companies, Captain Waltham.
Supernumeraries of the Lord
President’s Regiment of
Horse.
Kilkenny and | Colonell Stubbers. His owne Company.
Queen’s Co. Captain Burrell.

 

Captain Richards,

 
LYNSTER.

 

 

 

 

 

 

The Names of the Baronies that are to be :
| set out to the Disbanded in abacesalon. The Rates of the severall Baronies.

Forth. £800 per thousand acres.
Bargy. 700 per thousand acres.
Shilmalier, 600 per thousand acres.
Bantry. 600 per thousand acres.
Delvin. £800 per thousand acres.
Half Fore. 800 per thousand acres.
Corkerrie, ' 600 per thousand acres,
Moygoise. s

Kells. 650 per thousand acres.
Ferbill. 800 per thousand acres.
Moyfenrath. 1000 per thousand acres.
Clonlonan.

Moycashel. } 600 per thousand acres.
Kilcoursie.

Liberties of Kilkenny. £800 per thousand acres.
Upper Ossory. 500 per thousand acres.

 

 

 
92

PROVINCE OF

 

Names of the
Counties where the
Disbanded are to
be satisfied.

The Names of the Regiments out of
which the Disbanded are reduced.

Names of the particular Troopes and
Companies that are Disbanded.

 

Limerick and
Kerry.

Lord President of Connaught’s
Regiment.

Colonell Richard Lawrence.

Colonell Chidley Coote.
Colonell Richard Coote.
Major Ormsby.

Major King.

Captain St. George.

The Lord President of Con-
naught, his owne arrears, and
the Supernumeraries- of his}
owne Troope.

The Supernumeraries of the

Lord Broghill’s Troope.

Captain Mould.

Lieutenant-Colonell Jones.

Captain Eudes.

Supernumeraries of the Life
Guard, Generall Officers and
Traine.

 

Waterford.

Tipperary and|

Colonell Prettie’s Regiment.

Colonell Sadler’s Regiment.

Loose Company.

Captain William Bolton.

Captain Alland ; each of them
to have thirty out of their
respective Troopes to place
with them if they can gain}
so many to be free thereunto. |’

Captain Thomas. i
Captain Nicholls and Major}.
Brereton.

Major Richardson.

Supernumeraries of Colonell
Prettie’s Regiment to be
added to this Lott.

 

 

Cork.

 

 

Loose Company.
Lord Protector’s Foot.

Colonell Hewson.

Loose Companies.

 

Captain Dutton.

Captain Seagrave.

Captain Pelham.

Captain Turner.

Captain Hinchman.

Captain Jordan.

Captain Markham.

Major Walters.

Supernumeraries of Commis-
sary-General Reynolds, and
Colonell Sankeys.

 
MUNSTER.

| The Names of the Baronies that are to be
set out to the Disbanded in succession.

The Rates of the severall Baronies.

93

 

Coshlea.
Small County.

Coshma.
Tracht I Connor,

Clannoris.
Corkaguiny.

Glanerought.

Clanwilliam.

£600 per thousand acres.
800 per thousand acres.

700 per thousand acres.
350 per thousand acres.

350 per thousand acres.
250 per thousand acres.

250 per thousand acres.

1100 per thousand acres.

 

Gualtier and Middlethird.

£500 per thousand acres.
350 per thousand acres.

 

Kinalea, and Kerricurrihie.

 

 

£570 per thousand acres.

 

 

 
94 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

PROVINCE OF ULSTER.*

 

Names of the
Counties where | The Names of the Regiments out | Names of the particular
the Disbanded of which the Disbanded are re- | Troopes and Companies

 

are to be satis-| duced. that are Disbanded.
fied.
Tirone, Lord Deputy’s Regiment. | Captain Morris.

Supernumeraries of
the Lord Deputy’s
Regiment of Horse.
[Zhe rest 7s want-

ing}.

 

 

 

 

 

OF THE EQUALIZING OF THE LANDS IN THE LOT OF A TROOP OR
COMPANY.

Thus the different regiments provided for some degree of
equality in value as between themselves. But as the lands to
satisfy each troop or company were set out by lot in a gross
sum to the troop or company after the rate set upon the county
or barony, without regard being had to the different and unequal
value of the lands in themselves, it would necessarily follow
that if a subdivision were not made in proportion to the real
difference, some would have lands of a much greater value
than others. It was therefore provided that the different re-
giments, troops, and companies, should nominate out of them-
selves persons to subdivide and set out the lands fallen to the
regiment, troop, or company, according to their true and real
value.t Accordingly, after the troops or companies were as-
signed a barony, the officers of the troop or company proceeded
_ to rate the lands at their exact value, before casting lots or

proceeding to divide them by agreement amongst the troop

* 4, p. 136. + “Petty’s Down Survey,” by Larcom, p. 278.
OF IRELAND. 95

or company. Thus the generals of the army, the gentlemen
of the life guard, and officers of the train (the artillery of that
day), having received the Liberties of Limerick, as a supply, in
case their lot of the barony of Clanwilliam in the county of
Limerick should prove insufficient to satisfy their arrears,
the Liberties being valued at the rate of £1500 per thousand
acres, they particularly and distinctly equalized the several
towns and seats belonging to the Liberties, according to the
respective goodness, quality, and condition of the land, and
according to the nature of the improvements in each of them,
and set a value upon the particular places, in order to make
the lots then about to be cast equal among themselves.*

SALE OF DEBENTURES BY THE COMMON SOLDIERS TO THEIR
OFFICERS.

In the interval between the surrender of the principal Irish
armies, in 1652, and the perfecting of the scheme for setting
out the lands in Ireland, which was not published till Michael-
mas, 1652, the distresses of the men, and even officers, for want
of payment of their arrears, became very great. To raise
moneys for their subsistence, they were found to be selling their
debentures, the poor soldiers’ dearly earned wages, at in-
considerable sums, thus depriving themselves of a future com-
fortable subsistence intended for them by those in authority,
who would never have given out the lands at such low rates,
but in tenderness to the soldiery, and in order to plant the
country with those poor creatures whom the Lord had pre-
served in hardships and dangers, that they might enjoy the
fruits of their labour.t Debentures were accordingly for-
bidden by the act to be sold until the soldiers were actually

*& p. 168.
+ “Order, dated 28th July, 1653.” 3, p. 354.
96 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

in possession of their several allotments.* But the prohibition
seems to have been unheeded, and practically void, because of
the general desire of the men to sell, and of the officers to
purchase ; for it appears by the claims sent in at the Restoration
to the Commissioners for executing the Act of Settlement
(still subsistingt) as well as the many deeds of assignment in
private custody, signed by all or nearly all the privates of
different troops and companies, that the men conveyed their
rights to their officers.| The government themselves were
obliged to license the sale of them. Thus Lieutenant Goul-
burn got liberty, on 23rd of November, 1653, for him and his
three servants to make sale of their debentures for their pre-

* Act for the Satisfaction of the Adventurers for Lands in Ireland
and Arrears due to the Soldiery there, &c. Section 3, Scobell’s “‘ Acts and
Ordinances.”

+ ‘Lists of Claims,” among the Records of the late Auditor-General
and Surveyor-General’s Offices, in the custody of William Henry Hardinge,
Esq., Landed Estates Record Office, Custom House Buildings.

{ Sotprers’ ASSIGNMENT OF THEIR DEBENTURES TO THEIR OFFICER.

‘« Know ALL MEN by these presents, that wee, John Kingfoot, Thomas
Etherett, Thomas Goodg, Ambrose Bayley, John Thomas, Lawrence Scott,
Richard Gumbleton, Henry Frampton, Richard Boxley, Benjamin Fox,
Thomas Right, John Piner, John Samon, William Yelding, Tobias Burt,
John Lewis, Thomas Smith, Thomas Padle, John Jones, John Cads, John
Davis, James Blow, William Hill, Evan ap Lewis, Thomas Dalton, William
Johnson, Henry Fidey, Vincent Watkins, Gregory Bolton, Robert Rutter,
William Weaver, Robert ap Richard, George Symes, and Robert Davis,
Souldiers in Lieutenant-Colonell Richard Steephens’s Company, of the late
regiment of foote belonging to Colonell Daniell Axtell, in consideration of
one hundred and thirty six pounds to us and every of us, respectively and
proportionably in hand paid by Arnold Thomas, Ensigne to the said com-
pany, by these presents do grant, assign, bargaine and sell to the said
Arnold Thomas, his heirs, and assigns, ALL our right, interest, and estate
in anie parcels of land, of what nature and qualitie it shall happen, and of
what number of acres they shall happen to be and amount unto, lying and
OF IRELAND. 97

sent necessities, notwithstanding the late printed declaration in-
hibiting the sale.* Often the government were obliged to
advance money from the treasury on security of the debenture
as in the case of distressed widows of men or officers whose
husbands had been killed in the service, often “slaine by the
Toryes,” leaving them a great charge of small children be-
hind, and their distress increased by the great cost of coming
to Dublin in hopes of possession of their lands, and long atten-
dance there about taking out their husbands’ debentures. In
such cases small sums were ordered to be paid to enable them
to return to their children, the advance to be endorsed on the

being within the dominion of Ireland, which are to be assigned and ascer-
tained unto us in recompense of our services under the Parliament and
Commonwealth of England in our service heare in Ireland, together with
our severall debentures, with the sums therein mentioned to be due unto us,
and to be satisfied out of the forfeited lands of delinquents by the Commis-
sioners appointed for stating accompts, TO HAVE AND To Hoxp to the said
Arnold Thomas, his heirs, and assigns, to be held of the chief lords of the
fee by services thereupon due and of right accustomed for ever. And wee
have constituted and in our places severally put our well beloved friend,
Richard Woods, late Marshall to the said Colonell Richard Axtell’s regi-
ment, our true and lawfull atturney, to enter and take possession for us
and in our names of all such parcells of land wherever they shall fall,
happen, or be assigned by lott or otherwise, within the dominion of Ireland ;
and after such possession so taken, them and everie of them for us
and in our names peaceable possession thereof to the aforesaid Arnold
Thomas to deliver, according to the tenor of these presents. In witness
whereof, wee have hereunto put our hands and seals, this 26th day of
June, 1656.” Copied from the original, in the possession of Joseph Hanly,
Esq., 25, Lower Gardiner-street.

The deed is above a yard in length, though little more than six inches
in width; and the thirty-six seals, being attached by parchment labels, give
it something of the appeara‘ice of a fringed window vallance. Three only
of the soldiers sign their names; all the rest, as well as the attesting witnesses,
are marksmen.

* Dated 28th July, 1653, 3, p. 354.
H
98 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

debenture, so that it might be defalked thereout when lands
should be given in satisfaction of the debenture.t At last de-

* Upon consideration had of the low and necessitous condition of
Dorothy Arthur, widow ordered that Mr. Standish, Receiver-General, do
out of the first publique moneys, &c., pay unto the said Dorothy Arthur
£4 0s. Od., y® same to be on accompt of y® moneys due upon y® said Wid-
dow Arthur’s debenter, and to be endorsed on y* same, that it may be
defalked thereout when lands shall be given in satisfaction thereof. 10th
January, 1654.

“ CHa’, FLeetwoop, Mixes Corset, Mart, THomiinson.”

Order Book of Council, p. 209, Late Auditor-General’s Records,
Custom House Buildings, vol. x.

To Jane Weare, widow of Lieutenant Arthur Weare, “ who has a de-
benter for £190, the arrears of her husband accrued before 1648, and has
been at great cost coming to Dublin in hopes of possession of her lands,
to enable her to return to her children, to be defalked out of her deben-
tur, £6 13s. 4d., Oct. 29, 1654.”” Ib., p. 41.

“Upon reading the peti¢én of Elice Morton, and consideracon had
thereupon, and of her present necessitous condicon by reason of her hus-
band’s death, who was in y° Parliament’s service, and slaine by y* Toryes,
leaving her a greate charge of small children behinde, as also by reason of
her long attendance att this place about taking out her husband’s debenters
whereby she hath suffered much poverty and want;” ordered Twenty
Shillings. January 8, 1654-5.

“ CHARLES FLEETWOOD, Mitxs Corset, Rozsrert Goopwin.”
Tb. p. 208.

“‘ Upon consideration had of the petition of Jane Platt, widdow, it ap-
pearing that her husband, Ensign George Platt, dec’. was about two years
since slaine in the Commonwealth’s service, leaving the petitioner in a poor
distressed and helpless condition, with three small children depending on
her for maintenance; it is ordered that J. Standish, Esq., do, &c. pay
unto Mr. T. Edwards, in trust for the said Jane Platt, the sum of £32,
the same to be in full satisfaction of her debenture, which is to be delivered
up to be cancelled. Dublin, June 11, 1655,” Ibid., p. 92.
OF IRELAND. 99

bentures were freely and openly sold ;* and there were regular
debenture brokers, and a market rate, and prohibitions (of
course eluded) against buying under eight shillings in the
pound. And Dr. Petty prides himself upon always buying
from the regular debenture brokers, and never at first hand
from the necessitous soldier (though trepanners were sent to
entrap him into purchasing); while officers were notoriously
guilty of buying of their own poor soldiers remaining under
their command, “‘ whom we may well conceive frightable into
any bargain, by what aweings or other means may be left to
consideration.”

In this manner a considerable part of the debentures were
sold before the assignments of lands; and when the disband-
ing and assignment of lands took place, the common soldiers
who had not parted with their debentures, refused in many
instances to plant.

On the Ist of September, 1655, was to take place the first
and largest of the three great disbandings of the army, and
the assignment of lands to them for their arrears of pay,t the
two years which had elapsed since the passing of the act of 27th
September, 1653, for their satisfaction in land, having been con-
sumed by surveys, and the contest of the officers with the
government as to the quantity of land applicable to their im-
mediate payment. The different regiments of the army, which
had been for three years garrisoning towns or posts of strength,
tilling fields in the neighbourhood of their garrisons as part of

* « Anno 1653, debentures were freely and openly sold for 4s. and 5s.
per pound.” Petty’s ‘Political Anatomy of Ireland,” p. 26.

+ Petty’s “‘ Reflections upon some Persons and Things in Ireland,” &e.
pp. 834—36. 12mo., London: 1660.

t Petty’s ‘History of the Down Survey,” by Major T. A. Larcom,
p. 174.

H2
100 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

their pay,* were now to march under command of their officers
to the different counties in which each regiment was to be satis-
fied its arrears, there to cast lots, to determine in what baronies
the several troops and companies should sit down.

In 1649 the English army were mutinous at being ordered
on service into Ireland, denying the right of the government
to send them out of England ;f and in 1653 the common
soldiers do not seem to have been too well satisfied with the
plan, originating with the officers, that the arrears of the army
should be satisfied in Irish lands. The state in Ireland were fully
aware of the temper of the common men; and the anxiety
of the Lord Deputy is evident in the tone of his circular let-
ter, addressed to each commanding officer of the several troops
and companies to be disbanded on the 1st September, 1655 :—

* «Petition of the officers within the precincts of Dublin, Catherlough,
Wexford, and Kilkenny on behalf of themselves and other faithful English
Protestants, Feb. 1654-5.” P. 62, supra, and p. 16.

+ It was in April, 1649, that four regiments of horse, and four of foot,
out of fourteen regiments of the army of England, were ordered by the
Parliament for service in Ireland. The officers, knowing the temper of the
men, called a council of the army ; and the council, after a solemn seeking of
God by prayer, cast lots which regiments of the old army should go.
Fourteen paper lots were prepared, ten of the papers being blank, and four
of them with “Ireland” written on them ; and all being put into a hat, and
shuffied together, they were drawn out by a child, who gave toan
officer of each regiment in the lot the lot of that regiment ; and being drawn
in this inoffensive way, it was pretended that no regiment could take excep-
tion toit.2 The army, however, was mutinous ; and it required the presence
of old Colonel Skippen, then in the House of Commons, and many other
influences, to appease it. Once embarked, however, others easily followed,
and Cromwell’s successes brought numbers to his standards. In December,
1649, ‘‘ we hear by letters from York ofa rendez-vous of Colonel Lilburn’s
party that are marching for Ireland, about a hundred old blades, stout men,
and well horsed, ready for the service.””?

a Whitelock’s “‘ Memorials,” p. 397 b. bIb., 484,
OF IRELAND. 101

“ Dublin Castle, 20 Aug. 1655.

“ Sir,—In pursuance of his Highness’s command, the coun-
cil here with myself and chief officers of the army having con-
cluded about disbanding part of the army in order to lessening
the present charge, it is fit that your troope be one. And accord-
ingly I desire you would march such as are willing to plant
of them, into the barony of Shelmaliere in the county of Wex-
ford, at or before the 1st day of September, where you shall
be put into possession of your lands for your arrears, according
to the rates agreed on by the committee and agents. As also
you shall have upon the place wherein you are so much money
as shall answer the present three months arrear due to you and
your men, but to continue no longer the pay of the army than
upon the muster ofthis August. The sooner you march your
men the better; thereby you will be enabled to make pro-
vision for the winter.” After some sweetening hints that they
will be perhaps paid hereafter as a militia, he concludes :—

‘“‘And great is your mercy, that after all your hardships
and difficulties you may sit down, and, if the Lord give his
blessing, may reape some fruits of your past services. Do
not think it a blemish or underrating of your past services
that you are now disbanded ; but look upon it as of the Lord’s
appointing, and with cheerfulness submit thereunto; and the
blessing of the Lord be upon you all, and keep you in His
fear, and give you hearts to observe your past experience of
signal appearances. And that this fear may be seen in your
hearts, and that you may be kept from the sins and pollu-
tions which God hath so eminently witnessed against in those
whose possessions you are to take up, is the desire of him
who is
_ Your very affectionate friend to love and serve you,*

“CHARLES FLEETWOOD.”

* “ Mercurius Politicus,” p. 5582.
102 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

The newswriters for the state, who always represent the
disposition of people actually to be what the government wishes
it should be, described the soldiers as quite content with
being disbanded :—

“« Dublin, September 5th, 1655.

“J have little to add to my last besides the enclosed. My
Lord Deputy* takes shipping for England to-morrow, and
the officers and souldiers are all marcht (that were disbanded)
to their lots in the counties of Wexford, Lymerick, Eastmeath,
Westmeath, &c. They are generally fully content; I never
saw a business of the kind go on with less repining, so great
have our blessings been under the government of him who is
departing from us. Our loss will be your gain; it will be
your mercy to make better use of such a mercy as he is than
we have done. We doubt not but God will furnish him that
shall succeed, viz. the Lord Henry Cromwell, with a spirit
fit to his work, which in this nation is much, and requires
much of the Lord’s assistance, as he hath found to his comfort
that is now leaving us. The several Commissioners for setting
out land to the disbanded officers and souldiers are hasted
out of town, that the souldiers may be speedily settled, and
comfortably lie down on their portions, which is so much
the more to be accepted, in that they are not at the will of
their cruel enemies to seek their bread at their hands ; but
having by the blessing of God obtained their peace, they may
sit down in the enjoyment of their enemies fields and houses
which they planted not, nor built not; they have no reason to
repent their services, considering how great an issue God hath
given.”f

The Commissioners, however, gave a different account

* Fleetwood, who had married Bridget, Oliver's eldest daughter, widow
of Major-General Ireton.
+ P. 5620, ‘‘ Mercurius Politicus.”
OF IRELAND. 103.

from the spot. They informed the government that divers offi-
cers and soldiers of the regiments and companies of foot ap-
pointed to be disbanded, when they appeared before them,
would not sit down upon their lands, notwithstanding the en-
couragement offered by anew suit of clothes,* and one month's
half-pay ;f and notwithstanding the government promised to

ec “29 August, 1656.

“ Upon consideration had of the petition of John Fforsett for self and
other disbanded soldiers, praying satisfaction of cloth allowed to others dis-
banded at the same time, which they have not yet received ; ordered that
it be referred to the Auditor-General of his Highness’s Court of Exchequer
to examine the truth of what is suggested in the within petition; and if
they find the same to be true, and within the rule, to prepare orders for the
same, as formerly for others in like cases.

‘Tuomas HERBERT, Clerk of the Council.”

+ “ At the Castle of Kilkenny, this 21st September, 1655.

“ The Lord Deputy and Council to the Commissioners appointed to set
out Lands to the Disbanded in the County of Cork.

« GENTLEMEN,—We hope that before this time you have proceeded in
the setting out of lands to the disbanded officers and souldiers according to
your instructions. And whereas upon the petition of several of the said
disbanded, with the advice of the cheif officers and soldiers, one month’s half
pay was ordered for their subsistence till they should be actually settled
in possession of lands for their arrears ; and having had consideration how
the said half pay should be regularly issued to the disbanded ; it is thought
fit and ordered that you do forthwith send to the Auditor-General of the
Army a particular and distinct list of the non-commissioned officers and
souldiers to whom you have set out lands, taking care that none be in the
lists but such as were lately actually disbanded, and included in the muster
of August last, because the benefits-of the said half pay is any to extend
to such, and is to issue on your certificate aforesaid.

‘¢Tyomas Hrrpert, Clerk of the Council.
om p. 94.
‘¢ The like letter, verbatim, was sent to Waterford, Wexford, Kil-
kenny, East and West Meath, Limerick, and Kerry.” Ibid.
104 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

consider of their demand that a sufficient number of Irish la-
bourers, husbandmen, and servants might be allowed to stay
amongst them until they should be better enabled to plant
without them.*

It was the officers only, in point of fact, that promoted the
design of taking land for their arrears ; and some even of them
seem to have shared the discontent of the common men, as
Lieutenant-Colonel Scott was arrested for agitating the dis-
banded companies sitting down in the county of Wexford, in
September, 1655, by treasonable words against his Highness,
tending to mutiny and distemper.f In Ireland the common men
found no beer, no cheese; they had no ploughs nor horses, nor
money to buy them. The Irish were for the most part trans-
planted, or had betaken themselves to the woods and moun-
tains as Tories.

But beyond all other wants was felt that imperious want, the
want of women. They were forbidden under heavy penalties
to take Irish girls for wives. or any amours with them during
their service in the army they were severely flogged ;{ and as

+ Ap. 245, + 4, p. 248.

t * June 15, 1655.
“ By the Court Marshall.

‘“« Whereas, by a court marshall this day held at Whitehall, Hugh
Powell, souldier in Captain Lieutenant Hoare’s Company, of Collonel
Huson’s regiment, was convicted and found guilty of fornication, within
the third article of warre, and for the same was adjudged to be whipped
on the bare back witha whipcord lash, and have forty stripes while he is
led through the four companies of the Irish forces before Whitehall, at the
time of the parade on Munday next, and twenty stripes more after that at
Putney, while hee is led through those of the Irish party that quarter there,
neer the Widow Nashe’s house there ; You are hereby required to cause
the said sentence of the court marshall to bee put in execution with effect ;
and the chief officers present with the said Irish companys at the time of
the parade at Whitehall, on the said Munday, as also the chief officers
present with those of the Irish party quartering at Putney, are hereby
OF IRELAND. 105

the soldiers always pretended that the Irish girls they married
were converts to English religion, Ireton forbade all inter-
marriages, unless the girls first passed an examination into the

desired to draw thesaid companies into two single files, to the end the said
Hugh Powell may bee led through and receive his punishment accord-
ingly.
“« Signed in the name and by the order of the said Court,
‘“THos. Marcets, Advocate.

“ To the Marshall General of the Army, or his Deputies.”

P. 4795, ‘‘Mercurius Politicus.”

“ Dublin Castle, 17 March, 1653-4.

“Upon the information of Colonel Solomon Richards, that Captain
William Williamson is now prisoner in Dublin upon suspicion of commit-
ting fornication with a woman in the county of Tipperary, during the time
of his service there ; and that the said Colonel has entered into a recogni-
zance to prosecute the said Captain for the misdemeanour and offence afore-
said; and forsomuch as the said offence is alleged to have been committed
within the precinct of Clonmel as aforesaid ; it is ordered that the said Cap-
tain Williamson be sent forthwith in safe custody from Dublin to Clonmel,
there to be secured by the said Colonel Richards, and the rest of the Com-
missioners for administration of justice there in order to his tryal; and that
the recognizances be delivered to the said Colonel Richards to be cancelled :
whereof all whom it may concern are to take notice.

“Cartes FLeETWwoop, Mires Corset, JoHN JONES.”
fp. 187.

July 16, 1655: William Sword, a foot soldier in Lieutenant-Colonel
Venables’ own company, belonging to Ireland, for like offence was adjudged
‘to be whippt at the limbers of a piece of ordnance in Windsor, from the
Castle gate to the Churchyard gate, in the High Street, and back again,
with a whipcord lash.” ‘ Mercurius Politicus,” p. 4797.

But what were these to the punishment of high treason denounced
by the Statute of Kilkenny (40 Ed. 3, sec. 2, A. D, 1867) against any Eng-
lishman who should make alliance with an Irishwoman by marriage,
concubinage, or amour? ‘The court doth award that thou shalt be had
from hence to the place from whence thou diddest come, and so
drawne upon an hurdle [or sledge] to the place of execution; and there
106 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

real state of their hearts before a board of military saints,
under penalty, if the soldiers marrying were dragoons, of being
reduced to foot soldiers—if foot soldiers, to pioneers—without
hope in either case of promotion.* After being disbanded, if

to be hanged, and let down alive, and thy privie parts cut off, and thy en-
trals taken out and burned in thy sight ; then thy head to be cut offe, and
thy body devided in foure parts, and to be disposed of at Her Majestie’s plea-
sure.” (Sentence on William Parry, LL. D., at Westminster, 25th Fe-
bruary, 1584-5, for High Treason. ‘ State Trials,” vol. i., p. 128.) Seesimi-
lar sentences upon fifteen regicides on 16th October, 1660 (ibid., vol. ii.,
p. 401). Nor was the disembowelling alive a mere form of words. ‘‘ When
the executioner began his tremendous office on Babington, one of the
Gunpowder Treason conspirators, the spirit of this haughty and heroic man
cried out amidst the agony, ‘ Parce mihi, Domine Jesu!’ Spare me, Lord
Jesus” (D’Israeli’s ‘‘ Curiosities of Literature,” vol. iii., p. 102.) At the exe-
cution of Mr. Green, in 1642, a lady knelt and held the poor gentleman’s
head fast beneath her hands; and while the executioner ripped up his belly,
and laid the flaps on both sides, the poor sufferer was so present to himself,
that he made the sign of the cross with one hand. Meanwhile his face
sweated, blood issued from his mouth, ears, and eyes; and his forehead
burned with so much heat, that she could scarce endure her hand upon it
(note, ibid.).

And the Irish are to be called barbarous for not having had punish-
ments like those of the “(just and honourable law of England!’ (Sir J.
Davies’ ‘‘ Discoverie,” p. 665). By which law also women in England
were to be stripped and flogged in public by men, till the year 1817, and
privately in prison till 1820.

bd “ By the Deputy Generail of Ireland.

‘‘ Whereas divers officers and souldiers of the army doe daily intermarry
with the women of this nation who are Papists, or who onely for some cor-
rupt or carnall ends (as it is to be feared) pretend to bee otherwise,
and who, while remaining in, or not being really brought off from
those false ways in which they have or doe walk, are declared by the Lord
to be a people of his wrath. And though a reall change in the blinde
deluded people of this nation were to be wished and ought to be endea-
voured by all good people (it being the joy and delight of any that God
hath brought home to himselfe to see the like worke upon others hearts
OF IRELAND. 107

they married any of these attractive but “‘idolatrous” daughters
of Erin, they were liable to have them taken from them, or
to march after them to Connaught if they could not do without
them.

COMMON SOLDIERS CHEATED OF THEIR LOTS OF LAND BY THEIR
OFFICERS,

But even ifthe soldier had not sold his debenture to his
officer, and was willing to plant, he was sometimes cheated by
him of his lot. For, on coming down to look for possession,
the poor soldier would be shown a bog or other piece of coarse
land, and the officer would tell him that was the lot set out to
him, and by that means bought the good land which really
was the poor man’s at the price of the bog.* In such cases

also, which frame of spirit I trust all Christians in this army have towardes
that people) ; yet that none be left to their own misguided judgments in
things where usually blinded affection makes them take any pretence
for a reall worke of God on the heart, I think fitt to let all know
that if any officer or souldier of this army shall marry with any women of
this nation that are Papists, or have lately been such, and whose change of
religion is not, or cannot be judged (by fitt persons, such as shall be ap~
pointed for that end) to flow from a reall worke of God upon their hearts,
convincing them of the falsehood of their owne ways, and goodness and
truth of that way they turn to, or that from any circumstance accom-
panying that action it shall be judged to be but from carnall ends that they
have made this change, I say that any officer who marries any such shall
hereby be held uncapable of command or trust in this army, and for any
soldier, &c., [as above], unlesse God doe by a change wrought upon
them with whom they have married take off this reproach. Guven at

Waterford, 1st May, 1651.
“ TRETON.”

“ Severall Proceedings in Parliament from 17th to 24th July, 1651,”
p. 1458.

* « Reflections upon some Persons and Things in Ireland, by Letters
to and from Dr. Petty, with Sir Hierome Sankey’s Speech in Parliament,”
p. 114. 12mo, London : 1660.
“=

108 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

one can easily conceive how the man might be willing to take
a horse in exchange, and a few shillings in his pocket to ride
home with; and that thus the traditions, so common in Ireland,
like that of the White Horse of the Peppers, that the price of
such and such an estate was a white horse, have their founda-
tions in fact. A barrel of beer is said to have been the considera-
tion paid to the soldiers of his troop by Captain Bassett, for
their lands, which formed part of those set out to the Lord
Deputy Fleetwood’s own troope, described in the map now
exhibited.* Thus the scheme of an extensive plantation of
English yeomanry in Ireland, ready at all times to furnish a
stout military population to recruit the forces in England, or to
turn out in arms to defend their own interest against the Irish
or any foreign force coming to their aid, so often attempted
before in the course of the century, again failed. The former

schemes, however, were better contrived, being plans for regu-
_ lar colonization ; but the Cromwellian design was wild in the

extreme, for of all bodies an army is the worst to colonize

' with. What chance would there be of a colony, if at this day

a regiment of cavalry or infantry were marched into the wilds
of Ireland and there disbanded, and told to plant ?t

* The map, copied from one in possession of Major Waring of Warings-
town, is entitled “ Part of the Barony of Lower Evagh, in the County
of Down, and Part of Toome Barony, in the County of Antrim; fallen
by Lott to Captain Bassett’s [ ].” The map is a transcript of
the Down Survey; but it gives particulars not found in that Survey, inas-
much as there are in the several parishes of Magheralin, Donaghcloney,

- and Tullylish, in the county of Down, the following entries on the map :—

“Part of y® parish set forth to y* Lord Deputy Fleetwood, his own
Troope.” It is evidently one of those maps which Dr. Petty was bound
by the ninth article of his contract to furnish to every officer and soldier,
to demonstrate his several proportion ; provided that no map be required
of any proportion less than one thousand acres. Petty’s “ Down Sur-
vey,” by Major T. A. Larcom, p. 26. ,

+ Harington, author of “ Oceana,” is said to have by his writings in-
OF IRELAND. 109

ATTEMPTS OF THE OFFICERS TO TAKE UNFAIR ADVANTAGES OF ONE
ANOTHER IN THE SETTING OUT OF LANDS.

The opportunity for the officers to obtain unfair advantages
seems to have been principally in the setting out of the lands.
The surveyors either left out lands from the lot,—sometimes in
favour of an influential officer, not of the troop or company,
who had got possession of land under a lease in custodium from
the state, and who hoped by holding longer possession to get

fluenced Cromwell to this step. ‘That empire follows the balance of
property in land, whether lodged in one, in a few, or in many hands, he
was the first that ever made out. Some despised his discovery, alledging it
was plain to every man’s capacity : as if his highest merit did not consist in
making it so. But a third sort sought to rob him of the glory of this in-
vention; for, our author having lent one of them a part of his papers,
he published a small piece to the same purpose, entitled ‘ A Letter from
an Officer of the Army in Ireland,’ &c. Major Wildman was reputed the
author by some, and Henry Nevill by others.” ‘ Oceana, and other
Works of James Harington, Esq.,” by J. Toland. Folio, p. xviii. Third
Edition. London: 1747.

“ We have a memorable instance of foresight in Harington, who,
born nearly two centuries before 1789, foretold the French Revolution.
His words are:—‘ Look you to it; where there is tumbling and tossing
upon the bed of sickness, it must end in death or recovery. Though the
people of the world, in the dregs of the Gothic Empire, be yet tumbling
upon the bed of sickness, they cannot die : nor is there any recovery for
them but by Ancient Prudence,* whence of necessity it must come to pass
that this drug be better known. If France, Italy, and Spain, were not all

a ‘¢ Harington in all his works employs the words Ancient Prudence to express
the destruction of the Gothic feudal law of primogeniture, and the replacing of it by
the ancient prudence of equality. What he says of Great Britain being a province
of France if she does not adopt the Ancient Prudence, is a powerful reason for her to
destroy the feudal law of primogeniture, and to cease to weaken herself by persisting
to keep her distant possessions, Note by General Arthur C. O’Connor.”

“ Monopoly the Cause of All Evil,” by Arthur Condorcet O’Connor. 3 volumes,
imperial 8vo. Firmin Didot. Paris and London: 1848.
110 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

a grant of it in fee—or, if an officer got a lot he did not relish,
he endeavoured to throw out the coarse land, and encroach at
the expense of his neighbours.

Colonel Le Hunte was captain of Cromwell’s life or body
guard of horse, a most influential person. He was in posses-
sion by lease from the state of some of the rich lands in the
suburbs of New Ross, at the time when Major Samuel Shep-
herd’s company was to be set down with the disbanded party
in the county of Wexford, the lot of the Major’s company fall-
ing near the town and liberties of Ross.

The lots ought in due course to be set out without interval ;
but the surveyors left out 1500 acres of this fine land, pretend-
ing partly that it was on lease to Colonel Le Hunte, and partly
that some of it was burgess land belonging to the town. Major
Shepherd had influence enough to get Colonel Le Hunte’s
lease suspended; and by an inquisition from the Exchequer got
it found that the land was not corporation land, but forfeited
land, and he recovered it for his company.*

Colonel Warden having obtained an order of the Council
Board to be satisfied his arrears in the barony of Gowran, in

sick, all corrupted together, there would be none of them so : for the sick
would not be able to withstand the sound, nor the sound to preserve their
health without curing of the sick. The first of these nations (which if you
stay her leisure in my mind will be France) that recovers the health of
Ancient Prudence shall certainly govern the world. For what did Italy
when she hadit ? And as you were under her sway, so shall you in like case
be reduced toa province. I do not speak atrandom. Italy in the consulship
of Lucius Emilius Papus, and Caius Attilius Regulus, armed upon the
Gallic tumult that then happened, of herself, and without the aid of foreign
auxiliaries, 70,000 horse, and 700,000 foot. But as Italy is the least of
those countries in extent, so is France now the most populous.” P. 353,

vol. iii.
A
* LD p- 75.
OF IRELAND. 111

the county of Kilkenny, the lands of Jackstown, Kilbeg, and
Kilmarry were assigned to him by the Commissioners for set-
ting out lands; but by leaving out all the coarse lands in his
lot, he encroached into Columkill, and made up his pretended
want out of the best part of Columkill, in the lot of Quarter-
master Hugh Farr.*

Similar to this was one of the irae against Dr. Petty,
that he reserved or withheld out of the strings of lands, when
handing them to the Commissioners to be set out to different
regiments, several choice places, under pretence that they were
encumbered or doubtful, for the benefit either of himself or
friends. Sir Jerome Sankey imputedto him some underhand
dealing in this way with the Liberties of Limerick. The Li-
berties of Limerick would appear to have been considered the
very choicest lands for disposal among the army, and to have
been reserved for the gentlemen of the life guard, and officers
of the train, evidently two of the most influential corps in the
army. Captain Winkworth, having obtained an order for this
coveted district, presented it to Dr. Petty, who simply told
him that the lands were reserved, and that he could not have
his debenture satisfied. Out of this incident, Sir Jerome
Sankey founded the charge in Parliament, of which Sir W.
Petty gives a graphic sketch, that well illustrates the picture
of these conquerors quarrelling among themselves over their
prey. After a whole string of other charges, ‘‘ Why then, Mr.
Speaker (said Sir Jerome), there’s Captain Winkworth : Cap-
tain Winkworth came with an order for the Liberties of Lime-
rick; but the Doctor said, ‘ Captain, will you sell? will you
sell?’ ‘No,’ said the Captain, ‘it is the price of my blood.’
Then said the Doctor, ‘Tis bravely said: why then, my noble
Captain, the Liberties of Limerick are meat for your master,’
meaning the Lord Deputy ;”t Sankey’s cause of quarrel with

* in p- 71. + Petty’s ‘Down Survey,” by Larcom, p. 299.
112 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

Dr. Petty being that he stopped Sankey’s unrighteous order
for rejecting three thousand acres fallen to him by lot, and
enabling him arbitrarily to elect the same quantity in its
stead,* thus rejecting at his pleasure what God had" predeter-
mined for his lot.f

OF THE DISTRIBUTION BY THE ADVENTURERS OF THEIR ALLOT-
MENTS.

Matters are usually badly managed from a distance; and as
the Committee of Adventurers directed their affairs in Ireland
from Grocers’ Hall in London, the business could scarce fail to
become entangled.

Their mode of proceeding was to quarter and sub-quarter
baronies (without regard to the quantity of forfeited land in
each barony), sometimes by a north and south line crossed by
an east and west line, sometimes by parallel lines running east
and west, or north and south, sometimes by diagonal lines, the
rule being (in order to preserve denominations entire) that on
whatever side of the quartering line the greatest part of a
denomination fell, the whole was to be reputed to lie en-
tirely on that side ; which rule was also applicable to sub-
quarterings.t But, instead of first reducing the townlands
into one continued file or string of contiguity of “neat” lands,
setting aside for a time encumbered or “ dubiose” lands, that so
it might be known with certainty from the first to the last dis-
posable denomination in what order of priority each should be
disposed of, the managers in London gave assignments on the

* Petty’s “ Reflections on some Persons and Things in Ireland,” &c.,
p. 69.

} Ibid., p. 85.

} Petty’s “ Down Survey, by Larcom,” p. 238.
OF IRELAND. 113

different quarters and subquarters without proper oversight.*
Not knowing accurately what quantities of forfeited land
were in each quarter and subquarter, they overloaded some,
which thereby became deficient to answer the claims. Some
baronies, for like want of information (or perhaps from misdeal-
ing) were redundant. In some, lands set down as forfeited

* ADVENTURER’S CERTIFICATE.

‘*To ALL TO WHOM THESE PRESENTS SHALL COME, GREETING,—
Whereas, by an ordinance made by His Highness the Lord Protector by
and with the advice and consent of his Council, bearing date the 6th Au-
gust, 1654, entitled an Ordinance appointing a Committee of Adventurers
for Lands in Ireland, for determining differences among the said Adven-
turers, Wee, Sir Thomas Dacres, Sir John Clotworthy, Alderman Thomas
Andrews, Alderman John Fowke, Alderman Samuel Avery, Thomas
Ayers, John Blackett, Senior, William Webb, William Hawking, Charles
Lloyd, George Almery, Thomas Barnardiston, John Greensmith, Lawrence
Bromeswold, Thomas Brightwell, Deputie Hutchinson [with many others],
or anie eleven or more of us, are authorised to settle a method for determin -
ing by lott how many and which of the adventurers proportions falling
within one and the same particular barony wherein the escheated lands
shall fall short of the allotment shall be continued and laid out in such ba-
rony, or how much thereof; and which of the said adventurers shall take
his proportion or how much thereof elsewhere, according to the Act of Par-
liament made on that behalf. And also to settle a method by lott for as-
certaining the subdivisions of adventurers proportions that shall continue
in all and everie the severall baronies according to the respective allot-
ments. Now WEE DO HEREBY CERTIFY that the barony of Eliogarty, in
the county of Tipperary, in the province of Munster in Ireland, being
equally and indifferently divided into four quarters, that is to say, North
East, No. 1; South East, No. 2; South West, No. 3; and North West,
No. 4; Ellen Milborne, wife of John Milborne, of the parish of St. Cle-
ment Danes, in the county Middlesex, Bitt Maker, upon a lott made accord-
ing to the method by us sett down, by virtue of the said ordinance, and duly
drawne in her behalfe, is to have to her and her heirs and assigns for ever
two hundred and twenty-two acres, three roods, and thirty perches of
meddow, arrable land, and profitable pasture, Irish measure, which amounts
to 359 acres, 3 roods, 31 perches, English measure ; and all the woods,

I
114 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

were found to be not forfeited, or were restored to delinquent
Protestants.

The consequences were painful: some had toomuch ; others,
too little, or none at all. Some were found to have satisfactions
consisting of several townlands in length from one extremity to
another, more than three times the breadth. Others had town-
lands not contiguous.* They had, in fact, skipped over coarse
townlands, instead of proceeding regularly in the line of pro-
gression. Others had taken bites as it were out of several
townlands, whereas, in making satisfaction, more than two de-
nominations should never be cut:} for as, the next preceding
satisfaction might not exactly have exhausted the last denomi-
nation, the following satisfaction might of course have to begin
with a broken one, and for the same reason end with one; so
much cutting might be necessary, but not more.

boggs, loughs, waters, fishings, and barren mountains, cast in over and
above, together with the houses and edifices thereon, and in her said lott
contained in the North West quarter, No. 4, of the same baronie, if the
same be there to be had, the numbers one, two, and three, being first satis-
fied, beginning her said measure for the same with the rest of the adventu-
rers for the said quarter of such forfeited and profitable lands as aforesaid,
where No.3 shall end, in what part of the said four quarters soever of the
said baronie the same shall happen to be ; and soe measuring from thence-
forward until she and they shall have her and their full proportion of lands
lying most contiguously together in that quarter of the same baronie if the
same be there to be had: and in case of deficiency of forfeited and profitable
lands for satisfaction of the said Ellen Milborne and the rest of the adven-
turers in the said quarter in the residue of the said barony, the Nos. 1, 2,
and 8, being first satisfied, then she and they are to have satisfaction for the
game, or so much thereof as shall be so wanting elsewhere: in witness
whereof, wee have hereunto sett our hands and seals, this 26th day of
March, 1654.”

Attached are eleven seals. I am indebted to the kindness of Mr. Joseph
Hanly for the use of this instrument.

* Petty’s “Down Survey,” by Larcom, p. 241.

{ Ibid., ib.”
OF IRELAND. 115

The deficient adventurers looked to the county of Louth, al-
lotted by the act for a supply in case of deficiency of the ten
half counties, and even threatened to come upon the four re-
served counties, the government reserve ; while the army,
which had only received lands to the amount of twelve shil-
lings and three pence per pound of their arrears and were
eager for more, were also looking for Louth, and insisted that,
if Dr. Petty were employed to overhaul the adventurers’ pro-
ceedings, they would be found to have had lands sufficient.
Petty was accordingly, with the assent of the adventurers, di-
rected to arrange the whole; and some light is thrown on the
mode of distributing the lands to the army by his proceedings
in this business. He formed two parallel lists of deficient and
redundant baronies, the first deficient barony to be repaired
out of the first redundant, and so downward, till all were satis-
fied, and at the end it would be found if Louth were free for the
army.

The several denominations in each barony were to be made
into one continued file or string of contiguity, and so be set
out, and these strings to be arranged by three several artists,
from whom the priority of the lots of the adventurers were care-
fully withheld; and, when made, one of the strings was to be
chosen by lot, as the only rule in the matter of succession,—
provisions to prevent any charges of partiality.

And these same artists were to determine by what line every
townland should be cut in cases where there might be occasion
for cutting, for making up a just number of acres answering to
each lot or debt*—a very necessary provision for Dr. Petty’s
safety ; for he had found in the case of the soldiers, that when
the surveyor did not lay the house and orchard on the right

* Petty’s “ Down Survey,” by Larcom, where, in ‘chapter xvi., pp.
227-256, these proceedings are set forth.
12
116 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

side of the line, the party disappointed was sure to say Dr.
Petty employed incompetent surveyors.

The priority of the certificates or order of succession in
which they should be satisfied, like as the succession of the de-
bentures, was also fixed beforehand—in spite of which, in the
soldiers’ case, if they fell upon coarse land, better land being
behind, it was said Dr. Petty had overcharged the lot, and
stuffed in his own friends :* if better lands were before, then
debentures were not equally and impartially fixed.t

THE REPLANTING OF IRELAND.

IRELAND being now divided between the adventurers, the
English army, and the government, who may all be consi-
dered as new purchasers of their several portions, the great
opportunity so long looked for had arrived for improving the
country, and rendering it as fruitful, prosperous, and flourish-
ing, as the mother country of England.

The original design of the Parliament was to leave untrans-
planted of the Irish, besides boys and girls entertained as
servants in English families, only a few who had never been
in arms, to serve as husbandmen and herdsmen to the English,
and thus to impose upon the new planters the necessity to
bring tenants from England. However, having regard to the
difficulty of this perfect and absolute English plantation, the
Commissioners for the Affairs of Ireland resolved to divide
Ireland into three districts or divisions,—one of them to be a
pure Irish plantation ; another, a pure English plantation, to
consist wholly of English (not excluding, however, Dutch,
Swiss, and Germans, or other foreigners, provided they were

* Petty’s ‘‘ Reflections on some Persons and Things in Ireland,” p. 113.
+ Ibid, ib., p. 115.
OF IRELAND. 117

opposed to the Irish); the third, a mixed plantation of Eng-
lish landlords and masters, with a permission to take Irish
tenants and servants, but only such as were without the rule
of transplantation.*

Connaught, as bounded by the River Shannon, including
the county of Clare, had been already appointed by Parliament
for the habitation of the Irish nation. The reason of this se-
lection was, its peculiar suitableness for the purpose of im-
prisonment. It is, in fact, an island surrounded (all but ten
miles) by the Shannon and the sea, and the whole river easily
made into one line with the sea by the erection of three or
four forts between Jamestown, atthe head waters of the Shan-
non, and Sligo, the northern port of Connaught. On the
eastern side of the kingdom was to be found, it was observed,
a similar scope of land rendered nearly an island by the Boyne,
the Barrow, and the sea. These two rivers, rising within four
or five miles of one another in the Bog of Allen, and flowing
respectively north and south, make their issue to the sea,—
the one at Drogheda, and the other at Waterford,—the dis-
tance between the head waters being, at the period of the
Commonwealth settlement of Ireland, an impassable bog, or
continued fastness, and no passage but through such passes as
could be easily secured ; and the two rivers in winter over-
flowed, and in summer the few fords upon them, readily
spoiled or guarded.t In Henry VITI.’s day, this pass between
their head waters was considered the door of the English Pale
(of which O’Connor, as dwelling next to it, was by the Irish
called their key),t and was closed by building the four castles
of Kinnefad, Castlejordan, Ballinure, and Kishavann.§ It

*«¢ The Great Interest of England in the well Planting of Ireland with
English People Discussed,” p. 21. By Colonel Richard Lawrence.

t Ibid., p. 26.

£‘‘ State Papers of Henry VIII. (Ireland),” vol. i. p. 325.

§ Ibid., vol. ii., p. 241.
118 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

was now proposed that this well-secured district should become
a pure English plantation, or what might more properly per-
haps have been called an anti-Irish plantation, to consist alto-
gether of English (or foreigners who were Protestants), with-
out a single Irish tenant or servant permitted.* It was only
the revival of a scheme of Richard II.’s day, who made all the
Irish engage to transplant from it, and find new homes for them-
selves by plundering their own countrymen west of the River
Barrow. It was also among the projects for the new plant-
ing of Ireland in Henry VIII.’s day after Thomas Fitzgerald’s
rebellion. The Earl of Surrey, when Lord Lieutenant of Ire-
land, discussed with Henry VIII. the plan of planting it with
foreigners, as English in sufficient numbers were not then to
be had. He suggested, however, the danger, if Spaniards,
Flemings, Almains, or any other nation save the king’s natu-
ral subjects were planted there, that they might retain their
allegiance to their foreign sovereign.{ Religion had not in
1520 created a difference between the Irish and other nations ;
but now, in 1653, there were foreign nations to be found, who,
agreeing with the English in religion, might always be trusted
to continue enemies of the Irish, and might be invited to form
part of this plantation.§ Being nearest to the succour of Eng-

* “ Great Interest of England in the well Planting of Ireland with
English People Discussed,” p. 21.

