alin
yi] EHR

Sait
en

 

\
SN
AN

RRA

WANG \\

\ IQ
\

SAN \

 
Cornell — Library
DA 185.H17 1890

THT
 

Sonnenschein § C® London Imp Lemercies 20*Paris
HENRY I] DISPUTING WITH BECKET

Frontispiece
COURT LIFE UNDER
THE PLANTAGENETS

(REIGN OF HENRY THE SECOND)

BY

HUBERT HALL F.S.A.

OF H.M. PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE

Author of ** Society in the Elizabethan Age” etc

WITH FIVE COLOURED ILLUSTRATIONS BY RALPH NEVILL F.S.A.,.
FOUR FACSIMILES AND NUMEROUS TEXT CUTS.

 

NEW YORK:

MACMILLAN & CO.
LONDON: SWAN SONNENSCHEIN & CO.
1890

@

il
    
  
 

  
 
 

“CORNELLN
UNE REITY|

LiGRARY Z

 
     
  

  

 

 

UNIFORM WITH THIS VOLUME.
Third Edition, 8vo, 10s. 6d.
SOCIETY IN THE ELIZABETHAN AGE.
By Husert Haut, of H.M. Public Record Office.

With numerous Coloured and other Plates derived from contemporary
Drawings, and a large folding Coloured Map of London in the Six-
teenth Century. -

ConTENTS. —Chap. I. The Landlord. II. The Steward. III. The
Tenant. IV. The Burgess. V. The Merchant. VI. The Host.
VII. The Courtier. VIII. The Churchman. IX. The Official. . X
The Lawyer. Appendix I. Notes and References to Chapters I.-X.
Appendix II. The Darrell Papers.

“People who wish to understand the manners and customs of our ancestors of the
sixteenth century as they really were, and not as they ought to have been, cannot do
better than read it.”— Truth.

“Students of the Elizabethan period may well rejoice in the recent addition to their
libraries of Mr. Hubert Hall’s highly interesting and most useful work.”—Joun W.
Hates in the Academy.

“Most curious and suggestive.”—Saturday Review.

 

LONDON: SWAN SONNENSCHEIN & Co.

 
PREFACE.

THIs little work commemorates many happy leisure hours
spent amongst the Exchequer Records and in the Hertford-
shire fields where was the favourite residence, seven hundred
years ago, as it is to-day, of an English minister sprung from
a line of great statesmen.

But although I had at first intended to follow the story
of Richard Fitz Nigel in connection with his times, the want
of historical material constrained me to choose another Hert-
fordshire worthy, a humbler Richard, as my hero, through
whose adventures I have attempted to make the Reader
familiar with Court Life in England at the close of the
twelfth century.

It may be that at the outset many will take exception to
a title of this sort applied to a work which contains no men-
tion of some of the principal features of Court Life as it is
now understood by us. The truth is, that to the medizval
student, and to the general reader, the title Lider Curialis
conveys two wholly opposite meanings. To the one it

will recall the politic and scholarly entourage of a court

ili
IV Preface.

 

whose acts have been recorded by historians like Richard
Fitz Nigel, and whose table-talk was deemed worthy of
preservation by philosophers like John of Salisbury ; while
to the other it will suggest infinite possibilities in the
way of tournaments and feasting, of love-making and dark
cabals.

I must admit that the Reader will find no scenes either of
love or chivalry depicted in these pages, and that two leading
characters, the knight errant and the jester, are wholly ex-
cluded; but these omissions are due to the exigencies of
original research, which has not in this case been rewarded by
any information upon those subjects. It is true that the
domestic life of courts appears very much the same, on paper,
in every period of history, and given such historical person-
ages as Queen Eleanor, Fair Rosamond, and Hugo Earl of
Chester, it might be thought that a reconstruction of these
favourite passages was possible. I will own that I was
tempted by the prospects of this enterprise, and thanks to
an intimate acquaintance with “Amadis de Gaul,” and the
“ Arcadia,” I might even have ventured far in such a cause;
but whereas those immortal works are endeared to us by their
very impossibility, and I was conscientiously bent on repro-
ducing for the benefit of the general reader such features of
Court Life under the greatest of the Plantagenets as were
actually recorded by contemporary chroniclers and essayists,
I was reluctantly compelled to abandon this project. Indeed,
the Court of Henry II. would seem to have been almost

Oriental in its complete exclusion of female influences ; and
Preface. Vv

 

yet its Queen was one of the most remarkable women of any
age, and had once probably been well seconded by the French
princess who presided over the rival court of the reigning heir
to the throne. There were other able women besides these,
of lesser rank, but their presence and mode of life at Court is
wholly problematical; and though it would have been possible
to give an authentic inventory of the fabric, colour, and price
of their garments, from contemporary accounts, with certain
epigrams at their expense by contemporary satirists, and even
their portraitures when equipped for peaceful slumber, and
the like, it must be admitted that these are scarcely sufficient
materials for a purely historical reconstruction. For I have
attempted in this book nothing less than the delineation of
living characters and the description of existing institutions
at a given period of a typical reign. Every personage acted
and spoke almost precisely as represented in this narrative,
and every event took place at the exact time and in the exact
manner described here, as far as a conscientious process, un-
sparing of research, has enabled me to discover the historical
. truth. Indeed, it is scarcely too much to say that two-thirds
of this book might be re-translated into the original Latin or
Norman-French of the contemporary historian, or elsewhere
that chapter and verse could be supplied for every statement
or allusion from still more authentic records.

That I have made many mistakes, no one is more conscious
than myself, and I may even venture to assert that this was
inevitable without the co-operation of several great writers who
have made the study of the life of the Manor, the Church, the
vi Preface.

 

Schools, and the Law-courts their own. All that I claim for
myself is credit for an honest attempt to present for the first
time to the Reader who is unable or unwilling to view it in
any other form, a truthful picture of a certain phase of the
national life in the past through the much-abused medium of

an historical novel.

Hi...
PREFACE

CHAPTER L
CHAPTER II.
CHAPTER III.
CHAPTER IV.
CHAPTER V.
CHAPTER VI.
CHAPTER VII.
CHAPTER VIII.
CHAPTER IX.
CHAPTER X,
CHAPTER XI.
CHAPTER XII.
CHAPTER XIII.

CONTENTS.

ANESTI.—THE MANOR
LONDON.—THE CITY .

Lonpon.—THE GUILDS

LONDON.—THE GAMES
WESTMINSTER.—THE KING’s HOUSE
WESTMINSTER.—THE KING’s COUNCIL
WESTMINSTER.—THE KING’s COURT
WESTMINSTER.—AT THE RECEIPT
WESTMINSTER.—AT THE EXCHEQUER
WINDSOR.—-WITH THE KING

WALTHAM.—SECULARS AND REGULARS .

St. ALBAN’S.—THE SCHOOLMEN
St. ALBAN’s.—A MARTYROLOGY

APPENDIX,

NOTES TO THE ILLUSTRATIONS

NOTES AND REFERENCES TO CHAPTERS I-XIII.

PAGE
ili

26
39
47
57
81
98
114
129
143
163
177
191

203

209
CHAPTER I.
ANESTI.—THE MANOR.

ON a warm afternoon of March, inthe year of grace 1177,
being the 23rd year of the reign of the great King of Eng-
land, Henry, son of the Empress, a small party of travellers
might have been seen riding slowly and painfully, as though
both man and beast were exhausted by a far and toilsome
journey, along the broad, white High Street, where a few
miles above the Buntingford road the Quin river hurries to
meet the gentle Rib. Halting upon the summit of a slight
eminence, the travellers anxiously scanned the road in front
of them, as though in search of some long-expected land-
mark. The leader of this party was a middle-aged clerk,
whose alert air and intellectual features bespoke the official —
rather than the spiritual Churchman. He wore a loose cas-
sock and hood over a close-fitting tunic, and rode a well-bred
palfrey with easy grace. He was attended by three or four
serjeants, mounted on the inferior hackneys of the period,
and clad in sober liveries of parti-coloured cloth. These fol-
lowed at a short distance, leading between them a sumpter-
horse laden with the modest baggage of their master.
“Behold, this is Quinbury, if I mistake not,” exclaimed
the Churchman, after a short pause; “and hereabouts, as
they told us at Ware, we should be able to see the Castle of
Anesti from the High Street. And, lo, yonder it stands very
proudly, somewhat to the right of us, and six miles distant,
1 B
2 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

so that another hour should bring us well to our journey’s
end.”

Hereupon the party once more pursued their slow march,
passing through the vill of Darsell, and following the
course of the river, which presently brought them into the
pleasant valley of Hormead, with its water-mill and broad
mill-pond, and its church and manor house rising above a
tiny vill away to their ‘right. This fertile manor marched,
as they knew, with the south-western boundary of Anesti,
and indeed a mile or two farther on a cross-road appeared,
bending sharply to the right, which evidently gave access to
the castle, now conspicuous within a mile of them. Along
a broad lane leading to a windmill, and thence by a narrow
and winding cart track, lined by wych elms, through a wide
expanse of corn land as far as the eye could reach, the
travellers proceeded slowly to the vill of the manor, This
comprised only a dozen or more of rude cottages or hovels,
picturesque enough in their outward aspect from the herbs
and mosses with which their mud walls and thatched roofs
were covered, but affording few indications of interior comfort
or cleanliness. These were ranged in an irregular street, but
with a considerable interval between each, as, in addition to
a garden and, in some cases, an orchard adjacent, every
cottage possessed a tiny farmstead in its rear, consisting of a
byrh, or fold, and a few covered sheds, serving equally as
stables and barn-lofts. The church, an imposing Norman
structure, stood close at hand, and not far from it the ancient
Saxon manor-house, whose place was now usurped by the
modern castle which towered in the background, and beneath
whose shadow the whole village seemed to nestle. The
Castle of Anesti, so called, was in reality a fortified manor
house of the type so common in a later age on the northern
Anestt.—The Manor. 5

 

borders, Advantage had been taken of a natural knoll or
eminence for the erection of a castellated mansion, protected
_ bya palisade and deep moat. On the lowest edge of the
_ declivity the outer walls rose sheer above the winding track, _
which led to a massive gateway flanked by bastions, pierced
so as to admit of a raking fire being directed against any
attacking force. The approach being too steep to admit of
the barbican being carried by a sudden assault, the castle
was practically impregnable, for on all other sides it was
protected by the steepness of the mound, and, moreover, was
fortified at the base by a stockade and moat, accessible only
at the postern door by a few stone steps, which one man
could have defended against an army unprovided with re-
gular appliances for a siege. The building itself was of
rough stone from the neighbouring quarry, thick rubble walls,
with angles or quoins and window and door-dressings of
worked blocks. The principal windows were round-headed,
divided externally by shafted mullions, and strongly latticed
with iron. The rest were simple eyelets in the masonry.
The high-pitched roofs of the outbuildings were topped with
shingles, those of the hall and chapel being tiled, and also
guttered with lead.

Our travellers might easily perceive that the castle was
occupied rather as a residence than as a garrison, for the
battlements were ruinous in the extreme, the lattices of the
windows eaten with rust, and even the great oak gate, cased
and studded with iron, had a ricketty look, while all traces of
the portcullis had entirely disappeared. However, there was
at least a warder, posted at the wicket, who, on receiving the
visitors name and business, cast open the gate upon its
creaking hinges, and conducting the party through the gate-
way, announced them in a loud voice to the notice of the
4 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

serving-men who loitered about the courtyard. Several of
these now hastened forward, and, after assisting the Church-
man to dismount, conducted him within an inner gate or
barrier. . .

The ground-plan of the castle was exceedingly simple.
The interior gateway opened on to a small courtyard, the
sides of which were formed by the hall and adjoining
chambers, the chapel, kitchen, bakehouse and dairy. These
buildings formed, as it were, the inner circle of fortifications,
being surrounded by the circuit of the walls inclosing an
outer space. The dwelling-house consisted of a hall about
fifty feet in length and thirty-five in breadth, open to the roof,
the arches of which were carried on two rows of columns,
the apartment being thus divided into two aisles with a
central nave. The entrance was by a porch opening on toa |
vestibule, screened off from the lower end of the hall, with
doors to the buttery and pantry. On a lower level, beneath
this vestibule, was an under-croft with a vaulted roof, which
served as a cellar. There was no interior staircase, and
access was only obtained to the upper part of the build-
ing by a broad flight of stone steps which led from the
courtyard to the chamber above the cellar. There was also
a parlour adjoining the hall, which, like the upper chamber,
was hung with canvas dyed scarlet, and was moreover
decorated with a painted ceiling, these two chambers being
used as the private apartments of the family. On to this
parlour the chapel abutted, completing one angle of the
courtyard, the other being formed by the domestic offices
before mentioned, which, unlike the chapel, were entirely
disconnected with the dwelling-house itself, and were all open
to the roof, with the exception of a few small lofts, con-
structed by means of boards laid across the ceiling joists.
Anestt.— The Manor. ts

 

In the great hall the lord of the castle, already apprized
of the guest’s arrival, advanced to embrace him, with many
inquiries as to his welfare.

Richard de Anesti, although now past middle life, was still
in outward appearance a young man. In figure he was short
and somewhat slight, but firmly knit, and with limbs beauti-
fully proportioned. His features were of the best Norman
type, expressing both courage and intelligence. His beard
was closely trimmed to the fashion of the day ; his dress
consisted of a short green mantle, much weather-stained,
fastened by a jewelled clasp upon his right shoulder; and
beneath this was worn a long tunic, and close-fitting hose of
fine red cloth. A peaked hunting cap and high boots com-
pleted his attire. His only,arms were a long hunting knife,
which hung in its sheath from a girdle worked with silver
broidery.

The history of his family was a common one at that time.
Richard the Clerk, his grandfather, was by birth a Norman,
educated for the Church, but devoting himself by preference
to a literary and official career. After filling with credit a
clerical post under the Seneschal of Normandy, at Caen,
where, as at English Winchester, a central department of
financial administration was already formed for the Duchy,
and having further enlarged his mind by an experience of the
elaborate civilization of Norman Sicily, and of the recondite
processes of the Roman Curia, he had sought a larger sphere
of ambition at the English Court. There, with quick insight
and perhaps a true sympathy, he attached himself to the
clerical leader, Roger le Poer, during the sharp struggle that
took place in the first decade of the 12th century between
the forces of national progress and feudal anarchy. This
patron’s promotion to the post of English Seneschal, now no
6 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

longer a mere viceroy, but a skilled justiciary, and the
development of the old tribunal of household thegns in
conjunction with the treasurer’s clerks at Winchester to
form a great central court of justice and finance, with its
headquarters henceforth at Westminster, furnished congenial
work for the ex-scribe of Caen. Like many others of his
clerical contemporaries, in spite of the sneers of baronial
courtiers at the expense of “new men,” he had in fact
founded a greater family, ennobled by genius and endowed
further by the regard and gratitude of the Crown and nation
with more substantial honours. 8

The Manor of Anesti may have been originally a military
station on the great Roman road which led from London to
Cambridge. Next, an agricultural villa growing up on the
lot of some provincial veteran. Next, an Anglian “ham” or
“stead,” with merely a change of lord and of name to its
present title of the Manor by the Highway ; later still, a
West Saxon thane’s bocland through the evanescence of the
Anglian sub-kingdom. At the close of the 9th century
part of the territory ceded to Danish colonists, and then,
when the territorial distinction of the Danelaga had become
as meaningless as the Danegeld itself, we find Anesti ap-
parently falling to the share of Earl Harold in the practical
division of England amongst the sons of Godwin; thus
once more becoming the bocland of an English thegn, for
Harold granted it with other lands to Alward, his hench-
man. Alward’s fate is unknown. Perhaps, like many another
stout Eastern thegn, he followed his lord to Hastings, and
fell amongst the hus-carls round the dragon standard, or being
taken in arms was degraded or exiled. In any case he was
dispossessed, for Eustace the Frenchman held Anesti at
Domesday survey. This Count, following the feudal license
Anesti.—The Manor. z

 

permitted at the crisis of the conquest, built the Castle, of
which a tradition only survives, adding thus a final con-
firmation of the strategic importance of the road-side settle-
ment. During the Norman period Anesti continued to form
part of the great honour of Boulogne, and thus it came to be
granted, like many other manors of that titular peerage, to
a useful servant of the king. Under Henry II. the honour
passed finally into the hands of the Crown and the old tenants
with it, to the great advantage of them all, and of none more
than the family and kindred of Richard the Clerk.

The latter, we have said, founded a new official family, or
more truly a clan—brothers, sons, nephews, drawing salaries
small indeed, but most acceptable in an age of short currency
at the issue of the Exchequer, while they were far more
richly paid by grants of lands out of the ancient demesne
of the Crown. Before two generations had elapsed, off-
shoots of this vigorous stock might be found in half a dozen
counties of England. As for the founder’s lineal descen-
dants, his grandson Richard, who has here been introduced
to us, stepped into the hereditary manor, and settled down
to the life of a country baron; while his younger brother,
John, held a lucrative post at the Exchequer, and was fast
founding a new county family, from gifts of Crown lands in
Hampshire. In his boyhood, the younger Richard had been
the companion of William, the son of Nigel, like his brother
the King’s treasurer one of that remarkable body of clerks
who were in turn justices and barons of the Exchequer,
sheriffs, ambassadors, captains, and financial agents, or
merely churchmen, courtiers, philosophers, historians and
poets, sportsmen and wits, according to the varying demands
of their royal master. This friendship he had not failed to
cultivate during his rare visits to Court, until something like
8 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

a close intimacy sprung up between the two men, who were
so dissimilar in their modes of life. Perhaps the old clerical
blood revealed itself in this instinctive yearning of the feudal
vassal for the intellectual companionship of the highly trained
statesman to whose subtle disquisitions upon the origin of
political and social institutions he was never weary of listen-
ing. Thus it was, in response to repeated invitations, that the
son of Nigel had at length visited his friend’s mansion for a
few days during the leisure of the Hilary vacation, having
also business of his brother’s to transact within the county, in
connection with the recent grant received by him from the
Crown, of the rich manor of Essendon.

After the first greetings had been exchanged, Richard de
Anesti committed his friend to the care of the seneschal, in
order that he might remove the traces of his long journey.
Then supper was served in the great hall, and the whole
household retired to rest shortly after sundown.

The following morning the son of Nigel rose early, and
after hearing matins in the chapel, and breaking his fast in
his own chamber, he received the visit of his host, who ex-
pressed a readiness to attend him, if he should wish to take
the air in the fields of the demesne. Gladly consenting to
this proposal, he was first conducted by the lord through the
principal apartments of the castle. In all of these, and
throughout the whole building, ‘the greatest simplicity of
furniture was observable. Decorations there were none, ‘and
the walls, except when rarely draped with coarse unfulled
cloth or dyed canvas, showed the bare stone-work, unconcealed
even by plaster. Several stools, curiously carved, a single
sideboard in the recess of the dais, filled, however, with
rich plate; wooden bedsteads in the great chamber, and
truckle-beds in the hall; a few cushions, introduced by the
Anestt.—The Manor. 9

 

deceased lady of the castle, and great plenty of joined stools
and forms, with table-boards on trestles for the hall, formed
the movable furniture of the castle. Again, the evidences
of an agricultural rather than a military vég¢me were evident
both within and without the building. Here a newly-flayed
ox-hide hung on a spike in the great hall below the trophies
of antlered heads and gleaming tusks. Mattocks and reap-
ing-hooks kept company with iron caps and sheaths of
arrows on the walls, while rusty plough-shares, horse-shoes,
and empty grain measures were piled in distant corners, so
that the Churchman playfully observed that here at least the
prophecy seemed like to be fulfilled, that swords should be
beaten into plough-shares, and spears into pruning-hooks.
Within the courtyard was a smaller inclosure, which they
visited, and which contained a curious assortment of birds
and animals; namely, poultry of all kinds, together with
' peacocks, a parrot, and a pair of magpies, besides which there
was a bear chained toa stake, and seemingly on the best of
terms with an ape, and several large stoats, which latter, like
the dogs (of which almost all breeds were represented), were
free of every chamber in the castle. .Passing into the larger
inclosure, formed by the principal buildings above-mentioned,
they inspected the dairy of the manor, which contained,
besides a number of shallow earthen milk-pans placed on
_trestles against the walls, a few vats, a salt-jar, a vessel con-
taining rennet, and a quantity of pressing-cloths hanging
upon the rafters of the low roof. Within the. outer circle of
the walls of the castle were situated the garden, or. plesaunce,
and the orchard, in which the profusion of flowers, and shrubs,
and herbs of all kinds contrasted strangely with the meagre
crops of onions and other edible roots. On.the other hand,
there were many pear-trees and -cherry-trees, while several
IO Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

stunted apple-trees were allowed to exist for the purpose
apparently, of supplying crabs for tankards and verjuice for
festival sauces. Beyond the outer walls, as far as the eye
could reach, was one unbroken carpet of springing corn ; yet
however dense the expanse of
crops viewed at a_ distance,
Richard de Anesti and his
guest found no difficulty in
making their way by means
of the cross-roads which led
from the vill of Anesti to neigh-
bouring towns or hamlets;
being, as it were, the arteries,
of the body politic of the Hun-
dred; while the paths formed

Fic. 1. by the headlands might be con-
sidered as capillaries of veins, giving access at all times for
every peasant farmer to his scattered plots.

As they pursued their walk through the cornfields, Richard
directed his guest’s attention to
the fact that the whole of the
arable land was divided into
three great fields. On the north-
east of the manor, surrounding
the castle, was winter corn, that
is to say, the several varieties of
wheat sown in the preceding
autumn, with some patches of
peas and vetch. On the west Fic. 2,
side was the seedland prepared for the spring corn, oats
and barley, and drage, and towards the south an almost
equal extent of fallow. Outside these three great fields was

 

 
, Anesti.—The Manor. II

 

a belt of pasture, some common to the cattle of the lord and
villagers, with richer fields of pasture and meadow carefully
fenced in and lying chiefly towards the south. The son of
Nigel, who knew that the crops under his view belonged some
to the lord and some to the tenants, was somewhat at a loss
to comprehend the means of distinction between the plots of
the several cultivators; but when they reached the plough-
lands, Richard made him observe the mounds of turf by which
the several strips were divided, those of the tenants in villein-
age into half-virgates, and the demesne land into separate en-
closures by a larger bank, together with a ditch, or occasion-
ally by a low, quickset hedge, so closely cut as to form an

 

 

 

Fic. 3.

almost transparent barrier. Several plough-teams of oxen
were at work here, four in each, and all double-yoked. . The
ploughmen in their long smocks, bare-legged, save for their
high boots, leaned heavily on the left hale of the plough, so
that they seemed to lurch in their walk, whilst they shouted
continually to urge on their teams or to direct the drivers,
one of whom walked in front of each team armed with a long
goad, by a liberal use of which he contrived that each beast
should keep his proper place and bear his share of the
draught. But every fifty yards or so the oxen, as if moved
by common impulse, would lower their heads to the ground
and stop resolutely, whereat the ploughman leaned against
12 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

the spindle, and the driver threw himself upon the ground be-
side the team; while the wearied animals, themselves blowing
hard with distended nostrils and heaving flanks, sought to
allay the smarting of their wounds with blows of their long
tails and impatient stamping of their feet? Thus they would
remain, Richard assured his guest} for half an hour at a time,
were not the bailiff always at hand, whereas all who have
driven oxen know that they must stop just three minutes to
fetch their breath, and no longer, lest they should grow stiff; but
none of these villeins and hinds, said he sadly, has any care
at all for the lord’s interests—each seeking instead only his
own ease or profit, that one.may save his labour, and an-
other his team, when he is compelled to perform plough-work
upon the demesne.

When the'two friends had passed beyond the spring field
where, besides the teams now engaged upon the second
ploughing, many rustics were at work breaking up the clods
with wooden mallets to lighten'the labour of the harrow, they
entered upon the enclosed meadows and pastures of the
demesne. Here the freshness of the ground and of the bud-
ding thorn-trees was most grateful after the glare and dust
of the open fields. Richard now described the work of hay-
making, which, he said, was performed in the season by the cus-
tomary service for the most part-of the cottiers of the manor,
who were assisted by their wives and elder children, receiving
twice a day plentiful rations of bread and meat, or salt-fish
and cheese, washed down with large draughts of small ale
thickened with meal. In the pastures .a small flock of milch
ewes were now feeding, and-the son of Nigel was not a little
astonished at this sight.

“JT marvel. much,” he said, “ that.you:should prefer the thin
and acid milk of these animals to.the rich and fragrant milk
Anestt.—The Manor. ine

 

of cows, since you must have abundance of pasture here for
both.”

“Not so,” replied his host, “for, unless you fatten at least
half the herd at Michaelmas, and slaughter them for winter
beef before Martinmas, there is small profit from them and great
risks of loss from disease, though I grant you that if we were
near some large town the case would be different. But as it
is, some lambs die and others are weaned and fattened for
the table, and it were evil husbandry not to use the milk of
the dams for cheeses, which the labourers eat readily, and the
remainder can be sold with a good profit at the fairs. So

 

 

 

Fic. 4.

much I learned from my brother and your fellow, John the
Clerk, who hath, as you know, lands in Hampshire of the
King’s gift, and there they will have nought to do with kine,
but breed or fatten only sheep, which cam live on little com-
pared with other beasts.”

After questioning the shepherd as to the state of the flock,
Richard led the way home across the pastures by a path or
track which led directly to the folds beneath the castle wall.

It was half-way noon before they entered the castle, and
dinner was served in the great hall soon after, at which meal
the whole household was assembled. After this was over the
lord and his guest sat together over their wine cups, and con-
14 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

versed upon the state of the country in respect of agriculture,
The Churchman had many questions to ask on this score,
and particularly as ‘to his friend’s own experiences, who
replied with the following description of the cultivation of
his demesne.

“The manor of Anesti contains about 1,000 acres of arable,
. pasture, meadow, and wood. It is divided into two almost
equal parts—one held and cultivated by the lord, and the
other by his free and customary tenants, The former is the
demesne, which contains about 400 acres of ploughland, 50
of choice meadow and pasture, and as many of scattered
woodland. Three ploughs are engaged in the tillage of the
demesne, in which they are assisted by the customary services
of the tenants, who provide usually six supplementary
ploughs at appointed seasons. A small flock of sheep pasture
in summer on the common of the manor, on the grassy
fallows, and on the rank stubbles after harvest. Before
November the chief part of the flock is either sold or killed,
and salted for winter use, and the ewes and lambs folded for
the season. The same is done with the cattle, though here
several of the milch kine are fattened and slaughtered to eke
out the precious winter pasture and scanty stock of hay.

“Even so the ewes are largely supported on chopped straw
and pease-haulm ; while the oxen of the ploughs are wholly
fed in winter with sheaves of oats, though on holidays they
are turned out to grass if the weather is favourable.

“As for the horses, it is fortunate I have not many, and
those only hackneys for myself and my men, for were it other-
wise we should need to thresh out more than the whole crop
of oats, leaving none for sale, and the cost of threshing to boot,
for you may not give them the whole blade. Thus you will
see there is little profit in stock, for except that the plough-
Anesti.—The Manor. © 15

 

oxen must be kept alive, which are the chief source of wealth,
and a certain number of beeves and muttons must be salted
down each winter for the household, the business is a thank-
less one. True that the stock sold at St. Simon and St.
Jude often brings a good return, and that the fleeces and
hides are especially valuable, yet you must buy again at
Hocktide often as dear as you have sold cheap; and then
every seventh year comes the murrain, which wastes all that
you have gained meantime. Nay, there are but three things
which pay for all the rest and something over. These are
corn, and swine, and cheese. As for the other half of the
land, that which is let out to the free tenants or the villeins,
it yields a fair profit from rents, both in money and in kind.
Formerly it was of more consequence to the lord, who shared
as it were his tenants’ profits—he providing them with their
outfit of seed corn and plough oxen, and they rendering
services in labour. upon the demesne or tithes of produce.
But now they pay more in money and less in kind, which is
little to my liking. Thus I have but a small share in their
concerns, though the farm bailiff sees that they perform their
set-work punctually, while the seneschal regulates their suit
of court and takes fines from them for the neglect thereof.
In addition to these villeins there are the hired labourers
who work on the demesne, and the serfs. Both of these form
part of my household. However, the farm bailiff and plough-
men, with the shepherd, the swineherd, and woodward, are
still chosen, by ancient custom, from the villeins of the
manor, and receive their fees and perquisites accordingly.
But in order that these things may be made more clear to
you, I will read to you, if you please, the last account of this
manor which was rendered to me by my officers.”

Hereupon Richard de Anesti rose, and, opening an oaken
16 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

chest which stood in a recess, produced from it a bundle
of small parchment rolls, one of which he selected and un-
rolled, commenting upon its contents as follows :—

- “This is the accourit of John the seneschal and Richard
the bailiff. First they credit me with the rents of the manor
and the farm of the mill for the past half-year. Also for the
proceeds of the sale of pannage and underwood and the
like. Then for the issues of fines for neglect of customary
services or by way of composition for their remission, For
example, the shepherd and his helps are fined for neglect
of the ewes at lambing-time, the ploughman for careless
ploughing, and others for neglecting to work upon the de-
mesne on the days appointed; for breaking pasture and
wood ; taking honey and the like. The crops grown last
year were, of wheat, eighty quarters; of scurril and mixtil
(which are, as you know, an inferior sort) thirty-six quarters ;
of drage, twenty quarters ; of barley, eighteen quarters; and
of oats, 121 quarters ; in all 275 quarters, being the produce
of three ploughlands. Of these, sixty-seven quarters of
wheat were sold, sixteen were reserved for the seed of sixty-
nine acres sown this year, and one quarter was consumed
in rations for the haymakers. Of the scurril, five quarters
were bestowed on a carter, and three and a half on the
dairy-woman. The whole of the drage was sold. Of
oats, sixty-seven quarters were sold, forty-two and a half
were kept for seed of ninety-four acres, five quarters were
bestowed on a carter, and seven were consumed by the
plough-oxen. Lastly, of barley, five and a half quarters were
sold, four and a half were reserved for the seed of ten acres,
and the rest was bestowed on the carter and the dairy-woman
aforesaid. The stock of the demesne consists of the plough-
oxen, the ewe-flock, the wether flock, and some hogs that
Anesti.—The Manor. 1%
were bought at Easter. Of these, one ox died and was
replaced, several ewes were lost in the lambing season, and
three of the muttons were eaten by the haymakers. The
ewes produced rather more than a lamb apiece, counting
those which were barren and those which died ; but more
than half the lambs have been carried off by the sickness,
and of the rest a considerable number were claimed by the
Church for the tithe, and by the bailiff and shepherd for their
perquisites, so that fifty only remain now out of nearly twice
that number. But there is a herd of fifty swine, which the.
swineherd drives into the woods and which increases greatly

 

 

 

Fic. 5.

and yields a large profit, especially from such as are penned
and fattened on barley-meal in the winter. Besides this live-
stock, I hold the fleeces of the ewes and wethers of much.
account, and this season they were very heavy, and I have
sold them a good bargain to Gisbert, the Fleming, of Ipswich,
together with the fells of all the lambs and ewes that died,
_the muttons that were slaughtered, and the dead ox’s hide.
The cheeses made by the dairy-woman complete the produce
of the year. There were 175 of these, weighing more than
four hundred-weight , whereof 162 were sold, and the rest
Cc
18 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

were consumed by the hay-makers and harvesters and by the
household.

“On the other side, the expenses of working the farm are
considerable. The bailiff, shepherd, ploughmen and carters,
woodward and dairy-woman receive each a high wage. The
three plough-teams must be shod, and the smith is constantly
employed in the repair of the carts and implements. New
utensils have to be supplied for the dairy, with sheets and

canvas cord, pitch, buckets, and

fifty other necessaries. Again,

the threshers and dykers are
' paid through the winter by piece-
work. In short, when all ex-
penses are paid, there remains
over only a profit of some thirty
pounds, though the greater part of
the cost of the household is de-
frayed, without touchingthis sum,
out of the products of the soil.”

“T perceive,” said the son of
Nigel, when Richard had ended
his discourse, “the poor estate
of a landowner who is not skilful in the management of his
farms, and this perchance may explain the lowness of all
direct assessments upon the land which I have often noticed.
Hitherto, indeed,my own knowledge of these things has been

 

drawn from surveys and valuations amongst the records of
the Exchequer, which afford truly many superficial facts, as
that the least estate in land, and such as is most commonly
held in villeinage, is a half-virgate, which elsewhere is the land
of one ox ; next to this a virgate, or the land of a single yoke
of oxen; next a half hide, which is two virgates, or half a
Anestt.—The Manor. 19

 

carucate ; next a full hide, or carucate, which is four virgates ;
and lastly, a knight’s fee of four hides. Therefore I suppose
that in every hide or carucate there will be four yoke of oxen
and ploughs, according to the custom of agriculture, together
with common of pasture and as much meadow as there may
happen to be. And now note this thing, that the land is not
assessed at the Exchequer according to the number of acres,
but according to the number of ploughs ; for these denote the
real wealth of the land, and not the extent measured by the
perch and cord. Consider now that if there be a manor of
five hides in which there are ten ploughs, as there are here,
and another of the same extent in which there are but five
ploughs, is it not probable that in the latter much of the land
is marsh or thorns, or otherwise unsuitable for tillage; and
therefore would it not be manifestly unfair that a close
assessment should be made of each according to the acre and
not by the carucate? Thus it hath seemed to the wisdom of
our great King, so that with us the assessment of the land is
now made by ploughs, each being taken to be worth twenty
shillings. Besides this assessment, which is chiefly intended
for such as do not hold by military service, there is the
scutage paid by the holders of knight’s fees, namely, forty
shillings for each fee, which is ten shillings on the hide or
five shillings for each plough, in most cases; so that the
tenant in. socage and the tenant by knight-service shall both
be assessed at the same rate, namely, one-fourth on the
carucate for the one, which is five shillings, and forty shillings
on the knight’s fee for the other, which is also five shillings on
the carucate, or if it be sometimes more, then it is to be
considered that here the tenant is assessed ratione militia,
and that it must still be more to his advantage to pay than
to serve in his own person, as he must otherwise do. For my
20 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

own part, however, I would not have a general assessment of
the carucate as being worth twenty shillings in all cases, but
according as it is found that the land is good or bad, and the
number of the plough teams actually used.

“Tt is strange,” said Richard, “that the land alone should
pay for the maintenance of the King’s state and the welfare
of his kingdom.”

“ Nay,” rejoined the other, “it is best seemly that the King,
whose the whole land is, should receive his own according to
his needs. Rather it is strange that the holders of land
should render no greater rent or services, and other incidents,
for that which cost their forefathers nothing to obtain, whereas
a merchant who hath acquired goods by industry or purchase
must contribute far more thereof to the revenue of the Crown,
and, indeed, can scarcely call them his own but by the King’s
favour.”

“ And yet,” said Richard, “such a one will be careful to
make good his losses at the expense of the farmer, whose corn
and wool he will buy at a lower rate, giving this extortion as
his excuse; so at least it hath always happened to me in my
dealings with such merchants,”

“JT grant you,” replied the son of Nigel, “that these men
are subtle knaves ; but the profits of their merchandise arise
rather from the luxury and unthrift of the age, whereby they
have no need to cheapen their purchases from the producer,
but will often buy from him at a good price, knowing that
they will be repaid tenfold by their venture. But more of
this another time, for I see that there are those approaching
who have business on hand.”

As he spoke the steward ushered into the lord’s presence ©
several of the superior tenants of the manor, whilst at a
respectful distance a larger body of peasants followed, and
Anestt.—The Manor. 27

 

remained crowded together at the lower end of the hall con-
versing in whispers, Next the lord’s seneschal entered,
accompanied by the chaplain, bearing a roll of parchment,
pen, and ink-horn, and approached the dais.

“The court of the manor is holden to-day,” explained
Richard, “and yonder are the suitors. For you must know
that I have caused the court to sit in the afternoon, to the
end that the villagers may attend after the teams are driven
home, and also that a holiday shall by no means be consumed
in the hearing of plaints and trespasses. But now, if you will,
let us sit apart and watch the proceedings.”

Meanwhile the seneschal had taken his seat, the free
suitors ranged themselves in front of the dais, and the court
was proclaimed by one of the lord’s officers. Thereupon the
seneschal received the excuses of those who failed to appear
in several suits, to whom new days were assigned.: Next
presentment was made of such as owed suit to the court and
were then absent.

“T perceive,” said the Treasurer, “that this is the court of
the free-tenants, as well as that of the customary tenants.”

“You are right,” replied his host, “and you can see that
there are twelve of the former, who may be called the body-
politic of the manor. These report upon the whole state of
the manor, and adjudge all civil suits and trespasses. Here
also all admittances are made and other formalities. The
villagers, too, are subject to the jurisdiction of this court, and
attend as the helpers of the free tenants, their evidence being
taken on oath in cases which concern their own estate.”

Meanwhile the suitors had made divers presentments con-
nected with the customs, profit, or boundaries of the manor.
Next, what reliefs, escheats, wardships, marriages, waifs and
strays, or other incidents, had accrued to the lord. Next, of
22 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

various trespasses for which fines were assessed upon the of-
fenders, such as making a new path across the lord’s enclo-
sure, pasturing cattle in the same, fishing in the lord’s water,
resistance to the lord’s officers, breaking pound, overstocking
the common, damaging the lord’s wood, grinding corn at an-
other mill than,the lord’s, etc. Next, that certain officers of the
manor had not properly discharged their duties, under which
head several neglects were punished with slight fines. Next,
the ale-tasters presented one who had sold ale that was below
the standard strength, and the miller was heavily fined for
taking toll by a measure larger than the standard. Finally,
several customary tenants were admitted, and also proof was
made of such villagers as had married their daughters with-
out the lord’s license, permitted their sons to be ordained,
neglected to repair their tenements, omitted to perform their
task work upon the demesne, fines being assessed in all
these cases. The presentments being ended, the seneschal
dismissed the court, and the suitors quietly withdrew.

As soon as they were alone, Richard began to inquire of
the son of Nigel the origin of the Barons’ Courts of England,
who replied as follows :—

“You are doubtless aware that these courts are of several
kinds and of several degrees—for some are larger than others,
as in the case of Hundreds granted by charter and Hon-
ours, and for these there is usually a chief court; but for
the rest, each manor has its own court, provided there are
tenants there sufficient for the same. And these tenants owe
suit to the lord’s court, whatever their rank may be, yet their
standing there is not entirely the same. For it is doubtless
within your own memory that the free tenants of many manors
were both of gentle birth and good ability ; so that they were
in some sort the lord’s assessors, and gave judgment upon the
Anestit.—The Manor. 23

 

presentments of the villagers, or of their own motion. Thus,
too, it is evident that this institution was taken from that off
the folk-moot and the Hundred, and also that it. has this
likeness to the proceedings of the King’s Court itself. For,
whereas it is related that formerly the thegns and franklins
assisted the great earl in his public court on folk-moot, giving
judgment there upon the presentments- of the men appointed
from every township, and likewise in the Hundred assisting
the king’s officer for the preservation of his peace, so, too,
the barons and other helpers of our lord the King himself in
his Court seem to resemble these freeholders, inasmuch as
they are bound by their tenure to render like suit to their
lord, and to assist him as is aforesaid. But of late the place
of that earl -hath been filled by the sheriff, being more skilful
in such parts, and those barons have still more recently been
superseded by the King’s Justices. These sheriffs and jus-
tices then have assumed many of the ancient functions of the
suitors of old (who now for the most part excuse themselves
from attendance, except such as are of peasant blood), and so
it has come to pass that neither the king nor the baron (the
earl being long since overlooked) is accustomed to preside in
court ; that in their absence the better sort of free suitors has
fallen away, and that in default the officer of king and lord
order and dispose of everything at their own discretion in
their masters’ interests.”

After this, Richard de Anesti began ‘to tell his guest of
the Abbot of St. Alban’s great court, held in the open air
‘beneath a certain tree there, and also of a curious custom
which prevailed from time immemorial in the neighbouring
county of Essex, and which he had himself witnessed during
his residence at the several manors held by him there as
of the honour of Boulogne. Which custom was, namely,
24 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

this; that each year, shortly after Hock-tide, the bailiff or
other officer of every liberty or Hundred should cut from a
willow-tree a great bough, and after shaping it to a certain
length and thickness, he should carry it up to the principal
manor-house within the liberty, and there wrap it in a fair
linen cloth, as though it were an image, and lay it upon a
pillow, and set it in the highest place in the hall. And after
it had tarried there some while, the bailiff should take it up
again and carry it by sun-shining to an appointed lane, whither
every tenant who was bound to watch and ward this staff ac-
cording to his tenure should repair well-armed. Whereupon
they being all assembled, the mouth of that lane was closed
with a great bar of timber, with a bell hanging there-to to
stay such people as would pass by. And the bailiff having
taken note that all the tenants were present, straightly charged
and commanded them to watch and keep the ward in silence
and due order, so that the King should be harmless and the
country scathless until the sun-rising. And when the sun
had risen, the lord of that principal manor repaired thither,
and taking up the staff scored thereon with a knife a certain
token that the watch had been truly kept. After which the
bailiff should convey it to the lord of the next manor, speak-
ing certain verses in the Saxon tongue. And so the staff
was watched and warded in like manner throughout every
Hundred of Essex, as far as a place called Atte Wode, and
there it was cast into the sea.

After several days passed in these rustic pursuits, varied by
hunting, and an occasional entertainment afforded by some
straggling jongleur, the son of Nigel prepared himself to re-
turn to London, where the King was about to hold his Court
at the beginning of Lent, in order to decide the cause of the
ambassadors of Castille and Navarre, as well as to transact
Anestit.— The Manor. 25.

 

other business of state. Richard de Anesti thereupon made |
known his determination to bear him company, having also
business in that city respecting certain debts owing by him
to Hakelot, the Jew; and being moreover desirous of fining
with the king that his castle of Anesti might be safe from the
late ordinance for the pulling down of divers castles in those
parts since the late rebellion. Therefore, on the Thursday
following his arrival, the son of Nigel set forth upon his re-
turn, accompanied by his host with a sufficient following.
4

CHAPTER. LL.
LONDON.—THE CITY.

ON the evening of the second day after their departure
from Anesti, our travellers found themselves approaching
the north-eastern suburb of London. The country through
which they rode was rich grass-land, abundantly timbered
and watered by clear and rapid streams, which flowed into
the river Thames. Many picturesque houses with fertile
gardens and orchards were scattered over this pleasant land-
scape, to which the massive battlements and stately spires of
the distant city formed an imposing background. Leaving
behind these suburban villas of the wealthy citizens, having
made the passage of the river Lea at Stratford, they halted
presently at Aldgate. The great gate-way was still open
and indeed its recesses were lined with movable stalls, the
owners of which, vied in commendation of the excellence
of their respective wares, while groups of lepers and other
piteous mendicants invoked the alms of the charitable. The
appearance of the strangers proving satisfactory to the city
serjeants, they were allowed to pass through into the shadow
of the overhanging gables. Hence they rode westwards
along a broad avenue which debouched on to Cheapside, and
so up the incline to St. Paul’s Church, where the son of
Nigel was to part with his companion, since he intended to
push forward to the palace of Westminster, instead of so-
journing at the comfortable residence which he occupied as a
26
London.— The City. a7

 

canon of that Church. But first he bade one of his serjeants
escort Richard de Anesti to an honest herbergeour near by,
promising further to acquaint his brother, John the Clerk, ot
his coming to London, and adding that his brother the
Treasurer expected an early visit from his old friend to his
official residence at Westminster. The following morning,
accordingly, Richard was aroused by his host, soon after sun-

 

Ja eaceve Tund{ I lareft chef denaler’e |
Pout os aap enhatnxa. eugleverrs
Tafunia ¢ lape/|la trove ta nuuele

lature Welk
4 $ lambesh
Yagraz Ritebeame, LA

pt AX \

 

 

 

 

 

 
 

 

 

 

    
  

 

te aghufefer pal

 

 

Hence CraplQre Bulfopetgee Brllinefaute
ogate ©

Fic. 7. “i te

rise, with the news that his brother was below awaiting his
rising. After a warm greeting had passed between the
brothers, Richard expressed an earnest wish to view once
more, after an absence of many years, the sights of the city,
and to make himself better acquainted with the pursuits and
pastimes of its inhabitants. To this proposal his brother
cheerfully agreed, and without further delay they sallied forth
together unattended. As they proceeded eastward, John
28 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

drew attention to the ground-plan of the city, which, he
observed, was enclosed by a line of walls except on the side
of the river, where they were long since decayed. He next
showed that there was a central avenue from east to west,
from Aldgate to Newgate, with narrower streets, parallel
to this, intersected by innumerable lanes. Beside the walls
and the river strand, the houses were less densely packed,
and there were also open spaces at several points where the
great markets were held, besides the cimiteries of a hundred
churches, and the precincts. of the monasteries. Nevertheless,
he admitted that the general effect produced to the eyes of
a stranger was that of a labyrinth.of houses, which was due,
probably, to the irregular lines of the streets, and the narrow-
ness of the lames and alleys.

The houses of the citizens in the several wards through
which they passed were built entirely of wood, with one or
rarely two gables facing the street. The lower part of these
houses was usually of solid timbers, but the projecting gable
above was merely a framework filled in with plaster, the ex-
ternal surface of the entire front being usually daubed with
whitewash. The roofs were thatched with reeds, or straw, or
shingles, and: rarely tiled, and the windows. were protected at
the best only by hinged lattices of wood or iron. Each house
possessed a courtyard, and often a garden at the rear, but none
exceeded two storeys in height, the ground-floor being the
shop, warehouse, or workroom, and the first floor the dwelling-
rooms of the family. In some cases, however, stalls were
‘erected against the outside wall, protected from the weather
by pent-houses which overhung the pavement. The roads
were unmade, and the footways before the houses were un-
evenly flagged with natural stone. The garbage from the
houses was thrown into the deep gutters, whence it was
London.—The C: aly. 29

 

removed at long intervals, by the city scavengers, in carts, out-
side the walls. Moreover, these gutters were flushed with a
filthy torrent of water, owing to the practice of washing linen
and scouring clothes or furs in the roadway. Fowls, pigs,
and even milch-kine roamed freely about the streets, and
fierce-looking dogs preyed upon the garbage, in the company
of kites and crows. None of these inconveniences, however,
were marked by our two visitants, and Richard gazed around
him with wonder and delight, as the various objects of note
were pointed out to him by his companion: the churches,
convents, and schools; the mansions of the wealthy mer-
chants and the lodgings of the nobles; the shops of workers
in metals, leather, cloth, fur, and other principal trades; the
forges of the shoeing-smiths, already ringing in the still morn-
ing air, and the barbers’ basons, surreptitiously filled with
blood ; lastly, the hostels, and other houses of entertainment,
such as the cook-shops, pie-shops, wine-taverns, and ale- houses,

Still more interesting to Richard were the open markets
which they visited in turn, for besides the numerous huck-
sters, who cried fish, bread, and other victuals in the streets,
or sold them from door to door, and the carts filled with
wood, or charcoal, or water, stationed at the principal cross-
ways,—the main business of the purveyors of victuals was
carried on in the open spaces, paved, and suitably appointed
for that purpose, and which, as the morning advanced, were
frequented by throngs of eager buyers. Among such were
Gracechurch market, for the produce of the eastern counties;
Newgate, similarly appointed for that of the north parts, or
of the west, besides Smithfield, Cornhill, and the Cheap
itself, with Billingsgate for fish and merchandise landed by
ships at the Hythe or St. Botolph’s wharf, under the protec-
tion (and exaction) of the keeper of the Tower.
30 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

In each of these markets the various bales of merchandise
were laid out upon the pavement, to allow of a complete
inspection of their contents, for none might sell by the
sample, and, moreover, the quality of the wares was liable to
examination by the officers of the market. Here, too, were
stalls for the butchers and fishmongers, with temporary
sheds or booths for the protection of the costly wares of the
greater merchants.