+ Sir John Davies, ‘‘ Discovery why Ireland was never thoroughly
subdued until the Reign of King James I.,” p. 615.

t “State Papers of Henry VIII. (Ireland),’’ vol. i. p. 79.

§ “ The expectation of this day is the hope of Israel. . . . I look also
somewhat upon the hopefull appearance of replanting Ireland shortly, not
only by the adventurers, but haply by the calling in of exiled Bohemians
and other Protestants also, and haply by the invitation of some well-
affected out of the Low Countries.”

“Treland’s Natural History, written by Gerard Boate, and now pub-
lished by Samuel Hartlib, Esq., dedicated to his Excellency Oliver Crom-
OF IRELAND. 119

land, being coasted on the east by the sea, and to be rendered
defensible on the land side by a few forts upon the banks of
the rivers, the plantation might easily secure itself in case of
any rising of the Irish inhabitants of the two other districts.*
The third, or mixed plantation, was to be in the territories lying
in the middle of Ireland, between the Ivish plantation of Con-
naught and the pure English plantation enclosed by the Bar-
row andthe Boyne. In this mixed plantation no transplantable
persons were to be taken as tenants or servants, and only such
Irish as should be in each case specially authorized by the
state. The landlords were to be bound to make them speak
English within a limited time, and their children were to be
taught no Irish; they were to observe the manners of the Eng-
lish in their habit and deportment wherein the English ex-
ceeded them. Their children were to be brought up under
English Protestant schoolmasters ; they were to attend the
public preaching of Protestant ministers ; they were to abandon
their Irish names of Teig, and Dermot, and the like, and to call
themselves by the significance of such names in English; and
for the future were to name their children with English names,
especially omitting the (0’) and (M‘) ; and, lastly, should build
their houses with chimneys as English in like capacity do, and
demean themselves in their lodging and other deportments

accordingly.t

well, Captain Generall, and to the Right Hon? Charles Fleetwood, Com-
mander in Chief (under him) of all the Forces in Ireland.” Dedication,
p. 6. 4to. London: 1652.

By the Act of 27th September, 1653, all foreign Protestarits were made
as free of Ireland as the nativesof England. ‘ Act for Satisfaction of Ad-
venturers and Soldiers,” p. 866, Petty’s ‘‘ Down Survey,” by Larcom.

*The Great Interest of England in the well Planting of Ireland
with English,” p. 26.

+ Ibid., p. 39.
120 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

OF ENGLISH PLANTERS INVITED BACK BY THE GOVERNMENT FROM
AMERICA.

Ireland was now like an empty hive, prepared to receive its
new swarm.* One of the earliest efforts of the government
towards replanting the parts reserved to themselves was, to
turn towards the lately expatriated English in America. In
the early part of the year 1651, when the country, by their
own description to the Council of State, was a scene of un-
paralleled waste and ruin, the Commissioners for Ireland
affectionately urged Mr. Harrison, then a minister of the Gos-
pel in New England, to come over to Ireland, which he would
find experimentally was a comfortable seed plot (so they said)
for his labours. On his return to New England, it was hoped
he might encourage those whose hearts the Lord should stir
up to look back again towards their native country, to return
and plant in Ireland. There they should have freedom of
worship, and the [mundane] advantages of convenient lands,
fit for husbandry, in healthful air, near to maritime towns or se-
cure places, with such encouragement from the state as should
demonstrate that it was their chief care to plant Ireland with a
godly seed and generation.f Mr. Harrison was unable to come;
but some movement appears to have been made towards a
plantation from America, as proposals were received in January,
1655, for the planting of the town of Sligo and lands there-
abouts, with families from New England; and lands on the Mile
line, together with the two little islands called Oyster Island
and Coney Island (containing 200 acres), were leased for one
year, from 10th of April, 1655, for the use of such English

* «The Great Interest of England in the Well Planting of Ireland
with English People,” p. 8.
+ ‘‘ Letter of the Commissioners for the Affairs of Ireland,” dated from

Dublin, September 18th, 1651. 4.
OF IRELAND. 121

families as should come from New England in America, in
order to their transplantation.*

In 1656, several families, arriving from New England at Li-
merick, had the excise of tobacco brought with them for the use
of themselves and families remitted ;f and other families in May
and July of that year, who had come over from New England to
plant, were received as tenants of state lands near Garristown, in
the county of Dublin, about fifteen miles north of the capital.f

And who knows but the time may yet come for the govern-
ment of England to turn to the lately expatriated nation of
Trish which peoples the northern, southern, and western
States of America, and the more distant territories of Aus-
tralia, and invite them “to look back again towards their native
country,” by changing the policy ofnear seven hundred years,
and framing laws to promote the acquisition of Irish lands, not
by English capitalists, but by the sons of Ireland?

Were some court to be again erected for the sale of lands
in Ireland, offering as many millions of acres as were set up
for sale by the late Encumbered Estates Court, and were due
security given to the Irish, the Irish would probably be seen
hastening in fleets over the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans,
armed with American and Australian gold, to purchase back
the land of their fathers. For there be many who (like Doctor

* 4, p. 78; p. 126, ib. #2 p. 227.

t£ “Order on the petition of John Stone to become tenant to the
state for 40 or 50 acres at Garristown, he being desirous to settle himself
with the families that came over from New England to plant in this coun-
try, 5th May, 1656.” Z p. 9.

“Order to let to John Barker (late come from New England, and now
desirous to plant here) 30 acres of the lands of Garristown, for the
term of one year, paying only contribution for the same, in case they find
the said Barker is willing to inhabit the same, and not to assign it to ano-
ther. Council Chamber, Dublin, 30th July, 1656.” Tbid., p. 187.
122 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

Petty) had rather live on their ancient patrimonies near home,
enjoy their old tried friends, and breathe their native air, than
to cross oceans and pass to new climates, and have a partner-
ship in the rich mines of Potosi.*

PROCEEDINGS OF THE ADVENTURERS IN REPLANTING.

The adventurers, if their presence and activity may be
judged of by their proceedings against the Irish, came over
after their delays,—so much complained of by the Commis-
sioners for the Affairs of Ireland—in 1656, and 1659. It is
probable they found great difficulties interposed by the officers
of the army, their rivals as planters, who had been for some
years in possession of the country, and had familiarized them-
selves with its ways and inhabitants. And there is reason to
think that many of the Irish proprietors, who had been hitherto
left in possession of their lands in the adventurers’ baronies, or
lingered there during the adventurers’ delay in coming over,
got countenance from the officers. The latter had some reason
to wish them to stay ; for they bore part of the assessment on
account of their tillage and their cattle, and it fell heavier as
the numbers to share the burden grew fewer. Even the poor
wandering Ulster creaghts became objects to entice into a
neighbourhood on this account ; and in the orders of the Coun-
cil for forcing them to give up that barbarous mode of life,
wandering up and down with their families and herds of cattle,
in order to fix them to tillage, inquiries were often directed to
know by whose encouragement they came to the other pro-
vinces.f Consequently the officers may not have been very
willing to drive off the Irish proprietors occupying the adven-
turers’ lands in their neighbourhood. Thus William Wallace,

* “ Reflections on some Persons and Things in Ireland,” preface, p. 3 ;
and ibid., p. 183. 12mo, London: 1660.

t 2p. 161.
OF IRELAND. 123

agent for the adventurers entitled to the barony of Duleek,
in the county of Meath, adjoining the town of Drogheda, in
April, 1657, complained that there were Popish proprietors
still remaining in the barony, and prayed that they might be
transplanted into Connaught according to the proclamation.
It was referred by the Council to two justices of the peace of
the county of Meath to examine the allegations, and, if true, to
put the declaration into due and speedy execution for remov-
ing them into Connaught.* The M‘Coughlan’s Country, formed
in the reign of James I. into the barony of Garrycastle, in the
King’s County, was in the neighbourhood of Banagher, the
navel of Ireland. The agent of one of the adventurers, whose
lot had fallen in the barony of Garrycastle,f complained to the

A
* > P. 335.
+ The barony of Garrycastle, in the King’s County, in the province of
Leinster [as divided among the adventurers, A. D. 1655 :—]
North Quarter, No. 1.

ACRES.

 

 

The Lord Wenman, .....- . 26 + « « « « « ~~ 600
Mr.Samuel Roles, . . 2. - - 1 © ee + ee ee e 4 61000
Mr.John Roles, . - 2 1 ee 6 ee ee we ee ew ee) 450
Mr. Parker; os «© © 6 @ 6 we ee Boe ew ee es ey ew 6600
John Sadler, . 6. 2 6 ee ee ee ew we ew ee) «100
Richard Quiney,. 2. 1 ee ee ee ew ee ee we ee) 100
Benjamin Banister, «© » - - + ee + © © © ee we ee 100
Henry Hanwell, . . . - - 1 6 ee ee ee ee ee 100
8050
South Middle Quarter, No. 3.

ACRES.

Mr. Gregory Clements, . 2... +e + + + e + + « ~ 8000
Mr. Botierill, © 2. 2. 1. 6 2 ee ee ee ee ee 50
3050

North Middle, No. 2.

ACRES.

Mr. John Sweetinge, . . 6 7 6 6 eee toe ee ee 400
124 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

Council, that this adventurer, Gregory Clements by name, had
been kept out of possession for two years by Mrs. Mary Cough-
* She had delivered the possession to others, officers pro-
bably, who connived at her attempt. She had evidently created
a powerful interest, which she was able still to exert ; for even
after this complaint made, instead of being ordered instantly
to transplant, the case was referred for perusal of papers and re-
cords to the Commissioners sitting at Athlone; and she subse-
quently got dispensed for six months, under the suggestion the
better to provide a settlement for herself and family in Con-
naught.

But women are always hard to deal with in cases of
ejectment, and two others gave the adventurers equal trouble
as Mrs. Coughlan—the one Lady Thurles, the other Lady
Dunsany. The Viscountess Thurles was the Earl of Ormond’s
mother. The castle and town of Thurles, with 4000 acres ad-
jacent, was her dower land. There she had dwelt since the
breaking out of the war of 1641, and had given her powerful
protection to many English who fled to her friendly shelter.

lan.

North Middle, No. 2, continued.

 

ACRES,
Mr. Humphry Markworth, . . . . . ... 1... 4. 1700
Mr. John Marriott, 2. 2. 2. 1 1 we ee ee ee ww 285
Mr. Hevingham, . ......... 2.4... 2. . ~ 600
Mr. James Cocks, . 2. 2. 1. 1 1 ee eee ee ee.) 100
Mr. John Blenkhorne,. . . . 2. 1. 1 1 1 ee te ee 50
3075
South, No. 4.

ACRES,

Mr Py@, a io 8 Spey ae eM Gee Oe o's oS 000)
Mr. Gregory Clements, . . . . . . ....... . 2000
Mrs. Mary Fountaine,. 2... 6 1. we ee ew ee 2910
3210

From Joseph Hanly, Esq., 27, Lower Gardiner-street.
A ‘
* a P 335. + Ibid., p. 69.
OF IRELAND. 125

From 1648 to 1646 she had advanced considerable sums to the
relief of the English army—£300 at one time, and £500 at
another, and many other sums. When Major Peisley was forced
to yield his neighbouring garrison of Archerstown to the Irish
forces, and he and others of his company were wounded and
much spent out and weakened, she invited him and his whole
company to her house, and entertained them for many weeks,
and sent them to the English garrison of Doneraile, well cured,
and refreshed with supplies of moneys and provisions. But
all this could not save her. She was an Irish Papist; for Lord
Ormond was the only Protestant of his family, by the accident
of being made a king’s ward on his father’s death, and brought
up in the family of Doctor Abbott, Archbishop of Canterbury ;
and, though she had shown much good affection, she had dwelt
in the enemy’s quarters. She therefore fell short of a con-
stant good affection ; and forfeit her dower lands she must, and
by rule transplant to Connaught.* The barony of Eliogarty
had fallen to the adventurers ; and Mr. John Gunn, their agent,
claimed the lands in the possession of the Lady Thurles, “a
Popish recusant and transplantable,” and urged her removal ¢
The lands the adventurers obtained. It was not in the power
of the Commissioners to refuse them; but Lady Thurles’ per-
sonal transplantation was dispensed with from time to time; and
she probably dwelt with the Countess of Ormond (who con-
tinued possessed of her property, though her husband’s the
Earl’s was confiscated), till her son returned with increased
honours and power at the Restoration.

Other adventurers, whose lots had fallen in the barony of
Skreen, in the county of Meath, were anxious to plant and com-
mence the improvement of that neighbourhood. In their lot

*«« Book of the Proceedings at the Mallow Commission, 18th July,
1656.” Record Tower, Dublin Castle.

A
T i P- 45,
126 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

lay the castle and lands late the estate of Lord Dunsany. In
1655 they had sent their agents over to Ireland, and on the
13th July in that year proceeded to the castle of Dunsany,
accompanied by the high constable and sheriff of the county,
bearing the order of the Council, and demanded entrance and
possession of the place for the adventurers. But the Lord of
Dunsany’s lady denied the possession unless she were forcibly
carried thence. There was a pause; probably the sheriff was
friendly, and advised a delay—a report to the principals, per-
haps, in London or Bristol. Next year they came themselves,
Hans Graham and others ; and on the 4th July, 1656, the high
constable with his force was ordered peremptorily to put the
adventurers into the quiet possession of the castle; and Major
Stanley, justice of the peace, was ordered to keep the peace
there, whilst poor Lady Dunsany should be removed by main
force from her home by the high constable and his men.*

But if rank and title and English blood could not save
high-born ladies from being thrust from their homes by the
adventurers, they were not likely to treat the Irish with much
consideration. John Pitts, of Devonshire, adventurer, cast a
lot in London, which fell to be satisfied in the county of Tip-
perary. Mr. Pitts came over in February, 1656, with his cer-
tificates; and, having presented them to the registrars of
forfeited lands, got an order to the being put into possession
of a parcel of land in the barony of Iffa and Offa, im the
neighbourhood of Clonmel. Under this order he made a formal
entry upon his fine rich lands of Tipperary, and then returned
into England for the bringing over his family, for the planting
and setting down upon his lot. On the 12th June, 1656, he
came over in order to the taking up his abode in Tipperary ;
but was kept out of his lot by “ the insolency of that Irish

* =, p. 124.
OF IRELAND. 127

rebel [so he reported to the Commissioners for Ireland] that
formerly held the lands,” who showed some delay in turning
out with his wife and daughters, to make way for him, Mr.
Pitts and his establishment, from Devonshire. Mr. Pitts had
recourse to the Council Board; and Richard Le Hunte, high
sheriff of Tipperary, was thereupon directed to call all parties
before him, and if it should appear that the said rebel, Philip
O’Neale, one of the sons of Hugh O’Neale,* was a proprietor of
that or other parcel of land, that he should take care to secure the
body of the said Philip, for his not transplanting according to
the rule in the Act of Parliament, in order that such proceed-
ings might be had as should be agreeable to justice, and that
the adventurer be put into possession of the lands according to
law.t

That the law in this case meant the will of the strongest,
and the administering of justice meant the enforcing of that will,
was probably the reflection of Philip O’Neale in his prison
hours, and afterwards as he took his way with his weeping wife
and daughters to Connaught: his love for English law was
probably not much increased. What protection it afforded to
Mr. Pitts is not recorded; his safety (if safety he enjoyed)
must have been secured by some other sanction than respect
for the law and constitution of England.

THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE OFFICERS IN REPLANTING.

It might at first be supposed that the officers would prove
harder masters than the adventurers. But the officers had

* It need scarcely be mentioned that this was not the historical Hugh
O'Neil, who warred against Queen Elizabeth. He was simply some pro-
prietor of land dwelling near Clonmel, and his son Philip a rebel like the
Earl of Ormond and Lord Dunsany.

+ 3, p. 108.
128 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

been in Ireland near six years before the adventurers began
to come over in any numbers to take possession of their lots,
and had by that time contracted ties with the Irish in many
ways. After the surrender of the Irish armies, the gentry, who
had almost all been officers, returned to their former neighbour-
hood, pending the finalresolutions of the Parliament concerning
their fate, and took to the tillage oftheir ancient inheritances for
their support. Between the English officers who occupied their
mansions as military posts or under custodiums (1. e. orders for
temporary possession by the state), and the families of the
former owners, many friendships must have been formed. The
late proprietor and the officer had probably been often en-
gaged in conflict ; but now that the war was over, it would
only the more dispose them to intercourse. Many of the
officers were single men; they must have invited the family
from the offices to the house, and the officer would scarce
fail to become a conquest to some of his fair captives. Just as
Strongbow and his followers, captivated by Irishwomen, took
wives of the native race, so did the captains and lieutenants
of Cromwell’s army intermarry with the Irish, and that too
long before peace had been proclaimed between the armies.
Treton, Lord Deputy and Commander-in-Chief in 1651, had to
forbid the banns; his officers and soldiers were taking Irish
wives; he forbade any such marriage to any of them, under
pain of being cashiered.* In 1652, amongst the first plans for
paying the army their arrears in land, it was suggested there
should be alaw that any officers or soldiers marrying Irishwomen
should lose their commands, forfeit their arrears, and be made
incapable to inherit lands in Ireland. No such provision, how-
ever, was introduced into the Act, because it provided against
this danger more effectually by ordering the women to trans-

i a p. 341; and p. 106, n., ante. t +, p. 286.
OF IRELAND. 129

plant, together with the whole nation, to Connaught. Those in
authority, however, ought never to have let the English officers
and soldiers come in contact with the Irishwomen, or have or-
dered another army of young Englishwomen over, if they did
not intend this provision to be nugatory.

Planted in a wasted country amongst the former owners
and their families, with little to do but to make love, and no
lips to make love to but Irish, love or marriage must follow
between them as necessarily as a geometrical conclusion follows
from the premises. For there were but few who (in the
language of a Cromwellian patriot),

— rather than turne
From English principles, would sooner burne ;
And rather than marrie an Irish wife,
Would batchellers remain for tearme of life.”*

The strongest proof of the frequency of these intermarriages
are the various orders putting in force the provisions of
Treton’s proclamation over officers still in the service.t Over
those who were disbanded and set down on their lots they had
no control, and these formed a very large proportion of the
army. Thus connected with the Irish, they began to protect

*“ The Moderate Cavalier ; or, the Soldier’s Description of Ireland. A
Book fitt for all Protestants Houses in Ireland.” 4to. Printed [at Cork,
apparently], 1675.

+ Commissioners of the Revenue of the precinct of Galway to examine
what civil or other officers within that precinct are married to Irish Papists,
and to certify their names and employments, respectively, forthwith to
the Commissioners of the Commonwealth. January, 1654. x, p- 28.

‘¢ Whereas we are informed that William Moreton, now clerk to the
Commissioners of Revenue at Wexford hath maried a Papist (contrary to
the tenor of the declaration in that behalf), whereby he hath made him-
self incapable of continuing in his said employment; and forasmuch as
there is recommended to us one Rowland Samuell, that hath a charge of

K
136 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

them—the surest way of learning to like them; for, as we hate
those we have injured, so we love those we have benefited.
Accordingly it has been remarked of English statesmen who
have been placed over the Irish, that they are ever afterwards
found to be their defenders. The officers, too, seem to have
quickly relished the freedom and easy animation of Irish life
that forms so great a contrast to the character of those coun-
tries where the feudal system has prevailed—a charm which
enchants men with Ireland, converting strangers, as Giraldus

wife and family, that is a person able and faithful to officiate in his stead ;
it is ordered that the said William Moreton be dismissed his said employ-
ment from the date hereof, and that the said Rowland Samuell do serve the
said place in his room. Dublin, 14th July, 1654.

“ CHARLES FLEETWOOD, Mies Corser.”

A
a p- 499,

About forty years after the Cromwellian Settlement, and just seven
years after the Battle of the Boyne, the following was written: ‘‘ We can-
not so much wonder at this [the quick ‘‘ degenerating” of the English of
Ireland], when we consider how many there are of the children of Oliver’s
soldiers in Ireland who cannot speak one word of English. And (which is
strange) the same may be said of some of the children of King William’s
soldiers whocame but t’other day into the country. This misfortune is owing
to the marrying Irishwomen for want of English, who come not over in so
great numbers as are requisite. "Tis sure that no Englishman in Ireland
knows what his children may be as things are now; they cannot well live in
the country without growing Irish ; for none take such care as Sir Jerome
Alexander [second Justice of the Common Pleas in Ireland from 1661 to
his death in 1670], who left his estate to his daughter, but made the gift void
if she married any Irishman ;” Sir Jerome including in this term “ any lord
of Ireland, any archbishop, bishop, prelate, any baronet, knight, esquire, or
gentleman of an Irish extraction or descent, born and bred in Ireland, or
having his relations and means of subsistence there,” and expressly, of
course, any “ Papist.” ‘True way to render Ireland Happy and Secure; or,
a Discourse wherein ‘tis shown that ’tis the Interest both of England and
Ireland to encourage Foreign Protestants to plant in Ireland ; in a Letter
to the Hon. Robert Molesworth.” 4to. Dublin. Andrew Crook : 1697.
OF IRELAND. 131

had remarked, to the ways of the Irish almost as soon as they
are planted here.*

They also we may be sure, soon learned to prefer the
hearty courtesy of their Irish tenants and labourers tothe churl-
ish manners of the Anglo-Saxon clowns. But the adventurers
differed much from the officers; they were merchants and
traders, full of all the ignorant prejudices of the English against
the Irish, knowing no tie between man and man but interest
or necessity, and unaccustomed to the management of land and
tenants, which is a kind of statesmanship.

The officers immediately upon obtaining a lease or custo-
dium from the state (pending the preparation of the law that
gave them land for their arrears), took the Irish as tenants for
want of English; for ina country where lands were to be had
for the asking, no one would come from a better country to a
worse, to labour as a servant or tenant on another man’s lands.
when he might till or pasture his own. As the impossibility of
getting English tenants grew more evident, and the urgent want

* It is not a little curious to find Irish harpers in their houses within
five years of their planting. In 1663 the army lately planted in Ireland
formed a plot to seize the Castle of Dublin, and to overthrow the govern-
ment, being discontented at the proceedings of the Court of Claims.
Amongst the vast mass of intelligence furnished to the Duke of Ormond,
then Lord Lieutenant, is the following conversation between Colonel
Edward Warren and an Irish harper :—

“ Colonel Edward Warren, being at Rathmolyon in the barony of
Moyfenragh, in the county of Meath, discoursing with Richard Malone, a
blind harper, aged thirty-six years, asked him how many governments he
remembered in his tyme? Malone answered that he remembered several,
naming the several alterations during these twenty-one years. Whereunto
the said Warren answered, that before it were long he might add one more
government to the rest.” Carte MSS., Bodleian Library, vol. G. G., p. 389.
Endorsed in the Duke’s hand: ‘* Concerning Colonel Edward Warren.”
Warren was executed with Major Alexander Jephson, 15th July, 1663.
Their dying speeches are given, ibid., vol. vii., Ireland, pp. 248, 249,

K 2

~~
132 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

of tillage increased, the officers in Limerick, Cork, Kerry, and
various counties, got general orders, giving dispensations from
the necessity of planting with English tenants, and liberty to
take Irish, provided they were not proprietors or swordmen.
But the proprietors who had established friendships with their
conquerors secretly became tenants under them to parts of their
former estates, ensuring thereby the connivance of their new
landlords against their transplantation.

On the 1st June, 1655, the Commissioners for the Affairs of
Treland (Fleetwood, Lord Deputy, one of them), being then at
Limerick, discovered this fraud, and issued a peremptory order
revoking allformer dispensationsfor English proprietors to plant
with Irish tenants ; and they enjoined upon the Governor of Li-
merick and all other officersthe removing of the proprietorsthus
sheltered and their families into Connaught, on or before that
day three weeks.* But, happily, all penal laws against a nation
are difficult of execution. The officers still connived with many
of the poor Irish gentry, and sheltered them, which caused
Fleetwood, then Commander of the Parliament forces in
Treland, upon his return to Dublin, and within a fortnight after
the prescribed limit for their removal was expired, to thunder
forth from Dublin Castle a severe reprimand to all officers thus
offending. Their neglect to search for and apprehend the
transplantable proprietors was denounced as a great dishonour
and breach of discipline of the army; and their entertaining
any of them as tenants was declared a hindrance to the plant-
ing of Ireland with English Protestants. ‘Ido therefore [the
order continued] hereby order and declare, that if any officer
or soldier under my command shall offend by neglect of his
duty in searching for and apprehending all such persons
as by the declaration of 30th November, 1654, are to trans-

* 4 p. 173.
OF IRELAND. 133

plant themselves into Connaught ; or by entertaining them as
tenants on his lands, or as servants under him, he shall be
punished by the articles of war as negligent of his duty, ac-
cording to the demerit of such his neglect.”*

OF THE FIVE COUNTIES.

But, to turn to that district. included within the Boyne and
the Barrow, on the east coast of Ireland, which was to be a
pure English plantation, to counterbalance the Irish one on
the west, encircled by the Shannon and the sea, and to become a
new English pale—here, if anywhere, would be established
that model of English life and manners, the great object of all
the inhuman laws enacted for so many ages by the govern-
ment. But first a word upon the extent of the district. It
was contracted to narrower limits. Upon consideration that
the land lying north of Dublin, between the Liffey and the
Boyne, was the ancient residence of the English,—the best
tillage and grazing land in the kingdom, and one level plain
from Dublin to Dundalk, without any fastnesses for Irish to
harbour in,—it was not thought necessary to keep that part
within the scheme, and so much of the original plan was aban-
doned. It was now confined to that part of the county of
Dublin lying south of the River Liffey, with the counties of
Wicklow, Wexford, Kildare and Carlow. Thenceforth the
territory was known as the Five Counties south of the Liffey and
within the Barrow, or (shortly) the Five Counties. On 17th
July, 1654, it was ordered that all this territory should be wholly
transplanted of Irish Papists by the 1st of May, 1655, on pain of
being taken as spies, and proceeded with before a court martial.

* “ Book of Printed Declarations of the Commissioners for the Affairs of

Ireland” (formerly belonging to General Fleetwood). British Museum,
806 h. 14
24"

 
134 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

The English proprietors, many of them officers who had received
lands in the counties of Wicklow and Wexford for their arrears,
fearing to be deprived of their tenants and servants, and left
without means to till their lands or save their crops, presented
petitions to the government against the measure, as the time
for carrying out the order approached. Mr. Annesly, who
brought up the petitions, was directed to be present at a meet-
ing of the Council on 19th February, 1655, to offer what he
conceived to be material in their support.* He urged that
the English and Protestant proprietors and planters in the
Five Counties were necessitated to employ Irish in their tillage
and husbandry, to make some profit of their lands, which had
long lain waste by the rebellion. After several debates he
obtained an order of reference to Sir Hardress Waller, Colonel
Axtell, Colonel Lawrence, and others, to consider what parts
should be totally cleared of Irish ; in what parts should be al-
lowedsuchIrish tenants as, being neither proprietors nor sword-
men, might be dispensed from transplantation ; and how
the rest might be laid waste ; and how the towns and villages
where such Irish should be suffered to inhabit might be dis-
posed of with most security and least offence to the neighbour-
ing English.f The order, however, was not withdrawn; for on
the 21st May, 1655, the clearing was suspended until 1st August
following, in order that the proprietors might have time to pro-
vide themselves with English and Protestant tenants, and in the
meantime might have tenants and servants to reap their harvest.
But English tenants and servants were not to bé had, and the
officers and the other planters were loth to lose their Irish ones:
they connived at their stay beyond the Ist of August, and
finally got liberty to keep a selection of them approved by Com-
missioners specially appointed by the State, on some very strin-
gent conditions. The proprietor was to engage that such

*

Shp

p. 87. 3, p. 95.

#
OF IRELAND. 135

tenants and servants as he should be permitted to retain should
become Protestants (and Protestants of whose real conversion
the government could be satisfied) in six months; and as
evidence of their candid and genuine compliance with being
instructed in the true Protestant religion, they were to come
to the meeting-house to hear the Word every Lord’s Day, if
within four miles; upon every other Lord’s Day, if within six
miles; if further, once a month. Their children were to learn
the catechism in the English tongue, without book, which
the minister should teach.* But the government seem to have
forgotten the naming of the children with English names,
instead of Dermot and Teig; and the chimneys, and the English
deportment in houses, lodging, and manners, wherein the
English exceeded them.t But probably there was about as
much use in the one as the other. The landlords wanted
their labour, and not English piety or Anglo-Saxon elegance.
For though the letter of one of the officers remains, requesting
the prayers of their friends, that now they had come to possess
houses they had not built, and vineyards they had not planted,
they might not forget the Lord and his goodness to them in
the day of their distress{, one that knew them well a few
years later said, he had hunted with them, diced with them,
drunk with them, and fought with them, but had never
prayed with them ;§ and another, that an Irish Protestant was
a man who never went to church, and hated a Papist.

* «Book ofPrinted Declarations by the Commissioners for the Affairs of
Treland.” British Museum, ee a

+ P. 119, supra.

£ Letter of Colonel William Allen, Adjutant-General of the Army,
and Commissioner of Cromwell’s Court of Claims in Ireland, in the year
1653, “History of the King’s Inns, by Bartholomew Duhigg,” p. 179.
8vo: Dublin.

§ “ Civil Wars of Ireland.” By W. Cooke Taylor, LL.D., vol. ii.,
p. 64, n. 3. Two vols. 12mo. London: 1880.

 
136 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

OF THE RE-INHABITING OF THE TOWNS BY NEW ENGLISH, BY
THE ORDERS OF THE GOVERNMENT.

The government, by the Act of 26th September, 1653, for
satisfying the adventurers, the army, and the public creditors,
reserved all the forfeited property in cities and boroughs for
themselves. In the early part of the war, in hopes to induce
merchants and traders, English and foreign (provided they
were Protestant), to whom houses in seaport towns were
more useful than lands, to advance funds, the Parliament of
England offered the principal seaport towns in Ireland for
sale: Limerick, with 12,000 acres contiguous, for £30,000,
and a rent of £625 payable to the State ; Waterford, with
1500 acres contiguous, at the same rate; Galway, with 10,000
acres, for £7500, and a rent of £520; Wexford, with 6000
acres, for £5000, and a rent of £156 4s. 4d.* But this offer,
though tempting, found no bidders: all these towns were still
in the possession of the Irish, and merchants of all others are
least inclined to buy the bear’s skin before the bear be dead.
The cities and towns, accordingly, fell into the hands of the
Parliament of England, with all their inhabitants, the popula-
tion being almost entirely of English descent.t

The Parliament, having them at its mercy, on the surrender
of the Irish forces in 1652, determined to clear all the cities and
towns of Ireland of their ancient population, and to repeople
them from England. Orders had at various times been issued,
between 1652 and 1656, to clear the towns. In 1654, by order

* Ordinance of 14th July, 1643. ‘* Scobell’s Act and Ordinances,”
p. 47.

+ Take Waterford :—“ This sea-town hath no naturall Irish in it, nor
would admit any in during these troubles.” ‘News from Dublin,” 9th
June, 1647, “ Perfect Diurnall of Passages in Parliament,” p. 1629,
OF IRELAND. 137

of the Committee of Transplantation, no Irish or Papists were
to be allowed in the city of Kilkenny after the 1st of May, ©
except necessary labourers and artificers, not exceeding forty,
and these to be persons not within the rule of transplanta-
tion.*

On the 8th of July in the same year the Governor of
Clonmel was authorized to grant dispensations to forty-three
persons, in a list annexed, or as many of them as he should
think fit, being artificers and workmen, to stay for such time
as he might judge convenient, the whole time not to exceed
the 25th March, 1655.f On 5th June, 1654, the Governor
of Dublin was authorized to grant licenses to such inhabitants
to continue in the city (notwithstanding the declaration for
all Irish to quit) as he should judge convenient, the licenses
to contain the name, age, colour of hair, countenance, and
stature of every such person; and the license not to exceed
twenty days, and the cause of their stay to be inserted in each
license.t Petitions went up from the old native inhabitants of
Limerick,§ from the fishermen of Limerick ;|] from the Mayor
and inhabitants of Cashel,{1 who were all ordered to transplant ;
but, notwithstanding these orders, many of them still clung
about the towns, sheltered by the English, who found the bene-
fit of their services.

Whilst the gentry were hurried off from their mansions and
demesnes, which the officers and soldiers were in haste to enjoy,
and were obliged to transplant to such pittance of land as
should be assigned to them in Connaught, the population of
the towns who lived by trade or labour, such as apotheca-
ries, basketmakers, butchers, bakers, carpenters, chandlers,
copoers, harnessmakers, masons, shoemakers, and tailors, con-

* 2 p. 157. + Ib, p. 479. t Ib., p. 480.

§ Ib., p. 244, \| Ib., p. 368. q Ib., p. 247.
138 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

tinued to reside upon their holdings and make themselves use-
ful to their new masters. Applications were frequently made
in favour of some who were found particularly useful. Thus
on the 20th March, 1654, on the certificate of Colonel W.
Leigh and other officers within the precinct of Waterford,
Dr. Richard Madden was dispensed with from transplantation
into Connaught; but as to his desire of residing in Waterford,
‘it was referred to Colonel Lawrence, the governor there, to
consider if he conceived it fit his request should be granted.*
On the 12th September, 1656, application was made to the
Commissioners for the Affairs of Ireland on behalf of Dr.
Anthony Mulshinogue, whose good affection to the English
by his faithful advice and assistance in his profession was
proved on the trial of the qualifications of the ancient natives
of Cork, by the certificate of Sir W. Fenton and Major-Gene- -
ral Jephson, and several other persons of quality in the county
of Cork, who prayed for his dispensation from transplantation,
desiring that his residence among them might be permitted,
being destitute of physicians of his ability. Dr. Mulshinogue
was spared from transplantation, and was permitted to follow
his practice in those parts, but not to dwell in any garrison
there.T

Yet the officers, when they first arrived, vented their
calumnies (according to the national custom) against the
Irish physicians,—writing to their friends in England in
1651, that for want of a sufficient number of English doctors
for the army, they were obliged to put themselves in the hands
of Irish, “‘ which was more [so they maliciously said] than the
adventures in the field."t Testimony to the worth and inte-
grity of this profession, however, came at the very same time, as
if to confute these calumnies, from Colonel Hewson, Governor

* =, p. 184, + A, p. 228.
} “ Whitelock’s Memorials,” January, 1650-1, p. 486.
OF IRELAND. 139

of Dublin, one of the most religious men in the army (as appears
by the amount of Bible quotations in his letters), and therefore
fullest of hatred against the Irish. The last Papist that dared
to meet his eye in Dublin was a chirurgeon, a peaceable man.*
Similar calumnies followed the poor Irish midwives: im-
putations against their want of skill are mixed with sug-
gestions of danger to Englishwomen in labour, and chil-
dren in the birth, “from the evil disposition and disaffection,
as might be presumed,” of the Irish midwives. And Dr.
Petty and others were ordered to consider of the evil, and
propose a remedy.f And when an English midwife arrived
in Dublin, all officers, civil and military, were ordered for her
encouragement to be aiding and assisting her in the perform-
ance of her duty.

” “19 June, 1651.

“Mr. Winter, a godly man, came with the Commissioners, and they
flock to hear him with great desire ; besides, there is in Dublin, since Ja-
nuary last, about 750 Papists forsaken their priests and the masse, and
attends the public ordinances, I having appointed Mr. Chambers, a mi-
nister, to instruct them at his own house once a week. They all repaire to
him with much affection, and desireth satisfaction. And though Dublin
hath formerly swarmed with Papists, I know none (now) there, but one
who is a chirurgeon, and a peaceable man. It is much hoped the glad
tidings of salvation will be acceptable in Ireland, and that this savage
people may see the salvation of God; which that the Lord may accomplish
shall be the desire of

“ Your loving friend,
“ Joun Hewson.”

“‘ Severall Proceedingsin Parliament, from 26th of June to 3rd day of
July, 1651,” p. 1412.

+ 2, p. 817.

t “ By the Commissioners of Parliament for the Affairs of Ireland.

«“ Whereas we are informed by divers persons of repute and godliness,
that Mrs. Jane Preswick hath through the blessing of God been very suc-
cessful within Dublin and parts about, through the carefull and skillfull
140 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

But, whilst private interest protected some, it effected the
banishment of others. Thus on the 10th October, 1656, on
the petition of William Hartley, and others, all Popish shoe-
makers were to be searched for by the mayor and sheriffs of
Dublin, and none allowed to inhabit in Dublin or the suburbs,
but to be ordered to withdraw and conform to the proclamation

discharge of her midwife’s duty, and instrumental to helpe sundry poore
women who needed her helpe, which hathe abounded to the comfourte and
preservation of many English women, who (being come into a strange .
country) had otherwise been destitute of due helpe, and necessitated to ex-
pose their lives to the mercy of Irish midwives, ignorant in the profession,
and bearing little good will to any of the English nation, which being duly
considered, we thought fitt to evidence this our acceptance thereof, and
willingness that a person so eminently qualified for publique good and so
well reported of for piety and knowledgein her art should receive encourage-
ment and protection suitable to her well deserving ; and knowing that works
of this nature contract envy from some and discouragement from others,
either for publique prejudice or for lucre’s sake ; and taking notice through
divers examinations and depositions extant, that this Mrs. Preswick hath
of late received divers publique affronts, and that violence hath been used
by some evil disposed persons, to her great horror and discouragement,
whereby she hath lost opportunities of giving desired helpe to women in la-
bour of child birth, and through those affrights is become timorous, and con-
sequently less able to exercise the midwife’s function, much to the dissatis-
faction of divers ; these are therefore to signify our abhorrence of such
evill, and to declare that in case any person (of what degree or relation
so ever) shall contrary to law and good conscience offer any affront or vio-
lence for the future to the said Mrs. Preswick, alias Beere, in her daily going
up and down to perform her publique trust and oflice of midwife as afore-
said, such persons are to expect a severe proceeding with according to law.
And all justices of the peace, officers civil and military, and others con-
cerned, are to take notice, and be ayding and assisting to her in the
performance of her duty as aforesaid. Dublin, 23rd May, 1655.

‘¢ Tuomas Hrrpent, Clerk of the Council.’*
A
Br p. 166.
OF IRELAND. 141

made in the case.* And on 8rd of April, 1657, on the petition
of the Protestant coopers of Dublin, it was referred to the
mayor and sheriffs as to the truth of the allegations, and they
were to report to the Council Board why the Irish coopers
therein mentioned had not been removed, according to the
former orders and declarations of their board for that purpose.t

General orders for the arrest of all transplantables untrans-
planted were also made from time to time, and crowds of in-
habitants were arrested,—and others fled, some to creep back
again when the storm had blown over. In the year 1656
there was a printed declaration published, ordering all the Irish
and Papists to withdraw to a distance of two miles from all
walled towns or garrisons before the 26th of May in that year,
which seems to have been executed with more rigour than
usual ; for on the 2nd of August the Mayor of Dublin was di-
rected to report the progress made, probably because many
transplantable persons, owners of houses in the city, still lin-
gering in Dublin, were found on the 18th July to have refused
to give up their houses to the new English lessees of the State.
On 24th October the Mayor was directed to take effectual
means to remove all that might be then dwelling in the city,
and all places within the line, within forty-eight hours after pub-
lication ofthe order.{ And on 19th November a list of the
names of all not removing was returned to the Council, with
the view of ordering them for trial by court martial.

About this time, probably, the English began to come over
in greater numbers, with a view to trade. On 15th May, 1655,
it was ordered on the petition of the Protestant inhabitants of
the city of Kilkenny, that “ for the better encouragement of
an English plantation in the city and liberties,” all the houses
and lands lately belonging to the Irish, and now in the posses-

+ 2p. 207. + Ib, p. 887. t F, p. 264,
142 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

sion of the State, should be thenceforth demised to English and
Protestants, and none others; that no English merchants or
traders should drive any trade or merchandize in the city or
liberties by Irish agents or servants ; and that all Irish should
quit Kilkenny within twenty days, except such artificers as any
four justices of the peace should for the convenience of that
corporation license to stay for any period not exceeding one
year.* Private interest, however, still interfered with the exe-
cution of the law. The officers sheltered merchants who acted as
their factors in trade. Public creditors who got an order to be
satisfied a large debt by confiscated houses, extending down
whole streets,f were only too willing to keep the poor Irish
occupants; or they let them secretly to others, as there were
no English ones to be had.

The government, however, though baffled, still kept the
great work in view. On 31st December, 1656, finding that
divers Irish transplantable into Connaught had not only ne-
glected to remove, but had continued to reside, or had intruded
themselves into sundry cities, walled towns, and garrisons
throughout this nation, they issued several special orders, di-
rected to the governors of the several cities, towns, and garri-
sons in the three provinces, to send up lists of the names of
all such persons, in order probably to the arrest and trial of
some of them at the assizes, where numbers were often found
guilty of not transplanting, and transported to the Barbadoes.

After the summer assizes of 1658, Sir Charles Coote, Lord
President of Connaught, and Colonel Sadleir, Governor of Gal-
way, were directed to treat with Colonel Stubbers or other
merchants, about having a properly victualled ship for eighty
or one hundred prisoners ready to sail with the first fair wind
to the Indian Bridges, the usual landing place in the Barbadoes,

. a p- 367. + a p. 292.
OF IRELAND. 143

or other English plantations thereabouts in America.* These
were proprietors who had been sentenced to death for not trans-
planting, but had been pardoned by his Excellency.t At Bar-
badoes the prisoners were to be delivered to certain merchants
(who were to pay the cost of their transportation), all except
ten, who were to be consigned to a person to be speedily
named.t{ This was a Mr. Edward Smyth, a merchant resident
at the Barbadoes. His lot, however, was afterwards increased
to twelve, ten men and two women ; and upon receiving them
at the Indian Bridges, or elsewhere in that island, he was to
pay Colonel Stubbers four pounds per man for transportation
and victuals.§

The consequence of clearing the towns of their inhabitants
was to leave them ruinous: the few English were not enough
to occupy them, and the deserted houses fell down, or were
pulled down to use the timber for firmg. Lord Inchiquin, Pre-
sident of Munster, was charged in 1647 with having given
houses in the city of Cork, and farms in the suburbs, to his own
menial servants, as barbers, grooms, and others. His answer
was, that upon the expelling of the Irish out of Cork, it was to
the benefit of the State that he should place any persons in the
houses on the sole condition of upholding them, which other-
wise, being waste and uninhabited, would have fallen to the
ground ; and though by this means many of the houses were
preserved, yet for want of inhabitants about three thousand
good houses in Cork, and as many in Youghal, had been

destroyed by the soldiers, finding them empty, and for want
of firing in their guards||

For such a scene of desolation as the cities and towns of
Ireland presented at this period, recourse must be had to the

‘é * p. 244. + = p. 338. t Ib., ib. § Ib., p. 843.
| Pp. 5, 6, “ Articles humbly presented to the House of Commons
against Murrough O’Brien, Lord Baron of Inchiquin, and Lord President
144 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

records of antiquity ; and there, in the ruined state of the towns
of Sicily, when rescued by Timoleon from the tyranny of the
Carthaginians, there is to be found a parallel. Syracuse, when
taken, was found comparatively destitute of inhabitants. So
little frequented was the market place, that it produced grass
enough for the horses to pasture on, and for the grooms to lie
in by themasthey grazed. The other cities were deserts, full
of deer and wild boars; and such as had this use for it hunted
them in the suburbs round the walls.* And such was the case
inIreland. On the 20th December, 1652, a public hunt by the
assembled inhabitants of the barony of Castleknock was or-
dered by the State of the numerous wolves lying in the wood
of the ward, only six miles north of Dublin.t

But this desolation was, as usual, only preparatory to the
improvement of Ireland. On the 4th of March, 1657, the
Commissioners for the Affairs of Ireland pressed upon the go-
vernment in England the improved condition of affairs, and that
the towns were now ready forthe English, and urging them to
make it public in that country that they had been cleared of
Irish, as appears by the following letter :—

“ To Secretary Thurloe.

“ Dublin Castle, 4th March, 1656-7.
“RigHt HoNourABLE,—The Council, having lately taken
into their most serious consideration what may be most for the
security of this country, and the encouragement of the English
to come over and plant here, did think fitt that all Popish re-
cusants, as wel proprietors as others, whose habitations is in
any port-towns, walled-towns, or garrisons, and who did not

of Munster, subscribed by Lord Broghill and Sir Arthur Loftus; with a
clear Answer thereto made. By Richard Gething, Secretary to the Lord
President.” Small 4to. London: 1647.

* Plutarch, Life of Timoleon.

th, p. 492.
OF IRELAND. 145

before the 15th September, 1643 (being the time mentioned in
the act of 1653 for the encouragement of adventurers and sol-
diers), and ever since profess the Protestant religion, should
remove themselves and their families out of all such places,
and two miles at the least distant therefrom, before 20th May
next; and being desirous that the English people may take
notice, that by this means there will be both security and con-
veniency of habitation for such as shall be willing to come over
as planters, they have commanded me to send you the en-
closed declaration, and to desire you that you will take some
course, whereby it may be made known unto the people for
their encouragement to come over and plant in this country.
“Your humble servant,
‘THOMAS HERBERT, Clerk of the Council.”*

But the government took other measures to inhabit the
towns. By the act for satisfying the adventurers and soldiers,
any of them were at liberty to purchase any of the houses
lately belonging to the Irish in any cities or walled towns, at
the rate of six years’ purchase, and to get a free grant of any
vacant places and waste grounds within them on condition of
building. It was in house property in towns that the Parlia-
ment paid off many public debts. Thus a debt of £3697 10s.
of moneys disbursed by Captain John Arthur was satisfied in
forfeited houses in the town of Wexford. And just as in setting
out lands to the disbanded soldiery the lands were to be set
out without intervals, and without picking and choosing, so
Captain Arthur was bound to make his choice at which end or
other part of the town to begin his satisfaction, taking the
houses and proceeding orderly on both sides of the street, un-
til his due proportion should be reached. Commencing with
the house of Robert Wilkinson, in the parish of Selsker, re-
turned in the Civil Survey as lately belonging to one James

* 4, p. 246.
L
146 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

Stafford, an Irish Papist, a list of 200 houses in long enumera-
tion, with the names of their late Irish possessors, and their
annual value, was set out to him in satisfaction of his debt.*
The town of Galway, the last fortress of the Irish, surrendered
to Ludlow on the 20th March, 1652, on articles securing the in-
habitants their residence within the town, and the enjoyment
of their houses and estates. The taxation was soon so great,
that many of the townspeople quitted their habitations, and
removed their cattle, unable to endure it.t Consequently the
contribution fell the heavier on the remaining inhabitants.
This tax was collected from them every Saturday by sound of
trumpet; and ifnotinstantly paid, the soldiery rushed into the
house, and seized what they could lay hands on. The sound
of this trumpet, every returning Saturday, shook their souls
with terror, like the trumpet of the day of judgment.{ On
the 15th March, 1653, the Commissioners for Ireland, remark-
ing upon the disaffection thus exhibited, confiscated the houses
of those that had deserted the town. Those that fled were
wise in time. On 23rd July, 1655, all the Irish were di-
rected to quit the town by the lst of November following,
the owners of houses, however, to receive compensation at
eight years’ purchase ; in default, the soldiers were to drive
them out.§ On 30th October this order was executed. All
the inhabitants, except the sick and bedrid, were at once
banished, to provide accommodation for such English Pro-
testants whose integrity to the State should entitle them to
be trusted in a place of such importance ; and Sir Charles Coote
on the 7th November received the thanks of the government
for clearing the town, with a request that he would remove

* a p. 292. + &, p. 704,
$ Contemporary account in Hardiman’s “ History of Galway,” p. 184.
§ Ibid., p. 136,
OF IRELAND. 147

the sick and bedrid as soon as the season might permit, and
take care that the houses while empty were not spoiled by the
soldiery.* The town was thus made ready for the English.