In all these markets there was a prodigious uproar from a
babel of tongues, with general merriment on the part of the
buyers and onlookers at every ludicrous incident. Among
the chapmen themselves, however, quarrels were rife, and the
city serjeants had frequently to interfere, to avert a serious
affray. The last of these centres visited by the brothers was
Smithfield, where the great horse-fair of London was held
every six weeks without the city walls. Here the citizens
seemed to be bent as much on pleasure as on business, or,
more truly said, their business was conducted in a pleasurable
manner. Many nobles on horseback, wealthy traders, and
royal grooms and purveyors, were here to be seen critically
inspecting the chargers and palfreys of English, Spanish, and

_Flemish breeds, whose paces were skilfully displayed by the

horse-keepers. Not unfrequently, by special request of some
influential purchaser, several horses were tried against each
other, mounted by boys, along a course that was hastily
cleared by the goodwill of the spectators, who appeared to
take the keenest interest in these equine contests, cheering
the horses or riders by their names, and sometimes even
wagering upon the result.

In another part of the field the brood-mares, cows, sheep,
and swine, with their young ones running beside them, were
exposed for sale, together with plough-oxen and various kinds
London.—The City. 31

 

of agricultural implements. Long before Richard had gazed
his fill upon this animated spectacle, his brother drew him
away in the direction of the river, where, he said, they would
be assured of the best dinner to be got in-London at one of
the cook-shops for which this neighbourhood was famous.
Their way led them by the west front of St. Paul’s, where
in the great place between the castle by the Newgate and
the Church the city militia was wont to muster in time of
domestic war, of whom John affirmed he had seen as many
as 20,000 under arms in'the time of the late troubles.
Thence they proceeded to one of the wharves below the
-castle, where they took boat down stream for St. Botolph’s
wharf near the Tower. Richard could not fail to admire the
great breadth and purity of the river, which, it being then
low water, ran bright and clear over shoals of gravel. Many
fishermen were busy plying their nets, and many a stately
swan rode upon the clear waves, while flocks of geese and
ducks basked upon the grassy banks. Behind them in
the far distance rose the battlements of the great palace
of Westminster, and before them the royal standard waved
from the Tower above the masts of the shipping and the
wooden sheds and warehouses upon the quays. Impelled by
the swift stream and the willing arms of the watermen, who
augured from their appearance something more than the
statutory fare of one penny, the landing stage was soon
reached, and a few moments later, John the Clerk was
showing the way into a long, low house, cleanly appointed
with tables and settles, at which numerous well-dressed
guests were already seated, engaged in discussing the several
dishes of the day. Having taken their seats, John called for
a capon in crust, which was presently brought to them with
several kinds of bread, and a handsome measure of wine
32 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

fetched from a neighbouring cellar. Their meal ended, and
the modest reckoning paid, they sallied forth, not unwillingly,
into the fresh breeze blowing from the quays, where they sat
and watched the ships coming up from the Pool, with the
flood-tide, to their moorings off the wharves: wine-ships of
Gascony, woad-ships of Picardy,
. scuts of Flanders, Essex and
Kentish whelk-boats, and the great
vessels of Almain and Norway,
with wild-looking sailors crowd-
ing the bows, and chanting, bare-
headed, their hymn of praise for
a toilsome voyage safely brought
to end.

As it was now almost noon,
Richard was’ minded to seek the
house of Hakelot the Jew, to whom he was indebted in
divers sums of money, raised to defray certain charges, and
especially of the fine which he had lately been compelled to
pay at the Exchequer in respect of his daughter's marriage.
His brother likewise had occasion to return to the Exchequer
upon some necessary business, and therefore they took leave
of one another for the present, with a promise of meeting
again upon the Monday following, when a certain miracle
and other plays and pastimes were arranged to be presented
and of which Richard was desirous of being a spectator.

The latter accordingly held on his way alone to the neigh-
bouring Jewry, a foul and squalid quarter, where the over-'
hanging houses almost shut out the light of the sun. Here he
succeeded, without much difficulty, in discovering the object
of his search, and being prepared with his principal money
and usance, he exacted from the reluctant creditor a full re-

 
London.—The City. 33

 

lease for all his obligations, formally executed and sealed with
Hakelot’s seal, bearing the device of a crowing cock, whereby
he was discharged of the said obligation, and of all others
incurred by himself or his ancestors to Hakelot and his fellow
Jews up to the present date. Thereupon, after receiving back
the original bond to be cancelled, he gladly departed out ot
__ the place, and bent his steps towards the Guildhall.

Here Richard chanced to’ meet his kinsman, William de
Glanvill, who had attended to pursue a certain cause on behalf
of the Dean and Chapter of St. Paul’s, and who gladly offered

~to accompany his cousin to that church, where they would be
able to converse freely. In this favourite resort alike of the
devout, the studious, and the worldly-minded, they walked
to and fro, or sat, as they listed; and here Richard, having
explained the cause of his presence in the city, William de
Glanvill began forthwith to speak of the incredible wealth
and extortions of those usurers, together with some curious
information respecting their privileges, with all of which he
was familiar by means of his residence at the Exchequer.
And first he said that they held the most part of their present
liberties by charter of King Henry, grandfather of the now
King, in whose reign also, he observed, the Cistercian Order
was first brought into England. This in turn reminded him
of a saying of Master Map concerning a Cistercian who
became a Jew, that he marvelled that the said Cistercian had
not rather become a Christian. These Jews, however, he con-
tinued, were even before the Conquest under the protection of
the Crown, and subject therefore to various tallages and fines
to the king, who was the absolute lord over their bodies and
lands and chattels, and without whose favour they had no
assurance for their safety. It was to be remembered, in-
deed, that their condition was in no way worse in this respect
D
34 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

than that of other aliens, nor perhaps of the king’s demesne
men. Moreover, it was well known that the seizure of a Jew’s
chattels was only to be likened to the case of any Christian
—~whether clerk or layman—who practised usury, though for
these last time for repentance was given during their lives,
or to make atonement with the Church by their dying be-
quest, otherwise the chattels of all such Christian usurers were
straightway seized to the king. Therefore, if any Jew either
transgressed the laws of the kingdom or was adjudged a tres-
passer against the king’s right, he lay at the king’s mercy,
and must needs ransom himself accordingly, and in default
of payment, the community of the Jews with which he was
associated must discharge the same. It was well-known to
the residents at the Exchequer, he added, that these Jews
were notable forgers of charters, so that they would oft-times
exact from the son of such a one debts falsely alleged by
them to have been incurred by his father, whose charter they
feigned to produce. Therefore, it happened on certain occa-
sions that the land impledged was restored to the debtor if it
seemed to the court that those Jews were unworthy of credit,
and especially if the principal money and usury had been
already made up out of the profits of the land. But however
this might be, it was certain that their dealings were wisely
regulated by the Crown, else they would often be deprived: by
force of that which they had gained by craft, and perchance
slain, by those whom they had abused, or else forced to
depart the realm, whereby much inconvenience would be sus-
tained by reason of the prohibition of usury among Christian
men. For the rest, he said, the Jews in England were com-
pelled to live apart from Christians, and to wear a badge of
their race in their dress, and to perform their ceremonies and
instruction privately in their synagogues and schools. Also, it
London.—The City. 35

 

was forbidden them to take in pawn any consecrated vest-
ments or plate, for by their dealings with religious men great
scandals had heretofore arisen, so that it was well-known that
Aaron, the great Jew of Lincoln, had
boasted that he was himself the maker of (lay mild,
the rich shrine of St. Alban, by reason of =) a
his loans to the Abbot Simon there. Also,
that all intercourse between Jews and '
Christians was utterly forbidden by Holy
Church, and especially the common prac-
tice of needy and wanton men in becoming
the bailiffs and servants of Jews. William
de Glanvill did not fail to add, as the
chief cause of the great prosperity and dan-
gerous example of these and other aliens,
their habit of combination and mutual in-
telligence, so that the credit of each member Fic. 9.

was sustained and employed for the advantage of the whole
body. For although these Jews had their regular abode in
certain cities and not in others, yet you should never fail to
meet with some one of them wheresoever you might be, and
each would take up the other’s usance. Besides, the principal
Jews were often to be met with at the Court, or elsewhere, on
the king’s business, being then appointed the king’s agents or
purveyors for divers causes, and receiving again what was
expended by them at the hands of the sheriffs or of the king’s
chamberlains. Thus he was aware that even now the wife of
Bruno the Jew, of London, had provided the moneys required
for rebuilding the Church of Waltham. As soon as William
de Glanvill had finished speaking, Richard in turn proceeded
to ‘relate his own experience in his dealings with the Jews in
the course of his great suit respecting his uncle’s lands,.

   

 
36 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

“In the first year of my plea,” he began, “when I sent
John, my brother, beyond seas for the King’s writ, I borrowed
the forty shillings which I then spent from Vives the Jew, of
Cambridge, upon usury of a groat a week for every pound,
and I kept that money during fourteen months, so that
the usury amounted to thirty-seven shillings and four pence.
And at Easter following this, Vives lent me again sixty shil-
lings at the same rate, which I kept six months, and the

“usury was twenty-four shillings. And when I crossed the
water to purchase the King’s writ, Comitissa the Jewess, of
Cambridge, lent me four pounds and ten shillings at the same
rate, the usury of which was fifty-four shillings for nine months.
And when I went to Stafford to consult with my advocate,
Bon-Enfant the Jew lent me fifty shillings at the like rate,
for which I paid as usury sixteen shillings and eight pence,
being for five months. And when I pleaded in the Arch-
bishop’s Court at Canterbury, Dieu-la-Cresse the Jew lent me
forty shillings at the same rate, which I kept two months, and
paid five shillings and four pence. And when I crossed the
water to fine with the King in Gascony for license to appeal
to Rome, then Jacob the Jew, of Newport, lent me sixty shil-
lings at the same rate, which I was not able to repay within
thirteen months, so that the usury amounted to fifty-two.
shillings. And when I sent my clerks to Rome to appeal,
Hakelot the Jew lent me ten pounds at the rate of three
pence a week for every pound, and I kept this money seven
months, paying sixty shillings and ten pence for the usury.
And afterwards, when I pleaded in the court of the papal
assessors, this Hakelot lent me sixty shillings at the same
rate, for which I rendered as usury nine shillings for three
months. And afterwards, in the same court Jacob the Jew,
of Newport, lent me seventy shillings at a groat for the
‘NOILNAJANOD UO «aVAVLS» HSIMAL

 
London.—The City. 37
week, the usury of which amounted to thirty-seven shillings
and four pence for eight months. And it was not long after
this that Benedict the Jew, of London, lent me ten shillings
at two pence for the week, but I neglected to repay it for
three years, so that the usury amounted to twenty-six shil-
lings, And when I went to Winchester about my writ of
appeal to Rome the second time, Jacob the Jew lent me a
hundred shillings at three pence, which I kept ten months
and paid for usury fifty shillings. And to gain money for my
clerks to go to Rome, I borrowed four pounds from Hakelot
at the same rate, which ‘Gost me twenty-four shillings for six
months, And when I was before the King in his court at
Windsor, Dieu-la-Cresse lent me forty shillings at the same
rate, for which I gave him eight shillings for four months.
Also Bruno the Jew lent me half a mark at three-half-pence
a week, for which I paid fifteen pence after ten weeks. And
at the [court at Reading Hakelot, whom I found there, lent
me thirty shillings at three pence, which I kept for five
months, paying for usury seven shillings and six pence. And
at the court at Woodstock, when I gained my suit, Mirabella
the Jewess, of Newport, lent me four pounds and ten shillings
at a groat a week, which I kept for a year, and the usury
whereof was seventy-eight shillings. After this Hakelot
again lent me divers sums, in order that I might pay the re-
ward I had offered to Ralph the King’s physician, and when I
paid my fine to the King at the Exchequer, amounting alto-
gether to thirty-six pounds, whereof the usury amounted to
near thirty pounds, though the rate of usance was the lowest
that I had hitherto paid, namely, two pence, which, though it —
be the rate appointed at the Exchequer, yet are there few
who may have moneys for less than a groat.”

When Richard had ended his account of these borrowings,
138 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

which were set down in a small roll among the several docu-
ments with which he was provided on this occasion, he
began to request his kinsman with great earnestness to make
known to him the state of commerce and the ordinances
thereof within the city of London, as far as he was acquainted
with the same, who, having gathered the objects of his
inquiry, paused awhile for reflection, and presently answered

him as follows.
CHAPTER III.
LONDON.—THE GUILDS.

‘©T WILL make no mention here,” said he, “of the origin
of the king’s prerogative for the regulation of commerce.
Concerning this you may consult, if you will, my master, the
Treasurer, whose knowledge of these things far exceeds that
of other men. But what the conditions are of the traffic of
merchants, both natives and aliens, within this city, and equally
throughout the realm, and of the mysteries established here,
I will briefly set forth, And this you must note first of all,
that some merchants of this land are more favoured than
others, which favour is due to them by the terms of their
charters only, and not as some have thought common to
all men by the laws and customs of the realm ; for no man
can have an absolute property either in the land or any pro-
duct thereof, but only by service to his lord, and the king is
the lord over all merchants, except they have some other.

“ And first of native traders such as the citizens of London.
These men have long since redeemed the uncertain services
and base condition of such as flock together upon the land of
a lord or of the king to practise merchandise, having fined
with the king for their charter, whereby they are assured,
amongst other things, of the following: to render the ferm
of their county at the Exchequer by the hands of their
sheriffs, with such allowances as may be seen in the Great
Rolls there ; to have their own justiciar, and to do justice to
40 Court Life under the Plantagenets.
one another according to the customs of the City ; to be quit
of the assessed taxes which are rendered in the Hundreds of
England, and to be free of all tolls everywhere throughout
England. Moreover, the king has granted that they shall
enjoy free chace in the forests around London, and he has
placed their river in defence, that none may obstruct the
passage thereof, nor otherwise hinder the enjoyment of the
same ; and so of their highways by land, which none may
straighten or disturb; yea, and of the sea itself, for these are
their avenues of commerce. Yet although by this their charter
and by the confirmations thereof, they are thus firmly estab-
lished, and by the due payment of their ferm, and of such
tallages and contributions as may be required or desired of
them, are quit of all other charges soever, they nevertheless
are charged with the due government of their City. And in
default hereof the king shall either exact a grievous penalty —
or resume his government over them. Thus I have seen in
recent times a city amerced for divers neglects or trespasses,
as for murder undiscovered, for harbouring outlaws, for the
escape of prisoners, for default of justice, for assisting the
King’s enemies,—as happened to many towns in the late
troubles,—with many other offences against the public safety.
“And besides these liberties, which are common to the
whole body of the citizens, there are divers others for which
the several societies of merchants, and every freeman for him-
self, must make a fine with the king. Thus the guilds within
every city render an annual ferm at the Exchequer, as the
weavers and fullers and vintners and cordwainers, with divers
others, and without this they are reputed adulterine and
unlawful. Moreover, the citizens render a common fine to
the king for license to trade in certain commodities, as
they do in most cities of England to buy or sell dyed cloths,
London.—The Guilds. 4

 

In addition, all merchants whosoever are distrained for the
king’s Customs at his ports and barriers, but at the ports and
gates of their own cities they pay the dues accustomed to
such as have franchise of the same, and also for the support
of their city so long as they have the government thereof.

“ Lastly, these merchants, each for himself and all together,
are accustomed to fine with the king for his license or pro-
tection,—as to export corn, fish, cheese, honey, grease, and
other victuals, besides wools, hides, and tin, and to import
wines, woad, fur, wax, silk, and many other merchandises.

“And by this you may see that the king has a claim upon
every kind of produce of the country which is carried beyond
the seas and whereby his state may be diminished and the
land impoverished by the greed of a few men. Moreover,
some recompense is due to him for his cost and charges for
the safe-guard of the seas, and for the preservation of rivers
and highways.

“Now, as for alien traders, they too fine with the king for
license and protection, but in a greater degree, since both
they and theirs are in the king’s hand to do therewith as he
pleases, and especially because they stand most in need of
his protection by reason of the contempt and envy in which
they are held by the subjects. And truly they are well able
to pay these impositions by reason of the great profit that
they have through their dealings, Besides these aliens who
fine thus for license to bring their ships to land at the
king’s ports, and to traverse the kingdom towards the great
cities or fairs, paying only reasonable tolls, and afterwards to
depart in safety, there are others who for a long time past
have sojourned here continuously, chief amongst whom are
the Flemings, first established in this country by our King’s
grandfather, for the advancement of the art of cloth-making,
42 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

and the Jews of whom we have spoken. These aliens,
from their first residence here, have been under the especial
protection and control of the king, and both are equally
obnoxious to those of English race, and notably the Flemings,
because of their advancement of the mysteries of weaving,
fulling, shearing, and dyeing of woollen cloths to the pre-
judice of the wool-buyers and shippers, as well as of those
merchants who buy and retail imported cloths with great
profit, for now the exporting of wool is restrained on behalf
of these weavers and others, and there is even danger lest
foreign wool should be imported into the realm.”

“Behold, brother,” Richard interrupted, “ you advance now
as it seems to me two contrary things; for if they who
formerly shipped their wools abroad shall now sell them here,
and they who bought foreign cloths shall now buy native-
made ones, wherein can you show them to be damaged by
the custom that you have described ?”

“Can you then not guess,” replied William de Glanvill,
smiling sadly, “the difference which exists between the true
and the supposed interests of the subjects, otherwise the
objections that I have just now made would seem to be
of none effect? But see, the whole matter lies thus. In the
first place, these men are for the most part aliens, hateful and
suspected on that account alone to the commonalty. Again,
the restriction of shipping native wools, and also the increase
of foreign wools imported, has the effect of lowering the price
against the seller. Moreover, the retailer of native cloths doth
lose much by the strictness of the assize, and also the quality
of the same is far inferior to that of imported cloth, and
the price is small in proportion, whereas that of cloths im-
ported, both skarlets and rays, is suited to the luxury of
the age. And if you would know why these things are so
London.—The Guilds. 43

 

ordained, it is that the king cares little to see the pursuit of
agriculture exchanged for that of grazing, to the advantage
of a few over-great merchants, but rather that the country
may retain its wealth, so that the number of plough-lands to
be taxed shall not be diminished, and at the same time that
the cities may be rendered more fruitful by the industry
and contributions of these weavers and their fellow-craftsmen.
As for the Jews, they are an infinite source of wealth to the
king, for they pursue their traffic under such rigorous con-
ditions that they can scarce avoid the breach of some of
them, whereby they shall forfeit all their goods to the king,
or pay a grievous fine by way of ransoming themselves ; so
that if by the protection of the king they have grown rich
at the expense of the subjects, so by the vigilance of the
king’s officers they are equally likely to disburse a large part
of their gains at the Exchequer.”

“T do now fully perceive your meaning,” said Richard,
smiling in turn; “but proceed now, I pray you, with the
matter of the trade regulations of this city.”

“These truly, as you may believe,” replied William de
Glanvill, “are even more burthensome than those imposed
by the laws and customs of the realm, and there are many
who count themselves oppressed hereby, through the advan-
tage gained by the rich at the expense of the poorer sort of
craftsmen, ‘who are forbidden, as it were, to better their con-
dition by their own skill and enterprise, but must still be
“content to minister to their own brethren. Thus we may see
how an ordinance that once was of good effect, to the
advantage of all alike, hath been abused through the lust of
power and wealth, to the undoing of deserving citizens. But
as for our noble city here, you must needs have observed that
each craft or guild has its own place assigned to it, whereby
44 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

both the excellence of its work is enhanced, and likewise the
convenience of traffic therein, especially by reason of the
repression of all deceits, and the adjustment of prices through
the vigilance of the guildsmen themselves.

“So you will find the
saddlers settled at St.
Martin’s, the cappers in
Fleet Street, the fullers
in Candlewick Street
Without, and the cooks
and vintners beside the
river of Thames. In the
like manner there is a
separate market appointed
for eachof the great staples
of commerce, as wool,
cloth, corn, cattle, woad, and others, besides the butchers’
shambles and fishmongers’ stalls. All these trades, then,
are wholly governed by their own bye-laws and the customs
and ordinances of the City, and, some say, by the assizes of
the realm; and such as offend against these are heavily
condemned. Thus I remember to have seen a baker drawn
through the streets to the pillory, bound upon a hurdle, and
a loaf of light weight hung about his neck. And an equal
punishment is reserved for the frauds of those who work
in false jewels or furs; forestallers of provisions, who board
the ships before they have reached their moorings, and bar-
gain for the whole cargo, with intent afterwards to raise the
prices ; and of the fripperers, who turn old coats and mantles,
which they offer for new. Finally, the quality of all things
for sale, and their prices, are fixed by the appointed officers
in each liberty or ward, such as the ale-tasters and others,

   

Fic. 10.
London.—The Guilds. 45

 

Moreover, every man is restricted to work at his own craft.
Thus a lorimer may work nothing but horse-furniture, and
a painter or joiner nothing but saddle-trappers, a cordwainer
must not patch shoes, nor a cobbler make them.

“ And now as to the regulations for alien merchants within
the City itself, which indeed, like those imposed by the Crown,
are most numerous and burthensome. These men, as soon
as they have passed the creek called Yanlet, are amenable
to the jurisdiction of the City. Then, when they have moored

“to

Vv

«Ss .
( a

IX ZA
as NS OES |

I

RAR U7 Ve
ROK) SRA OO
SOs ONS IMO SOO SORE ORRY

  

Fic. 11.

in the river, and have paid the king’s Customs and Prises
through the hands of his Chamberlain, and the port dues
of several kinds according to custom, they are free to land
their wares at their own leisure. Nevertheless, they may not
stay longer in the City than forty days, nor refuse any reason-
able price for their goods, nor sell them to others than
citizens, and then only by wholesale. They may not ware-
house their bales, nor in any way conceal their wares, neither
may they lodge with any but the host who shall be assigned
46 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

to them, and at all times they must buy freely, according to
their means, of the commodities exposed for sale within the
City. Some aliens there are, however, who enjoy many
privileges not accorded to the rest, and
who are free to deal as they list, paying
the rightful customs, such as the Danes
and Easterlings.

“And now behold I have told you
all the conditions of the commerce of
this city, and equally of the whole
realm, as far as the same is known to
me; yet doubtless there are many
other things worthy to be noted, which
are known only to those who are prac-

Fic. 12. tised in such matters.”

“Nay, brother,” replied Richard, “I give you abundant
thanks for your learned discourse, whereby a man may com-
prehend the excellence of the kingly power which is reflected
in the government of this city ; whereby also our King and
his subjects are equally benefited without injury to any man,
but rather to the lasting salvation of the bodies and souls of
all the Christian people.”

 
CHAPTER IV.
LONDON.—THE GAMES.

AT an early hour on the following Monday, the brothers went
abroad together, as had been already agreed between them ;
and Richard asking what miracle it was that should then
be set forth, John replied that although this was the feast
of St. Perpetua and St. Felicity, yet it was not intended that
their passions should be represented at that time; “for,” said.
he, “the legend is both obscure, and also difficult to realize.
Since doubtless you are aware that the saint first-named
was one of a company of martyrs who suffered, as some
say, under Severus the Emperor, in the parts of Mauretania ;
who, being thrown into prison, together with her playfellow
Felicity, and several noble youths, who had likewise refused
to offer sacrifices to idols, lay there in the speedy expectation
of death, And there she saw a vision, as of a stairway
leading up to heaven, but hedged with naked swords, and
guarded by a monstrous beast. And by this token she knew
that she should suffer for Christ’s sake; and so, forsaking
father and husband and child, she remained steadfast in her
faith unto the death, being thrown to the lions with her
fellow-martyrs. And therefore, since there is now an interval
between the mysteries of our Lord’s Nativity and of His
Resurrection, it is intended to represent to-day the fourth
miracle of St. Nicholas, for the sake of example to the boys: .
48 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

in the schools, whose festival, or rather carnival, it will be on
the morrow.”

The miracle was appointed to take place at the Church
of St. Paul, and there they found a large concourse of
spectators already assembled.

Immediately in front of the west door of the church a
spacious scaffold had been erected, draped with canvas.
On opposite sides of this stage two pieces of cloth were laid,
each of which represented a permanent scene in the play; on
the right hand being the city and palace of Excoranda, in
Asia, and on the left hand the capital city of the Agarenes.
In the background, the door of the church itself was left
open, representing the Church of St. Nicholas, without the
walls of Excoranda. The stage furniture consisted merely
of a few raised chairs and a table-board on trestles on either
side, with a silver cup, and certain wooden trenchers,

The personages of the play were already grouped in their
respective positions; the scene on the right being occupied
by Geton, the Christian king of Excoranda, with his queen
Euphrosyne seated beside him, and engaged in caressing a
fair boy of twelve summers, who was nestled at her feet. At
a respectful distance stood two choruses of men and women,
who acted now as attendants, and later as comforters of
the bereaved parents. On the opposite side of the stage
Marmorinus, the Pagan king of the Agarenes was enthroned,
clad in armour with a crown upon his head, and surrounded
by his thanes, likewise armed. When the spectators had’
gazed their fill upon this zab/eau, a bell was rung as a signal
that the play was about to begin. As soon as silence was
obtained, the armed knights quitting their motionless atti-
tude before the throne of King Marmorinus, and advancing
one by one, went through the form of rendering homage
London.—The Games. 49

 

with the accompaniment of a chorus of extravagant praise,
culminating in the request that their lord the king should
name any wish that could be gratified by his faithful fol-
lowers. Thus incited, Marmorinus, with a haughty gesture,
bade them go and bring all nations under his power, which
command some of their number at once hastened to execute.

Here the first scene ended abruptly, Marmorinus and his
Court resuming the semblance of waxen effigies, while the
group that occupied the scene on the right was now set in
motion. Here a procession was formed, headed by the royal
family, which wended slowly through the door of the sup-
posed Church of St. Nicholas, preceded by priests and choris-
ters chanting an appropriate hymn in praise of the saint.
No sooner had this procession disappeared from sight, than
several armed knights made their entry, as though coming
from the court of Marmorinus on their boastful mission.
These then rushed with drawn swords into the church, whence
the throng of worshippers immediately issued in wild flight.
towards the city. All the fugitives were now seen to have
made their escape; but the youthful Prince of Excoranda was
not among them, having been left behind, as the audience
knew well, in the confusion. Presently the knights reappeared,
leading the boy, fast bound with cords, and so returned
across the stage, to the city of the Agarenes. Thus the third
scene opened with a joyful chorus of knights, who claimed
the successful accomplishment of their task, and dedicated
the captive to their master’s service. Thereupon Marmorinus,
after an unctuous hymn of praise to great Apollo, proceeded to
interrogate his new slave as to his parentage, and particularly
as to his religion, who, nothing daunted, replied that he was
a king’s son, and that he worshipped God, who made the seas
and all things else, including King Marmorinus himself; at

E
50 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

which bold speech there was a loud outburst of applause
among the audience. It was in vain that Marmorinus in dumb
show sought to explain that Apollo was in fact the creator
in question, for the boy indignantly repudiated this concep-
tion of a senseless idol, which, he observed, amidst repeated
applause, was both deaf and dumb, and by no means able to
help itself. But the king, much perturbed, commanded him to
be silent, lest Apollo should be enraged, and so destroy him.

Now the scene changed once more to Excoranda, where
Queen Euphrosyne was seen returning frantically towards
the church in search of her son. Not finding him there, she
was overcome with grief and despair, which she expressed in
most mournful lamentations. The chorus of female comfor-
ters then came forward, but failed to restore her composure.
At length she was entreated to confide her sorrow to the
saint, which she did in a most pathetic hymn, binding her-
self by a vow not to eat flesh or drink wine until the lost
one was restored to her. Hereupon, King Geton entered,
and expressed his approval of her pious resolution, which was
to be confirmed on the morrow by a solemn service in the
church. At this point the church door was thrown wide
open, and the interior was brilliantly illuminated whilst this
service was being performed, after which the queen was seen
on her return to the palace, laying meat and wine upon
a table, for the entertainment of the poor, she herself being
bound by her vow not to partake of them.

The view of these preparations in the distance now seemed
to rouse King Marmorinus, for he began to call loudly for
meat, which was surreptitiously brought to him from Queen
Euphrosyne’s table. Meanwhile, other attendants had brought
a ewer and towel for his hands, and so with the remark that
he never remembered to have been so hungry before, he fell
London.—The Games. 51

 

to; the spectators following every mouthful with the keenest
interest. Having satisfied his hunger, he next called for wine,
and by an afterthought desired that his slave, Geton’s son,
’ should bear the cup. At this speech the little prince began to
weep bitterly, and to bewail his hard lot. Then Marmorinus
_asked impatiently what harm he had received that he should
lament himself so grievously; who sadly replied that he was
bethinking him of his home and parents, from whom he had
been parted so long. Moreover, that he could not forget he
was a king’s son, and his bondage was hateful to him on that
account. To this outbreak Marmorinus replied with a sneer,
that he might spare his tears, for there was no power that
could lift him forth from his bondage. The last words were
spoken by the heathen king in a loud voice, and with the
ring of a challenge in them that caused the uninitiated
among the spectators to hold their breath, and a deathlike
silence ensued as all turned their eyes to where the appari-
tion of St. Nicholas was about to appear. Then a draped
figure issued from the church, stalked rapidly across to the
palace of the boastful Marmorinus, who, with all his followers,
fell flat upon their faces, and taking the young Prince of
Excoranda in his arms, bore him, with the cup still in his
hand, to the outer edge of the carpet on the right, and drop-
ping him there, stalked back again to the church, and dis-
appeared, Presently, a citizen of Excoranda, passed by,
and halting to examine the youthful prince attentively, as
though suspecting him of the theft of the silver cup, pro-
ceeded to question him sharply as to ‘his business there.
To which the latter replied very simply, that he had found
himself there, thanks to good St. Nicholas; adding that he
was King Geton’s son. At these words the citizen ran
towards the king, bidding him rejoice, for that his son was
52 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

without, praising St. Nicholas. But foremost Euphrosyne ran
to her son, and clasped him in her arms, and wept and
laughed, and then, remembering her vow, and how it had
been answered, she opened the fulness of her heart in a pas-
sionate hymn of thanksgiving to God and to St. Nicholas.

Then the play ended, leaving her kneeling thus, and the
chorus softly chanting the Copiose caritatis.

After this pleasant entertainment, the spectators adjourned
for dinner; but in the afternoon Richard went at his brother’s
invitation to witness the learned exercises of the scholars of
London, which were publicly held on the eve of the carnival.
Here those scholars who had been selected from the three
great schools of St. Paul’s, St. Martin’s, and the Holy Trinity,
to give a display of their acquirements, were drawn up by
their respective masters, in the presence of the master of the
schools of London, with whom several learned doctors were
associated as examiners, among whom Richard recognised
his old friend, Jordan Fantosme, himself the master of a
flourishing school at Winchester, and several others. These
doctors, each in turn, put a number of questions, for the most
part in logic, grammar, and arithmetic, which were on the
whole satisfactorily answered by the scholars. After the
several classes had been put through the more elementary
propositions in these subjects, several of the most advanced ~
scholars were next called forward to display their skill in
disputation. This, however, was merely a conventional
exercise, for the schoolman who could argue without begging
the question was yet unborn, and the inductive methods of
the Eastern philosophy had not as yet reached the Western
seats of learning; or rather, Master Abelard of Bath was
without honour in his own country.

To the proposition, “ Whether rhetoric is useful or no,” one
London.—The Games. 53

 

scholar, starting from the antecedent, showed that it is the
science of speaking well, and that if it is the science of speak-
ing well, it is useful. Now, it is the science of speaking well,
and therefore it is useful. But to this another scholar, starting
from the consequent, proved that if it be useful it must needs
be the science of speaking well. But it is not the science
of speaking well, and therefore it is not useful. Then, as
though to balance these conflicting statements, a third scholar,
by means of discarding the invidious negative of the preced-
ing formula, showed that it is not the science of speaking well,
and therefore it is not useful ; and yet that it is the science
of speaking well, and therefore it is useful. The reputation
of the useful science in question having been thus happily
saved, to the great edification of the spectators, these select
scholars joined in ringing the changes on a predicative syl-
logism, uplifting their voices in a kind of rythmical chant.
Anon, at a sign from the master, they began again, convert-
ing or reflecting the original proposition after the approved
method. All went smoothly until it came to the turn of a St.
Martin’s scholar to continue the argument, who, in advancing
the plausible statement that “aught that is just is honest,
and naught that is honest is base, and aught that is just
therefore is not base,’ provoked a smile from the initiated
portion of the audience, and ageneral titter among his school-
mates, especially those of St. Paul’s, and, finally, the dire
wrath of his own master, who, leaping to his feet, exclaimed
furiously, “Oh, greatest of fools, how often have I not told
thee that a particular abdicative must not on any account be
converted?” This outburst caused renewed laughter, amidst
which the unorthodox dialectician retired in disgrace, his
place being filled by another scholar, who completed the for-
mula correctly,
54 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

After this came exercises in arithmetic, in which one of the
scholars, in answer to questions put to him by the doctors
present, explained the several forces of the quadrate number,
illustrating his demonstration by means of a block of wood ;
while another gave a similar account of the decimal number,
illustrated by a row of white pebbles used as counters.

At the conclusion of these serious exercises, the doctors
took their departure, together with the master of the schools
and his subordinates, after formally dismissing the scholars in
a short speech of commendation and exhortation. The latter,
however, did not quit the scene, intending, according to cus-
tom, to entertain the spectators—who were for the most part
their own relations and friends—with the recitation of topical
verses, usually in the form of a dialogue, and illustrated by
the freest pantomime. The subject of the present perform-
ance was the adventures and misfortunes of a country-
man in London, a theme which, as in the instance of the
famous Norfolk bumpkin, was then and has ever since con-
tinued to be justly popular with a section of the public. Not
unwillingly, Richard escaped this buffoonery by accepting his
brother’s invitation to visit the several canons of St. Paul’s
who were among the number of his friends or kinsmen, in
which agreeable occupation they spent the remainder of the
afternoon until vespers. ,

On the following morning, being that of the carnival,
Richard went forth betimes to witness the festivities of the
season, in the company of his brother ; for, as he observed,
although he had now both viewed the principal sites of in-
dustry within the city, and was perfectly instructed in the
state of the national commerce, there yet remained to be seen
the sports and pastimes of the citizens, other than those
exercises of religion and learning, all of which he judged to
London.—The Games. 55

 

be no slight indication of their spiritual and temporal wel-
fare. With this proposition John the Clerk fully agreed ;
and although he added there might be many evidences of
degeneracy in the civic character, such as an increased love of
luxury both in dress and diet, a passion for gambling, and the
yet more deplorable vices of drunkenness and lust, which
bore deadly fruit in the physical and mental decay of the
rising generation, as well as in the fatal frays, incendiarism,
and political turbulence that too often disgraced their city,
it was yet impossible to deny the hardihood of the age, which

 

delighted more than ever in the rough and dangerous sports
of their ancestors, Among these, hunting was to be men-
tioned first, both the chase of the forest beasts, boars, wolves,
and wild cattle, as well as the less dangerous pastimes of
coursing and hawking, in all of which the citizens were famed
for their courage and dexterity, and the free exercise whereof
in the adjacent forest and plains they esteemed among the
greatest privileges of their charter. Besides these, there were
the games practised by the youth of the city at different
seasons of the year, as the game of ball in winter, cock-
fighting and bear-baiting at Shrovetide, mimic battles in
56 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

Lent, and water tournaments at Easter; with games of
greater precision in the summer time, such as archery, hurl-
ing the javelin, and quoits, together with wrestling and foot-
races, Then, as the evening drew on, the sound of minstrelsy
would be heard, whereat the young men would cease from
their games and hasten to choose their partners for the
dance among the maidens.

By this time the brothers had mingled with the crowd of
citizens, for the most part standing idly before their doors,
and engaged in looking on at the innumerable cock-fights
organized by the scholars of London.. Almost every boy
went about on this day with his fighting-cock under his arm,
and in all the open spaces rings were formed, within which the
rival champions were pitted against each other. In the after-
noon there was a general move towards Smithfield, where the
more dangerous and exciting sports of bull-baiting and bear-
baiting were proceeded with. Thus the day wore on till
twilight fell and the stars appeared overhead, and the curfew
was rung from the churches. Then all filed homeward, and
the streets became dark and deserted, and the watches were
set, and the barriers were drawn. Richard likewise sought
his lodging, where he took a short leave of his brother, pur-
posing in a few days from thence to visit his friends at
Westminster, on the occasion of the King’s coming to London
for the great council to be held in the cause of the Spanish
kings there,
CHAPTER V.
WESTMINSTER.—THE KING’S HOUSE.

AT an early hour on the following Saturday, Richard de
Anesti, after hearing matins said in the Church of St. Paul,
set forth in the direction of Westminster, which he reached
after half-an-hour’s walk along the broad strand of the river
Thames to the hamlet of Charing, and thence past the
pleasant gardens and orchards and suburban villas of the
wealthy citizens. Here he was at once ‘admitted, by the
northern gate, within the outer walls of the palace, where he
was conscious of the unusual stir occasioned by a royal
visit. The spacious courtyard was thronged with valets
busily polishing hunting-spears, horns, and other imple-
ments of the chase; grooms leading chatgers and palfreys —
magnificently caparisoned ; falconers from the neighbouring
mews seated on the stone benches against

the walls, allowing their hooded falcons 7

to bask in the warm rays of the morn- rf

ing sun ; huntsmen holding in the leash

shaggy wolf-hounds, slender -coursing-

dogs, and wiry vulperets ; whilst to and

fro hurried an endless stream of clerks ZERO
and serjeants, and men-at-arms upon —
the business of the great King, who re-
quired of all other men that punctuality and order which he
wholly neglected in his own person.

Fic. 14.

57
58 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

The Palace of Westminster, as befitted the centre of
Norman government, was itself an unequalled specimen of
Norman architecture. A worthy lay-companion to the Saxon
abbey which still indicated the political importance of the
Church as the wise counsellor of the temporal ruler. The
plan of the great block of buildings which faced Richard de
Anesti was, in fact, that of two palaces joined into one. The
new palace lay to the north, being surrounded on that side
and towards the west by the new courtyard, on the east or
river side by a spacious garden thickly wooded down to the
very edge of the Thames, and on the south by the outer
walls of the old palace. The buildings in this enclosure were
few and formal in character, this being, as it were, the official
wing of the palace ; for since the Red King failed to supple-
ment his stately hall by appropriate chambers, his successors
had continued to inhabit the residential portion of the old
Saxon palace during their infrequent visits to London. Be-
sides this great hall, the nucleus of the greater palace fated

/never to be built, the new palace comprised a large building

on the north-east side, occupied by the two chambers of
the Exchequer. Beyond this house, at the south-east angle
of the great hall, was a square tower, formerly connected
with the defence of the river gate of the palace, but now used
as an official residence in connection with the Exchequer
house and the royal Chapel.

The old palace lay within a separate enclosure to the south,
its principal apartments forming an irregular line on the east
side of the old courtyard, with a long wing extending on the
south as far as the precincts of the Abbey. The walls of the
courtyard on the north and west were embattled, whilst on
the south the palace was defended by an outer palisade sur-
mounting the banks of the swift stream which flowed into the
Westminster.—The King's [Louse. 59

 

Thames at Millbank. On the east side the gardens were con-
tinued down to the river, with various outbuildings in their
south-east corner. This palace was purposely built by the
Confessor in close proximity to the Abbey, to which it origin-
ally lay open on the west, the sacred edifice having been util-
ized in many respects as an official department, at least for the
custody and administration of the royal treasures and records.

On the north lay the great hall of the old palace, abutting
on to the south end of the hall of Rufus, and forming with
several smaller chambers the south-eastern angle of the
palace.

The chief peculiarity of this noble suite of apartments lay
in the fact that they were all situated on the first floor, being
built over a series of low vaulted cellars, which were now
used as the departments of the great officers of state—the
butler, larderer, and the rest—as well as for the accommo-
dation of the resident courtiers. In the south wing of the
old palace were placed the kitchen and other offices, which
extended indeed in an irregular line westward as far as the
Abbey, and eastward to the river.

Crossing the courtyard towards the river front of the
new palace, Richard entered at a low doorway in the
flanking tower of the south-eastern angle of the building,
and after ascending a long winding stair, he found himself
in a low but cheerful chamber, furnished in the simplest
manner, and resembling a monastic scriptorium rather than
the apartment of a palace. Evidences of clerical pursuits
were visible in parchment rolls and vellum-bound books
which lay upon the oak table and filled the iron-bound chests
against the walls. In the deep recess of one of the turret
windows a middle-aged man, in the habit of a canon, was
seated, gazing abstractedly upon the numberless wherries
60 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

and barges which thronged the river beneath. A stranger
saw in this listless spectator of the busy world without,
a man prematurely aged by the austerity of his religious
practice, not more than by deep study and the cares of office,
which had pinched his once handsome features and furrowed
his lofty brow. A scholar and statesman he sat there pro-
claimed, the son (it was whispered) of England’s great min-
ister in the radical process of reform which followed the
anarchy of Stephen’s weak rule—that minister who was him-
self the nephew of the great judge, statesman, and financier
to whose genius the official constitution of this country
owes the lasting form which has served as a model to every
European country.

The Treasurer, for it was he, rose at Richard’s approach,
receiving him with great kindness and with many assurances
of his readiness to serve him in his business at the Court.

“At this very hour,” he observed, “the King will converse
familiarly with the courtiers and household officers upon all
manner of subjects; therefore I will, if it please you, intro-
duce you into the King’s Chamber, where you will both see
and hear many things of interest.”

To this proposition Richard de Anesti eagerly assented ;
whereupon the Treasurer, motioning him to follow, led the
way through an inner doorway and down a short flight
of stone steps, by which they descended into the hall of the
Rufus, whence through a doorway at the upper end they
reached the hall of the old palace. This was now used as
an apartment of semi-state, where the King usually dined,
the upper end being screened off from the chamber, in
which he transacted his important business of state alone,
or with the assistance of such of his household ministers
as he might summon to his presence. This chamber, which
Westminster.—The King’s House. 61

 

they now entered, was hung with canvas newly dyed of a deep
crimson, and the walls were here and there emblazoned with
the royal arms. The floor was strewn with dried rushes, and
at the upper end of the room was placed a chair having
the arms and legs carved at the extremities in ivory, to
represent the head and feet of a wild boar, the seat being
draped with scarlet cloth. There was no other furniture in
the chamber, though the recesses of the windows were fitted
with oaken benches, which were strewn with a miscellaneous
litter of hawking gear, musical instruments, and the latest
literary productions of the Court.

A large and varied assembly of courtiers filled the chamber,
broken into several groups, each engaged in animated con-
versation. All were standing, and Richard noticed that
whether speaking or listening, every man kept an eye upon
the inner door of the room, which was guarded, like the outer
one, by serjeants of the Chamber. The Treasurer, after
exchanging brief but cordial salutations with those who stood
nearest him, took advantage of the uninterrupted buzz of
conversation to inform his companion in a whisper of the
names and rank of the courtiers who were present, with a
few remarks upon the character of each

“The Church of God,” he said, “is especially honoured by
our most Christian king in his wise selection of his ministers.
Of such indeed is the whole number of the bishops, though
not of the household, except Richard, Bishop of Winchester,
who is now, as you are aware, absent on the King’s business
in Normandy, and him of Bayeux, who is equally trusted
- with the royal confidence, which is likewise the cause of his
frequent absence from the Court. However, there stands the
central figure of all learning in this age, the great Bishop
of London, conversing, doubtless on some point of doctrine,
62 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

with Ralph, the Dean of the Church of St. Paul, and his
namesake, the Almoner of Westminster, who preached to us
last Wednesday a truly stirring discourse upon the fashion-
able follies of the age. Next to these you may see the new
Abbot of Peterborough, a man well known to myself for his
love of all good books, many of which he has transcribed with
his own hands. He is now at Court on a matter connected
with his monastery, and he purposes to take back with him, to
be copied, my own book, “ Tricolumnus,” which I have agreed
to lendtohim. The tall and burly priest with whom he talks
so earnestly is Master Roger de Hoveden, one of the King’s
chaplains, and also a skilful justice, especially in the visitation
of the forests beyond Trent. He, too, is a great compiler of
history, and has already copied the “ Tricolumnus” with his
own hand, and many other books beside. Not far off stands
another of the King’s justices, Master Walter Map, whom
all men know for his bitter speech of such as shall displease
him.. You may see round him a company of other learned
and facetious writers. There is John of Salisbury, surnamed
John the Little, a person, however, of prodigious learning, and
now, as you know, Bishop of Chartres ; there, too, are Master
Walter the Archdeacon, Gervase the Clerk, and the memor-
able poets Jordan and Benoit, who are now most in favour
with the king and his gay courtiers, to the grief, as some say,
of Master Geoffry Wace, who himself has appetite enough for
all their praises. ' These now are gathered yonder in the hope
of an encounter between Master Walter, who is privileged by
reason of the King’s favour to him,and my lord of Ely, whom
he hates even worse than he does a Jew or Cistercian.
Yonder, too, are Robert Abbot, of the Mount, in Normandy,
who is at Court on business of his monastery, a learned
historian of the things done in his youth, and with him the
Westminster—The King's House. 63

 

two brethren of Glanvill; that is, Randolph, the wise justice,
who is even now engaged upon a certain treatise touching
the laws and ordinances of the King’s Court, taking the form
thereof from my own treatise upon the customs of the Ex-
chequer ; and Osbert, a clerk of the King’s Chamber, who is
but lately returned from escorting the King’s daughter to
Sicily. These two are ever near the king’s person, with those
of his private family, as the brethren of Estutevill, and
others of whom I will speak further at another time. Lastly,
neither standing nor talking, are two great ones of the
Court, playing at the chess in virtue of their familiarity with
the King. These are Bertram de Verdun, another of the
King’s justices, who it is said, is destined to go towards Spain
as bearer of the great award between the Spanish kings, and
Master Thomas, who keeps the third roll on behalf of the
King at the Exchequer. You may see that it is a mighty
contest between them from the eager expression of those
who overlook the game, amongst whom is my own brother
William, of the Exchequer, for whom I composed my treatise
before mentioned. The King’s chamberlains are in attendance
upon him in his closet (except Robert Mantel, who has the
custody of the Queen’s household, that is to say of her
person), and there, too, you would doubtless find the sene-
schal and marshal of the household. There, I think, you have
all who are now present, though I marvel much where is
Richard de Luci, the justiciar.”

At this point the Treasurer was engaged in conversation
by Robert de Monte, as he was commonly called, and
Richard, left to his own devices, approached the principal
group of speakers, between whom a most animated discussion
was being carried on with profound learning on both sides,
enlivened now by brilliant sallies, and now by a telling
64 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

anecdote. The matter under discussion was the reality of
dreams and apparitions, respecting which one party held that
such manifestations were regulated by the bodily and mental
state of the subject, while another party was of opinion
that all men are liable to supernatural experiences for which
it is not possible often to assign any cause or motive.
On the side of the former, John of Salisbury argued as fol-
lows: “ You will grant,” said he, “that there are five distinct
species of dreams or apparitions, and that the figure and sig-
nification of each is distinct. These then are sleep, sleepless-
ness, nightmare, oracle, and vision; whereof the three first
only concern ordinary mortals, and all of these follow natural
causes, as fatigues or excesses of the body which oppress
the motions of the heart and brain. In the remaining cases
there is a true vision or inspiration, but only to very holy
men, or else as a warning to tyrants, and even so rarely to
themselves, but through the mediation of a prophet or sooth-
sayer. Wherefore, I say, it is not permitted to the baser sort
to receive such manifestations as they commonly pretend
unto, especially amongst the Welsh, but only to the great
and holy ones, For just as these have the power after death
of revealing themselves in a vision or by a miracle, so
during their lives these only are obnoxious to the same
manifestations.”

“Now truly,” broke in one whom Richard recognised as
Master Walter Map, “you have spoken inadvisedly, urging
doubts rather than probabilities. For if these things have
been manifested to princes and hermits, is it not likely that
the same should have happened to other men who are of the
same flesh and blood as themselves. Moreover, such appear-
ances are too numerous to be denied, and all men are
obnoxious to them who chance to meet with them, whether
Westminster.—The King's House. 65

 

asleep or waking, Know, then, that this earth is peopled as
well by men as by spirits, the one sort inhabiting the open
plains and cities,
and the other
the recesses of
the woods, moun-
tains, and streams.
These, it is well
known, are the descendants of the fallen angels, who have
places neither in heaven nor in hell, and these, according
to their nature, love to vex and torment the race of men,
without any respect of persons. Truly there are miracles and
visions also, of which you have spoken, but widely different,
for these are the manifestations of the good angels of God
and the saints. And it is easy to see that you have never
dwelt in the land of the fairies, as I have done, and Master
Giraldus, who, were he now present, could relate many
adventures of his countrymen with these spirits. I myself,
passing through the glens of that country by night, have
seen strange shapes amongst the rocks and trees, and have
heard strange noises as of some one sobbing and groan-
ing, and at other times of singing and laughter in the
air. Nay, smile not, for there are many living who could
affirm the same. And in order to convince you of the
truth of these things, I will relate a prodigy which was

told to me by a certain bishop

 

a KH who was privy to the whole
=u C= (Ss affair.

“There was formerly a priest
in the diocese of St. Asaph,
who was indeed both free and merry, loving ease and fat

living as though he had been bred a Cistercian, and yet 7
F

Fic 16,
66 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

acceptable to all men for his fair conversation and learning,
careful of his people and bountiful to the poor. This man,
walking abroad one morning by the strand of a certain lake,
found there a beauteouis maiden sitting, dressed all in rich
apparel, weeping. And he speaking benignly unto her, and
asking the cause of her sorrow, she made answer that her
brethren had left her so, and would say nothing further.
Then the priest, taking compassion upon her, and being
further mindful of her beauty, took her home to his house,
where she dwelt with him to his great contentment. And
after some months there was a great plague in that parish,
whereby many fell sick and died, in this manner. For there
appeared unto them in the night time an apparition of a

 

Fic. 17.

fair woman, with long hair dishevelled ; and all to whom she
appeared died before evening of the next day. But some one
bolder than the rest rose and followed her, who fled before
him to a certain sepulchre, and there entering, vanished.
Now when this was told to the priest, he, marvelling what
it should mean, went straightway and told it to his bishop;
and the bishop bade him open the sepulchre and take up
the body that he should find within, and strike off its head,
and then bury it again, besprinkling the sepulchre with holy
water and laying thereon a rood. The night following,
therefore, the priest went with certain others to the sepulchre,
but when they were come thither they found it open and
the corpse gone. And the next night the priest lay awake
Westminster—The King's House. 67

 

and watched, and behold at midnight his friend rose softly
and went forth, and he, following, saw her enter in at
a neighbour’s window. Thereat he made an outcry, and
the woman fled forth, and he pursuing her till she came
to the sepulchre, and there entering vanished. But he,
having a sword, opened the sepulchre, and found therein
a corpse in the very likeness of his friend, which he raised,
and smote off its head, and fetched holy water and a
rood, and did as the bishop had told him. Whereupon
the plague was stayed, but the priest died the next day at
nightfall.”
As he concluded his story, Master Walter looked round

 

 

 

Fic. 18.

with undisguised triumph at the awe-struck countenances of
most of his hearers ; but after a short pause a jovial-looking
knight, who had edged his way into the circle and listened
with an amiused countenance to the archdeacon’s story, broke
the silence with a loud voice. “Brother,” said he, “ this is
a strange thing that you have told us; but I myself have
experienced the vanity of these dreams and portents which
oft-times lead men to their own destruction, whereof I could
relate a remarkable instance.”

“Hear Sir Hugo de Gundevill,” cried several of the by-.
standers.
68 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

“T will tell you then,” resumed the latter, “what I re-
member to have once seen and heard, not long ago, when
I was holding the assizes in Nottinghamshire. For a certain
soc-man beheld a vision’ of one clothed all in red, who called
to him with a loud voice, saying that he should surely perish
by the water unless he should become four-legged like a
beast. This the man repeated three times, and vanished
from his sight; who, thinking that he should save his life
from drowning in Noah’s flood, and being full of the conceit
of this vision, straightway began to walk upon his hands
and feet, to the amazement of all his neighbours, who in-
quiring the meaning thereof, he answered them nought to
the purpose, thinking verily that he alone should be saved
from that flood, and afterwards possess their lands and goods.
But not long afterwards one of the neighbourhood was found
dead, eaten as it was thought of wolves, and then others,
both men, women, and children, likewise devoured. And
because this evil was hitherto unknown in those parts, being
champaign, and the season summer, and suspecting a deeper
mischief, the sworn men of that Hundred presented the
soc-man himself for that he had killed men by witchcraft,
that is, as a man-wolf, against the peace of our lord the King.
And being sent to the ordeal of water, he was convicted ;
whereof word was brought unto me, being in the neighbour-
hood, and the man himself was likewise brought before me
by the sheriff, with the witnesses and the record, and there
by the new Assize his right hand and right foot were stricken
off, and his house carried outside that village and burnt,
and he himself was led to the nearest seaport, there to
‘embark and abjure the kingdom. And the same man
appeared to him by the way, in a vision, saying that unless
he should become without limbs, like a fish, he should perish
Westminster.—The King's House. 69

 

in the water. Whereupon he cursed him in his heart, seeing
that he was already undone by the trial of the water through
his own misfeasance. And coming next day to the sea-
side, the wind being contrary, he was bidden by his keepers
to enter into the sea, according to custom, which he, seeking
to do, stumbled and fell upon his face into the water, and
being powerless to raise himself, and holding fast to the
bottom, perished miserably.”

At the conclusion of this tale some of the company
laughed, whilst others looked grave, but Map smiled bitterly,
as was his wont when crossed in argument, saying thus:

“Truly, brother, I marvel that one so learned in the laws
should yet be ignorant of the Assize of Solomon, who would
have divided the body of a child justly and impartially
between two claimants, and if there had been four of these,
doubtless he would have offered to quarter him. But you,
it seems to me, made no such equal division when you
caused one who stood convicted for having four feet to lose
one of these and a hand besides, making a greater monstrosity
hereof than any that you now deride. I see plainly, how-
ever, that you have the art of computation to make of two
and two five, such as my lord bishop yonder is especially
skilled in by virtue of his office, for taking of fees and spiritu-
alities within his diocese.” ?

“You speak irreverently, Master Walter,” cried the dig-
nitary thus unceremoniously alluded to, who had caught
the last remark, which indeed was evidently intended to
reach his ears. “Neither know I to what you are referring,
unless, indeed,” he added, with a desperate attempt to
turn the laugh against his old enemy, “you are as usual
sneering at the system of the Court and Exchequer, counting
upon the well-known license which our King permits to his
70 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

poetasters, just as other great lords are wont to amuse
themselves with the trifles of their jesters.”

“Not so, most reverend lord,” replied Map scornfully ;
“I was but thinking of a certain story that I once heard
of a bishop who plundered his clergy, a judge who demanded
unjust fees from suitors, excusing himself when he was
manifestly convicted of these extortions by the plea that he
was confusing Angevin money with sterlings.”

This sarcasm provoked a general laugh at the bishop’s
expense, who, flushing with shame and anger, drew himself up
to his full height, and striking the top of his head with his
open hand (one of the numerous theatrical gestures which he
was accustomed to display), exclaimed furiously, “Now, by
God’s eyes ! ” Here, however, he was interrupted by a
subdued cry of “ Peace! peace! The King!” and Richard de
Anesti turning his eyes quickly in the direction of the general
gaze, caught sight of the well-known figure of the great
King moving with easy grace amongst his courtiers, exchang-
ing a jest with one, administering a covert rebuke to another,
and pausing for a few moments of grave consultation on
affairs of state with a third ;—to all men alike courteous,
decisive, and imperturbable ; all men alike to him the carven
chess-men of the great game of politics, each with his specified
value and functions, to be utilized in the varying combina-
tions of war and diplomacy and popularity by the genius
of the imperial gamester.

In person the King was a little above the middle height,
squarely built, and with an increasing tendency to corpulence.
His head was neither broad nor elongated, but somewhat
round, after the Norman type. His face, however, was not
oval to match, but elongated, with a prominent jaw and
square chin, which gave him a fancied resemblance to a lion.

 
Westminster—The King's House. 71

 

His cheek bones were high, his nose long and rather flattened
and his mouth broad, with lips firmly set. His eyes, the
most striking feature, were grey and remarkably piercing, but
set too near together, which, with their habitual restlessness,
gave a somewhat sinister expression to an otherwise pleasing
face. His short and curly beard was of a light chestnut,
and like his closely-cut hair was plentifully sprinkled with
white. A short, muscular neck, broad shoulders, long, mus-
cular arms, and bowed legs denoted great personal strength
and endurance calculated to undergo alike the fatigues of a
campaign and of the chase. The King’s dress was rich yet
_ simple, consisting of a short mantle of a reddish chocolate,
fastened on the right shoulder with a brooch, to leave the
sword-arm free, over a long tunic of red cloth flowered with
gold, fastened at the throat with a jewelled clasp and show-
ing the edge of the white linen tunic beneath. Tight-fitting
crimson hose, green boots embroidered with gold, reaching
above the ankle, spurs with red leathers, and a belt of gold
broidery with a flap falling half-way to the knee, completed
his costume, which differed little—and chiefly in point of
simplicity—from that of his courtiers, some of whom were
guilty of fashionable extravagances in the shape of jewelled
gloves, peaked shoes, and elaborate cross-gartering. This
morning it was known that the King intended to hawk ; yet
he did not seem impatient to set out, for in truth, next
to the chase itself he loved to converse and dispute with
his chosen followers. As the King approached near the
spot where Richard de Anesti, who had rejoined his patron
the Treasurer, was standing, the latter, who stood very high
in the royal favour, seized this moment to present his protégé,
with a few words in explanation of his appearance as a
courtier.
72 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

“Nay, I love all Richards,” said Henry, with a winning
smile ; adding immediately, and as though to himself, “ especi-
ally such a8 are misbegotten. But I like not the ‘nest,’ which
methinks is built on too high a cliff.”

“Yea, truly,” replied the Treasurer, catching the King’s
meaning, “but such eyries are wont to breed the stoutest
falcons ; here at least is a tassel gentle that I would venture
to match with any other.”

“Doubtless he is no haggard,” returned the King, with
an approving glance at Richard; “but you have seen, as
well as IJ, that kites and vultures often take possession of an
unguarded eyrie. Therefore I will have none such remaining,
but will pull down all. Hear you, Sir Canon—I say all.”

The latter bowed in answer, and the King passed on.

“ Did you mark that ?” inquired the Treasurer in a whisper
of his companion. “It was an evil chance that led the King
to couple your name with that of his son Richard ; for this
I could see was in his mind, who loves his natural son
Geoffrey better than all his other sons, and therefore, perhaps,
also he loves me, But truly he, ever bethinking him of the
mischief that his sons have heretofore wrought within this
land by their turbulence and jealousies, will leave no strong
place accessible throughout England ; but some he will pull
down, as already he has done of old, and others he will
commit to the custody of his own men. But think no
more of this matter for the present, for behold the King
is about to dispute with Master Map, whom he would fain
see reconciled with his adversary.”

The King, indeed, had now reached the farther end of
the chamber, where the two antagonists were still glaring
furtively at one another, and nodding familiarly to his
favoured clerk, addressed him in tones half jocular and half
Westminster.—The King’s House. 73

 

ironical. “Have the fairies revealed to you any treasure
beneath the earth, Master Walter, that you speak thus im-
patiently with our barons of the Exchequer, and regard them
as mistrustfully as though they purposed to despoil you ?”

“Nay, sire,” replied the churchman, smiling slightly;
“such treasure as I have been able to acquire is not laid
up either upon the earth nor yet under it, therefore me-
thinks it is safe from being handled by such as you have
named.”

“You speak well of yourself, I see,” rejoined the King,
“but uncharitably of others. Come, tell us, do you not
commend the honesty of the servant who seeks to advance
his master’s interests without respect of persons ?”

“His wisdom, indeed, I do commend,” said Map, “but
scarcely his honesty.”

“You are as ever, incorrigible,” cried Henry impatiently,
“and delight in being wise for others but not for yourself.
Now what say you, my lords, to this proposition,” he added,
raising his voice and addressing the courtiers who stood
round: “The king, who governs the whole land, is lord
also of all men, and likewise owner of their lands and goods.
What say you >?”

“That what the King says is ever just,” replied an abbot
who stood near, “saving, however, the liberties of Holy
Church.”

“And moreover those of the barons of the Exchequer,”
put in another courtier.

“And of the inhabitants of London, both clerks and lay-
men,” added the Dean of St. Paul’s. “

“And of the Knights of the Holy Temple of Jerusalem,
by the terms of their charter,” continued the Grand Master
of that Order.
74 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

“Say, rather, of the Jews themselves,” suggested Map
aside to the poet Benoit, “they being the sworn servants of
the devil, to whom they sold themselves for a crusader’s
patrimony.” :

“Granted that these exceptions are true, and that they
are so admitted at our Exchequer,” persisted Henry, “ what
say you to the general principle? or can any man show a
title against the Crown? For certain it is that the common
safety demands the subjection of all men to one lord, who
shall command both their service and their possessions at
his need, which is the need of his people, who are his to
govern and preserve by the might and wisdom which are
given him from Heaven.”

A respectful silence followed these words of the King, who
was known to entertain strong views on the subject of his
prerogative of pre-emption. “ You see,” resumed the latter,
turning to Map, “that the general opinion of our wise men
is against your foolish scruples,”

“Which only shows,” retorted the irrepressible satirist, “that
my folly is more honest than their wisdom. For it is well
known that all men are secret enemies of the new science of
taxation, which the servants of your grandfather devised to
cheat simple folk by long phrases, whence have proceeded
war and famine and pestilence to the utter impoverishment
of the land; and now withal the king is poorer as it appears
than his Saxon predecessors, who possessed great treasures
through the goodwill of their people. And further, there are
many who think that these changes make a military despot-
ism, when the king may seek his pleasure in the adventures
of foreign war rather than to be solicitous for the defence of
the kingdom, and likewise they think that a love of justice
may become a mere pretext for increasing the king’s treasure
Westminster—The King's louse. 75

 

by fines and amercements, so that soon a man may sin with
impunity, so that he have the means to make atonement at
the Exchequer.” 7

“With your good pleasure, sire,” said the Treasurer in a
firm voice, as Map had ended his speech, “I could show
that Master Walter Map has spoken inadvisedly ; for it is
notorious that our King is a lover of peace, and seeks not the
glory of war. Has he not abstained hitherto from going
with his army to recover the Holy Temple from the heathen,
whereby he might easily have had a great aid from his
knights, as other princes have done who aré now gone
upon that journey. And though he has been many times
driven to maintain his quarrel against the French king, yet
first he sent many envoys and invoked the mediation of
the Roman Court. Was he the first to invade the land of
Ireland, though it was long before given to him, as this island
was given to his ancestors? or is he still at war with the
princes of Wales and Scotland? Lastly, is he not at this
very time playing the peace-maker between the Spanish
kings, who have sent their legates to his Court, that he may
bring them again into peace and fellowship with one another.
True it is that he is ever prepared for war, by reason of
the malice of his enemies; for in the recent rebellion, without
the provision of treasure and other necessaries, he would have
been caught all unprepared, and would have fared ill, and the
kingdom worse. . Therefore it is well written, ‘The strong
man, armed, keeps his house in peace.’ ”

“By God's eyes, you have spoken well, Master Richard,”
said the King approvingly..

“And as for that complaint of the perversion of justice,”
added Richard de Luci, the justiciar, who had recently en-
tered the chamber, “I will relate something which has lately
76 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

befallen to the contrary. Know then that the citizens of
London, and especially the young men of the richer sort,
“not regarding the dignity of the King’s barons, but con-
temning them in their’ pride, through the greatness of their
city, have heretofore sought occasion to quarrel with them in
the streets, and even to despoil their houses by night. And
as you know, on the morning of the next day after the King’s
coming hither, the brother of the Earl Ferrers was found
dead in the street, his lodging having been broken in the
night, and himself slain, and his body dragged forth into
the gutter. Whereat the King raged exceedingly, and fear
fell upon all his barons, so that they guarded themselves
against a like event. Now this very night past a company
of the same citizens broke into the house of Robert de Stute-
vill.) But he being armed, with his servants, laid in wait for
them, till they had broken down the door with crowbars, and
so entered into the house, one of them who was in front
having a torch in his hand. Whereupon Sir Robert rushed
forth upon him and smote off his hand, so that it dropped
with the torch upon the ground; and his fellows, terrified
by the suddenness of the thing, and by the darkness, fled out
of the door, but Sir Robert held fast the man whom he had
wounded, and guarded him till daylight, when he delivered
him up to me, who commanded that he should be cast into
prison. And here, being offered his life if he should become
the king’s prover, he revealed the names of his fellows, who
were forthwith taken ; amongst whom is an alderman of the
city, a man of great repute and wealth, who sent for me to
the prison, and offered to fine with the King in £500 but to
save his life and depart out of the kingdom. With which
money the King might provide himself with five hundred
men-at-arms for his wars; and yet he will not accept the fine,
Westminster.—The King's House. a7

 

but has commanded justice to be done upon him and his
fellows. Thus:men may see that the chief care of this great
prince is not to amass treasure, but to provide for the peace
and security of his people.”

This fresh instance of the sovereign’s prudent government
was received with a chorus of extravagant praise from. his
courtiers, which reduced Master Map to a discreet silence.

Henry now bethought himself of his projected sport, and
without further parley. repaired to the courtyard of the
palace, followed by those among his courtiers who were
accustomed to attend him on these occasions.

Richard de Anesti also was about to withdraw when he
was accosted by Master Map, to whom he had previously
been known, and who was burning to deliver himself of his
grievances against the courtiers to a sympathetic ear.

“Who would believe,” he began, “that these who are so
ready to govern others are by no means able to rule them-
selves, I say not as Christians, but as valiant knights should
do. Truly, they are so occupied with vanities that they have
no leisure for religion or learning, which are the chief quali-
fications for good government. Consider their lands, increased
continually by grants and purchases, procured by favour and
by oppression of others, and wasted as quickly by mortgages
to the Jews, to feed their ambition and luxury ; their castles
(which seem built to invade heaven itself), with carven pillars
and painted ceilings ; their courtyards full of outlandish birds
and beasts, and their gardens gay with painted flowers and
fragrant with spice trees. Then, too, observe the effeminacy

of their dress,—their silks and broideries, jewelled gloves and
peaked shoes, and their hair flowing like a woman’s, For
just as some maidens affect the garb of men, straitening their
drapery and cutting short their hair, with lascivious intent,
78 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

so these Court peacocks array themselves in order to dazzle
the eyes of fond dames.

“But I will pass by this wickedness, which has been so
often reproved by the holy Abbot of Westminster, and I will
mention rather the insupportable insolence of their speech and
gaét, Thus, they will regard you with their eyes half-closed,
affect to examine the nails of their fingers whilst they speak,
yawn openly, arch their eyebrows, shrug their shoulders, and
many such like impertinences. Also they soften their voices
when they speak to women with a mincing tone, but to
others they drawl affectedly, and they call rudely upon their
servants or inferiors.”

“They who are stricken in years appear, on the contrary,
either slovenly in their dress and avaricious in their dealings,
or else gluttonous, maintainers of cooks and physicians, and
lovers of gilt wine cups and jewels and rich trappings and
the like. And because of these excesses and of their knavery
in seeking gifts and bribes against all justice and honesty
(whereof I will tell you something at another time), you may
often see these courtiers choosing to endow some monas-
tery and to end their days there, since all men grow soonest
weary of evil-doing.”

“Tt is true,” replied Richard at length, “that I have myself
observed most of the abuses that you have named, and, per-
adventure, certain others besides. But it is to be remembered
that these excesses have been known in the courts of all
countries, and are even condemned by the holy Prophets,
and otherwise the present age is not to be particularly
censured, but rather praised for avoiding the graver sins of
olden time, such as impiety and rapine, and others which
have been happily reformed by the wisdom and justice of our
great King and his ministers.”
Westminster.—The King's Hlouse. 79

 

“Now, truly,” said Map warmly, “ you speak inadvisedly ;
for it is well known that the Holy Father himself, and all who
attend to the state of the Christian peoples, both in this
country and in others, have utterly condemned the sinfulness
of the present age, both in things spiritual and temporal ; as,
namely, plurality of benefices, non-residence of clergy, and
the advancement to the degrees of priest and archdeacon of
young and unworthy clerks; the sacraments administered
only to such as can procure them by gifts. Again, among
the regular clergy there are luxury and waste; the brethren
fill their purses (who should rightly carry none) with alms,
going abroad and living at their pleasure; they also take
money of villeins and simple men, to bring their sons to be
ordained, whereby the lords of such are daily offended. The
Church also is oppressed by the greed and violence of lay-
men, and the discussions that arise therefrom give boldness
to heretics and scoffers, who have greatly multiplied of late.
Usury is practised by Christian men without shame, and is
become the chief trade of many, and therefore great favour
has been shown to the Jews, who have lately gotten for them-
selves cimiteries in divers towns, whereas Christ’s lepers
have none such, nor any churches or priests assigned to them.
Some amass money by the spoil of wrecks of the sea and by
piracy ; others sell arms to the Saracens, and assist them
against the soldiers of the Cross. Still more waste their
substance in tournaments and levy private war, not regarding
the peace of the Church, by the hands of savage mercenaries
within the days of holy truce. And for all the above evil
practices the clergy excuse themselves by the plea of custom,
not remembering the punishment of Gehazi; while as for
laymen, they set at nought the censures of Holy Church,
such as excommunications and interdicts justifying them-
80 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

selves with sophistries and hardening their hearts by the
certainty of impunity in this world, and by the promise of a
late repentance.”

Long before Map had concluded this sermon at the
expense of his contemporaries, the last of them had quitted
the presence chamber; and because Richard too had
business abroad, he took a hasty leave of the fiery chaplain
and bent his steps toward the city.
CHAPTER VI.
WESTMINSTER.—THE KING’S COUNCIL,

THE following morning Richard de Anesti was awakened at
an early hour by his brother, with a message from the
Treasurer that he should lose no time in presenting himself in
the Hall of Rufus, on account of the great concourse of barons
and knights and clerks, learned in the civil law, who should be
attracted by the grandeur and novelty of this ceremony.
Without any delay, therefore, Richard donned the richly
jewelled dress which it befitted one of his rank to assume
on such an occasion, and taking advantage of his present
familiarity with the clerks of the King’s Chapel, he enjoyed
the privilege of hearing early mass, attended by the King and
his household ; after which he followed in the royal train
that filed through the private entrance at the south end of
the Great Hall. The lower part of the spacious building was
already densely crowded with a brilliant company, but the
upper end was kept clear by the marshals for the accom-
modation of the councillors and the distinguished suitors
whose cause they were about to decide. Here the King took
his seat on a lofty decorated throne prepared for the occasion,
having on either side a bench richly draped, on which, and on
two other benches at right angles to them, the prelates, earls,
and barons who had received summonses to attend the
Council, were placed in due order of precedence,—the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury, the Justiciar, Richard de Luci, the
81 G
82 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

Vice-chancellor, Master Thomas Brown, Ralph the physician,
and several other distinguished persons, occupying seats on
either side of the throne ; whilst several clerks, furnished with
material for writing, occupied a place where they could be
easily overlooked by the Vice-chancellor and Master Thomas.

Meantime the less dignified clergy, deans and archdeacons
and canons, had ranged themselves on the right side of the
hall, and the great body of the king’s tenants-in-chief and
other lay personages similarly on the left; those in front
seated on low benches, and those behind standing, in order to
obtain a better view of the proceedings.

Richard de Anesti himself had taken a position with
several officers of the Receipt immediately behind his patron,
the Treasurer, who sat near the end of the bench on the
right of the throne. Presently a flourish of music announced
the approach of the exalted suitors, who entered the Hall by
the great door at the north end in three separate divisions.

First came the referees, chosen by both parties indif-
ferently, whose mission it was to guarantee the adherence of
the two kings to the present arbitration on pain of forfeiture
of several important castles on either side, while it was their
further duty to convey an impartial and authoritative report
of the decision of the English king to the two contending
sovereigns. These referees were four in number—a bishop
and a lord, with whom were joined two principals of the
Orders of the Knights of the Temple and of St. John. These
legates, in their robes of office, preceded by heralds and
banners of both countries, and followed by a body of clerks
bearing membranes of parchment and ink-horns, advanced
slowly up the centre of the hall, and after making a deep
obeisance to the King, took the places reserved for them on
his right hand. They were immediately succeeded by’ the
Westminster.—The King’s Counctl. 83

 

embassy of Castille, comprising a bishop and several nobles
of high rank, with numerous clerks learned in the law, the
rear being brought up by a mounted knight in complete
armour, preceded by a herald and attended by two squires
on foot, who appeared as the champion of Castille. The
embassy of Navarre followed in like order at a convenient
distance.

Then the advocates of both parties having taken their
places immediately in front of the throne on either side, the
King opened the proceedings by referring to the previous
Council at Windsor, at which the conditions of the arbitration
and the formal statements of claim had been concluded, and
the final hearing of the matter had been adjourned to the pre-
sent meeting. Wherefore, he concluded, it was open to both
parties to dispute in turn upon their respective allegations,
before judgment was pronounced. At this announcement,
the Bishop of Palenza rose and claimed the favour of the
King and his Council on behalf of a native advocate of great
repute, who was prepared to argue the cause of his master,
Alphonso of Castille.

The King having signified his assent, the advocate referred.
to came forward and addressed the council with great fluency
in choice Castilian Latin, interspersed with quotations from .
legal authorities. This discourse, which embraced a state-
ment of the lineage of the kings of Castille and Navarre,
and a narrative of the historical events connected with the
violent usurpation of the territories now claimed by King
Alphonso, was illustrated by references to numerous original
charters and other documents, which, being handed in from
time to time by the Bishop of Palenza, were read aloud by
the Vice-chancellor, after which they were closely inspected
by Henry himself.
84 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

When the Castilian advocate had concluded his argument,
an advocate on the side of the King of Navarre replied at
length in similar style, denying the allegations of his adver-
sary, and advancing ‘a counter claim to other territories
of which his master had been forcibly dispossessed by King
Alphonso or his ancestors, supporting also his contention
by reference to documentary evidence. In the course of
both arguments, the King frequently interrupted, demanding
an explanation in clerical Latin of certain passages. The
councillors also seemed to exhibit marked signs of im-
patience from time to time, and at length, almost before the
Navarrese had well concluded his speech, Richard de Luci
addressed the King to the effect that, without any dis-
respect to the representatives of the powerful and virtuous
princes here present, it was plain that the bishops and barons
whom the King had summoned to assist in the decision of
this cause were unable to comprehend the allegations of
either side any more than if they were spoken in a barbarous
tongue, and, therefore, it seemed to him desirable that the
advocates should be required to use the Norman tongue,
which, he added, was held in most esteem in the courts of
divers Christian kingdoms. To this proposition the Bishop
of London offered as an amendment that clerical Latin
should be admitted; but this was negatived by a murmur
of dissent amongst the lay nobility present, and a lively
interchange of views followed on both sides. The King, how-
ever, put a stop to the discussion in a peremptory manner,
and gave his decision in favour of admitting clerical Latin,
but only in written allegations, with which each party was to
furnish the Council within three days, in order that when
these documents had been clearly explained and discussed
by the Council, judgment might be given without further
Westminster.—The King's Counctl. 85

 

parley. Wherefore the present meeting was declared to be
adjourned.

When the King had given this decision, the two embassies,
without venturing any objection, withdrew in the same
order as they had arrived, and their example was followed
by the majority of those present. The chief topic of
interest amongst the military part of the audience was the
appearance of the two champions, of whose prowess in the
wars against the Saracens many stories had been spread
abroad, and the probabilities of the matter being referred to
the battle was earnestly discussed on all sides. The clerical
element, on the other hand, was anxious rather to argue the
points of procedure that had arisen during the recent hearing,
and especially the pretensions of the baronage that only the
French tongue should be admitted. Concerning this subject,
the Treasurer, who joined Richard as the King’s retinue was
leaving the hall, had much to say, advancing many reasons
on either side, but himself leaning somewhat to that of the
barons, on the ground that the record of every plea should be
made in the vulgar tongue, as being a proclamation more
solemn than any deposition in writing; though now, he
added, matters were somewhat altered, except in the ancient
franchises.

At this point Richard inquired of the Treasurer what
difference existed between the sessions of the king’s court
before the king himself or before his justices. At which the
latter replied as follows:

“You must know that the King sits in justice alone and
supreme in all manner of causes, yet for the most part he
uses to commit the hearing of the pleas of the subjects, and
pleas of the Crown touching his revenue, or for the breach of
his peace, and of the assizes of the realm, to his barons and
86 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

justices ; although I have known our King to preside in the
matter of a convention made between two freeholders, whilst
he has committed the judgment of an appeal of treason to the
justices. But in those causes which concern the inheritance
of lands and the encroachment upon his forests, and appeals
in ecclesiastical causes,‘he is ever wont to hear and determine
everything, with the assistance of his household or of the
peers of the realm.”

“And in which court,” asked Richard, “is the greater
wisdom discernible.”

“Now, truly,” replied the Treasurer, “I am in doubt as to
an answer ; for though the suitors benefit through the skill
and precision of the presiding justices, yet it cannot be
denied that our King himself is an incomparable judge of
those things which are resolved by the course of the civil
and canon laws. For in these causes he is both wise and
subtle and resolute, so that none may. gain any advantage
over him in disputation, as you would have seen had you
been present at the hearing of the great cause between the
Bishop of Chichester and the Abbot of Battle.”

_ “Nay,” said Richard, “but if you remember I was then
present, being engaged in pursuing my own causes; and I
have also heard of the King’s skill in deciding the matter of
the inheritance of Earl Bigot in his late court at Windsor.”

“Tlowever,” the Treasurer resumed, “I do not otherwise
commend those general processes, for a large assembly is in
its nature incapable of judicial gravity ; so that the sessions
of such a body are generally attended with confusion and
quarrels, and even with blows. As to this doubtless you are
aware of the reason for the Archbishop’s absence to-day, him
of York I mean, who is but now recovering from the wounds
inflicted on him at the Council holden here last Easter.”
Westminster.—The King's Council. 87

 

“T have heard some rumours of this dispute,” replied
Richard, “but nothing plainly.”

“Then I will tell you,” said the Treasurer, “who was an
eye-witness, though an unwilling one. The Council whereof
I speak was convened by the Cardinal for the reformation
of ecclesiastical abuses, and the King was present there with
his sons, and all the bishops and abbots and chapters of the
kingdom. And when all were assembled in the chapel of the
infirm monks, here at Westminster, it was seen that those

   

LO ° ho fo pn

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Fic. 19.

archbishops, and their suffragans and their monks, were
arrayed against one another like hostile armies about to
join battle. And presently the signal was given, when the
Archbishop of Canterbury went forward to take his seat at
the right hand of the Cardinal; for immediately the other
Archbishop stood in his way, and claimed the dignity of that
place as an ancient privilege of his Church; and because he
still pressed forward, plucked him by the border of his pall.
Whereupon the Bishop of Ely, who stood by, seized the

\
88 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

aggressor by the back of his neck, and so held him fast, and
his cap fell off and was broken. And at the same instant the
servants of the Archbishop of Canterbury and others fell
upon him, and threw him upon the ground and beat him,
and trampled on him with their feet, so that he was rescued
from their hands scarcely breathing. And by reason of this
scandal, the King was compelled to make peace between
them, and to send the Archbishop of Canterbury and the
Bishop. of Ely abroad with his daughter, as far as St. Gilles,
whence they are only lately returned. But the Archbishop
of York has little health and less desire to attend more
councils.

“This then is the sum of that which you seek to know,
that it is better, for the welfare of the whole community
that there should be a constituted body, how small soever,
to hear and resolve all causes at some fixed spot, rather
than that the King should depute sundry of his courtiers
to determine such matters, to whom the science of the Curia
and of the Exchequer may perchance be wholly unknown.
And it is certain that sooner or later these changes will
become necessary, for in the multitude of our judges there is
little wisdom and much guile. But concerning these things,
I would desire you to hear Ranulph de Glanvill and his
brethren, who have greater experience in them than we at
the Exchequer.”

With such talk as this they reached the hall of the inner
palace, where dinner was prepared, and where the King
entertained at his own table the foreign legates, with many
prelates and nobles of the kingdom, and other clerks and
laymen of his court, marshalled in due order of precedence.
The fare indeed was modest, as befitted the beginning of
Lent ; but Richard was surprised at the infinite variety of
“gg aBeg novy of

ATAVL LV ONIN LANAOVINV Id

vied 4.9% dessus du uoprey 54 » ulayzsueun0g

+e ee LN a . ny ‘ -y
SN)’ > Vas x se \ QGe:. Cf: ete
4 ay A 5 ay tty ew ae 4 Pr o an
a eo Op IE vr A Be

iy
-
a

 

Whey Wy Ww Wy

 

2
2s < - Na = .
TS fa z k
_ {
Hi er
: re :
a € :
4 , en 2 \ %
} es s
. = = ern a, » f
ee, tase 71 ae
f e
‘

 

 

 

@ @

ae et aa ey

ie etd y rr}

“UW ALW 1d
Westminster.—The King's Council. 89

 

fish that was served at each table: lordly salmon and great
trout both sodden and baked with verjuice and spices, pike
of three feet in length, roasted whole upon spits and stuffed
with herbs and anchovies, eels in crust, potted lamperns,
with tench, bream, and dace, and other common fish, all
denizens of the river and, many of them long fattened in
the fish stews that formed an important feature of the
palace inclosure. Together with these was served almost
every sort of sea fish that found its way to the riverside
market. As soon as the banquet was ended, the King with-
drew into his chamber for the purpose, it was understood, of
conversation with the Spanish and Navarrese delegates re-
specting the political institutions of their respective countries,
a subject of invariable attraction for this royal statesman.

Richard, learning that his friend the Treasurer was dis-
posed for study, readily joined himself with a company of
the younger courtiers present, who purposed, according to
custom, to repair to the playing fields beyond the city
walls, in order to initiate the Lenten tournaments always
held there on Sunday afternoon—when the Court happened
to be at London—between the chivalry not yet dignified by
knighthood and the noble youths of the city. Accordingly,
not long afterwards a gay cavalcade wended its way along
the Strand towards the city, where, having fallen in with
an equal number of the youths of the city mustered in the
great square before the Church of St. Paul, the two squad-
rons proceeded towards the fields, followed by an immense
concourse of spectators, both on foot and horseback.

Arrived at the appointed spot, where spacious lists had
been prepared for the occasion, the tournament was opened by
single courses between champions on both sides,—the citizens
being, according to custom, the challengers. In this mimic
go Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

warfare, however, neither steed nor rider was protected by
armour, the latter having only a shield and a headless lance.

FIG. 20.

 

 

 

 

The encounter, however, though
bloodless, was an equal test of
horsemanship and skill in the
use of the lance, whilst the risk
of severe falls and contusions
was a sufficient proof of hardi-
hood. As soon as the single

' contests were exhausted, and

the champion who had  dis-
played the greatest. prowess
had been proclaimed victor by
the umpires, and rewarded with
the prize of a gold chain, with
which he was decorated by the
fair hands of the daughter of
one of the city magnates, a
general engagement followed, the
opposing bands vying in their
display of skilful manceuvres,
forming and wheeling and charg-
ing in several ranks, until at a
given signal the combat was
suspended, and the result was
declared to be in favour of the
courtiers, a verdict which excited
some murmurs from the popu-
lace. Indeed Richard, who had
remained an interested spectator

of the tournament, having won his spurs many years before
in the expedition against Toulouse, observed that an evident
Westminster.— The King’s Councvl. 91

 

rivalry existed between the courtiers and citizens, which
was not confined, as he was reminded by a recent tragedy,
to a harmless encounter like the present. For as the former,
after a joyous carousal and ceremonious farewell of the civic
potentates, were returning again towards Westminster, the
young heir of Bigot, next to whom he rode, asked if he
intended on the morrow to witness the trial of John the
Elder and those citizens, his fellows, who stood accused of
housebreaking and other crimes against the king’s peace;
of which, doubtless, he added, the murder of the brother of —
his father’s old friend and companion in arms, the Earl
Ferrers, when the Court first came to London, was one.

The sun had set behind the orchards and thickets of the
Abbey before the party returned to Westminster; and im-
mediately after supper Richard sought his couch, resolved
upon being present at the expected trial of the recreant
magnates of the city.

On the following morning, therefore, he rose early and
waited upon his lord and patron, Richard de Luci, the justi-
ciar, to whom the conduct of the trial belonged. Here he
was informed by one of the deputy marshals of the Curia
that the midnight robber, who had been previously wounded
and secured, had been admitted as the king’s prover, and
_ that he had already denounced many of note amongst the
younger citizens, some of whom had fled the city, and others
were already taken, besides John the Elder, all of whom were
lodged in the gaol of Newgate, and would be brought before
the king’s justices at Westminster that very morning. Upon
hearing this news, Richard proceeded to the lodging of his
kinsman, Ranulph de Glanvill, who, on learning his wishes,
readily consented to accompany him.

Long before the hour appointed for the trial, a crowd of
92 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

citizens had assembled in front of the palace gates, while
more privileged courtiers had taken their stand in the body
of the Hall itself. At the hour appointed for the proceedings
of the court to begin, the Justiciar, Richard de Luci, entered,
attended by various serjeants and officers, and also by several
clerks and scribes who were prepared to endite a report of
the proceedings in the rolls of the court. The Justiciar took
his seat on the broad bench at the summit of the Hall, and
the clerks occupied benches at a table immediately in front.
Next the king’s “prover” was brought in, unarmed, for,
having lost his right hand in the manner before related, it
was not intended that he should substantiate his accusation
by a personal combat. After him followed the sheriff of
London, William, son of Isabel, to whose custody the prisoners
had been committed, and three or four of these wretches,
half-naked and securely pinioned, under the escort of the
sheriffs, serjeants, and the gaoler of the king’s prison, were
next brought up to the bar which divided the judges and
clerks from the body of the court. :
The proceedings which followed were short and simple
in the extreme. The Justiciar rose and spoke a few words
to the effect that the King was deeply moved to anger by
the frequent contempts and crimes committed heretofore by
divers malefactors of that city, which he was resolved to visit
with condign punishment, as would presently be evident. At
the conclusion of this significant preamble, the king’s “prover”
was pushed forward by the sheriff. Pale as death, with trem-
bling limbs and faltering accents, he appealed John the Elder,
and others his associates, for that they did by night within
the king’s peace, feloniously break into the lodging of a
certain lord, namely the brother of the Earl of Ferrers, and
him wounded, and dragged into the street, and killed with
Westminster.+The King's Council. 93

 

blows ; and also for that the same did, not long afterwards,
feloniously break into the lodging of another lord, namely
Robert de Estutevill, and this he offers to prove as the
court shall direct, being a man maimed. And the defendants,
thus appealed, answered, and traversed the entire charge,
word for word. Thereupon twelve citizens, who had been
impanelled by the sheriff in open court, as dwelling in the
same wards with the accused, and sworn to declare the truth
of the matter, came forward and stated that they held the said
persons appealed in grave suspicion of guilt, who thereupon

 

demanded the franchise of the city, namely, to clear them-
selves by the joint oath of their peers, But the Justiciar
denied this claim, on the ground of the supreme jurisdiction
of the king in his court, and decreed that they should clear
themselves by the water, for such, he said, is the King’s com-
mandment, and that it be done suddenly,

: ' The whole proceedings had not lasted ten minutes, and
here were six men adjudged to-a shameful death practically
unheard, and with no appeal but to the justice of Heaven to
work something like a miracle in their behalf, for such was
94 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

the real meaning of the ordeal of water—a yet more des-
perate resource than the trial of the heated iron, though the
accused had not even been permitted to choose between these
implements of torture. ~

Thus thought Richard de Anesti as he found himself
hurried along in the eager throng of sightseers which pressed
towards the great doorway through which the officials and
prisoners had already passed on their way to the place of
torment.

It is related that in the old days of simple piety and
austere faith before the Conquest, the ordeal was always
performed as a solemn religious mystery in the interior of
a church, and the Divine interposition on behalf of the
innocent was invoked by prayer and fasting; but now the
test had degenerated into a meaningless form of law—a
straw carelessly dropped within reach of a sinking man.
Therefore, without proceeding as far as the Church of St.
Peter, the procession halted on the verge of the abbey pre-
cincts, where, in an excavation made for the purpose, a large
copper filled with water was already steaming over a roaring
furnace of pine logs. Here the prisoners were halted, and
the sheriffs’ serjeants bandaged each probationer’s hand
and arm with thick folds of linen, to the upper and lower
joints of which the sheriff affixed his seal upon a thin disc of
molten lead. Then the accused were called upon in turn to
attempt the ordeal, which consisted in plunging the bandaged
arm into the now boiling cauldron, so as to snatch away from
the bottom a large white stone. This John the Elder success-
fully accomplished, but two out of his five associates were
not so successful; for one of them being overcome by the
heat of the furnace, or blinded by the smoke and flame, was
unable to lay hold of the stone, and still groping for it with
Westminster.—The King's Council. 95

 

‘his arm, fainted with the pain, and would have been either
boiled or roasted alive if the sheriff had not plucked him
forth. This horrible sight so disconcerted the last of the
accused, that, having advanced to the edge of the furnace,
his courage failed him, and he piteously refused to make the
required attempt. Thereupon he was adjudged guilty, and
sentenced by the Justiciar to be hanged with the other
prisoners who had failed to clear themselves in the manner
required by custom. The four remaining prisoners who had
braved the terrors of the ordeal were now respited in order
that the judgment of God might be apparent from the in-
spection of their arms at the lapse of three days ; for then he
upon whose flesh appeared no mark of scalding was held to
be unscathed by the water, and was discharged or banished,
according to his character; but otherwise he was punished
with the extreme rigour of the law. These then were now
removed under a guard to prison, but the two already con-
victed, having been hurriedly tied by their feet to the tails of
two horses, were dragged in that manner by the sheriffs and a
mounted party towards the place of execution, followed by a
large part of the spectators both on horseback and on foot.
Richard had no desire to be present at the final act of justice,
but returned slowly towards the palace, still musing upon the
problem which had been suggested by the recent scene, and
which was nothing less than the possibility of the administra-
tion of justice in a spirit of equity and humanity.

He had not proceeded far before he was overtaken by
Ranulph de Glanvill and his brother William, and together
_ they returned to the White Hall, where they found the
Treasurer and a few other clerks and courtiers awaiting the
King’s return from his daily hunting expedition, and here,
after some conversation upon the subject of the late proceed-
96 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

ings, Richard, addressing himself to the Treasurer, mentioned
the objections which had occurred to him as a layman in the
judgments of criminal presentments, inquiring whether this
process was common to other kingdoms, and for what reason
the great perfection displayed in the judgments of the Curia
and Exchequer in other pleas had not been extended also to
these ; and, lastly, whether the evil were such a one as might
be remedied. To which the Treasurer replied as follows:

“Tt is true that neither the providence of the king and his
justices, nor the vigilance of the sheriffs and his other ministers,
can wholly prevent those evils of which you have complained.
But whether the laws themselves and the assizes of the
kingdom are to blame therein, I will not willingly decide, but
will refer you on this point to our most learned justice, your
kinsman here.”

Ranulph de Glanvill, who was thus appealed to, appeared
to accept the Treasurer’s challenge, for he immediately
addressed himself to Richard in the following words :

“T admit,” he began, “in part the truth of what you have
spoken. But consider now that there is no similitude between
the Common Pleas of the King’s Court or at the Exchequer
and the presentments of which you make mention, which
notoriously are practised in the provincial courts, accord-
ing to the ancient laws of the English, among which is this
same trial by the ordeal, whereas the Curia and Exchequer
are in their origin wholly Norman. But it is to be considered
in respect of the ordeal, that if the accused be nobles or free-
men, or burgesses, they shall have the appeal of battle, or the
judgment of their peers, or the custom of their city ; though
truly our King is no respecter of persons, as you have just
now seen, and thinketh that for men convicted by the oath of
their neighbours, the ordeal is sufficient. So then this judg-
Westminster.—The King's Counctt.. 97

 

ment is clearly to be laid to the charge of the English laws,
and I myself who have read these laws throughout, believe
that they are requisite to the state of this kingdom, and that
they will continue with little change into after times. For
the nature thereof is this: To preserve the peace of God,
together with the king’s peace, unto-all men, wherein it is
enjoined that the whole body of people shall be assisting, and
therefore they are the best judges of their fellow’s guilt or
innocency, to which end also they solemnly invoke the judg-
ment of God to declare the truth before the guilty are
punished.”

Richard could not help admitting the justice of these reflec-
tions, and because, he added, he himself had spent nearly six
years in the prosecution of a single suit, it seemed at least a
merit that justice should be expeditious even at the expense
of outward ceremonies.