There was a large debt of £10,000 due to Liverpool for
their loss and suffering for the good cause. The eminent de-
servings and losses of the city of Gloucester also had induced
the Parliament to order them £10,000, to be satistied in for-
feited lands in Ireland. The Commissioners of Ireland now
offered forfeited houses in Galway, rated at ten years’ pur-
chase, to the inhabitants of Liverpool and Gloucester, to satisfy
their respective debts, and they were both to arrange about the
planting of it with English Protestants. To induce them to ac-
cept the proposal, the Commissioners enlarged upon the advan-
tages of Galway. It lay open for trade with Spain, the Straits,
the West Indies, and other places; no town or port in the three
nations, London excepted, was more considerable. It had many
noble uniform buildings of marble, though many of the houses
had become ruinous by reason of the war, and the waste done
by the impoverished English dwelling there. No Irish were
permitted to live in the city, nor within three miles of it. If it
were only properly inhabited by English, it might have a more
hopeful gain by trade, than when it was in the hands of the Irish
that lived there.t There was never a better opportunity ofun-
dertaking a plantation and settling manufacturers there than
the present, and they suggested that it might become another
Derry.

But it is a comparatively easy thing to unsettle a nation
or ruin a town, but not so easy to resettle either when
ruined.{ And Galway, once frequented by ships with cargoes

* Hardiman’s “ History of Galway,” p. 137, n.
t 3, p. 255; ibid., p. 815.
t “The Great Case of Transplantation Discussed,” p. 26, 4to. Lon-

don: 1655.
L2
148 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

of French and Spanish wines, to supply the wassailings of the
O’Neils and O’Donels, the O’Garas and the O’Kanes, her
marble palaces handed over to strangers, and her gallant sons
and dark-eyed daughters banished, remains for 200 years a
ruin ; her splendid port empty, while her “ hungry air” in 1862
becomes the mock of the official stranger.
OF IRELAND. 149

CONCLUSION.

THE THREE BURDENSOME BEASTS.

DESOLATION OF IRELAND.

TRELAND, in the language of Scripture, now lay void as a wil-
derness. Five-sixths of her people had perished. Women
and children were found daily perishing in ditches, starved.
The bodies of many wandering orphans,* whose fathers had
embarked for Spain, and whose mothers had died of famine,
were preyed upon by wolves. In the years 1652 and 1653,
the plague and famine had swept away whole countries, that a
man might travel twenty or thirty miles and not see a living
creature. Man, beast, and bird were all dead, or had quit
those desolate places. The troopers would tell stories of the
place where they saw a smoke, it was so rare to see either
smoke by day, or fire or candle by night. Iftwo or three
cabins were met with, there were found there none but aged
men, with women and children; and they, in the words of the

* “Upon serious consideration had of the great multitudes of poore
swarming in all parts of this nacion, occasioned by the devastation of the
country, and by the habits of licentiousness and idleness which the gene-
rality of the people have acquired in the time of this rebellion; insomuch
that frequently some are found feeding on carrion and weeds,—some
starved in the highways, and many times poor children who lost their pa-
rents, or have been deserted by them, are found exposed to, and some of
them fed upon, by ravening wolves and other beasts and birds of prey.”
“ Printed Declaration of the Council, 12th of May, 1653.” =, p. 188.
150 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

prophet, “become as a bottle in the smoke ; their skins black
like an oven, because of the terrible famine.” They were seen
to pluck stinking carrion out of a ditch, black and rotten; and
were said to have even taken corpses out of the grave to eat.
A party of horse hunting for Tories on a dark night discovered
a light; they thought it was a fire which the Tories usually
made in those waste counties to dress their food and warm
themselves; drawing near, they found it a ruined cabin, and,
besetting it round, some alighted and peeped in at the window.
There they saw a great fire of wood, and sitting round about
it a company of miserable old women and children, and betwixt
them and the fire a dead corpse lay broiling, which as the fire
roasted, they cut off collops and ate.* Such was the depopu-
lation of Ireland, that great part of it, it was believed, must lie
waste many years,—much of it for many ages.t But these
great wastes were haunted by three burdensome beasts, that
troubled the comfort of the English. In the first united Par-
liament of the Three Kingdoms, at Westminster, in 1657, Major
Morgan, member for the county of Wicklow, deprecated the
taxation proposed for Ireland, by showing that the country
was in ruins ; and, besides the cost of rebuilding the churches,
courthouses, and murkethouses, they were under a very heavy
charge for public rewards, paid for the destruction of three
beasts. ‘We have three beasts to destroy (said Major Morgan),
that lay burthens upon us. The first is the wolf, on whom we
lay five pounds a head if a dog, and ten pounds if a bitch.
The second beast is a priest, on whose head we lay ten pounds,

* The description of an eye-witness— The Interest of Ireland in its
Trade and Wealth stated,” Part 2nd, p. 86. 12mo. Dublin: 1682. By
Colonel Richard Lawrence.

+ “The Interest of England in the well Planting of Ireland with
English,” p. 31. Small 4to. Dublin: 1656. By Colonel Richard Law-
rence.
OF IRELAND. 151

—ifhe be eminent, more. The third beastis a Tory, on whose
head, if he be a public Tory, we lay twenty pounds; and forty
shillings on a private Tory. Your army cannot catch them:
the Irish bring them in; brothers and cousins cut one another’s
throats.””*

FIRST BURDENSOME BEAST, THE WOLF.

When the Great Jehovah in his inscrutable wisdom directed
the sons of Israel to return to the land of Canaan, where they
had been humbly and hospitably entertained for many years,
and charged them to kill all the inhabitants without mercy,
and divide their ancient inheritances by lot, he warned them
against destroying them too suddenly. ‘Thou shalt smite
them, and utterly destroy them; but thou must not consume
them at once, lest the beasts of the field increase upon thee.”t
In Ireland, from too rapidly exterminating the people, the
wolves multiplied in the great scopes of land lying waste and
deserted in all parts of the country, and increased till they be-
came so serious a public nuisance, by destroying the sheep and
cattle of the English, that various measures had to be taken
against them. Ireland had of old been celebrated for her wolf
dogs, which, with her equally celebrated hawks, were consi-
dered fit presents for kings. The officers quitting for Spain in
1652, proud of their dogs, were found to be taking them with
them ; but the tide waiters at the different ports, now crowded
with these departing exiles, were directed to seize the dogs, on
account of the increasing number of the wolves, and send them
to the public huntsman of the precinct.{

Public hunts were regularly organized, and deer toil brought
over from England, and kept in the public store for setting

* “ Burton’s Parliamentary Diary,” 10th June, 1657.
+ Deuteronomy, chapter 7th.

t , p- 202.
152 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

up while driving the woods with hounds and horn for these
destructive beasts of prey.* Irishmen were occasionally em-
ployed, and furnished with passes to go with guns to kill them
in particular districts, as in the county of Wicklow.t ‘This
curse, one of the consequences of the great desolation, the go-
vernment charged upon the priests. For if the priests had
not been in Ireland, the troubles would not have arisen, nor
the English have come, nor have made the country almost a
ruinous heap, nor would the wolves have so increased.{ Bya
similar process of reasoning it is proved that itis the Irish that
have caused the ruin, the plundering, and desolation of the
country from the days of the first invasion for so many ages.
Bya printed declaration of 29th June, 1653, republished
on Ist July, 1656, the commanders of the various districts

* “ Whereas some money hath been issued on account to Colonel Daniel
Abbott and others, for providing of toyles for taking of wolves, which have
been brought over for publique use; and understanding that part thereof
is at present at Greenhill, near Kilcullen ; ordered that Captain Tomlins,
Comptroller of the Traine, do forthwith take care that the said toyles and
other materials thereto belonging be brought from Greenhill, or any other
place, and laid into the publique stores, and there kept until further direc-
tion shall be given concerning the same. Dated at Dublin, 29th August,
1659.

= p. 45. “ Too’. Herbert, Clerk of the Council.”
+ “ Ordered that Richard Toole, with Morris M‘William his servant,
with their two fowling pieces, and half a pound of powder and bullet pro-
portionable, be permitted to pass quietly from Dublin into the counties of
Kildare, Wicklow, and Dublin, for the killing of wolves. To continue for
the space of two months from the date of the order. Dublin, 1 Novem-
ber, 1652.” *) p, 454,

{ “ Declaration of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland (Cromwell) in answer
to the Declaration of the Irish Prelates and Clergy in a Conventicle at
Clonmacnoise. Printed at Corke, and now reprinted at London. Ed.

Griffin, at the Old Bayley, March 21, 1650.”
OF IRELAND. 153

were to appoint days and times for hunting the wolf; and per-
sons destroying wolves and bringing their headsto the Commis-
sioners of the Revenue of the precinct were to receive for the
head of a bitch wolf, £6; of a dog wolf, £5; for the head of
every cub that preyed by himself, 40s.; and for the head of
every sucking cub, 10s.* The assessments on several counties
to reimburse the treasury for these advances became, as ap-
pears from Major Morgan’s speech, a serious charge. In cor-
roboration it appears that in March, 1655, there was due from
the precinct of Galway £243 5s. 4d. for rewards paid on this
account. But the most curious evidence of their numbers is
that lands lying only nine miles north of Dublin were leased by
the State in the year 1653, under conditions of keeping a hunting
establishment with a pack of wolf hounds for killing the wolves,
part of the rent to be discounted in wolves’ heads, at the rate in
the declaration of 29th June, 1653. Under this lease Captain
Edward Piers was to have all the State lands in the barony of
Dunboyne in the county of Meath, valued at £543 8s. 8d., at
arent greater by £100 a year than they then yielded in rent
and contribution, for five years from 1st of May following, on
the terms of maintaining at Dublin and Dunboyne three wolf
dogs, two English mastiffs, a pack of hounds of sixteen couple
(three whereof to hunt the wolf only), a knowing huntsman and
two men, and one boy. Captain Piers was to bring to the Com-
missioners of Revenue at Dublin a stipulated number of wolf
heads in the first year, and a diminishing number every year ;
but for every wolf head whereby he fell short of the stipulated
number £5 was to be defalked from his salary.t

= a p- 255. Republished 7th July, 1656.—‘‘ Book of Printed De-
clarations of the Commissioners for the Affairs of Ireland.” British

Museum.
A
+ &, p- 80. t & p. 686.
154 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

SECOND BURDENSOME BEAST, A PRIEST.

On the 8th December, 1641, both Houses of Parliament in
England passed a joint declaration, in anwer to the demand of
the Irish for the free exercise of their religion, that they
never would give their assent to any toleration of the Popish
religion in Ireland, or in any other of His Majesty’s dominions.*
Cromwell’s manifesto, too, cannot be forgotten, that where the
Parliament of England had power the mass should not be
allowed of.t Pym had previously boasted that they would not
leave a priest in Ireland.t Such a measure was the proper
eomplement of the Declaration ; for what could priests be about
but spreading their religion if they staid? For them, during
the war, there was no mercy; when any forces surrendered
upon terms, priests were always excepted ; priests were thence-
forth out of protection, to be treated as enemies that had not
surrendered. Twenty pounds was offered for their discovery,
and to harbour them was death.§ This obliged them to fly,

* 4th “ Rushworth’s Collections,” p. 455.

t “ Declaration of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, in answer to the Acts
of the Popish Clergy at Clonmacnoise. Printed at Cork, and reprinted
in London. March, 1650.” 4to.

+ “‘ Nalson’s Historical Collections.”

§ “INTELLIGENCE FROM IRELAND.

“ Dublin, 11 November, 1650.

‘¢Srr,—You will hear from Waterford more certain news, and from
Munster, than from hence. The Toryes are very busye in these parts,
and it is probable they will increase ; for all the Papists are to be turned
out of this city; and for the Jesuits, priests, fryers, munks, and nunnes,
20% will be given to any that can bring certain intelligence where any of
them are. And whosoever doth harbour or conceal any one of them is

to forfeit life and estate.
“ Your humble servant,

“Evans VAvuGHAN.”
‘Several Proceedings in Parliament from 21st to 28th November,
1650,” p. 912.
OF IRELAND. 155

and to hide until they heard of some body of swordmen being
ready to sail for Spain. Thereupon it was their custom to
get the officers commanding to apply for leave to transport
them together with his troops.* Occasionally they would
apply for protection, while waiting to transport themselves of
their own accord.f

To be proscribed, however, was nothing but what they
were used to from the days of Queen Elizabeth. There were
statutes in force making the exercise of their religion death.t
Yet, as Spenser remarked, they faced all penalties in per-

* Colonel Teelin, who has licence to transport one thousand Irish for
the service of the King of Spain, to have liberty to take away all priests in
Ireland that send in their names. 26 January, 1654, a p. 85.

Colonel Edmund O’Dwyer being licensed to transport 3500 Irish,
for the service of the Prince de Conde; ordered that he be permitted to
enlist and transport such priests, Jesuits, and other persons in Popish
orders, who are still in Ireland, and shall give in their names. 4th No-
vember, 1653.

A
Hp. 112.

+ “ Whereas John Barnewall, priest, is desirous, in conformity with the
late Declaration of the said Commissioners of Parliament, to depart this na-
tion into some of the parts beyond the seas in America ; and in order thereto
has desired some time to be granted to him for making provision for his
voyage; ordered that he be permitted to reside in this nation till the 7th of
April next, he acting nothing to the prejudice of the Commonwealth, nor
exercising his priestly function in the interim: provided the said John
Barnewall do at the expiration of the term abovesaid depart this nation,
according to the intention of the said proclamation. Dated at Dublin,
the 7 February, 1653.”

, p. 585.

‘Ordered that the Mayor of Dublin be desired forthwith to press a
fitt and able vessel in this port for the transportation of such a number of
the Popish clergy as are to go with Lieutenant-General Farrell for Spain.
Dublin, 19th February, 1652-8.” %, p. 639.

f Ibid., p. 585.
156 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

formance of their duties. They spared not to come out of
Spain, from Rome, and from Rheims, by long toil and dange-
rous travelling to Ireland, where they knew the peril of death
awaited them, and no reward but to draw the people unto the
Church of Rome.* These laws occasionally slept; but were
revived by proclamation when the fears or anger of the go-
vernment or people of England were aroused, as by the
Powder Plot, though the Irish had no part in it. And then
the priests had to fly to the woods or mountains, or to disguise
themselves as gentlemen, soldiers, carters, or labourers. They
had no fear that any of the Irish would betray them for all
the large rewards offered. But pregnant women, and others,
hastening on foot out of the Protestant parts towards those
places where priests were known to be harboured, was fre-
quently the cause of their being apprehended. In this way
Connor O’Dovan, Bishop of Down, was tracked, taken, and
committed prisoner to the Castle of Dublin, in 1611.f Bar-
naby Rich at this very time represents a student of Trinity
College as meeting a priest, his acquaintance, in the streets of
. Waterford : he asks the priest what means his ruffling suit of
apparel, his giltrapier, and dagger hanging by his side, more
gentleman-like than priest-like ? He accounts for his disguise
. by the proclamation of 1605, forbidding a priest to remain in
the realm.t

* « Spenser’s View of Ireland,” p. 584.

+ P. 340, “ Analecta sacra nova et mira de Rebus Catholicorum in
Hibernia, pro Fide et Religione Gestis, divisa in tres Partes. . . . Collec-
tore et Relatore T. N. Philadelpho, Colonie, 1617.” 12mo, p. 581.
(By Rothe, R. C. Bishop of Ossory.)

{ P.1, “A Catholic Conference between Sir Tady Mac Marall, a
Popish Priest of Waterford, and Patrick Plaine, a Young Student of Trinity
College, by Dublin. ‘Wherein is delivered the manner of Execution that
was used upon a Popish Bishop and a Popish Priest that for several matters
OF IRELAND. 157

There were many parts of the country, however, where it
was no easy thing to drag a priest from his hiding place. The
government, therefore, on the 6th January, 1653, issued orders
that all priests and friars who should be willing to transport
themselves, and should give due notice of their intention, should
have liberty, within twenty days from the date of the order, to
proceed to the waterside without molestation, and sail thence
with the first ship; but after that time every priest remaining
in Ireland should be arrested and dealt with as the govern-
ment should think fit; and five pounds would be paid to any
person lodging a priest in gaol.* It was under this provision
that the heavy burdens complained of by Major Morgan were in-
curred. The numbers of priests lodged in gaol, and the fre-
quency of the rewards, attest the activity of the pursuit. Such
orders as the following are abundant :—10th August, 1657—
Five pounds, on the certificate of Major Thomas Stanley, to
Thomas Gregson, Evan Powel, and Samuel Ally (being three
soldiers of Colonel Abbot’s regiment of Dragoons), for the
arrest of Donogh Hagerty, a Popish priest, by them taken and
now secured in the county gaol of Clonmel ;t to be equally
distributed between them. To Arthur Spunner, Robert Pierce,
and John Bruen, five pounds, to be divided equally among
them, for the good service by them performed in apprehend-
ing and bringing before the Right Honourable the Lord Chief
Justice Pepys, the 21st of January last (1657), one Edmund
Duin, a Popish priest.t To Lieut. Edward Wood, on the certi-
ficate of William St. George, Esq., J.P., of the county of Cavan,

of Treason were executed at Dublin the Ist of February last, A. D. 1611.
By Barnabie Rych, Gent., Servant to the King’s Most Excellent Majesty.”
12mo. London: 1612.

* 3, p. 685; 3, p. 396.
+ Treasury Orders, p. 9. { Ibid., p. 120.
158 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

dated 6th November, 1658, twenty-five pounds, for five priests
and friars by him apprehended, viz.: Thomas M*Kernan,
Turlough O’Gowan, Hugh M’Geown, Turlough Fitzsymons,
who upon examination confessed themselves to be both priests
and friars.* 13th Apvril, 1657. To Sergeant Humphry Gibbs,
and Corporal Thomas Hill (of Colonel Leigh’s company), ten
pounds, for apprehending two Popish priests (viz., Maurice
Prendergast, and Edmund Fahy), who were secured in the
gaol of Waterford ; and being afterward arraigned, were both
of them adjudged to be and accordingly were transported into
foreion parts.f
In prison their condition may be realized by such orders as
the following: —“ 4th August, 1654. Ordered, on the petition of
Roger Begs, priest, now prisoner in Dublin, setting forth his
miserable condition by being nine months in prison, and de-
siring liberty to go among his friends into the country for
some relief; that he be released upon giving sufficient security
that within four months he do transport himself to foreign
parts, beyond the seas, never to return, and that during that
time ke do not exercise any part of his priestly functions,
nor move from where he shall choose to reside in, above five
miles, without permission.{ Ordered, same date, on the peti-
tion of William Shiel, priest, that the said William Shiel being
old, lame, and weak, and not able to travel without crutches,
he be permitted to reside in Connaught where the Governor
of Athlone shall see fitting, provided, however, he do not re-
move one mile beyond the appointed place without licence,
nor use his priestly function.Ӥ
At first the place of transportation was Spain. Thus :—‘‘1s¢
of February, 1653. Ordered that the Governor of Dublin take

* Treasury Orders, p. 300. + Ibid.
t F, p. 364, § A, p. 518.
OF IRELAND. 159

effectual course whereby the priests now in the several prisons
of Dublin be forthwith shipped with the party going for Spain ;
and that they be delivered to the officers on shipboard for that
purpose : care to be taken that under the colour of exportation
they be not permitted to go into the country.”*

“29th May, 1654. Upon reading the petition of the Popish
priests now in the jails of Dublin; ordered, that the Governor
of Dublin take security of such persons as shall undertake the
transportation of them, that they shall with the first opportu-
nity be shipped for some parts in amity with the Common-
wealth, provided the five pounds for each of the said priests
due to the persons that took them, pursuant to the tenor
of a declaration dated 6th January, 1653, be first paid or se-
cured.” t

But no orders could keep them from ministering to their
flocks. Of this there are many instances. 4th January, 1655,
there was paid to Captain Thomas Shepherd the sum of five
pounds, pursuant to the declaration of 6th May, 1653, for a
party of his company that on 27th November last took a
priest, with his appurtenances, in the house of one Owen
Birne, of Cool-ne-Kishin, near Old Leighlin, in the county of
Catherlogh, which said priest, together with Birne, the man of
the house, were brought prisoners to Dublin.{ On the 8th of
the same month, Richard and Thomas Tuite, Edmund and
George Barnwell, and William Fitzsimons, all names belong-
ing to what would now be called the Catholic gentry, main-
tained the castle of Baltrasna, in the county of Meath, in
defence and rescue of a priest supposed to have repaired
thither to say mass. For this they were arrested, and their

i *) p. 629. t =~ p. 418.

th p. 7. Orders of Council, Late Auditor-General’s Records, Cus-
tom House Buildings, vol. x., p. 204.
160 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

goods seized. To these Cornet Greatrex and his soldiers
laid claim, on the ground of a forcible entry of the said
castle, kept against them with arms and ammunition by
such who maintained a priest in his idolatrous worship,
in opposition to the declaration of the State in that be-
half.*

As it had now been manifest from many years’ experience,
(to use the language of the Commissioners of Parliament for
the Affairs of Ireland), that Popish priests held it to be their
duty to estrange the minds and affections of the people from
the authority and government of the English Commonwealtht
(which it must therefore be supposed would otherwise have
been so warmly bestowed upon it by the Irish), and that
no ordinary admonition could withhold them, though they
thus exposed their lives to danger, and threatened to ruin this
miserable nation, the Commissioners for Ireland began to
transport them to Barbadoes, to prevent them from returning
to their own and their people’s destruction.{ On 8th Decem-
ber, 1655, in a letter from the Commissioners to the Governor
of Barbadoes, advising him of the approach of a ship with a
cargo of proprietors deprived of their lands, and then seized
for not transplanting, or banished for having no visible means
of support (though the charity of the Irish never yet failed
such victims of the law, whether of high or low degree), they
add that amongst them were three priests; and the Commis-

+ A p. 45; ibid., p. 65, 67.

t Order of 6 January, 1653. “ History of the Rise, Decline, and Fall
of the Family of the Geraldines, Earls of Desmond ; to which is added the
Persecution of the Irish by th: English, by Friar Dominic de Rosario
O’Daly, Head of the Dominicans in Portugal. Printed at Lisbon, 1655.
Translated by Rev. C. P. Meehan, and republished at Dublin. James
Duffy, Wellington-quay. 1847.”

i p- 67.
OF IRELAND. : 161

sioners particularly desire they may be so employed as they
may not return again where that sort of people are able to do
much mischief, having so great an influence over the Popish
Irish, and of alienating their affections from the present Go-
vernment.* Yet these penalties did not daunt them, or pre-
vent their recourse to Ireland. In consequence of the great
increase of priests towards the close of the year 1655, a gene-
ral arrest by the justices of peace was ordered, under which,
in April, 1656, the prisons in every part of Ireland seem to
have been filled to overflowing. On 3rd of May the gover-
nors of the respective precincts were ordered to send them with
sufficient guards from garrison to garrison to Carrickfergus,
to be there put on board such ship as should sail with the first
opportunity for the Barbadoes.t One may imagine the pains
of this toilsome journey by the petition of one of them. Paul
Cashin, an aged priest, apprehended at Maryborough, and
sent to Philipstown on the way to Carrickfergus, there fell
desperately sick, and, being also extremely aged, was in dan-
ger of perishing in restraint for want of friends and means of
relief. On 27th of August, 1656, the Commissioners having
ascertained the truth ofhis petition, they ordered him sixpence
a day during his sickness ; and (in answer probably to this poor
prisoner’s prayer to be spared from transportation,) their or-
der directed that it should be continued to him in his travel
thence (after his recovery) to Carrickfergus, in order to his
transportation to the Barbadoes.}

At Carrickfergus the horrors of approaching exile seem
to have shaken the firmness of some of them; for on 23rd
September, 1656, Colonel Cooper, who had the charge of the
prison, reporting that several would under their hands renounce
the Pope’s supremacy, and frequent the Protestant meetings
and no other, he was directed to dispense with the transporta-

A A A
# oD: 115, t 5) p- 102. ft fp. 217.
M
162 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

tion of such of them as he could satisfy himself would do so
without fraud or design, on their obtaining Protestant security
for their future good conduct.*

But even in Barbadoes the Government did not seem to
consider them secure, or perhaps the cost of transporting them
may have been too heavy. For on 27th February, 1657, they
referred it to His Excellency to consider where the priests
then in prison in Dublin might be most safely disposed of; and
thenceforth the Isles of Arran, lying out thirty miles in the
Atlantic, opposite the entrance to the Bay of Galway, and the
Isle of Innisboffin, off the coast of Connemara, became their
prisons.f In these storm-beaten islands they dwelt in colo-
nies during the three concluding years of the Commonwealth
tule in Ireland, in cabins built for them by the Government,
and maintained on an allowance ofsixpencea day.{ Yetstill
in all parts of the nation there was found a succession of these
intrepid soldiers of religion to perform their sworn duties, .
meeting the relics of their flocks in old raths, under trees, and
in ruined chapels,§ or secretly administering to individuals in
the very houses of their oppressors, and in the ranks of their
armies.

* & p. 179. + Ib., p. 277.

¢ “To Col. Tho. Sadleir, Governor of Galway, the sum of £100 upon
account, to be by him issued as he shall conceive meet for the maintenance
of such Popish priests as are or shall be confined in the island of Buffin,
after the allowance of sixpence per diem each. And for building of cab-
bins, and other necessary accommodation for them. Dated 3rd July, 1657.”
Treasury Warrants, p. 352.

§ In the bishops’ returns appended to Primate Boulter’s Report to the
Lords’ Committee on the present state of Popery in Ireland (A.D. 17382),
it is common to find masses said in huts, in old forts, and at move-
able altars in the fields. An English tourist writes in 1746 :—‘‘ The
poorer sort of Irish natives are Roman Catholics, who make no scruple
[toleration was advancing at this time] to assemble in the open fields.
As we passed yesterday in a by-road, we saw a priest under a tree, with a
OF IRELAND. - 163

THIRD BURDENSOME BEAST, A TORY.

The great aim of the transplantation was to give security
to the English planters.* or this forty thousand of the most
active of the old English and Irish nobility and gentry and
commons, who had borne arms in the ten years’ war, were
forced to abandon wife and children, home and country, and
embark for Spain; for this their deserted wives and chil-
dren, and all the remaining landed proprietors, their families
and next heirs,f their tenants, with their wives, sons, and
daughters, were forced into Connaught. With this view, the
country was laid waste, wherever the crops or cattle were
liable to afford support to the Irish who had not submitted to
be transplanted or transported ; and whole districts were put
out of protection, so that men or women found there were to

large assembly about him, celebrating mass in his proper habit ; and though *
at a great distance from him, we heard him distinctly.”” Chetwood’s ‘“ Tour
through Ireland,” p. 163. 12mo. London: 1746.

* «To the end, therefore, that the country of Ireland may be planted
and settled with security unto such as shall plant and inhabit the same.”
Preamble to the Act for the Satisfaction of Adventurers and Souldiers,
passed 27th September, 1653.

+ ‘‘ And whereas the children, grandchildren, brothers, nephews, uncles,
and next pretended heirs of the persons attainted, do remain in the pro-
vinces of Leinster, Ulster, and Munster, having little or no visible estates
or subsistence, but living only and coshering upon the common sort of
people who were tenants to or followers of the respective ancestors of such
persons, waiting an opportunity, as may justly be supposed, to massacre
and destroy the English who as adventurers or souldiers, or their tenants,
are set down to plant upon the several lands and estates of the persons so
attainted,” they are to transplant or be transported to the English planta-
tions in America. Act for Attainder of the Rebels in Ireland, passed
1656. Scobell’s “ Acts and Ordinances.”

M 2
164 : THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

be shot as spies and enemies, unless they had a pass or ticket
of protection.*

But the kind of agrarian law under which the lands were
distributed amongst the adventurers, and officers and soldiers
of the Commonwealth army, took from property its sanctity,
which depends much on antiquity of possession, and gave rise
to agrarian crimes.}

The old English of Ireland, though themselves descended
of an invading nation, whose title to their lands was anciently
conquest, must have felt deeply their present wrongs, inflicted
by men of their own blood and race. But deeper still must
have been the sense of wrong amongst the native Irish. By
them ‘‘ property” (in the hands of the English in Ireland) must
have been long looked upon as “plunder.” Openforce hadbeen
the means of extending the possessions of the English in early

* « Their custom was, by their proclamation to draw some imaginary
line about a large tract of some depopulated country, inhibiting the natives
to come within that circle ; and whensoever some ignorant or unwary per-
son chanced (either for taking a short way to the place he intended to go
to, or in pursuit of his cattle strayed or stolen) to pass those enchanted
limits, he was knocked on the head by any officer or souldier that first met
him, as Colonel Axtell did, having killed six women on the high road be-
twixt Athy and Kilkenny.” “A Continuation of the Brief Narrative, and
the Sufferings of the Irish under Cromwell.” Small 4to. Printedin the year
1660. [By Father Peter Walsh, Author of the Loyal Remonstrance.’’]
Amongst the MSS. in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin, are notes
taken on the trial of Colonel Axtell by court martial for this act. F. 3. 18.

t ‘The proclamation of Lord Canning for the confiscation of Oude was
supposed to be a great stroke of policy. But no Mahometan conqueror,
no British conqueror, had ever attempted to perform the dangerous opera-
tion which it projected. The design of confiscation was the most dangerous
design which a conqueror could entertain ; and a shrewd observer had
said, that it was never safe to confiscate a man’s property unless you were
prepared also to take his life.” Sir James Graham, Bart., Parliamentary
debate, May 21, 1858. He might have added, ‘ Or to transplant on or
make him emigrate.”
OF IRELAND. 165

times,—force and fraud combined, in the century just elapsed.
The English looked upon force and law (the will of the stranger)
as the proper title to land and empire ; the Irish, to an enjoy-
ment of it as the right of all the families of the country, as sons
and descendants of the earliest occupants of the soil. The old
English of Ireland had one reflection that moderated their bitter
thoughts. Their turn was come. ‘“ What you do to another,
another will do to you.” And they still hated the Irish. The
Irish, the most forgiving race under the sun, respected the old
English, who had long suffered with them for their faith, but
hated the English of the new plantations, who drove them
from their lands, insulted their religion and country, and now
tyrannized over the old English, whom the Irish had learned
to respect and pity.

What, if Lord Roche of Fermoy had had a son, wala
have been his feelings at seeing his. father and his sisters re-
duced to beggary, and forced to walk on foot to Connaught,*
to end their days there in some cabin, while their ancient in-
heritance was divided between the cornet of some English
regiment of horse and his troop? What the feelings of John,
the brother of Christian, Anstace, and Kate Roche, daughters
of Jordan Roche of Limerick, to behold his sisters reduced from
the affluence of a landed estate of £2000 a year to nothing to
live on but what. they could earn by their needles, and by
washing and wringing—their father’s lands in the Liberties of
Limerick being divided amongst the gentlemen of Cromwell’s
Life Guard ?t

* See above, p. 74.
+ “To the Right Honourable ye Commissioners of ye Commonwealth
of England for ye Affairs of Ireland,
tt The humble peticon of Christian Roche, Anstace Roche, Cate Roche,
and John Roche, y® children of Alderman Jordan Roche, deceased, shew-
eth yt Alderman Jordan Roche dec?. dyed seized of a vast reall estate
to y° value of £2000 a year, and likewise of a considerable personal estate,
166 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

Or of John Luttrell, transplanted with his wife and
children from the ancient family estate of Luttrellstown, near
Dublin, worth £2500 a year in 1640,* where for four hun-
dred years his ancestors had fixed their affections and their
name, into the barony of Clare in Galway, and there to hear of
his four sisters begging the Council Board for some relief, and
given ten pounds a piece, and bidden for the future not to ex-
pect any further gratuity or allowance from that Board ?f

But how must the feelings of national hatred have been
heightened, by seeing everywhere crowds of such unfortu-
nates, their brothers, cousins, kinsmen, and by beholding the
whole country given up a prey to hungry insolent soldiers
and adventurers from England, mocking their wrongs, and
triumphing in their own irresistible power !

Inspired by such sights, bands of desperate men formed
themselves into bodies, under the leadership of some dispos-
sessed gentleman, who had retired into the wilds when the rest
of the army he belonged to laid down arms, or had “run out”
again after submitting, and resumed them rather than trans-
plant to Connaught.t He soon found associates, for the coun-

all which devolved and came to y° publique: That your poore petitioners
are ina sadd and deplorable condition for want of sustenance or maynte-
nance, and have nothing to live on but what they erne by their needles and
by washing and wringinge.”

They pray a competent provision out of their father’s estate,—“ an
acte very charitable and suitable to y* civility of y* English govern-
ment.”

“ Petition referred to the Commissioners of Limerick Precinct, to en-
quire and report in what qualification of the Act of Settlement this falls.
Dated April, 1654.” Records ofthe late Auditor-General’s Office.

+5, p. 147.

+ Treasury Warrants, p. 194; 6th April, 1657.

{ ‘(27th August, 1656. Notwithstanding the several orders wherein
several days and times have been prefixed by which Papist proprietors of
OF IRELAND. 167

try was full of swordmen, though 40,000 took conditions from
the King of Spain. Others came back from Spain.* These
were the Tories. The great regions left waste and desolate by
the wars and transplantation gave them scopes for harbour-
ing in ; and the inadequate numbers of the forces of the Com-
monwealth to fully control so extensive a country as Ireland
left them at liberty to plan their surprises.

These outlaws were so daring and |desperate, that they
attacked the new English tenants and purchasers within hail
of the garrisons. In the month of March, 1655, a sad case
occurred in the neighbourhood of the garrison of Timolin, in
the county of Kildare: John Symonds and his family, who
had lately come out of England with all their substance to
plant in Ireland, by advice of friends settled at Kilnemarne,
and had engaged twenty more families very suddenly to come
and plant there, being encouraged by hopes of receiving pro-
tection from the garrison of Timolin, adjacent thereto; soon
after his arrival, he and his two sons, being about repairing
of houses upon the premises, in the daytime (the deserted
abodes, of course, of Irish gentlemen and their families, lately
transplanted to Connaught), were waylaid and set upon by
three Irishmen, being bloodthirsty and wicked persons, who
fell upon him and his two sons, and cruelly murdered one of

lands were to remove themselves, as also their wives and children, to Con-
naught, whereto some have yielded obedience, and many others in several
parts do refuse, and from thence have taken occasion to run out again into
the boggs, woods, and other the fastnesses and desert places of the land, to
commit murders and robberies upon the well affected.” x, p. 171.

* 6 Q4th January, 1656. That Irish Papists who had been licensed to
depart this nation, and of late years have been transplanted into Spain,
Flanders, and other foreign parts, have nevertheless secretly returned into
Ireland, occasioning the increase of ‘Tories and other lawless persons.”
2, p. 349.
168 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

them, and dangerously wounded the other. Both these sons
had faithfully served the Commonwealth in England as sol-
diers since the beginning of the war, and the one murdered
left behind him a poor distressed widow, an honest sober per-
son, in an extraordinary poor condition, with very small
children, for whom a charitable subscription was encouraged
in the parish churches, by order of the Commissioners for the
Affairs of Ireland.* Rigorous orders were immediately issued
and enforced for transplanting all the Irish inhabitants of the
town and neighbourhood of Timolin to Connaught, as a con-
sequence of this murder.

Six months afterwards, notwithstanding this signal chas-
tisement, another murder took place, in the townland of
Lackagh, in the same county. On 22nd October, 1655, Dennis
Brennan, and Murtagh Turner, Protestants (persons lately in
the service of the State and in the pay of the army), were bar-
barously murdered. All the Irish in the townland of Lackagh
were seized ;t four ofthem by sentence of court martial were
hanged for the murder, or for not preventing it; and all the
rest, thirty-seven in number, including two priests, were on the
27th November delivered to the captain of the “ Wexford”
frigate, to take to Waterford, there to be handed over to Mr.
Norton, a Bristol merchant, to be sold as bond slaves to the
sugar planters at the Barbadoes.§ Among these were Mrs.
Margery Fitzgerald, of the age of fourscore years, and her
husband, Mr. Henry Fitzgerald of Lackagh; although (as it
afterwards appeared) the Tories had by their frequent robberies
much infested that gentleman and his tenants—a discovery
that seems to have been made only after the King’s restora-
tion.||

* 4, p. 148. t #,p. 42. t 4,p. 260. § Ib., p. 308.

|| Pp. 7, 8, ‘‘ Continuation of the Brief Narrative; and the Sufferings
of Ireland under Cromwell.” London: 1660.
OF IRELAND. 169

But the main objects of the Tories were the cows and cattle
of the Englishmen, to support them in their fastnesses. If a
band of these outlaws came down from the hills, and drove off
the horses, cows, and cattle of the stranger to their retreats
where none dare follow them, satisfaction was to be made by
the kindred of the Tories living under protection. These levies
were called Kincogues,* or kindred moneys. But as it was
often difficult to find out who the Tories were, and as it hap-
pened that when found out the kindred were too poor to make
satisfaction, all the Irish of a barony where any murder, rob-
bery, or other outrage was committed upon an Englishman,
whether they were of kin or not of kin to the Tories, were to
contribute equally with the kindred; and not they only, but
any Irish of any barony through which the Tories had passed
or repassed on their way to or from the outrage, unless they
had resisted them, or followed them with hue and cry, or given
immediate notice to the nearest garrison.t These latter levies
were called “ prey moneys.”

* “ Kincogues,” from “ cin” (crime, debt, and liability), and ‘‘ com-
rogus’” (kindred, relations). By the Brehon law, unless the tribe out-
lawed an offender, one of their kindred, they were collectively liable for his
crime. (The statement of the late John O'Donovan, LL. D.) Among the
statutes objected to by Spenser was the 11th Edwd. 4, c. 4, whereby the
custom of Kin-cogish (as he calls it) was made law. By that statute every
head of every sept, and every head of every kindred, should be bound to
bring forth every one of that sept or kindred charged with any crime.
Spenser’s “ View of Ireland,” p. 451.

+ Proclamation of Colonel Jones, Governor of Dublin, for robberies
committed by the Tories. . . within the English quarters, to be answered
by the kindred of such as commit them. Dated 2nd November, 1647.

Proclamation of Colonel Hewson, Governor of Dublin, making the in-
habitants, whether of kin or not of kin, and the inhabitants of the baronies
through which the Tories passed, responsible. 25th February, 1650. MSS.
Trin. Coll. Dub., F. 3, 18.

Instructions for putting the above in execution by the Commissioners for
the Administration of Justice, and Commissioners of Revenue. a p- 72.
170 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

But even in these measures of war which the newness of
their conquest was their excuse for, the purpose was compensa-
tion, not vengeance, and they observed a kind of justice even
in their injustice; for the inhabitants were allowed to appoint
an advocate or agent, to appear and plead any just defence for
them before the court martial. The whole system was the
jurisprudence of conquerors. The conquerors, though pos-
sessed of all the power, and bound to provide for the security
of the Irish no less than the English within their protection,
laid the whole burden on the native race, and let all the Eng-
lish go free.

The effect of these laws was to increase the numbers of
Tories. For though the Irish were bound to discover and re-
sist the Tories under pain of death, they were not allowed
arms to enable them to resist, nor could the English protect
them, so that in either way they suffered death, either by the
English or the Irish.*

The grinding taxation, the consequence of this law, upon
the families under protection, together with the chance of
being slain by the Tories if they resisted them, or by the Eng-
lish if they did not, drove numbers out of protection to take
part with the Tories.t At length it was found that the Irish
inhabitants became so impoverished by paying for preys and
losses done by their kindred in arms, that the contribution was
in many places destroyed. This, and not the injustice of this
monstrous law, which punished the innocent and the guilty
together, and oftenest none but the innocent, and that too for
the crimes of the Government, which made men desperate by
wrongs, caused it to be repealed or limited.{ But it was re-
enacted in penal laws after the Revolution, and was only abo-

* “The Great Case of Transplantation in Ireland Discussed,” p. 28.
+ Ibid. t mp. 752. .
OF IRELAND. 171

lished about the time of the commencement of the American
war, to be re-enacted in a new form in the Crime and Outrage
Act of 1853.

The penalties against the Tories themselves were to allow
them no quarter when caught, and to set a price upon their
heads.* The ordinary price for the head of a Tory was 40s. ;
but for leaders of Tories, or distinguished men, it varied from _
£5 to £30.

In a proclamation of 3rd October, 1655, there was offered
to any that should bring in the persons hereafter named, or
their heads, to the governors of any of the counties where the
said Tories should be taken, the following sums, viz. :—for
Donnogh O’Derrick, commonly called “‘ Blind Donnogh,” the
sum of £30; for Dermot Ryan, the sum of £20; for James
Leigh, the sum of £5; for Laughlin Kelly, the sum of £5; or
for any other Tory, thief, or robber that should be hereafter
taken by any countryman, and brought dead or alive to any of
the chief governors of any county or precinct, 40s.; and if
taken and brought by any soldier, 20s.f Under a similar pro-
clamation, there appears paid, by a Treasury Warrant, to
Captain Adam Loftus, on the 12th May, 1657, the sum of £20,
for taking Daniel Kennedy, an Irish Tory, —his head being sent
to Catherlough, to set up on the castle walls, to the terror of
other malefactors.—} And in April of the same year, to Lieu-
tenant Francis Rowlestone, the sum of £6 138s. 4d., the same
being in consideration of the good services by him performed in
December last, in killing two Tories, viz.: Henry Archer, for-
merly a lieutenant in the Irish army, then a chief leading Tory ;
and William Shaffe, broguemaker, then under his command ;
whose heads were brought to the town of Kilkenny, unto Major

* 4, p. 27. t 4, p. 241,

t Treasury Warrants, p. 240.
172 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

Redmond there, as appears by his certificate, dated 9th of
April, inst.*

But there were other modes of dealing for the suppression
of Tories. The English, whether as soldiers or planters, were
inadequate to cope with these wild and lightfooted outlaws,
who knew each togher (or footpath) through the quaking
bogs, and every pass among the hills and woods. They were
therefore under the necessity of calling in the aid of some of
the countrymen of the Tories, who were equally skilled in the
knowledge ef the country, and were familiar with the habits
and secrets of these outlaws. They either dealt with some
Irish gentleman for the guarding of some district, and pur-
suing of the Tories within it, on the terms of his being spared
from transplantation for his services; or they found means to
agree withany Tory not guilty of any actual murder, to kill
by treachery any two of his comrades as the price of his own
pardon.

Life at this time had become of little value; there was no pub-
lic cause to maintain; the armies had surrendered. Men were
like wolves lying out in the woods and bogs of this desolated is-
land, their friends and families dead or banished. It isnowonder
that, between threats and rewards, men should be tempted to
betray and murder one another. Major Morgan’s boast, how-
ever, that brothers and cousins cut one another's throats, is
only one of those calumnies of which this ill-fated country
has for ages been the victim. On the contrary, their invio-
lable fidelity throughout all ages to those that defend their
cause has oftener afforded matter of reproach to their re-
vilers.

Arms and ammunition were occasionally intrusted to Irish-

* Treasury Warrants, p. 224.
OF IRELAND. 173

men to hunt and kill Tories,* just as they were employed oc-
casionally to kill wolves. It is possible they may have some-
times killed others than Tories, but they could scarce go wrong
in killing an Irishman.

As an instance of a gentleman obtaining his dispensation
from transplantation to Connaught by engaging to keep a
district against Tories, there is the case of Major Charles Kava-
nagh, one of the M*Murrough family,—a family which long
retained great possessions in the county of Carlow, in con-
sideration of their being of those Irishmen that first brought
Englishmen into Ireland, but which they were now to forfeit.
To reduce the Tories of the county of Carlow, the Government
in the year 1656 came to an agreement with Major Charles
Kavanagh to dispense with his transplantation to Connaught,
and with that of thirteen Irishmen, of his own selection as
his assistants, for the purpose of prosecuting and destroying
Tories in that county, and in the adjoining counties of Wick-
low, Wexford, and Kilkenny.t Major Kavanagh selected the
stump of the old castle of Archagh (otherwise Agha), a waste
place lying in the barony of Idrone, as the post for him and
his band to inhabit, as being situate in the centre of the three
counties of Wexford, Carlow, and Kilkenny ; and a lease was
made of it by the State to Major Boulton (who seems to have
been the medium of communication with Major Kavanagh), in
order that he might assign it over to him for his residence

* «14th October, 1659. Order empowering Colonel Henry Prettie
to employ twenty Irish with guns and ammunition into the counties of
Carlow and Kilkenny, for three months, to find and destroy the Tories in

is ; ‘A
the said counties. 7, p. 74

Similar order for Lieutenant-Colonel Nelson in King’s and Queen’s

Counties. Ib., ib.

+ “State Papers of Henry VIII.” (Ireland). Vol. ii., p. 571.
ti p. 54.
174 THE OROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

and habitation.* This place lay four miles due east of Leigh-
lin Bridge, and in some degree may have watched the ap-
proaches against the advance of any Tories from the Wicklow
hills. Major Kavanagh was no Tory, but, having laid down
arms, was quietly awaiting his transplantation.