Then several courtiers who were present having marvelled
_ greatly at the exceeding length of his suit, at their request,
and with the permission of the Treasurer and the other great
men there, Richard spoke as follows.
CHAPTER VII.
WESTMINSTER.—THE KING’S COURT.

“TT is now thirty years ago,” Richard began, “that William
de Sackville, my uncle, died, leaving to me and to one other
a disputed inheritance. And the cause hereof was this: that
the same William, long before, was contracted in the bond of
matrimony with Albreda, daughter of Geoffrey de Tregoz,

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

but notwithstanding this solemn vow, he soon afterwards
married Adeliza, daughter of Aubrey de Vere, contrary to
the laws of Holy Church. And thereupon Albreda, whom
he had thus wronged, brought her suit in the ecclesiastical
courts, and because she could not have justice done her there,
she appealed thence to the Bishop of Winchester, being at

98
Westminster.—The King’s Court. 99

 

that time the legate of our lord the Pope, by whom the truth
of the matter was certified to the Court of Rome. And after-
wards, by virtue of a certain rescript of our lord the Pope,
sentence of nullity was pronounced in a synod held at London
in the year of Our Lord 1143, and accordingly the said William
returned to Albreda, and lived with her till his dying day.
But although he thus submitted himself to the decree of Holy
Church, and put away her with whom he had sinned, yet he
continued to bear a great affection towards her, and especially
to the daughter whom she had borne to him, by name Mabel.
And many years after, being infirm with age and sickness, the
said Mabel and her husband came to him and abode with
him till his death, and afterwards entered upon all his manors
and lands, on the pretext that the said Mabel took the same
as his daughter and heiress. Moreover, they feigned that the
said William, before his death, had repented of the evil that
he had wrought towards Adeliza, having confessed the whole
truth in the presence of the Abbot of Colchester and other
religious persons, as follows. That he had by no means
entered into that contract with Albreda, as had been supposed,
but had received a release thereof from her father to himself
and his father, by agreement on both sides, after which he
married Adeliza openly in the face of the Church, who was
driven from his house against his will by the subtle devices of
Albreda, and of those who were in hope to inherit in default of
his issue by her such as afterwards came to pass. Alleging
further that the legate and those who were joined with him in
pronouncing that sentence of nullity had been influenced
therein by gifts.
“And because Mabel and her husband were in posses-
sion of my rightful inheritance, and would not even make
a concord with me about the same, I sent a certain man
100 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

of my own into Normandy for the King’s writ, whereby
I impleaded my adversaries. And when my messenger
brought me the writ, I proceeded to Sarum, in order that it
might be returned under the Queen’s seal. And when I
came back I heard that Ralph Brito was about to cross the
water, so I followed him to Southampton to speak with him,
in order that he might purchase for me the King’s writ
addressed to the Archbishop, because I knew that the plea
would be removed into the Archbishop’s court. And having
returned from Southampton with the Queen’s writ, I went to
Ongar, and delivered the writ to Richard de Luci, who, having
seen the same, gave me a day for pleading at Northampton
on the eve of St. Andrew ; and before that I sent Nicholas
my clerk for Geoffrey de Tregoz, and for Albreda his sister,
to wit she who had been my uncle’s wife, whom he found at
Berney, in Norfolk. And when the clerk returned, I went to
Northampton to open my pleadings with my friends and
helpers, and hence Richard de Luci gave me another day at
Southampton, on the fifteenth day. Afterwards Ralph Brito
came from Normandy, and brought me the King’s writ,
whereby the plea was removed into the Archbishop’s court,
and I carried the writ to Archbishop Theobald, whom I found
at Winchester ; and then he gave mea day on the feast of
St. Vincent, and that plea was held at Lambeth ; and thence
he gave me a day on the feast of St. Valentine the Martyr,
and that plea was held at Maidstone. From thence he gave
me a day on the feast of St. Perpetua and St. Felicity ; and
meanwhile I went to the Bishop of Winchester, to talk with
him, so that he might certify the divorce which had been
before him in the synod at London. And having received
the bishop’s certificate, I appeared on the day assigned to me
prepared for pleading, and that plea was held at Lambeth.
SEENS"“MWT STH JO LNOODDV SALSUNV 2d GUVHDIU

Nee eee hy

 

TT ALVWI1d
Westminster.—The King’s Court. 101

 

From thence he gave me a day on the Monday next after
the Lztare Jerusalem. And meanwhile I went for Master
Ambrose, who at that time was with the Abbot of St.
Alban’s, in Norfolk; and Sampson my chaplain I sent to
Buckingham for Master Peter de Melide.

“ Having thus secured the clerks above-named, I kept my
day with my helpers at London. Thence the Archbishop
gave me a day on Quasimodo Geniti Sunday; and meantime
I sent John my brother beyond sea to the King’s Court,
because I was informed that my adversaries had purchased
the King’s writ not to plead until the King should return from
beyond sea; and therefore I sent my brother for another writ,
that my plea should not be stayed by reason of this writ of
my adversaries. And in the meantime I went myself to
Chichester, to talk with Bishop Hilary, so that he might
testify to the divorce which had been pronounced in his
presence by my lord of Winchester, in the synod at London ;
and I received his testimony, namely, the letters which he
despatched to the Archbishop testifying the divorce.

“At London I kept my day with my clerks and witnesses
and friends and helpers, and I remained there during four
days, pleading every day, Thence he gave me a day on
Rogation day, and when I kept it at Canterbury, my adver-
saries said that they would not plead on account of the sum-
mons of the King’s army against Toulouse. So I followed the
King, and I found him at Auvilar, in Gascony. And in this
journey I waited thirteen weeks before I was able to have
the King’s writ to proceed with my pleadings. As soon as I
had purchased the King’s writ, I returned, and having found
the Archbishop at Mortlake, I delivered the King’s writ to
him, and he gave me a day on the feast of St. Crispin and St.
Crispianus, on which day I came to Canterbury; and from
102 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

thence he gave mea day on the octaves of St. Martin, on
which day I came to Canterbury. From thence my lord of
Canterbury gave me a day on the feast of St. Lucia the
Virgin ; and meanwhile I sent Master Sampson my chaplain
to Lincoln for Master Peter. But when my day came I was
unable to plead on account of my illness; so I sent my
essoigners, who had me excused at Canterbury. And thence
a day was given me on the feast of St. Fabian and St.
Sebastian, on which day I came to London, where my lord
of Canterbury then was; and from thence he gave me a day
on the feast of St. Scolastica the Virgin, and I kept it at
Canterbury ; and thence on Letare Jerusalem, and I kept it
at London; and thence on Misericordia Domini Sunday.
And in the meantime I sent Robert de Furneis and Richard
de Marci for Godfrey de Marci, and I myself went to the
Bishop of Winchester, that I might obtain a more perfect
certification of the divorce pronounced by him. And I found
the bishop at Fareham, by Portsmouth, and from thence I
brought back with me Master Jordan Fantasma, here, and
Nicholas de Chandos, that they might be able to testify by
word of mouth what the bishop had also testified by his writ.
And I kept my day at London, prepared to plead, and thence
the Archbishop gave me a day on the Close of Pentecost.
And meantime I went myself to the Bishop of Lincoln for
Master Peter, who then was with him at Stafford, and I sent
Sampson my chaplain for Master Steven de Binham, whom
he found at Norwich. And thence I kept my day at Canter-
bury, prepared to plead with my clerks, witnesses, friends,
and helpers; and there we pleaded for two days. From thence
he gave mea day on the octaves of St. Peter and St. Paul,
and I kept it at Wingham ; and thence on the feast of St.
Sixtus, and I kept it at Lambeth; and thence on the
Westminster.—The King's Court. 103

 

Decollation of St. John the Baptist, and I kept it at Canter-
bury ; and thence on the feast of St. Luke the Evangelist.
In the meanwhile I crossed the water that I might crave
license from our lord the King to appeal to Rome; and hav-
ing received the license, I appealed to Rome till Letare
Jerusalem. After this I sued for the Archbishop’s writ of
appeal; but he refused to give it me forthwith, but he gave
me a day to receive it at Canterbury, on which day I came
and received my writ, but without seal, so that I might
show it to my advocates and obtain their opinion whether it
was according to law. And afterwards I sent his writ, by
Sampson my chaplain, to Lincoln, to show it to Master Peter.
And afterwards I sent it to Master Ambrose, whom the
messenger found at Binham. And when the writ was
corrected by my advocates, I brought it again to Canterbury,
that it might be sealed; but after seeing it, they refused to
seal it as it was, but they gave me another also without seal.
Thence, after I had received this writ, I went to show it to
the Bishop of Chichester, and when I had heard his advice I
returned. And then I sent the writ by Sampson my chap-
lain to Master Peter. I then sent the same writ again to
Master Ambrose at St. Alban’s; and when I had received
their advice, and the writ being corrected, I went to the Arch-
bishop at Wingham, and there my writ was sealed. And
when I came back I sent John my brother to Winchester,
in order that he might purchase the bishop’s writ, certifying —
the divorce to the Holy Father, and I myself went to the
Bishop of Chichester, whom I found at Salisbury, in order
that he might certify the divorce by his writ addressed to the
Holy Father in the same manner as he had done to the Arch-
bishop. And a second time and a third time did I send my
brother to Winchester before I could have an available writ.
104 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

Thereafter I got my clerks ready, and sent them to Rome, to
wit, Sampson my chaplain, and Master Peter de Littlebury,
and one man to attend them. And when they came back I
received from them the writ of our lord the Pope, and brought
it to the Bishop of Chichester and the Abbot of Westminster,
to whom the same was addressed, in order that my plea
‘ might be brought into their court. After they had seen the
apostolical precept, they fixed a day for me to plead at
Westminster in eight days of the feast of St. Michael. And I
kept my day, with my advocates and witnesses and friends
and helpers, and there we tarried three days before we
pleaded, on account of the King’s commands about which the
abbot and the bishop were employed. And thence they gave
mea day in eight days of St. Martin. In the meantime I
sent John my brother for Godfrey de Marci, in order that he
might attend as my witness, and he could not come, because
he was ill, but he sent his son in his place. On the appointed
day I came to London, prepared and ready to plead, because
I thought that I should then obtain my judgment, and there
we tarried five days, and then my adversaries appealed to the
presence of the Holy Father himself till the feast of St. Luke
the Evangelist. And I requested the instrument of appeal,
and they gave me a day at Oxford on the feast of St. Andrew.
And I kept my day, and tarried there for nine days before I
could obtain my instrument ; and having received it, but with-
out seal, I carried it to Master Peter at Lincoln, in order that
he might correct it. The writ being corrected, I carried the
same to the Bishop of Chichester at Winchester, on the
octaves of the Epiphany, in order that it might be sealed
there. But the bishop would not seal it, because the Abbot
of Westminster was not there ; but afterwards it was sealed
at Westminster on Letare Jerusalem. Afterwards I went to
Westminster.—The King's Court. 105

 

the Archbishop of York for his writ deprecatory, addressed to
the Holy Father, and to the Bishop of Durham for his writ
to the Holy Father and the cardinals; and I found them both
at York. And I returned to the Bishop of Lincoln for his writ
to the same, and afterwards to the Bishop of Winchester for
his writ; and I found him at Glastonbury. And when the
time of appealing drew nigh, having prepared my clerks, I
sent them to the Court of Rome, where they tarried sixty-

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

LD SD NS

Le chaftel be Doure lenzree e lacle?

delaRrche ile be Cugleten_ew
Fic. 23.

 

 

two days before they could have my sentence. And now, if
you would know how they fared on that journey, Master
Jordan here will tell you, who was there himself.”

Hereupon the courtiers having entreated Master Jordan
to relate what befell him at the Court of Rome, he complied
with their request as follows :-—

“As soon as I had received these commands from the
knight my master here, together with the writs and allega-
tions on our side, and twenty-five marks in silver for our
expenses, I joined myself with Master Sampson, my lord’s
106 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

chaplain, and one man to attend us, and having prepared
ourselves with horses and an outfit suitable to the journey,
we slept that night in London. And on the following day
we rode to Rochester, and on the next to Canterbury, and
thence half a day’s journey to Dover, where we took ship
to Witsand. And thence, on the seventh day, because the
ways were foul, we came to
Paris, where for three days
I frequented the English
school, being desirous of
embracing many of the
scholars who were formerly
my own. And thence we
proceeded, but slowly, be-
cause of the forests and
from fear of robbers, to
Chalons; and thence, ten
days’ journey amongst the
hills, to the hospice of the
Great Mount. And thence
gladly we fared by the
plains to Pavia; and so by
easy journeys to Cremona,
and Parma, and Biterba,
and on the fifth day we
arrived at Rome. I will
not speak now of the greatness of that holy city, which I
then beheld for the first time, but will proceed to relate what
befell us there, according to your wish.

“At the first I laboured for three days in the Curia, to obtain
letters confirmatory; and after I had advanced many reasons
on this behalf, our lord the Pope spoke to me benignly,

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 
Westminster.—The King's Court. 107

 

promising that the same should be granted. And thereupon I
made a gift to him of a silver cup, of the value of six marks.
But when I daily prayed for the delivery of these letters, our
lord the Pope was unwilling, because he would first hear our
adversaries, who had been detained by the way. And when
I still further importuned him, he answered sharply, ‘Ye
have had your answer,’ to which I replied quickly, ‘Yea,
and a masterful one.’ Then he in great anger inquired, ‘Is it
not also a just one?’ Whereupon, casting down my eyes,
I replied again, ‘Lord, I know not’ But he forthwith com-
manded me to keep silence and to withdraw.

“ After this ] went to Piacenza, and afterwards to Pavia.
And in the meantime our adversaries arrived in Rome, hav-
ing been taken and plundered at Chalons. Therefore I too
returned to the city after visiting Bologna, where I engaged
certain of the most learned doctors in the civil law in our
behalf. And after I had returned the Court ordered that we
should be prepared to plead on the third day from then ; on
which day, when we were all together before the Court, our
lord the Pope said thus: ‘ Ye shall only speak to the matter
and not of things immaterial.’ And thereupon we made our
allegations on both sides, and our answers thereto on both
sides. And once our lord the Pope cut short our adversaries’
allegation, saying fiercely, ‘We want no long history!’ so
that their advocate, dismayed, lost the sense of his argument.
And again, when they complained that I had engaged all the
best advocates for our side, he laughed loudly, saying, ‘ There
will never be found a lack of advocates in the Roman Court.
And when I spoke in my turn, knowing the fastidiousness
of our lord the Pope, I spoke briefly and to the point; but at
the end I wept somewhat, when I related the evils that we
had endured. Whereupon, turning towards the cardinals, he
108 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

laughed, and whispered something to them, whereat they
laughed also, And because our adversaries especially denied
the authenticity of certain transcripts of briefs formerly
received by the legate in England, pronouncing the opinion
of the Roman Court for the divorce to be decreed, our lord
the Pope commanded that they should be given to him; and
when he had seen them, he gave them into the hands of the
cardinals, who also examined them, and finally they commanded
the clerks to search for the counter briefs, and afterwards
compared them with our transcripts, declaring them to be
authentic. And when we had concluded our arguments, and
were all seated, our lord the Pope asked if we had any further
allegations, and I then demanded judgment in our cause. But
he commanded us to depart and write out our allegations,
and deliver them to him the same day. And after I had done
this, with the help of my advocates, there remained nothing
to be considered of save the sentence itself, to procure which,
in our favour, was plainly beyond our skill, unless also it was
due to the justness of our cause. Nevertheless, during the
following week we implored the Divine aid with prayer and
fasting and continual almsgiving. And Master Sampson
greatly assisted us at this time by his remarkable piety. For
he not only remained fasting for five days, during all which
time he perambulated the holy places and shrines of the city,
commending our cause to the pilgrims and other devout per-
sons there, giving alms also to all needy persons, whether they
had craved them or no, so that the fame of his good works
was noised abroad throughout the city ; but further, when we
attended the Court again to receive sentence, kneeling in the
door, he embraced the feet of each cardinal as he entered, as
though he would wash them with his tears, so that all present,
and even our adversaries, pitied his miserable condition.
Westminster.—The King's Court. 109

 

“At length, about the ninth hour, our lord the Pope came
forth from the inner council chamber with the cardinals,
and because I saw that the ushers, whom I had loaded with
gifts, smiled graciously upon me,I took heart. And when
the cardinals were all seated, and we stood forth on one
side, and our adversaries on the other, as had been our
custom, our lord the Pope commanded, ‘ Stand ye together
in the midst ; for now there is no longer
any strife betwixt you, since we have
brought you into peace with one another.’
And when we had come together, our lord
the Pope began to recall the nature of our
suit, and how, after full examination of N
our allegations and other writings, sen- J
tence had been prepared in the accustomed = IF
manner. Yet I then took no note of his ~ I
speech, because I was not able to compose
my senses, standing like one in a dream,
until the principal prothonotary of the Court arose, and
began the reading of the sentence. But as soon as I heard
the words, ‘to our beloved son, Richard de Anesti,’ then I
was suddenly aware that we had gained our cause, for the
sentence of the Court is ever wont to be addressed to the
side that has prevailed. And when the sentence was read,
we fell at the feet of our lord the Pope, and when we rose
again, Master Sampson lay still at his feet like one dead,
having fainted away through joy after his fasting. So we
raised him up tenderly, and bore him away, and our lord the
Pope ordered that we should receive the instrument to see, if
it needed any correction; and having received his blessing,
we departed joyfully.

“After this we received the command of our lord the Pope

Oe ear

  

Fic. 25.
IIO Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

that we should not leave the city. Moreover, we owed
forty shillings to the merchants of Rome, who demanded
to hold our instrument and writings in pawn for the same.
And being all of us suffering through illness, we cast lots
which should return alone to England for succour and to
bear our tidings. And the lot fell upon Master Sampson,
who departed from the city secretly. After whose departure |
I daily implored the license and benediction of our lord the
Pope, that I might depart also; but I could not obtain it
because I had not yet visited him and the cardinals to bestow
my gifts upon them, as the custom was. But because I
was unable to do this for lack of means, and since my sick-
ness increased daily, I borrowed forty shillings from a cértain
clerk of the Bishop of Lincoln, who was then attending the
Court in the matter of the appeal of the Abbot and Convent
of St. Alban’s against the jurfsdiction of the said bishop.
And having redeemed our instruments from the merchants,
I changed my dress, and craving the license of the holy
Apostles Peter and Paul, and receiving the apostolical bene-
diction, in the midst of the crowd, I departed secretly from
the city. And each day till I had reached the hospice of
the mount I was in fear lest I should be brought back ; but
at length, with the Divine protection, I reached England in
safety.” .

At the conclusion of Master Jordan’s narrative, which had
been listened to with deep attention by every one present,
Richard de Anesti again resumed his story at the point
where it had been left off.

“When my clerks had returned from Rome, as you have
just now heard, they delivered to me the sentence which
confirmed the former one of adultery, whereof one instrument
was directed to the Archbishop, another to Richard de Luci,
PILE, IY,

 

‘os 7G tes animonthy ei ier a tee TS fo ie wll (ui \
: =f Le £5 Femi Magen
pac we chs fxs at yf neg emuname pl.
sek ae norfyorn a vm gua nts \ priya Say ye wie ylrae ft.
cea ae comaan’ ad oe show Voce crit Sines wag ucbie f
ance ‘aan ie aT ot ee lee
ph fess way — Seat P
if 6) Tienjes ere ee to
Bain gl Spa cee
HE, ees: Pure Sakiep ad wen a ee NS (ener

f ee 7 bem oa Spee f. vporfall, « aps enpressa /
(Fey

|

i

}

ee ee sGides

(Beeman: Ue. :
Le So nce
me wep Ey

  
  

  

  
 
 
  
    
 

  

n

 
 

ur
oe a

 

F elles Mls ee -prfics tg hapa Ml sgellai' oer
Nee! peal et ene Palen tae vearileg fy 20" wy

TREE 1) cont

oe stgien teen et, eau

 

oe ee

 

BULL OF ALEXANDER III.
Westminster.—The King's Court. III

 

and the third to me, and with these I went to my lord
Richard de Luci, whom I found at Rumsey ; and there we
awaited the return of the King, who was about to come back
from Normandy. Thence I followed the Court for three
weeks before I could make fine with the King; and because
the King was vexed on account of his Holiness not having
directed any brief to him, I sent a messenger on the following
day to the Holy Father for a writ directed to the King
(which my messenger afterwards brought to me on the Close
of Easter, at Windsor). After I had fined with the King,
my lord Richard de Luci, by the King’s precept, gave me
a day for pleading at London, at Mid-Lent, and there was
then a Council; and I came there with my friends and
my helpers, and because he could not attend to this plea
because of the King’s business, I tarried there four days,
and from thence he gave me a day on the Close of Easter,
and then the King, and my lord Richard, were at Windsor ;
and at that day I came with my friends and helpers, as
many as I could have, and in the meantime I sent my
brother for Ranulph de Glaavill, and because my lord
Richard could not attend to this plea because of the great
plea of Henry de Essex, the judgment was postponed from
day to day till the King should come to Reading, and at
Reading in like manner it was postponed from day to day
till he should come to Wallingford. Afterwards, because
my lord Richard was going with the King in his war against
Wales, he removed my plea into the Court of the Earl of
Leicester at London; and there I came. But because I
could not get on at all with my plea, I sent to my lord
Richard in Wales, to the end that he might order that my
plea should not be delayed; whereupon, by his writ, he
ordered Ogier, the King’s server, and Ralph Brito to do
tia Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

justice to me without delay. So they gave me a day at
London. There I kept my day with my friends and helpers,
and from thence my adversaries were summoned by the
King’s writ, and by my lord Richard’s writ, that they should
come before the King. And we came before the King at
Woodstock, and there we remained for eight days, and at
last, thanks to our lord the King, and by the judgment of
his Court, my uncle’s lands were adjudged to me, being the
sixth year since my suit began. Moreover, I had spent in
these causes the whole of my substance, namely: for the
expenses of my journeys and my living, and that of my
messengers and others, £126 14s. besides eight palfreys and
pack-horses that were killed in those journeys, £6 6s. 8d. ;
and in gifts to my advocates and helpers in the Archbishop’s
Court, £21; and in the King’s Court I spent in gifts, both
of money and horses, £13; and to Ralph, the King’s phy-
sician, I gave £21; and to the King a hundred marks of
silver, and to the Queen a mark of gold for my fine. And
besides the money I had of my own, I borrowed, of certain
Jews at several times, the greater part of that which I spent ;
and I paid £32 Is. od. for the usance thereof; and, in short,
after I had enjoyed my uncle’s lands and goods for upwards
of three years, I still owed fifteen marks of my fine to the
King, and to Hakelot the Jew 427, the interest whereof
had mounted up to £20 gs. Therefore, my lords, it seemeth
to me that it is better for a man to have injustice done
to him without much delay, than that he should lose, per-
chance, more than he has gained by due process of law.”

At the conclusion of Richard’s narrative of his famous
law-suit, there was a renewal of the conversation upon judicial
matters until the King’s return from hunting caused a general
dispersal of the courtiers,
Westminster.—The King's Court. rr

 

In the course of the next few days the Court left London
once more, but Richard chose to remain, partly because of
the attraction offered by his pleasant intercourse with old
friends amongst the clerks of Westminster and the canons
of St. Paul’s, and partly, also, because he was as yet unable
to make any fine with the King; so that he was resolved
to await the session of the Easter Exchequer before taking
more active steps in his own business.
CHAPTER VIII.
WESTMINSTER.—AT THE RECEIPT.

THE windows of the tower, on the second floor of which
the Treasurer’s chamber was situated commanded a full
view of the north and east sides of the new palace, so that |
Richard de Anesti, sitting at one of them on the morning
of the Close of Easter, was able to watch the arrival of
the barons and clerks at the Exchequer, and within a brief
space after that of the sheriffs and other debtors of the
Crown.

The former, for the most part, passed immediately beneath
the tower, having made use of the thoroughfare of the
King’s Chapel, which offered the nearest approach to the
Exchequer from the King’s House. The sheriffs, with their
attendants, witnesses, and other interested parties, mostly
came by boat; the rest on horseback or on foot through the
north gate of the palace. As soon as the greater number
of these had arrived,the Treasurer and his guest crossed
the garden by a well-worn path, and in a few minutes found
themselves at the entrance of the Exchequer House.

This was a large two-storeyed building facing on to the
courtyard, and containing four apartments, of which two on
the ground-floor were low and vaulted, having only one
external entrance by a massive doorway, while the windows
were narrow and strongly barred. The approach to the upper
floor was by an external stair from the courtyard, which led

114
Westminster.—At the Recerpt. 115

 

to a single doorway for both chambers. Richard already
‘knew the interior of this house only too well, and therefore
he was aware that the lower storey contained the department
of the Receipt and Treasury; the upper one, the Barons’
Court and Council rooms. Before the gate of the Receipt
sat an usher, whose duty it was to regulate the admission of
the suitors or messengers laden with money-bags who passed
in and out.
Outside the Exchequer House was collected a large group
of persons whose uncouth and soiled attire bespoke pro-
vincials and travellers. These, indeed, were the bailiffs and
other debtors of the Crown, waiting to present themselves
to the Justiciary according to the terms of their writs of
summons; and they were now apparently beguiling the
tedium of their delayed audience by attention to some
anecdote which one of their number was reciting with ani-
“mated gestures, to the evident appreciation of his listeners.
On catching sight of the Treasurer, the speaker paused, and
the whole assembly saluted him with much show of respect
as, bowing gravely in response, he slowly ascended a broad
stone staircase, at the head of which, opening on to a lobby,
was the doorway of another spacious chamber — before
which was seated another usher, younger and more richly
apparelled than the other, who, with a deep obeisance, stood
on one side for them to pass by. The chamber which
they now entered was almost bare of furniture, but the walls
were hung with rough unfulled cloths, and the mullioned
windows: were pleasantly screened with linen blinds, while
the floor was thickly carpeted with dried rushes. At the
farther side a doorway, draped by a thick curtain, seemed
to lead into an inner chamber. In the exact centre of this
court-room stood a table, so low as to resemble a dais
ie Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

around which benches were placed on the four sides, This
table at once attracted attention from its peculiar design.
It was about ten feet long and five feet wide, bordered
on every side by a high ledge. On its surface a black cloth
was spread, seemingly ruled into small squares
by white chalk lines, presenting at some dis-
tance the appearance of a gigantic chess table. -
At the farther end of this table three or four
officials were seated, whom Richard de Anesti
at once recognised as the Constable of the
King’s Court, with the Marshal and Chamber-
lains of the Exchequer, and at the middle of one side a
short, active-looking clerk was standing, sorting a heap of
gold and silver coins or counters. Several serjeants of the
Exchequer stood in the background, attentively waiting their
masters’ orders.
The solemn stillness which pervaded the chamber was
broken only by the chinking of the pieces of money and by
the rustling of some clerk’s pen upon smooth parchment ; but
as the Treasurer advanced towards the head of the board,
his colleagues rose and saluted him with mingled courtesy
and deference. Richard had found a seat on the sheriffs’
bench near the door, and was prepared to give attention to
the proceedings of the session, when the Marshal informed
the Treasurer, in a low voice, that the Justiciary could not
sit that day, and therefore he supposed that the sheriffs
might be admitted to an audience and a further day be
given them. This being done accordingly, the whole body
joyfully departed in pursuit of the varied pleasures of the
great city.

“Behold, there is nothing to be done here until the
morrow,” said the Treasurer, turning to his companion;

 

Fic. 26.
Westminster.—At the Recerpt. ey

 

“and therefore, if you will, the business of the Receipt may
first be inspected, to prepare you for the graver matters
that attend us.”

Richard having signified his willingness, they descended
to the Receipt, where they found the work of the Easter
session being busily carried on by the resident officials,
-in a large and somewhat desolate chamber, furnished
only with a few tables, desks, benches, and low stools.
Near the door were stationed the three principal officials
of the Receipt, namely, the two Deputy Chamberlains and
the Treasurer’s clerk. These received each accountant as
he entered, inquiring his name and business, which the clerk
carefully noted in a strip of parchment. Then one of the
Deputy Chamberlains, taking from him the money which
he intended to pay in to his account, carried it to a large
table at the other end of the room, at which four clerks,
the Tellers of the Receipt, were seated, and emptied it out
before them. The heap of silver pennies was then carefully
mixed by one of these clerks, and the whole weighed by
the Chamberlain in the Exchequer scale by single pounds,
each of which was counted out by a separate Teller with
inconceivable rapidity, and if the number of pennies was
found correct (6 being allowed for light weight), the 240
pence so counted were poured into a wooden canister.
When this, which held exactly five pounds, was filled, it was
again weighed by the Chamberlain with nineteen others,
in a chest which held a hundred pounds. In case the
. payment was made by a sheriff on account of the blanch
farm of his county, the Tellers first counted out from
the original heap 44 shillings, which were placed by the
Chamberlain in a small casket, on which, after the sheriff
had himself sealed it, the Treasurer’s clerk wrote in
118 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

chalk the name of the county, and after it the word
“combustion.” The casket was then carefully put away for
the trial of the pyx before the barons. The same official
also sealed up every chest as soon as it was filled, and
entered in a great roll, which the Treasurer informed
Richard was the Receipt Roll of the Exchequer, the name of
each accountant, with the date, amount, and nature of his
payment. At the same time the second Chamberlain was
engaged in cutting a tally for the amount just paid in and
verified, for which purpose he selected, from a heap on
the floor, a square shaft of wood about nine inches long,
and grasping it firmly at one end with his left hand, pro-

 

 

 

 

Fic. 27.

ceeded to cut with a sharp knife certain notches on the
uppermost surface, beginning at the end nearest his own
body. Here he first cut a large notch, nearly as broad
as his thumb, which stood for twenty pounds, and below
that a deep slanting gash, without removing any of the
wood, this being only a half-finished notch, by which half
the former amount was signified. After this the tally was
reversed, and three smaller notches were cut at the opposite
extremity, each as wide as a barley-corn, succeeded by six
nicks, each only a line in breadth, and eight single dints
upon the smooth surface below these. When finished this
tally was compared by the chamberlain with the. entry
Westminster.—At the Receipt. 11g

 

made by the clerk in the Receipt Roll in favour of the .
accountant for a sum of £33 6s. 8d, and the amount being
found correct, the same clerk wrote an inscription on each
side of the shaft corresponding with the entry on the Receipt
Roll. Then the chamberlain, taking up a mallet and chisel,
cut half-way through the shaft of the tally at three inches
from the base, and then split the stick down to this cross-
cut with a single blow, thus dividing the tally into two
unsymmetrical halves, of which the shorter one was handed
to the accountant as his voucher for the profer; and the
longer one, being that which had the undivided base or
handle, was retained by the marshal. The accountant now
withdrew, and was succeeded by another, with whom the
whole process’ was repeated. The Treasurer here informed
his friend that these transactions did not conclude the busi-
ness upon which the debtors of the Crown were summoned.
It was necessary for them to appear before the barons in
the upper chamber on one of the following days, to render
an account of the details of the profers made by them, and
to witness the assay of the ferms, which were required to
be blanched according to custom, when, if from the examina-
tion of the state of their accounts, as the same were entered
in the Exactory Roll of the Exchequer, it appeared that
a due proportion had been advanced, they were then formally
discharged until the Michaelmas session, when the balance
- would be demanded of them. In fact, he added; there was
no difference between the two sessions except that at Easter
nothing was entered in writing in the great rolls of the
Upper Exchequer, but only in those of the Receipt,

At this moment a diversion was made in the proceedings
by the entrance of one who came to receive money instead of

paying ‘ being provided with a writ to that effect, This
120 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

the Treasurer’s clerk took from him, and having carefully
examined it, brought it to his master, who, after a glance at
its contents, nodded his head in sign of approbation, where-
upon the amount specified was counted down by one of the
Deputy-Chamberlains, and entered by the clerk in a separate
roll. This happened several times in the course of their
visit—one who had been thus paid returning with the com-
plaint that he had received a penny short, whereupon he was
reminded of the invariable rule of the Exchequer that no
mistake could be rectified after the party had passed the
door of the Receipt. These payments, the Treasurer said,
were casual allowances on account of expenses in the King’s
service ; but on the morrow and following days the Con-
stable and his clerk would attend with the Marshal of the
Exchequer, for the half-yearly payment of the servants and
pensioners of the royal household.

Richard having observed at the farther side of the chamber
an iron door, through which the serjeants of the Receipt
carried the money-chests as soon as they were filled and
sealed, inquired the nature of its use, and was informed by
the Treasurer that it was the Treasury of the Receipt. This
they presently entered, and found themselves in a bare, dark
room, against the walls of which numbers of wooden boxes
were piled, while several large iron chests, with massive
clamps and double padlocks were placed near the windows
on either side. These last, the Treasurer observed, contained
treasures greater than gold or silver, being the repositories
of the ancient records of the realm; and causing one of
them to be opened by the serjeants, he showed ‘Richard the
Book of Domesday, compiled from the great survey made
by the King’s great grandfather, tog elite with the earliest
year rolls, first made during the ministry of his ¥ uncle,
Westminster.—At the Receipt. 121

 

Bishop Roger, of Salisbury, and many other curious relics of
the ancient practice of the Exchequer.

Retracing their steps into the Receipt, the Treasurer and his
companion walked round that part of the chamber used as a
scriptorium, and stood for a while watching the industrious
labours of the clerks before concluding their visit. As they
passed out of the door-way of the house, theTreasurer invited
Richard to pass the afternoon with him in his own chamber,
to which he readily agreed. Accordingly, after dinner, at
which he was entertained by the Keeper of the King’s Palace, _
he enjoyed the privilege of inspecting the contents of his
friend’s aumbries, well-stored with the rarest manuscripts,
among which he did not fail to notice the famous chronicle
of the acts of the present King, in the author’s own hand, and
the unfinished treatise concerning the practice of the Ex-
chequer, with the Liber Curialium, and many more, the view
of which incited Richard to make the following request,—

“Master, you have formerly promised, when I shall sit
beside you at the Exchequer, to make known to me the state
of the King’s revenue as it is now rendered to him. But I
would fain know in the first place whence this Exchequer
and revenue are derived.”

“Your question is a difficult one, brother,” replied the
Treasurer thoughtfully; “ yet I will answer it to the best of my
ability. Know, then, that in the primitive state of this king-
dom before the Conquest, the kings—who then chiefly flour-
ished less through their success in warfare than through their
care for their subjects’ welfare (whatever some have thought
to the contrary)—each in turn. enjoyed such assignment of
arable and pasture and wood as might suffice to maintain their
royal state. The rest of the cultivated land was possessed by
their followers, each man after his degree, of whom, indeed,
19° Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

some became poorer and others richer than the rest, according
to each man’s worth and industry. And such land as was
"not thus assigned, or which remained waste, was regarded at
first as the land of the whole nation, but afterwards of the
king, from which he might reward his men or endow the
Church of Christ, with the advice of his bishops and other
wise men, who were witnesses of those gifts, as may yet be
seen by the charters here in the Exchequer. In the succeed-
ing period, however, the whole of these common lands were
‘no longer to be distinguished from the rest of the royal lands,
so that grants were made by the king from both alike, even
as is done in the present day. All these then, namely farms
and fisheries and forests, were cultivated by the king’s bailiffs,
who answered for the same to the great officers of his house-
hold, but in provisions of every kind, and not in money.
Thus it continued to be done after the Conquest, whereby the
king was enabled to supply the daily necessities of his house-
hold or to make provision for warfare. Some farms were
charged with the supply of wheat and drage for bread, others
with that of malt for mead and ale, or of oats and barley for
the stable. The grazing farms rendered carcases of beeves
and sheep, and the woodlands yielded bacons and gammons,
Each bushel of corn or carcase was assessed at a fixed price,
so that he who was charged with £10 must provide either 200
~ oxen or 600 sheep or 200 measures of grain, each sufficient
to make bread for 100 men or for 200 horses. Old men now
living have told me how that on the eve of a feast, or of an
expedition, the air would be filled with clouds of dust from
the innumerable herds which approached the Court. The
rivers were choked with barges, and the roads with wains
or pack-horses. Great then was the distress of the poor
husbandman, compelled not only to lose his oxen and sheep,
Westminster.—At the Recerpt. 123

 

but to drive them many leagues to the Court or tosome royal
castle. Then came atime when a righteous king, grandfather
of the King that now is, heard and pitied their complaints.
Moreover, he was compelled by the necessities of his foreign
wars, both to hold his courts oftentimes abroad, and also to
pay an army of foreign mercenaries, so that he had little use for
this provision of fresh victuals, and cast about how he might
exchange the same. Therefore he sent his officers into every
shire, who assessed the farms of the Crown in value of money
instead of in kind, appointing also new money, and bidding
his sheriffs to collect his revenue in good silver by weight
according to each man’s assessment. When this was done,
the sheriffs and bailiffs brought their money, as it was called
for, into the royal treasury, or into the coffers of the king’s
chamber in his Court, wherever it might be, being allowed for.
such provisions as there was still occasion for them to provide
after the rate.”

“But was there not before this,” inquired Richard, “any
supply of money for the king’s service? Moreover, how
should the cities which paid farms to the Crown discharge
the same in provisions of this kind ?”

“You anticipate my discourse of these things,” replied the
Treasurer ; “for know that the farms of the Crown, in kind or
in money, form but a portion of the king’s revenue, whereof
there are two other principal sources, of which I was about
to speak next, namely, his prerogative of commerce, and
that of justice. And, although it be probable that at the
first the issues of each of these were received in kind, as
we may yet see in the wine which is taken as a toll by
the King’s chamberlains, and in the hawks or palfreys which
are acquitted at the Exchequer, yet from very early times
both merchants and other suitors rendered their fines and
124 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

amerciaments equally in silver, which supplied the king’s
chief needs.

“Now first of the prerogative of the control of commerce,
which as it seems to some arose first out of his ownership of
the public lands. For of these, by reason of the grants afore-
said, little remained before the Conquest save forests and
rivers, which afterwards were reserved by those kings for the
sake of hunting, wherein they especially delighted, and also
for provision of game and fish. So that I have seen in the
reign of the present King letters directed to the sheriff of
divers counties, for deer to be provided for meat to the king’s
army, besides great provision of bucks and wild-boars, and
fish and fowl, against feast-days and ceremonies. In course
of time many cities and towns were founded upon the king’s
demesne, both inland and on the coasts of the sea; for men
have thought it better to commit themselves to the king than
to seek the protection of any other lord. All these cities and
towns, then, the king was lord of, with the highways and
rivers along which they passed, and also of the creeks and
harbours into which they brought their ships. And by reason
of the king’s defence of the forests and rivers for his own
hunting and fowling, they were cleared of all dangers and
impediments, whereby merchants were benefited in no small
measure. And in order that the citizens might know how
they should stand, the king ordained a farm to be paid by
them for their franchise, and tolls for the passage of their
goods at the ports and upon the rivers and by land. And
thereupon they gladly made fine with the king at the
Exchequer.

“ And the second prerogative of the king, which is that of
justice, arose in this way ; being also closely joined with the
former one, as you will perceive.” With these words the
Westminster.—At the Receipt. 125

 

Treasurer rose from his seat, and crossing the chamber opened
one of the iron-bound chests before noticed, and took from it
a large vellum-bound book. “This,” he said, resuming his
seat and laying the book open upon his knees, “is the famous
Domeboc, or register of Saxon laws, which by some is be-
lieved to have been made by Alfred, the King of the West-
Saxons. This book is held in especial regard by Master
Ranulf de Glanvill, who, indeed, compiled therefrom a cer-
tain treatise on the ancient laws and customs of this king-
dom, as they were observed before the Conquest and after-
wards confirmed by Norman kings. And now, if you will,
I purpose to read to you such passages from those laws as
seem to me to explain the origin of the king’s peace.” Here-_
with the Treasurer commenced to read aloud from this book
several extracts from the laws referred to.

“Thus you may see,” he resumed, after closing the book,
“that all three branches of the revenue came to be paid at
this time in money, which was received and accounted for at
the Exchequer.”

“ And where,” inquired Richard, “was this Exchequer first
erected ?” :

“You ask a difficult question,” replied the Treasurer, “But
first, let me tell you that the Exchequer itself forms but a
part of the King’s Court which follows his person wheresoever .
he may repair, yet not as pleas of the Crown, which are most
often held at some one of his palaces, but usually in some
great city, as Winchester, or Oxford, or Northampton, and
especially here at Westminster, whether the king be present
orno. And formerly, all the king’s treasure, whether in silver
or in goods, was paid into the chamber of his palace to the
hands of his chamberlains, who accounted for the same with
his treasurer, and paid such sums as they were directed by
126 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

his writs. And afterwards the larger treasure which was
collected, besides jewels and plate and vestments of all kinds,
was laid up in the royal treasury at Winchester, and at other
times at Westminster in the church there. And here, also,
many rolls and other writings concerning the state of the
kingdom were preserved; but nevertheless, all things that
were needed for daily use, both money and rolls and tallies
and seals, were then and still are deposited in the king’s
chamber, or in the Treasury of the Receipt. This chamber,
then, of which I have made mention, was an ancient member
of the palace, holding the middle place between the king’s
council and court in the great hall there, and the innermost
lodging where he slept ; for here the great thegns were wont
to attend; namely, the constable, who had the charge of the
king’s beasts and birds, and likewise of ‘their keepers, whether
captains or serjeants or grooms or falconers or bearwards ;
the marshal who assisted the constable herein, and also kept
the king’s peace within the precincts; and the chamberlains
themselves, who kept the king’s wardrobe, with the treasurer
as aforesaid. And afterwards there were certain clerks among
the king’s chaplains, or from among the learned canons of
St. Paul’s or of Waltham or elsewhere, who made all writings
under the eye of the chancellor, who examined and sealed
them. These clerks being found more skilful in business, and
rather to be trusted than laymen, were usually employed
upon the king’s business both at home and abroad, being often
sent by the king through the counties to execute justice,
and especially to view the levying of fines and amerciaments,
and for the assessment of taxes. And not long afterwards
the Court and Exchequer were erected for the due adminis-
tration of justice and of the king’s revenue. Wherefore
certain of these clerks were appointed by the king as his
Westminster.—At the Recerft. 127

 

justiciaries, with other barons and knights, who were also for
the most part sheriffs of the counties and governors of the
castles, and other clerks and serjeants ministered to them, or
were sent everywhere as the king’s agents, to buy and sell,
and to conduct his wines or treasure, and the like.

“ Then it was seen that these justices must be skilful to hear
and determine pleas, and especially those at the Exchequer.
Therefore, the ministry of the king’s treasury was assigned to
certain clerks who sat there at appointed terms, to examine
the accounts of farms and fines; and these sessions were said
to be “at the tallies,” because of the quittances which were
then first delivered to accountants, who were now in danger
of being summoned for their debts to the king. Also, for
every pound of silver paid into the treasury six pence more
were exacted, and afterwards twelve, to trim the balance, and
later none was received from most accountants except by
weight, and again from others also by the assay. And by
this time these sessions had come to be called the Exchequer,
from the chequered board whereon the accounts were pre-
sented by counters, and also by a metaphor from the contest
between the treasurer and the sheriff, which was thought by
some barons who had fought in the Holy Land to resemble
the chess-game of the Easterlings, just as the counting table
resembled one of chess-boards of ebon-wood and _ ivory,
inlaid, which Duke Robert brought home with him amongst
the spoils of the Saracens’ tents. However this may be, it
was to this ministry or Exchequer that the renowned Bishop
of Salisbury was called by King Henry, the first of that
name, and to his care and skill it doth owe its present excel-
lence. For he not only caused all the silver of the farms
to be assayed, compelling the sheriff to make good what
was lost by the fire, but he perfected the science of the
128 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

Accounts of the Exchequer, and caused them to be com-
mitted to writing in the Great Rolls and others which are
still preserved ; and, in short, turned all things to the profit
of the kingdom. This is the origin of the king’s revenue
and of the Exchequer, as I received it in my youth from
old men who had themselves seen the things which I have
described to you.”

After this the two friends conversed freely on many sub-
jects, as was their custom, until the twilight deepened in the
shadows of the surrounding buildings, and the watch-light
might be seen at the Exchequer house.. Then Richard took
leave of the son of Nigel until the morning, and departed
towards the city before the palace gates were closed.
CHAPTER IX.
WESTMINSTER.—AT THE EXCHEQUER.

ON the appointed morning, before matins, Richard de
Anesti waited on the Treasurer and accompanied him to

 

the Exchequer, where they found all things in readiness for

the further business of the session. Richard de Luci, the

justiciary, was now present, and placed our courtier on his
129 K
130 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

right hand, in the place usually reserved, as the Treasurer
whispered to him, for the famous Bishop of Winchester, now
absent on the King’s affairs in Normandy. The Treasurer
himself took his seat at the head of the bench which was
placed on the right side of the table, where he might over-
look the operations of the clerks who occupied the next
two places. These were the scribe of the Great Roll, who
sat next to the Treasurer, and who wrote from his dictation,
and the scribe of the duplicate Chancellor’s Roll, who copied
from his brother of the pen, under the eye of the Chancellor’s
clerk, who sat fourth on this bench; whilst behind these,
perched on a high seat, another scribe, instructed by the
King’s confidential clerk, Master Thomas Brown, an ex-
official of the Sicilian Court, noted such matters as seemed
chiefly to concern the King’s interests. On the President’s
left the Marshal, Constable, and the two Chamberlains had
their seats, and about half-way down the bench, on the left
side of the table, the Calculator stood ready to display the
state of the accounts in effigy, by means of counters. At
the bottom of the table sat Master Brown himself, and at
a respectful distance several of the foremost sheriffs were
grouped, their servants standing behind them armed with
tallies and vouchers to be produced in their master’s credit.
Several courtiers and officials of less note filled up the gaps
in the benches, and completed a spectacle which was both
curious and impressive.

Richard now learnt that the profers of the county of
Hampshire and the two great cities of Winchester and
Southampton were to be rendered first that day, of which
fact indeed he was already aware, having heard proclamation

made thereof to the crowd of interested debtors of the Crown °

which surrounded the door of the Exchequer.
Westminster.—At the Exchequer. 131

 

By command of the President, the other sheriffs who were
present in the chamber were now excluded by the usher ; and
the sheriff of Hampshire, Richard de Gundevill,a portly man
with a merry eye, whom Richard at once recognised as the
ribald story-teller whose acquaintance he had made in the
king’s chamber, was left sitting apart with his servants and
several debtors of his county, for whom he was about to
answer, facing the Treasurer. The latter now rose and
inquired of the Sheriff in a mild voice if he was ready to
render the view of his account.

“Ready I am,” replied the Sheriff firmly.

Then the Treasurer’s scribe, who had been busily writing
in a stately hand, at the top of a parchment membrane, the
name of the county and the sheriff's name below it, paused,
and the Treasurer, refreshing his memory by a glance at the
Exactory Roll, resumed,—

“You are charged first with £8 145, the residue of last
year’s farm ; have you paid this sum into the Treasury ?”

“TI have,” replied the Sheriff, producing a small wooden
tally, which, being handed to the Marshal and compared by
him with the official counterfoil, the Treasurer’s scribe wrote
against this sum, “ Paid in the Treasury.”

“You are charged next with £510 6s. od. for this year’s
farm,” pursued the Treasurer, referring to the great Exactory
Roll, in which all the farms of the counties were fairly
entered. “Are you prepared to profer any part of this sum?”

“Tam,” replied the Sheriff, whereupon the scribe, without
entering the amount cited by his master, merely wrote
against the words “This year’s farm,” “In the Treasury,”
leaving a blank space for the subsequent entry of the cash
payment.

“Do you demand allowance as before,” inquired the
ua2 Court Life under the Plantageneds.

 

Treasurer, “for alms, and tithes, and usual disbursements
made by you out of your farm.”

“TI do,” answered the Sheriff, producing various tallies
and vouchers, by which it appeared that he had paid in alms
to the Knights of the Temple, one mark, besides which he
demanded allowance for certain lands granted by the King
to various barons, courtiers, officials, holy monks and nuns,
royal artificers, and others, all of which were a dead loss to
himself. He also put in vouchers for certain building work
performed by him at the royal castle of Winchester, as well
as for the entertainment of several members of the recent
Spanish legation, and for numerous provisions for the King’s
household, in support of which he informed the President
that he was ready to produce the evidence of sworn overseers
appointed by the Crown if it were deemed necessary. These
accounts having been carefully examined, were put on one
side by the Marshal, the Treasurer making a note of the
total amount expended.

The allowances claimed for payments already made from
his farm being now admitted, the Sheriff was further charged
by the Treasurer with the remaining items of revenue for
which he was responsible to the Crown.

In the first place he made a profer of purprestures and
escheats during the past half-year. Amongst which were
included the forest rents and dues. The settlement of the
numerous items of this portion of the sheriff's accounts being
evidently a work of some time, Richard de Anesti, anxious
to understand the nature of this branch of the revenue, and
seeing his friend the Treasurer fully occupied in checking the
details of the payments already made, turned to the Justiciary
and craved the favour of an explanation of the several terms.
This request Richard de Luci readily acceded to.
Westminster.—At the Exchequer. ras

 

“To begin with the first,” he said: “a Purpresture is a
trespass committed against the sovereign interests or dignity
of the King, being also to the public inconvenience. Thus,
if a certain lord, who enjoys no franchise by royal charter,
has excluded the public from a navigable river, whether
by claim of a private fishery or preserve for wild fowl, on
the inquest of the jurors of the Hundred he is fined for his
presumption; or if any person whosoever encroaches on such
a water by means of fish weirs, or mills, or other obstructions,
the same are to be removed, or at least the trespasser is
assessed in a heavy fine for his contempt. And this law is
more ancient than the Conquest, being especially enforced by
command of King Edward. However, in the present day it
is somewhat forgotten, and most of the purprestures that are
answered here are for trespasses upon the King’s farms, such
as happened most frequently in the reign of King Stephen,
and even during the late tumult.of civil war. It happeneth,
too, that the king’s forest is oftentimes destroyed by those
who in their greed seek to enrich themselves at the expense
of other: people, enclosing waste lands and removing their
poorer neighbours’ land-marks. It is found, however, most
surely that sooner or later these men grow bold by impunity,
and stretch out their hands over the king’s forest, felling and
stubbing the trees, and ploughing the woodlands, or enclosing
them for pasture. Then the king himself, or his justices,
taking note of the wrongful spoils, visit the offenders, as we
shall presently see, with a grievous fine. It may happen,
indeed, that by the king’s license certain tracts of forest are
converted into pasture, by payment of an annual rent, which
are accounted for here under the name of wood-rents, not
being included in the farm of the Crown lands, because their
value is ever fluctuating. As for Escheats, I need say little

a8
134 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

concerning those to yourself, for I think that your own
experience is not small in that way.”

As they conversed thus, the view of the “casual farm,” as
the purprestures, escheats, and wood-rents were called, was
completed. This was made up, as Richard saw from the items
set down by the Treasurer, chiefly from purprestures, escheats,
and wood-rents, the balance being accounted for by casual
profits, such as pannage, and profit of royal salt mines. With
regard to these dues, Richard noticed that they were by no
means expected to be paid by the sheriff in specie, but
that he was allowed for certain fixed charges settled upon
the canons of certain neighbouring churches, and for other
purposes.

After this the Treasurer next examined the individual
accounts of this shire, both those for which whole districts
was liable, according to the visitations and assessments of
the justices or barons, as well as the several debts of suitors or
offenders, The particulars of the several accounts were duly
produced, and scrutinized by the Treasurer; and as most
of them were somewhat obscure, Richard was delighted to
find that the Justiciary, who seemed to be familiar with
the contents of all of them, kept up a running commentary
designed for his edification, as follows:

“The first debtor just called by the Treasurer will not
answer, for the good reason that he is supposed to be in
another county, in which, and not here, he will render his
account; so that the scribe, you see, is making a cross
reference to Windsor, where payment will be entered.

“See, here is Richard Fitz-Turstin’s brother William again, |
as he has been for the last seven years, I warrant you, to say
he has yet got no money for his brother’s debt, for he died in
arrears with his farm some £70 or £80, and his brother here
Westminster.—At the Exchequer. 135

 

is answerable for his estate, which, as all men know, was wzd,
and so the scribe will write him down as owing the same, and
the Marshal will not be called in to visit this contempt as yet.

“Here is another man without money or voucher ; but he
has an excuse which you will see is a good one. Tis William
de Fiscamps, I remember well, who offered the King a mark
of gold’ to forward his suit; but as yet he has not had
sentence in his favour, and so it would be unreasonable for
the King to take a share of the bargain, not fulfilling the
other part of it.

“ Here is Hugo de Laci’s steward come to pay another in-
stalment of the great fine in which his master was amerced,
and which he is loth enough to pay, being safe in Ireland.
See, he has paid but four marks, and owes still nearly
thirty. But this last debtor who is approaching is in still
worse case, for he has appealed his adversary by the King’s
leave, for which he agreed to pay £33 6s.3@, and will gain
nothing thereby, or may chance to be worsted. He can
pay nothing now, and will be written down in debt.”

At this point there was a pause in the proceedings, the
list of individual accountants being apparently exhausted.
Almost immediately after, however, the Chancellor’s clerk
rose in his place, and taking in his hand a long roll, to the
end of which the Great Seal was affixed, proceeded to demand
of the Sheriff an account of each item entered thereon.

“ That is the original summons served upon the Sheriff by
the usher yonder last Hilary,” explained the Justiciary, “and
which he has now returned into the Exchequer to be viewed.
The Chancellor's clerk undertakes this matter because the
summons was originally compiled by his scribe; and for the
rest, it is by the King’s instruction. Every item of which
payment or allowance so proved you will see him strike
136 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

through with his pen, those not satisfied will be charged
again in the next session. But come now, as this promises
to be a tedious business, I will tell you somewhat of the
assessed taxes of the kingdom, and of the privileges of us
barons in respect to them.

“There are, as you know, certain imperial taxes which the
King levies from the whole body of his subjects on appointed
occasions. The most ancient of these is the Danegeld, which
was instituted by the king and wisemen long before the Con-
quest, as some say, to pay off the Danish pirates, but rather,
as it seems to me, for a war levy to provide for the kingdom’s
defence. For this purpose at least it was continued, after the
Conquest, by the Norman kings, who were equally careful of
the safety of their new subjects; but from the beginning of
the present reign it has been rarely exacted, and is now
almost wholly discontinued. And some think that Arch-
bishop Thomas was the cause of this, who is said both to
have introduced the scutage in its place, and to have for-
bidden its further levy to the King’s face at his council of
Woodstock, when the first quarrel between them arose.
But neither of these statements is true, for that tax was a
hidage, such as is still levied within honours and bailiwicks
in the King’s hands by ancient custom. The next tax in
order of date is the Murder, which was imposed upon
the Englishry after the Conquest for the safety of the king’s
Norman followers. Many of these being treacherously
slain by the natives, who lurked unsubdued in the woods
and marshes, the king ordained that for every man not
being proved of Saxon birth who was found murdered, the
Hundred in which the murder was committed should pay a
heavy fine; and this was found a sufficient preventive. But
now that the two races are utterly mixed by inter-marriages,
Westminster.—At the Exchequer. 137

 

a moderate fine is exacted instead, for every murder, without
regard to nationality. Besides these two, the essarts, of
which we took note before, are assessed upon every Hundred
within the shire, according to hides, for which assessment there
is a regular scale, according to the value of the land placed
under cultivation. Other taxes there are which fall under the
head of “aids,” such as the aid of the country or of the town,
which are assessed periodically by the itinerant justices or
barons, and with these is reckoned the aid for marrying the
king’s daughter, which was levied last year when the princess
married the Sicilian King, besides that for making the King’s
eldest son a knight, and for ransoming the King’s person from
captivity, an occasion for which has happily not yet arisen.

“ Moreover, the King’s tenants who hold of him by knight
service are liable for the scutage in lieu of military service,
_ whereby the King may employ an army of Brabancons or
other mercenaries, and so may spare the lives of his own
people. This tax is said to have been first invented after
the Conquest by Archbishop Lanfranc, to utilize the knights
of the bishops and other churchmen ; and so you may see,
in the earliest Pipe Rolls of the present reign, the sheriff fre-
quently charged with the scutage of the bishops’ knights,
as now he is with that of all military tenants. And you must
know that the sheriff himself is responsible for all of the
above assessed taxes, and they are entered in his name.

“Next as to the immunity of the Barons of the Exchequer
from all taxes of this nature assessed upon their lands. It is
certain that they have always been held exempt by reason
of their office. For just as pious kings have given grants of _
lands to religious houses, to be held without any burthen, in
consideration of prayers and like good offices, so they have
extended their favour to others, such as the Knights of the
138 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

Temple and the Brethren of the Hospital of St. John in
Jerusalem, and lastly to the Barons of the Exchequer, grant-
ing to them by their charters exemption from all assessments
at the Exchequer, which charters once produced by them are
accepted as a perpetual release from such payments, and this _
is now grown into a custom. I remember, however, not long
after your suit was ended in the King’s Court, that Robert,
Earl of Leicester, being then Justiciary, thought good to
obtain a special writ of exemption, in respect of the assart
assessed upon his lands within a certain county, whereat
the other barons, who had none such writs to show, were
sore dismayed; and Nigel, Bishop of Ely, who was then
Treasurer, reasoned with the Earl thereon, and so did many
others; so that in fine he was compelled for very shame
to plead the custom like the rest. But now let us quit
this subject, for it will soon be time for the ceremony of
closing the profer.”

Turning his attention once more to the business of the
hour, Richard followed the progress of the sheriff’s profer, in
which the items of the several assessments, fines, or composi-
tions as yet decided by the justices intinerant, and returned
by them into the Exchequer, were included, and among which
he particularly noticed the following :—A Hundred fined for
a murder, and three others smaller sums for false judgments ;
the men of the Isle of Wight t1oos. for delaying to appear
before the justices, which fine was remitted by the King’s
writ ; the assessments of the chief towns of the county which
had as yet been collected ; heavy fines, often tendered to the
King in person, in gold or besants, by Jews; a charger given
by a courtier to obtain the royal favour; vintners fined for
retailing wine by unlawful measures ; a clerk fined because
he impleaded the Abbess of Winchester contrary to the
 

Westminster.—At the Exchequer. 139

 

King’s writ; a landowner fined for appropriating a fishery
without title or warrant.

Among the multitudinous items of this account, which
were mostly of small amount, Richard perceived that the
fines of those who lay in the King’s mercy for trespasses
upon royal forests were unusually heavy, ranging from 400
marks on Herbert the courtier, down to half a mark on Her-
bert the huntsman. It also appeared that for every debtor
for whom he answered in this way, the sheriff received
a separate tally; thus, in the case of the aid of the towns
of the county, the sheriff had paid in 455 2s. 8d. in eleven
tallies, being one for each, including two linked towns; and
again, in that of a debt of £76 6s. 8d. for the forest tres-
passes of the twenty-second year, which was in arrear, the
sheriff had paid in no less than thirty-nine different sums,
collected by him probably from the same number of debtors,
and for which he had received thirty-nine tallies,

As soon as the list of debts entered on the summons: were
checked by the Chancellor’s clerk, those which were satisfied
being struck off by
him, a general move-
ment was made by
the barons present
towards the middle
of the table, where
the Calculator was _
seated, with a pile of Fie. 29.
silver and gold coins
of different sizes before him, which Richard was told were
the Exchequer counters,—outlandish money received from
foreign merchants, which, not being available for currency,
was reserved for this purpose. Then the President, turning

 
140 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

to the senior Chamberlain, inquired of him if all things
were prepared for passing the accounts; who answered that
none of the silver paid into the Receipt by this sheriff since
: Easter had been blanched,
having been received only
recently. Upon hearing this
the President gave certain
directions to the usher, who
disappeared, returning shortly
with an officer, who carried in
his hand a small box, the con-
tents of which he poured upon the table. These proved to
be silver pennies, of which 240 were counted out by the
Calculator, and having been further weighed against the
standard pound, were returned to the box. This was now
taken up again by the officer, who prepared to leave the
chamber accompanied by Hugo de Gundevill and two other
sheriffs named by him as umpires on his side.

Anxious to witness the spectacle of the assay, Richard, by
the President’s permission, followed them to the furnace, which
stood in a recess of the Receipt. Here they found the Melter,
with bare arms and leather apron, busily blowing the furnace
to a white heat. Ata sign from the officer who carried the
box, this person came forward, and, doffing his leather cap,
held it out to the Sheriff, who threw into it two silver pennies.
Having pocketed these, the Melter took the box, and select-
ing an iron crucible from his stock, placed it on the glowing

_ charcoal, and threw into it the silver pieces, counting them by
shillings as he did so.

The Sheriff and his friends now drew close and watched
the operator narrowly, as he deftly skimmed the dross from
the molten silver. Then, as Richard looked, he could see

 
Westminster.—At the Exchequer. 141

 

first a few black bubbles floating on the surface, then, as
these dispersed, the whole mass shone like quicksilver for
a few seconds, till suddenly a number of bright particles
rose from the bottom, at the first sight of which the Melter
caught the crucible from the fire and emptied its con-
tents into an iron mould, from which, in a few minutes, he
turned out a small lump of solid silver, which the officer who
was with them placed in the box and led the way back,
followed by the sheriffs, whom Richard could overhear
grumbling to themselves at the unreasonable length of time
that the silver had been subjected to the fire.

Having returned to the upper chamber, the officer placed
the bar of silver in the scale, and proceeded to throw in
pennies one by one, till the ninth that he cast in turned the
scale. Thereupon he withdrew to the Receipt, and one of
the chamberlains informed Richard that the whole of the
silver of the sheriff's farm would now be subject to a deduc-
tion of ninepence in each pound, in order to “blanch” or
purify it, according to ancient custom and the condition of
his contract.

The barons now once more drew round the table, and the
Calculator, rising at a signal from the Treasurer, turned back
the sleeve of his right arm, and, leaning forward, arranged his
counters in the spaces of the chequered board to represent
the sum which was entered in the exactory roll as the amount
of the farm of Hampshire. The combination used for this
purpose, though in appearance somewhat intricate, was easily
understood by the knowledge that each column marked a
separate denomination, beginning with pence on the right,
and advancing by shillings, pounds, scores and hundreds of
pounds, towards the left.

After this the Calculator arranged in the same way, in
142 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

corresponding spaces below, the cash payment made by the
sheriff, deducting ninepence in every pound ; and below
this, in separate rows, the value of lands granted out of the
county, and the various payments made. by the sheriff on
behalf of the Crown, deducting twelve pence from every
pound. Then, the whole being set out, he rapidly deducted
the total of the payments from the total of the farm, show-
ing that rather less than a half had been paid in; whereupon
the President, after withdrawing for consultation with the
barons, in the council-chamber, formally accepted this profer,
and a new tally was ordered to be cut in the Receipt for
the amount.

After this Richard rejoined his friend the Treasurer, to
whom he expressed the value of the instruction which he had
received during the recent ceremony. “ Behold, master!”
he said, “this table, with its chequers and counters, seems to
me in truth to resemble a chess-board, and these grave barons
the onlookers at the game which you yourself have waged
with the sheriff.”

“It is so indeed,” replied the Treasurer, “and the parable
seems to hit the truth. As for yourself, I saw you in good
hands, and I doubt not that you have profited as you aver.
Perchance though I might have shown you more weighty
matters in Tricolumnus, and that other treatise of ours con-
cerning the observances of the Exchequer; for let me tell
you that the spectacle is not everything.”

Then, as Richard had business to attend to in the city at
the hour of noon, he took leave of the Treasurer, and went
out into the glare and noise of the streets, still pondering on
the things which he had both seen and heard.
CHAPTER X.
WINDSOR.—WITH THE KING.

On the following morning, Richard de Anesti, sitting at
the window of the Treasurer’s chamber, could see the train of
pack-horses and ox-wains ready to convey a consignment of
the treasure just received at the Exchequer, under the escort
of the deputy chamberlains, to the royal treasury at Win-
chester, where the King was about to gather his army with
stores of every kind for the war abroad, and whence it would
be more conveniently drafted as required to the final rendez-
vous at Portsmouth or Southampton. From the tidings that
had reached London from time to time of the King’s move-
ments since his departure into the provinces, it was known
that after a hunting bout at Marlborough, he had been in
progress to Canterbury before Easter, to receive the Earl of
Flanders, and to speed him on his expedition to the Holy
Land with the Lord Mandeville. Thence he had returned
again to London, leaving it on the eve of the Close of Easter
for the eastern counties. The latest news from the Court
spoke of a council at Geddington, where various castles which
had been resumed after the late rebellion were finally dis-
posed of, and the same information announced the King’s
intended visit to Windsor, Therefore Richard, after consult-
ing with his friend the Treasurer, decided to follow the
Court once more, in the hope of obtaining some satisfactory
assurance with respect to his own suit.
143
144 Court Life under the Plantagenets..

 

The western road, though wild and in places almost impas-
sable for carts, presented few obstacles to a well-mounted
horseman, while the frequent requirements of the royal house-
hold insured ample provision for man and beast by the way.
Therefore, a day’s hard riding brought the lord of Anesti
and his followers to their destination at the King’s house of
Windsor, where he was hospitably received by the chamber-
lains and marshals, and lodged in one of the temporary
wooden structures surrounding the palace.

At Windsor, Richard found the whole Court devoted to
hunting, or rather to hawking, taking advantage of the few
days that remained before the close of the season. Therefore,
on the morning following his arrival, he was invited to join
the royal train by Eustace Fitz-Stephen, one of the King’s
chamberlains with whom he was acquainted. The direction
taken by the King, who rode in front attended by his senes-
chal, marshal, constables, chamberlains, falconers, and other
household officers, was towards a neighbouring wood, where
there was a noted eyry of herons, and there, in a marshy
meadow by the woodside, they could see in the distance
several of the great birds of which they were in quest.

The King was desirous of proving a magnificent Norway
hawk of a snowy whiteness, being a variety especially
esteemed, which Richard knew that the Treasurer had
recently accepted on his own responsibility as part of the
fine of a foreign merchant at the Easter Exchequer, since
the master of the King’s hawks refused ordinarily to receive
falcons at that season, on account of the risk during the
moulting time. As soon as the falconers with their dogs
had flushed the nearest of the quarry, the noble falcon,
already unhooded, was thrown off upon his track. Then,
although the heron flew as stoutly as could have been
Windsor.— With the King. 145

 

wished, the falcon, cutting the air with her strong pinions,
closed in upon him, and overtopped him in ever narrowing
circles, when, having gained her distance, she stooped upon
him like a thunderbolt, and down they fell together, through
a cloud of feathers, into the tree-tops on the edge of the
wood, As soon as the falcon had been secured and the
game bagged by the falconers, they proceeded to the other
side of the wood, where they enjoyed a similar flight with
equal success. After this they rode some distance towards a
swamp, where the falconers expected that they would find
an old and wary heron, wherefore the King caused a fair ger-
falcon to be held in readiness to join with the white hawk in
the next flight. They came presently to the edge of the
marsh, and, as soon as the dogs had plunged in, a great white
bird resembling a heron, but greater, and with a red beak,
long and pointed like a lance, rose heavily with a hoarse cry,
from the farther shore.

“Tis a crane!” exclaimed the King eagerly, “a choice
quarry, and a rare one,”

The great bird had now steadied itself in its flight, and the
falcons were swiftly thrown off in pursuit. It was truly a stir-
ring sight to see how the quarry leaped to the desperate strokes
of his wings as soon as he was aware of these enemies on his
track,and how the noble falcons mounted swiftly yet as steadily
as though but upon an airing. The party meantime set spurs

~ to their horses and galloped round the marsh to follow the
chase. After a flight of some twenty minutes, the ger-falcon,
which had reached a higher pitch than her fellow, stooped
somewhat wildly, grazing the quarry’s wing, and failing to
bind him, so that she was thrown quite thirty yards out of the
chase. But this availed the quarry little, for the white hawk
now stooped so resolutely upon him, that he fell fluttering
‘ L
146 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

downwards, bound in the cruel clutches of his captor, and
struck the ground with a heavy thud, breaking his long neck
with the shock,

After some little trouble the ger-falcon was reclaimed, dnd
the party turned their horses’ heads in the direction of the
forest, where the country was less cultivated, and the swamps
were favourable to the presence of wild fowl; and here
at length they surprised the old heron which the falconers
had described to them, standing motionless in the shal-
lows of a large mere. No sooner was he flushed than the
King threw off the noble falcon which he bore on his left
wrist, and which was held to be unmatched in England for
breed and training. An exciting struggle followed, the quarry
adopting the bold tactics of towering directly upwards, as
though he meant to seek shelter in the clouds. But he was no
match for his pursuer in this kind of flight, for with incred-
ible swiftness she gained her vantage for the stoop, and hung
for one moment suspended on her broad pinions, both being in
full view some two hundred feet above the spectators’ heads.
At this sight Henry, wild with excitement and joy, burst out
into his favourite oath: “ By God’s eyes, that quarry shall
not escape, though God Himself had sworn it.” As the King
spoke the falcon made her stoop fair upon the great dark
body below.

Then a strange thing happened ; for the heron, quick as
_ thought, threw himself on his back, and with a sudden dart
of his long neck transfixed the falcon’s throat and head
with his beak, so that she fell like a stone at the King’s
feet, dead, whilst the quarry continued his flight unscathed.
Exclamations of awe and dismay greeted this ill-omened
occurrence. Henry himself, however, spoke not a single
word, but turned his horse’s head homewards, followed by
Windsor.— With the King. 147

 

his courtiers, who discussed in whispers the nature of the
event, some attributing it to an accident, and others to a
miracle. On the way, Richard, who was riding alone, was
joined by Master Walter Map, who seemed to be honestly
grieved at his royal master’s misfortune.

“Yonder flatterers and time-servers,” he said, indicating
the dejected courtiers in advance of them, “resemble the
rats which leave a house when it is about to fall, after they
have themselves gnawed away its beams and undermined the
‘walls. Now, truly, to my mind, if there were any judgment
to be discovered, it would be upon the King’s supineness, and
not upon his impetuosity ; for the sin of swearing with him
is but a habit of speech, and not a wanton profaneness.”

“What mean you by that other offence?” asked Richard.

“T mean this,” replied Map earnestly. “The King is so
much engaged in the business of the chace, that the business
of the kingdom goes all amiss. I mean not for want of care
or attention on his part, who, as you know, is both assiduous
and skilful in the dispatch of business; but because he neg-
lects to observe how his courtiers carry out his instructions
and fulfil the duties of their ministry. He is, in fact, like a
man possessed of a beautiful mistress, who caresses him when
he is with her, but wrongs him whilst he is absent from her
side, with the first comer. So these courtiers protest to the
King, and flatter him before his face. Then he, good man,
rides forth to hawk or hunt ; they stay behind and fish in the
muddy waters of the Court, where they take great spoil of
large fish and small in their cunning nets. Presently the King
returns, well content, and divides what he has taken among
them ; they hold fast their own gains and keep silence. But
the worst is, that they themselves are fully conscious of the
King’s short-sightedness, and blame him openly for it, as we
148 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

commonly find amongst flatterers, contempt for those whom
they deceive.”

“But truly, in so large a body,” urged Richard, “there
must be some disorders which from time to time the King
will discover and remedy ; and for the rest, is not this Court
the seat of all learning and wisdom, the abode of riches
and delights, and the very head of the body politic?”

“Rather it is on account of these things,” replied Map,
“ that the vices of the Court appear so foul to those who are
also conscious of its virtues. For to such the Court will ever
be instead of a Paradise a place of torment for all honest
men, next unto hell itself. For there, too, are flames and
scorpions, and weeping and gnashing of teeth ; not visible,
indeed, but figured in the passions and disorders of men’s
minds.”

“ And who, then,” inquired Richard, “are these false minis-
ters of whom you speak? for it seems to me a great marvel
that such as are bold and skilful in the King’s service should
yet betray him with others.”

“Not so,” replied Map; “for look you, these men do but
deceive themselves with the belief that their zeal for the King
shall absolve them from injustice to their fellow-subjects.
Formerly indeed those who executed the highest offices were
they to whom the same of right belonged, whose duty and
care it was, equally with the King, to protect the people given
to them to govern. But in course of time these magnates
were replaced by the King’s familiars, courtiers, and clerks,
men indeed of the highest ability, but hirelings instead of
shepherds of their flocks. Doubtless even yourself can re-
member the time when these were content to endite writs
and charters as clerks of the King’s Chapel, and to go ona
journey, or to convey treasure to the Exchequer of Normandy,
Windsor.—With the King. 149

 

or to overlook the King’s purveyance or the mending of his
houses in return for a scanty fee at the Receipt. And now,
through the Chapel or the household is the only sure advance-
ment for any man, and to be noble and free at once is to be
suspected and disqualified, in this new world of ours, for every
office. See now who are more flattered and fawned upon
than the King’s chamberlains, and also how many they be,
and others without number, such as chaplains and men of
the chamber, and clerks and serjeants of the same, and the
knights of his private family, and keepers and castellans of
his castles, and bailiffs of his honours and escheats, many
of whom have engrossed the highest offices in the kingdom,
being at once sheriffs of counties and justices of the Court
and barons of the Exchequer, not for their skill in these
matters, for as Master Richard, the son of Nigel, has truly said
that of such it was written, ‘They walk in darkness, and
grope with their hands, and often they stumble ;’
that ‘seeing they do not see, and hearing they do not under-
stand.’ But they are thus advanced because our King would
sooner trust a turnspit from the kitchen than a baron who
can gather kindred and men round him in a strong castle.”

“But hath, he not reason,” asked Richard, “having once

experienced the treason and turbulence of these great ones,
to trust them no further than he may control them ?”

“This is so indeed in appearance,” replied Map, “but not
in fact, if the truth of that affair were known ; and, moreover,
one wrong by no means justifies another.”

“Do you believe, then,” said Richard, “that the kingdom
was formerly divided in civil war between the courtiers of
whom you speak, and the great barons, for these causes? ”

“Truly I say,” rejoined Map, “and that on the one side
was tyranny and wrong, and on the other freedom and right ;

and again,
150 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

though, as I said before, I do not wholly blame our King in
these matters, but rather those who flatter and deceive him
and oppress his people behind his back. For think you that
the King’s wife and his noble son, and the Earls of Leicester
and of Chester, and many others, who secretly took part with
them, were robbers of the people and enemies of the kingdom,
as many would assert? Rather was it that they loved the
people and the Church, though they erred in joining them-
selves with the King’s foreign enemies and disturbers of the
peace, and in making war upon him instead of seeking to
reform the abuses of the times by example and precept.
Wherefore the commonalty of the kingdom took the side of
the King as against Scots and Flemings, though both then
and now they groan beneath the burdens of these ministers
and justices and sheriffs. And I myself have heard Richard
de Luci, and others of the King’s family, speak openly against
the English race as not to be trusted, and advance the claim
of Normans and French to possess freely the land that they
had conquered. But enough of this, lest you should think
that Iam one of those who would appear clean themselves
by defiling others. Therefore I will instead describe to you
the plan of the King’s great labyrinth at Woodstock, which
Ivo, the engineer, devised as an arbour for the fairest rose in
the world.”

With such light talk as this, Map beguiled the remainder
of the road, and moreover insisted that Richard should sit
beside him at the royal banquet by favour of the marshal.

On the next day, being the second Sunday after Easter,
there was a council held in the open fields in front of the
palace, attended by the whole feudal muster of tenants-in-chief
already summoned to meet the King on this day for service
in his wars against France. The proceedings were here
Wrindsor.—With the King. 151

 

informal, as the King appeared on horseback and armed at
all points, being evidently more intent upon reviewing the
state of his barons’ preparations, than of listening to their
sagest counsels upon affairs of state. However, by a stroke
of policy, he had decided to announce the restitution of all
the remaining castles throughout England, which were re-
sumed after the late rebellion.

Richard seized this favourable opportunity for advancing
his own suit through the mediation of his kinsman, Ranulph
de Glanvill, but was unable for the present to obtain a
satisfactory assurance. Indeed it was not likely, as De Glan-
vill pointed out to him, that while the castles of such an
approved royalist as Richard de Luci were demolished for
strategic purposes, and a heavy perquisition laid upon the
Treasurer's own lands of Essendon for the necessities of
the State, that a lesser baron like himself should be ex-
empted without strong cause. In short, De Glanvill advised
him to confine his suit to obtaining a remission of the fifty
marks which he still owed in respect of the marriage of his
daughter, together with a smaller amerciament for an assart
discovered by the inquests lately taken in his county, as in
the rest of England, before the king’s justices. This sacrifice,
however, he was reluctant to make, not from any feudal
importance which might be attached to the possession of a
ruinous fortress, but for the cherished associations of the
home of his boyhood, and a secret sense of injustice suf-
fered from this indignity in the face of the oft-tried loyalty
of his family and kindred.

Thus matters would have to remain as they were, and as
the fatal warrant was not yet issued, there was still the hope
that, thanks to the diversion of foreign war, his humble castle
might be passed over, and thus escape the fate of the strong
152 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

town of Benington, which he had lately heard of as having
been attacked by an army of workmen with steel pickaxes,
under the direction of a royal overseer. For the present,
therefore, in spite of this discouraging reception, Richard re-
solved to follow the Court in the hope of profiting by some
fortunate adventure.

The next day the King set out at daybreak towards
Oxford, where he had appointed to meet the lords of Lacy
in order to invest them in their Irish fiefs. Richard, who
had joined himself to the lord of Glanvill’s party, was agree-
ably surprised to find included in it his old friend Jordan
Fantosme, lately arrived from Winchester to advance a suit
concerning the privileges of his flourishing school. This
remarkable man, half poet and half courtier, was an Italian
by birth and well. versed in the civil law. He had once
been settled in the town of Hertford, and before that had
been attached to the family of Glanvill, where he had
become acquainted with Richard de Anesti, whom he had
materially assisted, as we have seen, in his great suit to
recover the lands of William de Sackville his uncle. As a
vaconteur of chivalrous adventures, or a troubadour, Fantosme
was unrivalled in that day, and by the unanimous petition of
his travelling companions he was persuaded to enliven the
tedium of the journey by a recitation based upon one of
those incidents of the late war which were of ever present
interest to most of his listeners. The burden of his narrative,
couched in the romantic dialect of the langue d’oil, was very
much as follows:

“Hear a true history, my friends, of the best king that ever
lived. Remember you not that after the coronation of his
son, he withdrew from the crowned youth something of his
lordship, whence deadly envy arose, whereby many a gentle
Windsor.—With the King. 153

 

knight lost his life, many a saddle was emptied, many a good
shield pierced, many a hauberk broken. As soon as the
young king was unable to fulfil his desires, he fled away
secretly, passed a ford of the Loire, and neither ate nor drank
until he reached St. Denis. There he was received joyously
by the King of France, and thither they sent for him of
Flanders, Philip the warrior, and Matthew of Boulogne, and
many more besides.

“At Easter-tide was the French host summoned, and they
rode to the borders with banners furled, and many a shield
lined white, red, and grey. King Henry, undismayed, rode
against them in haste, In his company were ten thousand
Brabangons, and many a gentle knight, Angevin and Gascon.
God aided him much that day, and
the helpers of his son were quickly
routed. On Matthew the fighter came
the lance, the red blood trickled to his
golden spurs. But for all that the
French and Flemings still made war
on him, with the barons of Brittany,
and Hugo, Earl of Chester. But soon,
at Dol, in Brittany, the barons were
made to withdraw within their castles !

   

Neither mangonel nor arbalist served
to defend them. The French were
frightened at the dread tidings, the
heart of the hardiest trembled and
wavered, But King Louis wrote a letter
to the King of Scotland, and his mes- Fig. 31.
sengers bore it over forests and rivers,

Hereby the young king sent a loving message, stirring up his
vassal to fight against his father, promising to give him the

 
154 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

border land of England. Never was a king promised so great
a victory as this one was promised ; but all was vain-glory.

“Now has the King of Scotland made ready his host, with
banners and steel brands and sharp spears, a thousand armed
knights and thirty thousand naked followers, with Flemings
from France, able to besiege castles. Never came such a
host from Scotland since the time of Elias.

“Then came King William to Wark, in England, a castle
in the marches, Roger d’Estutevill its castellan, who asked
the space of forty days to see if help should come to him.
Thence he went towards Alnwick, against William de Vesci,
and made the same covenant with him as with the constable
of Wark. And thence he came to Warkworth, that was all
defenceless ; and thence to Newcastle-on-Tyne, but he could
not take it; and last of all to Carlisle, and assaulted the
castle. And there news was brought to him by a wandering
canon that the southern knights, with Richard de Luci, would
be upon him at sunrise ; wherefore he went to Roxburgh.

“Now the host of England was come into Northumberland,
when messengers came after them, breathless, with these
tidings: how that the Earl of Leicester, with Frenchmen and
Flemings, and with men of Friesland, was come into Eng-
land. Then did Richard de Luci like a man of sense. He
hid from the King of Scotland this new injury, and gained
a truce for Northumberland until the summer. Then he
turned back with his gentle knights, uttering this pleasantry :
‘Let us make acquaintance with the Flemings.’

“You have all heard it oft, both great and small, how the
lord of Luci overthrew the Flemings. They came over here
after the wool of England. Never more will they cry ‘ Arras’
in their own cities. There was not in the country a clown
or a villein who did not go kill Flemings with fork and flail.
Windsor.—With the King. 155

 

The armed knights then intermeddled with nothing—except
the knocking down; the villeins did the killing. Then you
might see Flemings fleeing through the meadows, with their
head-pieces broken and their bowels trailing. Their bodies
by hundreds were tumbled into the ditches, upon their car.
cases the crows and buzzards gathered. Never had England
such a riddance of strangers,

“It was in May, when grass has grown greenest, that David
of Scotland came into England to secure his burgh of Hun-
tingdon, and to succour Leicester. Then, too, King William
returned towards Northumberland.

“ Ah, God! why did not the King of England know of it,
that the unhappy people had then been warned of it, who
were sleeping .in their beds,
thinking no evil. It was
still morning, before the

dawn grew bright, that the Y
vile race, the Welsh, who X A
long for booty, and the <>

Scots of Albany, burst into
the country, who have no
faith in Jesus the Son of
Mary. Some break open
monasteries, and slay the
nuns and canons, some fire
the houses, some seize the
sheep in the fold. They
have not left in the country Fic. 32.
an ox to the plough. Then
you might see peasants, naked women and children, bound
in cords and led like heathen men.

‘The King of Scotland again has assailed Wark, but he is

  

i
156 Court Life nnder the Plantagenets.

 

unable to take it; Roger d’Estutevill is his match. So he
departs towards Carlisle, the beautiful city. The sun lights
up the walls and turrets. Robert de Vaux is the castellan ;
he does not fear thema berry. But unless help comes to
him he must needs surrender. So he sends a messenger
to Richard de Luci; how that William has taken Brough
and Appleby, and the Scots run everywhere like demons.
Richard de Luci has written a letter; the Bishop of Win-
chester will bear it to King Henry. He took ship at South-
hampton; I myself went with him. On the third day we
found the King at Bonneville. The bishop saluted him thus:
‘May you have salvation from God. England greets you as
her protector. Sire, hear now the truth; beside Richard de
Luci, there are not ten barons in England who stand by you.’

“Then said the King, ‘What is Richard doing—De Luci
the loyal, and the Earl of Arundel and Humphrey de Bohun,
—how are they behaving?’

“<¢Sire, by my faith, they are your well-wishers ; in all your
need they are first and foremost.”

“The barons of Yorkshire, how have they acted; and
they of Estutevill, do they hold their castles ?’

“« Truly, sire, from Estutevill never yet came treason.’

“¢ And the elect of Lincoln, can he not assist them ?’

“* He is, in truth, sire, of your noble blood.’

“«What has happened, then, that you are hiding from me ;
tell me the truth now about my northern land. Ranulph de
Glanvill, is he at Richmond? and Robert de Vaux, what are
these two doing?’

“Thereupon the bishop heaved a deep sigh, and the King
said unto him, ‘Why these sighs? Has Robert yielded
Carlisle? Speak nothing but the truth,’

“* Nay, but he holds it nobly, like a noble baron. The
Windsor.—With the King. 157

 

King of Scotland came riding by Carlisle; he threatened the
lord Robert de Vaux most fiercely, demanded of him the
castle, saying that he would make him rich; or if not, they
should starve, both small and great.’

“* By my faith!’ said the King, ‘here are good conditions.’

“* And moreover, Sire, Brough is taken, and Appleby, and
all Northumberland is devastated. Odinel de Umfravill, in
Prudhoe, is beleagured; Newcastle is threatened, and the
fiefs of William de Vesci.’

“And what, friend, is the Bishop of Durham doing ?’

“Alas! sire, he is all one with King William.’

“<«St. Thomas,’ said the King, ‘guard my kingdom for me!
But, fair lord, tell me once more the truth, how are the
brave men of my city of London acting ?’

“*So may the Lord God who rules in Trinity help me;
they are the most loyal people of all your kingdom. Only
Gilbert de Munfichet has fortified his castle, and gives out
that the Clares are leagued together with him.’

“The King shed tears. ‘Oh, God!’ he said, ‘have pity,
preserve the brave men of my city of London. Depart, lord
bishop, to your country. If God give me health, and I be
alive, you will have me in London before fifteen days are
past, and I will take vengeance on all my enemies,’

“Then we returned to England, to Richard de Luci, who
eagerly inquired news of the king.

“*My lord, said the bishop, ‘he is a worthy King. He
does not care a berry for his enemies. You will see him
in London fifteen days hence.’

“Then did Richard de Luci rejoice greatly, and sent word
to De Vaux not to be afraid. When Robert up there in his
tower heard that, he was never more rejoiced on any day.

“Now King William went straight toward Prudhoe; he
158 Court Life under the Plantagenets

 

wished to surprise Odinel de Umfravill. But Odinel had
the castle well garrisoned; he valued not their siege the
value of a berry.

“Great was the host of Scotland, and the noise and the
cry of the Flemings and Borderers
who assailed the castle. Some scale
the chevaux de frise, some fill up
the ditches. Those who were within
did not forget themselves. Then
you might see bucklers and helmets
broken ; wounded Flemings carried
from the chevaux de frise. There
was never a better defence within
these two countries. The swords re-
sound, and the steel crashes. Scarcely
a hauberk or helmet remained
whole. That day the garrison were
knights, no coward would have been
of any use there. At the barbican
were many blood-stained knights;
with their swords they made holes in
many a shield. The assault lasted
long but effected little. Certainly
King William ceased not to lose.
When he saw his serjeants die and gain no vantage, he was
grieved at heart, and said in his distress, ‘Send for the
arbalist quickly to the stockade. It will soon break the gate
if the engineer lie not.’

“ Hlear, sirs, of the arbalist, how it fared. The first stone
it ever cast at them, it struck one of their own knights to the
earth. Then uttered King William this pleasantry, ‘Indeed
this engine appears to be very costly.’ When the arbalist

 
 

Windsor.—With the King. 159

failed him, he caused fires to be brought. He wished to
burn the castle; but the wind was contrary. They within
lost not a silver penny’s worth, but their fields they have
lost, with their corn and cattle; their very fruit-trees barked.
It was a mean revenge.

“Three days the siege
lasted, and on the third Odinel
went off on maned Beaucant,
to seek assistance. So far he
has travelled on good brown
Beaucant, spurring continu-
ally, day and night, that he
has collected good valiant
helpers—four hundred knights
with their shining helms,—
who will succour Prudhoe with
their sharp swords. There
rides William d’Estutevill,
and Ranulph de Glanvill,
Lord Bernard de Balliol, and
William de Vesci. The Archbishop of York gave them sixty
knights. To Newcastle-upon-Tyne at dead of night came
Odinel, who leads and guides them. There they heard
news of the King of Albany, who was gone to Alnwick
with a chosen following. There in the morning, at dawn
of day, they went into a wood, and sent out their spies.

“Five hundred knights were with the King of Scotland,
who all kept saying to him, ‘ Believe not cowards ; yours is
Northumberland, whoever may laugh or weep for it’ Be-
cause of the heat, the king took off his helmet ; he said to his
knights, ‘ My lords, let us dine.’ Said Ranulph de Glanvill,
‘Now take your arms quickly.” They mount their horses and

 
160 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

shout their war cries. Then knew King William that he was
betrayed. He was immediately taken; with my two eyes
I saw it, as between his legs his horse lay upon him. Lord
Roger de Mowbray, a very valiant baron, and lord Adam
de Port, they go spurring away. Certainly, if they had not
ridden so fast, they might that day have lost everything.
The boldest of the king’s knights they take with him.
England is at peace, the war is ended.

“ That same day King Henry was in England, and first he
went to the martyr St. Thomas, where he confessed himself
quite sinful and wretched. Thence he went to London, where
he had desire to see his city and his good people. When
they heard the news that he should come to London, every-
one dressed himself richly in his best ; nor was there any that
had not an ambling palfrey, and they went out of the city in
along procession. He must really be a king who has such
subjects. You might well have gone a league’s distance, so
long lasted the embracing of the King and his people. Thus
they accompanied the King as far as Westminster, making
rejoicings at the coming of their lord. But he was pensive
and greatly distracted because his northern land was laid
waste, day and night. When night fell the King had entered
his chamber. He was leaning on his elbow, and slept a little.
A servant at his feet was gently rubbing them. There was
neither noise, nor cry, nor any speaking, neither harp nor
viol, nor other music at that hour. To the palace a mes-
senger came; for three days had he ridden, for three days he
had not drunk, nor eaten, nor slept. At the chamber door
the messenger called gently.

“And says the chamberlain, ‘ Who are you there ?’

““Tama messenger, friend. Lord Ranulph de Glanvill sent
me in order to speak with the King, for great need he has of it.’
Windsor.—With the King. 161

 

“And says the chamberlain, ‘Let the business be till ©
morning.’

““By my faith!’ said the messenger, ‘I will speak to him,
forthwith,’ |

“ And says the chamberlain, ‘I should not dare to do it.’

“Whilst they are speaking, the King has awakened, and
he hears one crying at the door, ‘Opem! open !’

“*Tt is a messenger from the north, sire; a man of Ranulph
de Glanvill’s.’

“« By my faith!’ said the King, ‘now am I very uneasy.
He is in need of aid. Let him come in here.’

“«Sire king, may God who dwells in Trinity save you.’

“* Friend, said the King, ‘what news do you bring? Has
the King of Scotland taken all my castles? Have all my
barons and liegemen been slain ?’

“Sire, said the messenger, ‘hear me a little what my lord
bids me say. You do wrong to torment yourself. The King
of Scotland is taken, and all his barons.’

“And says King Henry: ‘Do you speak the truth? Is
the King of Scotland taken? Tell me thetruth!’

“Ves, sire ; by my faith, all will be confirmed.’

“Then says King Henry, ‘God be thanked for it, and St.
Thomas the Martyr, and all the saints of God!’

“Thereupon the messenger goes to his hostel. He has
abundance to eat and drink. And the King is so merry and
joyful that night, that he goes to the knights and wakes them
all up. ‘ Barons, wake up, I have heard what will make you
glad. The King of Scotland is taken; so it is told me for
truth’ |

“ And the knights say, ‘Now thank the Lord God for it;
now is the war ended, and your kingdom in peace.’”

At the conclusion of this lay, Jordan de Fantosme was

M
162 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

loudly applauded by his hearers, who commenced an inter-
minable discussion amongst themselves, based on personal
exploits or reminiscences of the war. In such animated con-
versation the journey was pleasantly accomplished, when late
in the evening of the second day after their departure from
Windsor, they saw the grey towers of the fair city of Oxford
looming against the purple western sky.
CHAPTER XI.
WALTHAM.—SECULARS AND REGULARS.

THE King’s visit to Oxford was signalized by a great council
for the settlement of Irish affairs, and here, as had long been
expected, Prince John was constituted king, or rather lord, of
Ireland, with intent to strengthen the influence of the Crown
there as much against the too successful and ambitious baronial
adventurers, as against the now thoroughly dispirited native
princes. It was therefore a characteristic feature of Henry’s
policy, that he at this time bestowed upon certain nobles of
his household several of the chief baronies of the new kingdom,
besides entrusting others to barons who, like the Lacies, had
been recently admitted to pardon upon a guarantee of future
good behaviour. The success of the ceremony was enhanced
by the presence of some of the principal Welsh princes, with
their wild but picturesque following of white-robed captains
and native bards of matchless skill in the expression of their
national aspirations, added to which the attractiveness of the
venerable city—now fast recovering from the ravages of the
Conquest—and of its surroundings at this season of the year,
rendered Richard de Anesti’s sojourn a remarkably pleasant
one. :

From Oxford the King proceeded before long to the in-
auguration of the first of his religious foundations—the fruits
of his recent pilgrimage to the shrine of St. Thomas.

The Convent of Amesbury had long enjoyed an unenviable
1 163
164 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

notoriety through the wit, beauty, and gallantries of its abbess
and the daughters of noble families whom she had gathered
round her. It was also whispered that these fair recluses had
intermeddled with other worldly matters connected with the
disagreement between the King and his imperious consort.
Already in the preceding spring, after the great council held
at Northampton, two bishops, acting as royal commissioners,
had visited the nunnery to effect a resumption of the founda-
tion into the King’s hands; and now the King himself, accom-
panied by the primate and an imposing train of bishops, went
thither to assist in person at the deposition of the abbess and
suspected nuns, and the installation of a new abbess and
convent drafted from the exemplary house of Font Evrault,
whose arrival at Southampton had already been notified.
Richard was present at these somewhat undignified proceed-
ings, which however only formed a part of the King’s project
of dissolution ; for simultaneously with the first visitation of
this nunnery, the King had required the surrender of the college
of secular canons at Waltham, upon an equally vague charge
of irregular living ; though here too it was suggested that the
worthy canons had incurred more displeasure through their
devotion to their hereditary patroness, the Queen, than
through the neglect of ecclesiastical discipline. But what-
ever point might be given to the scandal by the King’s present
relations with the Church in the matter of his divorce,
Richard, who had already discussed the whole affair with the
Treasurer, was well aware of the real motive for the King’s
present action. This was nothing less than want of funds to
provide for a new foundation in fulfilment of his recent vow
to St. Thomas the Martyr; and therefore the son of Nigel
had maintained that the King was justified, on the eve of
foreign war, in appropriating two religious foundations, being
Waltham.—-Seculars and Regulars. 165

 

the actual property of the Crown, to satisfy the demands of
national piety and to further the supposed interests of the
Church at large by a reformation of alleged abuses. This
opinion, whether correct or not, was at least a disinterested
one, since the Treasurer himself, as a canon of St. Paul’s, had
naturally a strong bond of sympathy with the ejected fellows.