But others, wilder and more desperate, ‘‘ran out :” amongst
these was Gerald Kinsellagh, who appears in the survey of
1653 as forfeiting a large estate of 1420 acres, consisting of
the lands of Kynogh, Kiledmond, Kilcoursey, and other lands
in the county of Carlow. He became ‘‘a leading Tory,” and
with him the Government entered into terms for pursuing and
destroying his fellow-Tories. The same Lieutenant Francis
Rowlestone who was paid for the heads of two Tories killed by
him, and who probably, in his frequent conflicts with them,
had earned their respect and confidence (for the brave respect
the brave), had a warrant from the State in 1659 to treat with
this Gerald (or Garrett) Kinsellagh and two other Tories of
the neighbourhood, “then abroad and on their keeping,” and
to promise them their security and liberty on condition of
their hunting down other Tories who were abroad disturbing
the public peace.t

But national hatred, as has been remarked, is the firmest
bond of association and secrecy.} The Irish, who had seen
their country desolated, and their ancient gentry driven off to
Connaught to make way for strangers of a new creed and new
manners, would give no assistance to the law. Those that
would not themselves deal a blow against the new proprietors
and their tenants, yet saw them with silent satisfaction terri-

* 4, p. 55. + A, p. 57.

t “The conspiracy [of the Greeks against the Latins, then in possession
of Constantinople, A. D. 1205] was propagated by national hatred, the
firmest bond of association and secrecy.” Gibbon’s “ Decline and Fall of
the Roman Empire,” vol. x., ch. 61.
OF IRELAND. 175

fied and bewildered at the sudden and secret attacks upon
their neighbours. They gave private intelligence to the Tories
to aid them to escape, or were simply passive ; and no penal-
ties could force them to betray those whom they looked on
as avengers of the wrongs of gentry and people alike. There
remains a very graphic account of the constant danger in
which the new settlers lived. So sudden and so frequent
were the murders of the English planters, that it was stated
that no person was able to assure himself of one night’s safety,
except such as lived in strong castles, and these well guarded,
and they (adds the reporter) very liable to surprise too. And
after referring to the instances of the several horrid murders
lately committed in the counties of Wexford, Kildare, and
Carlow, and elsewhere, he continues,—“‘ Of which number one
gentleman living in a strong castle, and sitting by the fire
with his wife and family in the evening, heard some persons,
whose voice he knew, call him by name to come to his gate
to speak with him; the poor gentleman, supposing no danger in
a country where no enemy was heard of, presently went to the
door, and was there murthered, where he was taken up dead
off the place. Another of them, walking in his grounds in the
day time, about his business, was there found murthered, and
to this day it could never be learned who committed either of
them. And when these horrid murthers are done, the poor
English that doe escape know not what means to use. As for
his Irish neighbours, it’s like he may not have one near him
that can speak English ; and if he have an hue and cry (or
hullaloo as they call it) to be set up, they will be sure to send
it the wrong way, or at least deferr it until the offender be far
enough out of reach ; and not unlike but the persons that seem
busiest in the pursuit may be them that did the mischief.”*

* «England's Great Interest in the Well Planting of Ireland with Eng-
lish People,” p. 7. By Colonel Richard Lawrence. 4to. Dublin: 1656.
176 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

But a more effective way of suppressing Tories seems to
have been to induce them, as already mentioned, to betray or
murder one another, —a measure continued after the Restora-
tion, during the absence of Parliaments, by Acts and Orders
of State, and re-enacted by the first Parliament summoned
after the Revolution, when in that and the following reigns
almost every provision of the rule of the Parliament of Eng-
land in Ireland was re-enacted by the Parliaments of Ireland,
composed of the soldiers and adventurers of Cromwell’s day,
or new English and Scotch capitalists. In 1695 any Tory
killing two other Tories proclaimed and on their keeping was
entitled to pardon,*—a measure which put such distrust and
alarm among their bands on finding one of their number so
killed, that it became difficult to kill a second. Therefore, in
1718, it was declared sufficient qualification for pardon for a
Tory to kill one of his fellow-Tories.f This law was continued
in 1755 for twenty-one years, and only expired in 1776.
Tory hunting and Tory murdering thus became common pur-
suits. No wonder, therefore, after so lengthened an existence,
to find traces of the Tories in our household words. Few,
however, are now aware that the well-known Irish nursery
rhymes have so truly historical a foundation :—

“ Ho! brother Teig, what is your story ?”
‘*T went to the wood and shot a Tory:”

“‘ I went to the wood, and shot another;”’
“ Was it the same, or was it his brother?”

“ T hunted him in, and I hunted him out,

' Three times through the bog, and about and about ;
Till out of a bush I spied his head,
So I levelled my gun, and shot him dead.”

*7 Will. 8 (Irish), c. 21. + 9 Will. 3 (Irish), c. 9.
+ Crofton Croker’s ‘Sketches in the South of Ireland,” p. 54. 4to.

London: 1824.
OF IRELAND. 177

At the Restoration, some of the gentry of old English de-
scent, who had good interest at court, got back their estates.
Others, of equal loyalty, obtained decrees of the Court of Claims
to have back their ancient inheritances ; but as the adventurers
and soldiers in possession were not to be removed without
being first reprised, that is, provided with other lands of equal
value, which the Commissioners were in no hurry to do, even
if there had been lands enough to supply them, the dispossessed
owners, especially the ancient Irish, were never restored, but
wandered many of them about their ancient inheritances, liv-
ing upon the bounty of their former tenants, or joined some
band of Tories.* The poor Irish peasantry, with a generosity
characteristic of their race and country, never refused them
hospitality, but maintained them as gentlemen, allowing them
to cosher upon them, as the Ivish called the giving their lord
a certain number of days’ board and lodging. Archbishop
King complains of the numbers thus supported, or by steal-
ing and Torying. These pretended gentlemen, together with
the numerous coshering Popish clergy that lived much after
the same manner, were the two greatest grievances of the

*Tn a manuscript account of the state of the county of Kildare,
A. D. 1684, is the following :—“ In the open or plain countreys the peasants
are,gontent to live on their labour ; the woods, boggs, and fastnesses foster-
ing and sheltering the robbers, Tories, and woodkernes, who are-usually the
offspring of gentlemen that have either misspent or forfeited their estates,
who, though having no subsistence, yet contemn trade as being too mean
and base for a gentleman reduced never so low, being nusled up by their
priests and followers in an opinion that they may yet recover their lands
to live on in their predecessors’ splendour: yet the robberies, and burg-
laries, and other crimes usually committed in this kingdom, are not so nu-
merous, but there are commonly sentenced to die in a monthly sessions att
the Old Bailey more than in half a year’s circuit in Ireland.” Folio vo-
lume, endorsed ‘* Detached Papers relating to the Natural History of Ire-
land.” Press I., tab. i., vol. ii., p. 296, MSS. Trin. Coll. Dublin.

N
,

178 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

kingdom in this Archbishop’s view, and more especially hin-
dered its settlement and happiness.* The Archbishop and the
possessors of the lands of these gentlemen complained much
of their pride and idleness in not becoming their labourers.
But the sense of injustice, and their use of arms, were against
it. Their sons or nephews, brought up in poverty, and
matched with peasant girls, will become the tenants of the
English officers and soldiers; and, thence reduced to labourers,
will be found the turf-cutters and potato-diggers of the next
generation,—yet keeping, even in the low social rank they
have fallen to, their ancient spirit and courage, and their in-
tolerance of injury and insult. These dispossessed proprie-
tors were the pretended Irish gentlemen that would not work,
but wandered about demanding victuals, and coshering from
house to house among their fosterers, followers, and others,
described in the Act of 1707 “ for the more effectual Suppress-
ing of Tories,” and who were (on presentment of any grand
jury of the counties they frequented) to be seized and sent on
board the Queen’s fleet, or to some of the plantations in Ame-
rica.t The grandfathers of men now alive have seen the heir
or representative of the old forfeiting proprietor of 1688 wan-
dering about with his ancient title-deeds tied up in an old
handkerchief,—these and the respect paid him bythe peasantry
being the only signs left to show the world he was a gentle-
man.

The Tories, however, notwithstanding all these provisions
and precautions, continued to infest the new Scotch and Eng-
lish settlers during the whole of the Commonwealth period ;
they survived the Restoration; they received new accessions

* King’s ‘‘ State of the Protestants of Ireland under the Government
of King James the Second,” p. 87. 8vo. Dublin: 1730. See also ‘A
Tour through Ireland.” Dublin, 1748, p. 147.

+ 6 Ann (Irish), c. 2.
eB OF IRELAND. 179

by the war of the Revolution and the forfeitures of 1688 ; and
they can be traced through the Statute Book to the reign of
George IIJ., during the whole of which period there were re-
wards set upon their heads; and all their murders, maimings,
and dismemberments, their robberies and spoils, were satisfied
by levies on the ancient native inhabitants of the different
districts.

After the Restoration, Colonel Poer in Munster, and
Colonel Coughlan in Leinster, dispossessed of their hereditary
properties, headed bands that gave infinite trouble. Redmond
O’Hanlon, a dispossessed proprietor of Ulster, during the
whole of the Duke of Ormond’s and the Earl of Essex’s Lord
Lieutenancies, kept the counties of Tyrone and Armagh in
terror, the farmers paying him regular contribution to be pro-
tected from pillage by other Tories. His history is charac-
teristic of Ireland. The O’Hanlons and Magennises were the
only friends of Queen Elizabeth in Ulster.* O’Hanlon was
the chief of Orier in the county of Armagh, and claimed to
be hereditary royal standard-bearer north of the Boyne. In
1595, in the war against Hugh O’Neil, in the march of the
Deputy Sir W. Russel from Dundalk, the royal standard was
borne the first day by O’Mulloy, and the next by O’Hanlon.t
On the 17th November, 1600, he was slain at the pass of Car-
lingford, fighting on the English side, under the orders of
Lord Mountjoy. For his loyalty and his services in this war
against the Earl of Tyrone, King James I. bestowed upon his
“family seven townlands. These were, of course, taken from
them by the orders of the English Parliament in 1653; and
they were transplanted to Connaught, where the mother re-

* “Brief Declaration of the Government of Ireland, discovering the |
Discontents of the Irishry.” By Captain Thomas Lee, A. D. 1594. ‘ De-
siderata Curiosa Hibernica,”’ vol. i., p. 140.

+ Sir Richard Cox’s “ Hibernia Anglicana,” p. 407.
N 2
180 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

ceived some pittance of land for her support. At the Restora-
tion Hugh O’Hanlon petitioned to have their lands restored,*
but in vain. Redmond O'Hanlon, who was probably a brother
of Hugh’s, took to the hills. He principally haunted the Fews
Mountains, near Dundalk. He thought more than once of
withdrawing to France, where he was known to fame as Count
O’Hanlon, but was still kept back by rumours of a war, and
hopes of a French invasion.{ Various attempts were made to
surprise him, and large bribes offered for his capture. But
all was of no avail. At last, the Duke of Ormond draw-
ing secret instructions for two gentlemen with his own hand
(else this outlaw would be sure to get intelligence of the
plan formed against him), he was shot through the heart, while
he lay asleep, on the 25th of April, 1681; nor would the
Duke ever disclose by whose information he was enabled to
accomplish his destruction.{ ‘Thus fell this Irish Scander-

* Petition of Hugh O’Hanlon, A. D. 1663, claiming as an “innocent
Papist,” MS., folio (series of twelve volumes relating to Acts of Settlement
and Explanation,) vol. ii., B., p. 335. Record Tower, Dublin Castle.

+ “Present State of Ireland, but more particularly of Ulster,’ by Ed-
mund Murphy, Secular Priest, and titular Chanter of Armagh, and one of
the first discoverers of the Irish Plot. Folio. London: 1681.

} Betrayed, perhaps, by his mistress, as Daniel O’Keeffe, a similar out-
law in the county.of Cork, by Mary O’Kelly, whose treachery, however,
O’Keeffe avenged by plunging his dagger into her heart before taking to
flight, as in the following lines :—

‘¢No more shall mine ear drink

Thy melody swelling ;
or thy beaming eye brighten
The outlaw’s dark dwelling ;

Or thy soft heaving bosom
My destiny hallow,

When thy arms twine around me,
Young Mauriade ny Kallagh.
OF IRELAND. 181

beg,” says Sir Francis Brewster, who had the relation of his
death from the mouth of one of the gentlemen employed by
the Duke, “‘ who did things, considering his means, more to
be admired than Scanderbeg himself.”*

After the war of 1688, the Tories received fresh accessions,
and, a great part of the kingdom being left waste and desolate,
they betook themselves to these wilds, and greatly discouraged
the replanting of the kingdom by their frequent murders of
the new Scotch and English planters; the Irish ‘choosing
rather” (so runs the language ofthe Act) ‘to suffer strangers
to be robbed and despoiled, than to apprehend or convict
the offenders.” In order, therefore, for the better encourage-
ment of strangers to plant and inhabit the kingdom, any per-
sons presented as Tories by the gentlemen of a county, and
proclaimed as such by the Lord Lieutenant, might be shot as
outlaws and traitors ; and any persons harbouring them were
to be guilty of high treason.| Rewards were offered for the
taking or killing of them; and the inhabitants of the barony,
of the ancient native race, were to make satisfaction for all

“The moss couch I brought thee

To-day from the mountain

Has drunk the last drop
Of thy young heart’s red fountain.

For this good skeune beside me
Struck deep, and rung hollow

In thy bosom of treason,
Young Mauriade ny Kallagh.” -

“ Dublin Penny Journal,” vol iv., No. 165 (August 29, 1835), p. 71.

Mauriade ny Kallagh is the Irish for Mary O’Kelly. ‘‘ O” is “son of.”
Women used the prefix ‘‘ ny,” instead—as, ‘‘ Honora ny Brien,” “ Kathe-
rine ny Donohue,” “Sarah ny Donnel.”

* Carte’s ‘ Life of James Duke of Ormond,” vol. ii., p. 512.

t 9 Will. 3 (Irish), c. 9.
182 THE CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENT

robberies and spoils.* If persons were maimed or dismem-
bered by Tories, they were to be compensated by ten pounds ;
and the families of persons murdered were to receive thirty
pounds. .

As their leaders of gentle birth or blood died off, or were
killed, they were not replaced ; but the ranks of these outlaws
were still recruited from the lower and the poorer class.

In this state they presented, at the end of thirty years, to
the historian of the war of the Revolution,} under the name
of Rapparees, an aspect so fierce, so wan, and wild, that his
commentator is appalled at the spectacle. He starts at the
‘hideous ferocity” of these Irish, “‘ remaining untameable
after so many ages, since British civilization was first planted
in Ireland; exhibiting man, like the solitary hyena that could
neither be domesticated nor extirpated, prowling about the
grave of society rather than its habitation§—Ireland thereby
realizing the fate foretold for another nation—‘I will bring
your sanctuaries and your land into desolation . . . . and your
enemies who dwell therein shall be astonished at it.’””||

Like the same nation, too, the Irish of the seventeenth
century were ‘scattered among all people, from one end ofthe
earth unto the other,” carrying with them into foreign lands
their enduring hostility,—entering the armies of the enemies
of their country, or (like the last of those accomplished gentle-
men, the Moors of Spain, who, driven from their native An-

*9 Will. 3 (Irish), ¢. 9. + Ibid.

t ‘History of the late War” (1690-92), by Rev. W. Story.  4to.
London.

§ “Res Gestee Anglorum in Hibernia ab anno 1150 usque ad 1800; or,
a Supplement to the History of England,” prefixed to “the Liber Mune-
rum Publicorum; or, the Establishments of Ireland during 675 years ;”
being the Report of Rowley Lascelles, of the Middle Temple. Ordered
by the House of Commons to be printed, 1814 Vol. i., p. 93.

|| Leviticus, xxvi. 31, 32.
OF IRELAND. 183

dalusia in 1610, became the first of those pirates called Sallee
Rovers, in hatred of the injustice of the Christians),* manning
French privateers, and robbing and insulting the coasts of the
land of their birth, from which they had been cast out.t

* “ Mahommedan Dynasties of Spain,” by an African author of the
year 1620, vol. ii., p. 392. 4to. Printed for the Oriental Society.
+ 9 Will. 3 (Irish), ¢. 9, s. 5.
 

 

 

 

 

 

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WwiiTdH
THE BARONIES LAID OUTTO RECEIVE THE INHABITANTS OF i
THE SEVERAL COUNTIES IN THE THREE OTHER PROVINCES,SO f
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i \
APPENDIX,

No. I.

MAP OF CONNAUGHT.

Tue first orders to the Irish nation, which were dated the 14th of
October, 1653, directed the strongest and ablest of them to pro-
ceed immediately after Christmas, 1653, to Galway, and to pre-
sent to the Commissioners of Revenue there inventories setting
forth the names and number of persons in their families, the quan-
tity of tillage on the lands they were leaving, and stating whether
they were freeholders or leaseholders, in order that the Commis-
sioners of Revenue might set them out lands competent to the
stock that they had to bring into Connaught, and set them down
on them as proprietors or tenants.*

Their families were to follow before the first of May; mean-
time they were to prepare housing for their reception. But before
the time for moving arrived, Special Commissioners were appointed
to perform this duty, as being too much for the Commissioners of
Revenue. They were directed to sit at Loughrea instead of Gal-
way, and thenceforth were known always as the Loughrea Com-
missioners.

On the 6th of January, 1654, they received their first instruc-
tions,f which seem to have been prepared by a standing Committee,

* Order of Commissioners for the Affairs of Ireland, 14th October, 1653, in
Kilkenny Castle.

+ “Instructions for Wm. Edwards, Edw. Doyly, Chs. Holcroft, and Hy. Greeno-
way, Esqrs., Commissioners appointed for the Setting out Lands in Connanght to
the Transplanted Irish, who are to remove thither before the Ist of May next,”

= p. 47.
186 APPENDIX.

consisting of Roger Lord Broghill, Colonel Hierome Sankey, Colonel
Richard Lawrence, and ten others, who were appointed to sit in
the long gallery at Cork House, which then adjoined the Castle of
Dublin, every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, to consider all
matters referred to them, and amongst others, How the Great
Worke of Transplantation might be managed and carried on with
most advantage to the Commonwealth.*

These instructions directed that none of the inhabitants of
Kerry, Cork, or Limerick were to be placed in Clare (as they
might thence perhaps behold their native hills and plains, and be
tempted to return, though the width of the Shannon would seem
to have been enough to secure the Cork and Kerry inhabitants in
their new abodes).

None of the inhabitants of Cavan, Fermanagh, Tyrone, or Do-
negal, were to be placed in Leitrim, as being too near Ulster, be-
sides being a country full of fastnesses ; and, as a general rule, none
of those inhabiting’ within ten miles of the Shannon on this side
should be settled near, or have lands assigned to them within ten
miles of the other side.

Care was also to be taken that the whole inhabitants of no
one county, when transplanted, should have lands assigned to
them in any one county in part of Connaught, but should be
dispersed; and that the several septs, clans, or families of one
name removing should be, as far as possible, dispersed into several
places.

Some thoughtful persons, indeed, went so far as to propose to
keep the transplanted Irish of English descent separate from the
Irish. It was observed that the transplanted in Connaught were a
disjointed people, both as to their principles and interest. ‘* For
though all of them,” said Colonel Lawrence, ‘‘ be equally Papist,
they are not all equally Irish, but a considerable part of them (if
not the most considerable) are of ancient English extract (alluding
to the Butlers, Talbots, Barnewalls, Plunkets, &c.), who had been

A
* Order appointing the Committee, 1st Aug., 1653, aq? Ps 364.
APPENDIX. 187

of old, and until the late plantation of new English, determined
enemies of the Irish.”* And he proposed that the Irish should
be kept still divided by being settled entirely, one of them at the
one end, and the other at the other end of the province of Con-
naught. He proposed, also, that favours might be extended to the
one, viz., the English-descended Irish (as by being planted near
towns, &c.), that should not be to the other, by which means
their joint agreement against the English interest would be much
obstructed.t But plans of this nicety could scarce be carried out,
considering the numbers passing into Connaught, and the constant
taking away of lands by the Government for one cause or the other,
so that in the end not a twentieth freeholder had any land assigned
to him.t

By the Act of Parliament which assigned Connaught for the
habitation of the Irish nation, the only parts reserved from them
were the towns, and a belt of ground four miles wide begin-
ning at one statute mile round the town of Sligo, and so wing-
ing along the sea coast, to be planted with soldiers, in order to
shut out relief by sea from abroad.§ This belt, however, was
afterwards carried along the Shannon side, to prevent escape back
to the other provinces.|| Its breadth, as land became scarce, was
reduced first to three miles, and finally contracted to one mile; and
the circle of three miles drawn round Portumna, Athlone, James-
town, Limerick, and the Pass of Killaloe, on the Connaught
side, and of 100 acres round Shrule, Gort, and other garrisons given

* “ Interest of England in the Well Planting of Ireland with English People
Discussed,” 4to, Dublin, 1656, p. 40.

+ Ibid. p. 41.

{ “A Continuation of the Brief Narrative and the Sufferings of the Ivish under
Cromwell,” 4to, London, 1660, p. 9.

§ Act for Satisfaction of the Adventurers for Lands in Ireland, and of Arrears
due to the Souldiery, 26th Sept., 1653. Scobell’s ‘‘ Acts and Ordinances,” ch. xii.

|| Additional Instructions to Commissioners at Loughrea, 16th June, 1655,

a p. 132. Colonel Ingoldsby and others to make the line, 8th April, 1656,

A
io” p. 58.
188 APPENDIX.

up, the five miles round the town of Galway alone being still
reserved.

The baronies of Tirrera, and Carbury in Sligo, then Tirrerril,
Corran, and Leyney were first taken away, and set out to satisfy
the disbanded.* And the transplanters who had received assign-
ments there had to gather up their flocks and herds, and with
their weary and heart-broken wives and children to begin their
wanderings again.+| The ancient proprietors, too, who had pro-
bably been comparing their happier lot with the poor trans-
planted, to lose only part of their lands to afford the exiles a
maintenance, while they still kept their old mansions, had now
to transplant to make way for the English soldiery.t

It will be observed that the barony of Tirrera is bounded on
the west by the fine estuary which leads up to Ballina, in Mayo.
Opposite is the barony of Tyrawley, with a belt of fine, rich, feeding
and grazing land along the estuary, commencing about Killala, near
the mouth, and extending to Ballina. The rest, westwards to
Erris, partakes of the nature of that barony, and is a waste of
heath and bog. The officers now took a good part of Tyrawley,
on the ground that by such an English plantation the sea coast
would be greatly secured ; they left the bad half for the trans-
planters. The barony of Burren, and the district of Conne-
mara, were for a time reserved from the Irish, as being near
the seal| and great fastnesses, but were finally set out to the
transplanted.

Leitrim, which had before been suspended from being set out
on account of its being such a strong country, became filled in
spite of the order with the Ulster Creaghts.q It was the first
land they met with on entering Connaught, and they drove their
herds of multitudinous small cows into its mountains and valleys

A A A
* =, p01. + Sy ps 704. tt, p. 60. § x p. 61.
|| Propositions of Loughrea Commissioners Answered, a p. 544.

q Id., ib.
APPENDIX. 189

and depastured them, suffering less, probably, from the transplan-
tation than others, being accustomed to a wandering life, and to
pitch their frail booths, erected of boughs, covered with long strips
of green turf, where the pasture suited their herds. They re-
ceived various summonses to retire. The county was at length
taken for the soldiery, to answer arrears before 5th June, 1649,
and the ancient proprietors were ordered to remove to the baronies
of Murrisk and Borrishool, in Mayo, most resembling Leitrim in
the opinion of the Loughrea Commissioners ;* but in the opinion of
the proprietors it probably only resembled it in its wildest and
worst parts. :

These, however, were only the first rude essays in the great
work of transplantation during the first year. They were of less
consequence, as the assignments of land were De Bene Esse, or
conditional, and were only preliminary to the final settlements,
which were to be made by the court to sit at Athlone for discrimi-
nating the qualifications of the Irish.

These Commissioners, commonly called the Athlone Commis-
sioners, or Court of Claims and Qualifications of the Irish, were ap-
pointed (as appears by their commission and instructions) on 28th
December, 1654.

Their business was twofold; first, to discriminate the guilt of
every proprietor; and, second, to ascertain the size and value of
the lands he lately held on the English side of the Shannon.

In the Act for Settling Ireland, passed 12th August, 1652,t
there were eight different qualifications. By the first six, death or
banishment and forfeiture were declared against all the chief no-
bility (some of them Protestant Royalists, as the Earl of Ormond,
Primate Bramhall, and others), and all the gentlemen of Ireland
who had borne arms for the King. Swordmen under that rank
fell under the 7th qualification, and forfeited two-thirds. Gen-
tlemen and others, who had borne no part in the war, but re-
mained quiet, fell under the 8th qualification, as not having ma-

‘ fe p. 161. + a, p. 53. t Scobell's ‘* Acts and Ordinances.”
190 APPENDIX.

nifested a constant good affection by some outward acts in favour
of the Parliament and against the King. They forfeited one-
third ; Protestants in like condition forfeited one-fifth. By the
Act for Settling Ireland, all within these qualifications were to
transplant, and receive their proportions of land in Connaught;
but by an ordinance of the Protector and Council, Protestants
were allowed to compound* for their one-fifth, and were dis-
pensed with from transplantation. This was equal to two years’
annual value, lands being then valued at ten years their annual
profits.+

As the whole nation was declared guilty of rebellion, it lay on
each claimant to prove both the quantity of his lands, and “ the series
of his carriages,” or his course of conduct during the ten years’ war,
To check the claimants the Commissioners were furnished with the
Civil Survey, which set forth the names and estates of all the pro-
prietors in 1641,—with the Depositions, taken in 1642, of Protes-
tants complaining of goods taken from them in the first year of the
war, in which were entered every idle hearsay they chose to offer,
the more monstrous the better. These were duly alphabeted and
indexed, and were called the Crimination Books, They were also sup-
plied with the books of the late Government of Confederate Catholics.
According to the evidence thus afforded, and the testimony of
witnesses, the Commissioners decreed that the claimant either had
no claim, or fell under the 7th or 8th qualification, and so for-
feited either two-thirds or one-third; or the claimant got a decree
of Constant Good Affection, entitling him to be restored to his
estate,

It now became the duty of the Loughrea Commissioners to set
out lands to the transplanted in quantity according to the Athlone
Decrees. The assignments thus made were called Final Settle-

* Dated 2nd September, 1654. Scobell’s “ Acts and Ordinances.”

+ Order of Council made on report of the Commissioners of Revenue on Lord
Viscount Moore of Drogheda’s Case, Records of late Auditor General, Custom
House, vol. xviii., p. 9; on Teig O'Hara’s case, ib., p. 19.
APPENDIX. 191

ments, to distinguish them from those which the transplanters first
received for the support of their stock of cattle. The business
having become more important, Sir Charles Coote, President of
Connaught, and others, were joined to the other Commissioners at
Loughrea.* “

The Government early in this year directed the Loughrea Com-
missioners to give the first comers assignments, with houses and
other accommodation, to encourage the nation to come on.t In-
stead of which (strange to say), they began with the baronies of
Burren and Inchiquin, in the county of Clare, “ generally known
and reputed to be sterile,” to the hindrance of the transplantation.
Transplanters also were set down in counties totally different in
character from those-which they and their families had been accus-
tomed to.{

To remedy theseinconveniences a committee was appointed on
the lst of February, 1656, in Dublin, consisting of Sir Hardress
Waller, Sir Robert King, Major-General Jephson, and Colonel
Hewson, and Colonel Sankey, to consider of the nature and quality
of the soil of the respective baronies in the three provinces of
Leinster, Munster, and Ulster, and what counties and baronies
there were beyond the Shannon to which the transplanted Irish
were to remove, that might bear a resemblance in proportion and
quality of the lands they left in the other provinces, that they
“might be set down in lands of like quality and quantity in
Connaught.§ And Sir Charles Coote, one of the Loughrea Com-
missioners, was joined to the committee on account of his experi-
ence acquired in Connaught in the business of setting down the
transplanted.

On the 12th of February, 1656, this committee submitted
their proposals in the form exhibited in the map. Besides resem-
blance, they took into consideration the distance from whence the
proprietors were to remove, so that the inhabitants of one county

* 16th June, 1655, +P 99. + x, p. 42. t Ib. p. 82. g 4, p. 351.
192 APPENDIX.

should not be removed to a greater distance from their former
estates than others.* These proposals follow :—

“ Proposals in order to assigning certain Baronies in Connaught and
Clare to certain Counties in the other Provinces.

‘“* The inhabitants of the Province of Ulster (except the Counties
of Down and Antrim) to be transplanted into the Baronies of
Muckullen, Rosse, and Ballinihinsey, in the territory of Ere Con-
naught, and County of Galway (except what is reserved by the
Lyne on the Sea), and into the Baronies of Moyrisk, Burryshoule,
and the half Barony of Irish [Erris], parte of Tyrawley Barony
(parte of it being given to the soldiers), and Costello Barony (ex-
cept what is on the line aforesaid), and into Tyaquin Barony, in the

- Co. of Galway.

“The Inhabitants of the Counties of Corke and Wexford to be
transplanted into the Baronies of Dunkellyn and Kiltartan, in the
County of Galway (except what is on the lyne on the sea), and
into Athlone Barony and the half Barony of Moycarnane (ex-
cept what is on the lyne of the Shannon), in the County of Ros-
common. é

“The inhabitants of the County of Kerry to be transplanted
into Inchiquin and Burren Baronies, in the County of Clare, and
into the territories of Artagh, in the Barony of Boyle, in the County
of Roscommon.

“« The inhabitants of the Counties of Down and Antrim to be
transplanted into the Baronies of Clanmorris, Carra, and Kilmaine,
in the County of Mayo.

“The Inhabitants of the Counties of Kilkenny, Westmeath,
Longford, King’s County, and Tipperary, to be transplanted into
the Baronies of Tullagh, Bunratty, Islands, Corcomroe, Clonder-
lau, Moyfartagh, and Ibrican, in the County of Clare, and into the
half barony of Bellamo, in the County of Galway.

* a p. 189.
APPENDIX. 193

“ The inhabitants of the Counties of Catherlagh, Waterford,

and Limerick, into the half Baronies of Loughrea and Leitrim,
and the Baronies of Dunmore and Kilconnell, and the half Ba-
rony of Longford (except what is in the lyne), in the County of
Galway. :
“ And the inhabitants of East Meath, Kildare, Queen’s County,
and Dublin, into the Baronies of Roscommon and Ballintobber, in
the half Barony of Bellamo and the Barony of Boyle (except the
territory of Artagh), in the County of Roscommon.

“ Memorandum.—That Louth is reputed much better land than
Wicklow, and to be accordingly estimated.

“ Dated at Dublin, 12th February, 1655-6.

‘¢ HARDRESS WALLER. CHARLES CoOTE. Rosert Kina.
Joun Hewson. Wn. JEPHSON. HierRomMe S AnkKEy.’’*

The plan of consigning to the four baronies of Ballintober in
Rocommon, and Athlone in Galway, and Tulla and Bunratty in
Clare, ‘ Irish widows of English extraction” (by which are to be
understood the widows of the nobility and ancient English gentry—
ladies such as Viscountess Mayo, Lady Louth, Lady Grace Talbot,
Lady Dunboyne, &c.), was the suggestion of the Committee of
Transplantation, as early as 5th of May, 1654.+ In the following
year it was conceived that three would be enough, and Ballintober
was cut off.f

Notwithstanding the vast amount of Connaught already with-
drawn from Transplanters, the Commissioners had orders to reserve
one choice barony in Clare, and one in Galway, for the disposal of
the Government.§

For the Lord Henry Cromwell, also, was reserved Portumna

* 2p. 189.
+ Order Book of Council, Custom House Buildings, vol. vii.
+4, posit g 4, p. 55
194 APPENDIX.

Castle, park, and gardens, the ancient seat of the Earls of Clan-
rickard, with 6000 acres next adjoining.*

Sir Charles Coote, Colonel Sadleir, Major Ormsby, and others
did not think it beneath them to still further diminish the fund
of landf for the support of the exiled Irish nation, and got grants
in Connaught. Two-thirds of Mayo was taken to answer soldiers’
arrears of Cromwell’s army of Ireland, incurred in England before
the 5th of June, 1649; and as the remaining third was moun-
tainous and maritime, the Commissioners of Parliament thought
they might as well make a clean sweep of Mayo; the Loughrea
Commissioners were therefore ordered to take care that no Irish
should set down within that county either as proprietors or te-
nants, to the end it should be planted with English,—that import-
ing most of public safety and advantage.{ This, however, would
seem to have been given back when they found that all disposable
lands had been set out, except the two reserved baronies, and
except what was waste and remote;§ and that many Irish pro-
prietors and their families, who had left fine estates, were still
unaccommodated, and reduced to little better than a starving con-
dition.

The rule of Settlement now became impracticable. Mr. Thomas
Shortal|| and Mr. Richard Nugent,{ and others, complained that
their Athlone decrees were not satisfied in the baronies appointed
for those in their capacity. Maurice Lord Viscount Roche, of
Fermoy, was sent off on his wearisome and fruitless journey on
foot to the Owles, in the wildest and remotest part of Connaught**
(and had nothing but his labour for his pains), instead of being set
down with the inhabitants of the county of Cork, in the ‘baronies
of Kiltartan and Dunkellin in the county of Galway, or of Athlone
or Moycarnon, in Roscommon.

It remains to observe that the present baronies of Frenchpark
and Castlerea were not then known. They formed part of the ba-

* a p. 277; and see Letter of Henry Cromwell, supra, p. 56, n. ib.

A A
+ =, p. 266. t Ib. p. 123. § ag) P. 283. p> Pe 280.
7 Ib. ib. ** Supra, p. 75.
APPENDIX. 195

rony of Boyle, in the county of Roscommon. The territory of Ar-
tagh was part of the same barony.

The barony of Galway was not then known. It has been
formed out of parts of Moycullen and Dunkellin. The baronies of
Clare, Athenry, Kilconnel, and Clonmacnowen, in the county of
Galway, are not mentioned in the scheme of 12th February, 1656.
Clare was excepted by an almost contemporaneous order,* and was
perhaps one of the two choice baronies reserved for Government
disposal.

“OTHE OWLES.”

This territory is thus marked on the present map in the baronies
of Borrishool and Erris, after an ancient map among the MSS. of
Trinity College Library, Dublin, of the time probably of Queen
Elizabeth or James I., showing the division made of Connaught
into baronies by Sir Henry Sydney.

The Irish name of this territory was Umhall, and it was divided
into two—Umhall ioghtragh, i.e. Lower Umhall, the ancient name
of the barony of Borrishool ; and Umbhall uaghtragh, i. e. Upper
Umhall, the ancient name of the barony of Murrisk.

These latter divisions are marked on an ancient map, from the Book
of Lecan, prefixed to the “* Tribes and Customs of Hy Fiachrach.’’}
This was the country of the O’Mailleys. Grace O’Mailley, that
famous Amazonian sea rover of Queen Elizabeth’s day, is com-
monly known as Granuaille, or Grace of Umhall. The English
called the territory ‘‘ The Owles,”’ another name for the ‘ The
Umhalls.”’

A e
+ 70°? 55.

+ Translated and annotated by John O'Donovan, Irish Archeological Society's
Publications, 4to, Dublin, 1844,

02
196 APPENDIX.

il.

MAP OF THE COUNTY OF TIPPERARY, AS DIVIDED BETWEEN THE
ADVENTURERS AND SOLDIERS.

(See pp. 24 and 25, and 113.)

Aw account having been taken of the lands forfeited in the se-
veral baronies of the ten counties, and the counties divided by ba-
ronies into two equal parts,* a lot was drawn for the Adventurers
by Alderman Avery, and for the Soldiers by Colonel Hewson (ap-
pointed to that office by the Lord General Crowwell); and the se-
veral baronies in the county of Tipperary forming the two parts of
the county fell to the Adventurers and Soldiers, respectively, as ex-
hibited in the map.t

The Adventurers’ baronies in the county of Tipperary were to
be charged with not more than £60,000. Bodies of Adventurers
who might wish to plant together might join in a lot, no one lot to
exceed £5000.

The Committee were then directed to subdivide the several
baronies appropriated to the Adventurers equally by lot, according
to the proportions due to each of them ; and if any barony should
prove deficient to answer the sum which was apportioned to it, a
supply was to be made out of some redundant barony in the same
county.§ In consequence of disputes, the Lord Protector and his
Council of State, on the 6th of August, 1654, appointed the com-

* P. 25, supra.

+ Analysis of the Act for Satisfaction of Adventurers and Soldiers of 26th April,
*1653, MSS. in Library of Trinity College, Dublin, F. 3. 16.

{ Act of Parliament of 26th Sept. 1653. § Ib.
APPENDIX. 197

mittee mentioned in the Adventurers’ certificate (at p. 113), em-
powered, when many lots were upon one barony, to settle a way
by lot who should remain, and who should remove ; and to settle a
way by lot for ascertaining the subdivision of Adventurers’ propor-
tions that should continue in the several baronies.

The committee arranged a settled method, and made a declara-
tion for their explanation of it,* which unfortunately has not yet
been found. Enough, however, remains in Dr. Petty’s account of
the Down \Survey, and the certificates of the Committee, to show
that they quartered the baronies in the manner exhibited on the
Map of Tipperary.

The following list of Adventurers in that county is evidently
compiled from the certificates furnished to each Adventurer by the
Committee at Grocers’ Hall, pursuant to the Act of 26th of Sep-
tember, 1653.

It will be observed that in many instances the same amount of
money, gives a different amount of land. The conditions varied.
Adventurers under the first of the Acts of Subscription, passed
in 1642, commonly called the Adventurers Act, were to be satisfied
in lands by English measure. By the doubling ordinance, as it was
called, made on the 14th of July, 1643,{ sums advanced were to
be satisfied in double the quantity in the first Act, that is to say,
the lands were to be rated at four shillings the acre instead of eight
in Munster, and at two shillings instead of four in Ulster, and
the measure was enlarged to Irish measure. And any original Ad-
venturer who should within three months pay in a further sum,
equal to a fourth part of the sum he had first subscribed, was to
have the old and new adventures counted together at one sum,
to be repaid at the new rates.

The entire sums charged on the county, according to the ac-
companying list, amount to £68,858 6s. Od., thus exceeding (it

* Analysis of Act of 26th Sept., 1653, MSS. T. C. D., F. 3. 16,

+ And see supra, p. 112.
t Scobell’s “ Acts and Ordinances.”
198 APPENDIX.

would seem) the amount permitted by the Act by £8858. How-
ever unsatisfactory it be not to have the means of explaining this
difficulty, it yet leads to the conclusion that the list is a complete
one, and contains the names of all the Adventurers for the county
of Tipperary.

It does not appear how the Adventurers equalized or rated the
different counties and baronies between one another. The rates
set by the officers upon those which they subdivided are already
given at page 87, and the following pages.

The Quarterings and Subquarterings of the Adventurers’ Ba-
ronies, as expressed upon the Map, have been made according to
the description given by Dr. Petty of their proceedings,* and will
serve to explain the references to the Divisions and Subdivisions
into which each Adventurer’s lot is described to fall in the follow-
ing Table. The authentic Maps have been, it is feared, lost ; for
all the documents relative to the Adventurers preserved in Gold-
smiths’ Hall, London, were, on the 23d of September, 1671, ordered
to be delivered by Sir Joseph Williamson to Sir James Shaen,t who
was Keeper of the Papers connected with the execution of the Acts of
Settlement,} and they were probably burnt among so many others
in the fire that destroyed the Council Office in Dublin in 1711.

* Supra, p. 112.

+ Letter of Mr. Kingston, of the Record Office, London, July, 1862.

t Patent of 13 Charles II., 30th March, 1661-2. Lib. D. p. 63, Record Tower,
Dublin Castle.
199

APPENDIX.

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APPENDIX.

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APPENDIX.

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COUNTY or TIPPERAR
_AS DIVIDED BY LOT BY BARONIES

Between.

THE ADVENTURERS& SOLDI ERS
 Lersuant ta Act of 23" September 1653.

=

The Adventurers Baronses are colored Blue
The Joldzers sarge p Red

  

 

   

 

 

 
APPENDIX. 211

II.

SALE OF DEBENTURES BY THE COMMON SOLDIERS TO THEIR
OFFICERS.

(See p. 95.)

By the Act for the Settlement of Ireland, passed at the King’s
Restoration, innocent Papists were to be restored forthwith, and
the soldier who was dispossessed to be reprised. But the soldiers
looked upon reprisals as mere notional or moonshine, and to retain
their possession was what they looked to. Innocency or nocency
was not their concern, but “shall I lose my lands ?”’*

This produced a conspiracy, commonly called the “ Phanatic
Plot of 1668,” to seize the Castle and overturn the Government.
The temper of the times appears by such instances as the following,
which are taken from depositions sworn after the plot had been de-
feated, and the Duke of Ormond was seeking for evidence :—

One swore that upon St. Luke’s Day, in the year 1662, he did
come into a house in Kilbeggan, where one Sergeant Beverly and
some others were in company, and one of them did say unto the
said sergeant, that he was called ‘“ One of Cromwell’s doggs ;”
whereupon Beverly answered, “they should let Cromwell alone, for
he was the best man that ever reigned in the three nations, or that
ever would, either of King, Prince, or any other; and if the King
thinks to take away our lands that we gained by Cromwell and our
swords, and to give it to those that are now come into the land, he
shall be deceived; for we will join our heads together again, and
have one knock for it first, my life for it.”

* Michael, Bishop of Cork, to the Duke of Ormond, 29th of May, and 5th of
June, 1663. Carte MSS., G. G., pp. 296, 322, Bodleian Library, Oxford.
+ Examination of John Flinn, of Rahan, taken by John Hallam, Esq., J. P. for
King’s County, 8rd Nov. 1663. {b., B. 4to “ Letters,” p. 261.
P2
_ 212 APPENDIX,

Of the same mind were the officers. Major Alexander Jephson,
and Colonel Edward Warren, died in defence ofthe same cause. Major
Jephson, in his dying speech upon the gibbet, declared that they
rose because of the corrupt acting (as he called it) of the Court of
Claims, “‘turning poor Englishmen unjustly out of their lands ;—
out of that which they have been a-getting and keeping by English-
men’s blood and purses this five hundred years.*

The officers now began to regret that they had not kept their
former comrades in the war as fellow-planters and neighbours, in-
stead of purchasing up debentures to make themselves large pro-
prietors. One was heard to say, he had rather than his estate that
the soldiers that served Oliver Cromwell in Ireland had not sold
their lands to the officers; and that, if they had kept them, neither
the King nor the Duke of Ormond durst try their qualifications.+

By the Act of Settlement every one who had received lands
under the Usurper’s rule was obliged to send in his claim. The
following is one out of many hundreds that escaped the great fire
of 1711.

It shows how largely the officers bought up the soldiers’ deben-
tures. Conveyances from the soldiers, similar to the one given above,
page 96, n., were, of course, produced to the court. It is the report
of the officer to whom the claim was referred, probably John Petty,
Surveyor-General, on the claim of Captain Tandy.

“ To the Honble. His Majesty’s Commissioners appointed for putting
in Execution the Act of Settlement and the Act of Explanation of
y* same.
“ May 1T PLEASE Yr. Honnours,
“ Pursuant to your Honnours’ instructions we have compared
and examined the Peticon and Schedule of Captain Thomas Tandy,

* Major Alexander Jephson’s last speech upon the gibbet, July 15, 1663. Carte
MSS., Ireland, vii., p. 258.

+ ‘“ Edmond Morres, of Kerryhill, in the county of Kilkenny, being in company
with Charles Minchin, of Knockagh, in the county of Tipperary, on the 18th of
August, 1662, he said, Charles Minchin did say,” &c. Carte MSS., F. F., p. 281,
Bodleian Library.
APPENDIX. 213

who claymes in right of a Souldier, and doe report thereupon as
followeth :—

“ Vizt.

Souldiers’ Names in Sums of Money. Souldiers’ Names in Sums of Money.

Collonell Clarke’s Regt. Collonell Clarke’s Regt.
&£ os. a £8 d.
Capt. Thomas Tandy . . 29 9 1] Wm. Golde... ... 57 9
Ads 6 oe Jae 8 8 5 8 | Hugh Grifith ..... 671
Capt. Ed. Allen . ... 193 8 8 | Wm.Grantham,.... 67 1
Ensign Js. Ashley, . . . 65 711 | Wm. Gardiner . 5 7 9
Sergt. Wm. Stephens . . 15 18 4 | John Gillmer 3 69 7
Sergt. Symon Peckham . 1518 4 | Thos. Grey .. 1... 416 5
Captn. Edwd, Peratt . . 23 9 7 | Dani. Huoll....... 5 7 9
Captn. W. Robinson bcs 718 7 | John Hutchins. . 5 7 9
Corporal Thos, Smyth . . 718 7 | Arthur Mannyfold 15 5 1
Wm. Reveson, Drummer . 7138 7 Robt. Maurice i: ts 7 5 6
Robert Dawson, Drummer 718 7 | GriffinMorgan..... 5 7 9
John Armstronge . 5 7 9 | Thos.Masn...... 57 9
Rd. Bradshawe. . . .. 51410 | Wm.Moncke ..... 5 7 9
Thos. Margott . . . . 718 7 | John Mosse -+. 5 7 9
Thomas Browne 5 7 9 | George Howell. .... 416 5
Francis Bradley 5 7 9 | John Newmans 5.7 9
Thos. Ball, alias Bull 5 7 9 | das. Oakford. .. 1... 5 7 9
Stephen Bastard . 5 7 9 | Chr. Palmer. .... ‘ 5 7 9
Jas. Hayward . 5 7 9 | Robt. Pidle ...... 416 5
Anthony Downton .. . 5 2 @ | John Rogers. ....., 10 13 0
Philip Doyle... ... 981711 | Thos.Shinkins..... 5 7 9
John Davis ...... 6 7 1 | John Summers. .... iF 8
Js. Dermond. . .... 914 7 | Thos.Skeltn .... , 5 7 9
Chas. Caprett ..... 5 7 9 | Henry Toler. . 5 7 9
Wm. Evans... .. 5 7 9 | Philip Thomas . 5 7 9
Thos. Evang... 18 11 38 | John Turmr. .. . . 57 9
Hugh Edwards... .. 718 9 | Peter Thornton, .... Ti il 6
David Edwards... . . 715 9 | Ethelbert Unite » 56 79
John Freese... . 5 7 9 | George Woodburnes, . . 5 7 9
John Ffenne. . . , 5 7 9 | Anthony Whalley... . 15 5 7
Rd. Ffarmerly es 5 7 9 | Robert Whyte... .. 6 7 1

John Gilbert 2.2... 416 5

 
 

Sums of Money.

214 APPENDIX.
capta. Sandy's Company, SUM*OFMoney. | soutien! Names in
£ os. d.
John Browne... . . , 5 7 9 | Edwd Hackyn.... .
John Browne. . . 5 7 9 | Rd. Hewson. .
John Benson. . . . , , 6 7 1 | Wm. Hewson
Wn. Petty. 2 2... 6 7 4 | John Hill. .
Thos. Bate... . 2. 6 7 1 | Wm.Hill...
Edw. Bryan... . 6 7 1 | Mereda Jones é
Symon Beslin, . . 2... 6 7 9 | John Kelly .. 2...
Thos. Crofts... . 5 8 6 | Robt. Longe .
Richd. Croutche 56 7 9 | WalterHalley .....
John Coll . . 5 7 9 | J. Lenningstown
John Cleane. . 2... 5 7 9 | Thos.Lowe ... .
Henry Cooke... .. , 5 7 9 | RogerLarge. .....
Thos, Claydon 5 7 9 | Ralph Lee.
Ralph Capper & 5 14 10 | John Lickgoe
John Cooke... 2... 4 4 1 |Js.Lownd..... .
Thoms. Clement 6 7 1 | Rd. Leadbeater. ..
Rd. Cooke. . 2... E 6 7 1 | Ried. Mollineuxs « « « «
Hersy Druitt. . 2... 5 7 9 | John Wardle...
Robert Haywood . .. . 5 7 9 | J. Hutchinson
Anthony Huddlestone . . 5 14 10 | Patk. Wingfield
Rich. Hill. . 2... 5 7 9 | Patk. Smyth...
Edwd. Keane . . . . . 56 7 9
MEATH COUNTY.—KELLS BARRONY.
£. 8. dd.
Thos. Day 1612 8
Robt. Cooper. . 9 2 4
Patk. Helton . 1612 8
Hugh Gill. 9 1L 3s
Wm. Avery Glee 5 7 10
Total of the said Company’s debt 1059 19 2

The 12s, 3d. whereof are £649 4s.

( Great Drewstowne

cas Little Drewstowne
S Part of Gorly, the whole
Tat'rath. .

being .

A R.

185 1 2
189 0 0
100 0 0

Rost. Brake, Faq.,

£

ADAM AAAAAMN ABR AAAR A AA
—
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NN NAN QA ®

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Claimant in possession.
APPENDIX. . 215

A OR. P. Aw RP
(Gilbertstown . . 70 6 6 7 0 16
152 0 0

Moore of Grenans-

Lowa; Total . 623 1 0 which, at 11s. per acre,
pays £342 15s. 9d.

 

A re-survey of this town by order of the Commissioners to the
Surveyor-General, and upon the return found to be but 70a. On. 6P.,
and so allowed.

WESTMEATH COUNTY.—DELVIN BARONY.

 

A. RB. P.

George Nugent.—The town and lands ‘of Ballinlough-bevil, alias
Ballinlogh bemoyle. . 2. «© 2. 1. 1 1 ee ee ee 197 1 0
194 1 20
2 8 20

John Nugent, 8th May, 35th yeare of His Majesties reign, was left to law for
recovery of this parcell. Entered.
J(oun] Perry].

Confirmed: placed to account by order of the 6th July, 1666.
Deficiency since placed to account by Paul Brazier, Esq., and in his certificate.

 

Ay ORs P.
Earl of Westmeath.—Part of Martenstown, the whole 205 . » 181 0 0
Total . . . 487 3 0
Which, at 12s. per acre, pays £306 5s. 9d.
Souldiers’ Names in Sums of Money. Souldiers’ Names in Sums of Money.
Collonell Clarke's Regt. Collonell Clarke’s Regt.
£ os. d. £ s. d.
Stephen Combes. ... . 37 1410 | Jas. Cooke. . 2... . 85 7:10
Hy. Roberts... ... 5 710{| Henry Morgan ..... 5 7 10
Thos. Miller ...... 14 18 11 | Rich. Collington .. . . . 1612 8
Robt. Massey .. .... 16 6 5 | Anth. Tongue. ..... 7 11
Thos. Evans ...... 5 710 | Dan. Suillevane. .... 27 4
Thos. Baker... ... 5 710] Benjn, Harvey... ... 5 710
Roger Baker... ... 2 2 9] John Pally... .... #5 710
Symon Northcott. .... 618 4 Henry Martin. ..... 5 710
Paule Reynolds ..... 13 0 6 | Jno, Bastone ...... #5 7 10
Philip Grinster . 2. © . . 365 7 10

 
216 APPENDIX.

Souldiers’ Names in Sums of Money. Souldiers’ Names in Sums of Money.
Capt. Hardiar’s Company. Capt, Hardiar’s Company.

£ s. d. £8. d.

Thos. Rendall ..... 5 710] Wm. Stephens ..... 5 710

Martin Keffard. . . .. 415 5 | Sam. Seward. ..... 5 710

John Scott. .. 2... 12 910 | Rd. Hicke. ......- 5 710

Rd. Singley . 2... 15 13 8 | Thos.Selby ....- 5 7 10

WESTMEATH COUNTY.—FFARBILL BARRONY.

 

£ os. d.

To Witkes «ok a moe he ee we | TG 8
J. Rites gb ye ee we ee we eee TA 12 8
DeDuke- <2 3) XS he ae GeO ee oa 5 7 10
Edward Hayden . . 2 1) ee ee ee) 16:12 DD
@, Pateon. 4 e wk we @ 4 ew & H 8 5 14 10
TT) Merrité. jo ee Gwe as ee Re 5 7 4
Total . . « + £292 9 2

The l@s38d. 2. . « « 9 405 Oo a

To George Fitzgerald, 22nd June.

Sir Luke Fitzgerald, of Ticroghan—Part of Joristown, 2404. 3k. Or., at 16s.
per acre, requires [£192 0s. 0d.]
In possession 59. Died January, 166[ ]. Sells to ye Claimant.*

‘As illustrative of the dealings of the army with the lands, there
is appended a statement of the arrears due to Colonel Phaer’s
Regiment. It was found among the papers of the Phaer family
by William J. O’Donnavan, Esq., of The Cloisters, Temple, a
descendant of Colonel Phaer’s, who has furnished it as explanatory
of the subject.

The amount of forfeited land not extending, according to com-
putation made in 1655, to satisfy the whole, the officers agreed to
take lands for 12s. 3d. in the pound, on the 22nd May, 1654, and
to have them admeasured and set out to them by Dr. Petty to that

* Endorsed, ‘‘ Report of Captain Tandy, Westmeath.”

From the volumes entitled ‘‘ Claims in the Office of the late Surveyor-General,”
Custom House Buildings, Dublin.
APPENDIX.

217

extent, hoping still, as further lands might be discovered to be ap-
plicable to their debt, to obtain two-thirds, or 13s. 4d., in the

pound.*

Collonel Phaer’s Regiment.

Money satisfied. The Acres satisfying.

The whole Debt of each Company.t The

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Total of the Debt, | The 12s, 3d, satisfied.| Acres satisfying.

S£ 8s. a. £ 8s. d A RP.

His owne Company . 6643 19 832 4069 8 93 | 6782 1 24
Captain Radford . 1879 14 92 1151 6 92] 1918 3 24
Colonel Robert Saunders . 2935 12 113 1798 1 82] 2996 38 10
Lt.-Col. Wheeler . 2755 5 9 1687 12 3 2832 12 30
Major Dennison . 3016 11 62 1847 13 02 | 3079 1 20
Capt. Coakley. . 2492 711 1526 11 923 | 2544 1 10
Capt. Alex. ee 2434 6 6 1491 0 535 | 2485 0 7
Capt. Jervoise . 2455 0 102 1503 14 8 | 2506 0 20
Capt. Gale . 2489 11 23 1524 17 14 | 2541 1 28
Capt. Wakeham . 2109 12 7% 1292 2 103 | 2153 2 11
Added Debentors . 249 3 23 152 12 23] 254 1 16
Totall. £29,461 6 114 | £18045 1 4 (30,075 0 0

 

* Petty’s “ Down Survey, by Larcom,” ch. ix., p. 63.
+ Captain Cartrett’s company of Colonel Phaer’s Regiment was satisfied in the

barony of Bantry, county of Wexford.

Supra, p. 99.

 
218 APPENDIX.

IV.

PETITIONS FOR DISPENSATION FROM TRANSPLANTATION INTO
CONNAUGHT.

As the documents in full often convey a better notion than any ab-
stract, a few orders made on the petitions for Dispensation from
Transplantation are here given. It would require to inspect the
many volumes full of them to realize the amount and variety of
misery suffered by the inhabitants of Ireland during the government
of the people of England.

The Lord Baron Brittas.

‘‘ Upon reading the petition of Theobald Lord Baron of Brittas,
touching his transplantation into Connaught, and the report of the
Commissioners of Revenue of Dublin thereupon, whereby it appears
that the petitioner hath in the year 1645 taken the oath of asso-
ciation with the Confederate Rebells (alias Catholics) : It is there-
fore ordered that the Governor and Commissioners of Revenue of
Limerick do proceed in the Petitioner’s case according to the printed
instructions and declarations given for direction in this and
cases of like nature.

“« Dublin, 29th May, 1654.

“ THomas Herpert, Clerk of the Council.”*

Idem.

‘‘ Upon consideration had of the further petition of the
Baron of Brittas, it is ordered that the petitioner be allowed what
sheafe is due unto him according to the rule, and as by the Com-
missioners of Revenue upon the place is given to others in like
cases. And the Commissioners at Loughrea are to take care that

+
~, p. 410.
APPENDIX. 219

the petitioner be provided for in Connaught answerable to his age
and other qualifications.
‘“ Dublin, October 13th, 1654.
“ THos. HerBert, Clerk of the Council.”*

Piers Creagh, of Limerick.

‘Upon consideration had of the petition of Piers Creagh, of
Limerick, desiring a dispensation from being transplanted into Con-
naught, and a liberty to enjoy his estate where it lies, and of the
report of the Committee of Officers thereupon, whereby it appears’
that upon serious reflection they have had of the petitioner’s harm-
less carriages, and of his manifold affection to the present Govern-
ment, which was heretofore more fully certified to the Commis-
sioners of the Commonwealth from the officers of the army: They offer
it as their opinion that the petitioner be allowed to remain in any
part of the county of Limerick (except the city) till the 1st of May
next. And for those lands the petitioner desired a fourth sheafe, if
the said lands be in the Commonwealth’s possession he be allowed
the said fourth sheafe. And it was further certified by the said
officers, thatin regard they were persuaded that for his former known
inclination to the English Government the petitioner, is hated by
his countrymen, and that therefore he might be permitted to reside
in such secure place in the county of Clare (not being within a gar-
rison), neare the English quarters as the petitioner should make
choice of in the disposal of the State; unto which said report the
Lord Deputy and Council do agree, and therefore do hereby order,
that the petitioner be dispensed with from transplantation till the
lst of May next, and that he do receive the fourth sheafe of and
from those lands claymed by him in his petition, if in the possession of
the State; and that he likewise be permitted to make choice of a
convenient place to reside in from the Ist of May forward, neare the
English quarters, in the county of Clare, provided it be not in any
garrison. And hereof the Commander in Chief of Limerick and

ql! o1.
220 APPENDIX.

the county of Clare, and Commissioners of Assessments, and all
others concerned are to take notice.
“* Dated at Dublin, the 28th of October, 1654.
“ Tuos. Hersert, Clerk of the Council.’’*

Lady Dowager of Louth.

‘Upon considering the petition of the Lady Dowager of Louth,
and consideration had thereof, and of the petitioner’s great age and
impotency; It is ordered, that it be referred to the Officer Com-
manding in Chief and Commissioners of Assessments for the pre-
cinct of Tredagh, to consider of the allegations thereof, and to dis-
pense with the petitioner’s transplantation into Connaught till the
lst of May, next. And that towards her present maintenance they
do allow her two-third parts of the profits that arise to her out of
the thirds of her estate till the Ist of May aforesaid. And that in
case the said estate be already disposed of, they are to certify the
same, to the end she may be otherwise provided for during the time
the petitioner is dispensed with from transplantation; and then
further care shall be taken of her with others of her condition, ac-
cording to such rules as shall be held forth for that purpose.

“ Dublin, 25th October, 1654.

“ Tuomas Hersert, Clerk of the Council.’’+

Elinor Butler.

‘‘ Upon consideration had of the petition of Elinor Butler,
widow, and the order of the Commissioners of Revenue at Water-
ford touching her and the report of Colonel Lawrence thereupon
(unto whom it was referred), it being thereby set forth that the
petitioner’s allegations are confirmed by a certificate of a person of
good credit; and it being the said Colonel Lawrence’s opinion upon
the whole that the petitioner’s own person and her helpless chil-
dren should be dispensed with as to their present transplantation,
and that she be permitted to bring back her cattle from Connaught
towards the maintenance of herself and children ; we, the said

* 4, p. 122. + Ib, p. 96.
APPENDIX. 221

Deputy and Council, do therefore agree and consent unto the said
report, and do hereby order that the petitioner be accordingly per-
mitted to bring back her said cattle without molestation. Whereof
the said Commissioners of Revenue at Waterford, the Commissioners
sitting at Loughrea, and all others concerned, are to take notice.
“ Dated at Dublin, the 16th of October, 1654.
** THomAs HERBERT, Clerk of the Council.’’*

Mary Thorpe, otherwise Dillon.

‘* Upon consideration had of the within petition of Mary Thorpe,
otherwise Dillon, a Protestant ; and forasmuch as by her husband’s
recusancy comprising him within the order made that proprietors,
&c., do transplant themselves intoConnaught, he is to remove accord-
ingly, to have lands set out to him there by the Commissioners
sitting at Loughrea, according to his qualification. Further consi-
dering the merit of the petitioner, and that she is reputed to bea
person fearing God and affecting His worship and ordinances, It is
therefore ordered, that the Commissioners at Loughrea do forth-
with sett out to the petitioner’s husband lands as near Athlone or
other place in Connaught, where she shall desire (not repugnant
to former general orders), to the end that it may afford the peti-
tioner the better conveniency of repairing neare to such places
where the Gospel is preached.

** Dublin, 6th October, 1654.

“ Tuomas Herpert, Cerk of the Council.”

The Lady Trimleston.}

“‘ Ordered, that it be referred to the Commissioners at Lough-
reagh to consider of the within petition, and upon examination of
the allegations, and finding them to be true as therein is set forth,
they are to permit the petitioner’s husband, the Lord Trimleston,
to return into some place in the province of Leinster, for such
time as shall be thought necessary for the recovery of his health,
and so continue at the said place without removal above a mile from

#3, p. 62. + Ib., p. 29.

+ See pages 41 and 77, supra.
222 APPENDIX.

the same, without license from the Commander in Chief of the said
precinct where he shall reside as aforesaid; provided he return
into Connaught within three months.
“ Dublin, 8th of August, 1654.
“ Signed in the name of the Lord Deputy and Council,
“* Mies Corsett.”’*

Mary Archer.

“ Upon consideration had of a petition presented unto this Board
by Mary Archer, in behalf of her aged father, Thomas Archer, and
of the certificate thereunto annexed, deposed upon oath before Dudley
Loftus, Esq., one of His Highness’s Justices of the Peace for this
county, that the said Thomas Archer is above 60 years of age, and
that his transplantation into Connaught will infallibly endanger his
life, if not suddenly bring him to his grave, wanting his former
accustomed accommodations; It is therefore ordered, that he, the
said Thomas Archer, be, and he is hereby dispensed with from
transplantation into Connaught for the space of two months from the
date hereof, to the end that at present he may not want the accom-
modations aforesaid, and thereby enable himself to travel into the
transplantation quarter, according to rule.

“ Dublin Castle, 19th of May, 1654.

“Tuomas Herpert, Clerk of the Council.”}

“ The Lord of Ikerrin.}

‘¢ Upon reading the petition of the Lord of Ikerrin, and consi-
deration had thereof, and the report of the Standing Committee of
Officers thereupon ; It is thought fit and ordered, that the peti-
tioner (in regard of his weakness and infirmity of body) be per-
mitted to repair to the Bath in England (according to his physi-
cian’s advice), in order to the recovery of his health, for the space
of six weeks. And it is further ordered, that the said Lord of
Ikerrin’s lady be dispensed with from her transplantation into

A A
= a P- 522. + 2 ps 71. tf Seep. 71, supra.
APPENDIX. 223

Connaught for the space of two months from the Ist day of May
next ; and that her servants be also dispensed with from their
transplantation until they have gathered in their next harvest.
“ Dublin, the 24th of April, 1654.
*¢ CHARLES FLEETWOOD, Mites CorBETT, JOHN JonEs.”*

Edmund Magrath.t

‘* Upon consideration had of the within petition of Edmund
Magrath, complaining that the woodsupon the lands set out unto him
in the county of Clare (pursuant to his qualification), are daily cut
and destroyed by the Irish there, who bear him malice for his
good services to the English, and. by others, to his great damage
and discouragement, and therefore praying relief in the premises ;
It is ordered that it be referred to the next Justices of the Peace
in that county, or any two of them, who are to consider of the alle-
gations, and to examine the matter of fact, and to take such care for
the petitioner’s relief in the premises as shall be agreeable to law.

‘“« Dublin Castle, 20th May, 1656.

‘Tuomas Hersert, Clerk of the Council.’”’}

“ Old Native Inhabitants of Limerick.

“ Upon reading the petition and papers of the old native inha-
bitants of Limerick, it being alledged by the petitioners that they
have laboured as much as in them lay to preserve the English inte-
rests in that city, and to surrender to the English, whereby they
became odious to the Irish, and therefore desired some place upon
the River Shannon to be assigned unto them for their residence.

* A
a P 304,

+ This Edmund Magrath, of Ballymore, Barony of Kilnemanagh, county of
Tipperary, acted as a spy from the beginning of the Rebellion, and for his good
service obtained Cromwell’s special Letter of Dispensation from Transplantation,
and had order to have his estate, not exceeding 800 acres, plantation measure, re-
stored to him. Letter dated Whitehall, March 11th, 1657-8. ‘‘ Letters of the
Lord Protector,” p. 121, Record Tower, Dublin Castle.

A
tag P 64.
224 APPENDIX.

And upon consideration had thereof, and of the report of the Com-
mittee of Transplantation, It is ordered that the petitioners asto their
merits and qualifications be referred unto the officers commanding
in chief and the Commissioners of Revenue within the precinct of
Limerick, who are to proceed therein, according to the tenor of the
late printed declaration of 27th of March last; and as to their
place of residence, it is further referred to the Commissioners sit-
ting at Loughreagh, who are to consider thereof, and to do therein
as shall be agreeable to the rules and instructions given them in that
behalf.
“ Dublin, 4th of April, 1654.
‘CHARLES FLEETWOOD, Mites Corzett, Joun Jongs,’’*

Richard Christmas, of Bristol, Merchant.

* Upon consideration had of the petition of Richard Christmas,
of Bristol, merchant, desiring that one Edward Browne, an Irish
Papist, who hath been hitherto entrusted with the management of
all his affairs in and about Waterford, hath been faithful unto him,
and best understands and is acquainted with the petitioner’s debts
and credits, may be permitted to continue in Waterford, and follow
his occupations as formerly; It is hereby ordered, that the said
Edward Browne be permitted to reside in Waterford for and during
the space of six months from the date hereof, and no longer, he
giving good security to the Governor of Waterford that he will not
act anything to the prejudice of His Highness and the State: And
hereof all whom it may concern are to take notice.

“ Dublin, 18th August, 1656.

“Tuomas Herpert, Clerk of the Council.’’}

Dame Mary Culme.

“Upon reading the within petition of Dame Mary, Culme,
setting forth that her servant, Cornelius Brady, is upon some infor-
mation transplanted into Connaught, being not liable thereunto,

¥ ‘
* op PB 244, tS, p. 184.
APPENDIX. 225

and that the said Cornelius is her agent to sell and let her lands,
and manage her necessary suits at law, &c., and thereupon praying
that his transplantation might be dispensed with. And forasmuch as
the respective Governors of Limerick, Galway, and Athlone, have
power to give licences in the case, the Council think not fitt to do
anything thereon, but leave the petitioner to make her application
to the said Governors, who are to proceed in the case as shall be
thought fitt.
‘* Dated at the Council Chamber, Dublin, 29th of August, 1656.
“ Toomas Herrert, Clerk of the Council.’’*

Lady Grace Talbot.

“ Upon reading the petition of Lady Grace Talbot, wife of
Sir Robert Talbot, of Malahide, desiring a subsistence for her and
her five children out of her estate in the county of Wicklow (al-
ledged to be 1700 acres), or otherwise out of her husband’s estate in
Meath, and consideration had thereof, and of the report of Sir Har-
dress Waller, Sir Charles Coote, Commissary-General Reynolds, and
Colonel Lawrence, whereby it appears that they humbly offer it
as their opinion that, in regard of the petitioner’s husband Sir
Robert Talbot’s civil carriage during the late rebellion, and his
great charge, with the considerableness of his estate in the Pro-
vince of Leinster, from whence he is to be transplanted ; and like-
wise the petitioner’s incapability of receiving lands in Connaught,
according to the rule of stock given out, that there be settled 500
acres of land in some convenient place in Connaught upon the said
Lady Talbot and her children, And in case that her said hushand’s
claim be allowed, and of right ascertained to a greater proportion,
that then the said 500 acres be part thereof. And they further offer,
that in regard the petitioner is an Englishwoman, and reduced to a
poor condition, being without relief, and likely so to continue until
the lands in Connaught shall yield her subsistence, that for six
months yet to come the petitioner may receive the contribution

& a p. 214.
Q
226 APPENDIX.

falling duethereon. Itis further thought fitt and ordered, that the |
said Lady Grace Talbot do receive the quantity of 500 acres of land -
in Connaught; and that the petitioner do enjoy one moiety of the
present profits arising out of her said husband’s estate in Leinster

(paying contribution) for the space of six months from the date
hereof.

“« Dublin, 17th November, 1654.

‘““THomas Hersert, Clerk of the Council.’’*

* 4, p. 438.
APPENDIX. 227

WV

THE MALLOW COMMISSION.—A. D. 1656.

It was before a court at Athlone that the Irish nation had to appear
to receiveeach man his doom. An exception, however, was made in
favour of “the Ancient inhabitants of Cork, Kinsale, and Youghal,”*
for whose trial a court was held at Mallow by the same judges as
sat at Athlone, and these Ancient inhabitants were granted the pe-
culiar privilege, that they were not in the mean time forced to trans-
plant like the rest of the nation, but were permitted to reside in
the county of Cork until the sitting of the court.

The conduct which entitled them to this signal distinction was
their loyalty to the English interest, as it was called ; for though
they were all Roman Catholics, they united themselves to the
English and Protestant forces, shut the gates, manned the walls,
and kept watch and ward with them against their own countrymen
and religionists.

One would expect that the judgment of the Commissioners, if
it did not mark them out for further favour, would at least have
declared that they were not to be included in the dreadful doom
pronounced on the rest of the nation.

But by the proceedings of the Court, of which there remains a
full account under the hands of the Commissioners themselves, it
will be seen that it was easier for a camel to go through the eye of
a needle than for an Irish adversary of the English rebels, dwelling
in Ireland, to escape transplantation to Connaught.

When the rebels of England, at the end of the year 1643, in-

* The case of the ancient natives of Youghal is not given in the Mallow Com-
missioners’ Report ; but it would seem that they were turned out of that town at the
same time as the natives of Cork—p. 143, supra.

Q 2.
228 APPENDIX.

duced the rebels of Scotland by a gift of £100,000 to invade Eng-
landa second time to help them against the King, the King turned
to Ireland to obtain forces, and Lord Ormond, at his command, sent
him over considerable bodies of troops.

But the King placed his chief hopes in the aid he expected to
derive from the Confederate Catholics upon the conclusion of a treaty
for a peace; preliminary to which he directed Lord Ormond to enter
into a cessation of arms with them. The new English of Ireland,
composed chiefly of planters since Queen Elizabeth’s time, whose
hatred and fear of the Irish, on account of the injuries they had in-
flicted on them, far exceeded their loyalty to the King, could not en-
dure the idea of the King’s vanquishing the rebels of England by such
aid. ‘ Where would the Protestant religion be,” they asked, “if
the King conquered by the aid of the Irish?”* Or, rather (for
this was the religion they thirsted after), where would the lands of
the ancient nobility, gentry, and people of Ireland be in that case,
which, to the extent of 2,500,000 acres, the Parliament had already
confiscated by anticipation, while the Puritan rebels and their fol-
lowers had still in view the swallowing up of the rest ? The Earl
of Inchiquin, who commanded large forces in Munster for the King,
and had his head-quarters at Cork, now turned over for this cause
to the Parliament side. He wrote to his brother Henry, who held
Wareham with his (Inchiquin’s) regiment, for the King, to deliver
that town to the Parliament, and bring the regiment to Ireland; and
wrote letters to Colonel Mynn, Colonel Poulet, and Colonel St.
Leger, urging them also to bring their forces over to Munster.t He
impressed upon them his conviction that “deserving men would have
the estates of their enemies conferred upon them by the Parliament
at the end of this war, as it was at the end of the last war, ie.

* « A Letter from the Right Hon. the Lord Inchiquin and the other Commanders
in Munster to His Majestie, expressing the Reasons for not holding the Cessation any
longer with the Rebells, &c.; with several other Letters to Friends here in England
advising them to return to their former Charges in Ireland, &c. Published by au-
thority.” 4to. London: 1644,

+ Ib.
APPENDIX. 229

Tyrone’s wars.”* This could not be expected if the King were
to put down the rebellion of England by the aid of the Irish.
Meantime he drove out all the Old English inhabitants of Irish
birth, pretending he could not be safe with them because they
were “Irish” and Catholic, though they had shut the gates against
the Irish in 1641, and had ever since joined with the King’s forces,
defending the town against them. At the same time he wrote
over to England, suggesting that the Parliament should give the
houses and lands of the expulsed inhabitants to the English re-
maining in the city of Cork.t

As Trish evidence is not to be believed unless it be to the preju-
dice of the nation (according to the maxim that an Jrishman’s oath is
of no value except to hang another), the loyalty of the Ancient natives
of Cork would probably not be credited unless upon English testi-
mony. Against the calumnious and interested charges of Lord
Inchiquin, therefore, there is to be set the solemn report of the
Duke of Ormond, the Earl of Anglesey, and Sir George Hamilton
(no friends of the Irish), made at the order of the King, on the peti-
tion of these expelled inhabitants, who prayed at the Restoration
to be restored to their lands and former habitations.

By this report it was certified that the ancient natives of Cork
had at all times from the breaking out of the troubles and distur-
bances acted with and for the English interest equally with the
English Protestants; that when they were put out of their houses
and from their habitations, they, to hold still firm to their loyalty,
had immediate recourse, and only refuge, by their mayor, Robert
Coppinger, to the Lord Marquis of Ormond, as the proper centre,
in whose hands they deposited the badges of their privileges,
namely, the sword, mace, and cap of maintenance; and his Lord-
ship, in acknowledgment of such faithful and loyal deportment,
knighted the said Robert Coppinger; and then promised, in the
behalf of his late Majesty, to render unto them in seasonable time
the said sword, and mace, and cap of maintenance, and to testify to

* “A Letter,” &e., as before, p. 228, supra + Ib.
230 APPENDIX.

their advantage how properly they had deposited the same in due
time.*

They further reported that it appeared by two several letters
from his late Majesty of ever-blessed memory, in the years 1643 and
1644, directed to the mayor, aldermen, and commons of that city,
that they had, towards the maintenance of His Majesty’s army, issued
in loans and otherwise the sum of £30,000, besides their other suf-
ferings mentioned in their former petition, amounting to £60,000;
and when their stock in corn was totally exhausted, they willingly
gave up their plate, household stuff, and moveables, to advance his
late Majesty’s service, which the said late King declared himself so
sensible of, that he said the same should bein due time remembered
to their great advantage, and returned to their loyal bosoms.

The case of the ancient inhabitants of Kinsale is to be found in
the report of Cromwell’s Commissioners. The Court was opened on
the 22nd of July, 1656. On the 29th, the case of Thomas Toomey
(otherwise Thomas) was heard. Most of the claims depended upon
it. The judges heard it at great length. They adjourned to the
following morning, to allow the counsel at the bar to speak to it.
The claimant owned a house in Kinsale, under a lease made in
1635. He was a shipwright, and worked in the King’s dockyard
there. It was proved that he shut the gates against the Irish in
1641; that he served as a corporal under Captain John Farlo; that
he kept watch and ward when the rebels besieged the town. It came
out, however, that after Inchiquin revolted from the Parliament,
in 1649, and returned to the King’s side, contribution was collected
by the magistrates, and paid by Toomeyt (as by all the other inha-
bitants) to his receivers; that distresses. were taken on everybody;
none durst refuse payment of contribution to Inchiquin. This, how-
ever, was the claimant’s ruin. It deprived him of the plea of Con-

* Report, dated 13th February, 1661, Liber D., of a series of twelve volumes,
folio, relating to the Act of Settlement, in the Record Tower, Dublin Castle.

+ Ib.

} It would seem from this that the ancient inhabitants of Kinsale continued to
dwell there during the whole war.
APPENDIX. 231

stant good affection, which but for this he might have maintained.
He had resided in the enemies’ quarters, and this brought him
within the Eighth qualification, The consequences appear from the
following special report of these proceedings made by the Commis-
sioners to the Government :—

“ COURT AT MALLOW FOR THE QUALIFICATIONS OF THE IRISH THAT
FORMERLY INHABITED THE TOWNS OF CORKE, YOUGHAL, AND
KINSALE.

29th of August, 1656.

‘« This day the claimants’ counsel demanded the judgment of the
Court upon the point of Constant good affection; and first in the
case of Thomas Toomey of Kinsale, whether upon proof he hath
manifested Constant good affection.

“Mr. Justice Cooxe.—Negative.

“ Mr. Justice Hatsey. —Negative.

“It is adjudged that Thomas Toomey hath not manifested Con-
stant good affection; but falls within the eighth qualification, to
have two parts of his estate in Connaught.

“ Court.—The counsel for Thomas Toomey is to proceed upon
his title.*

«Mr. Sitver.—He is resolved not to go into Connaught.

“Mr. Hoarz.—And s0 they are all.

“* Mr. Sirver.—My clients do further demand the judgment of
the Court, whether they, and how many of them, have proved their
Constant good affections?

“ Court.—We have seriously considered of the several cases
and several claimants named, as George Gold Fitz-William, Do-
minick Sarsfield, David Terry, Patrick Galway, James Gough,
Patrick Meagh, Stephen Coppinger, Patrick Roth, John Coppinger,
James Murro, John Levallyn, James Levallyn [and so all the clay-
mants were named particularly ].

* That is, to prove what Jands he was formerly possessed of, in order to regulate
the quantity to be now set out to him in Connaught.
232 APPENDIX.

“ Justice Hatsey.—If you demand of us any further judgment
in any particular client’s case, you shall have it; though you see
we have run over them all.

“CLammants’ CounsEL.— We humbly demand the judgment of
the Court upon the whole, whether any claimant hath proved Con-
stant good affection ?

“ Justice Cooxe.—Negative.

“ Justice Hatsry.—Negative.

** Resolved by the Court, that not any one of a Popish claimant
hath proved Constant good affection.

«« Justicz Cooke.—Now proceed upon the title distinctly.

‘* CLarmants’ CounsEL.— Not one of our clients will proceed.

“ Court.— You had best to advise your clients what to do. We
shall stay your leisure. Therefore adjourn till the afternoon.

“* Saturday Afternoon.

“ Justice Cooke, present; Justice Hausey, present.

“ Court.— Will the counsel, or any of the attorneys for any of
the claimants, proceed to their titles?

“Mr, Sitver.—James Gough, Patrick Meagh, Stephen Cop-
pinger, Patrick Roth, John Coppinger, James Murro, John Levallyn
{and so all the claimants were named particularly].

“ Court.—We have considered of the several causes of every
claimant in Court, and have singled out about thirty which may
come nearest to Constant good affection. And we cannot find that
any of them hath manifested Constant good affection according to the
strict rule of law, but all fall short in some point or other.

“ CLAIMANTS’ CoUNSEL.—We hope in equity our clients shall
not be sent into Connaught among their enemies.

“ Court.—We must proceed, as our Commission requires, ac-
cording to law; and we cannot find how the Irish can be in a better
condition than the English, who are to forfeit a fifth for their delin-
quency had it not been for His Highness’ Ordinance of Indemnity.*

* Protestants who had not shown a Constant good affection to the cause of the
rebels of England were liable to forfeit one-fifth. But by an ordinance of 2nd Sep-
APPENDIX. 233

“ CLatmants’ CouNnsEL.—Our clients would willingly lose a
great deal more. a

“ Court.—We cannot alter the law, but must judge according
to law.

‘© Mr, Srirver.—Our clients will not take any lands in Con-
naught. We have demanded the judgment of the Court concerning
the several estates of our clients that are Protestants, as, namely, Mr
Robert Southwell, William Chidley, William Howell, Christopher
Sugar, and others, who were Protestants and proprietors at the time
of the Act of Settlement.

“ Court.—We shall consider of the several cases of the Protes-
tant claimants who had bond jide purchased from Papists before the
Act of Settlement, as to that point only, whether they can be in a

‘better position than those from whom they claim.

“ Justice Cooxr.—Proceed, therefore, to the titles of your Irish
clients.

“* CLAIMANTS’ CoUNSEL.—We have advised with our clients,
and they are resolved not to take any lands in Connaught.

“The first proclamation was made.

“ CourT.—Crier, make proclamation again that all persons who
have any business here to do may come in and be heard.

* Second proclamation was made.

“* Court.— Will you proceed before the last proclamation be
made, or else it will be too late?

“ CLammants’ CounsEL._-We humbly pray the Court to adjourn
till Munday, that we may better advise with our clients.

* Court.--Adjourn till Munday, at 8 of the clock.

“ Munday, Sept. 1, 1656.

‘* CooKE, present; HALSsEY, present.
“ Court.__Will any of the claimants proceed upon their titles,
that they may have their proportions in Connaught?

tember, 1654, they were allowed to compound for two years’ annual value of their
real and personal estates, which was equal to one-fifth as lands were then rated, viz.,
at ten years’ purchase.
234 APPENDIX.

“Ciammants’ CounseL. There being only present Mr. Hoare
and Mr. Silver, Attorneys (Mr. Fisher, Mr. Jones, Mr. Barber, and
all the other Protestant practizers having left the Court),

“ Mr. Sitver.—tThe claimants will not a man of them proceed
unless they may enjoy their own estates; they will not go into Con-
naught.

“* Court.—They must transplant according to law.

“The Court urged them several times to proceed, but they
would not.

“¢ Court.—Make proclamation, requiring all that have any busi-
ness at this Court to come in and proceed.

‘“ Third proclamation made.

‘¢ Nothing moved.

“ The claimants made a noise, some of them saying they had
rather go to the Barbadoes than into Connaught amongst the
rebels.

“ Court.—We shall consider of the claims of the Protestants,
and they shall know our judgment thereon.

“« The Court arose, and day to*

 

‘* May IT PLEASE Your LORDSHIPS,

“Upon mature and deliberate consideration (so far as the Lord
hath enabled us) we have proceeded to judgment in the causes de-
pending before us, and have not adjudged Constant good affection to
any one of the claimants; but the law will be clear for most of them
to have two parts inConnaught. There remains only one question
concerning the interests of Protestants, which they purchased from
Papists since 1641, and before the Act of Settlement [of 12th Au-
gust, 1652], wherein we humbly crave the opinions of the Lords
the Judges as to the matter of law before we give judgments.

“The matter of fact being as followeth:—

“A,, a Papist, upon the trial of his Qualifications is found to be
neither aider, abettor, countenancer, nor promotor of the rebellion

* Blank in the Report.
APPENDIX. 235

within the Act of September ;* but fails to make out Constant good
affection, by reason of the general defection of Inchiquin, &c.; so for-
feits a third part, as a Papist within the Eighth qualification, having
conveyed the land to a Protestant. ;

“The question is, whether B. is to lose a third part of the estate,
and take the other two parts in Connaught?”

On the part of the Commonwealth it was contended, that the
purchasers must lose one-third, and take two-thirds in value in Con-
naught, because they could be in no better condition than him from
whom they purchased. The Protestant purchasers insisted that, as
the persons whose lands they purchased had never aided nor coun-
tenanced the rebellion, and had constantly dwelt amongst the Eng-
lish, they must be deemed to have shown a Constant good affection,
and therefore should suffer no forfeiture. But the Mallow Com-
missioners submitted that the proof that was offered “‘ was only in the
negative, doing nothing, neither good nor bad, and was not suffi-
cient to prove Constant good affection, which must appear by out-
ward signal demonstration of the affection of the heart, and not in
sitting still,” and accordingly referred it to the judgments of their
Lordships.

The Report concludes thus:—

“Tf we could have foreseen the tenth part of the difficulties
which we have met with in this business, we should have been ear-
nest and humble suitors to your Lordships for more assistance, our
brother Santhy being gone into Kerry, Limerick, and Clare, that
the counties might not be disappointed; wee have endeavoured to
the utmost of our apprehensions to convince and satisfy the claimants
and standers by of the legality and justice of our proceedings; and
because in so great an expectation we feared that, if all should be
transplanted it might seem to cafry some face of rigour, we spared
no pains to distinguish the merits of each case; and as we were se-
lecting ten or twenty that might best pretend to be legally restored

* Properly of August 12th, 1652.
236 APPENDIX.

to their own estates, the next claimants had instantly as much to
say for themselves; and when we bad named and weighed about
eighty-six cases, which possibly might come nearest to the mark of
Constant good affection, presently the claimants’ counsel named
others to us, which we in our reason could not deny but that they
did equally merit with the rest; so as we found an absolute necessity
to deny Constant good affection to all or none (some very few excep-
tions that will fall within lst or 7th qualification); and that which
turned the scale was their residence with Inchiquin after his revolt.

“We have called upon them to proceed to their titles, and ad-
judged the 8th qualification to many of them, which for the present
they decline and refuse, and will not proceed upon their titles, so
as we can proceed no further therein.

‘“ They make great asseverations that they dare not go into Con-
naught for fear of their lives, and that they had rather be sent to
the Barbadoes, which we tell them are vain and frivolous allega-
tions, and that by law they are transplantable. So most of them
have left us. We have caused several proclamations to be made
that if any person have anything to do he may come in and be heard;
and shall stay so long as any of them will proceed. Having done
according to our Commission, to the best of our skill and know-
ledge, and so we humbly remain,

‘“‘ Your Lordships’ most humble
** And faithful Servants,
“ Joun Cooke, Wu. Hauser.

“« P, §.—If your Lordships shall be pleased to enlarge our Com-
mission until the 29th inst., my brother Santhy and myself will
have ended the circuit (God willing), by the 16th inst., and be at
Moyallo by the 18th inst., where we have ordered the clerk to stay

for us.
“ J. Cooks,

“ To the Honourable the Lord Deputy and Council
for the Affairs of Ireland.”*

* From a quarto volume in limp sheepskin cover, in the Record Tower, Dublin
Castle, endorsed, ‘‘ Mallow Proceedings.”
APPENDIX. 237

VI.

OF THE SEIZING OF WIDOWS AND ORPHANS, AND THE DESTI-
TUTE, AND TRANSPORTING THEM TO BARBADOES, AND THE
ENGLISH PLANTATIONS.

WaiLe the Government were employed in clearing the ground
for the Adventurers and Soldiers (the English capitalists of that
day), by making the nobility and gentry yield up their ancient
inheritances, and withdraw to Connaught, “ where they could wish
the whole nation,’”’* they had agents actively employed through Ire-
land, seizing women, orphans, and the destitute, to be transported
to Barbadoes and the English Plantations in America. It wasa
measure beneficial to Ireland, which was thus relieved of a popu-
lation that might trouble the planters; it was a benefit to the
people removed, who might thus be made English and Christians;
and a great benefit to the West India sugar planters, who desired
the men and boys for their bondmen, and the women and Irish
girls in a country where they had only Maroon women and Ne-
gresses to solace them. The thirteen years’ war, from 1641 to 1654,
followed by the departure of 40,000 Irish soldiers, with the chief
nobility and gentry, to Spain, had left behind a vast mass of widows
and deserted wives with destitute families. There were plenty of
other persons, too, who, as their ancient properties had been confis-
cated, “had no visible means of livelihood.” Just as the King of
Spain sent over his agents to treat with the Government for the Irish
swordmen, the merchants of Bristol had agents treating with it for

* “ The garrison of Roscommon Castle yielded upon that which we adjudged mode-
rate terms amongst us, which is, for the Government to transport a regiment for
Spain, where we could wish the whole nation.” Letter from Athlone, 12th April,
1652. ‘Severall Proceedings in Parliament,” &c., p. 2146.

+ Letter of Henry Cromwell, 4th Thurloe’s ‘‘ State Papers.”
238 APPENDIX.

men, women, and girls, to be sent to the sugar plantations in the
West Indies. The Commissioners for Ireland gave them orders
upon the governors of garrisons, to deliver to them prisoners of
war; upon the keepers of goals, for offenders in custody; upon mas-
ters of workhouses, for the destitute in their care, ‘‘ who were of an
age to labour, or if women were marriageable and not past breed-
ing ;” and gave directions to all in authority to seize those who had
no visible means of livelihood, and deliver them to these agents of
the Bristol sugar merchants, in execution of which latter direction
Ireland must have exhibited scenes in every part like the slave
hunts in Africa. How many girls of gentle birth must have been
caught and hurried to the private prisons of these men-catchers none
can tell.* But at last the evil became too shocking and notorious,
particularly when these dealers in Irish flesh began to seize the
daughters and children of the English themselves, and to force
them on board their slave ships; then, indeed, the orders, at the
end of four years, were revoked.

Messrs. Sellick and Leader, Mr. Robert Yeomans, Mr. Joseph
Lawrence, and others, all of Bristol, were active agents. As one in-
stance out of many:—Captain John Vernon was employed by the
Commissioners for Ireland into England, and contracted in their be-
half with Mr. David Sellick and Mr. Leader, under his hand, bearing
date the 14th September, 1653, to supply them with two hundredand
fifty women of the Irish nation above twelve years, and under the
age of forty-five, also three hundred men above twelve years of age
and under fifty, to be found in the country within twenty miles of
Cork, Youghal, and Kinsale, Waterford, and Wexford, to transport
them into New England.{ Messrs. Sellick and Leader appointed their

* Daniel Connery, a gentleman of Clare, was sentenced, in Morison’s presence,
to banishment, in 1657, by Colonel Henry Ingoldsby, for harbouring a priest.
“ This gentleman had a wife and twelve children. His wife fell sick, and died in
poverty. Three of his daughters, most beautiful girls, were transported to the West
Indies, to an island called the Barbadoes; and there, if they are alive, they are in
miserable slavery.” P. 287. Morison’s “‘ Threnodia Hiberno-Catholica,” Innsbruck :
1659.

A
+ ay P 663.
APPENDIX. 239

shipping to repair to Kinsale; but Roger Boyle, Lord Broghill
(afterwards Earl of Orrery), whose name, like that of Sir C. Coote,
seems ever the prelude of woe to the Irish, suggested that the required
number of men and women might be had from among the wanderers
and persons who had no means to get their livelihood in the county
of Cork alone. Accordingly, on the 23rd of October, 1653, he was
empowered to search for them and arrest them, and to deliver them
to Messrs. Sellick and Leader, who were to be at all the charge of
conducting them to the water side, and maintaining them from the
time they received them; and no person, being once apprehended,
was to be released but by special order in writing under the hand of
Lord Broghill.*

Again, in January, 1654, the Governors of Carlow, Kilkenny,
Clonmel, Wexford, Ross, and Waterford, had orders to arrest
and deliver to Captain Thomas Morgan, Dudley North, and John
Johnson, English merchants, all wanderers, men and women, and
such other Irish within their precincts as should not prove they
had such a settled course of industry as yielded them a means of
their own to maintain them, all such children as were in hospitals or
workhouses, all prisoners, men and women, to be transported to the
West Indies. The governors were to guard the prisoners to the ports
of shipping; but the prisoners were to be provided for and main-
tained by the said contractors, and none to be discharged except by
order under the hand and seal of the governor ordering the arrest.
It.is easy to imagine the deeds done under such a power! On
the 22nd December, of the same year, orders were issued prohibit-
ing all the shipping in any harbour in Ireland bound for Barba-
does, and other English plantations, from weighing anchor until
searched, in order that any persons found to have been seized without
warrant should be delivered.

All measures, however, were vain to prevent the most cruel cap-
tures as long as these English slave dealers had recourse to Ireland.
In the course of four years they had seized and shipped about 6400

A A
* ay P 663. t Gg P 66.
240 APPENDIX.

Irish, men and women, boys and maidens, when on the 4th of
March, 1655, all orders were revoked. These men-catchers employed
persons (so runs the order) ‘‘to delude poor people by false pretences
into by-places, and thence they forced them on board their ships.
The persons employed had so much a piece for all they so deluded,
and for the money sake they were found to have enticed and forced
women from their children and husbands, — children from their
parents, who maintained them at school; and they had not only dealt
so with the Irish, but also with the English,”—which last was the
true cause, probably, of the Commissioners for Ireland putting an
end to these proceedings.*

Yet not quite an end.

In 1655 Admiral Penn added Jamaica to the empire of Eng-
land; and, colonists being wanted, the Lord Protector applied to
the Lord Henry Cromwell, then Major-General of the forces in Ire-
land, to engage 1500 of the soldiers of the army in Ireland to go
thither as planters, and to secure a thousand young Irish girls
(“ Irish wenches” is Secretary Thurloe’s term), to be sent there also.t
Henry Cromwell answered that there would be no difficulty, only
that force must be used in taking them;f} and he suggested the ad-
dition of from 1500 to 2000 boys of from twelve to fourteen years of
age. ‘* We could well spare them,” he adds, “ and they might be
of use to you; and who knows but it might be a means to make
them Englishmen—I mean, Christians?”§ The numbers finally
fixed were 1000 boys, and 1000 girls, to sail from Galway in Octo-
ber, 1655,|—the boys as bondmen, probably, and the girls to be
bound by other ties to these English soldiers in Jamaica.

* *, p. 283. + 4th vol. Thurloe’s ‘‘ State Papers,” p. 75.

t Ib., p. 23. § Ib., p. 40. | Ib. p. 100.

{ Miiller, the painter at Berlin, was stated to be engaged in 1859 on a picture
representing the seizing and transporting of these Irish girls to the West Indies. See
the Newspapers of the 21st Feb., 1859.
APPENDIX. 241

Vil.

PETITIONS OF MAURICE VISCOUNT ROCHE, OF FERMOY, AND OF
JORDAN ROCHE’S CHILDREN.
(Page 74, supra.)

To the Right Hon. the Lords Justices of Ireland, the humble Petition of
Maurice Lord Viscount Roche, of Fermoy,*

Most Humpty SHEwETH,—That your Petitioner hath been seaven
yeares agoe dispossessed of his wholl estate, havinge the chardge of
Foure young daughters, unpreferred, to whose misery was added
the losse of their mother, your Petitioner’s wife, by an unjust
illegal proceeding, as is knowne and may be attested by the best Pro-
testant Nobility and Gentry of the Countie of Corke, who have heard
and seen it, and whose charitable compassion it moved; That your
said Petitioner and his said children ever since have lived in a most
disconsolate condition, destituted of all kind of subsistence (except
what Almes some good Christians did in charity afford them), by
occasion whereof one of your Petitioner’s daughters, falling sick
about three years ago, died, for want of requisite accommodacon,
either for her cure or diett ; That your Petitioner hath often sup-
plicated those in authority in the late Government for releefe, who
after ten months attendance in Dublin gave him no other succor but
an order to the Commissioners in Connaught to set outt some lands
for him, De bene esse, there or in the county of Clare; That your Peti-
tioner being necessitated to goe from Dublin afoote to attende on them
in Athlone and Loughreagh for six moneths more (in which prose-
cution and attendance he ran himself £100 in debt), yet at last had
but 2500 acres, part in the Owles, in Connaught, and part in the

* Order Book of the Commissioners for Executing the King’s Declaration,
late Auditor-General’s Office, Custom House Buildings, vol. xvii., p. 112.
R
242 APPENDIX.

remotest parts of Thomond, all wast and unprofitable, at that time
assigned him, both which, before and after, were by the sayd
Commissioners disposed of by Finall settlements to others, who
evicted your Petitioner thereout before he could receive any maner
of profitt, soe as that colour of succor and reliefe proved rather an
increase and addition of misery to your said Petitioner, who is now
in that very low condition that he cannot in person attend on your
Lordships, much less make a jorney to his sacred Majesty to sett
forth his sufferings and to implore releefe :

The premises tenderly considered, and for that it hath beene
unheard of in all former ages that a Peere of the Realm of English
extraction, though never so criminous, should be reduced to such
extremitie of misery, his cause not heard, and without conviction
or attainder by his Peeres or otherwise, contrary to the known
lawes of the land, and the rights and privileges of the Nobilitie and
Peerage; and for that your Petitioner is in that forlorne condition
that he cannot any longer hould out unless speedily releaved, your
Lordships may be pleased to afford your said Petitioner some pre-
sent succour and releife, and to enable him to discharge the said
£100 debt.

And hee will pray, &e.

To THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THE COMMISSIONERS OF THE COMMON-
WEALTH OF ENGLAND FOR THE AFFAIRS OF IRELAND.

The humble Petition of Christian Roche, Anstace Roche, Cate Roche,
and John Roche, the Children of Alderman Jordan Roche, de-
ceased,

SueweTtH—That Alderman Jordan Roche, deceased, dyed seized ofa

reall estate to the value of £2000 a year, and likewise of a considerable

personal estate, all which devolved and came to the publique; That
your poore Petitioners are in a sadd and deplorable condition for
want of sustenance or mayntenance, and have nothing to live upon
but what they erne by their needles, and by washing and wring-
ing. The humble request of your petitioners is that your Honnours
APPENDIX. 243

may be pleased to cast a favourable eye of compassion on the starve-
ing condition of your poore Petitioners; and accordingly to be
pleased to graunte unto them such a competent alimony out of
their father’s estate, or otherwise, as to your Honnours in your ap-
proved judgments shall be thought most fitt, being an act very
charitable, and suitable to the civilitie of the English Government,
And your poore Petitioners, as in duty bound, shall pray.*

The Commissioners for Ireland referred it tothe Commissioners for
Setting out Lands to the Transplanted sitting at Loughreagh, to in-
quire in what Qualification of the Act of Settlement they fell, and to
grant them such relief as should be agreeable to the said Act and to
their instructions: in other words, they refused them relief, and
“left them to the rules.” Order dated April, 1654.