From Amesbury the Court removed to Winchester, where
the final muster of the feudal army was held, only to be once
more adjourned for a month, to await the result of the
embassy which the King had determined to despatch to the
French coast in a last endeavour to procure a peaceful solu-
tion of the quarrel with his suzerain. Here,® too, Richard
bade farewell to the learned Abbot of Peterboro’, who, being
now consecrated, had departed to enter upon his new prefer-
ment, taking with him the manuscripts of the Liber Trico-
lumnus, the Liber Curialis,and other precious works, to be
copied in the scriptorium of that clerkly monastery.

After a flying visit to London, the King repaired to Marl-
borough for-a few days’ rest. On the Friday before Pente-
cost, the Court was once more at Westminster, whence the
King purposed to make his personal visitation of Waltham

Abbey, taking with him a body of new canons drawn from
certain religious houses which professed the severer rule of
St. Augustine. On the following morning, before sunrise, the
King set out for Waltham with a brilliant train of churchmen
and courtiers. Richard de Anesti rode amongst the latter
with a light heart, for his face was now turned towards his
native county, and every feature of the landscape through
which he rode in the fresh sunshine of a perfect June morn-
ing was a familiar landmark.

At the hour of Prime the party reached the little town of
Waltham, and halted before the canons’ houses, picturesquely

,
166 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

situated in the green meadows hard by the Church. Here,
thanks to the care of the lately resigned dean, himself an
experienced purveyor of the Crown, they found ample ac-
commodation provided for their horses and followers, and, after
breaking their fast in the dean’s house, the King proceeded
to the Chapter House of the Church, in company with the
bishops and his principal courtiers, to arrange the terms of
compensation for the outgoing incumbents, and to witness
the induction of their successors.

Richard took this opportunity to visit the famous church
founded by Tovi more than two centuries before, and rebuilt
by his master on a scale, it was said, intended to rival the
Confessor’s Norman church of Westminster itself. If this were
true, the design had not been carried out, but the failure had
been compensated for by the amazing richness of the interior
decoration, the pillars having carved bases and capitals of
extreme beauty, and the shafts being overlaid with gilded
plates which shone like pure gold. Numerous shrines of
exquisite workmanship contained the relics for which this
Church was famous. But the chief object of interest was
the great altar at the east end of the chancel, of which the
fore part was supported by the figures of the twelve apostles,
and the hinder part by twelve lions, all of the most costly
materials and workmanship. The body of the altar was of |
solid gold, having a marble slab in the centre. The vessels
and candlesticks were also of pure gold.

As Richard approached the shrine which contained the
Holy Cross, he saw a venerable canon prostrated before
it in'an attitude of the deepest dejection. This person rose
presently, and was about to pass by him with a gentle bene-
diction, when Richard accosted him with a courteous inquiry
for Athelard the Canon, to whom he had been recommended
991 obey cory of

_ SSVW. IV ONIN LENTOVINVId

“SLOG OF setsvowey doy

 

 

 

 

 

 

 
Waltham.—Seculars and Regulars. 167

 

by his friend the Treasurer as a person of great learning and
piety. To this the canon replied, he was that Athelard, and
on receiving the son of Nigel’s greeting, expressed his readi-
ness to pleasure the, lord of Anesti in anything that lay
within his power; “for I see,” he added, “that you are not
like the rest of Master Wido’s court friends, for whose sake
he has betrayed those who were committed to his charge,
not only by the King but also by God.” These words, which
were spoken by Athelard without any bitterness of tone but
with a voice of profound melancholy, moved Richard to ask
the good canon how the misfortune which had fallen upon
his house had been deserved. Whereupon the other began
the following narrative, the course of which was frequently
interrupted by sighs and mournful ejaculations.

This Church and College, he said, was a fitting memo-
rial of the simple piety of Harold, son of Godwin, who,
though a Dane by blood, showed himself by his acts more
English than those degenerate Saxons who craved the rule
and religion of the foreigner. And because of this, the family
of Godwin was reviled by the courtiers and the Roman
clergy, and all whom that family befriended were also per-
secuted, and had been ever since, by those of Norman blood,
from that day to this, Now Harold, who loved the people,
desired that the priests and ministers of the people should
be such as might guide and encourage them in all good
works, both for this world and the next; and because he
perceived that the religion of the regular clergy was vanity,
and that their lewdness and covetousness was great, he
endeavoured rather to multiply the number of secular priests,
born of the people, and marrying with them, and eating
and drinking and labouring amongst them, and speaking
and fighting and praying for them. Therefore, when King
168 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

Edward gave to him this town of Waltham and all the land,
he both built such a church as the Frenchmen should not
sneer at, and endowed it abundantly, that the priests might
be able to give of their abundance to others and to succour
the poor and needy. But he would have no rule of obedience
there, save statutes like those by which the holy canons of
Germany were governed; nor any common habit of living,
such as sleeping and eating together,and walking and writing,
and talking and idling in cloisters, but each priest had his
separate household, his wife and children and servants be-
neath his own roof, and his own cattle and plough-teams,
if he chose to cultivate the land himself, though of late
ryears, from the increasing population of the town and the
occupation of prayer and attendance in the church, those
lands were let to farm to worthy husbandmen, who paid for
the same in a fixed tribute of corn and malt and flesh. Yet
each canon enjoyed a prebend which gave its name to his
stall; and each prebend was assessed according to its means
to provide in turn the doles and pittances of the whole
College for so many weeks together, namely, three loaves of
bread and six dishes of meat, and six bowls of beer daily to
each canon and his household, and pittances of game and
fowl, and wine, on festival days. For present expenses each
canon received forty shillings yearly out of the tithes of
Waltham and the offerings to the church, and forty shillings
more for his dress. The College consisted ofa dean and
twelve canons, from whom were chosen a chancellor and a
treasurer, and a sacristan, and the master of the schools, who
was the most important person of them all.

But wild days were in store for the church after the Con-
quest of England by the Normans, when those who had
recovered their benefactor’s body, and bathed it with their
Waltham.—Seculars and Regulars. 169

 

tears, and buried it with great honour, and remained always
faithful to his memory and his wishes, were hardly dealt with
and oppressed by the Frenchmen and the monks. And at
first the town and church were given to the warlike Bishop
_ of Durham, who taxed them to build his castle; but after-
wards Matilda, wife of King Henry, was their benefactress,
and restored their lands; and after her came the virtuous
lady Adelicia ; and next the Empress, mother of the present
king ; and after that his wife, Queen Eleanor.

Athelard himself had witnessed the good works of the last
three of these noble ladies, for soon after the death of Queen
Matilda he had entered the school when five years old, be-
coming a chorister, and attaining to the successive degrees
of sub-deacon, deacon, and priest or canon. Thus he had
been in a manner born and bred in the church, and had
thought to end his days there. But lately, from no fault of
their own, the King had resumed the church into’ his own
hand, with intent to change it into a monastery, to the utter
dishonour of their founder’s memory and to their own un-
doing.

The author of this mischief, Athelard firmly believed, was
Wido the Dean. This man had been their evil genius for
nearly twenty years. He was a crafty and self-seeking man,
who had crept into office by his obsequiousness and also by
his zeal and intelligence in the royal service. As the King’s
bailiff of Waltham, he had displayed abilities which led to
his employment in larger enterprises. He had even sat at the
Exchequer, and none was so skilful as he in the purveyance
of victuals for an expedition, or in the negociation of a loan.
His private life was notoriously scandalous, and he had been
suspended some years since on that account by the primate
himself. In order to recovér his position, he had not scrupled
170 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

to betray the interests of his church, and lend himself asa
tool to effect the present dissolution of the house. Moreover,
two of his brothers were the King’s chamberlains, and by
their interest and his own previous services, he had obtained
the promise of a rich manor in compensation for his deanery.

After listening to the good canon’s pitiful story, and to his
numerous reminiscences of the history of the church in the
past, Richard returned to the Chapter House, where he found
that the King, having completed the business that he had in.
hand, by pensioning those of the canons who could be in-
duced to vacate their stalls, and giving a grudging consent
to the life tenancy of those who were obstinate in their refusal
to quit, and satisfying the ex-dean with a suitable grant of
land, and inducting on the spot the new canons, and en-
throning the first prior of the new foundation, the abbot, a
foreigner, not being yet arrived, was about to return to the
canons’ houses to dinner before setting out on the journey
back to Westminster, where he was to keep the feast of
Pentecost.

Richard had previously determined to hold on his way to
St. Alban’s, on a mission which he had undertaken on behalf
of his friend the Treasurer, instead of following the Court back
again to London. Therefore, as soon as he had taken leave
of his friends, and seen them fairly started on their homeward
journey, he set forth himself in the opposite direction in order
that he might make the town of St. Alban’s before nightfall.
In this he was successful, in spite of being set upon by thieves,
from whom he escaped through the swiftness of his horse,
leaving a good palfrey and several changes of raiment in
their hands.

The town of St. Alban’s was one of the fairest to behold in
all England, being pleasantly situated upon a gentle eminence
Waltham.—Seculars and Regulars. 171

 

overlooking a wide expanse of rich meadows, through which
a silvery stream meandered, a favourite harbourage both of
fish and waterfowl; while in contrast to the flourishing
churches and substantial houses of the burgesses, the ruins of
the ancient Roman city, once the centre of arts and civiliza-
tion in the eastern counties, lay within the moss-grown ditch
and rampart commanding the great highway. The famous
monastery and church stood upon the extreme edge of the
western slope, and hard by was the great market place, of
which the townspeople were almost as proud as of the church
itself, to which on market days came chapmen from Luton
and Dunstable, and husbandmen and their wives from all the
country round. :

No sooner had Richard entered the town than he was
aware of a strange air of suppressed excitement that pervaded
the whole population. At every street corner was assembled
a thick cluster of burghers, and before every other doorway
a smaller knot of women, all discussing some unwonted event
with hushed voices, or listening with eager faces to the
narrative which a few better informed than the rest were
relating with much gesticulation. Passing on to the hostelry
where he purposed to lodge that night, Richard took the
occasion to inquire of the host the meaning of this unwonted
movement in the town, who, nothing loth, proceeded to instruct
his guest with the following tale.

It had happened, he said, during the previous night, or
rather about daybreak of that very day, that a certain
burgess of the town, by name Robert the Mercer, a person
greatly respected for his honesty, piety, and sober living,
being asleep in his bed, was awakened by a vision of one
clothed in white, whose face shone as the face of an angel,
standing beside him. At the sight of this angelic presence,
172 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

which illuminated the whole chamber and filled it with a rare
and sweet perfume, Robert lay quite still, being unwilling
to dispel the trance into which he supposed that he had
fallen. Whereupon his visitor, in a low rich voice, which
vibrated in the air like the strains of sweet music, called him
by his name, bidding him to be of good courage, and saying
that he was St. Alban, and that he had come to announce his
master’s bidding, that he should straightway rise and follow
him to the place where his master’s body lay. Robert
hastened to obey, and, preceded by the Saint, he passed out
of the door of his house into the street, marvelling greatly at
the miracle that had been revealed to him. As he walked
beside his ghostly companion in the grey light of the morning,
Robert observed that he appeared to be like any other man,
save for the great nobility of his features and the rapt ex-
pression of his eyes and lips, which seemed to be gazing on
and conversing with some distant object. Growing bolder by
degrees, Robert entered upon a discourse concerning the city
and its ancient lore, to know if haply the Saint would reveal
to him some holy mystery of the saints and their martyrdom,
or perchance, the host opined, to discover some hoard of
treasure buried in the earth. But to all that Robert said, the
other answered only briefly or by signs. By this time they .
were come outside the new town, and so along the great road
leading towards Redbourne. And once Robert recalled that
they turned aside out of the road to avoid a company of
merchants coming from Dunstable to the town, it being
market day.

At length they came to a pleasant plain, where a road
passes through a common shaded with thorn trees, and here
there are two hillocks raised, which men say were once the
burial places of the Britons, but which now are called the
Waltham.—Seculars and Regulars. 173

 

hills of the Standards, because around these the people meet
from all the country side to wend in procession with their
banners to the Church of St. Alban on the festival of the
blessed martyr. Here then the Saint paused before one of

the hillocks, and signing with his staff upon the turf, it
opened in the form of a cross, revealing a sepulchre within,
and a shrine, or sarcophagus, from which a dazzling light pro-
ceeded, which lit up the whole western landscape as with the
beams of the rising sun. “Behold,” said the Saint, “the relics
_ of my master, the holy Amphibalus, and his fellow martyrs.”

With these words he again signed as before, and the earth
closed up and remained as it had been formerly. But Robert,
by the Saint’s directions, gathered stones and ‘piled them
together upon the place where the fissure had been, and
having done this, they returned as they had come, until they
arrived over against the church, where the Saint parted from
him, and entering swiftly into the church was no more seen
by him. After which Robert sought his bed, and falling
asleep, dreamed of all he had seen, just as it had befallen him,
And in the morning he related the vision and the miracle
that he had seen, and the invention of the bodies of the
blessed martyrs. And in fine, the father abbot, nothing doubt-
ing that these holy relics should be recovered by the church,
to which of right they appertained, had set a guard over the
sepulchre, and purposed that the same should be opened and
the bodies discovered on the festival of the blessed Martyr St.
Alban, which would be celebrated on the Friday following.

The host further added that the whole town and country
was so transported with wonder and joy at this fortunate
event, that although that day was the market, there had not
been bought or sold so much as a bushel of grain or hundred
of eggs.
174 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

Deeply impressed with the relation of this miracle, Richard
sought his couch, mentally resolving that he would now
prolong his sojourn in the city until after the day appointed
for the translation of the holy martyr’s remains.

On the following morning he heard matins at the abbey
church, after which he entered the monastery precincts by the
northern gate, and having disclosed the nature of his business,
he was escorted by a serjeant across the courtyard to the
forensic parlour, where he remained whilst the prior was
apprized of his attendance. :

The latter presently appeared and referred him in turn to
the monastic officer to whose chequer the tithes of Essendon
and Beyford were appropriated; and since his name and
condition, and those of Richard the King’s Treasurer, were
well-known and esteemed here, besides that one of his family
had formerly rendered the house some service in respect of
the tenure of the farm of Wycombe, Richard received a very
courteous and pressing invitation to take up his abode as a
guest of the monastery until his business was concluded,
which he gladly accepted.

Having next delivered himself of his mission to the proper
officer, and receiving an intimation that the matter would
be duly considered, and after conveying his baggage to the
chamber assigned to him within the hostry, an ancient build-
ing partially restored and containing a common ‘room or
parlour, wainscoated, and beautified with a painted ceiling,
Richard was free to explore the conventual precincts as far
as the restrictions which etiquette imposed upon strangers
permitted. That is to say, he was able to walk for exercise
in the prior’s cloisters, and abbot’s cloisters, with the gardens
adjoining to them, and the several chapels there, and the
church itself, which could be entered from the infirmary
Waltham.—Seculars and Regulars. 175

 

garden. But of far greater interest to him were the courts
and offices of the several obedientaries, and the workshops
in which, according to the Benedictine rule, the lay brethren
laboured in supplying the garments, boots, furniture, and
even to some extent the material and ornaments of the
church and monastery ; while in the outer courts there were
the stables, granaries, and laundry to be visited.

The inner life of the monastery was distinguished from the
forensic or domestic occupations of the official brethren by
the unbroken routine of prayer and meditation, or by reading
and writing in the shady recesses of the windows, while some,
who appeared to be novices and choristers, studied and prac-
tised themselves apart from the rest under the direction of
their masters. At certain periods assigned for recreation, all
these would disperse over the flowering turf of the cloister
garth, or, in the early morning, at midday, and in the evening,
they would cluster round the lavatory in its centre; while at
the sound of the bell or of the clapper, the dark-robed figures
would file in slow procession out of the cloisters, according as
they were summoned to attend the choir, the infirmary, or
the cimitery, the refectory, the chapter, or the dormitory.
Indeed, the days and nights in the monastery were so regularly
portioned out between the canonical hours, the observance
of the monastic rule, and the necessary intervals for refresh-
ment, recreation and sleep, that to Richard himself the pro-
gress of time seemed scarcely to be marked by these swiftly-
repeated signals ; for hardly had the matins bell roused the
community from its first sleep, and the lights flitting for a
short space through the dormitory and church been extin-
guished, than the crowing of cocks, the bleating of sheep, and
lowing of kine impatient to be released from the fold heralded
the breaking of the day; and soon the noise of hammer and
176 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

saw, and the tread of hurrying footsteps, and the sound of
the bell for matins-mass announced that the daily occupation
of work and prayer had been resumed. Then scarcely had

‘ the less abstemious members
broken their fast with a loaf

     
      
 

<S

a and a cup of ale at the cellarer’s
EX turn, and the more studious
< arranged their daily tasks,
aN than their attendance at the

VE.

DIST

formalities of the chapter was
required, succeeded by high
mass; and then, with a brief
interval for ablutions, the great.

5) event of the conventual day,
Sy dinner, was announced before
we

mid-day. This was hardly de-

spatched before the service of

Sixts claimed their attendance,

Fic. 35. followed by the daily pilgrim-

age to the cimitery and the

welcome siesta, with meditation or study in the cloisters,

interrupted only by the service of Nones, and continued till

supper, after which vespers and grateful recreation in the cool

of the evening, until the cloisters were locked for the night,
and Compline gave the signal for retiring to the dormitory.

 

7

 
CHAPTER XII.
ST. ALBAN’S.—THE SCHOOLMEN.

THE most pleasant spot within the precincts, to Richard’s
mind, was a small garden of herbs enclosed by a wooden
cloister on one side, and extending on the other up to the
walls of the church itself, on a level with the presbytery,
through the door of which, by the favour of the keeper, he
could watch the labours of the smiths upon the exquisite
shrine of the Saint, which was being completed by Abbot
Simon at an incredible cost. On the two remaining sides the
garden was sheltered by the walls of the infirmary, and of the
abbot’s lodging, by the windows of which it was overlooked.

In this garden, on the afternoon of the third day of his
sojourning within the monastery, Richard encountered one
dressed like a sub-deacon, whose tall, spare frame and sharply-
marked features bespoke a studious if not an ascetic habit
of living, though, maugre his appearance, the stranger clerk’s
age could not have been above twenty. He was then busily
engaged in culling certain herbs, while from others he de-
tached the ripe seed-pods, which he carefully placed in a
canvas pouch, and, responding courteously to Richard’s
salutation, he announced himself as a former scholar of St.
Alban’s, now in turn the master of the affiliated school at
Dunstable, by name Alexander Necham. He further ad-
mitted, with a smile, in reply to Richard’s inquiry, that he
was the same Alexander of St. Alban’s, better known to the

177 N
178 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

outside world as the foster-brother of Richard, the King’s
son. He also explained that he was visiting the monastery,
which he regarded as his adopted home during the long
vacation, which, beginning with haytime, would endure till
after harvest in the case of lay scholars, and that he had
seized this opportunity of pursuing his studies within reach
of one of the most famous conventual libraries of England.
The young clerk’s demeanour and speech, coupled with the
reports of his prodigious learning which had been spread
amongst the natives of that county, made Richard by no
means unwilling to pursue his acquaintance, and therefore
he began to inquire of him the nature of his present occupa-
tion.

“Truly,” replied Necham, “I am desirous of testing the
use of these worts with the aid of the good Infirmarer, being
hopeful that certain sick brethren will experience great relief
therefrom if they be found to contain but a tenth part of the
virtues ascribed to them by ancient writers.”

“ And are you then as skilled in the healing art as in those
others which the schoolmen practise?” asked Richard.

“Nay,” replied Necham, colouring, “medicine is no art,
but rather a craft or mystery ; for no true art can be applied
to the use of men’s bodies, but only for the instruction of
their souls; and so.I, who am no leech, but a philosopher, or,
if you will, a grammarian, admire the works of nature for the
sake of moral instruction, using the figures and descriptions
of things which have in themselves only a material and
perishable nature as the mystical emblems of man’s higher
nature, which may be either purified or debased by turns, just

as herbs or animals may be either virtuous or noxious,
according to their various natures and uses.”
“So then,” Richard interrupted, “you must first exactly
St. Alban's.—T) he Schoolmen, 179

 

describe these natural objects, that the moral instruction

‘whereof you speak may be understood ; and this you were
doing even now in the case of certain herbs of which you
purpose doubtless to treat in some learned work.”

As Richard announced this happy solution of the matter,
a deep shade of annoyance gathered upon his companion’s
brow, while hé replied in a querulous tone, as follows :—

“T pray you, sir knight, make an end of your vain supposi-
tions, for believe me that all experiments of man upon
natural objects are but a distraction of true philosophy, and
as such should be avoided, as savouring of a fleshly appetite.
For if I describe yonder rose, I may do so without observing
the plant so named by following the approved description of
ancient authors ; yet if I should choose to pluck the blushing
flower itself, and to practise therewith certain strange experi-
ments, revealing many hidden secrets of nature, ’tis yet all
one; for the moral adaptation in either case differs only in the
number of the similes that an ingenious writer may devise to
embellish the original symbolism. Thus the rose, according
to all authors, is the emblem of sensual pleasure, which among
mortals is inseparable from pain. But if I find that this rose,
in spite of its warm hue and its aromatic fragrance, hath in
its bosom a refrigerant quality, ’tis but to indicate the power
of chastity emplanted in our breasts to enable us to subdue
the motions of the flesh. Also, if I should demonstrate that,
by holding this flower over a pan wherein sulphur has been
kindled, its colour and fragrance will both depart from it, I
do but signify the deadly breath of lust that despoils the
heart of its natural virtue. Finally, should a thorn pierce my
hand in plucking of it, it would point the great moral of a
punishment in kind that accompanies an excess of sensua
pleasures. Moreover, all such curious experiments may be
180 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

regarded in the light of recreation, which is permitted even
to the religious in moderation, by the indulgence of their
directors.”

Richard could not help smiling at the subtle distinctions
drawn by the learned clerk in justification of his unorthodox
passion for natural research. He was not slow to perceive
also that he had to deal with one whose vigorous intellect
prompted him to discard the meagre natural history of the
age in favour of actual experiment, but who yet shrank from
an acknowledgment of the frailty of the idols which were an
indispensable article of his education. In default of this
license, therefore, the would-be inquirer diverted the activity

of his mind into the no less

 

attractive regions of mysticism,

Wa Wy 7 embellishing his crude sym-
= bolisms with the resources of
2 classical scholarship applied

  
 

with the practised skill of a
man of letters.

As they walked together
through this pleasant garden,
Richard, by dint of judicious
questions, led his companion
on to descant upon the pro-
perties of the several herbs.

“It has been rightly said,”
Necham observed, “that every
wort of the field has power to
harm a man or to heal him;
and I have noticed that these healing worts are such as
usually grow in light and porous soils, and are much exposed
to the sun and air ; whereas those others, that are counted as

 

 

 

 
St. Alban’s:—The Schoolmen. 181

 

harmful, may be found in dank or marshy places, where they
are overshadowed so that they never see the sun. Thus the
righteous soul rejoices in the teaching of the Church, and
abounds in good works. So the wicked walk in darkness,
and their works are evil.”

“And which,” inquired Richard, “are these healing
worts?”

“They are,” replied Necham, “ chiefly three, namely, those
which the goddess Artemis is fabled to have used against all
accidents of the chace, and which she revealed to Chiron the
Centaur. But besides these, there may be found in this gar-
den divers worts suited to the cure of every sickness that
commonly attacks the good fathers; as betony, for dispelling
nightmare and for curing sudden giddiness, which herb also
was used by the heathen Saxons for preventing drunkenness
in their cups. Cress and stile are esteemed a cure for bald-
ness or scurf, which prevails during Lent. Wood-lettuce
removes dimness from the eyes of those who copy books
from morning to night. The white poppy cures sleeplessness.
The smear-wort is for fevers ; and there are besides, asterion,
a potent remedy for the falling sickness; ever-fern and
churmel, for headache and disorders of the liver; while for
staying a dysentery, you have but to descend to the river
below us, to gather water-lilies for an infusion that never fails
in its effect. So, too, if one of the brethren were sent abroad
upon business of the house, he would not formerly have failed
to carry in his pouch leech-wort, for bite of adder ; savine, for
bathing swollen feet ; wood-dock, for stiffness of joints, with
either five-leaf, or madder, or, best of any, way-bread, to heal
all sickness or sores by the way. At this day truly none of
the house stirs abroad on foot or without a serjeant to carry
his valise, so that a warm posset at his journey’s end is the
182 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

only leechdom that he needeth. But, alas! I have neglected
to unfold the moral instruction that is contained in the
properties of each of these plants, and which, as I have told
you, is the true end of all such curious knowledge. This
betony, then, which has more virtues than any other herb,
for all that it is so sadly arrayed, is the very emblem of
humility

“Nay, Master Necham,” exclaimed Richard, “I will by no
means abuse your patience by requiring of you the instruction
that you have named, more especially since the heat of the
sun is somewhat over-great within this enclosure, and the
murmur of bees, or perchance the scents of yonder white
poppies, have unfitted my senses for receiving your discourse.
Therefore, if you will be pleased
to accompany me to the shade of
yonder willows by the river side,
I doubt not that we shall converse
more at our ease.”

Ten minutes’ walk through fruit-
ful orchards and vineyards, in the
course of which Necham found
much to say respecting the mys-
teries of grafting and pruning, and
the chemical and edible properties

‘of the several fruits in use, brought
them to the margin of the fair
; stream, where, as soon as_ they
Fic. 37. were seated on the projecting arm

of a giant willow overhanging the

water, Necham turned the conversation upon the nature of
fishes by an admiring reference to the enthusiasm shown by
Alexander the Great in exploring the secrets of the deep,

 

 
St. Alban’s.—The Schoolmen. 183

 

immured in a vessel of glass. He then proceeded to enume-
rate the several kinds of fish that frequented this river, and
to describe their several habits and the lures with which they
might be taken, together with instances that had fallen
within his notice of their sensitiveness to certain colours,
odours, and noises. The question of the age of fishes led
him to describe the attempts of the Romans in the direction
of pisciculture, as well as the several methods then in use,
together with a device of his own for the improvement of
fish-stews, by hatching ova placed in artificial beds.

At length Richard, fearing lest this interesting discourse
should be converted into moral instruction, begged his learned
friend to give him his opinion of the effect and lawfulness of
charms as far as they were indirectly connected with the heal-
ing art. Necham, however, disclaimed all knowledge of the
subject, although he admitted that the superstition in question
was generally entertained by ancient writers, while it was so
deeply rooted in the vulgar mind, and particularly amongst
the Anglian race, and that a certain tenderness had been
shown to it in the ministrations of the Church.

“T could have shown you just now,” he added, “a mill-
stone sunk into the ground on that side of the herb garden
where the hiyes are ranged whereon is graven the circle of
St. Columbkill, with the figures of a charm for bees to swarm
duly ; and again I have heard a certain gardener, who is a
Saxon by blood, sing these words in the season of swarming :

‘Sit ye, my ladies, sit ;
Sink ye to earth down;

Never be so wild
As to the wood to fly”

Also I know that the herds, at the time of folding the cattle
at nightfall, use commonly to sing the ‘ Ter-Sanctus’ for the
184 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

prevention of the murrain. But such base superstitions and
many others that form the principal portion of our leeches’
art, are not now justly to be included in the science of nature,
as neither are they wafranted by the teaching of the Church.
Rather the evil spirits which are allowed thus to torment us
should be exorcised by the priest appointed to that office, and
besides the faithful should be enjoined to assist the sufferers
with their prayers.”

“ Now truly,” observed Richard, smiling, “ you put me in
mind of a story that was once told me of a certain courtier,
who being tormented for his sins, which had been great, with
the voices of evil spirits tempting him, in order to avoid this
enchantment, entered into a religious house. Whereupon
the holy abbot appointed the clapper to be struck at all such
times as the fit was upon him, to call the brethren to his
chamber, as though to pray for one zx ertremis. But after
two days and two nights, during which the clapper was heard
almost continually, so that the brethren could watch no
longer for very heaviness, they desired him to depart from
among them.”

a”?

Necham listened to this anecdote with an unmoved face,
and replied that probably this was an extreme case, and that
he was inclined to reject the common opinion concerning evil
spirits taking upon themselves the corporeal form of men or
women for the purpose of tempting mortals with carnal lusts ;
and he was preparing to discuss with great learning and with
frank details the vexed question of the infernal procreation
of the wizard Merlin, and of the substantiality of a certain
woman fiend who had lately disturbed the peace of mind of
the brethren of Evesham, when Richard, who foresaw an
interminable citation of authorities and precedents in point,
adroitly drew his companion’s attention to a new and irre-
St. Alban’s.—The Schoolmen. 185

 

sistible topic, the scholastic learning of which he was such a
famous exponent.

“The matter you have here proposed,” Necham began,
“ embraces two separate reflections—namely, as to the subjects
of learning, and next as to the methods of teaching. And as
to the first of these, you are doubtless aware that there were
anciently three Arts—Grammar, Dialectics, and Rhetoric—
which alone were held worthy of the name of science ; and
that now four others are added to these (making together
the number of the seven planets which they respectively
resemble)—namely, Arithmetic, Music, Geometry, and Astro-
nomy. All these, then, as yet form two separate courses of
instruction, though a knowledge of both is necessary to a
liberal education if we would rightly distinguish the true
from the false, which even as to theology may be most readily
effected by the rules of geometry. It is to be noted also that
Aristotle himself was a geometrician before he became a
rhetorician, and that he professed none of the sciences that
he adorned so plainly as that of medicine, which some take to
embody the substance of the Quadrivium, as law does that of
the Trivium. For of what use is it to men to avoid solecisms
in speech and writing, if they shall make greater errors in the
description itself? Again, by the abuse of rhetoric, the whole
art is devoted to misrepresentations and shameful accusa-
tions of an adversary; while dialectics, which were designed
to distinguish the true from the false, are now chiefly de-
voted to maintain that which is contrary to the truth, in
order to win the popular applause. For as you have seen
a jougleur perform his feats of skill in hall, deceiving the
senses of his audience beyond belief, so also do our masters
with their subtle questions and syllogisms; and as the one
trains his ape to take several human attitudes at his com-
186 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

mand, so the others dispose their good man Sortes at their
pleasure, to be the same or not the same, or what not else.
All which subtleties, besides being wholly vain, are also an
offence to pious students. Thus they will argue by the

method of the sophists that a just judge will not punish
eternally for a momentary misdoing ; but God is a just judge,

therefore neither will He punish thus. And again, that it is

never too late to repent; but you are young, therefore it is

too soon to repent. And again, that a lion cannot rise from

the dead ; but man is weaker than a lion, therefore neither can

he rise again. So too these masters will argue as to whether

Mary Magdalene could have rightly supposed Jesus to be

the gardener ; or whether Jacob truly knew Leah instead of
Rachel. Thus they harden their hearts with the pursuit of
empty applause, so that they desire nothing better than to
disprove every doctrine that is commonly believed, not ob-
serving that they assume as much by denying it as those

who maintain it.

“And indeed I have heard of such a one, of great repute
in the schools at Paris, who being at the point of death
refused to admit the resurrection unless the certainty thereof
could be proved to him by the law of dialectics. Where-
upon a fellow of his who believed, proposed this case to
him: ‘If you believe that there will be a resurrection, either
it will be or it will not. And if you believe that it is to be,
and it is not, this belief will not injure you. And if you
believe that it is to be, and it is, this belief may save you
eternally. But if you believe it is not to be, and it is, this
disbelief may damn you eternally. Therefore, by the law of
dialectics, it is better for you to believe than to disbelieve.’

“But to return. These arts, as you know, are publicly
taught in the great schools of Paris and Oxford, whereof the .
St. Alban’s.—The Schoolmen. 187

 

former is the greatest abode of the liberal arts and theology.
Medicine and law flourish especially in Italy, namely at
Salerno and Bologna; but the schools of France are little in-
ferior to these. Only we in England have no native school of
civil or canon law, nor of medicine, wherefore foreign nations
say openly that our senses are dulled by our English beer,
since these sciences are such as demand great acuteness
of perception. But rather I say the English law, which is
built up of precedents and customs, permitteth no other to be
studied beside it, for the study thereof is for a man’s life, and
for the rest it is meet that Italian lawyers should plead in
our ecclesiastical courts, which are but provincial courts of
the Roman Curia. But as to medicine, you will know that it
is not the most learned master that makes the holiest priest,
nor those who are the most expert disciples of Hippocrates
and Galen that work the best leechdoms,

“ And besides these great schools, there are those connected
with every great church throughout the country, since it is
not enough to clothe and feed God’s poor without caring also
for their souls, and especially for their children’s welfare.
Such are the famous schools at London and Winchester, and
my own of Dunstable. In all these the liberal arts are taught,
according to the capacity of the scholars, and as to this I will
tell you that they tread very closely upon the heels of their
elders. For there is none so young among my own who could
not inform you that if there should be two armies arrayed
against each other, one having a single white soldier and the
rest black, and the other a single black soldier and the rest
white, then each of those armies in every respect resembles
the other. And yet this proposition not many years since was
maintained at Paris to the astonishment and delight of all.
But in these lesser schools, and especially in England, Latin
188 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

is at first chiefly taught out of a common author, and each
teacher places glosses upon the text according to his need,
and thence they proceed to the reading of the poets.”

At length Necham reminded his companion that the cus-
tomary interval for recreation amongst the students was spent,
and that he must now return to his self-imposed task. He
added, however, that if the lord of Anesti wished to inspect
the scriptorium and library of the monastery, he would
gladly escort him thither. Richard joyfully accepted this
invitation, therefore returning to the cloisters they entered the

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

scriptorium, a large solar orginally, set apart for this purpose,
as Necham explained, by William de Hatfield in the time
of Abbot Paul, who assigned a portion of the tithes of his
demesne for the provision of books to the use of the monas-
tery, in return for which benefaction the said Abbot furnished
the chapel of Hatfield House with rich vestments and other
necessaries. Several of the best scribes in;England, Necham
continued, were henceforth employed (at least under worthy
Abbots) in compiling or copying books of every descrip-
St, Alban’s.—The Schoolmen. 189

 

tion. This good work was especially advanced under
Abbots Godfrey and Robert, and reached its highest per-
fection in the time of the present Abbot Simon, who not only
repaired the scriptorium and constructed ‘a general aumbry
to contain the books of most value, but employed several
additional scribes at his own charge in his private chamber.

In the scriptorium they found two or three professional
scribes working at desks placed in the windows, together
with an equal number of monks engaged upon histories of
the Abbey or lives of
the Saints. Richard
approached the desk of
one of the former class
of workers, and with his
permission examined his
manuscript which he
found to consist of a
copy of the history of
Geoffrey the — monk,
beautifully illuminated.
One of the regular
brethren, known to the
learned world as William
of St. Albans, was en-
gaged in appending to his history of the Passion of St.
Alban, compiled it was said from a contemporary British
author, a minute narrative of the recent Invention of St.
Amphibalus ; while another monk, by name Ralph of Dun-
stable, was treating the same subject in elegiac verse. From
the scriptorium they proceeded to the library, which, as
previously stated by Necham, consisted merely of a painted
wooden press fitted with bookshelves, and situated in a re-

 

 

 

 

 

 

 
190 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

cess within the church, facing the tomb of Roger the Hermit.
Here there were some hundred books of all sizes and upon
almost every subject, though the larger number treated of
theology, including a copy of the Vulgate, sumptuously illu-
minated, the Gospels and Epistles, Missals and similar
service books, together with many secular authorities, espe-
cially upon the civil and canon laws, Annals and Chronicles
of England and Acts of the Saints. Necham, however, was
careful to observe that this library was far from repre-
senting the whole literary resources of the monastery, since
probably an equal number of books might be discovered
in the aumbries of the cloisters, or in the chamber of the
Abbot, Prior and lesser officers of the house; while some
were lent out to secular clerks, both in the town, like
Master Warren, the learned preceptor of the school here, or
abroad, or even to neighbouring monasteries in exchange for
others that were required to be copied. The Precentor also
had a large store of rolls and unbound manuscripts, besides a
collection of Graduals and ancient and modern music, while
the cartularies and other muniments of the Abbey were stored
in the treasury, under the care of the Sacristan. After they
had quitted the Church, Necham took his leave of Richard, to
return to his labours in his own study, one of several chambers
built over the cloisters, and set apart for this purpose.
CHAPTER XIII.
ST, ALBAN’S.—A MARTYROLOGY.

Two days after the conversation related above, Richard was
made acquainted, in an unexpected manner, with the martyr-
ology of the Saint whose Invention was the topic of imme-
diate interest. The incident came about in this way. Ever
since his arrival in the monastery, he had been invited each
day by the abbot to sit at his own table at dinner, where he
was joined by a number of guests, distinguished for their rank
or learning, who had been attracted to St. Alban’s by the
rumour of the approaching festival. Here, on a lofty dais in
the middle of the upper table, the abbot sat, with his guests
on either hand, the brethren being seated at side tables
against the walls. After grace had been sung, the dishes
were carried in from the kitchen in constant succession to
the upper table; while the brethren, who were waited on by
the novices, were forced to be content with the prescribed
regimen of pottage, to which were added, on holidays, fur-
mety, fritters, cakes, and other light viands. But though
their fare was meagre, there was no stint in the quantity
supplied ; and the officers of the cellar, buttery, and pantry
were kept busily employed in serving the large coarse loaves
and capacious flagons of ‘ale which each of the brethren in
priest’s orders claimed as his due allowance. Speaking being
especially prohibited in the refectory, Richard was amazed to
observe the shifts resorted to by certain brethren to make

191
192 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

their wants known, especially when any extra dishes were
provided, such as rapping on the board with the haft of a
knife or the bottom of a wooden drinking cup, and even
snapping the fingers, whistling, and many like signals. How-
ever, on the occasion in question, these manifestations of
deference to a carnal appetite gave place to a rapt attention
to the lecture of the usual passage of a martyrology from the
desk; for, by a general request made by the brethren to the
Prior in chapter that morning, the history of the Passion of
St. Amphibalus, as recently completed by brother William,
was appointed to be read during dinner as the fitting pre-
paration for the vigil of so great a feast. Moreover, besides
the present interest of the subject, the work had long been
anticipated as one likely to enhance the reputation for learn-
ing which the house had so long and so deservedly enjoyed,
but which, in the matter of history at least, had been some-
what eclipsed by the recent fame of Ely, Peterborough, and
Durham, to say nothing of the more courtly attainments of
the writers of Canterbury and St. Paul’s. Accordingly, the
reader having received the precious manuscript from the
hands of William the monk, read aloud the chapter in which
the passion of the Saint was narrated as follows :—

“ As soon as they had heard these words, they run in upon
him from every side; they arm their cruel hands with stones ;
they rage impiously to shed the innocent blood, and labour
with all their might to cast out his blessed spirit. But al-
though a hail of stones beat fiercely upon the heavenly martyr
on all sides, he yet remained unmoved in his attitude of
prayer, nor did he sink beneath it even for the space of an
hour. At length, when he was about to render up his un-
conquered soul to heaven, raising his eyes he saw Jesus stand-
ing at the right hand of the Father, and heard the song of
SOTVEIHdNV “LS 10 NOISSVd AHL

apa wrenppe mmuTnsnnin —apganirar purdtpapy

ray aa aye anerETE — > Hirenper eo pny ya} 7
Danpaprab NUT aE > pap sasy ws UAO e
DipPan anaAapat sdo jap ae ara apoE bia
duu unpowiganmiy WWI TAY}
; Speniind yaa yaa —— gues opa ma
AU aS ALLINID sign] ——fiomgonnon igBurT
usp UID Yi -apaod jodspopnb Hp TUIUTO
a pe — save abuse jawONpE
PFO WELTY Dyan ay wana

: nde su a any oe a
= agp spammers
~ rufa op aay —~ paging 9 —
| fini paquurelttap UW BUI, sped pp vane tat pees is

/ gua aAtat wade, mrpiod a ‘gege Op - "I
|

TA ALVId

 

 

 

    

 

 

 
St. Alban’s.—A Martyrology. © 193

 

the angels in heaven, and amongst them the voice of his
Alban, and called to him for succour, saying, ‘O holy Alban,
I pray thee to entreat our Heavenly Father, that He may
send one of His good angels to meet me, that the cruel
robber may not prevail to stay me, that the wicked may
not hinder my journey.’ Scarcely had he spoken these words
when, lo! two angels, radiant with divine splendour, came
down to him from on high, and a voice, too, was heard
speaking to him from heaven: ‘ Amphibalus, I say unto thee
that this day thou shalt be in Paradise with thy disciple.’
Now the heathen, when they heard this heavenly sound,
stood amazed; and so the angels, taking with them the spot-
less soul of the blessed martyr, bore it up to Heaven with
hymns and psalms of praise. But still the furious heathen
ceased not to heap stones upon the lifeless and fettered
body ; nor were his companions able to lift his dying head,
nor to rescue him from the hands of his murderers, being
spent with fasting and weariness. Then there arose a sore
contest amongst the heathen, and the impious strife proceeded
soon to the drawing of swords. The conflicting parties
rushed upon one another, and a fierce battle was fought
over the blessed martyr’s body. But Almighty God did
not desire or permit that the enemies of the truth should
be justified, who had before this sworn that they would take
the man back to their city alive or dead. For, as the tumult
increased, and the heathen were fighting amongst them-
selves, a faithful believer in Christ, bearing away the blessed
martyr’s body by stealth, conveyed it carefully beneath the
ground, where now at length, by the Divine will, it has been
' brought to light.” i
At the conclusion of the lecture, by which many of ie
listeners were visibly affected, the sub-prior gave the signal

Oo
194 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

for the grace-cup (a massive two-handled silver chalice filled
with mead) to be passed round, after which all the brethren
rose and bowed towards the east whilst grace was being sung,
and quitted the hall two and two, as they had come. Richard
de Anesti and the abbot’s other guests, however, were invited
into an inner chamber, where they were regaled with choice
wines, together with dried fruits and pastry, and other deli-
cates, by their host’s seneschal, and so were left to dispose
themselves in sleep or converse, as they might desire. During
which after-dinner entertainment Richard heard much that
was both curious and instructive in the conversation of these
distinguished courtiers and scholars. At one time concerning
the foundation and subsequent history of this and other
monasteries, and especially those of the Cistercian order,
which were little known in these parts; of the saint in whose
honour such or such an abbey was founded, and of the
miracles performed by him alive and dead, and the invention
or translation of his relics ; of the constitution of a monastery,
and its benefactions ; of the good works of divers abbots, and
how this one rebuilt the church or chapter-house from its
foundations, and that other added a chapel or a tower, an
aqueduct or a granary. How all contributed bells or rich
vestments or plate. How one was a patron of art, and beau-
tified the shrine by the hands of cunning workmen; another
of letters, and maintained scribes to copy books at his own
charge. Then of the evil works of the abbots who spoiled the
Church of its riches to purchase lands and build their country
houses, and wasted the revenues of the community, so that
the brethren were forced to lie in bed for lack of clothes, and
to go abroad and ask alms for their sustenance. Of the great
cause in which the abbot and convent were engaged before
the King’s Court or the papal commissioners with a neigh-
St. Alban’s—A Martyrology. 195

 

bouring earl, who had disseised them of their lands, or with
the bishop of the diocese, who claimed the right of visitation ;
and of the great debt to Aaron the Jew, which they had in-
curred through these proceedings. Lastly, of the factions
among the brethren themselves, and how at St. Alban’s the
brothers of Warren and their party influenced the elections
to all the offices of the house, and even aimed at obtaining
the reversion of the abbacy.

At another time their talk was of the wonders of that day,
the legend of the wandering Jew, or of Prester John, or of
Saladin, and, amongst other things, of the holy lives of several
famous hermits, concerning one of whom, St. Godric, of great
repute in the north country, and not long since dead, a monk
of Durham gave them the following information.

“ This Godric,” he said, “was, even from a boy, indifferent
to the things of this world, and accustomed to hold com-
munion with invisible beings. Therefore, soon after he had
reached man’s estate, he left his merchandise to go on pil-
grimage to many holy cities on foot, and carrying his aged
mother on his back. And twice he fared to Jerusalem, and
at length returning to his own country, he became a hermit
at Finchale, where he lived in the wilds, with serpents and
_ wolves for his companions, eating only herbs, and sleeping
always on the ground, with a great flat stone for his pillow,
whereon he also used to prepare and eat his food. And he
chose to sleep thus because of the devil, by whom he was
grievously tormented, ever seeking to take him unawares,
sometimes approaching him in the shape of a wild beast, or
of a monstrous fowl, or even of a loathsome toad ; but with
the sign of the cross he was ever put to flight. Therefore
Godric slept little, and by night not at all, at which time he
might be seen, even in winter, standing for a long while in
196 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

the river up to his neck, in order to escape the attacks of his
enemy. And once the devil in a rage seized upon his gar-
ments, and would have borne them away, but Godric called
out so loudly that he ‘dropped them and fled. On the other
hand, he was often blessed with angelic visions, for once the
Virgin Mary and St. Mary Magdalene appeared to him as
two forest maidens, and taught him a song in the Saxon
tongue, which thereafter he sang continually. And again, as
he sat in his cell, he saw one day a tiny babe creep forth out
of the head of a great figure of Christ crucified, and descend
into the lap of the holy Virgin, who seemed to embrace and
cherish it. He also had the power of seeing the spirits of men
as they left their bodies, being wont to say that the spirits
of the good had the shape of a white dove, and those of the
wicked that of a black crow. But towards the end of his
life, Godric, being old and feeble, was forced to keep his bed,
and to accept the ministrations of his devout neighbours, and
being thus helpless, the devil sought all the more fiercely to
destroy him, so that he dare never sleep when he was alone,
lest the enemy should surprise him before he could make the
sign. At length one day, when the watchers had left his side,
they heard a great noise and an outcry, and returning, found
Godric stretched upon the floor, who, when he revived, told
them that his eyes being heavy, he had closed them fora
moment, when immediately the devil assaulted him, and
treated him thus; and not long afterwards he died.” This
monk, whose name was Reginald, told them also many of
the miracles performed by Godric, which were the cause of
his name being so greatly revered in the north parts. Besides
this (he added), the fierce aspect of the holy man, and his
rough speech, caused all to stand in awe of him. And he
himself, wishing to write Godric’s life, approached him once
LINUYAH AHL GNV ONIN AHL

“WOpUoy gy F UleqosuoUUSS

 

 

 

 

 

TIA FLV 1d

 
St. Alban's.—A Martyrology. 197

 

to' know his mind therein, who answered him thus: “ This
friend is the life of Godric, and if you can think of anything
worse, I command you to write it. Formerly a blowsy
peasant, plausible, greedy, lecherous, perjured, a usurer,
forger, and rogue; now a filthy hound, a hypocritical hermit,
a devourer of fools’ alms, lazy and bloated, vainglorious and
ambitious, and so passionate, that he is always tempted to
beat those who vex him with idle questions.”