* Council Book, in the Records of the late Auditor-General’s Office, Custom
House Buildings, vol. vii.

R 2
244 APPENDIX.

VIll.

TRANSPLANTERS’ CERTIFICATES.
(See page 23, supra.)
. By the Commissioners within the Precincts of Clonmell.
No. of Certificate, and Tyme of Presenting.
No. 1, folio 1.

Wee, the said Commissioners, do hereby certifye that John Hore,
of Ballymacmaag, and Mathew Hore, of Shandon, in the county
of Waterford, hath, upon the 23rd day of January, 1653, in pur-
suance of a Declaration of the Commissioners of the Parliament
of England for the Affairs of Ireland, bearing date the 14th day
of October, 16538, delivered unto us in writing a particular, con-
taining therein the names of himself and such other persons as are
to remove with him, with the quantities and qualities of their re-
spective stocks and tillage, the contents whereof are as followeth :—
viz.—1. John Hore, of Ballymacmaag, adged seventy ; gray haired,
tall stature; freeholder ; ten cows, five garrans. 2. Edmund Hore,
son to the said John, adged ten years, brown haire. 3. Owen
Crumpon, of the same, adged thirty; black; middle stature; servant.
4. James Daton, of the same, adged sixteen; flaxen haire; servant.
5. Morish Caffon, of Ballidonnack, adged thirty-foure; brown; low,
servant. 6. Mathew Hore, of Shandon, adged thirty-one; browne;
middle; freeholder ; eight cows, two hundred sheepe, seventy-nine
garrans, five cows; forty-two acres of wheate and beare, seven of
pease. 7. Mary Hore, wife of the said Mathew, aged twenty-five ;
white, tall. 8. Mary Hore, daughter of the said Mathew, adged
nine; flaxen ; three cows, two heifers. 9, Margaret Hore, daughter
to the said Mathew, foure; flaxen; low; three cows, two bullocks,
10. Bridget Hore, daughter to the said Mathew, adged two; white;
APPENDIX. Q45

two cows, and two bullocks. 11. John Hore, son to the said Ma-
thew, adged seaven; white; lowe; three cows, and two yearlings.
12. Patrick Hore, son to the said Mathew, adged five; white; lowe;
five cows, and one yearling. 13. Martin Hore, adged three ; flaxen;
ten cows, and one yearling, and thirty-six sheepe. 14, Murtagh
Morrochoe, of Grage, aged thirty-seaven ; browne; middle; tenant ;
two cows, and one yearling, fifteene sheepe, one garran. 15. Nicho-
las Power, of Shandon, sixtie; graye; middle; servant. 16. Ed-
mund Kelly, of the same, thirty; black; middle; servant. 18.
Thomas Kelly, of the same, thirty-nine; black; lowe; servant.
19. Thomas Fitzgerald, of the same, nineteen: white ; tall; ser-
vant. 20. William Roch, of the same, servant. 21. Henry Tobin,
of the same, thirtie; browne; low; servant. 22. Thomas Donnell,
of the same, fortie-foure; browne; low; servant. 23. Morris Of-
felahan, of the same, fiftie; graye; middle; servant. 25. John
O’Morrissee, of the same, seventeen; brown; low; servant. 26.
Morish O’Morrissee, of the same, fifteen; dark; low; servant. 27.
William O’Tuscan, of Ikart, thirtie; dark; middle; servant; two
cows, ten sheepe, one garran; five acres of wheate,[ |] beare. 28.
Nicholas White, of the same, sixteene; white; low; servant. 29.
James Murphy, of the same; thirtie-four; brown; low; tenant;
seaven sheepe, one garran. 380. Michael Conry, of Ballinacourty,
thirtie-seaven; middle; tenant; three cows, sixteen sheepe, nine
garrans; six acres of wheate, and two of pease and beans. 31, John
O’ Kelly, of the same, twentie; white; low; servant. 382. Richard
[ ], of Ballyduff, thirtie-nine; black; middle; tenant; one
cow, seven sheepe, three garrans; two acres of wheate and beare,
and two of pease and beans. 33. Morish Ffallon, of Killdagan, fortie;
graye; low; tenant; four cows, fifteene sheepe, eleven garrans,
seaven acres of wheate and beare. 34. Patrick Ffallon, of the same,
twentie; brown; middle; tenant. 35. Walter Power, of Ballin-
rode, twentie-five; brown; tall; tenant; five cows, fortie-three
sheepe, eight garrans; ten acres of wheate and beare. 36. Darby
Ffollowe, of Ballyhannick, fortie-four ; black ; tall; tenant; two cows,
four sheepe, six garrans; five acres of wheate and beare. 37. Darby
Powsye, of the same, thirtie-two; brown; tall; tenant; one cow,
246 APPENDIX.

eleven sheepe, ten garrans; two acres of wheate and beare. 38.
Mary Russell, the relict of Patrick Russell, of Dungarvan, burgess.
fiftie-three; yellow; middle; three cows, fiftie sheepe, one garran,
39. John Fitzgerald, of the same, fortie; black; low; tenant; three
cows, ten sheepe, one garran; one acre of wheate and beare. 40.
Morish Roch, of the same, twenty-five; brown; middle; tenant;
two cows, ten sheepe, two garrans; two acres of wheate, beare, and
beans. 41. Morish Fitzgerald, of Grenane, twenty-five ; white;
middle; servant. 42. Patrick Ffollowe, of Ballyhormock, thirteen;
brown; servant. 43, William Wray, of the same, fourteen; brown;
servant. 44, Morish Cowden, of Inchindrislye, thirtie-six; black;
middle; tenant; one cow, ten sheepe, two garrans; one acre of
wheate and beare. 45. Robert Pirquett, of the same, fiftie; brown ;
low; tenant; one cow, one garran, one acre of wheate and beare.
46. John Pirquett, of the same, twentie; browne; low; servant.
48. John Nagle, of Donnemainstragh, thirty-two; brown; tall;
freeholder; two cows, ten sheepe, three garrans; three acres of
wheat and beare, andone of pease. 49. James How fitz Thomas
of Dungarvan, ten; blacke; low; burgess. 50. John Lea, of Dun-
garvan, sixteen; tall; white; freeholder. 51. John Coppinger the
elder, of the same, fiftie-five; graye; tall; freeholder. 52. Philip
Power, of Ballinrode, thirtie-five; brown; low; tenant; one cow,
ten sheepe, two garrans; two acres of wheate and beare. 53. John
O’Morrissee, of Ballinkelly, twenty-six; brown; middle; tenant;
eight cows, twentie sheepe, ten garrans; five acres of wheat, two of
pease. 54. Margaret, his wife, twenty-four; white; middle. 55.
Philip Flyn, of the same, fifteen; brown; servant. 56. Donagh
Corbane of the same, thirtie; blacke; low; servant. 57. Thomas
Power, of Kildagan, adged twenty-seven; blacke; low; three
cows, twelve sheepe, three garrans; two acres of wheate and
beare. 58. Connor Gambon, of Inchindrisley, thirtie-two; brown;
middle; tenant; three cows, twelve sheepe, three garrans; ten acres
of wheate and beare. 59. John McPhilip, of Kildagan, thirtie;
browne; middle; tenant. 60. William Morrissee, of Inchindrisly,
eighteen; white; middle; servant. 61. David McDonagh, of Knock-
an-power, sixtie-three; graye; middle; freeholder; ten cows,
APPENDIX. 247

twenty-seaven sheepe, fifteen garrans; thirteen acres of wheate and
beare. 62, Giles Mulcahy, fifty-three; brown; low. 63. Mar-
garet Mulcahy, his daughter, eighteen ; brown; middle; spinster,
64. Ellen Mulcahy, his daughter, seventeen; brown; middle; spin-
ster. 65. Ellinor Mulcahy, his daughter, ten; brown; spinster.
66. Thomas Shane, of the same, eighteen; brown; middle; servant.
67. John Offernan, of the same, sixteen; brown; servant. 68. Da-
niell Henery, of the same, thirtie; browne; middle; servant. 69.
Richard Breenagh, of the same, twelve; brown; servant. 70.
Thomas fitz John, of Ballinlea, forty-three; brown; tall; tenant;
three cows, twenty sheepe, eight garrans; eight acres of wheate and
beare. 71. James Forde, of Ballyduffmore, fifty-three; brown; low;
mortgagee ; two cows, two garrans; two acres of wheate and beare.
72. John O’Kelly, of Knock-an-power, thirty; black; middle; te-
nant; two cows; two acres of wheate and beare. 73. James Ro- .
nayne, of the same, sixty; graye, middle; tenant; onecow. 74.
Morish Ronayne, of the same, twenty; brown; middle. 75. John
O’Glassine, of the same, twenty; black; middle; tenant; two cows,
one garran. 76. Donagh Mulcahy, of the same, twenty-foure ;
black; servant. 77. Connor O’Keirnane, of the same, thirty-five ;
black; middle; servant. 78. Dermod O’Keirnane, of the same,
twenty; black; middle; servant. 79. Ellen Prendergast, of the
same, thirty-five; brown; tall; widdowe; two cows, two garrans.
80. Onora Flanagan, of the same; forty; black; middle; widdowe;
three cows, twelve sheepe, three garrans; two acres of wheate and
beare. 81. Thomas Kernane, of the same, twenty; black; servant.
82. Thomas Prendergast, of the same; twelve; white; servant. 83.
Donagh O’Hutterie, of Ballymartie, thirtie; black; middle; tenant;
four cows, ten sheepe, three garrans; four acres of wheate and beare.
84. Morish Mulrery, of the same, twenty; dark; middle; servant.
85. Derby O’Brien, of Inchindrisly, thirty; brown; low; four
cows, thirty sheepe, seaven garrans; seaven acres of wheat and beare.
86. William Brennagh, of the same, twenty; white; low; servant.
87. John Kennedy, twenty; brown; servant. 88. William Kenny,
of Kilknockane, fifty-four, graye; low; burgess; six cows, twenty
248 APPENDIX.

sheepe, nine garrans; fifteen acres of wheate, beare, and pease. . 89.
Anne Kenny, wife of the said William, sixtie; brown; low. 91. James
Meregagh, of the same, thirtie; black; middle; servant. 92. Do-
nagh O’Brien, of the same, thirty; dark; low; tenant; three cows,
five garrans; twelve acres of wheate and beare. 94. Richard Butler,
of Garrinlowe, thirty ; flaxen; tall; tenant; six cows, twenty sheepe;
twelve garrans; three acres of wheate and beare. 95. Giles Butler,
his wife, twenty-four; brown; low. 96. Meaghlin Hogan, of the
same, twenty; dark; middle; servant. 97. Morish Dower, of the
same, twenty; yellow; middle; servant. 98. Daniel O’Phelane, of
the same, eighteen; black; low; servant. 99. Donogh O’Kerwick, of
the same, sixteene; dark; low; servant. 100. Ellen Magner, of
Donnemainstragh, fifty-seaven; black; middle; three cows, twenty-
six sheepe, two garrans; four acres of wheate, beare, and pease.
101. Thomas Butler, of Knockneagcarah, twenty-eight; yellow;
middle; tenant; thirty-one cows, one hundred sheepe, twenty-four
garrans, six. oxen; twenty-eight acres of wheate and beare, and four
of pease. 102. Katherine, his wife, twenty-five; black; tall. 103.
Piers Butler, of the same, fiftie; graye; middle; servant. 104.
Edmund Butler, of the same, eighteen; black; low; servant. 105.
Walter Fanning, of the same, twenty-three; black ; low; servant.
106. Daniel Mourye, of the same, fifteen; yellow; low; servant.
107. William Hodnett, of Grange, thirty-two; black; middle; te-
nant; three cows, five sheepe, three garrans; seventeene acres of
wheate and beare. 108. James Power, of Inchindrisly, twenty-
three; dark; middle; tenant; three cows, five sheepe, three gar-
rans; seventeene acres of wheate and beare. 109. Thomas Gough,
of Dungarvan, forty; black; tall; burgess; one cow, ten sheepe,
two garrans. 110. James Fitzmorresh-Gerald, of Crushea, forty;
flaxen brown; middle; tenant; five cows, twenty-five sheepe, eight
garrans; ten acres of wheate and beare. 111. John Coppinger, of
Dungarvan, the younger, thirty-seaven; brown; middle; burgess.
112. Michael Hore, of the same, thirty; black; low; burgess, 113.
John McCreagh, of Inchindrisly, twenty; brown; middle; servant.
114. John Butler, son to Thomas Butler, of Knockneagcarah, above-
APPENDIX. 249

mentioned; flaxen. 115. Margaret Hodnett, wife to William Hod-
nett, abovementioned, thirty; flaxen; tall. 116. Garrett Hodnett,
his son, four ; flaxen. 117. Teige O’Moane, thirty-six ; black ;
middle; servant. 117. Bryan Moane, his son, four; browne. 117.
Murtagh O’Boghan, forty-three; black; tall; servant. 118. John
O’Boghan, fourteen; flaxen; servant. 118. Connor Carty, twenty;
black; low; servant. 119. Morish [ J; black ; low; servant.
120. Walter Grange, twenty; black; tall. 121. William Bren-
nagh, thirty-five; red; servant; middle. 122. Connor O’Farrelly,
forty; brown; middle; servant. 123. Morish fitz John, twenty-
five; brown; servant. 124. John Power, fifteen; brown; servant.
125. Murtagh Kenagh, forty; brown; middle; servant. 129.
Thomas Gorman, thirtie; black ; middle; servant. 130. David
Roch, of Dungarvan, twenty-two ; brown; low; servant. 131.
Thomas Wyse, of Ballinavarie, forty; brown; middle; freeholder.

The substance whereof we believe to be true. In witness
whereof, we have hereunto sett our hands and seals, the 26th day
of January, 1653-4.

CuazLes Biount, Sotomon Ricuarps, Henry Paris.*

Ireland.—By the Commissioners of the Revenue within the Precinct of
Limerick.

We, the said Commissioners, do hereby certify that James
Bonfield, of the city of Limerick, burgess, hath upon the 20th
day of December, 1653, in pursuance of a Declaration of the Com-
missioners of the Parliament of the Commonwealth of England for
the Affairs of Ireland, bearing date the 14th day of October, 1653,
delivered unto us in writing the names of himself and of such other
persons as are to remove with him, with the quantities and qualities
of their stocks and tillage, the contents whereof are as followeth :
viz.—The said James Bonfield, of the city aforesaid, aged thirty-
eight years; tall stature; browne flaxen hair. Catherine Bonfield,

* Book of Transplanters’ Certificates, Records of the late Auditor-General,
Custom House Buildings.
250 APPENDIX.

his wife, aged thirty-eight years; red haire. John Hynane, aged
twenty years; middle stature; black haire, Gabriel Creagh, Gen-
nett Creagh, Anthony Creagh, and James Creagh, small children,
under the age of eight years. Bridget Bonfield, daughter to the said
James, aged eight years; brown haired. Ellen ny Cahill, maid ser-
vant, aged forty years; middle stature; brown haire. Maryny Liddy,
aged forty years; black haire; middle stature. His substance—
foure cows, foure garrans; and desires the benefit of his claim. The
substance whereof we believe to be true. In witness whereof we
have hereunto set our hands and seals the 20th day of December,
1653.*

Connollagh Barony.

We, the said Commissioners, do hereby certify, that John Fitz-
gerald of Finntanstown, in the county and barony aforesaid, hath
upon the 10th day of January, 1653, in pursuance of a Declaration
of the Commissioners of the Parliament of the Commonwealth of
England for the Affairs of Ireland, bearing daté the 14th day of Octo-
ber, 1653, delivered unto us in writing the names of himself, and
of such other persons as are to remove with him, with the quanti-
ties and qualities of their stocks and tillage, the contents whereof
are as followeth: viz.—The said John Fitzgerald, aged thirtie- five
years; middle stature; black hair. Sarah, his wife, aged twenty-
six years; brown hair; tall stature. David Fitzgeraid, aged four
years; black hair. His two daughters, called Joan and Mary, under
the age of of two years, flaxen hair. Edmund Fitzgerald, tenant,
aged thirty years; tall stature; flaxen hair. Ellen, his wife, aged
forty years; tall stature; brown hair. Elleanor, Margaret, and
Eliza, three daughters of the. said Edmund, all under the age of
four years. David Wolfe, gentleman, aged twenty-four years ;
black hair; middle stature. Mauria Manning, aged twenty-six years;
middle stature ; black hair. Dermod Halpin, aged twenty-four
years; tall stature; flaxen hair. Donough McCarty, aged thirty-six
years; middle stature; black hair. Ann ny McNamara, servant, aged

* Book of Transplanters’ Certificates in the Record Tower, Dublin Castle.
APPENDIX. 251

forty years; black hair; tall stature. His substance—twenty-four
garrans, three cows, two sows; four acres of winter corn. The sub-
stance whereof we believe to be true. In witness whereof we have
hereunto set our hands and seals, the 10th day of January, 1653.*

Citty of Limerick.

We, the said Commissioners, doe hereby certify that Margaret
Heally, alias Creagh, the relict of John Heally, Esq., dead, of the
county of Limerick, hath upon the 19th day of December, 1653, in
pursuance of a Declaration of the Commissioners of the Parliament
of the Commonwealth of England for the Affairs of Ireland, bearing
date the 14th day of October, 1653, delivered unto us in writing
the names of herself and of such other persons as are to remove
with her, with the quantities and qualities of their stocks and til-
lage, the contents whereof are as followeth: viz.—The said Mar-
garet, adged thirty years; flaxen hair; full face; middle size. In
substance, two cows, three ploughs of garrans, and two acres of
barley and wheate sowen. John Neal, her servant, adged twenty-
eight years; red haire; middle stature; full face. Gennet Comyn,
one of her servants, adged twenty-four years; brown haire; slender
face; of middle stature. Joan Keane, servant, adged thirtie-six
years; brown haire; middle seize; full face; and her little daughter,
adged six yeares. Out of the above substance she payeth contri-
bution. In witness whereof we have hereunto set our hands and
seals, the 19th day of December, 1653.

* Book of Transplanters’ Certificates, Record Tower, Dublin Castle, p. 8.
INDEX OF SUBJECTS.

“ ADVENTURERS OF 1641,”

to raise a private army to conquer lands for themselves in Ireland, 9.

lands to be given them at twelve shillings per acre in Leinster, and propor-
tionally less in the other provinces, 10.

their army, when ready to sail from Bristol, is drawn off by the English rebels
to fight against the King at Edge Hill, 11.

first proposals for their Settlement, dated 1st January, 1652, show that the
Transplantation was not yet resolved on, 19.

pressed by Parliament in January, 1652, to propose a form of speedy Planta-
tation, 19.

pressed to undertake to plant in three years, 20.

decline, as it would require 40,000 families, for whom no housing was pre-
pared, ib.

assigned the half of ten counties to satisfy £360,000, 24.

and Army divide ten counties between them by lot, 25.

Colonel Hewson draws for the Army, and Alderman Avery for the Adven-
turers, 196.

distribution of their lots by the, 112.

their Quartering and Sub-quartering of their baronies, ib.

Adventurers’ Certificate, 113, n.

names of, and quantities of land respectively, in barony of Garrycastle, in
King’s County, 123.

being merchants, unaccustomed to management of tenants, which is a kind of
statesmanship, not such good masters as the officers, 181.

cause Lady Dunsany to be dragged by force out of her castle like a common
Trish woman, 126.

Mr. John Pitts, Adventurer, refused possession of his lot in Tipperary by the old
proprietor, 126.

the papers of the Adventurers at Goldsmiths’ Hall, London, handed by the
King’s order in 1662 to Sir J. Shaen, keeper of the papers of the Commis-
sioners for executing the King’s Declaration, 198.
254 INDEX OF SUBJECTS.

ADVENTURERS—continued.
probability that their papers were burned in the great fire of 1711, 198.
lists of the Adventurers in the county of Tipperary, 199.
in Barony of Middle Third, ib.
of Iffa and Offa, 201.
of Clanwilliam, 204.
of Eliogartie, 206.
of Ileagh, 208.
of Ikerrin, 209.

AGRARIAN CRIME IN IRELAND,
the consequence of the Agrarian Laws, under which landed property has been
so repeatedly parcelled out among English and Foreign adventurers, 164, n.

ALEXANDER, SIR JEROME,
his will (A. D. 1672), forbidding his daughter to marry an Irishman, or any
one born and bred there, 130, n.

ALLEN, COL. WILLIAM, ADJUTANT-GENERAL,
prays that now they had gotten into houses they had not built, and vineyards
they had not planted, they might not forget the Lord and his good-
ness, 135.

AMERICA,
the breaking out of the American war caused the first relaxation of the Penal
Laws, v.
lately expatriated English in, invited back in 1651 to plant in Ireland, 120.
perhaps the now expatriated Irish will be invited back by England, 121.

ANGLO-SAXON RACE,
the Land-hunger characteristic of, 49, 55.
denied land at home, they make prey of it, like Buccaneers, abroad, 65, n.

ARCHER, MARY,
prays to be dispensed with, 38.
“has an aged father, who would be suddenly brought to his grave,’’ ib.

ARMY,
in 1649 mutinous at being ordered to Ireland, 100, n.
setting out of lands to the Army :
equalizing counties and baronies, 87, 88.
counties as valued by the army, 88.
baronies, ditto, ib.
they “box” for their lands, 85.
the regiments of, draw lots for provinces, 83.
INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 255

ARMY— continued.
and the regiments of each province for counties and baronies, 83.
Commission to Lord Broghill and others for setting out lands in the county of
: Cork, for arrears, 86.
list of officers set down in Munster, Leinster, and Ulster, 90-94.

ASSESSMENT,
in 1653, double the amount of rent in time of peace, 17.
soldiers throw up their farms, unable to bear the weight of it, ib.

ASSIGNMENT OF DEBENTURES BY COMMON SOLDIERS TO THEIR
OFFICERS,
See DEBENTURES, 95.

ASSIGNMENTS OF LANDS TO TRANSPLANTERS De bene esse, 33.

ATHLONE COMMISSIONERS,

appointed on 28th December, 1654, 189.

their court called “‘ The Court of Claims and Qualifications of the Irish,” ib.

the Eight Qualifications, ib.

their ‘ Crimination Books,” 190.

the Athlone Decrees called Final Settlements, as compared with the Assign-
ments of Lands De bene esse of the Loughrea Commissioners, 190.

the Loughrea Commissioners commissioned to set out lands acccording to the
Athlone Decrees, 190.

ATKINSON, LADY MARGARET,
prays to be dispensed with from transplantation, 39.
‘‘of great age, and no one to support her but her son, Sir G. A., a Protestant,” 39.

AXTELL, COLONEL RICHARD,
shoots six women on the high road betwixt Athy and Kilkenny, 164, n.

BARBADOES,
gentlemen transported to, in numbers, for not transplanting, 142.

BARNEWALL, NICHOLAS, OF TURVEY, COUNTY OF DUBLIN,
and Bridget, Countess of Tyrconnell, his wife, plead (against being transplanted)
their great age and infirmities, 41.

BARNEWALL, MARGARET,
applies to be dispensed with from transportation, as ‘‘long troubled with a
shaking palsy,” 38.

BENTHAM, JEREMY,
defines Law as the will of the Strongest, 7, n.
256 INDEX OF SUBJECTS.

BIBLE,
no bloodier implement in the arsenal of the English in the war of 1641, 14.
served out with ammunition to the troops, for the propagation of the Gospel, 15, n.

BIBLE STUFF,
with which the English and the Soldiery had crammed their heads, and hardened
their hearts, 61.

BODKIN, DOMINIC,
and others, inhabitants of Galway, pray to be dispensed, because by their good
services to the English they would not be safe among the Irish in Con-
naught, 40. 3

“BOXING” OF THE ARMY FOR LANDS,
described, 34.

BREHON SYSTEM,
established side by side with the Feudal system in Ireland, xlii.
continued to the reign of James I., xliv.
their Sessions described by Spenser and Campion (1571-1590), eye-witnesses, ib.
the Brehon of the M‘Guires and Sir John Davies, xliv.

BRITONS,
civilized by the Romans into cowardice, 31.

BURKES OF GALWAY AND MAYO,
are “Irish Rebels,” lviii.
“tall men that boast themselves to be of the King’s blood, and berith hate to
the Irishrie,”’ lviii.
fear of confiscation kept them in the class of Irish rebels, ib., and Lxiii., n.

BURNELL, HENRY,
pleads (against being transplanted) his languishing sickness, and a respite till
1st June, wher probably he will have strength to travel on foot to Con-
naught, 41.

BURREN,
barony of, in Clare, had not wood enough to hang a man, water enough to
drown him, or earth enough to bury him, 48,

BUTLER, MARY,
widow, of Co. Tipperary, pleads (against being transplanted) that she disco-
vered an ambushment of the Irish to cut off the English, 40.
Ellinor, widow, prays to be dispensed, ‘ for her chardge of helpless children,” 39.
INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 257

CARTHAGINIANS,
the desolation of Ireland by the English in 1652 likened to the state of Sir
under the Carthaginians, 144.

CASHEL,
to be cleared of Irish, 137.
citizens of, dispensed from Transplantation; but God, better knowing their
wickedness, burnt down the town, 23rd May, 1654, sparing only the English,
49,

CHEEVERS, WALTER,
of Monkstown Castle, near Dublin, is transplanted, and Ludlow is given his
castle, 68.
his transplanter’s certificate, 69.
the Council order him in vain a good house in Connaught, 70.

CHURCH OF CHRIST,
“sitting, at Chichester House, in College-green, Dublin,” in 1659, 24.

CLONMEL,
ordered to be cleared of Irish by 25th March, 1655, 137.

COMYN, SIR NICHOLAS,
of Limerick, his certificate on transplanting, 32.
“numb at one side of his body of a dead palsy,” ib.

CONNAUGHT,

Strafford confiscates it, in order to found a noble English Plantation, xxiii.

intends to take half of each man’s estate, ib.

the Parliament of England angry with Charles I. for not carrying out the plan,
lxxii.

by Act of 26th Sept., 1653, reserved ‘for the habitation of theIrishnation,” 25.

selected because it is an island all but ten miles, 29.

a four-mile belt of English military planters round Connaught, 29, 187.

transplanters have to bribe the officers and the Commissioners at Loughrea if
they would get a good allotment, or speedy despatch, 67.

in 1654 a waste, 47.

the first transplanters scared at the sight, 48, 191. .

Sligo county taken from the transplanted, and given to the soldiers, 188.

the best part ofthe barony of Tyrawley, in the county of Mayo, given to the
soldiery, ib.

Leitrim taken for arrears before 5th June, 1649, 189.

certain baronies in, appointed to receive the inhabitants from the different
counties in the other three provinces, 65, 192.

s
258 INDEX OF SUBJECTS.

CONNAUGHT—continued.
proprietors insult the transplanters, 47.
supply of land for the transplanted exhausted long before half of them are pro-
vided for, 70, 187, 194.

COOPERS, IRISH,
driven out of Dublin (1657), on the petition of the English coopers, 141.

COOTE, SIR CHARLES, THE YOUNGER,
ravages Connaught like another Attila, in spite of the King’s orders, 20.

CORK,
the loyal ancient English, when turned out by Inchiquin in 1644, send the
sword, mace, and cap of Maintenance by Robert Coppinger, the Mayor,
to Lord Ormond, the King’s representative, who knights him, 229.

“ COSHERERS AND WANDERERS,”

proprietors dispossessed by James J. and Charles I. become, 2.

Stat. of 10th & 11th Charles I. against, ib., n.

the brothers, nephews, uncles, &c., of the transplanted proprietors are found
coshering (1656), on the tenants of the estate, and are therefore trans-
planted, 163, n.

outlawed priests and dispossessed gentlemen cosher on, that is, are supported
by, the peasantry (1660-1688), 177.

Archbishop King’s remarks upon this great evil, ib.

CRIME AND OUTRAGE ACT OF 1853,
a revival in the 694th year of English rule in Ireland of the law of Kincogues,
but more unjust, and for which there is not Cromwell’s excuse, 171.

CROMWELL, OLIVER,
lands at Ringsend, near Dublin, on 14th August, 1649, 11.
is called home immediately after the taking of Clonmel, 24th May, 1650, 12.
his letter to the Deputy and Council that Lord Ikerrin be not transplanted, nor
suffered to perish for want of subsistence, 73, n.

CROMWELL, THE LORD HENRY,
succeeds his brother-in-law, Fleetwood, as Lord Deputy, in September,
1655, 102.
gets Portumna Castle, the seat of the Earls of Clanricard, with 6000 acres
adjoining, 193.
enchanted with Ireland, 56, n.
his letter (March 8, 1662), to the Duke of Ormond, ib., ib.
wishes to live there, above all other places, ib., ib.
INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 259

“ CROMWELL’S DOGGS,”
answer of Serjeant Beverley when so called in 1663, 211.

CULME, LADY,
prays that her Irish servant may be dispensed with from transplantation, 39.

CUSACK, MARGARET,
pleads (against being transplanted) that she is seventy-eight, and dropsical, 40.

DEBENTURES,

given up on lands being assigned, and certificates given in their stead, 85.

sale of, by the common soldiers to their officers, frequent, through distress, con-
sequent upon delay in assigning lands, 95.

though forbidden by Act of Parliament, ib.

sale of, by common soldiers to their officers ; deed of assignment by thirty-four
soldiers to their ensign, 96, n.

advances made by Government on, to starving widows of soldiers, 97.

various instances, 98, n.

sold for the greater part by the common soldiers to their officers before the as.
signment of lands to the army, 99, 218, 214.

DEBENTURE BROKERS, 99.

DESOLATION,

such, that (in 1652) wolves were hunted in the suburbs of Dublin, 144.

Treland in ruins, like Sicily from the tyranny of the Carthaginians, ib.

wandering orphans (1653) preyed upon by wolves, 149.

twenty and thirty miles (1652-53) without a living thing—man, beast, and
bird, all dead or fled, ib.

such was the depopulation that great part of it, it was believed, must lie waste
many years—much of it for many ages, 150.

whole districts laid waste, and put out of protection (1650-59), so that any
found within the limits were liable to he shot on the spot, 164, n.

DISPENSATIONS FROM TRANSPLANTATION,
various applications for, 38.
orders of Council on petitions for, 218-226.
on the petition of Lord Brittas, 218.
of Piers Creagh, 219.
of Dowager Lady Louth, 220.
of Mary Thorpe, 221.
of Lady Trimleston, 221.
s2
260 INDEX OF SUBJECTS.

DISPENSATIONS FROM TRANSPLANTATION—continued.
of Mary Archer, 222.
of Lord Ikerrin, ib.
of Edmund Magrath, 223.
of Old Native Inhabitants of Limerick, ib.
of Richard Christmas, 224.
Dame Mary Culme, ib.
Lady Grace Talbot, 225.

DOWN SURVEY,
soldiers’ allotments intended to have been marked on the maps, 82.
field work done by soldiers instructed by Dr. Petty, ib.
some of them captured by Tories, 83.

DUNSANY, THE LADY,
dragged out of her castle like any common Irishwoman by the Adventurers, 126.
ENGLISH,
“many thousands of, who came over in Queen Elizabeth's day, had become one
with the Irish in 1641,” 61.
the serf-like state of the farmers and agricultural classes in England at pre-
sent, 4, n.

ENGLISH, THE,
the eternal enemies and revilers of the Irish name and nation, 4.

ENGLISH REBEL,
a term in law for those, like the Burkes (the descendants of the De Burgos, in
Connaught), that feared confiscation, lviii.

EXTERMINATION OF THE IRISH,
preached for gospel in 1642, 8.
women and infants not to be spared, ib.

EXTERMINATION,
projected in Henry VIII.’s reign, Ixv.
but abandoned because no precedent found for it in the cronycle of the Con-
quest, ib.
to be confined at that time to the Irish gentry, ib.

FAMINE,
carrion and corpses eaten, 1652-53, 150.
old women and children found (1652) in a ruined cabin eating collops from a
roasting corpse, ib.
INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 261

FEUDAL SYSTEM,

framed in an era of darkness and violence, xxxii.

the basis of the law of real property in Europe, ib.

overthrown happily in France, ib.

its burdens, xlv.-xlvii.

the King sells the wardships and marriages of his tenants’ orphan heirs and
heiresses, xlvi.

one of the inducements to settle in towns was to enjoy freedom of marriage, ib.

divided society in England, and in rest of Europe, except Ireland, into con-
querors and conquered, gentlemen and serfs, 55.

the common people of Europe are mostly but emancipated villeins, ib.

Ireland escaped the thousand years of Roman and Feudal slavery suffered by
the Western World, ib.

meaning of wardships, marriages, fines for alienation, primer seizins, &c., xlv.

Countess of Warwick pays £1000 for liberty to remain a widow, ib.

could not subsist beside the freer Brehon system of Ireland, lii, liii.

the English of Ireland declare that the Exchequer officers exacting the Feudal

dues are worse than the Irish enemy, liii.

FEUDAL LAW,
vain attempts of the King and Council of England to restore it in Ireland, 59, 62.
Statute of Kilkenny had this for its object, 61.

FEUDAL SLAVERY,
in all Europe (except Ireland) gentlemen and common people represent con-
querors and conquered, lords and serfs, 55.

FIVE COUNTIES, THE,
south of Dublin, to form a new English Pale, 133.
to be cleared of Irish because of the fastnesses, ib.
the English planters get liberty to keep a few on condition of their adopting
English manners and religion, 134, 185.

FLEETWOOD,
his angry proclamation, 1st June, 1655, against officers taking Irish gentry as
tenants, 132.
his Circular Letter of 20th August, 1655, to the disbanded officers, to march
their men to take possession of lands for their arrears, 101.

FLOGGING OF WOMEN,
Englishwomen stripped and flogged publicly by men in England till 1817,
and privately in prison till 1820, 106, n.
262 INDEX OF SUBJECTS.

FORNICATION, ~
Cromwell's soldiers in Ireland flogged for, 104.
Captain Williamson to be tried for, 105.

FRENCH PRIVATEERS,
manned by exiled Irish, make descents on the coast of Ireland, A. D. 1690-
1699, 183.

GARRYCASTLE, BARONY OF,
in King’s County, the ancient territory of the M‘Coughlans, 123.
falls to the Adventurers, ib.
the officers connive with Mrs. Mary M‘Coughlan in her attempt to keep pos-
session, 124,

GALWAY, TOWN OF,

offered for sale by the Parliament of England, July, 1643, with 10,000 acres
contiguous, for £7500 fine, and £520 rent, payable to the State, 136.

described by the Council as the most considerable port of trade in the three
kingdoms before the war, London only excepted, 147.

cleared of Irish, 30th October, 1655, and given to the Corporations of Liver-
pool and Gloucester, for their debts of £10,000 each, to plant with Eng-
lish, ib.

its noble, uniform, marble buildings before 1652, ib.

it isa comparatively easy thing to unsettle a nation or ruin a town, but not so
easy to resettle either when ruined, ib.

its “hungry air” becomes, in 1862, the mock of the Official stranger, 148.

GAME LAW,
Trish never knew it, xlvii.
one of the mistakes (according to Sir John Davies) in the Conquest of Ire-
land, ib.
might have been a means of enslaving them like the English, ib.
one of King John’s Flemish soldiers is shocked at the tameness of the game in
England, ib.

GAULS,
one of the mightiest races the world ever brought forth, xxix, xxx.
serve in the armies of Pyrrhus and of Carthage, xxx.
take the side of the injured, ib.
march openly to their end, and are thus easily circumvented, ib.
Camillus called Second founder of Rome, for ransoming Rome from them, 29.
Marius called Third founder, for defeating them, 30.
INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 263

GAULS—continued.
Antiochus called Soteer, or Saviour, for rescuing Asia Minor from, them, 30.
song of three Ionian young ladies, who quit life for fear of them, xxix, n.
the chosen soldiers of Pyrrhus, ib.
Gauls of France, weighed down with Roman taxes and ruined by large landed
estates, welcome the barbarian invaders, xxxi.

GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS,
on the liveliness and freedom of the Irish, 56.
on the coldness of men of Saxon and German stock, ib.
how strangers are immediately enchanted by the country, ib.
calls the English the most degraded of all races under heaven, xxxiv, n.
the most treacherous and murderous, ib.
doubts whether their servile habits arise from long slavery, or the natural dul-
ness of the Saxon race, xxxix,

GOOKIN, SIR VINCENT,
in 1634 publishes an invective against all the inhabitants of Ireland, who would
have hanged him if they could, 56.

GOOKIN, VINCENT,
son of Sir Vincent, returned as representative of Kinsale and the adjuining
towns to the Little Parliament in 1653, 55.
his national land hunger satisfied, he learns to love the Irish, ib.
opposes Transplantation by his book, “ The Great Case of Transplantation Dis-
cussed,” 54-60.
fury of the officers of the army at his book, 60.

GRAHAM, SIR JAMES, BART.,
declares confiscation to be the most dangerous design a conqueror can under-
take, he had better take their lives if he would take their lands, 164, n.

HANGING, DEATH BY, FOR NOT TRANSPLANTING,

the officers tender of, but had no scruple of sending the offending Irish pro-
prietors to West Indies, 52.

Dauiel Fitzpatrick and another condemned to death at Kilkenny, 53.

Mr, Edward Hetherington hanged at Dublin with placards on back and
breast, ib.

Irish gentry choose to be hanged rather than remove from their wonted habi-
tations, 54.

HARP,
the old English families of the Pale had each their Irish harp in 1688, lxi, n.
264 INDEX OF SUBJECTS.

HARP—continued.
silenced in Britain by the Saxons, xl.
heard only in Wales, ib.
it retires with the advance of English power in Ireland, and after the battle of
the Boyne is heard only in Connaught, Ixi, n
the fondness for it of the English of Ireland xli, n., liii, 1xi, n
they are forbidden to keep their Irish harpers, xli, n.

HENRY II.

not resisted by the Irish, as the English came recommended by the Pope, with
the aid of the clergy, lvi.

neither Henry IL. nor King Johu ever struck stroke against the Irish in Ire-
land, ib.

the ruling tribes in each of the five provinces became allies of the English, ib.

known in Law as “ The Five bloods,” ib.

engages by the Treaty of Windsor that the Trish kings and people shall enjoy
all their lands, except the parts of Leinster and Meath in possession of him
and his barons, xlii.

unknown to the Irish, divides Ireland between ten of his barons, xlv.

HETHERINGTON, MR. EDWARD,
hanged (April, 1655) at Dublin, with placards on breast and back ‘for not
transplanting,’’ 53.

HORE, MRS.,
of Kilsallahan, near Dublin, driven mad at the order to transplant, and hangs
herself, 76, n.
‘Molly Hore'’s cross,” ib.

HUE AND CRY,
(or Hullaloo, as the Irish call it), on occasion of the killing of a Cromwellian
planter (A. D. 1656) sure to be sent by the Irish the wrong way, 175.

IKERRIN,

Lord Viscount, prays to be dispensed for his weakness of body, 40.

his transplanter’s certificate, 33, 72.

ancestor of the present Earl of Carrick, dwelt at Lismalin Park, barony of
Ikerrin, Co. Tipperary, adjacent to Co. Kilkenny, 71.

is transplanted, ib.

Viscountess, falls sick, and is unable to follow her husband, with her daughters
and cattle, to Connaught at the time appointed, 72.

Pierce Butler, Viscount, his grandson and heir, claims at the Restoration as an
innocent Protestant, 74.
INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 265

IKERRIN —continued. :
Pierce Butler, Viscount of, “ For indeed [writes the Lord Protector] he is a

miserable object of pity, and we desire that he be not suffered to perish for
want of subsistence,” 73.

INCHIQUIN, EARL OF,
gives houses in Cork to his grooms and servants to occupy, to save them (on
the expelling of the Irish thence in 1644) from being torn down for firing
in guard-houses, 143.
turns all the old English natives out of Cork, because of the King’s treaty with
the Irish, 228.
expects that deserving men will have their enemies’ estates after this war as

after Tyrone’s wars, ib.
INTERMARRIAGES—(See Magriaces).

IRELAND,

described by Giraldus as another world, xxxvi.

never enslaved by the Romans, or brought under feudal serfdom, ib.

was, at Henry IL.’s arrival, like Gaul at Julius Cesar’s invasion, xxxvii.

not covered in 1172, like England, with castles on heights, where foreign tyrants
secured themselves, xxxviii.

if the Irish were all in Connaught, would be a very good land, and soon all
planted, 60.

IRETON, DEPUTY-GENERAL,
his proclamation of 1st May, 1651, against intermarriages of English officers
or soldiers with Irishwomen, 106, n.

IRISH, THE,

“the most ancient nation in Western Europe, and come of as mighty a race as
the world ever brought forth,” xxix.

belong to the Gaulish race, ib.

never swaddled their infants, xxxix.

delighted in the harp, xl.

in hurling, ib.

loved detached houses, and hated towns, xxxiv.

their freedom of speech in presence of their chiefs, xxxix.

the freedom of the chiefs with their followers, ib.

a hearty race of men, who belong to an earlier, uncorrupted world, 55.

the commonest Jrishman has something about him of the gentleman, 55.

never knew game law or forest law, xlvii.

Sir John Davies regrets it, as it might have been a means of enslaving them
like the English, ib.
266 INDEX OF SUBJECTS.

IRISH, THE—continued.

fosterage a kind of wardship with the Irish, but voluntary, xlviii.

give large gifts to the Earl of Kildare to have his sons to foster, ib. n.

their land system, xli.

knew no such thing as tenure, rent, or forfeiture, ib.

denied the use of English law to defend their bodies or lands, xlix.

killing an Irishman no murder, ib.

a fine of five marks payable, but mostly they killed us for nothing, ib.

unable to purchase land, 1}.

lands seized by the king and confiscated because purchased by Irishmen, ib.

this law prevailed practically till the first American war, v.

how they preserved any lands in early times from the English, lii.

there were no Arms Acts, ib.

loved the descendants of the early invaders as their natural leaders, 1xvii.

-atruly charged with questioning their titles in times before the Plantations of
Elizabeth, Ixviii.

had rather see Kildare’s banner displayed than to see God reign upon earth, ib.

were loved by their English leaders of the birth of Ireland, 68.

the great Earl of Desmond (A. D. 1580) declared that he had rather forsake
God than forsake his men, ib.

reoccupy their native lands deserted by the English, Ixiv.

much of Kildare, and Tipperary, and Kilkenny thus reoccupied, ib.

the Parliament offer the lands to any English that will recover them, ib.

Earls of Ormond and Kildare have grants of all lands they could win from the
Trish, Lxv.

of opinion among themselves, in Henry VIII.’s reign, that Englishmen will
one day put them from their lands for ever, ib.

guiltless of the general massacre in 1641, imputed to them, 4.

have ever lacked gall to supply a wholesome animosity to the eternal enemies
and revilers of their name and nation, 4.

“the nature of, to be rebellious; the more disposed to it (August, 1654), being
highly exasperated by the transplanting work,” 50.

IRISH ENEMY,
all Irish, from time of Edward III., that had not charters of English free-

dom, lyii.
a less injurious term than “Irish Papist,” in 17th and 18th centuries, Ivii.

IRISH GENTRY,
become tenants to the Cromwellian officers, under the permission given to them
to take Irish tenants, as none others were to be had, 132.
INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 267

IRISH GENTRY—continued.
Fleetwood’s angry Proclamation against Irish gentry being taken as tenants
by the officers, 132.
it interrupted their Transplantation, ib.

IRISH PEASANTS (A. D. 1655),
skilled in the husbandry proper to the country, 57.
in every hundred of them five or six masons and carpenters at the least, ib.
few of the women but skilful in dressing flax and hemp, and making woollen
cloth, ib.

IRISH PAPISTS,
“a disjointed people; though all equatly Papist, they are not all equally
Irish,” 186.

IRISH TENANTS,
their hearty courtesy preferable to the brutal manners of English clowns,
131.
none but Irish to be had by Cromwellian officers, because English would not
become tenants where they could get land in fee-simple for asking, ib.

JEPHSON, COLONEL ALEXANDER,
plots with other Cromwellian officers, discontented with the proceedings of the
Court of Claims, in 1663 to overthrow the Government, 212.
his dying speech at the gallows, ib.

JURORS,
fined £16,000 in Michaelmas Term, 1616, in Dublin, for refusing to find ver-
dicts of recusancy against their fellow-Catholics, 3, n.
fined in county of Cavan alone £8000, ib., ib.
packed in prison like herrings in a barrel, ib., ib.

KERRY, COUNTY OF,
the officers of, the Munster lot, endeavour to get rid of it, notwithstanding it
had come to them ‘as a lot from the Lord,” ib.

KILKENNY,
(among other towns) ordered to be cleared of Irish by Ist May, 1654, 137.
to be cleared of all Irish (1656), and no English merchants or traders to drive
any trade there by Irish agents, 141.

KILKENNY (OR LEINSTER) ARTICLES,
the Leinster army surrenders on 12th May, 1650, 17.
sucb regiments as choose to do so may go to Spain, ib.
268 INDEX OF SUBJECTS.

KILKENNY (OR LEINSTER) ARTICLES—continued.
are led by Gen. Ludlow(on submitting) to hope for such remnant of their estate
as may make their lives comfortable among the English, 42.
1st of May, 1655, are transplanted, ib. °
submittees, who, 41. ,

KINCOGUES,
or kindred moneys, 169.

LAMB,
license to kill lamb required in 1652, on account of destruction of cattle by war;
16,
order for Mrs. Alice Bulkely to kill some, because of weakness; but not more
than three in the whole year, ib. n.

LAND,
balance of power in a state rests with that class which has the balance of land,
iii, 109, n.
schemes to divest the Irish of land, and with it of power, iv, v
large landed estates, after destroying Italy, destroyed the Provinces, xxxi.
the present unendurable feudal land monopoly in Ireland, 4, n.
the many Irish sacrificed on the scaffold to its maintenance, ib.

LAND-HUNGER OF THE ENGLISH,
greater than that of all other people, 55, n.
they “ fight for land wherever they settle,” ib., ib.
denied it at home, they sail off to make prey of it like land pirates beyond the
shores of England, ib., ib.
LAW,
the will of the strongest; practically learned by those who were thrust out of
house and land for the Soldiers and Adventurers, 127.
‘administering of justice” is but the enforcing of the will of the strongest, ib.

LAWRENCE, COLONEL RICHARD,
his ‘‘ Interest of England in the Irish Transplantation Stated,” &c, in answer to
Vincent Gookin’s “ Case of Tusplantation in Ireland Discussed,” 62.
LIMERICK,
(among other towns) to be cleared of Irish, 137. :
offered for sale by the Parliament in July, 1643, with 12,000 acres contiguous
to English and foreign merchants for £30,000 fine, and £625 rent, pay-
able to the State, 136.

LE HUNTE, COLONEL,
Captain of Cromwell's Life Guard, 110.
INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 269

LE HUNTE, COLONEL—continued.
seeks to appropriate 1500 acres in Liberties of New Ross, applicable to Major
Shepherd’s company, 110.

LIMERICK, LIBERTIES OF,
the several towns and seats in the Liberties of Limerick equalized by the gentle-
men of Cromwell’s Life Guard before castiug lots, 95.

LOTS, /

officers resolve that they had rather take a lot upon a barren mountain as
coming from the Lord, than a portion in the most fruitful valley upon
their own choice, 80.

casting of lots for provinces, 80.

for counties, 87.
for estates and mansions, 94.

common soldiers cheated of their lots by their officers, 107.

soldier shown a bog as his lot, and loses the good land at the price of the
bog, ib.

September 1st, 1655, the first and largest of the three great disbandings; the
disbanded regiments march to the different counties, to cast lots upon the
spot for the order of their setting down, 100.

the officers and soldiers (September 5th, 1655) are all marched (that were dis-
banded), to their lots in the counties of Wexford, Limerick, Meath, and
Westmeath, 102.

“to sit down in the enjoyment of their enemies’ fields and houses, which they
planted not, nor built not,” ib.

divers officers and soldiers refuse (September, 1655), to sit down upon their
lots, 103.

though offered a new suit of clothes to set up in, like gentlemen, ib.

and to keep some Irish till they can do without them, ib.

LOUGHREA COMMISSIONERS,

appointed instead of the Commissioners of Revenue of Precinct of Gal-
way, 185.

their office was to assign to the transplanters lands competent for the live stock
they brought, 32.

the rule for stock, 33.

Sir Charles Coote’s scheme, assigning certain baronies in Connaught to the in-
habitants removing from certain counties in the other provinces, 65, 192.

LEITRIM,
filled by the transplanting Ulster creaghts, 188.
270 INDEX OF SUBJECTS.

LEITRIM—continued.
taken for the soldiery, though assigned by the Act to the Irish, as being too
fast a country, 189.

LOUGHREA COMMISSIONERS,
directed to set out lands to the transplanted according to the Athlone ithe
191.
they dishearten the transplanters by setting them down in places totally unlike
the places they came from, 48, 191,

LOUTH, DOWAGER LADY OF,
prays to be dispensed with from transplantation, for her “‘ great age and im-
potency,” 39, 220.

LOUTH, THE COUNTY OF,
laid aside for a supply for the Adventurers in case of a deficiency in the ten
half counties, 115.
the officers claim it, insisting that the Adventurers are overpaid by the ten
half counties, ib.
Dr. Petty appointed to examine the Adventurers’ proceedings, ib.

LUTTREL, THOMAS, OF LUTTRELSTOWN, NEAR DUBLIN,
his wife dispensed for six weeks, for her great charge of children, and stock not
in a condition to drive, 36.
proves much good, but not ‘‘ Constant good affection,” 35.
turned out in 1649 for Lord Broghill, 36.
is transplanted, ib.

LUTTRELL, JOHN,
being transplanted from Luttrellstown, near Dublin, worth £2500 a year, his
four sisters are given ten pounds a piece, and bidden like common IJrish-
women no further to trouble the Council, 166.

LYNCH, JOHN,
his “ Alithinologia cited,” 22, n.; 30, n.

MAD,
driven mad at the order to transplant, 76.

MALLOW COMMISSION,
to try the claims and qualifications of the Ancient native inhabitants of Cork,
Kinsale, and Youghal, 227.
notwithstanding their loyalty to the English interest, they are turned out by
orders of the Earl of Inchiquin, in 1644, 228.
INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 271

MALLOW COMMISSION—continued.
the Commissioners report to the Council that they had granted to none of the
Ancient inhabitants of Cork, Kinsale, or Youghal a decree of Constant
good affection, 234.
their graphic account of the scene, 231.
the claimants declare they had rather go to Barbadoes than amongst the Irish,
their enemies, in Connaught, 234.

MAP,
one such as Dr. Petty was bound to furnish every officer with, is now in posses-
sion of Major Waring, of Waringstown, Co. Down, 108, n.

MARCH LAW,
the mixture of English law and the Irish law of Kincogish, administered by
the barons of English descent dwelling beyond the Pale, lix,

MARRIAGE,
every feudal landlord claimed the right of marrying to whom he would his
tenant’s orphan heir, or heiress, xlv.
an heiress once a king’s ward was always a ward, and must marry again, or
remain a widow, at his orders, xlvi.
people become burghers to have freedom of marriage, ib.

MARRIAGES,
apy Englishman of the birth of Ireland taking an Irish girl for wife or mistress
to be (by Statute 40th Ed. III), half strangled, disembowelled while yet
alive, and to undergo other horrors unmentionable, 105, n.

MARRIAGES BETWEEN ENGLISH AND IRISH,

caused the English planters of Queen Elizabeth’s day to have become Irish in
1641, 61.

“the land is an unclean land,”—“ ye shall not therefore give your sons to their
daughters, nor take their daughters to your sons” (Officers’ petition), 61.

the officers and soldiers of Ireton’s army take Irish wives even before peace
proclaimed, 128.

Major-General Ireton’s Proclamation of 1st May, 1651, against intermarriages
of English officers and soldiers with Irishwomen, 106, n.

the soldiers always pretend that the girls are converts to English religion, 105.

Ireton orders that the girls pass an examination into the true stute of their
hearts before a board of military saints, 106.

the board to ascertain whether the change be a real work of God upon the
heart, or (as is to be feared), for some carnal ends, 106, n.
272 . INDEX OF SUBJECTS.

MARRIAGES BETWEEN ENGLISH AND IRISH—continued.

Commissioners of Revenue of the Precinct of Galway to inquire after inter-
marriages, 129, n.

W. Moreton, Clerk of Revenue Commissioners, dismissed his office by order of
Council of 14th July, 1654, for marrying an Irishwoman, ib.

“the children of Oliver’s soldiers in Ireland, many of them (in 1697), their
fathers having married Irishwomen, cannot speak a word of Eng-
lish,” 130, n.

the children of King William’s soldiers in the same case, ib., ib.

Sir Jerome Alexander’s care by his will that his daughter should not marry any
Irish Lord, Archbishop, or Bishop, &c., nor any Knight, Squire, or
Gentleman born and bred in Ireland, or having his relations and means of
subsistence there, 130, n.

MASSACRE OF 1641,

an historical falsehood, 4.

the guilty conscience of the English made them expect one, ib.

the Irish have ever lacked gall to supply a wholesome animosity against the
eternal enemies and revilers of their name and nation, ib.

proved false by contemporaneous English accounts, 5.

by the proclamation of the Lords Justices, 8th February, 1642.

of some English in 1642, by Sir Phelim O’Neil’s followers in a few towns in
Ulster, in revenge for arson and massacre by English, 7, and n., ib.

English propose to massacre the Irish, and not to spare infants, 8.

how and why invented, and why kept up, 7.

MIDWIVES, IRISH,
malicious calumnies of the English (1651) against the poor Irish midwives,
139.
an English one imported, and all officers, civil and military, ordered to be aid-
ing her in the performance of her duty, ib.
“MILE LINE, THE,”
a belt of land four miles wide, (afterwards reduced to one), winging along the
sea coast of Connaught and Shannon, 29, 187.
reserved for English military planters, to shut out foreign relief or escape, ib.
MURDER,
killing by law (which is the will of the strongest) no murder, 7, and n., ib,
English, being the strongest,make killing the Irish no murder, ib. and xlix.

MURDERS,
by the English of their French landlords, xxxiii.
fines imposed on district for, ib.
INDEX OF SUBJECTS. a

MURDERS— continued.

of Cromwellian settlers frequent (A. D. 1654), even though dwelling in strong
castles, 175.

the Lackagh murder, Co. Kildare, 22nd October, 1655, 168.
all the inhabitants transported for it, to the Barbadoes, ib.
including H. Fitzgerald, Esq., and his wife, near eighty years of age, ib.

the consequence of the kind of agrarian laws by which the lands of Ireland have
been dealt with by the English, 164, n.

NAPOLEON CODE,
the blessings of it, with its abolition of primogeniture and entail, and equal par-
tibility of landed inheritances, xxxii.

O'CONNOR FAILEY’S COUNTRY,
called by the Irish “the Door of the Pale,” and O’Connor “their key,” 1i7.

OFFICERS OF CROMWELL’S ARMY,

suggest that arrears be paid in land, 100.

some dissatisfied, 104,

Lieut.-Col. Scott arrested for agitating the disbanded companies sitting down
in the county of Wexford, by treasonable words against His Highness,
104. ‘

in January, 1652, propose that they be set down together with the Adventurers,
and have lands for their arrears, 21.

and at “the Act,” or Adventurers’ rates, because of the difficulty and cost
of surveying, ib.

the lands being waste, the inhabitants destroyed, and none to give evidence of

value, ib.
their attempts to take advantage of one another in the setting out of the

Jots, 109.

Colonel Warden seeks to leave out all the coarse land in his lot, and encroach
on the good land in Quartermaster Fart’s lot, ib.

Colonel Le Hunte seeks to appropriate 1500 acres in Liberties of Wexford, ap-
plicable to Major Sam. Shepherd’s company, 110.

list of those set down in different baronies in Leinster, Ulster, and Mun-
ster, 90-94.

kinder masters than the Adventurers, 127.

were six years settled in Ireland before the Adventurers came over, 128.

captivated by Irishwomen, they take them to wife, even before peace pro-
claimed, ib.

Ireton’s order in 1651 against intermarriages, ib.

tL
274 INDEX OF SUBJECTS.

OFFICERS OF CROMWELL’S ARMY— continued.
quickly relished the ease and animation of Irish life, and learned to prefer
the cordial courtesy of their Irish tenants to the coarse Anglo-Saxon
churls, 131.
planted in a wasted country, with no women but Irish, they must love them as
necessarily as a geometrical conclusion follows from the premises, 129.
their patriotism not proof against the imperious demands of love, ib.

OWLES, THE, :
part of Murrisk and Burrishool baronies, in Co. Mayo, so called, 105.
the Irish name is Umhal ioghtragh and Umhal uaghtragh (lower and upper
Umhal), ib.
pronounced ‘ Owles,” ib.

O’HANLON, REDMOND,
history of this Tory, the Irish Scanderbeg, 179-181.

O'KEEFFE, DANIEL,
a distinguished outlaw and Tory of the county of Cork, kills his mistress, who
attempted to betray him, 180, n.

O’NEIL, SIR PHELIM,
rises in rebellion in the King’s interest, 3 and 9.
learns that a royal plot is on foot through the Duchess of Buckingham, 9, n.
anticipates the design to show superior zeal, 9.

O'NEIL, PHILIP,
his house and lands in Co. Tipperary fall to Mr. Pitts, Adventurer, from
Devonshire, 126.
he is driven with wife and children to Connaught, ib.
his probable respect for English law, 127.

PAGANS,
if the Irish had only continued honest Pagans, Ireland had perbaps been owned
by Irishmen now, xxxvii.

THE PALE, THE ENGLISH,
closed against attacks from O’Connor's Country by the four castles of Kinnefad,
Castlejordan, Ballinure, and Kishavann (A. D. 1520), 117.

PENAL LAWS,
forbade property in land to the Irish, v.
because influence follows property, ib.
their estates made to crumble to pieces, ib.
INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 275

PETTY, DR. WILLIAM,

employed by the Army and State to survey the lands, 81.

Joins Colonel Thomtinson in a solemn seeking of God for a blessing on the Down
Survey, 81.

“individually” is a freethinker, 82.

considers sects to be maggots in the guts of a Commonwealth, ib.

considers the gathering of churches to be the listing of soldiers, ib.

appointed to examine into Adventurers’ proceedings in setting out theirlands, 115.

his mode of compensating deficient Adventurers, ib.

forms two parallel lists of deficient and redundant baronies, the first deficient to
be repaired out of the first redundant, ib.

PHYSICIANS, IRISH,
the English, according to their national custom of reviling other nations (i. e.
weak ones), vent their calumnies (A, D. 1650) against the Irish physicians,
138.
yet obliged to testify to their great skill and fidelity, 138.
Dr. Richard Madden, of Waterford, and Dr. Anthony Mulshinogue, of Cork, ib.
the latter to remain near, not in, the city of Cork, for his ability, ib.

PLANTATION, THE NEW, OF IRELAND,

proposal that Ireland be formed into three separate Plantations or Pales,—an
Irish, an English, and a Mixed, 116.

a pure Irish Plantation or Pale in Connaught, a pure English within the line of
the Boyne and the Barrow, and a Mixed in the intermediate and central
parts of Ireland, suggested, 116.

Connaught selected for a pure Irish Plantation or Pale as being an island all
but ten miles, 117.

a pure English Plantation or Pale proposed within the line of the Rivers Bar-
row and Boyne, 117.

whose head waters rise within five miles of each other, and the whole easily
made into one line, ib. ‘

similar project in Richard II.’s day, 118.

in Henry VIII.’s time, ib.

in the mixed Plantation, lying between the pure Irish and English Plantations
or Pales, the Irish to give up their names of Teig or Dermot, to speak no
Trish, to send their children to. learn English religion, to build chim-
neys, 119.

PLOT, ‘THE PHANATICK,”
in 1663 the Cromwellian officers conspire to overthrow the Government, be-
cause of the proceedings of the Court of Claims, 211.

12
276 INDEX OF SUBJECTS.

PLOT, “THE PHANATICK ”— continued.
‘ turning poor Englishmen out of their lands, out of that which they have been
ie

a-getting and keeping by Englishmen’s blood and purses this 500 years,’
212.

PLUNKET, ROBERT,
dispensed with from Transplantation, as his safety would be risked in Con-
naught, as he was an informer, 40.

POWER, JOHN, LORD BARON OF CURRAGHMORE,
dispensed with from Transplantation, because ‘‘for twenty years last past dis-
tracted and destitute of all judgment,” 39.

PREY MONIES,
what, 169.

PRIESTS,

the English come into Ireland recommended by the Pope and priests, lvi.

Spenser's admiration at the zeal of the Irish priests in Queen Elizabeth’s reign,
coming from Rome and Rheims to Ireland to run the risk of death, only to
bring the people to the Church of Rome, 156. .

Pym boasted they would not leave a priest in Ireland, 154.

both Houses of Parliament (11th December, 1641) declare they will suffer no
toleration of the Roman Catholic religion, ib.

in 1650 to harbour them was death, ib.

Baruaby Ryche's description of Sir Tady Mac Marr-all, a priest in the streets
of Waterford (1611), in ruffling apparel with gilt rapier and dagger, for
disguise, 156.

dress themselves as gentlemen, soldiers, carters, &c., for concealment, ib.

occasionally discovered by the hastening of pregnant women to them out of the
Protestant parts of Ireland, 156.

Connor O’Dovan, Bishop of Down, thus tracked and taken (1611), ib.

reward for discovering a priest (1650), if eminent, £20, 151, 154, n.

harbouring a priest, a monk, or a nun, death, and forfeiture of estate, 154, n.

conceal themselves to avoid arrest, and get the Irish officers, in 1650, 1653,
shipping their troops for Spain, to apply for liberty to transport them
thither with their men, 155.

Roger Beggs, priest, after nine months in prison, is allowed (1654) to transport

himself to Spain, 158.

five pounds to Captain Thomas Shepherd for taking a priest with bis appur-
tenances (1653), in the house of Owen Birne, Cool-ne-Kishin, near Old
Leighlin, 159.
INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 277

PRIESTS—continued.

twenty-five pounds to Lieutenant Wood for five priests by him apprehended
(1658), in the county of Cavan, 158.

ten pounds to two soldiers of Colonel Leigh’s company, for two priests by them
taken (1657), and lodged in Waterford gaol, ib.

five pounds (1657) to three’of Colonel Abbot’s dragoons, for arrest of Donogh
Hagerty, priest, and lodging him in Clonmel gaol, 157.

ditto to three others for bringing one Edmund Dung, priest, before Chief Jus-
tice Pepys, ib.

gentlemen of the Tuites and Barnewalls maintain the Castle of Baltrasna, Co.
Meath (1653), in defence of a priest come thither to say mass, 159.

general arrest of, in 1655; gaols full; all sent to Carrickfergus gaol for trans-
portation to Barbadoes, 161.

W. Shiel, priest, old, lame, and weak, not able to travel without crutches ;
allowed (1651) to reside in Connaught, where the Governor of Athlone
shall direct, 158.

of the many priests waiting in Carrickfergus gaol (1656), to be transported to
Barbadoes, some offer to renounce the Pope, and to frequent Protestant
meetings, 161.

Spain, their place of transportation at first, 158, 159.

Barbadoes next, 160, 161.

Isles of Arran, in Bay of Galway, last, 162.

though banned by the English rulers of Ireland (1660, 1690), cosher, #. e. are
supported by the poor Irish farmers, 177.

according to Primate Boulter’s return to the House of Lords (1732), priests
celebrate mass in huts, old forts, and at moveable altars in the fields, 162, n.

English traveller (1746) sees one saying mass under a tree, ib., ib.

PRIESTS, WOLVES, AND TORIES,
‘(the three burdensome beasts,” on whose heads were laid rewards, 150.

PRIMOGENITURE AND ENTAIL,
the enactment of an age of darkness and violence, part of the dregs of the
Gothic rule, xxxii, 109, n.
unknown to ancient prudence, ib.
its abolition in France foretold by Harington 200 years before, ib.

RAPPAREES,
their hideous ferocity [to the English] who are appalled at their remaining
[A. D. 1688] untameable by them for so many ages since (what is called)
British civilization was planted amongst them, 182.
278 INDEX OF SUBJECTS.

RATES OF LAND,

by the Acts of Subscription, called the Act Rates, 1000 acres plantation
measure (equal to 1600 English measure), in Leinster for £600, adven-
ture or arrears; in Munster, for £450, ditto; in Ulster for £300,
ditto, 78.

set upon the several counties in Leinster, Munster, and Ulster, by the army,
88.

of certain baronies in Leinster and Munster, 89.

set by the officers of a troop or company, on the several seats, estates, and
holdings within the lot of the troop or company, 94.

REAPE-HOOKS AND RUBSTONES,
implements of war (with the Bible) amongst the English forcesin Ireland, 14.

REBELLION OF 23rp OCTOBER, 1641,
breaks out under Sir Phelim O’Neil in Ulster, 3.
terror of the planters, ib.
no cock heard to crow, nor dog to bark for the first three nights, ib.

RECUSANTS,
fined in January, 1616, for “refusing” to attend the Protestant service, 3.
fines in county of Cavan alone amounted to £8000 in 1616, ib., n.
penalties on obstinate juries for refusing to “present” their coreligionists for
fines in one term in 1616, amounted to £16,000, ib.

RELIGION,

provincials always more stupidly religious than people at head quarters, 61.

RELIGION OF THE PURITANS,
hatred of bodies and principles of Papists, passim.
but love to their souls, 106, n.
and to their lands, 228.

RICHARDS, COLONEL SOLOMON,
prosecutes Captain Williamson for suspicion of fornication committed with a

woman of the county of Tipperary during his time of service there,
105, n.

ROCHE, JORDAN,

his three daughters reduced from a landed estate of £2000 a year to nothing

to live on but what they could earn by their needles and washing and
wringing, 165.
INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 279

ROCHE, VISCOUNT MAURICE, OF FERMOY,
has to travel on foot to Connaught, and is sent to the Owles, 75, 194, 241.
his wife cruelly and unjustly hanged, and one of his four daughters dies of
want, 75.

SALLEE ROVERS, :
originate amongst the Moors expelled from Andalusia in 1610, in hatred of the
injustice of the Christians, 182. 5

SANKEY, SIR HIEROME,

_ charges Dr, Petty with withdrawing the Liberties of Limerick from the officers,
111.
his unhandsome dealings with his soldiers in the matter of Lismalin Park (late
Lord Ikerrin’s), 74.

SAXONS,
the Land hunger, peculiar to their race, xxxii.
pen up the relics of the Britons behind the Severn, xxxiii.
as their descendants did the Irish behind the Shannon, ib.

SECTS,
“ maggots,” in Dr. Petty’s opinion, ‘in the guts of the Commonwealth,” and
ggots, y ) g
“ the gathering of churches the listing of soldiers,” 82.

SETTLEMENT,
meaning of the term, iv.
Cromwellian, Restoration, and Revolution Settlements explained, iii-vi.
the Cromwellian Settlement the foundation of the present Landed Settlement,
vi,
Act of Settlement of 1662 unintelligible without a knowledge of the Crom-
wellian Acts of Settlement and Confiscation, xviii.

SETTLEMENT OF ULSTER,
King James I. attempts to introduce the Feudal system, Ixix, Ixx.
promises (1607) each man his land, Ixx.
next year confiscates all, ib.
details of the Settlement, Ixxi.

*
SLIGO, THE TOWN OF,

proposals in 1655 for planting it with families from New England, 120.
Oyster Island and Coney Island, adjacent to, reserved for their use, ib.

SOLDIERS OF THE BIRTH OF IRELAND,
Prince of Orange declared the Irish were born soldiers, 22.
280 INDEX OF SUBJECTS.

SOLDIERS OF THE BIRTH OF IRELAND—continued. —
Sir John Norris, a General of Queen Elizabeth's, and who had served in many
armies and countries, was wont to say, that there were fewer fools and
cowards there than in any other hingdom, 22.

SOLDIERS OF CROMWELL’S ARMY,
not so anxious to be paid their arrears in land as the officers, 100.
it was with the officers that the scheme originated, ib., and 104.
cheated by their officers, 107.
a whole troop sell their lots to Capt. Bassett for a barrel of beer, 108.
in 1649 fourteen regiments, after a solemn seeking of God by prayer, try which
should go to Ireland by lots drawn from a hat by a child, 100.
found in Ireland no beer, no cheese; had no ploughs, nor horses, nor money
to buy them, which renders them loth to become planters, 104.
for any amours with Irish girls, they are severely flogged, 104.
sentences of courts martial on different soldiers for fornication, ib., n.
if, after being disbanded, they married any of these attractive but “ idolatrous”
daughters of Erin, they must march after them to Connaught, 107.
are forbidden to take Irish girls to wife, even though they be “ converts,” unless
the girls pass an examination before a board of military saints into the
state of their hearts, to try if their conversion be a real work of God
upon their hearts, or that they only so pretend (as is to be feared) for carnal
ends, 106, n.
taking Irish girls to wife are to be reduced,—if dragoons, to foot soldiers; if
foot soldiers, to pioneers, without hope in either case of promotion, 106.
whole troops and companies assign their debentures to their officers, 95.
deed of assignment of their debentures by 36 soldiers of Colonel Daniel Axtell's

 

regiment to Arnold Thomas, their ensign, 96, n.
the many traditionary stories in Ireland, like that of ‘The white horse of the
Peppers,” that such and such an estate was given for a white horse, are

 

founded on fact, and are sometimes probably true, 108.

 

the design of forming a yeomanry of them in Ireland suggested to Cromwell by
Major Wildman’s ‘“ Letter from an Officer of the Army in Ireland,” 109, n

the idea stolen from Harington, author of “ Oceana,” ib. :

Serjeant Beverley, on being called, in 1663, ‘* One of Cromwell’s doggs,” says
“Cromwell was the best man that ever reigned in the three nations,” 211;
adding, ‘If the King intends to take away our lands, gained by our swords,
we will have one knock for it first,” ib.

in 1663, Charles Minchin, of Knockagh, in Co. Tipperary, says, ‘‘ He had rather
than his estate that the soldiers of Cromwell had not sold their lands to
their officers: if they had kept them, neither king nor duke durst try their
qualitications,” 212.
INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 281

aot

SPENSER, EDMUND,
Secretary to Lord Grey de Wilton, Lord Deputy of Ireland, 12.
approved of his mode of war, which reduced the Irish to eat dead corpses out of
the graves, 13.
recommends this warfare to Lord Essex, 13.
is hated by the Irish for his deadly enmity to them, 43.
his castle (confiscated from the Fitzgeralds) burned, with his infant son, ib.
driven out, and dies in darkness in lodgings in London, ib.

SPENSER, WILLIAM,-GRANDSON OF EDMUND,
his grandfather is for transplanting the Irish, and his grandson is now ordered
to transplant as ‘‘ Trish,” 44.
his petition against being transplanted, ib., n.
STRAFFORD, EARL OF,
his confiscation of Connaught was with a view to a noble English Plantation
there, Ixxiii.
intends to take one-half of the lands of the Old English, ib.
proposes to line the Old English ‘‘ thoroughly” with Protestants, ib.

STRINGS OF CONTIGUITY,
lands arranged in a fixed sequence, called a file or string of contiguity, and the
sequence of setting down ascertained by lot, 84.

SURVEY, THE CIVIL,
was the report of commissioners upon evidence taken in the country of the quan-
tity and value of the lands forfeited or in the disposal of the Government, 78.
Commission for, 79, n.
specimen of, to be found printed in “ Desiderata Curiosa Hibernica” (vol. ii.,
p- 528), 80, n.
SURVEY, LORD STRAFFORD’S, OF CONNAUGHT,
maps made by his order in 1637, when an English Plantation was intended
there, 81.
enabled the Government, in 1654, to set down the transplanted more easily, ib.

SURVEY, THE DOWN,
articles of agreement for, with Dr. W. Petty signed on 11th December, 1654,
after a solemn seeking of God by Col. Thomlinson for a blessing upon con-
clusion of so great a business, 81.

SWORDMEN,
departure of 40,000, 22.
for King of Spain, ib.
for King of Poland, ib.
for Prince de Condé, 23.
282 INDEX OF SUBJECTS.

TALBOT, JOHN, OF MALAHIDE CASTLE, /
ancestor of Lord ‘l'albot de Malahide, turned out for Chief Baron Corbet, and
transplanted, 36.
gets liberty to return to Leinster to make sale of his crop, on condition to re-
turn to Connaught, ib.

TALBOT, THE LADY MARGARET,
“being an Englishwoman,” obtains an order from the Council for additional
Jands in Connaught, and is given £20 to enable her to return to her hus-
band and children there, 67.

THURLES, VISCOUNTESS,

the mother of the Earl of Ormond, thrust out of her dower lands by the Adven-
turers, as being an Irish Papist, 125.

ordered to transplant to Connaught, ib.

establishes much good affection, but fails to prove Constant good affection to
the Parliament of England, 125.

notwithstanding that she was an Englishwoman, and gave relief and shelter to
Major Peisley and his officers and men, ib.

TILLAGE,
officers and soldiers encouraged to till round their posts because of scarcity in
1651, 16.
Irish promised their crop if they will come down from the mountains, and till
in 1651-1653, ib.

TIMOLIN, COUNTY OF KILDARE,
sad case of a republican soldier and his son murdered there by bloodthirsty
Tories while repairing for themselves the deserted house of some trans-
planted gentleman, 167.

TIPPERARY, COUNTY OF,
hurling in, in 1778, xl.
some fair girl, the prize of the winner, ib.
left desolate by the Transplantation, and four fit and knowing persons of the
Trish nation sent back to show the bounds of estates to Dr. Petty’s sur-
veyors, 79, n.

TIPPERARY MAN,
‘thas a heart as big as a bull’s, and to foes as fierce; but to woman or friend,

tender as a thrush’s,” xxix, n.

TORIES, PRIESTS, AND WOLVES,
“the three burdensome beasts, on whose heads wee lay rewards,” 150.
INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 283

TORIES,

bands of men who retired to the wilds rather than transplant, and, headed by
some dispossessed gentlemen, attacked the new English purchasers, 166.

Captain Adam Loftus receives £20 (1657), for taking Daniel Kennedy, an
Irish Tory, whose head is set up on Carlow Castle, 171.

kindred of Tories in a barony bound to repair losses of English by the Tories
under the law of Kincogish, 169.

if the kindred were too poor, or undiscoverable, then all the Irish of the barony,
or of any barony through which the robbers passed, ib.

arms and ammunition occasionally intrusted to Irishmen to hunt and kill
Tories, 172.

may have often shot innocent Irish, but they could not shoot amiss so as they
shot somebody, ib.

twenty Irish employed (1659), with guns and ammunition, into the counties of
Carlow and Kilkenny for three months to kill Tories, 173, n.

Major Charles Kavenagh (1656) dispensed from Transplantation, and placed
with thirteen chosen Irish in a ruined castle in the county of Carlow to
kill Tories, 173.

murders by, at Lackagh, in county of Kildare, 168.

at Timolin, in same county, 167.

Lieutenant Francis Rowlestone receives £6 13s. 4d. for killing Lieutenant
Henry Archer, a chief or leading Tory, whose head is brought to Kil-
kenny, 171.

rewards (in 1655), for the heads of Donnogh O’Derrick, called ‘‘ Blind Don-
nogh,” £30; of Dermot Ryan, £20; of James Leigh, £5; of Laughlin
Kelly, £5, ib.

Lieutenant Francis Rowlestone employed to deal with Gerald Kinshelagh, ‘a
leading Tory,” to murder his fellow-Tories, 174.

kindred of Tories in a barony bound to make satisfaction for any robbery or
outrage committed by Tories on English, 169.

this called ‘‘ Kincogues,” ib.

the grinding taxation consequent on the law of Kincogish, and Prey moneys,
increased the number of Tories, 170.

dispossessed Irish gentlemen dwelling in the woods, wilds, and bogs, and
supporting themselves (A. D. 1660-1710) by torying, and “ coshering”
on their tenants and followers, 177.

Col. Poer, in Munster; Col. Coughlan, in Leinster ; and Redmond O’ Hanlon,
in Ulster, distinguished tories (1660-80), 179.

any Tory murdering two brother Tories, entitled (by 7 Will. 3, c, 21) to his own
pardon, 176.

this law only expired A. D. 1776, ib.
284 INDEX OF SUBJECTS.

TORIES—continued.
Ballad about Tory hunting, beginning,—‘‘ Ho! brother Teig, what is your
story ?” 176.

TORYING, k
many would rather choose the hazard of Torying than the danger of starving in
the wasted province of Connaught, 58.

TOWNS,
of Ireland built by Danes and English, 2.
Irish originally forbidden to inhabit them, ib.
called by Sir Henry Sidney ‘‘the Queen’s unpaid garrisons,” ib.

all in Ireland ordered to be cleared of Irish, 136.

Galway cleared of Irish 30th October, 1655, of all but sick and bedrid, and Sir
Charles Coote thanked for his care therein, 146.

the sick and bedrid to be removed in spring, 147.

the officers connive at the stay of many of the trading inhabitants for their
utility, 138.

Colonel Sadleir being engaged in clearing Wexford in 1654, according to the
Proclamation, desires to know How many packers and gillers of herrings
are to be allowed to stay? How many coopers? What shall be done
with Irishwomen married to English? 46.

Proclamation for clearing the towns of Irish, sent by the Council to England,
as an encouragement to the English to come over, 144.

general arrest (31st December, 1656) of all transplantables in towns, in order to
their being tried and transported, 142.

shipping for them secured at Galway to carry them to Barbadoes, ib.

public debts satisfied by houses of the Irish in towns, 145.

debt of £3697 thus satisfied in Wexford, the houses being taken up one side of
the street and down the other, without picking or choosing, 145.

wolves hunted (1652) in the suburbs of Dublin, 144.

TOWNS AND CITIES,
the Irish being driven out, some of the towns in 1644 fall into’ ruins, 143.
3000 good houses in Cork, and as many in Youghal, for want of inhabitants
fall down (1647), ib.

TOWNS, SEAPORT, ;

Limerick, with 12,000 acres, offered for sale 14th July, 1643, by the Parliament
to English and foreign merchants, for £30,000 fine, and.a rent of £625;
Waterford, with 1500 acres, at same fine and rent; Galway, with 10,000
acres, for £7500 fine, and £520 rent; Wexford, with 6000 acres, for £5000
fine, and £156 4s. 4d. rent, 136.
INDEX OF SUBJECTS, 285

TOWNS, SEAPORT— continued.
of Limerick, Waterford, Galway, and Wexford offered for sale by the Parliament

of England to English and foreign Protestant merchants on 14th July, 1643,
while still in possession of the Irish, 136.

the Parliament of England, in 1652, resolves to banish the ancient inhabitants,

and to re-people them from England, 136.
TRANSPLANTATION,

proclaimed by sound of trumpet and “ beate of drumme,” 26.

the nobility and gentry especially required to transplant, 28.

the common people spared, and why, ib.

husbandmen and labourers not possessed of ten pounds’ value excepted from, 27.

in order that the transplanted nobility and gentry, without them, shall descend
into the working class or be starved, 28.

order of 15th October, 1653, for heads of families to proceed to Connaught to
prepare huts for their wives and children, 33.

TRANSPLANTERS’ CERTIFICATES,
to describe their families, friends, and tenants who intend to bear them company
to Connaught, 32.
their stock and crop in ground, ib.
remonstrances of the inhabitants of Ireland against being transplanted, 34.
the petitioners are the highest in the land, ib.
the Irish ordered to transplant in the winter time, 30.
the nation, panic-struck, are about to abandon the tillage of the land, 31.

TRANSPLANTATION, DIFFICULTY OF,

Commissioners of the Parliament of England in Ireland feel they have not
strength nor wisdom for so great a work, 31.

“the children are now come to the birth, but there is no strength to bring
forth,” ib.

because of difficulty of, cfficers of the army are to lift up prayers with strong
crying and tears to Him to whom nothing is too hard, that His servants,
whom He has called forth in this day to act in these great transactions,
might be carried on by His own outstretched arm, 31.

- TRANSPLANTERS,

‘“‘ The men gone to prepare new habitations in Connaught (Dec., 1654); wives
and children are packing away after them apace. All will be gone by 1st
March, 1655,” 50.

the earliest of the transplanters set down in the barony of Burren, where there
is ‘not wood enough to hang a man, water enough to drown him, or earth
enough to bury him,” 48.
286 INDEX OF SUBJECTS.

TRANSPLANTERS—continued.
the coming transplanters scared, like beasts driven too suddenly to a slaughter-
yard, 48.

TRANSPLANTATION,

the descendants of those who urged the Transplantation in Henry VITI.’s time
are now to transplant, 34.

Irish who are collectors of assessment to be watched lest they take advantage of,
and escape accompting, 45.

Gookin objects to it that the soldiers bave need of the Irish, 56.

the Irish women skilled in dressing hemp and flax, and in making woollen cloth;
the men good masons, ib., 57.

“Trish have (’tis strange) as great resentment against it as even against death
itself” (Gookin), 59.

“ supposing they should have a dram of rebellious blood in them, or be sullen,
and not go,” ib.

‘will a whole nation drive like geese at the wagging of a hat upon a stick?”
(Gookin), ib.

reasons for, given in the petition of the officers of the precincts of Dublin,
Carlow, Wexford, and Kilkenny, in behalf of themselves, their soldiers,
&e., 61.

Saints seek the Lord together (by order of Commissioners of Parliament) for
direction in this work (Lawrence), 63.

they never objected to it, though very many godly and judicious persons com-
plained of its slow pace (id.), ib.

hated by the Irish, because it destroyed their national interest, and cut off their
hope of ever recovering their lost ground (Lawrence), ib.

and because they foresaw, perhaps, that the Connaught proprietors might bid
them such welcome as they would bid the Soldier or Adventurer on their
lands (id.)

had left the county of Tipperary so desolate, that no inhabitant of the Irish
nation that knew the country was left to show the bounds of estates to
Dr. Petty’s surveyors, 79.

four fit persons sent back from Connaught for this purpose, ib.

it is found to require a little hanging to make the gentry transplant, 52.

the officers ‘‘are tender of hanging any of the Irish proprietors but leading
men ; but they are resolved to seize and fill the gaols with them, by which
this bloody people will know that they (the officers) are not degenerated
from English principles,” 52.

‘“‘ We shall have no scruple in sending them to the West Indies, to help to
plant the plantation that General Venables it is hoped hath reduced,” 52.
INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 287

Daniel Fitzpatrick and another hanged (A. D. 1655) for not transplanting, 53.

Mr, Edward Hetherington, of Kilnemanagh, hanged (in Stephen’s-green?)
with placards on his breast and back: inscribed,—“ For not transplanting,”
53.

children, grandchildren, brothers, nephews, uncles, and next heirs, transplanted
to ease the fears of the Adventurers and Soldiers, 163, n.

Standing Committee appointed 1st August, 1653, consisting of Roger Lord
Broghill, Hierome Sankey, Colonel Richard Lawrence, and others,
185.

transplanters inhabiting within ten miles of the Shannon on this side, not to
be set down within ten miles of the other, 186.

Sir C. Coote, Major Ormsby, and others, take lands in Connaught, diminishing
the fund for transplanters, 194.

the whole inhabitants of no one county to be set down together in Connaught,
186.

the several septs or clans to be set down dispersed, ib.

transplanted Irish of English descent to be kept separate from the Irish, ib.

Sir Charles Coote’s scheme for assigning certain baronies in Connaught for the
abode of the inhabitants of certain counties, respectively, the selection being
made on the ground of the supposed resemblance of the baronies to the

counties whence the families removed, 191.

TRANSPLANTABLES UNTRANSPLANTED,

ordered to be searched for in Dublin (1656), and arrested, in order that their
houses may be given to new-arrived English, 141.
general arrest in towns and transportation of them to Barbadoes, 142.

TRANSPLANTERS,

rule for setting out land to, for stock of cattle, 33.
their wives and children watching their crop, during their absence in Connaught,
turned out of their houses by the disbanded soldiery, 37.

TRANSPLANTABLE PERSONS,

general arrest of all not transplanted, order of 19th March, 1655, 52, and n.
ib., and 53, n.

TRANSPLANTERS’ CERTIFICATES,

Lord Viscount Ikerrin’s, 33.
Walter Cheever’s, 69.

John Hoare’s, 244.

James Bonfield’s, 249.
John Fitzgerald’s, 250.
288 INDEX OF SUBJECTS.

TRANSPLANTERS’ CERTIFICATES OF FAMILY, TILLAGE, STOCK,
AND TENANTS—continued.
Sir Nicholas Comyns, 32.
Ignatius Stacpoole’s, 33.
James Lord Dunboyne’s, ib.
Dame Katherine Morris’s, ib.
Lady Mary Hamerton’s, ib.

TREASON PUNISHMENT,
the man to be half hanged, let down alive, certain parts to be cut off and burned
with his bowels before his face, 106, n. .
instances of men speaking during the latter operation, ib.
the Irish to be called “ barbarous” by Sir John Davies for not punishing theft
and robbery by hanging, and treason by forfeiture, and disembowelling
alive, “like the just and honourable law of England,” ib.

TRIMLESTON,
Lord Baron of, Sir Richard Barnewall, Mr. Patrick Netterville, and others (Kil-
kenny submittees), require a pass from the suburbs of Athlone over the

bridge to attend their business in the town, 43.
Cusack, Lord Trimleston’s brother-in-law, tenant of his manor under Mrs.

Bayley, betrays the possession to him, 41.
his grave in the ruined Abbey of Kilconnell, with the epitaph ‘“ Here lies
Mathew Lord Baron of Trimleston, one of the transplanted,” 77.

TRUMPET,
the first trampet, on 11th October, 1652, commands the Irish nation to get
ready to take up their residence wherever the Parliament of England

should direct, 26,

TRUMPET, THE SECOND,
with the doom of the Irish nation, on 26th September, 1653, 29.
Irish to transplant to Connaught before 1st May, 1654, ib.

TYRCONNEL, BRIDGET COUNTESS OF,
(See BarnEWALL, NicHouas.)

USHER, ARCHBISHOP,
knew of women to lie in wait fora rider, and drag him down, to eat his horse,

like famished wolves, 13.

VANDALS,
injustice to them to equal them with the English of 1652, xi,
INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 289

WAR, ENGLISH METHOD OF,
in Ireland, 12.
Spenser’s description of, in Munster, in 1580, ib.
country wasted till man and beast died, ib.
children killed for food, 13.
Archbishop Ussher knew women to drag arider from his horse to devour it, ib.
difficulties of, in Ireland ; islands in bogs, secure fortresses to Irish, nearly in-
accessible, and whence they could escape at pleasure, 15.

WARING, MAJOR W., OF WARINGSTOWN, CO. DOWN,
possessed of one of the estate maps which Dr. Petty was bound to furnish to
every officer, 108, n.

WATERFORD,
(among other seaports), with 1500 acres contiguous, offered for sale by Parlia-
ment in July, 1643, to English and foreign merchants, for £30,000 fine
and £625 rent payable to the State, 136.

WEXFORD,
debt of £3697 satisfied by houses in, the English State creditor taking them
orderly up one side of the street, and down the other, without picking and
choosing, till satisfied, 145.
(among other seaports) with 6000 acres contiguous, offered for sale by Parlia-
ment to English and foreign merchants for £5000 fine and £156 4s. 4d.,
rent payable to the State, 136.

WHITE, ANNE,
of the town of Wexford, pleads (against being transplanted), her charity and
good affection to English officers quartered in her house, 40.

WIDOWS AND ORPHANS, AND THE DESTITUTE,

seized and sent to the Barbadoes, 237.

the men and boys for bondmen, ib.

the girls for companions for the planters, instead of Maroon women and
Negresses, ib.

Bristol merchants deal with the Government for supplies of them, 238.

names of some of the contractors, ib.

Broghill, afterwards Earl of Orrery, undertakes to find crowds in the county of
Cork alone, 239.

1000 boys and 1000 girls, ‘‘ Irish wenches” (the latter seized by force by order
of H. Cromwell), sent from Galway for the use of 1500 soldier planters,
240.

U
290 INDEX OF SUBJECTS.

WIDOWS, IRISH,
whether men marrying transplantable widows become themselves transplant~-
able? 46,

WIDOWS, IRISH, OF ENGLISH EXTRACT,
Commissioners are asked to define what they mean by? 46.
are to be set down in the four baronies of Ballintobber, Athlone, Tulla, and
Bunratty, 193.
Ballintobber afterwards withdrawn from them, ib.

WILLIAMSON, CAPTAIN WILLIAM,
tried for fornication with a woman in the county of Tipperary during his
service there, 105, n.

WIVES AND YOUNG CHILDREN OF TRANSPLANTERS,
in the absence of their protectors away in Connaught building huts for them,
spared by the tenderness of those in authority (27th February, 1655),
from transplanting till 1st May, on account of the immoderate rains, order
for, 50, n.

WOLVES, PRIESTS, AND TORIES,
“the three burdensome beasts on whose heads were laid rewards,” 150.

WOLF DOGS,
and hawks of Ireland, of old, fit presents for kings, 151.
taken from the officers departing (1654), for Spain, on account of the plague
of wolves, ib. :

WOLVES,

public hunt for, ordered in the suburbs of Dublin, 1652, 144.

increase upon the English, from exterminating the Irish too rapidly, contrary
to the wise injunction of Jehovah in the case of the killing of all the
Canaanites by the Jews, 151.

public hunts organized, and deer toil brought from England, ib.

increase of, charged by Cromwell (conqueror’s logic), on the priests, 152.

rewards for head of a bitch wolf, £6; of a dog wolf, £5; of every cub
that preyeth by himself, 40 shillings; of every sucking cub, 10 shil-
lings, 153.

lands near Dublin (1653), leased by the State on condition of lessee’s keeping
two packs of wolf hounds—one at Dublin, the other at Dunboyne, and
yielding a certain number of wolf heads, ib.
INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 291

WOMAN FLOGGING,
Englishwomen stripped and flogged in public by men in England, until 1817,
and privately in prison, until 1820, 106, n. :
Trish to be called “barbarous” by Sir John Davies, for not having such
punishments, ib.

YOUGHAL,
ancient (English) inhabitants driven out by the English rebels in 1644, 143.
3000 deserted houses there pulled down by the English soldiery for firing, ib.

ct 2
INDEX OF NAMES.

 

Explanation of Conventional Marks.

A name in Italics signifies that the person is an author whose work is cited from. But where the
man is both actor and author, as in the case of Colonel Richard Lawrence, Doctor William
Petty, and other such, who were as much (or indeed considerably more) actors than writers,
the former character is preferred, and the name isnot distinguished.

A. signifies English, Scotch, and Foreign *‘ Adventurer for Lands in Ireland,” confined only, how-
ever, to the class encouraged by the “ Acts of Subscription,” between 1642 and 1646.

O, means “ Officer of Cromwell’s Army" entitled to be satisfied in Irish land according to the
amount of his Arrears stated in his Debenture, and in those of his men, which he had bought
up “by what aweings we leave to consideration.” It might perhaps appear needless to put
‘Q.” after Colonel Prettie or Colonel Lehunte; but as there are cases where Officers were
Boyalists (of English and Irish birth and religion, respectively), it is not altogether super-

uous.

§. means Common Soldier of Cromwell's Army, in which it is not necessary to look for ancestors,
because they are mostly those that assigned their Debentures, and took themselves back to
the place from whence they came, and this without impeachment of any: for Bastards and
Common Soldiers have been the Progenitors of some of the best and oldest lines of Kings in
Europe, the first of whom was but a fortunate soldier, or Soldier of Fortune.

P. means Irish Proprietor. Almost every Irish Proprietor (as the term “ Irish” was then un-
derstood in England) had to transplant with his sons and his daughters, his men servants and
his maid servants, his cattle, and his little flaxen-haired children, into Connaught; and this
class might therefore, without any logical impropriety, have been included in che next, of
“‘Transplanters.” It has been thought more convenient, however, to separate the gentry
from the lower orders, in order to enable the reader consulting the Index to pass the
latter by. Under the term “ Proprietors” he will find the Lord Trimleston, the Lord Fingall,
the Lord and Lady Dunsany, the Marquis of Westmeath,—people that one is [naturally
interested about.

Tr. means “ Transplanter ;” but transplanter of the lower class, such as Farmers, Burgesses, Pea-
sants, &c.; in fact they were common Irish, that oue can take no more interest about than
about the thousands of the same kind of people that are transplanting under “the Law of
Level" every day before our eyes, without inspiring us with any other care than a wish that
they should take themselves off as quickly as possible, and leave the country to persons of
skill, and capital, and true religion.

Pr. means Priest (not Protestant), but of the Irish Roman Catholic Religion.

To. means Tory, with whom the Priests in those days kept company (necessarily), and without
betraying them,

 

Axgorr, Col. Daniel (0.), 90, 152, 157. | Allen, Colonel William, 135, n.
Abbott, Dr., Archbishop of Canterbury — William (A.), 207.

125. Ally, Samuel (S.), 157.
Acherley, Roger, x1, n. Amyos, John (A.), 202.
Addys, Thomas (A.), 203. Annaly, Lord, 35.
Mmilius, Lucius, xx xviii, n. Anglesey, Earl of, 229.
Agricola, xxxvi-vii, n. Andrews, Alderman Thomas (A.), 113,n.
Alexander, Sir Jerome, 130, n. Annesly, M., 134. /
Alcock, Charles (A.), 202. Antrim, Marchioness of, 9, n.
Alland, Captain (O.), 92. Archer, Henry (To.), 171.
Almain, Robert de, xlix, n. — Thomas (P.), 222.
Almery, George (8.), 113, n. — Mary, 38, 222.
Almond, William (A.), 202, 204. Armstronge, John (S.), 213.
Allen, Captain Ed. (O.), 213. Arnold, Ensign Thomas (0.), 96, n.
— Francis (A.), 199. Arthur, Captain John (A.), 145.
— Richard (A.), 204. — Dorothy, 98, n.
INDEX OF

Ashley, Ensign James (0.), 213.

Ashe, Simon (A.), 203.

Ash, John (A.), 205.

— Edward (A.), ib.

Atkinson, Sir George, 39.

— Dame Margaret (P.), 39.

Atkins, Peter (A.), 206.

— Benjamin (A.), ib.

Audley, Lord, Ixviii.

Austin, Edward (A.), 207.

Avery, William (A.), 214.

— Samuel (A.), 113, n.

Axtell, Colonel Richard, 30, 96, n.;
134.

— Colonel Thomas, 164, n.

Ayers, Thomas (8.), 118, n.

Baker, Rogers (S.), 215.

Ball, Samuel (A.), 207.

— alias Bull, Thomas, (8.), 213.
Banister, Benjamin (A.), 123, n.
Barker, Edward, (A.), 206.

— John, 121, n.

— Thomas (A.), 207.

Barnabye, Abraham (A.), 201.
Barnard, Dean, 13, n.
Barnardiston, Thomas (S.), 113, n.
— Thomas (A.), 203.
Barnewall, Nicholas (P.), 41.
— Sir Richard (P.), 43.

~~ John, 155, n.

— Margaret (P.), 38.
Barnewell, Edmund, 159.

— George, id,

Barrys, lvi.