At length the morning dawned of the great day so
anxiously expected both by the religious and laity, and even
before daylight all the domestic officers were astir preparing
the customary good cheer in honour of the Saint’s anniver-
sary, and to which there was now to be added provision for
feasting all the poor and infirm of the city. In the Church,
special masses were appointed for the occasion, and proces-
sions bearing the most sacred relics of the Abbey passed at
frequent intervals through the alleys and chapels, pending the
_ removal of the Saint's relics, to effect which a chosen party had
departed at an early hour towards Redbourne, accompanied
by the Abbot, the Prior, and several of the monastic officers.
Ever since the Invention, the tomb containing the relics of
the martyrs had been guarded by several lay brethren and
serjeants, superintended by the priests of St. James’ chapel
hard by Richard had already paid several visits to the scene,
which he found to his dismay closely resembling a fair; for fol-
lowing in the footsteps of the pilgrims, who had for days past
been flocking hither in ever-increasing numbers, many pedlars
and even cooks and ale-wifes had erected booths, and were
plying a busy trade in relieving the necessities of the faithful.
The Abbot had vainly attempted to suppress this scandal by
enjoining a general fast, with attendance at the special services
of the church, which had been arranged for the occasion ; but
198 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

the popular excitement had now reached an uncontrollable
pitch through the fame of the miracles which were wrought
almost hourly amongst the frenzied crowd of sick or crippled
poor, and by the fervid preaching and prophesying of several
wandering priests and hermits, who enjoyed a greater repu-
tation for sanctity than for sanity. Among the miracles
vouched for at this time by the inmates of this disordered
camp was that of a certain woman who, having borne no
children during ten years of marriage, was afterwards found
to have been rendered fruitful by the divine afflatus of the
sepulchre on which unknowingly she had chanced to repose,
with many more cases of the like nature. On the other side
the brethren engaged in the task of watching the tomb and
of clearing the ground for the approaching excavation, had
strange tales to relate of the interposition of the saint on
their behalf. A certain man who had been loud in his
ridicule of their watchfulness, at length sought to evade it by
approaching the mound under cover of the darkness, with
felonious intent, but by the way he was met by the Evil One,
who would straightway have carried him off had not the
brethren, hearing his lamentable cries, run to his help, by
whom he was found stripped of his clothes and seemingly
demented, so that hardly with bonds and scourging was he
restored to his right mind. Lastly, this further miracle was
wrought in the light of day, and before the eyes of all who
were present there; for a certain trader of Dunstable, who
had brought for sale a ton of cider, being adjured by a poor
cripple for the love of the Saint to bestow on him a cup, the
heat at that time being very great, replied scornfully, that he
valued not the Saint’s blessing but only his custom, at which
words both ends of the cask suddenly burst open, and the
liquor ran forth amongst the crowd of thirsty poor folk, who,
St. Alban's—A Martyrology. 199

 

falling upon their faces, were able to drink thereof to their
full contentment.

Meantime, the search party from the monastery, with the
co-operation of a large band of auxiliaries, laid open the
tomb in which the bones of the martyrs were revealed dié-
posed as when they were first laid there. As soon. as this
work was completed, a messenger was despatched in haste to
summon the Abbot, who had returned again to the abbey, on
whose re-appearance the bones were reverently folded in linen
shrouds and conveyed in joyful procession to the monastery.
When half the distance had been traversed, a second proces-
sion was seen coming towards them, formed of a number or
townspeople, headed by the monks bearing the sarcophagus
of St. Alban ; and this procession joining itself to their own,
they continued their journey in the same order as before, with
the bodies of both Saints borne before them, as far as the
Church, where a service of thanksgiving was performed,
attended by several thousands of worshippers, who afterwards
dispersed, in order to conclude the day with becoming fes-
tivities,

CONCLUSION.

RICHARD DE ANESTI, whom we left at St. Alban’s, would
have set out from thence, we may suppose, on his homeward
journey at the close of the great festival described in the last
chapter.

We know practically nothing of his history beyond this
date, except that he contrived to pay his debt at the
Exchequer, and that he died some time about the end of
the next reign, having thus outlived his official friends,
200 Court Life under the Plantagenets.

 

Ranulph de Glanvill, disgraced and long since dead, Richard
de Luci, become a monk like his brother, and Richard, the
King’s Treasurer, lately Bishop of London.

Then Hubert his son reigned at Anesti in his stead, and a
new era of official activity begins at the Exchequer and in
the King’s Court and Household, the results of which are
recorded in the great precedent book compiled by Swereford,
and in the series of stately Rolls which is continued down to
this very day.
APPENDIX.
NOTES TO THE ILLUSTRATIONS.
FRONTISPIECE.

(1) PLANTAGENET KING HUNTING. From the Cotton MSS. Claudius,
D. ii. Probably temp. Edward III.

This illumination occurs in the “Laws of King John,” but is of
course purely conventional.

(2) Henry II. DISPUTING WITH BECKET. From the Cotton MSS.
Claudius, D. ii., in the “ Laws of Henry II.”

There is another copy of this illumination in the same MS.

PLATE I. JEWISH BOND OR “STARR.” From Carte Antique
(Augm.), D.d., No. 58.

A “Starr” is properly the acquittance or acknowledgment executed
by a Jew in respect of a debt. The only surviving “starr” strictly
contemporary with the present narrative, is known to us only from
an entry on a later Pipe Roll. Several acknowledgments of in-
debtedness to Jews executed by Christians exist for this period,
one of which has recently been printed in Vol. 10 of the Pipe Roll
Society’s publications. The document reproduced here is one of
the earliest Jewish conventions extant, being dated in the seventh
year of John. It was unknown to the editor of the collection of
Jewish charters recently published under the direction of the Com-
mittee of the Anglo-Jewish Exhibition.

PLATE II. PLANTAGENET KING AT TABLE. From the Abbreviatio
of Domesday in the Public Record Office.

This Plate, with Nos. 5 and 6, is taken from the well-known group
of 6 coloured plates in the beautiful MS. above named. The date
of these illuminations has always been in doubt, but although they
bear a superficial appearance of great antiquity a careful examina-
tion will lead to the conclusion that they are not earlier than
the middle of the 13th century. The compilation which gives this
title to the MS. was probably the work of a Westminster scribe,
and the illuminations in question are apparently contemporary
with the text though separately drawn on the fly leaves of the
volume. The subjects of these illuminations are undoubtedly taken
from Ailred of Rievaulx’s “Life and Miracles” of the Confessor.
Ailred himself took his narrative almost literally from the earlier

“Life of the Confessor” by Qsbert Prior, of Westminster, the occasion
203
204 Appendix.

 

of both these histories being the canonization of King Edward, 1163.
In the same way the subsequent translation of the Confessor’s
remains in the middle of the next century inspired the magnificent
Norman French poem on the same subject, which is well known
through Mr. Luard’s excellent edition in the Rol/s Serzes. It is
probable, therefore, that the fame of this translation was the cause
of a scribe of the Church of Westminster beautifying the abstract
of Domesday Book on which he happened to be officially engaged
with these scenes, since the subject was one that involved frequent
reference to the name of the saintly king. The archzeology of the
illuminations in the Addvevzatio appears however to be of somewhat
later date than in the case of the French poem, and they may,
therefore, be more probably assigned to the close of the reign of
Henry III.

PLATE III. RICHARD DE ANESTI’s ACCOUNT OF HIS Law-sUIT.
From the Ancient Miscellanea of the Treasury of the Receipt,
No. $9.

This fine MS., which is in some respects the most important legal
document in official custody, is written on a roll of about 18 inches
in length and 12 inches wide, in double columns. The hand is not
distinctly clerical, and may well be, as Palgrave supposes, that of
Richard de Anesti himself.

PLATE IV. PAPAL BULL. From Bdle. I., No. 5, Chapter House
Papal Bulls.

This is the actual bull of Pope Alexander III. referred to in the
narrative of the Anesti case. It has been found necessary to reduce
the original size of the MS. considerably, and at the same time
it should be mentioned that it is considerably mutilated.

PLATE V. PLANTAGENET KING AT Mass. From the Abbreviatio
of Domesday.

This illumination in the original MS. is supposed to represent
one of the miracles of the Confessor ; namely, the apparition of the
child Christ visible in the consecrated wafer. This vision was
revealed both to the king and to Earl Leofric. The author of the
metrical Life however represents these as seated or kneeling at the
time, instead of assisting at the altar.

PLATE VI. THE PassION OF ST. ALBAN, ST. AMPHIBALUS, AND
THEIR FELLOW MarRTyrs. From the Cotton MSS. Faustina, B. IV.

This martyrology, which had a great repute in its day, and which
was founded on a subject of greater popular interest perhaps than
any other except the life of St. Thomas, is believed to be the work
Appendix. 205

 

of a monk of St. Alban’s named William, who compiled the life
and miracles of these patron saints of his church during the presi-
dency of Abbot Simon.

The author professed to have derived his information from a
native source, which may either refer to the narrative preserved by

_ Bede or to a mysterious book mentioned by Matthew Paris.

Although there is no evidence whatever that this MS. was the
original copy of the Passion in use at St. Alban’s, there are several
indications that it was the work of a scribe of that house. Another
early copy is preserved in the Library of Magdalen College, Oxford,
but in this the details of the miracles and other matters of local
interest are incomplete. I am strongly inclined to the opinion that
the former MS. is the actual history of William of St. Alban’s in
his own hand, read in the Refectory on the occasion described in
the text. This MS., it will also be observed, concludes abruptly
with the Invention of the body of St. Amphibalus, and is without
the Epilogue which appears in the Oxford MS.

PLATE VII. THE KING AND THE HERMIT. From the Abbreviatio
of Domesday.

Another miracle manifested to the Confessor is the subject of this
illumination.

The Hermit portrayed here was really St. John the Baptist, who,
in the guise of a palmer, obtained the king’s ring by his importunity.
The scribe would seem to have been familiar with the appearance
of such palmers, who would be commonly seen during the last
Crusade, but scarcely much later than the year 1274.

Fic. 1. VINE PRUNER. From the Chapter House, Liber B. Temp.
Edward I.
One of the symbols for Gascony at the Exchequer.
FIG. 2. GRAPE PICKER. From the Liber B.
Another symbol for Gascony at the Exchequer.
Fic. 3. PLoucH TEAM. From the Cotton MSS. Julius, A. vi.

This and the three following cuts are taken from drawings found
in an Anglo-Saxon MS. Book of the Seasons. Some of these draw-
ings have been reproduced before, but only from the copy known as
Tiberius, B. vi., in which the figures are considerably larger and
bolder, while the execution is perhaps less delicate. The date of
these MSS. is probably the end of the 1oth century. At any rate
they must be regarded as the work of a purely British school un-
affected by French influence
206 Appendix.

 

FIG. 4. SHEPHERDS AND FLOCK. From the Cotton MSS. Jul, A. vi.
FIG. 5. SWINEHERDS AND SWINE. From the same.
Fic. 6. THRESHER. From the Royal MSS. 14, C. 7, fo. 118.
Drawn by Matthew Paris himself. Original coloured in outline.
Fic. 7. City oF LonpoN. From the same. The Itinerary to Jeru-
salem. By Matthew Paris. Original coloured.

This is one of the synoptical views common at the period. The
principal buildings shown are the three great churches mentioned in
the text, Westminster Palace, the Tower, the river, and the bridge.
The position of the city gates is however rather hopeless.

Fic. 8. SHIP AND CREW. From the Chapter House. Liber. A. Temp. -
Edward I.

Fic. 9. AARON, SON OF THE DEVIL. From the Forest Roll, Essex.
5 Edward I. Caricature of a Colchester Jew.

This important drawing was reproduced by photography for the
Catalogue of the Anglo-Jewish Exhibition, where it is the subject of
an interesting note. It has been drawn here from the original roll.

Fic. 10. BAKER AT WorK. From the Guildhall MSS. Assisa
Panis. Temp. Edward I.

Fic. 11. BAKER DRAWN TO THE PILLORY. From the Assisa
Panis.

Both these curious sketches have been reproduced in facsimile in
the Munimenta Gildhallz (Rolls Series).

Fic. 12. ARMS OF Norway. From the Liber A.

The Symbol for Norway at the Exchequer.

Fic. 13. BEARBAITING. From the same.

In this curious drawing, a clerk named “Haverhulle” has repre-
sented a youth named “‘ Tumbo” as in the act of leading (or teasing)
a muzzled bear, named Bosse, whose growling is represented by the
word “ Moee.”

Fic. 14. FALCON AND CourSsiNG Doc. From the Abbreviatio ot
Domesday. The original drawing is coloured.
Fic. 15. Hos-Gosin. From the Abbreviatio of Domesday.
Fic. 16. SAME. From the same.
Fic. 17. SAME. From the same.
Fic. 18. SAME. From the same.
FIG. 19. ECCLESIASTICAL COUNCIL. From the Royal MSS. 14,C.7,
fo. 126.
Drawn by Matthew Paris.
FIG. 20. CAVALIER. From the Liber A.
Running at the quintain. The symbol for Arragon at the Exchequer.
A  ppendix. 207

 

FIG. 21. THE ORDEAL OF BATTLE. From an Assize Roll. Temp.
Henry ITI.

The fragment containing this sketch was discovered some years
ago by the author amongst a heap of refuse where it had probably
lain from the time of Madox, who used it for the fine engraving in
his History of the Exchequer. The fragment thus discovered was
repaired and restored to a place of safety, the author having taken
steps to obtain a drawing from the original for the present work. In
the meantime a legal journal obtained a reproduction of it, and
shortly afterwards the entire heading of the fragment was photo-
graphed on behalf of the Selden Society, appearing as the frontispiece
of vol. i. of its publications.

FIG. 22. HENRY BisHOP OF WINCHESTER, PaPAL LEGATE. From
the Cotton MSS. Nero, D. 7, fo. 87>.

This prelate was one of the benefactors of St. Alban’s, of whom an
illuminated roll is preserved in this MSS., which is of the date of the
close of the 14th century. The original drawings are coloured ; the
flesh colours being particularly fine.

FIG. 23. DOVER CASTLE. From the Royal MSS. 14, C. 7.
The Itinerary to Jerusalem, by Matthew Paris.
FIG. 24. Paris AND ST. DENIS. From the same.
FIG. 25. POPE PRESENTING BULL. From the Liber A.
FIG. 26. CHESSBOARD. From the Memoranda Roll, 19 Henry III.

The symbol of the Exchequer counting-table.

Fic. 27. EXCHEQUER TALLIES. From the originals at the Public
Record Office.

These, with several other tallies, were photographed to form a
plate in the Introductory Volume (3) of the Pipe Roll Society’s
publications. They have been drawn here from the originals, which
are of about the date of the close of Henry III.’s reign. The in-
scriptions will be found deciphered in the volume above referred to.

Fic. 28. ST. JOHN THE EVANGELIST. From the Black Book of the
Exchequer (vol. i.).

St. John is represented here as an Exchequer scribe. This was
one of the recognised symbols of the four evangelists, all of whom
are portrayed in this MS., which is of the latter part of the 13th
century, as well as in much earlier MSS.

Fic. 29. BESANT OR BYZANTINE COIN. From the British Museum
collection.

A gold coin, 'probably the depreciated solidus of the Eastern
Empire, which was occasionally paid into the Exchequer by Jews or
208 A ppendrx.

 

alien merchants. These Besants, though regarded with great dis-
favour by the officials of the Exchequer, seem to have been readily
enough accepted by the King in the treasury of his chamber as fines
for licenses or other concessions, since probably he was able to dis-
pose of them in his continental expeditions.

Fic. 30. SILVER PENNY OF HENRY II. From the British Museum
collection.

This, as explained in the Dialogus de Scaccario, was the only coin
in use at the period, and therefore the word “penny” stood for
money generally. The coin reproduced here was struck by Isaak,
the moneyer of York. It is possibly due to the frequent employment
of Jews as moneyers that the kings of the Norman and early Plan-
tagenet period are represented with such a fierce aspect. Ralph
Niger’s description of the relations between this King and the Jews
are well known, and is probably as true on the whole as Madox’s
pithy version of similar relations under King John. There was a
mint at York which was repaired a few years later than this on the
issue of a new currency.

Fic. 31. A SCOTCH FOOT-SOLDIER, From the Liber A.

This description of the drawing is based on the fact that it stands
as one of the symbols for Scotland at the Exchequer. A good deal
of information with respect to the equipment of foot soldiers, who
were largely composed of Celtic mercenaries, may be gathered from
the Wardrobe Account of Edward the First’s reign published by the
Society of Antiquaries of London.

Fic. 32. A WELSH FOOT-SOLDIER. From the Liber A.

Fic. 33. AN IRISH FOOT-SOLDIER. From the same.

Fic. 34. A WELSH ARCHER. From the same.

Fic. 35. ADAM THE SACRISTAN OF ST. ALBANS. From the Cotton
MSS. Nero, D. vii.

This was the officer actually holding office at the monastery at the
date of our narrative.

Fic. 36. Lactuca Leporina. From a 12th century Herbal in the
King’s Library, British Museum. No. 78.
_ Fic. 37. St. SWITHIN. From the Liber A.
Fic. 38. WILLIAM FiTzSimon, LoRD oF HATFIELD. From the
Cotton MSS. Nero, D. 7.

From the Roll of the benefactors of St. Alban’s.

Fic. 39. SIMON ABBOT OF ST. ALBAN’s. From the Cotton MSS.
Nero, D. i., fo. 48>.
NOTES AND REFERENCES TO CHAPTER I.

1. THE FAMILY OF ANSTEY.

THE descent of the family of Anesti, or Anstey, has been preserved
among the genealogies of the noble families of Essex, which were asso-
ciated in the twelfth century with the ancient honour of Boulogne. In
Domesday Book there are at least nine manors so called in different
counties of England, a fact which merely indicates a typical Saxon place-
name, and precludes the possibility of connecting the individual tenants
with a common family stock. Therefore it would be difficult either to
assign the headship of the later family of Anstey to a Yorkshire or a
Wiltshire branch, or to conjecture from which of these two, or indeed
from any other of that name, the lords of the eastern barony were de-
rived. We know, however, that a lord of Anesti was settled in Hertford-
shire—presumably as the heir of some Norman successor to Harold’s
ejected tenant—during the reign of Stephen, and that he greatly increased
the extent of the family possessions by a fortunate marriage with the
sister and heiress of a fellow baronial tenant.

‘The circumstances of this marriage have given rise to several diffi-
culties in deducing a satisfactory pedigree of the Norman family of
Sackville. This has been given by the heralds and county historians
most inaccurately, the descent of Richard de Anesti from his childless
uncle’s daughter being only one of ‘numerous anachronisms due to the
usual desire for placing certain recorded names in a plausible genealo-
gical sequence. This conventional pedigree was rejected by Sir Francis
Palgrave, who was not able, however, to offer any satisfactory explan-
ation of the difficulty. Those who wish to consult the evidence available
for this purpose should refer to the valuable note on the family of Anstey
at the commencement of vol. 2 of “‘ The English Commonwealth,” also to
Morant’s “ Essex,” and to John of Salisbury’s Report to Pope Alexander
III., printed in Rymer from Ep. 89.

. The family of Sackville is commonly derived from a Norman ancestor
named Herbrand, who flourished under the Conqueror. No mention of
this worthy occurs in Domesday Book, but a Richard de Sackville is
mentioned incidentally as connected with Essex. The position of the
lord of Anstey in the Sackville pedigree depends on two isolated pieces
of evidence. The first is the statement of John of Salisbury, about 1160,

aL a8: P
210 Appendix.

 

that Richard de Anesti was son of William de Sackville’s sister. We
also learn from the litigation between his nephew and his cousin Mabel
de Francheville, that William de Sackville’s father was alive in 1143. This
therefore could scarcely have been the Herbrand de Sackville of 1079, as
stated in the accepted pedigree. This part of the evidence may thus be
tabulated as follows,—

[Herbrand de Sackville,
circa 1079.]

Son, “ving 1143.
|

 

2 T |
Adeliza, =William=Albreda de Tregoz. daughter=[Richard]
daur. of Aubrey | d@. circa de Anesti.
the Sheriff. 1158
Mabel, Richard de Anesti,
mar. before 1158. of age before 1158, a. circa

1199.
The second piece of tangible evidence is contained in an entry on the
Plea Rolls of Henry III., and a memorandum in the Register of Colchester
Abbey there recited. Here the above pedigree is vouched for as follows :

R. de Sackville,
William de Sackville.

 

| | |

Jordan. Agnes=Ric. de Anesti. Hodierna= , Gernon,
Hubert de Anesti, Ralph Gernon,
temp. John. temp. Ric. L.

Nicholas de Anesti

Dionysia=W. de Montecaniso, Ralph Gernon,
before 1244. alive 1244.

There is an obvious difficulty about this descent which’ flatly contradicts

both the contemporary statements of the Papal legates and the narrative

of Richard de Anesti himself. According to this pedigree, the latter must

have married William de Sackville’s sister instead of his daughter, and

could not in any case have been his father-in-law’s sole heir in face of
~ other issue.

The only solution of the problem that can be reasonably suggested, is
Appendix. 211

 

that there were two Williams de Sackville, and that the nephew of one
of these, Richard de Anesti, married his kinswoman, Agnes, the daughter
of the second William de Sackville.

The sole reason that can be assigned for deriving Agnes de Sackville
from a younger line is in the undoubted connection of the lords of Berg-
holt with the Church of Colchester. Otherwise it might be suggested
that the relationship between Richard and Agnes (which is of course a
stumbling-block) might have been far more remote that that of cousins-
german. In proof of the supposition that other branches of the family
may have existed unnoticed, it may be inquired who was the Alexander
de Sackville, canon of St. Paul’s czvca 1160, whois not mentioned in the
Essex genealogy, while it is at least unsatisfactory to discover that there
is equally no mention of Richard de Anesti’s daughter. Therefore I have
not hesitated to substitute the name of William as the father of this
Agnes, in place of Jordan lord of Bergholt, rather than resort to the
extreme measure of supplying two entirely fresh persons of that name,
which was Sir Francis Palgrave’s only alternative. At the same time it
will be noticed that the William de Sackville from whom Richard de
Anesti inherited as nephew, was also on intimate terms with the brethren
of Colchester, who attended him in his last hours according to John of
Salisbury’s report ; but this intimacy would naturally follow from that
of the family at Bergholt. After all some emendation is perhaps to be
allowed in the face of the reputed descent of Richard de Anesti’s uncle
from a father who flourished in 1079, but who can be proved to have been
alive in 1143. The same recklessness in respect of chronology appears
at almost every point of this pedigree, and indeed of most others of that
class.

Considerable obscurity has prevailed regarding the family of William
de Sackville’s divorced wife Adeliza, the mother of Richard de Anesti’s
pertinacious adversary, Mabel de Francheville. She is described only as
“ daughter of Aubrey the Sheriff,” but this is perhaps sufficient to indicate
Albericus de Ver, who figures in the Essex Pipe Roll of 1130. Another
clue is to be found in the statement made during litigation, that William
de Sackville was dissatisfied with the social position of his contracted
bride, Albreda de Tregoz, who was merely of knightly‘ family, and was
desirous of a more ambitious marriage alliance, doubtless with the
daughter of a “count.” It is a curious fact that Albreda, the childless
wife of William de Sackville, had issue by a second husband.

It would be interesting to ascertain the exact position of the family of
Glanvill in the Sackville pedigree ; but although there is a positive state-
ment that William de Glanvill married Beatrice de Sackville, the sister
212 Appendix.

 

of Agnes and Hodierna, in the reign of Henry I., this can hardly be recon-
ciled with the second pedigree given above. It is perfectly clear that
Ranulph, the famous justiciar, and one of the issues of this marriage, was
the kinsman and contemporary, if not senior, of Richard de Anesti, and
therefore Beatrice, instead of being sister to the latter’s wife, more probably
belonged to an earlier generation. No pedigree of the family of Anstey
has made mention of Richard’s daughter. In the Pipe Roll for 1175, her
father fined with the King for her marriage, which had been given to
Adam de Sanford. The family of Sanford seems to have been settled at
Nuthampstead, and probably this Adam was Lord of the Manor of Great
Hormead. He was a tenant of the Crown by the serjeanty of the
chamberlainship of the Queen’s household, a position also held by several
of his descendants. He was also a tenant of the honour of Boulogne.

At one time I was in doubt as to the accuracy of the accepted pedigree
of Anstey in the next generation, owing to an apparent confusion be-
tween Richard and Nicholas de Anstey, his grandson, but this is probably
due to a mistake in the Red Book at fo. 269, and in several entries of
the Testa, where “ Nich.,” should evidently be read for “Rich.” There
can be no doubt that Hubert de Anstey was Richard’s son, and the
father of Nicholas, the last male of his house.

2. ANESTI AND ST, PAUL’S.

There appears to have been an intimate local connection between the
Church of St. Paul and Richard of Anesti’s kinsmen and friends during
the reign of Henry II., a fact which is, however, scarcely surprising when
we consider the large landed interest of that Church in the eastern
counties. Among the canons of this period we meet with the names of
Alexander de Sackville and William his nephew, William de Ver, and a
priest named Alberic, who may have been one of the same family, of
whom another member was a prominent fellow of the college at Wal-
tham. There are also records of numerous transactions with the Middle-
sex family of Anstey, and notably with a lady named Dionysia. The
name of Ralph Brito appears as that of a clerk in 1180, and it is inter-
esting to remember that Richard de Luci had granted one of his Essex
manors to the son of this eminent justice, who was also himself possessed
of lands in the county, and who indeed farmed the Honour of Boulogne
for many years in this reign. The King’s famous Treasurer, Richard
FitzNigel is, of course frequently mentioned. It is perhaps strange that
no notice has hitherto been made of his brother, William the English-
man (so-called in contradistinction to a fellow-clerk, William the French-
Appendix. 213

 

man), who certainly sat at the Exchequer, and may well have been the
Discipulus of the “ Dialogus de Scaccario,” who is frequently addressed
by the author as “Frater.” This personage has been introduced in the
course of the present work, together with the equally obscure brother of
the great Justiciar, William de Glanvill, to whom the authorship of our
earliest legal text-book has been ascribed by some writers.

A more important circumstance in connection with the identification
of William FitzNigel, is the means of supplying the name of a hitherto
obscure Treasurer, for it can be almost conclusively proved from an entry
in the Pipe Roll of John, that the William who appears among the barons
of the Exchequer in Madox’s list, succeeded the Bishop of London as
the King’s Treasurer, and was, in fact, none other than his brother,
William the Englishman. The entry in question is in the form of a
pardon to William the Treasurer on account of the arrears of the profits
of the manors of Essendon and Beiford, lately enjoyed by Richard Fitz
Nigel, and for which the said William should have accounted (as his
brother’s administrator) to the new grantee. We find from consecutive
entries in the Hertfordshire Pipe Roll, that Richard had held these Jands
from the Crown, valued at £20 yearly, since the year 1177.

It is also pretty evident, from certain clerical errors in the Pipe Rolls of
this period, that at least one of the scribes was familiar with the local
names of Anstey and Essendon, since in several instances these names
have been written or begun instead of place-names similar in sound in
the accounts of other counties. These slips may be attributed, perhaps,
to an abstractedness on the part of some clerk of the Receipt, who was
closely related either with Richard of Anstey and the Treasurer Fitz
Nigel, or with some of their kinsmen among the Canons of St. Paul's.

Lastly, on the list of Canons of St. Paul’s, the name of Gervase, scribe
of the Great Roll, occurs, recalling the time-honoured tradition which
attributed the famous treatise on the Exchequer to a Gervase of Tilbury,
who has never yet (in spite of the Bishop of Oxford’s masterly examina-
tion of the conflicting claims of the literary Gervases of the period) been
satisfactorily accounted for. It will be remembered that internal evi-
dence points unmistakeably to the composition of this treatise by one
who had filled the office of Scribe of the Treasurer’s Roll. Now Richard
FitzNigel may well have been the same Richard who preceded Gervase
in this important post, and who moreover seems to have relinquished it
about the time that Bishop Nigel’s son is known to have acted as deputy
Treasurer. The Church of St. Paul had a local connection with Kent,
and it seems quite possible that the early bibliographers, being aware
of Gervase the Canon’s official position, assigned the authorship of
214 Appendix.

 

the “‘ Dialogus” to him from the above internal evidence, the surname
of the best-known literary Gervase of the period being added as a
later embellishment.

3. THE MANOR OF ANSTEY.

The manor and castle of Anstey, in Hertfordshire, was situated some |
five miles north-eastward of Buntingford, beside the old Roman road
which ran from Colchester to Cambridge.

In Domesday this manor belonged to Count Eustace, and its extent
was returned as three hides in demesne and two in villeinage, with two
and five plough-teams respectively, and a due proportion of meadow,
pasture, and wood. There was also a half hide in little Anstey apparently.
This manor, including little Anstey and little Hormead, seems to have
formed the neucleus of the Hertfordshire estates of the barony of Sack-
ville. Besides these there were lands in Braching and Berkden. The
bulk of the barony, however, was in Essex. Therefore it is probable
that the husband of William de Sackville’s sister, and father of the
Richard de Anesti who figures in this work, was one of the knights of
the Sackville barony in the reigns of Henry I. and Stephen. Subse-
quently, the barony was termed the honour of Sackville, probably from
the time of its becoming an escheat of the Crown until the decision of
the great Sackville succession case. It is a curious circumstance, too
little noticed, that these conventional honours were multiplied almost
indefinitely at the end of the 12th century and beginning of the 13th in
the technical parlance of the exchequer clerks. That is to say, the
barony of A. B. (known, however, only as his land) became as an escheat,
even for a short term, the honour of A.B. There was, in fact, a roll of
these honours (a fragment of one of which survives for the 31st year of
Henry II.), and a tendency to collect them on a separate membrane of
the Pipe Rolls. But the term was chiefly employed by clerical compilers
of aid-books, like Swereford. Hertford and Essex are especially rich in
examples during this period. A competent antiquary should give us a
history of these honours, and particularly of the honour of Boulogne.

County historians seem to have gone rather ‘astray in estimating the
extent of the Hertfordshire barony in the 12th and 13th centuries.
Morant states that Hubert de Anesti paid for ten knights’ fees in Herts
and Essex, and Palgrave quotes Morant* to the effect that Hubert paid
his relief for those ten fees. This, of course, is an embellishment, or if

 

* Morant, ii. ‘137.
Appendix. 215

 

intruded as a gloss, it is not a successful one, as the payment in question
was for the scutage of Normandy. I have never been able to make out
more than the five fees given in the Red Book, and suspect that the ten
knights is a mistaken reading of the ten »zarks paid in 1199 for five fees
according to the rate of two marks assessed in that year. Of course
every writer since Morant has copied his blunder and Palgrave’s, and
the date 1199 has actually been assigned for the death of Richard de
Anesti, on the strength of the interpolated “relief” hazarded by Palgrave.
' Such cases as this make one distrustful of county histories ; but those
who copy blindly, without troubling to check references, have only them-
selves to blame.

But this is not the worst, for having committed themselves to the ©
statement as to these ten fees, the above writers have actually invented
(as it appears to me) the names of one or more manors to make up the
deficiency in the authentic return. I have been very carefully through
the Carte and Scutages of the Red Book, the Hundred Rolls, and the
Testa de Nevill, but only five fees are mentioned, as follows :—Anstey,
Hormead (Parva), and Broughing, in Herts, three fees, including half a
fee in Berkendon; Radwell or Ridgewell, in Essex, two fees, including
apparently land in Pleissingho. In addition to these, however, Morant
has assumed that “Brachings,” in Herts, stands equally for “ Braxstead,”
in Essex, and he also assigns the Manor of Thuriton, Essex, to the
Anstey rent-roll. Palgrave includes the Surrey Manor of Nutfield among
the possessions of Richard de Anstey, but the Red Book mentions inci-
dentally that this was acquired by Hubert de Anstey, at a later date.
Moreover, it is by no means certain that any of the above five knights’
fees were in Essex at all, since the “ Redeswelle” fees may refer to the
obsolete Manor of Hormead Hall, formerly known as “ Redeswelle,”
especially as the only return for Ridgewell in Essex specifies a rent of
415 payable at the Exchequer in lieu of military service. But my know-
ledge of local history does not enable me to speak with confidence upon
this point, though I am inclined to suspect that this is the true reading.
It should be stated that no return of these fees exists for Henry II. or
Richard I. among the charters of the tenants of Boulogne, apparently
because they were accustomed to account directly to the king, probably
one of the numerous transactions zz Camerd Curie.

The Manor of Anstey itself may be considered to have contained the
approximate number of acres assigned to it by the lord in the present
narrative. The three hides in demesne of the Domesday Survey included
only 2 plough-lands, or some 240 acres, but there was enough arable for a
third plough-team which seems to have been adopted in a later period,
216 Appendix.

 

as the following extents, taken from Escheator’s Inquisitions and Mini-
sters’ Accounts will show :—

1313 ‘i : : 220 acres
1358 - oo - 299 4, (sown)
1377 : : : 410»

1402 ‘ : : 219 4, (sown)

There was at no time any great extent of pasture or meadow, but the
pannage of the woods was of some value.

4. THE CASTLE OF ANSTEY.

I have preferred to consider this historical building as having been
rather in the nature of a fortified manor house, than of a regular Norman
castle. It is true that Earl Eustace must have built many strong places ;
but besides the probability of most of these having been destroyed in
1095, or at least in 1154, it is highly erroneous to suppose that there was
only one type of mansion house in this period—that of the conventional
castle. If Anstey had been such a fortress, we should either have received
some contemporary notice of it, or traces of the foundations would have
survived. It was doubtless a common practice to build a manor house
on one of those hillocks (the “colliculi” of Mat. Paris) raised by some
freak of nature or by the industry of Roman or British engineers. The
mansion house of Bures, in Essex, another of the Sackville manors,
seems to have been a similar structure. Moreover, it is not sufficiently
remembered that the archi-type of every residence of the period was the
Gothic hall, and it mattered really little whether this was surrounded
with battlemented walls or guarded by a precipitous cliff. At the same
time, I do not speak with the least authority upon this point ; only it is
refreshing sometimes to discard conventional forms, especially when we
instinctively feel that the departure is warranted by the historical re-
quirements of the case. Indeed, there is some reason to believe that the
“castle” of Anstey was a feudal fiction for the purpose of some obscure
service. I have not been able to trace the story of the demolition of some
part of the building under Henry III. owing to the part taken by Nicholas,
the last lord of Anstey, in the barons’ wars. This at least implies that the
military structure was first erected at the end of John’s reign. But, as
partial proof of the correctness of the theory that I have here advanced,
the scattered entries relating to the repairs of the “castle” (as it was still
called in the reign of Edward III.), in the ministers’ accounts, may be
adduced. Here we have mention of a moat and a great gate within the
moat, and also of sheep folds and granges, and other farm buildings
Appendix. 217

 

within this inclosure, with a central mansion and domestic offices at-
tached. This is in fact just such a manor house as that of Chingford,
an admirable ground-plan of which is given among the muniments of
St. Paul’s above referred to, some eighty years later :—

“A sufficient and fair hall, well ceiled with oak, together with a capital
(honestus) parlour on the ground-floor at the west part, with a fire-
place of stone, and a gardrobe, and a certain other small chamber,
and at the east end a pantry and a butlery.

Between the Hall and Chapel a certain chamber.*

A decent Chapel, roofed with tiles, and a certain portable altar and one
small cross,

In the Hall four tables on trestles.

A good Kitchen, roofed with tiles, with a furnace and ovens, one
great and another small for sweetmeats, and two tables, and next the
kitchen a small house for baking.

A new granary of oak, roofed with tiles.

A house in which is contained the Dairy, but it is divided.

A sufficient chamber for the clerks, with.a necessary chamber.

A hen-house.

These are within the inner gate.

Also without that gate: an ancient house for the serving men. A
stable long, good, and divided, and at the end towards the North,
beyond the lesser stable, a solar for the use of the serving men.

Also a house in which is contained bedding. :

Also two granges, the one for wheat and the other for oats.

Now these buildings are inclosed with moated walls, and a stockade.

Also without the middle gate a good grange, and one cattle-fold for the
cows, and one for the oxen, both old and ruinous.

Also without the outer gate one piggery.”

5. THE MANOR FARM OF ANSTEY.

I have experienced great difficulties in attempting to describe the state
of agriculture at the close of the 12th century. With regard to Anstey
itself, no ministers’ accounts survive earlier than the reign of Edward III.,
and these have proved of greater value for topographical than for
economic purposes. At the same time, reduced to the standard of Prices
of the 12th century with the aid of the statistics derived from the Pipe

 

* The word ‘‘tresencia”” here seems the same with “‘tresantia” which was a parlour
ina monastery. It may, however, mean a screen.
218 Appendix.

 

Rolls and the Winchester accounts, these rolls furnish us with a fair idea
of the condition of agriculture in this manor, when few changes took place
in the course of several centuries.

The seneschal renders his account from Michaelmas to Michaelmas.
In the first place he is charged with the gross receipts from the manor,
namely, the rents of assize at six terms of the year; also with rents of
farm ; with the issues of sales of pasture (the agistament of swine, etc.),
of brush-wood from the woods, and of rents in kind, namely, poultry and
eggs. Also with rents of dove-cotes, hen-runs, and cow-pastures. Also
with the proceeds of task-works commuted by payment, including
ploughwork upon the demesne.

These works appear to have been computed as follows :—

Winter works for 43 weeks, between Michaelmas and August, 2495,
being performed by the 28 customary tenants of the manor, in the 33rd
year, namely,—

6 tenants, 3 days’ work in every week.
17 ” 2 ” ”
5 ” I ” ”

247 of these works were sold at $d. and 58 at 12, and there were many
defaults, including the loss of works that fell upon feast-days. The 6
greater customaries also performed 6 ploughworks in the winter season.

These same customary tenants performed 894 autumn works, during
8 weeks, from August to Michaelmas. Apart from these they also per-
formed 128 works in mowing the lord’s corn, but in this case 53 persons
were engaged, and as manyas 58 received rations—chiefly salted herrings
—for 181 bene works of this nature. As all these are spoken of as
customaries, women and children must have been largely employed in
harvest-work.

The seneschal is also charged with the sales of corn and stock. Ina
perfect minister’s account a schedule of the grain received into and issued
out of the grange should be separately given, showing the proportions
sold, used for seed, and bestowed upon the several officers and labourers
respectively. About an equal acreage of wheat and oats seems to have
been under tillage, while that of barley was slightly less than pease.

There was a custom in this manor by which in addition to the usual
rations for harvest-work, certain acres and roods were set apart for the
labourers upon the manor. Thus, to the carter and the 3 teamsters were
allotted one acre of wheat and one of pease each, they receiving the
above in lieu of wages. The smith also had one acre of both kinds. The
shepherd and his three helps each 3 roods of both. The ploughmen
Appendix. 219

 

and the cowherd one rood each of both kinds, called “ ox-roods” or “ cow-
roods” ; and the reaper also one rood of both, called the “ bene-roods.”
The sales of stock are, as usual, made up of surplus oxen, stots, sheep,

and poultry—including the hides or pelts of these animals,—and eggs.

Lastly, the profits of the courts held during the year, together with
escheats, are credited to the lord.

On the other hand, the seneschal is allowed for the usual outgoings :
purchase of stock, plough-oxen to make up the teams, cows or a bull to
replenish the herd, with yearlings, two-year-olds and chickens,to be
fattened and resold at a profit ; fees and wages of officers and labourers,
beyond the customary allowances of corn and flesh, including in this case
payments to the reeve, dairy-woman, ‘miller, woodward, and shepherd.
The seneschal’s travelling expenses are also charged here, and the clerical
expenses incurred in preparing the account. The smith’s bill is neces-
sarily a heavy item, while periodically quite an army of tilers and
carpenters and masons has to be maintained for the repair of the
ruinous farm buildings. Lastly, there is a varying expenditure in renew-
ing the implements of the farm and dairy or the machinery of the mill.

It will be at once evident that such a statement of account as this
differs very slightly in form and substance from that of a much later age.
In the same degree, at the least, it may be held to resemble the economy
of an earlier period. Indeed, there is room for an important change in
one respect only, and herein, contrary perhaps to our expectation and to
the general opinion, we find little or no change made. I allude to the
employment of customary labour before the great pestilence of 1349, on a
more complete and profitable system than was practicable, in spite of the
Statute of Labourers, during the subsequent period. This assumption is
not I believe warranted by the evidence of the earliest surviving minister’s
accounts, which seem to indicate that from the end of the 12th century
the profitable cultivation of the lord’s demesne was mainly dependent on
the employment of a full staff of paid labourers, and that the customary
labour of the villagers was merely auxiliary, and at the same time so
perfunctory as to have been held of small account. It would appear,
indeed, that during this earlier period the customary labour in question
was performed with commendable regularity. Defaulters were mercilessly
fined, and commutation of task-works is rare. In spite of this, however,
the staff of paid farm-servants and officers was as large as in the sub-
sequent period, when the villagers were allowed to commute their task-
works at a moderate rate. We are almost tempted to suspect ‘that the
lord actually preferred their pennies to their honest toil, and that by the
increase of the issues of his court in the shape of fines, he was a consider-
220 Appendix.

 

able gainer through the praedial agitation. This, however, can scarcely
be the case, since in many other manors these works, both in the earlier
and later periods, were defined rigorously, and enforced on the system of
piece-work. Therefore we are led to infer that there was a superabund-
ance of customary labour, which allowed of a profitable commutation
even at the low rates then in force; and further, that the real loss to the
lord was in respect of the rise of wages paid to the more valuable and
indispensable class of farm-servants.

I have taken as the basis of a description of the state of agriculture
within the manor of Anstey the ministers’ accounts for the see of
Winchester at several dates between the reigns of John and Edward IIL.,
in order to arrive at a rough estimate of the relative distribution of
wealth in the earlier and later periods. Working backwards in this way
through the accounts of two or three manors of almost equal extent and
similar cultivation with that of Anstey, I have come to the conclusion
that the description of that manor in the earliest surviving rolls, outlined
above, would be substantially the same at the close of the 12th century.
In fact, the close resemblance in the nature and arrangement of the
contents of a typical minister’s account in both periods is quite remark-
able. The only appreciable difference is in the inevitable variation of
prices. Even the separate schedule for the “Issues of the Grange” is
found alike in 1209 and 1369. Of course all such reasoning by analogy
is apt to prove fallacious, but for my own part I am thoroughly con-
vinced that if a minister’s account of the manor of Anstey could be
produced for the tenth year of John, it would be found to agree in
almost every particular with the surviving roll for the thirty-second year
of Edward III. The Winchester rolls* referred to here have been de-
scribed as Pipe Rolls. In fact, however, they are ordinary minister’s
accounts, and the two specimens of the series which happen to be
preserved among the Public Records have always been regarded as
such. J am aware of one other account only which embraces such an
early period as these interesting muniments, and this, though rather
in the nature of an escheator’s extract than a bailiffs account, is notice-
able as perhaps the earliest manorial account in official custody. The
date of this account is the 12th year of John.

I had originally formed the intention of giving some specimens of
these accounts for the earlier and later periods in this Appendix ; but

 

* Preserved amongst the muniments of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, No. 159,
270. These rolls have been described by Professor Maitland in his now famous Intro-
duction to vol. ii. of the Selden Society's publications.

+ Treasury of Receipt, Ancient Miscellanea, 29.

x
Appendix. 221

 

as this Note has already assumed unwieldy proportions, I have thought
it more desirable to insert a table of prices of farm produce, extracted
from the Pipe Rolls between the 12th and 33rd years of Henry II., as
being the only strictly contemporary evidence bearing upon the state
of agriculture in the counties of Essex and Herts now available to us.

PRICES OF FARM PRODUCE FROM THE PIPE ROLLS OF
HENRY II. ESSEX AND HERTS.

Date. Description. Number or Weight = .Average Price.

12 Henry II. Oxen 58 38
Cart horses 16 38
Cows 35 3
Bulls 2 38

14 Henry II. Sows 28 1s
Boars 2 Is
Sheep 686 42
Porcelli 20 4%
Juvenci 16 1s 434

22 Henry II. Wheat 60'4s 1s 8?
Beans 2olds i 44
Bacons 140 2s 14
Cheese 200 2d

Ditto (great) 50 64
Ditto roves 43 64

28 Henry II. Oxen 21 38
Cart horses 2 38

31 Henry II. Oxen 15 48
Sheep 85 84
Oats (seed) 200!4s 1s 64
Barley (seed) 8ids 28 24
Wheat (seed) 16! 28 10d

32 Henry II. Oxen 8 58
Cows 8 3
Sheep 132 64

33 Henry II. Oxen 12 5s
Cart-horses 3 58
Cows 4 s
Bull I 38
Sheep 66 64

Pigs 16 82
222 Appendix.

 

PRICES OF FARM PRODUCE FROM THE PIPE ROLL
19 HENRY II.

County. Description. Number or Weight. Average Price.
Kent. Wheat. 4oolds 28 84
Ditto. 1284s 28 334
Ditto. Too!ds 28 4
Peas and Beans. 27/45 1s 744
Ditto. 2o'4s 1s 8¢
Bacons, 200. 2s 8d
Ditto. _ 60. 28 8d
Ditto. 50. 23) 8a
: Cheese. roweighs 48 4234
Sussex. Wheat. 4o'ss 2s 534
Great cheeses. 100, 4g
Wilts, Wheat. 120148 38 62
Beans. 2o!ds 38
Bacons. 120. 1s og
Cheeses. 400, ada
Norfolk and Wheat. 286! 2s 149
Suffolk, Ditto. 2004s 25 24
Ditto. roo!ds 1s $4
Beans. 26's is 72
Bacons. 195. 2s 34
Ditto. 100. 2:
Ditto. 100, 1s 1034
Cheeses. 656. 332
Ditto. 500. 2a
Ditto. 100, 344
Oxon. Wheat. Too!ds 1s 6¢
Bacons. 50. 18 53¢
Cheese. 4vcighs 4s 62
Worcester. Wheat. 6ol4s 1 gd
Bacons. 60. 1s rod
Notts and Wheat. 4ols 1s 44
Derby. Ditto. 3305 Is 532
Ditto. 30% 1s 8d
Bacons 40 28 qed
Ditto. 20 28 10fd
Ditto 20 1s r1pd

Cheeses 60 394
N
Nw
Ges

Appendix.