Barry, Daniel (Tr.), 69.
Barrington, Captain (O.), 90.
— Capt. Alexander (O.), 217.
Bartly, Rev. Mr., 7, n.
Bassett, Captain (O.), 108.
Bastone, John (S.), 215.
Bastard, Stephen, (S.), 213.
Bate, Thomas (S.), 214.
Bayley, Penelope, 41, 42.

— Thomas (A.), 209.
Benson, John (8.), 214.
Benco, Abraham Alexander (A.), 203.
Belane, John, 1.

Begs, Roger (Pr.), 158.

Beere, Mrs., alias Preswick, 140, n.
Bedingfield, Humphrey, (A.), 201.
Bentham, Jeremy, 7, 0.

Bereton, William (A.), 201.

Beslin, Symon (S.), 214.

Betius, Mr., iv.

 

Beverley, Serjeant (S.), 211.
Biddolph, Theophilus (A.), 204.

NAMES.

Bigg, Thomas (A.), 203.
Birkenhead, Theophilus (A.), 204.
Birne, Arthur (Tr.), 69.

— Dudley (Tr.), 69.

— Owen, 159.

— Philip, 69.

— William (Tr.), 69.

Bishop, Ephraim (A.), 202.
Blackwell, Joseph (A.}, 208.

— John (A.), 209.

— Samuel (A.), 205.

Blackett, John, sen. (S.), 113, a.
Blake, Robert (S.), 214.

Bland, Captain, 41.

Blande, Jane (A.), 205.

Blatt, James (A.), 202.
Blenkhorne, John (A.), 124, n.
Blount, Charles, 249,

Boate, Gerrard (A.), 118, n. ; 209.
— Katherine (A.), 209.
Bodkin, Dominic (P.), 40.
Bolton, Capt. William (0.), 92.
— Major, 173.

Bonfield, James (Tr.), 249.

— Catherine (Tr.), 249.

— Bridget (Tr.), 250.

Bond, Nicholas (A.), 199.
Borlase, Lord Justice, 8.
Borlase, 3, n., 6, n.

Bosfield, Anthony (A.), 202.
Boaville, Col. William (A.), 201.
Boteler, Thomas, xlix, n.
Botevill, M. (A.), 123, n.
Boughton, Richard (A.), 208.
Boulter, Primate, 162, n.

Box, Henry (A.), 204.

Boyle, Roger Lord Broghill, 239.
Boyse, John (A.), 202.
Bradshawe, R. (S.), 213.

Brady, Cornelius (Tr.), 224.
Bradley, Francis (S.), 213.
Bramhall, Primate, 27.

Brazier, Paul (A.), 215.
Brennan, Dennis, 168.
Breenagh, Richard (Tr.), 247.
Brennagh, William (‘Tr,), 247.
— William (Tr.), 249.
Brereton, Major (0.), 92.

— Sir William (A.), 203.
Brewer, J. 8., XXxv, n.
Brewster, Sir Francis, 181.

— Samuel and Daniel (A.), 204.
Brightwell, Thomas (S.) 113, n.
Briscoe, Thomas (A.), 204.
Brittas, Lord Baron (P.), 218.
Broghill, Lord, 36, 86, 92, 144, n.
Bromeswold, Lawrence (S.), 113, n.
294

Bromwell, Captain (0.), 90.
Broughton, Andrew (A.), 206.
Browne, Edward (Tr.), 224.
Browne, John (S.), 214.

— Thos. (S.), 213.

Bruce, Edward, liv.
Brunskill, Oliver (A.), 209.
Bryan, Edward (S.), 214.
Bruen, John (8.); 157.
Bulkeley, Alice, 15, n.

Bull, alias Ball, Thomas (8.), 213.
Burgess, Cornelius (A.), 200.
Burkes, The, Iviii, Ix, lxii.
Burke, Sir John (P.), 38.
Burrell, Captain (O.), 90.
Burnell, Henry (P.), 41.
Burton, 151, n.

Butler, Esmonde, 1.

Butlers, The, lvi, lviii, xviii.
Butler, Lord James, I xvii, n.
— Elinor (P.), 39.

— Mary, widow (P.), 40.

— Elinor (P.), 220.

— Edmund (P.), 248.

— Giles (P.), ib.

— John (Tr.), ib

— Piers (Tr.), ib

— Richard (Tr.), ib

— Thomas (Tr) ib
Buckingham, Duchess of, 9, n.
Byrnes, lv.

Byrne, Major, 67.

— Brawn, (P.), 67.

Cesar, xxi, EXX, XXXvii.

Caffon, Morish (Tr.), 244.

Cahill, Ellen ny (‘Tr.), ib.

Campbell, Captain (O.), 90.

Camillus, xxix.

Campion, xliii, xviii.

Candler, Captain (0.), 90.

Capper, Ralph (8.), 214.

Caprett, Charles (8.), 213.

Carhampton, Luttrel, Lord, 35.

Carleton, Bishop of Chichester, \xviii, n

Carte, xxii, xxxv, 211, 212, n.

Cartrett, Captain (O.), 90, 217, n.

Carysfort, Earls of, xx, n

Cashin, Paul (P.), 161.

Carty, Connor (Tr.), 249.

Catiline, 10.

Cavenagh, Major Charles, (P.) 40

— James (P.), 40.

Chambers, Mr., 139, n.

Charlemont, James, first Earl of, General-
in-Chief of the Irish Volunteers, xxiv.

— Earl of, xxiii.

 

INDEX OF NAMES.

Charles J., 1x xiii.

— IL, xxiv, 1.

Chaveney, Peter (A.), 201.

Cheevers, John (P.), 68, n.

— Walter (P.), 68, 69, 70.

Chetwood, 163, n.

Chewning, Thomas (A.), 202.

Chichester, Sir Arthur, xliv, lxx, Ixxii.

Chidley, William, 233.

Clanricarde, Earl of, lix.

Clapham, Rawleigh, (A.), 205.

Clarence, Duke of, Ix, 1xi.

Clarke, Robert, 15, n.

— Colonel (0.), 90.

— Colonel (0°), 213, 215.

— George (A.), 200, 203, 205, 210.

— Samuel (A.), 202.

Clay, John.

Claydon, Thomas (S.), 214,

Claypole, Captain (O.), 90.

Cleane, John (S.), 214.

Clifton, Joseph (A.), 201.

Clements, Gregory(A.), 123, n.; 124, n.

Clement, Thomas (S.), 214.

Clotworthy, Sir John (A.), 113, n.

Clutterbuck, Richard (A.), 199.

Coakley, Captain (O.), 217.

Cocks, John (A.), 124, n.

Coll, John (S.), 214.

Collington, Richard (S.), 215.

Collins, lix, n.

Collis, Captain (O.), 90.

Combe, Thomas (A.), 201.

Combes, Stephen (S.), 215.

Comyn, Dame Catherine (P.), 32.

— Gennet (Tr.), 251.

— Sir Nicholas (P.), 32.

Condé, Prince de, 22, 23, 155, n

Connery, Daniel (P.), 238, n.

Conry, Michael (Tr.), 245.

Cooke, Elizabeth (A.), 202.

— Henry (S.), 214.

— John, Mr. Justice, 214, 231, 232,
233, 236.

— James (S.), 215.

— Richard (S.), 214.

Cooper, Colonel], 161.

— Robert (S.), 214.

Coote, Sir Charles, the younger, 36,
39, n.; 64, 66, 142, 146, 225, 239.

— Colonel Chidley (0.), 92.

— Colonel Richard 53 92.

Coppinger, John (P.) 231, 282,

— John (P.), 246.

— John, 248.

— Sir Robert (P.), 229.

— Stephen (P.), 231, 252.
INDEX OF NAMES.

Corbally, Patrick (Tr.), 69.

Corbane, Donagh (Tr.), 246.

Corbet, Miles, Chief Baron, 36, 222, 223,
224,

Cornock, Captain (0.), 90.

Cotgrave, Randle, xxxiv, n

Coughlan, Mary (P.), 124.

— Colonel (To.), 179.

Cowden, Morish (‘I'r.), 246.

Cowley, Ixv, n.; Ixvi, n.

Cox, Sir Richard, Wii, 1xxiii, n.; 179.

Christmas, R., of Bristol, merchant, 224.

Crawley, Robert (A.), 208.

Creagh, Anthony (Tr.), 250.

— Gabriel (‘I'r.), 250.

— Gennett (Tr.), ib.

— James (‘I'r.), ib.

— Piers (P.), 39, 219.

Cressy, Simon (A.), 209.

Crofts, Thomas (S.), 214.

Croker, Crofton, 176, 0

Cromwell, the Lord Henry, 56, n.; 57,
68, n.; 90, 102, 237, 240.

Cromwell, iv, n.; vi, xi, xiv, 11, 25, 28,
n.; 44, 45,n.; 73, 100, n.; 109, n.3
1107118, n.; 128, 130, n.; 152, n.;
154, 165, n.; 211, 212, 223, n.

Cromwell, Thomas, Ixviii.

Cronteke, Richard, 214.

Crooke, Charles, 201.

Cruise, xx.

Crumpon, Owen, 244.

Cutte, Sir James, 67.

Cullen, Thady, 69.

— Morgan, 69.

Culme, Lady, 39.

— Mary, 224.

Cuppage, Captain (0.), 90.

Curtise, John (A.), 204.

Cusack, Justice, Ixv.

— Margaret (P.), 40.

Dacres, Sir Thomas (A.), 113, n.

Daire, Mary (A.), 200.

D’ Alton, John, xx, n.

Daniel, Susan and Thomas (A.), 208.

Daton, James (Tr.), 244.

Darley, Mr., 42.

Davies, Sir John, xii, xliv, n.; xlv, n.;
aivil, fi 3 xix, n.g 1, n. 4 0, liv, tie:
lvi, n.; Ivii, n.; lix, o.; Ix, n.; si,
Lxiii, lxvii, Lxviii, lxix, lxx, 56, n;
106, n.; 118, n.

Davis, John (S.), 213.

Dawson, Jolin (A.), 202, 205,

—,,Robert, Drummer (8.), 213.

Day, Henry (A.), 209, 210.

 

205

Day Thomas (8.), 214.

De Berminghams, xiii.

De Burgos, x, lvi, lviii, xxiii.

— Earl of Ulster, lviii.

De Clare, Richard, xlv.

De Lacys, liv.

De Mandeville, Geoffry, xlvi.

Dennis, Thomas (A.), 200.

Dennison, Major (O.), 217.

Desmond, James (S.), 213.

De Singera, Sibella, xlvi.

Desmond, Earl of, Iviii, 1x,
Ixviii,

Devorgil, xlix.

Digges, William, 87, n.

Dillon, Mary, otherwise Thorpe (P.),
221.

Ixvi,

Disney, Captain (0.), 90.
D’Israeli, 106, n.

Dobson, Isaac, 70.

Donnell, Thomas (Tr.), 245.
Donnogh, “Blind” (To.), 171.
D’Ossunia, Count, 22, n.
Dowdall, Catherine, 1, li.
Dower, Morish (Tr.), 248.
Dowling, John (A.), 208.
Downton, Anthony (S.), 213.
Doyle, Philip (S.), 213.

Doyly, R., 70.

Drake, Dr. Roger (A.), 209.
Druitt, Hersy (S.), 214.
Duhigg, Bartholomew, 135, n.
Duin, Edmund (Pr.), 157.
Duke, . (S.), 216.

Dunboyne, Lord James, 1, 33.
Dungan, Sir Walter (P.), 23.
Dunsany, the Lady (P.), 124, 125.
Dunsany, the Lord, 126, 127, n.
Dutton, Captain (0.), 92.
Dwyer, Colonel Edmund (P.), 23.

Edward L., vi, xvii, xliv, n.; lvi,

— IL, viii, xvii.

—IIL., vi, xxxv, xliv, liii, n.; Iviii,
lx, 1xi, Ixiii, n

— IV. 1, li, n.; liii, n.

— VL, vii, lxvi.

Edwards, Hugh (S.), 213.

Eldred, Robert (A.), 199.

Edwards, David (S.), 213.

Elinston, Henry (A.), 199.

Elizabeth, Queen, vii, xiii, lvii, lx,
lxvi, I xvii, Ixviii, 155.

Essex, Earl of, 13,

Eudes, Captain (O.), 92.

Kustace, Sir Maurice, 68.

— Thomas (Tr.), 69.
296

Eudoxius Alithinologus [Rev. John
Lynch], 30, n.

Evans, Thomas (S.) 213, 215.

— William (S.), 213.

Exeter, Corporation of (A.), 199.

Eyres, Thomas (A.), ib.

Fahy, Edmund, 158.

Fanning, Walter (Tr.), 248.

Farlo, Captain John, 230.

Farr, Quartermaster Hugh (S.), 111.

Farrel, Lieutenant-General, 155, n.

— Richard, Capuchin, 30, n.

Fenton, Sir William, 133.

— John (A.), 210.

Fermoy, M. Roche, Viscount (P.),
165.

Ffallow, Morish (Tr.), 245.

— Patrick (Tr.), ib.

Ffarmerly, Richard (S.), 213.

Ffenne, John (S.), ib.

Ffollowe, Darby (Tr.), 245.

— Patrick (Tr.), 246.

Fforset, John (S.), 103, n.

Foulkes, Alderman (A.), 209.

Ffrancis, Anne and Elizabeth (Tr.),
204.

Fiennes, Nathaniel, iv, n.

Finch, Francis, (A.), 201.

Fisher, John (A.), 201.

Fitzgeralds, The, lvi, xv, lxvii.

Fitzgerald, Lord Thomas, 34, 118.

— Mr. and Mrs. Henry, of Lackagh,
168,

— George, 216.

— Luke, ib.

— Thomas (Tr.), 245.

— John (Tr.), 246.

— Morish (Tr.), ib.

— Edmund (Tr.), ib.

— David (Tr.), 250.

— John (‘Tr.), ib.

Fitzjobn, Thomas (Tr.), 247.

— Morish (Tr.), 249.

Fitzmorresh, Gerald
248.

Fitz Nigel, xxxiii, n.

Fitzpatrick, Daniel (P.), 53.

Fitzsimons, William, 159.

— Turlough (P.), 158.

Fizthomas, John, liv.

Fitz Thomas, Hon. James (Tr.), 246.

Fitzwilliam, George Gold (P.), 231.

Fleetwood, Charles, 101, 108, 119, n.;
132, 223, 224.

Fleetwood, Mrs.
Cromwell, 102, n,

James

(Tr.),

Bridget, otherwise

 

INDEX OF NAMES.

Flanagan, Onora (Tr.), 247.
Fletcher, James (A), 208.
Hetherington, Edward (P.), 53.
Flinn, John, 211, n,

Flyn, Philip (Tr.), 246.

Forde, James (Tr.), 247.
Foster, Christopher (A.), 204.
Foulk, Colonel, 35, n.
Fountaine, Mary (A.), 124, n.
Fowke, Alderman John (A.), 113, n.
French, Nicholas oge, 40.
Frease, John (S.), 213.
Fuentes, Count de, 22, n.

Gale, Captain (O.), 217.

Galway, Patrick (P.), 231.

Gambon, Connor (Tr.), 246.

Gardiner, Captain (O.), 90.

— William (S.), 213.

Garland, Mary or Robt. (A.), 199.

Garrett, Captain (O.), 90.

Gething, Richard, 144, n.

Gibbs, Serjeant Humphrey, 158.

Gloucester, Countess of, xlvi.

Gibbon, xxxviii, n.; 174, n.

Gibbons, Captain (0.), 90.

Gill, Hugh (8.), 214.

Gilbert, John (8.), 213.

Gillmer, Jobn (S.), ib.

Giraldus, Xxix, xxxiv, XXxXV, XXxvii,
XxXxviii, xxxix, xl, 10, 56, 130.

Gisborne, Sir Guy, xxxiv.

Goddesden, Henry (A.), 209.

Golde, William (S.), 213.

Goodwin, Robert, 98, n.

Gookin, Vincent, xviii, 23, n.;
58, 59.

— Sir Vincent, 56.

Gorman, Thomas (Tr.), 249.

Gough, James (P.), 231, 232.

— Thomas (Tr.), 248.

Goulburn, Lieutenant (O.) 96.

Gould, John, 22, n.

Goulding, Quartermaster Nicholas (S.)
87, n.

Gower, Thomas (A.), 204.

Grabam, Hans (A.), 126.

— Sir James, Bart., 164, n.

Grange, Walter (Tr.), 249.

Grantham, William (S.), 213.

Graves, Rev. James, xxii.

Greensmith, John (S.), 113, n.

Gregson, Thomas, 157.

Greatrex, Cornet, 160.

Grey, Lord de Wilton, 12, 43.

Grey, Thomas (S.), 213.

Griffith, Hugh (S.), 218.

54, 55,
INDEX OF NAMES.

Griffin, Rev. Mr., 7, n.

Grinster, Philip (S.), 215.
Groves, Rev. Edward, xviii, xix.
Guna, John (A.), 125,

Hackyn, Edward (S.), 214.
Haddilove, Richard (Pr.), 202.
Hagerty, Donogh (P.), 157.
Haliday, Charles, xxii, xxiii, 89, n.
Hall, John (A.), 199.

Hallam, John, 211, n.

Halpin, Dermod (Tr.), 250.

Halley, Walter (S.), 214.

er Mr. Justice William, 231-33,
Hamerton, Lady Mary (P.), 33.
Hamilton, Sir George, 229.

Hamon, Robert (A.), 203, 210.

Hanly, Joseph, 96, n.; 114, n.; 124,
Dn

Hanwell, Henry (A.), 123, n.

Harcourt, Sir Simon, 6.

Hardiar, Captain (O.), 216.

Hardiman, James, \xi, 146, n.; 147, n.

Hardinge, W. H., xxi, 16,n.; 33, n.

Hardy, Thomas Duffus, xlvi, un.

Harington, James, 108, n.

Harris, Walter, \xx, 1xxiii, n.

Harrison, Rev. Mr., 120.

Hart, John (A.), 204.

Hartley, William, 140.

Hartlib, Samuel, 118, n.

Harvey, Benjamin (8.), 215.

Hatchell, Mr. George, xviii.

Hawes, John (A.), 207.

Hawking, William (S.), 113, n.

Hayden, Richard (A.), 200.

— Edward (S.), 216.

Hayes, James (A.), 207.

Hayward, James (S.), 213.

Haywood, Robert (S.), 214.

Heally, John (Tr.), 251.

— Margaret (P.), 251.

Heathcott, Grace (A.), 206.

Heather, William (A.), 209.

Helsham, Captain (O.), 90.

Hilton, Patrick (S.), 214.

Henery, Daniel.

Henry U., xxxiii, xxxvii, n.; xii, xlv,

lvi.

— VL, vii, 1, Ixiv, n.

— VIL, viii, liv, lxv, n.

—VIIL, vii, xvii, xxxviii, lv, lix, ix,
Ixiii, xv, n.; lxvii, 117, 118.

— IV. of France, 22.

Herbert, Colonel Thomas, Clerk of the
Council, xx, 218-226.

 

297

Herring, Nicholas (A.), 226.

Hewson, Colonel John, 14, n., 92, 104,
n.; 138, 139, n. ; 169, n.

— Richard (S.), 214,

Hewson, William (S.), 214,

Heringham, Mr. A., 124, n.

Hicke, Richard (S.), 216.

Hicks, Rev. Thomas, 24, n.

Highgate, Captain (0.), 90.

Hill, Corporal Thomas (S.), 158.

— Rowland (A.), 199, 200.

— Richard (A.), 204, 214,

— William (8.), 214.

— John (5.), ib.

Hinchman, Captain (0.), 92.

Hippocrates, xliii, n.

Hoare, Captain Lieut., 104, n.

— Mr. (P.), 231.

Hodnett, William (Tr.), 248.

— Garnett (Tr.), 249,

— William (Tr.), ib.

— Margaret (Tr.), ib.

Holinshed, lix, n. ; L xiii.

Hogan, Meaghlin (Tr.), 248,

Holland, Lord, lxxiii.

Holmes, Captain (O.), 90.

Hood, Robin, xxxiv.

Hooker, Thomas, 70.

Hore, Molly (P.), 76, n.

— Bridget (P.), 244.

— Edmund (P.), ib.

— John (P.), ib.

— Mary (P.), ib.

— Margaret (P), ib.

— Martin (P.), 245.

— Matthew, 244.

— John (P.), 245.

— Patrick (P.), ib.

— Michael (P.), 248.

Howurd, Gorges Edmund, vi, n.;
li, n.

— Nicholas (A.), 207.

Howell, George (S.), 213.

— William, 233.

Hubbert, Mary (A.), 209.

Huddleston, Anthony (S.), 214.

Hudibras, the Irish, \xi, n,

Hugh, James (S), 87, n.

Hull, Daniel (S.), 213.

Hunter, John (A.), 207.

Hutchinson, Deputy (A), 118, n.

—- Richard (A.), 213.

— J.(S.), 214,

Hutchins, John (S.), ib.

Hyde, Sir Edward, Earl of Clarendon,
iv, n.

Hynane, John (Tr.), 250.
298

Ikerrin, Pierce, Viscount (P.), 33, 40,
71-74, 122.

Inchiquin, Murrough O’Brien, Lord, 143,
228-292, 36.

Ingoldsby, Colonel (O.), 28, 90, 238.

Ingram, the Lady, 203.’

Treton, Lord Deputy,
129, n.

— Mrs. Bridget, otherwise Cromwell,
102, n.

Ivorie, Captain (0.), 90.

Irwin, Alexander (S.), 87, n.

41, 107, m3

Jackson, Thomas (A.), 202.

Jacques, Joseph (A.), 205.

James I., ix, xiii, n.; xliv, n.; Ixvii,
Ixviii-ix. xxi, n.; Ixxiii, n.

Jephson, Major-General, 138.

— Major Alexander, 131, n.; 212, n.

Jerome, St., xxx.

Jervoise, Captain (0.), 217.

John, King, xiv, xlvi, xlvii, n.; lvi.

Johnson, John, 239.

Jones, Christopher (S.), 87, n.

— Corporal John (8.), ib.

— Captain Lewis (O.), ib.

— Richard (S.), ib.

— Lieut.-Colonel (0.), 92.

— Mereda (S.), 214.

— John, 223, 224.

— Colonel Michael, 169, n.

Jordan, Captain (O.), 92.

Kavanaghs, li, liii.

Kavanagh, Major Charles (P.), 173,
174.

Kearne, Edward (8.), 214.

Keffard, Martin (S.), 216.

Kelly, Mary ny, 180, n.

Kenagh, Murtagh (Tr.), 249.

Kendrick, Alderman John (A.), 203.

Keane, Joan (P.), 251.

Kelly, John (S.), 214.

— Laugblin (To.), 171.

— Edmund (Tr.), 244.

— Thomas (Tr.), ib.

Kennedy, Daniel (To.), 171.

— John (Tr.), 247.

Kenny, William (Tr.), ib.

— Anne (Tr.), 248.

Kernane, ‘Tbomas (Tr.), 247.

Kildare, Earls of, viii,

— Earl of, xlviii, n.; ly, lviii, 1x, Ixv,
Ixvi, Ixviii.

King, John (S.), 87, n.

— Major (0.), 92.

King, Archbishop, 177.

 

INDEX OF NAMES.

Kinnaye, Thomas (A.), 206.
Kircombe, Robert (A.), 207.
Kinsellagh, Gerald (To.), 174.
Kirwan (Kerroan) Dominic (P.), 40.
Kittlebutler, Richard (A.), 203,210.
Lacey, Nathaniel (A.), 210.

— Richard (A.), ib.

Lake, John (A.), 206.

Lambert, William (A.), 207.

— Roger (A.), ib.

Lambelle, Gilbert (A.), 203.

Langham, Henry (A.), 202.

L'Archer, Friar John, liii, n.

Larcom, Major Thomas, 79, 0.; 217.

Large, Roger (S.), 214.

Lascelles, Rowley, 182, n.

Lawrence, Colonel Richard, xviii, 40, 62,
117, 134, 150, n.; 175, n.; 220, 225,
238.

Lazingbye, Roger (A.), 205.

Lea, John (P.), 246.

Leadbeater, Richard (S.), 214.

Lea, Ralph (S.), ib.

Leigh, Colonel William, 138, 158.

— James (To.), 171.

Leinster, King of, xxxvi.

Le Hunte, Colonel (O.), 110, 127.

Lenningstown, J. (S.), 214.

Le Poérs, lvi.

Levallyn, John (P.), 231, 232.

— James (P.), 231.

Lickgoe, John (8.), 214.

Liddy, Mary ny (Tr.), 250.

Lilburn, Colonel, 100, n.

Lincoln, Earl of, xlv.

Ling, Joseph (A.), 204.

Lionel, Duke of Clarence, lviii, Ixxiii.

Lixnaw, Baron of, lix, n

Lloyd, Charles (S.), 113, n.

— Abigail (A.), 199.

Loftus, Captain Adam, 171.

— Sir Arthur, 144, n.

— Dudley, 222.

Lord Protector, 223, n.

Longe, Robert (8.), 214.

Lound, John and Anne (A.), 208.

Louth, Dowager Lady of (P.), 39,
220.

Lownd, James (S.), 214.

Lowe, Thomas (8.), ib.

Lucullus, xxii, n.; xxiii, n.

Ludlow, Colonel Edmund, 68, n.; 69,
70.

— Edmund, 90, 146.

Lunnery, Simon (A.), 201.

Luttrel, Thomas (P.), 35, 38.

— John (P.), 166.
INDEX OF NAMES.

Lynch, W., 1xi, n. ; 30, n.
— Rev. John, 22, n.
Lynocks, Captain (O.), 90.

Machan, John, 1.

M‘Carty, li.

— Donough (Tr.), 250.

M‘Carthys, Ixvii.

M‘Coughlan, 123.

M‘Creagh, John (Tr.), 248.

M'‘Donagh, David.

M‘Gennis, 179.

M‘Geown, Hugh (Pr.), 158.

M'Gilmore, Ivor, xlix.

M‘Guire, Martin (Tr.), 69.

M‘Kernan, Thomas (Pr.), 158.

Mac Murrogh, xxxvili.

M‘Murroughas, liii, liv, lvi.

M‘Namara, Ann ny (Tr.), 250.

—, Honor ny (Tr.), 32.

M‘Philip, John (Tr.), 246.

M‘William. Lxiii.

Madden, Dr. Richard (P.), 138.

Madox, xxxiv, n.

Magner, Ellen (Tr.), 248.

Magrath, Edmund (P.), 223, and n.,
ib,

Mac Marall, Sir Thady (Pr.), 156, n.

Maguire, xliv.

Malone, Richard, 131, n.

Mathies. Robert (A.), 209.

Man, John (A.), 205.

Manning, Maria (Tr.), 250.

Mannyfold, Arthur (S.), 213.

Manton, Nathaniel (A.), 210.

Margetts, Thomas (S.), 105, n.

Margott, Thomas (S.), 213.

Markham, Colonel, 39, n.

— H., 70.

— Captain (0.), 92,

Marks, Nathaniel, 64, n.

Markworth, Humphry (A.), 124, n.

Marius, xxx.

Marlborough, Duke of, xiii.

Martin, Henry, 215.

Marriott, John (A.), 124, n.

Mary, Queen, vii, lxvi.

Mason, Mr. William Shaw, xix.

— Thomas (S.), 213.

Massey, Robert (S.), 215.

Matthew, of Paris, xxxiii, n.

Mathews, Captain (O.), 90.

Mathew, James (A.), 206.

— Thomas (A.), ib.

Matilda, xlvi.

Maurice, Robert (8.), 213.

Maxwell, Rev. Dr., 3, n.

 

299
Mayo, Colonel Christopher (P.), 22.
Meagh, Patrick (P.), 231-32.
Meehan, Rev. C. Patrick, 160, n.
Meredith, Walter, 11, n.
Meregagh, James (Tr.), 248.
Merritt, T. (S.), 216.

Michael, Bishop of Cork, 211, n.
Michelet, xxxi.

Middleton, Simon (A.), 209.
Milborne, Ellen (A.), 118, n.

— John (A.), ib.

Miller, Thomas (S.), 215.

— Abraham (A.), 204.

Minchin, Charles (0.), 212, n.
Moane, Bryan (Tr.), 249.
Molesworth, Hon. Robert, 130, n.
Mollineux, Richard (S.), 214.
Moncke, William (S.), 213.
Moore, Thomas (A.), 199, 200.
— Giles (A.), 201.

Moreton, William, 129, n.
Morgan, Captain (0.), 90.

— Major, 150, 153, 157, 172.

— Henry (8.), 215.

— Griffin (S.), 213.

— Captain Thomas, 239.

Morris, Edmond (A.), 212, n.

— Dame Katharine (P.), 33.

— Captain (0.), 94.

Morison, Fynes, 13.

— Maurice, 28, n.; 76, n.; 238, n,
Morrissee, William (Tr.), 246.
Morrochoe, Murtagh (Tr.), 245.
Mortimer, Mr., Serjeant-at-Arms, 73.
Morton, Elice (S.), 98, n.

Mosse, John (S.), 213.

Mosyer, John (A.), 208.

Mould, Captain (0. ), 92.
Mountjoy, Lord, x, 13.
Mountgarret, Lord, 71.

Mountjoy, Earl of, 179.

Mourye, Daniel (‘T'r.), 248,
Mulcahy, Donagh (‘I'r.), 247.

— Ellen (Tr.), ib.

— Ellinor (Tr.), ib.

— Giles (Tr.), ib.

— Margaret (Tr.), ib.

Miiller, 240, n.

Mulrery, Morish, 247.
Mulshinogue, Dr. Anthony (P.), 158.
Murro, James (Tr.), 232.
Murphy, Edmund (Pr.), 180, n.
— James (Tr.), 245.

Murro, James (Tr.), 231.
Musgrove, Philip (A.), 201.
Muskerry, Lord (P.), 22.

Mynn, Colonel, 228.
300

Nagle, John (Tr.), 246.

Napper, Captain (0.), 90.

Nashe, Widow, 104, n.

Neal, John (Tr.), 251.

Nelson, Lieut.-Colonel, 173.

Netterville, Alson, otherwise Cheevers
(P.), 69.

— Patrick (P.), 43.

Nevill, Henry, 109, n.

Newmans, John (S.), 213.

Newtowne, Richard (A.), 202.

Nicholls, Captain (O.), 92.

Nora, xlix.

Norris, Sir John, 22.

Northcott, Joshua (A.), 207.

— Samuel (A.), 200.

— Symon (8.), 215.

North, Dudley, 239.

— Martin (A.), 207.

Norton, Mr., 168.

Nugent, George (S.), 215.

Nunn, Captain (O.), 90.

Oakford, James (S.), 213.

O’Boghan, Murtagh (Tr.), 249.

— John (Tr.), ib.

O’Briens, xIvii, lvi.

O’Brien, Donagh (Tr.), 248.

— Derby (Tr.), 247.

— Murrongh, Lord Inchiquin, 143, n.

O’Carroll, 1xxii.

O’Connor’s, The, ix, lvi, Ixvi.

O'Connor, King, xlii, 1xxii.

— Faily, 117.

O'Connor, General Arthur Condorcet,
109, n.

O’ Daly, Dominic, 160, n.

O’Derrick Donogh, or “ Blind Donogh”’
(Tr.), 170.

O’Doherty, Sir Cahir, 1xxi.

O’ Donel, Hugh Roe, xix.

O'Donnel, 1xxi, xxii.

O'Donovan, John, LL. D., 169, n.

O’ Donnavan, W. J., 216.

O’Dovan, Connor, Bishop of Down (Pr.),

156.
O'Dwyer, Colonel Edmund (see Dwyer,
P.), 155, n.
O'Farrelly, Connor (Tr.), 249.
Offeild, John (A.), 204.
Offelahan, Morris (Tr.), 245.
Offernan, John (Tr.), 247.
O’Glassine, John (Tr.), 247.
O’Gowan, Turlogh (Pr.), 158.
O'Hanlon, lvii.
— Redmond (To.), 179, 180.
— Hugh (P.), 180.

 

INDEX OF NAMES.

O'Hutterie, Donagh (Tr.), 247.
O'Keeffe, Daniel (To ), 180, n.
O’Keirnane, Dermod (Tr.), 247.

-— Connor (Tr.), ib.

O’Kelly, Mary, 180, n.

— John (Tr.), 247.

O’Kerwick, Donagh (Tr.), 249.

O’ Melaghlins, lvi.

O’Moane, Teige (Tr.), 247.

O’Moores, ix, !v, lxvi.

O’Morrissee, John (Tr.), 246.

O’Morrissee, Morish (Tr.), 245.

O’Mulloy, Lxii, 179.

O’Mulrooney, Connor, 1.

O’Neils, ix, lvi, lvii,
xxii.

O'Neill, Hugh, Earl of Tyrone, Ixix, 13,
127, n.; 179, n.

O’Neale, Philip (P.), 127.

O'Neil, Sir Phelim, 3, 6, 7, 9.

Onslowe, Sir Richard (A.), 205.

O’Phelane, Daniel (Tr.), 248.

Orange, Prince of, 21.

Ormond, James, Earl, Marquis, and
Duke of, xxii, xxxv, n,; Ixviii, n. ;
4, 6, 8, 27, 35, 56, n.; 67, 71, 125,
127, n.; 181, n.; 179, 180, 211, 212,
228-229. :

Ormond, late Marquis of, xxi.

— Sir James of, Ixiv.

Otway, Rev. Cesar, 77, n.

Ormsby, Major (0O.), 92.

Ormond, Countess of, 125.

Owen, Colonel John (A.), 199.

O’Tuscan, William (Tr.), 245.

lxviii, Ixxi,

Packenham, Captain (0.), 90.
Page, Mary (A.), 200.

Pally, John (S.), 215.

Palmer, Christopher (S.), 213.
Paris, Henry, 79, n.; 249.
Parker, Mr. (A.), 123, n.
Parry, William, LL. D., 106, n.
Parsons, Lord Justice, 8.
Patterson, J. (S.), 216.

Paul, St. xxx.

Pearce, Caleb (A.), 200.
Peacock, Laurence (A.), 203.
Pearce, Joshua (A.), 200.
Peisley, Major, 125.

Peckham, Sergeant Symon (S.), 218.
Pelham, Captain (O.), 92.
Penn, Admiral, 240.
Pennyfather, Captain (0.), 90.
Peppers, The, 108.

Pepys, Chief Justice, 157.
Peratt, Captain Edward (O.), 213.
INDEX OF NAMES.

Pettily, William (S.), 214.

Petty, Doctor William, 23, n.; 74; 79,
81-83, 85, n.; 99, 107, n.; 111, 115,
116, 122, 139, 216, 217.

— John, 212, 215.

Philip, Ixvi.

Phillips, James (A.), 207.

Phaer, Colonel (0.), 86, 90, 216,
217,

Pidle, Robert (S8.), 213.

Pierce, Robert, 157.

— J. (S.), 216.

Piers, Captain Edward (0.), 153.

Pinchion, Lieut.-Colonel (0.), 90.

Pirquett, Robert (Tr.), 246.

— John (Tr.), ib.

Pitts, John (A.), 126, 127.

— John (A.), 202.

Platt, Ensign George (O.), 98, n.

— Jane (O.), ib., ib.

Player, John (A.), 204.

Plinius, Caius Secundus, xxxix, n

Plunket, Robert (P.), 40.

— Cicely, (P.), 40.

Plutarch, xxii, n.; 144, n.

Poer, Colonel (To.), 179.

Poers, The, 1xii.

Poland, king of, 22.

Polybius, xxxviii, n.

Popham, Alexander (A.), 204.

Poulett, Colonel, 228.

Powel, Evan, 157.

Powell, Hugh, 104, n.

Power, John Lord, Baron (P.), 39.

— James (Tr.), 248.

— Philip (Tr.), 246.

— Walter (Tr.), ib.

— Thomas (Tr.), ib.

— John (Tr.), 249.

Powsye, Darby (Tr.), 245.

Poynings, Sir Edward, viii.

Prendergast, Maurice (Pr.), 158.

— Ellen (Tr.), 247.

— Thomas (Tr.), ib.

Preswick, Mrs. Jane, 139, n.

Prettie, Colonel (O.), 92.

— Peregrine (A.), 204.

Prim, J. G. A., xxii.

Price, Robert (A.), 202.

* Pyrrhus, xxx.

Pym, Mr., 154.

Pye, Mr. (A.), 124, n.

Pynnar, \xix.

Quiney, Richard (A.), 123, n.

Rabelais, xxiii, n.

 

301

Radcliffe, Peter (A.), 202.

— Hugh (A.), ib.

— Anthony (A.), 209.

Radford, Captain (0.), 217.

Raymoun, John (0.), 205.

Redmond, Major (0.), 172.

Regiment, Ahasuerus (A.), 200.

Reilly, Hugh, 9, n.

Rendall, Thomas (S.), 216.

Reveson, William, Drummer  (8.),
2138.

a Commissary-General (0.), 92,
225.

— Paul (S.), 215.

Rich, Barnaby, 156.

Richard II., xxii, n.; lvii, 118, n.

Richards, Colonel Solomon (0.), 105, n.;
249.

— Captain (0.), 90.

Richardson, ‘Thomas, 39, n.

— Major (0.), 92.

— William (A.), 203.

Riddlesford, Walter de, xlvi, n.

Ridges, Alderman William (A.), 199,
209.

Rives against Roderic, xvi, n.

Roberts, Charles (A.), 199.

— Hiias (A.), 210.

— Henry (S.), 215.

Robertson, xi, 0.3 Xxxii, n

Robinson, Mr. Justice, li, n.

— Captain W. (0.), 213.

Roch, David, 249.

— William (Tr.), 245.

— Morish (Tr.), 246.

Roches, The, Ivi.

Roche, Maurice, Viscount, of Fermoy
(P.), 74, 241.

— Viscountess (P.), 74.

— Christian (P.), 165, 242.

— Kate (P.), ib, ib.

— Jordan, Alderman (P.), ib., ib.

— Anstace (P.), ib.

— John, 242.

Roderic, Rives against, xvi, n.

— King of Connaught, xlii.

Rogers, William (A.), 203.

— Richard (A.), 207.

— John (S.), 213.

Roles, Samuel (A.), 123, n.

— John (A.), ib.

Ronayne, James (Tr.), 247.

— Morish (Tr.), ib.

Rose, John, 40.

Roth, Patrick (P.), 231, 232.

Rothe, R. C. Bishop of Ossory, 156, n.

Rousseau, x],
302

Rowland, Samuel, 129, n.

Rowlestone, Lieutenant Francis, 171-73.
Rushworth, 8,n.; 9,n.; 11, n.; 154, n.
Russell, Sir William, 179.

— Mary (P.), 246.

— Patrick (P.), ib.

Ruthorne, Joseph (A.), 204.

Rutton, Matthew (A.), 200.

Rymer, xiii.

Ryan, Dermot (To.), 171.

Sadleir, Colonel Thomas (0.), 46, 64,
92, 142, 162, n.

Sadler, John (A.), 123, n.

Salisbury, Earl of, xliv, n.; Ixx, n.

Sallway, Richard (A.), 210.

Sandys, Captain (O.), 214.

Sankey, Colonel Sir Hierome (0.), 92,
111, 202-3.

Santhy, Mr. Justice, 936.

Sarsfield, Dominick (P.), 231.

Saunders, Colonel Robert (O.), 217.

Scanderbeg, the Irish, 181.

Scobell, 25, n.; 27, n.; 30, n.; 163, n.

Scott, Lieut.-Col. (O.), 104.

— Richard (A.), 200.

— John (8.), 216.

Seed, Jobn (A.), 203.

Seager, John (A.), 201.

Sear, Roger (A.), 202.

Selby, Thomas (S.), 216.

Selden, John, xxiv, n.; xxv.

Sellick and Leader, Messrs., 238-39.

Sentleger, Lord Deputy, xxxviii, n.

Seward, Samuel (8.), 216.

Shaffe, William (To.), 171.

Shakspeare, Margaret (A.), 206.

Shane, Thomas (Tr.), 247.

Shaw, Captain (O.), 39, n.

Shepherd, Major William (0.), 87, n.

— Major Samuel (0.), 90, 110.

— Captain Thomas (0.), 159.

Sheares, William (A.), 206.

Shepcott, Anne (A.), 200.

Shiel, William (Pr.), 158.

Shinkins, Thomas (S.), 213.

Shortt, John (A.), 200.

— Sarah (A.), ib.

Sidney, Sir Henry, lix, n

Silver, Mr., 231.

— Mr., Councillor, 232-33.

Singley, Richard (S.), 210.

Skinner, Captain 5 90.

Skelton, Thomas (8.), 213.

Skippen, Colonel, 100, n.

Smith, Erasmus (A.), 205.

Smyth, Mr.Edward(Merchant),65,n., 143.

 

INDEX OF NAMES.

Smyth, Corporal Thomas (S.), 213.

— Patrick (8.), 214.

Snell, George (A.), 199.

Soame, John (A.), 206.

Solomon, ¥XXix, N.

Southwell, Robert (P.), 233.

Spain, King of, 22, 23, n.; 167, 155, n.

Spenser, Edmund, xxix, xlii, xliii,
xliv, Ixiii, n.; Ixviii, 12, 43, 44,
155, 169, n.

Spunner, Arthur (S.), 157.

Squire, William (A.), 200.

Stacpoole, Ignatius (P.), 33.

— Katharine (P.), 33.

Standish, Mr. James, Receiver-General,
67, n.; 98, n.

Stanihurst, xliv, n. ; xiii, n.

Stanley, li, n. :

— Major Thomas (0.), 126.

Starkey, Rev. Mr., 7, n.

Stephens, Sergeant Wm. (S.), 213.

— Wm. (S.), 216.

Steephens, Colonel Richard (0.), 96, n.

St. George, Captain (0.), 92.

— William, Esq., J. P., 157.

St. Leger, Colonel, 228.

Stone, John (Returned Emigrant), 121,n.

Story, Rev. William, 182, n.

Stock, Thomas (A.), 204.

Strabo, Xxx.

Strafford, Earl of, x, xxv, n.; Isxiii, 8,
81.

Stafford, James (P.), 146.

Starrshiers, George (A.), 208.

Skrimshawe, William (A.), 207.

Strongbow, xiii, xxxvii, lii, lili, 128.

Sturmy, Joshua (A.), 202.

Stubbers, Col. Thomas (0.), 64, 90,
142, 143.

Sugar, Christopher, 233.

Suillevane, Dan. (S.), 215.

Summers, John (8.), 213.

Surrey, Earl of, 118.

Swinnock, Elizabeth and Sarah (A.), 208,

Sweetinge, John (A.), 123, n.

Sword, William, 105, n.

Sydney, Sir Henry, 2.

Symons, Richard (A.), 205.

Symonds, John, 167.

Tacitus, xxxvi.

Talbot, John (P.), 36, 65.

— Lord, de Malahide, 36.

— Lady Margaret (P.), 67.

— Sir Henry (P.), 67.

— Lady Grace (P.), 225, 226.
Talbott, Captain (O.), 90.
INDEX OF NAMES.

Talbot, Sir Robert (P.), 225.

Tandy, Captain (0.), 212, 218, 216.

“Tarquin, Young,” xxiv.

Taylor, William Cooke, LL. D., 185, n.

Teelin, Colonel Edward, 155, n.

Temple, John (A.), 206.

Terry, David (P.), 231.

Tibbs, William (A.), 203.

Tillaslye, William (A.), 207.

Timoleon, 144.

Thierry, Amadée, xxxi.

Thomas, “ Silken,’’ viii.

— Captain (O.), 92.

— Philips (S.), 213.

Thomkine, William (A.), 209.

Thomlinson, Colonel Mathew, 81, 98, n.

Thornton, Peter (S.), 213.

Thorpe, Mary (P.), 221.

Thrale, Richard (A.), 204.

Thurles, -Viscountess (P.), 124.

Thurloe, Mr. Secretary, 144, 232, n.;
240, n.

Tobin, Henry (Tr.), 245.

Toland, J., 109, n.

Toler, Henry (S.), 213.

Tongue, Anthony (8.), 215.

Tooles, The, lv.

Toole, Richard, 152, n.

Toomey, Thomas (P.), 230, 231.

Towne, Humphrey (A.), 201, 203.

Towse, Christopher (A.), 200.

Trelawney, John (A.), 206.

— Robert (A.), 206.

Trimleston, Lord (P.), 41, 48, 65.

— Lord, 65, 77, 221.

Tuite, Thomas, 159.

Turbington, John, 207.

Turner, Captain, 92.

— Murtagh, 168.

— John, 213.

Tyler, Richard, 208.

Tyrconnel, Bridget Countess of (P.), 41.

Tyrone, Earl of, x, xliv, Lxvii.

Underwood, Alderman William (A.),
207.

— Benjamin (A.),. ib.

— George’s children (A.), 207.

Unite, Ethelbert (A.), 213.

Ussher, Archbishop, 13.

Valentine, Thomas (A.), 202.
Vaughan, Evans (Postmaster), 154, n.
Venables, General, 52, 90.

Vernon, Captain John, 238.

Waldoe, Daniel (A.), 205.

 

303

Waller, Sir Hardress, 90, 134, 225.

Wakeham, Captain (0.), 217.

Wallace, William (A.), 122.

Wallis, Robert (A.), 209.

— Thomas (A.), 200.

Walsh, Father Peter, 75, 164, n.

Walsh, Robert, xlix, n.

Walters, Major (0.), 92.

Waltham, Captain (0.), 90.

Warden, Colonel (0.), 110.

Wardle, John (S.), 214.

Ware, Sir James, xliii, n

Waring, Major, 108, n.

Warren, Colonel Edward, 131, n. ;
212,

Warwick, Countess of, xlvi.

Watts, William, (A.), 199.

Webb, William (A.), 113, n.

Webster, William (A.), 190.

— James (A.), 205.

Wenman, the Lord (A.), 128, n.

Whalley, Anthony (8.), 218,

Wheatley, John (A.), 202.

Wharton, Lord, 11.

Wheeler, Lieutenant-Colonel (O.), 217.

White, Bartholomew (A.), 201.

— Don Ricardo, 22.

— Anne, Widow (Tr.), 40.

— Nicholas (Tr.), 245.

— Thomas (A.), 208.

Whitehall, Roger (A.), 201.

Whitelock, Sir John Bulstrode, 10, 48,
u.; 100, n.; 138, n.

Whyte, Robert (S.), 213.

Weare, Lieutenant Arthur (0.), 98, n.

— Jane (0.), 98, n.

Wildman, Major (0.), 109, n.

Wilkes, T. (S.), 216.

Wilkinson, Captain (O.), 90.

— Robert (A.), 145.

William ILI., iv, vi, lxxiii, 130, n.

— Conqueror, xi, xxxiii.

— IIL, Ixxiii, 130, n.

Williamson, Captain William (tried for
fornication), 105, n.

Winkworth, Captain (O.), 111.

Wingfield, Patrick (S.), 214.

Winspeare, John (A.), 206.

Winter, M., “ a godly man,’’ 139, n.

Witham, Nathaniel (A.), 200.

Withern, Alderman George (A.), 203.

Wogan, Master Thomas, liii, n.

Wolf, David (P.), 250.

Wood, Lieutenant Edward, 157.

A-Wood, Anthony, xxv, n.

Woodburnes, George (S.), 213.

Woodcock, Thomas (A.), 209,
304 INDEX OF NAMES.

Woodley, Thomas (A.), 203. Wyse, Thomas (P.), 249.
Wolverston, Mrs. Mary (P.), xx.

Woodward, Hezekiah (A.), 205. Yarmouth, Corporation of (A.), 201.
Worth, Zachariah (A.), 204, Yeates, James (A.), 199.

Wray, William (Tr.), 246. Yeomans, Robert, 238.

Wrenn, Captain (0.), 90. Foung, Arthur, xii.

THE END.
 

 

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