 

County. Description. Number or Weight. Average Price.
Warwick and Wheat. Too!ds 1s 84
Leicester. Bacons. 100 : 1s 64
Cheeses. 130 49
Ditto. go 43
Cows, salted. 50 28
Ditto. 40 , 28
London. Wheat. 25 gids 15 rox?
Ditto. 42'4s 1s 10?
Bacons. 184 28 834
Ditto. 9 1s 9?
Cheese. goweighs 48 834

6. THE PLOUGH TAX.

It is not necessary, and it would moreover be quite unsatisfactory, to
discuss here the burhing question of English and Norman land measures
as used in Domesday Survey. Those who wish to join the band of
enthusiasts who have devoted so much time and ingenuity to this
absorbing subject, should consult (perhaps in the order named) the
classical works of Sir Henry Ellis, Mr. Eyton, and Mr. Seebohm, before
grappling with the more advanced theories of Canon Taylor, Mr. J. H.
Round, Mr. Pell, and others, printed in the recent volume of “ Domesday
Studies.” The matter is only of immediate interest in connection with
the typical manor of the year 1177, from the evidence which seems to
point to a general change in the method of land assessment from the end
of the 12th century onwards. By some this has been thought to amount
to no less than a complete systemization of the old Saxon and Norman
land-tax in accordance with the scientific principles of assessment at the
Exchequer. Certainly the statement of such a well-informed writer as
Richard FitzNigel, supported as it is by that of at least one other con-
temporary historian of high repute, to the effect that the ploughland of
the last twenty years of the 12th century was officially computed at 100
acres, should be considered worthy of serious attention. At the same
time, we cannot disguise the fact that the evidence in point is somewhat
unsatisfactory. The Bishop of London, for instance, who above all others
would have been versed in such a science of assessment, practically dis-
claims all personal knowledge of the subject, merely giving as his authority
for the general average of 100 acres, the “common opinion” of his official
contemporaries and referring his questioner to the verdict of provincial
wise-acres. So, too, Hoveden, who is another principal authority for this
aay, Appendix.

 

statement, merely quotes the alleged return of certain local inquisitions to
establish the prevalent extent of the ploughland which, moreover, is not
distinguished as being a geldable or an arable unit. Mr. Round, who is
probably the highest living authority upon this subject, has boldly chal-
lenged the accepted theory of a new levy under the name of a carucage
in connection with an all-round assessment on the 100 acres,* and un-
doubtedly it is unreasonable to assume that a tax laid upon a conven-
tional ploughland of 100 acres by a nice process of adjustment which
may prove to be almost identical with the more elaborate system of the
Norman surveys, is the same as the somewhat later assessment calculated
upon the average value of the plough-teams. It may be pointed out, how-
ever, that in either case for every ploughland a normal plough-team was
understood, each plough representing the means of existence of an
average number of contributors, in the same way as it was afterwards
employed as the unit of calculation in the depopulation returns of the
Tudor and Stuart periods. The real object of the official assessors seems
to have been the same in the earlier period or in the later, even as early
as the year 1177—namely, to distribute all the common or imperial taxes
payable at the Exchequer over a number of average hides. ¢

I would venture to offer a new suggestion here as possibly throwing
some light upon the matter. The common assize was in the 12th
century at least employed for the greater convenience and security
of collecting certain incidents of imperial taxation. Thus the assart
fines incurred within a given district were assessed on a fixed scale and
charged upon every acre assarted. So, too, certain extraordinary aids or
in other cases particular amercements were assessed in the same way
upon every hide or carucate of a hundred. But the peculiarity of the
assessment was this, that a separate calculation was made in the first
place of the total sum required from or incurred by the subjects in each
county, and the whole amount being thus put in charge was afterwards
broken up and apportioned among the tenants at large. We may
observe that this comprehensive method of assessment was at all times
a favourite expedient of the Government, and may be traced in several
different forms and at a much later date, being even applied to the
military levies of the Tudor period. .

It is quite possible that the system may have been adapted to the

 

* English Historical Review, July, 1888.

+ “Fiunt interdum communes assisee . . . que ideo dicuntur communes,
quia cognita summa quze de comitatu requiritur, communiter ab his qui in comitatu
fundos habent per hidas distribuitur, ut nihil desit de illa cum ventum fuerit ad
caccarium solutionis.”’"—Dzalogus de Scaccario, i. 8.
Atpendix. 225

 

assessment of monetary rents in a primitive period of society ; that is to
say, it may not have been the practice to estimate a gross revenue as an
aggregate of rents, but having decided upon a fair rental for the whole
outland, the lord would apportion it indiscriminately throughout the
several hides or their subdivisions, down to the acre. Thus rents of
assize may have once conveyed a deeper meaning than mere fixity
of assessment, and indeed in the case of the crown-lands which paid
rents in kind down to the reign of Henry L., it is difficult to see how a less
comprehensive scheme could have been adapted to the intelligence of the
royal bailiffs. I will not press this analogy further or seek to connect the
common assize with the financial functions of the ten-man-tale on the
one hand, or the judicial apparatus of the wdcdmetum on the other. It is
at least clear that the Exchequer officials gave more heed to the lump
sum charged upon the county in respect of the king’s farms, or for the
satisfaction of the king’s peace or dignity, and required from the sheriff
or bailiff, than to the trivial details of extents and valuations of individual
holdings, the nature of which they contemptuously referred to the verdict
of the legal men of the hundred, regarding a ploughland or a plough-
team or a ploughshare alone as an equally convenient unit of taxation, on
the basis of twenty shillings value for the hundred acres of arable ; unless
indeed a more exact return were required for a special occasion. !

7. THE ANSTEY MANOR COURT.

I have introduced this subject with considerable hesitation, partly be-
cause it is in itself a very obscure one, but especially on account of my
own imperfect learning. Still it is necessary to venture a few remarks in
explanation of the description given in this Chapter of the Anstey manor
court at the end of the 12th century, and for the purpose of comparison
with the surviving court rolls of the same manor which are nearly two
centuries later. Just as a close resemblance can be traced in the system
of account at the manorial audits of the 12th and 14th centuries, so it is
possible to conjecture from the issues of the lord’s court entered on the
earliest minister’s accounts that very similar matters occupied the atten-
tion of the suitors in either period. Thus such entries as the following,
from the Winchester accounts of 1207 and 1209, may be reasonably looked
for in almost any court roll of Edward III.’s reign :—

 

1 “Et quot sunt carucz, et quantum singulz valeant, non zestimantes eas ad
pretium xx. solidorum tantum, sed secundum quod terra fuerit vel bona vel mala,
crescat vel decrescat pretium.”—Capztula Placitorum Corone Regis, Hoveden, iii. 262.

Ge: Q
226 Appendix.

 

“A. B., because he departed from the boon-work of the lord without
license.”

“C. D., because he did not come to the lord’s day-works.”

“E, F., for ill-keeping of the corn.”

“G, H., for his pigs found in the lord’s pasture.”

“T. K., because he refused to carry the lord’s man on his journey.”

“CL. M, for the marriage of his daughter?

“N. O., for a false claim.”

Nevertheless, as no court rolls are extant for the earlier period in ques-
tion, it is not wise to push this partial resemblance too far. Indeed, from
the analogy of Curia Regis (of which the Curia Baronis may reasonably
be regarded as the feudal reflection), a considerable change in form and
procedure must have taken place about the beginning of the 13th century.
I do not mean by this that the manor court is henceforth to be regarded
as a cut and dried jurisdiction,—at one time a court baron or hall-moot,
and at another time a court leet or view of frank pledge, now the court of
the free and now of the customary tenants, —but merely that as the king’s
court finally emerged from. the quasi-patriarchal into the official state
from a variety of causes which took effect in the reigns of Richard I. and
John, so we may consider that the Barons’ Courts enjoyed a greater
' simplicity of procedure than is commonly imagined, at least as late as
the close of the reign of Henry II. The system of the Exchequer, on the
other hand, exhibits no such important change, and therefore although, as
I have previously suggested, the ministers’ accounts of the last-mentioned
reign might be expected to resemble in almost every particular those of
the middle of the 14th century, the style and functions of the manor-
court would doubtless differ materially in each period in proportion as
the procedure of the Curia Regis itself had undergone important modifi-
cations.

The hall-moot of the lord of Anstey in the year 1177 was probably a
very simple affair indeed, but the courts of which the proceedings are
reported in 1360 and subsequent years exhibit an orderly and technical
procedure which had doubtless been in progress for more than a century
previously.

There was a court here called the general court, and held apparently
on the usual feast-days. There was also at irregular intervals a court with
a leet connected with the view of frank pledge. The proceedings of the
court were briefly as follows :

First, those who had need assoigned themselves, and new “ days ”
were assigned to them. Then certain great tenants of the manor were
‘Appendix. 227

 

set down as defaulters. Of these one excused himself by the king’s writ,
two others pleaded their knighthood, and were fined twelve pence each,
three who were in ward were fined vicariously, and two more, being in
the lord’s hand, were satisfactorily accounted for.. Others again fined to
be free of suit to the lord’s court during the current year or some part of
it. At this point admittances were often made. A. B. and his wife
come into the full court and resign their lands holden of that manor into
the lord’s hands to the use of C. D. The lands in question are then
granted to the latter to hold to himself and his heirs by certain services’
and customs according to the custom of the manor. He pays twelve
pence for entry, and does fealty on the spot. Sometimes only the fealty
of afree tenant was rendered. Thus J., prior of A., comes and does fealty
for his lands and tenements.

After this the plaints followed. A. B. complains of C. D. in a plea ot
trespass, or for breach of contract, or for a petty assault. Pledges the
Mower and the Bailiff. They fail to produce the parties, and are fined
twopence. If the case is pursued, an inquest is found that C. D. is con-
victed of trespass, etc., and it is presented that a fine of twopence shall
be levied from him to the use of the plaintiff. It would seem, though the
practice is obscure, that the capital pledges subsequently presented,
whether the fine in question has been justly (or unjustly) levied, in
accordance with this finding. In all cases the Mower and Bailiff were
made pledges to the suit.

The ordinary presentments of the homagers, jurors, or capital pledges
are the most familiar features of the manorial jurisdiction. They present
that A. B. has stopped a watercourse, cut the lord’s timber, or made
default in his boon-work of carrying the lord’s corn, or in his gafol-work
of ploughing the spring field. They present further that the rector of
Anstey’s shepherds have trespassed in the lord’s meadow with their two-
yearling sheep. Sometimes a day is given to the whole homage to ex-
plain why they have carried away hedges and stiles or over-pastured the
common with the irrepressible “bidents.” Presentment is also made
of the waifs and strays, etc., which have accrued to the lord at certain dates.
After this the ale-tasters are appointed, or if the leet and view of frank-
pledge were held instead of a general court, the constables are nominated
for the ensuing year.

Finally, the total sum of the issues of each court was ascertained and
checked by the lord’s officers, with a view to its being entered in the
seneschal’s account.

It is a curious fact that in the earliest ministers’ accounts, not merely
the total but the details of the profits of the court are given, and we may
228 Appendix.

 

almost suspect that we have here the original record of the proceedings
so far as it was thought worth while to preserve them. This is strictly in
accordance with the analogy of the king’s court, the proceedings of which
were originally merely recorded by the justices by way of rendering an
account to the Exchequer for revenue accruing and not for the sake of
perpetuating legal precedents. This would explain the entire deficiency
of court-rolls before the middle of the 13th century, when the commence-
ment of the preedial agitation induced the lawyers to bestir themselves in
the lords’ behalf, and the latter, in turn, to adopt formal measures for the
protection of their feudal perquisites.

In addition to the usual sources of information for this chapter, in-
cluding county histories and plans, the invaluable treatises of Mr. See-
bohm, Mr. Round, and other modern writers, the records printed in
Palgrave’s “‘ English Commonwealth,” Fleta, the Domesday, Winchester,
Boldon, St. Paul’s, and other surveys, more special use has been made of
the evidence of the Red and Black Books of the Exchequer, the! Testa
de Nevill, the Anstey ministers’ accounts and Court Rolls and Escheators’
Accounts, the entire series of Pipe Rolls for the reigns of Henry II. and
Richard I., the “Dialogus de Scaccario,’ Mr. Maxwell Lyte’s admir-
able calendar of the muniments of St. Paul’s in the Historical MSS.
Commission’s Series, and the Winchester manorial accounts, preserved
in the custody of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners and at the Public
Record Office ; with many other authorities of less importance.*

 

* Unfortunately Professor Maitland’s masterly introduction to select Court Rolls
(Selden Society, vol. ii.) was not available when these pages were written, and Dr.
Cunningham’s promised edition of Walter de Henley has not yet seen the light, while
Mr. Round is possibly on the brink of a discovery which would alter all our present
views as to the nature of the carucate.
NOTES AND REFERENCES TO CHAPTERS
Il, III, AND IV.

WITH the exception of isolated notices contained in ancient deeds or in
the entries of the Pipe Rolls, there is little to be gleaned respecting the
arcehology of London in the middle of the reign of Henry II., out-
side the famous treatise of William FitzStephen. It is true that the
chroniclers help us a little here, and FitzAlwyne’s assize a great deal ; yet
on the whole there is no first-hand evidence available, in spite of the
increasing scope of the national records, down to the period in which the
surviving civic archives properly commence. In this sketch, therefore, of
the more prominent features of the civic economy, I have relied chiefly
upon the description of such a practised writer as the author of the “ Life
of St. Thomas,” which, however unsatisfactory it may appear to a modern
antiquary, is much more tangible evidence than the florid conceits of
Necham and Giraldus.

Indeed, the topographical descriptions of our ancestors in the 12th and
13th centuries closely resemble their drawings of certain natural objects
in the absence of those artistic details which make up a true representa-
tion ; so that were it not for the requirements of legal evidence, we should
have little positive knowledge of the most familiar landmarks.

Therefore between the reigns of Henry II. and Edward I. a gap of
nearly a century must be filled in, or, more strictly speaking, it is neces-
sary to work backwards from the latter reign to the earliest period con-
cerning which information is desired.

Objections have often been made to this method of analogical investi-
gation, but I have frequently noticed that those who most properly object
to the aforesaid method in the abstract, have no alternative to offer but a
recourse to evidence which is far inferior to what a tolerable antiquary
could evolve from his inner consciousness, Indeed, this last resource is
usually the most satisfactory of any of the above methods of research—
only it is not history. Yet if we begin here with the proposition (which
can be demonstrated), that the civic economy of the year 1377 resembled
in almost every particular that of the year 1277, it is not altogether un-
reasonable to suggest that this social state could not have altered
materially since the date of the present narrative. In any case I have not
been able to resist the temptation of employing with due precautions the

229
230 Appendix.

 

unequalled historical material which exists from the end of the 13th
century for the purpose of this brief sketch, especially since such high
authorities as the late Mr. Riley and Mr. Loftie himself have practically
adopted the same course.

With regard to certain other topics included in these three chapters
the case is somewhat different, as here considerable material is available,
although for the most part not readily accessible. I had originally ©
formed the intention of extracting from the Pipe Rolls and ancient deeds
of the reign of Henry II. every mention that occurs of the Jews in their
relations to the Crown and the subjects. Here, however, I was fore-
stalled by the industrious zeal of the well-known student of Jewish
antiquities, Mr. Joseph Jacobs, who recently published a long schedule of
all such entries as occur in the Pipe Rolls of the 12th century in the
Archeological Review for February 1889. I have in fact only discovered
one entry of importance that has not been noted by Mr. Jacobs, or, before
him, by the unerring Madox. This entry occurs in the Pipe Roll of the
34th year of Henry II. for the counties of Essex and Herts, and is to the
following effect : “And to three converts from Judaism to the Catholic
faith, namely, to Peter and Nicholas and John, 45s. 73d. of the alms that
were Richard Chochet’s. By the king’s writ,” etc. From the position of
the entry these Jews seem to have been resident at Hertford. This is the
earliest notice that I have met with of the payment of fixed alms to
Jewish converts, and it would be interesting to know whether they were
placed under any restraint or supervision similar to that afterwards
exercised in the case of the inmates of the Domus Conversorum of the
modern Rolls yard during the 13th century. As will be seen, free use has
been made in this chapter of the references to Jews contained in “Richard
of Anstey’s Account” as being particularly appropriate to the present
narrative. An original charter or bond, dated 1185, which is printed in
the collection of Ancient Charters of the 12th century, so ably edited for
the Pipe Roll Society by Mr. J. H. Round (vol. x., p. 82), affords an in-
stance of a rather unusual form of usury resembling the device known as
“chevisance” in a later period. Here a certain William de Toteham
(Tottenham) acknowledges a loan of 100 marks from Avigay the Jewess,
of London, and Abraham her son, with interest nominally £9, but actu-
ally payable as £10 on the security of his manor of Tottenham. By a
covenant in the bond, the debtor has the option of repaying two several
sums of forty marks each without interest at the Christmas following in
satisfaction of the whole debt, a circumstance that leads us to suspect
that the original loan, though set down as one hundred marks, was in
reality only forty, the second instalment being a premium for the accom-
Appendix. 231

 

modation. If, however, the debtor only repays the first forty marks,
interest is charged on the second instalment at double the rate of interest
on the nominal loan of one hundred marks, and this again is nearly doubled
in the case of arrears. In default, the creditors are empowered to put a
receiver or tenant in possession of the land until they have repaid them-
selves in full, Failing the payment of eighty marks or a deposit of forty
marks as stipulated by his covenant, the first-mentioned arrangement is
to continue in force.

The band or “starr,” of which a fac-simile is given at page 36, presents
another method of usurious dealing.

The literal translation of this bond is as follows :—

CYROGRAPH.

“ Know all men, present and future, that I Ysaac the Jew of Northamp-
ton have let to farm to Margery wife of Roger de Huc all the land which
I have in pledge of the aforesaid Roger her husband for fourscore
pounds and sixty six shillings and eight pence of silver, which the same
Roger owes to me in respect of a fine which he made with me concerning
the debt of his father, as the cyrograph made between us bears witness.
To hold and to have to the aforesaid Margery of me or my heirs ; render-
ing therefor yearly to me and my heirs one hundred shillings sterling ;
namely, fifty shillings at Pentecost of the seventh year of the reign of
King John and fifty shillings at the feast of St. Martin next following ;
and so from year to year, so long as the aforesaid Margery shall lawfully
render to me yearly at the appointed terms the farm aforesaid. And if
it shall so happen that Avicia the mother of the aforenamed Roger her
husband do decease, the whole half of her dower in the aforesaid vill of
Huc which concerns me, according to the convention in another cyro-
graph made between us, shall remain in the hands of the aforesaid
Margery rendering therefor yearly to me and my heirs fifty shillings,
namely half at Pentecost and half at the fedst of St. Martin, together
with the other hundred shillings that she renders to me for the land afore-
named which I have committed to herto farm. And if it shall so happen
that the aforesaid Margery shall have kept the aforesaid debt for fifteen
days beyond any term of any year then the aforesaid Margery shall give
to me twenty shillings as a penalty beyond the farm aforesaid ; and the
’ whole land aforenamed shall return into my own hand without any gain-
saying ; so that it shall be lawful for me to retain the land aforesaid in
my own hand or to commit it to farm to whomsoever I will. So that,
nevertheless, that committal be not to the disinheritance of the afore-
232 Appendix.

 

said Roger, by computing yearly the whole farm which the aforesaid
Margery was bound to render to me in payment of the principal of the
debt of Roger, her husband, as the cyrograph made between us bears
witness. And that this convention may endure ratified and unshaken to
future times, it is confirmed by the putting of the seals of each of us
hereto, and the foot of this cyrograph remains in the chest of our lord
the king at York in witness.”

By their Charter of Liberties, granted in the second year of John, the
Jews were allowed to sell a mortgaged estate provided they had held it
for a year and a day. It is true that this Charter seems to imply that the
above and other privileges had been secured to the Jews by a Charter of
Henry II. ; but however this may be, it is a fact that before the reign of
John the Crown is found to be more often on the side of the Christian
debtor against the Jewish creditor.* After that date the king took fines
from both indifferently, though with the sinister motive of enriching his
revenue by a species of indirect taxation. Even as late as Edward I. we
read that the custom of the Judaism only permitted the creditor to seize
upon half the debtors lands until the obligation was satisfied. It is
pretty certain, however, that in this later period the normal rate of inte-
rest was reduced, while every precaution was taken to avoid the worst
forms of chevisance. In the reign of Henry II., on the other hand, the
State was content with denouncing usury in general terms, merely stipu-
lating in the individual cases which were brought within its notice, that
' the debtor should be allowed to repay the principal and interest by a
yearly rent-charge, or at least that he should recover possession of his
lands whenever the creditor could be shown to have reimbursed himself
out of the profits of the soil. A typical case in point is that of Robert
de Braibroc, recorded in the Rutland Pipe Roll of the 1oth year of
Richard I., wherein it was adjudged that a manor which had been mort-
gaged by his father, in the reign of Henry II., to a certain Jew, should
now be restored to him, because the mortgagee had more than repaid
himself during his occupancy. Here we have an explanation of the
Bishop of London’s denunciation of those who enjoyed the profits of a
mortgaged estate “szanente sortis integritate.”

Another form of bond is preserved in the Dzalogus, though its purport
is somewhat obscure. “Be it known to all men that I.N. owe to N. one
hundred marks of silver ; and for these hundred marks I have impawned
to him that land for ten pounds, until I or my heir shall pay to him or

 

* In one instance a Jew paid a fine of 20 marks to recover a debt of £42, while a
Christian could obtain relief at a much cheaper rate.
Appendix. 233

 

his heir the aforesaid hundred marks.” Here the context is that an
actual conveyance of the land was effected in favour of the creditor, in
which case the second sum of ten pounds must be regarded as a fictitious
consideration for the transfer. We should have expected, however, to find
the smaller sum charged upon the land as interest upon the principal.
Perhaps such a transaction as this last usually took place between
Christians, for it is given as an instance of “ private” usury, in contradis-
tinction to “ public” usury, “after the manner of the Jews.” Indeed, the
practice of usury by Christians was by no means infrequent even at this
date, and as the penalty was the same in both cases, it has been reason-
ably suggested that this penalty was incurred by the Jews rather for a
specific breach of the law than for an unconscious offence against
Catholic prejudices. | This view is certainly supported by the circum-
stance that the same Saxon laws which consign the “property” in Jews
to the king’s hands, also render penal similar forms of moral turpitude in
the case of all subjects without distinction. On the other hand, it may
be fairly argued that the Jews were really placed at a disadvantage as
aliens, and indeed the Crown clearly arrogated a control over this class
in general, which was often used as a means of extortion quite as fla-
grant as any practised by the early Plantagenets towards “their Jews.”

The author of the Dzalogus makes some very severe comments on the
practice of usury in his time, though his indignation as a Churchman is
somewhat tempered by the satisfaction with which, as Treasurer, he notes
the enormous increase of the royal revenue from this source. Practically,
however, there is only one distinction apparent in his account between
the treatment of Christian and Jewish usurers ; namely, that the former
were not liable to the confiscation of their wealth during life, since time
for repentance remained to them, which it was the duty (he adds) of the
Church to see happily accomplished.

The first great step in the arduous path of Jewish emancipation is
generally referred by the chroniclers to the year of the present narrative.
It is well-known that from motives of private policy obstacles had hitherto
been placed in the way of the decent burial of Jews elsewhere than in
London, and now for the first time cemeteries were allotted to them out-
side the provincial cities.

It has been usually asserted that the Jewish colonies were confined to
a very few towns of England ; but although it is doubtless true that their
head-quarters were fixed in such places, I have been struck by the almost
universal occurrence in the Pipe Rolls of Jewish names or cases. Cer-
tainly Richard of Anstey seemed able to find a Jew at almost any point
in the course of his wanderings ; and although the great Jews of London,
234 Appendix.

 

York, and Lincoln, seem to have been singularly peripatetic, like the
King’s Court, on the outskirts of which they probably hovered, some of
these names must apparently refer to resident Hebrews. , Indeed, the
very prohibition against the sojourn of a Jew in any town other than one
of those appointed by ancient custom, unless by the special license of the
Crown, seems to indicate a tendency in this direction; and it is also a
significant fact, that we find certain towns fining with the King that Jews
may be excluded from their precincts. It would be rather rash to assume
that because mention is made in early records of a Jew resident in a cer-
tain town, that this was a solitary individual. For instance, there is
nothing that would lead us to suspect the existence of a Jewish colony at
Wilton, and yet, in the 27th year of Henry III. an “ark of the Jews” was
preserved here, a sure sign that they were present in some numbers.

The following list contains the names of the principal English towns in
which Jews appear to have resided in the reign of Henry II., those in
which a Jewish colony existed being distinguished by an asterisk. My
authority in each case being the Pipe Rolls of the reign.

Bedford Hertford
Beverley Hitchen
Bristol* Ipswich*
Bungay* Lincoln*
Cambridge* London*
Canterbury* Newport*
Chichester ‘ Northampton*
Colchester* Norwich*
Coventry* Oxford*
Dunstaple Rising
Edmundsbury* Rochester*
Exeter* Thetford*
Finchley-field Winchester*
Gloucester* Worcester*
York*

The description of the state of commerce within the city of London,
put into the mouth of John of the Exchequer in Chapter III., is based on
the evidence of the Pipe Rolls, Charters, and ancient laws, supplemented
by the authorities first above mentioned. In Chapter IV. I have made
use of Wright's edition of Miracles and other Latin Poems of the 12th
Century, for the miracle play of St. Nicholas, as well as of the treatise
Appendix. 235

 

De Arte Dialecticé in the well-known text-book of Martinus Capelle.
I have also consulted for the purpose of these three chapters the
numerous archeological works relating to London or the Church of St.
Paul’s, and the masterly hand-book of Mr. Loftie, to all of which I am
naturally much indebted.
NOTES AND REFERENCES TO CHAPTER V.

THE Palace of Westminster was, since the Conquest, the principal
though not the favourite residence of Anglo-Norman Kings. Perhaps
even it merely shared with Winchester the reputation of being the chief
official centre of the kingdom, but its importance was always increasing
with the greatness of the capital, so that all imposing ceremonies must
needs be held here whenever possible, from the reception of a foreign
potentate down to the audience of the sheriffs at the two-fold session of
the Exchequer.

I have spent much time in the attempt to reconstruct the ancient palace
and its surroundings as they would have appeared at the date of this
sketch, but without any real success. It is of course possible to trace the
ground-plan of the main buildings from existing or recent remains, but
we should find it difficult to realize the outward appearance of the palace
in our present ignorance of its immediate surroundings, and still more to
speak with certainty as to the plan of its interior arrangement. On the
north side there was the great Hall of Rufus, with the line of buildings
forming the old palace that stretched towards the south. We know from
FitzStephen’s account that the precincts of the palace were enclosed by
battlemented walls, and it is also reasonable to suppose that the court-
yards of either Hall contained certain secondary or domestic out-buildings ;
while on the eastern side there may have been then, as later, a garden
extending to the river, with other buildings of a more substantial character,
including of course the King’s Chapel, the watch-tower mentioned in the
Dialogus,and the Exchequer houses. Mention will be made of the latter
in another place, and I will content myself here with noting certain entries
which I have met with in the Pipe Rolls of this reign relating to the
repairs or improvements effected upon particular occasions.

In the first place, we are able to gather from these entries that the palace
was considered under five heads: the cur7a, or palace generally, or only
the court-yard within the enclosure of the walls; the az/a, or great Hall of
Rufus, sometimes distinguished as the “ Aula Regis dominicalis”; the
domus, or residential portion of the palace ; the capella, or King’s Chapel,
and the scaccarium, or Exchequer houses.

In the 8th year, there is a payment of £12 15. od. for the materials for
putting in order the King’s Hall of Westminster.

236
Appendix. a7

 

In the 9th year, £3 7s. od. is paid for shingles to cover the King’s Hall
there, and £9 13s. 9$d. for work upon the same Hall.

In the 11th year, £19 9s. 7d. is charged for preparing the King’s cura
of Westminster, and the King’s houses there.

In the 12th year as much as £190 for work upon the Kits houses of
Westminster, and one mark for 20 columns purchased in Oxfordshire for
the said work.

In the 23rd year, 20 marks for the repair of the King’s chamber at
Westminster, and £5 15. od. to make the King’s wardrobe there.

In the 30th year, £3 115. 8d. to repair the quay of the King’s curza at
Westminster, and £3 2s. 0, for raising the floor of the great Hall together
with £4 I2s 2d. for repairs of the King’s houses there.

In the 31st year, £50 for work upon the lavatory in the King’s Hall of
Westminster. The “restoration” of this lavatory was commenced in the
previous year, at a cost of £28. This was probably connected with the
well-known conduit on the north-east side of the palace, reference to which
is made for the first time in the Ist year of Richard I., as follows :—“In
work upon the conduit of water in the King’s court at Westminster—8s.”

Most of the operations above mentioned were carried out by Alnodus
the “engineer,” under the supervision of certain officers of the King’s
household. Alnodus figures in the London Pipe Roll almost every year,
receiving sums of £7 or £I0 on an average, probably for general services.
He was also constantly employed in repairing the fortifications of the
Tower of London. The smallness of most of the above sums leads us to
suppose that the palace was merely patched up from time to time, usually
on the eve of a royal progress to London. This was also the case with
the provincial palaces at this date, which were regularly “cleansed” before
the arrival of the Court.

Henry himself probably cared little for artistic displays, preferring, as
these accounts show, to spend the sheriffs’ balances in tents and warlike
gear. The Tower received its first great restoration since the Conquest
in the 2nd year of Richard I., when a remarkable and perhaps unique
rotulus de particults, attached to the London Pipe Roll, accounts for an
expenditure of £2,500 within the year 1189-90.

The courtiers to whom the reader is introduced are among those who
can be shown, or may reasonably be supposed, to have been in attendance
on the King at this time. John of Salisbury, it is true, ought to have
been engaged in the duties of his new see, but I have found it difficult to
dispense with such a representative of English learning and statesman-
ship. It may be of interest to notice here the apparently authentic
pedigree of another learned clerk, John of Oxford. This descent is given
238 Appendix.

 

in the Zesta de Nevill, fo. 131, and I am enabled to give it here through
the kindness of Mr. Round, who was the first, I believe, to discover it.

Henry of Oxford,
Burgess of Wallingford, /emp. Stephen.

 

|
William of Ibbestan.
John of Oxford, —
Dean of Salisbury, and
heiress= Walter Foliot. Bishop of Norwich.

 

|
* Matilda= Hugh Fitz Richer.
John Fitz Hugh.

It was, doubtless, against official clerks like these two prelates and
others, such as the Bishops of London and Ely, Richard FitzNigel and
Richard of Ilchester, that Nigel of Canterbury aimed his terrible satire,
dated somewhat later, but having special reference to this reign.

There are, he observes, some who have sworn to receive reverently,
teach, and observe the apostolical doctrines and decrees. These they
receive, itis true, and also teach, but how they observe them is manifest
toallmen. For either they affect to misunderstand their sense, or else
they invent frivolous delays and excuses, and even pretend to question
the authenticity of an obnoxious rescript. Finally, if they obey the”
instrument at all, it is from fear and not from love of the apostolic
influence.

It will of course be evident that in respect of these charges the simple-
minded monk of Canterbury was in unconscious partizanship with those
who found a martyr in Thomas 4 Becket and suspected a tyrant in
every secular lawgiver. His strictures upon the official abuses of the
period are worthy of more serious attention. There is, he insinuates,
one law for the rich and another for the poor, the result of the evil
custom of invoking the aid of the law by a fine, so that the wealthy
suitor may have his day assigned to him forthwith, whilst the poor may
wait for seven years or for ever, though Cesar should be easy of access
to the oppressed ; and it is written, “Judge justly, ye sons of men.”
But how can it be otherwise, he reflects, when these churchmen dress
like gay courtiers, so that it is difficult to tell them apart, and are en-

 

* Mr. Round suggests that Matilda may have been John’s niece in an ecclesiastical
sense only.
Appendix. 239

 

grossed by earthly pursuits, regardless of the welfare of their souls or
even of their bodies. ‘For does the knight swear; then so does the
bishop, and with far stranger oaths. Does the knight follow the chase ;
the bishop too must go a-hunting. Does the one boast of his hawks ;
they are the other’s only joy. Both ride abreast in the battle, and they
sit side by side in the Court and Exchequer, fellow-students who are
become brother officers.”

Poet Nigel has some instructive anecdotes of his contemporaries in
justification of these sweeping charges. In one of these he recalls the
case of the churl who went into partnership with a priest in Archbishop
Theobald’s time, in the profits of a certain cure. But because the
layman was obliged to let his clerical partner out of his sight during
the service of the altar, he came badly off in the division of the offertories,
until he contrived by an unworthy artifice to get himself ordained, enjoy-
ing a brief triumph ere this supreme scandal provoked the tardy inter-
ference of the ecclesiastical authorities.

Thus, the writer argues, holy things are suffered to fall into contempt
by the supineness of churchmen, who are otherwise engaged in the race
for wealth ; in which some have perished through their feverish exertions,
whilst others, more sedate, are not, however, less worldly-minded. Is it
spiritual business, he asks, to sit at the Exchequer hearing accounts and
confabulations from day-break to evening? There it is a matter of the
saving of pennies not of saving souls; of laying up treasure in the
Receipt, not of laying up treasure in heaven. A bishop can scarcely be
prevailed on to officiate in church once or twice in the year, while daily
he listens impatiently to a gabbled mass; but it is no trouble to sit
at the Exchequer half the year all day and late into the night. If any
one were to ask of a countryman, or other simple person, where such or
such a bishop might be found, he would answer, either at the Exchequer
or abroad on the King’s business.

Our author himself heard some one say once, in Normandy, tha
now-a-days English bishops attended so assiduously to the business of
the Curia and Exchequer, that it might be supposed they had been
ordained thereto, instead of to the service of God. Does the law of
God, which directs bishops to meditate day and night, also require them
to hear accounts and to keep the Seal and the Treasury keys? Truly
their church is the Aula Regis; their altar is the Exchequer table, and
their Old and New Testament the old account of the sheriff and the
new one.

In this sermon “against the courtiers” (for it is a prose essay capable
of most effective delivery by an earnest preacher), Nigel of Canterbury
240 Appendix.

 

far surpasses his own more classical satires in verse. The local colour-
ing (as in the reference to the Exchequer hours) is unique in its dis-
tinctness, for with all deference to the opinion of their learned editor,
no serious student could possibly derive any material for social history
from the Latin satires of the Middle Ages. Finally, it may be said that
the whole subject is worthy of deeper attention than has yet been
bestowed upon it.

It is believed that nearly all the gossip which has been reproduced
in this chapter will be found, almost verbatim, in the several collections
of the Muge Curialium of the period. The strictures of Nigel of
Canterbury referred to above have been supplemented from the writings
of Alexander Necham, and from the contents of the Papal Bull of 1179,
on the State of Christendom. The subject is again introduced from
another point of view in Chapter X.

The character of Henry II. has necessarily been touched on very
lightly, but an attempt has been made to show how deeply his personality
must have affected those who were brought into contact with him. I
have not ventured on any original illustrations in point; but as some
details may be looked for by the reader, I have thought that no apology
is needed for quoting the Bishop of Oxford’s matchless summary of the
great king’s character from a work so inaccessible to the general reader
as his edition of Benedict Abbas in the Rolls Series of Chronicles and
Memorials.

CHARACTER OF HENRY II.

“We see a hard-headed, industrious, cautious, subtle, restless man ;
fixed in purpose, versatile in expedients ; wonderfully rapid in execution ;
great in organizing, without being himself methodical; one who will
always try to bind others, whilst leaving himself free ; who never prefers
good faith to policy or appearances to realities ; who trusts rather to
time and circumstances than to the goodwill of others; by inclination
parsimonious and retiring, but on occasion lavish and magnificent ;
liberal in almsgiving, splendid in building, but not giving alms without
an ulterior object, nor spending money on buildings except where he
can get his money’s worth. As with treasure so with men, he was
neither extravagant nor sparing ; rather economical than humane; pitiful
after the slaughter of battle, but not chary of human life where it could
be spent with effect.

“ He had the one weakness of great minds, without which no man ever
reached greatness ; never to be satisfied without doing or taking part
himself.in everything that was to be done, and he had not what may
Appendix. 241

 

be called the strength of little minds, inability to see good in what he
did not himself devise.

“ He was eloquent, affable, polite, jocose ; so persuasive in address that
few could resist the charm of his manner. He had the royal prerogative
of never forgetting names and faces ; he loved to encourage the retiring,
and to repel the presuming. He was a most excellent and bountiful
master. He was very faithful, both in friendships and enmities, where
they did not interfere with his policy. He was not without elegant
tastes ; he loved the reading of history, delighted in the conversation
of acute and learned men, like his uncles the Kings of Jerusalem, and
his sons-in-law, William of Sicily and Henry of Saxony. He had a
wonderful memory, well stored with the lessons of past times, and with
the experiences of constant journeys, on which he was careful to see
everything that was to be seen.

“He had little regard for more than the merest forms of religion ; like
Napoleon Bonaparte, he heard mass daily, but without paying decent
attention to the ceremony. During the most solemn part of the service
he was whispering to his courtiers, or scribbling, or looking at pictures.
His vows to God he seems to have thought might be evaded as easily
as his covenants with men; his undertaking to go on crusade was
commuted for money payments, and his promised religious foundations
were carried out at the expense of others. His regard to personal
morality was of much the same value and extent. He was at no period
of his life a faithful husband, and when he had finally quarrelled with
Eleanor, he sank into sad depths of licentiousness. He was an able,
plausible, astute, cautious, unprincipled man of business. His temper
was violent, and he was probably subject to the outrageous paroxysms
of passion which are attributed to his Norman ancestors, and which,
if they have not been exaggerated by the historians, must have been
fearful proofs of a profane and cruel disposition, on which discipline had
imposed no restraints.

“‘ His personal appearance did not approach the heroic. He was slightly
above the middle height, square and substantial, with a decided tendency
to corpulence. His head was round and well proportioned ; his hair
approaching to red, sprinkled in his later years with white, but always
kept very short as a precaution against baldness. His face.is described
by one authority as fiery, by another as lion-like. His eyes were grey,
and full of expression, but rather prominent, and occasionally bloodshot.
His nose was well-formed and denoted no more pride or fastidiousness
than was becoming to a king. He had a short bull-neck, a broad square
chest, the arms of a boxer, and the legs of a horseman (the author

cL. R
242 Appendix.

 

does not say whether of a groom or of a cavalier). His feet were highly
arched, but his hands were clumsy and coarse. ‘

“ He paid very little attention to dress, and never wore gloves but when
he went hawking. He took a great deal of exercise, being both restless
by habit and anxious to keep down his tendency to fat. He was a
great hunter and hawker ; he never sat except at meals or on horseback.
He transacted all business standing, greatly to the detriment of his legs.
He was very moderate in both meat and drink, cared very little for
appearances, loved order in others without observing it himself; he was
a good and kind master, who chose his servants well, but neither trusted
them too much, nor ever forgave their neglect of his interests.

“The picture is not a pleasant one; in spite of his refined tastes and
his polite addresses, he must have looked generally like a rough, passion-
ate, uneasy man. But his frame, though not elegant, was very serviceable,
qualified him for great exertion, and was proof against privation or
fatigue. He was an adroit and formidable man-at-arms, but there was
little at first to denote either the courteous knight or the skilful general,
or the self-possessed intriguer, or the ingenious organizer, or the versatile
administrator, or the profound politician.”

THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE KING’S HOUSEHOLD.

The famous regulations for the diet and other allowances of the royal
household, which can be distinctly referred to the reign of Henry II., have
been printed by Hearne in the original Latin from the text of the Little
Black Book of the Exchequer. The result, however, is not very satisfac-
tory, many errors and obscurities remaining unexplained. In fact, the
Black Book text is considerably inferior to that of the Red Book of the
Exchequer, which contains another and a much more careful transcript,
and this text has been chiefly followed in the translation appended here,
though the text of the Black Book has been collated with advantage. I
have not thought it desirable to attempt a full annotation of this document.
Hearne’s notes, though clumsy and far fetched, are sufficient for general
purposes ; but it will be necessary to explain the reasons that have
induced me to advance several new readings of the MSS., together with
a few observations upon its historical importance.

The greatest stumbling-block experienced by Hearne in his annotation
of the Black Book MSS., and after him by glossarists generally, was
in respect of the word “ Sal.,” as it appears in this abbreviated form.
Hearne, who did not always treat his MSS. texts with proper respect,
seems to have jumped at once to the conclusion that by this abbreviation,
Appendix, 243

 

which appears in almost every entry in connection with an inferior sort of
simnel, a salted loaf was implied, z.e, “simenellus salus” or “salinus.”
Unfortunately, however, the occasional extensions of “sal.” in the two
Exchequer MSS. scarcely warrant this conjecture, in spite of the immense
amount of learning which has been expended thereon. In the Black
Book the word is twice extended, once as “ salu.” and again as “ salci.”
The former extension has given rise to a still more learned theory in
favour of reading “saluts,” or loaves stamped with an angel.

The Red Book also gives two extensions, both as “salac.” It has
seemed to me, therefore, perfectly simple and probable to understand
the word “salacii,” dripping, or animal grease of some kind, in contrast
to the more costly royal simnel, which may have been compounded
with oil or butter. In fact, a simnel of this kind was probably very
like a modern tea-cake, and I would even venture to suggest that the
familiar “ Sally Lunn,” may be a survival of the “[simenellus] Salacii
({die] Lunz [pistratus],” ze, a simnel of dripping baked on Monday.
It can also be shown that simnels were baked in the smaller ovens
for pastry, and not in the ordinary bread ovens. Of course it is
quite possible that salted cakes may be meant, but it is at least un-
desirable to ignore a repeated reading as completely as Hearne and his
followers have done here. A very plausible alternative reading is
perhaps “salarium,” ze., regulation simnels, which accords with the
continuous use of “expensabilis” and “consuetudinarius,” throughout
the MSS. ;

From the calculation made in this document of the number of loaves
and simnels required for the royal household, we obtain a unique estimate
of the number of its members. There were 270 of all ranks thus provided
for, of whom 4o were allowed royal simnels, 150 the inferior sort of
simnel, and 120 baker’s loaves only. This distribution would seem to
indicate the. existence of three great classes, the first composed of the
royal family, and great barons or dignified officials, the second of lesser
courtiers and officers, and the third of serjeants or retainers and humble
clerks.

It is possible that by “clear” wine, Rhenish or white wine is meant, this
being a more expensive vintage ; but more probably red wine (“claret ”),
old in cask, is intended. The inferior or household wine was that usually
“taken” for the Crown by way of Zrzse at a low rate, and was employed
for garrison and domestic services.

The principal discrepancies between the texts of the Red and Black
Books dre in connection with the titles of the several officers, these
being sometimes mentioned in the singular and at other times in the

'
244 Appendix.

 

plural number. As most of the important offices were at least duplicated,
the matter is unimportant. It would be possible (as I have discovered)
to identify almost all these officers with their more modern representa-
tives, but I have obviously confined myself to a literal translation. It
may be mentioned, however, that the “ Escantiones,” or “ Butlers,” whose
position has given rise to some difficulties, may probably be identified
with the “grooms of the Pitcher House,” in the later household. The
Black Book supplies the “Keepers of the wooden Cups,” or “ Mazers,”
who are omitted in the Red Book. The former also reads “omnis” before
Poulterer ; the reading of the Red Book, though not very clear, seems
intended for “dominicus,” which we should expect. A more important
discrepancy is found in the entry for the “ Ushers servants of the Bishop.”
The Black Books reads the “Ushers, being themselves knights,” and
inserts below, the “Ushers, not being knights,” with food allowance
only. The reading in the Red Book is very clear, z.e. “ epi.” for “ ipi.,”
and as these officers are grouped in the marshal’s department, it may
be supposed that they were the “milites bajuli clavium thesauri” of
the Déalogus, the Bishop being of course Richard Fitz Nigel, the
Treasurer, who is himself mentioned as a member of the Household.
Moreover, the interpolated entry in the Black Book mentioned above is
obviously redundant, as Gilbert and Ralph named in the preceding entry
are clearly designated as the non-knightly ushers.

I have also ventured to suggest “tailor” as a better reading than
“counter,” who would have appeared as “calculator,” if any such office
existed apart from the Exchequer. It will be seen that “hosiers” are
mentioned in another place.

The value of this historical document is inestimable. It brings us into
touch with the actual surroundings of the Angevin king, and possibly
of his Norman predecessors, by affording a hundred clues to Court life
which can be partially followed out by reference to contemporary Pipe
Rolls and Charters. It is both strange that historians should have been
so long content with the printed version of Hearne, and most desirable
that a perfect text should be provided at the first opportunity.

This is the Constitution of the King's House.

The Chancellor.
Five shillings daily and one royal simnel, and two [of dripping,]
and one sextary of clear wine, and one sextary of household wine,
and one wax-candle and forty candle-ends.
Appendix. 245

 

The Master of the:Scriptorium. |

Formerly tenpence daily, and one simnel [of dripping], and half a
sextary of household wine, and one thick candle and twelve candle-
ends. But King Henry increased Robert de Sigillo by so much,
that on the day of the king’s death he had two shillings, and one
sextary of household wine, and one simnel [of dripping], and one
taper and twenty-four candle-ends.

The Chaplain, Keeper of the Chapel and Relics.

The entertainment of two men and four serjeants of the Chapel,
each a double ration ; and two sumpter horses of the Chapel, each
one penny daily and one penny to shoe them monthly. For the
service of the Chapel, two wax-candles on Wednesday and two on
Saturday ; and every night one wax-candle at the Relics, and thirty
candle-ends ; and one gallon of clear wine at mass and one sextary
of household wine on the Day of Absolution, to wash the altar.
On Easter Day, at Communion, one sextary of clear wine and one
of household wine.

The Clerk of the household bread and wine.

Two shillings daily, and simnel [of dripping], and one sextary of

household wine, and one taper and twenty-four candle-ends.
Of the Stewards of the bread.

The regular Master Steward of the bread, if he shall eat without
the king’s house, two shillings and tenpence daily, and one simnel [of
dripping], and one sextary of household wine, and candles fully.

Of the Sewers.

The Sewers the same as the Chancellor, if they shall eat without
the house; if within, three shillings and sixpence, and two simnels
[of dripping], and one sextary of household wine and candles fully.

Of the Stewards serving in turn.

If without the house, nineteen pence daily, and one simnel [of
dripping], and one sextary of household wine, and one thick candle
and twenty candle-ends. If within, tenpence and half a sextary of
household wine and candles fully.

Of the Naperers.

The Naperer, the customary ration. To his man, three half-pence
daily, and one penny for a sumpter-horse, and one penny monthly
to shoe him,

The Usher of the Dispensary.

The same, the sumpter-horse excepted.
The Counter of the Bread.

The customary ration.
246 Appendix.

%

Of the four Bakers serving together in their turn.

Two who serve in the house shall eat in the house; and two
who go abroad shall have forty pence to procure a measure of Rouen
for which they should ‘render forty royal simnels and a hundred and
fifty [of dripping] and two hundred and seventy baker’s loaves.
A royal simnel to four, one [of dripping] to two, and a loaf to
each.

Of the Waferers.

The Waferer, the customary ration ; and three half-pence to his
man daily.

The Keeper of the Tables.

So much as the BpONE and besides this a sumpter-horse with
his allowance.

The bearer of the Alms-dish shall eat in the house.
Of the Stewards of the Larder.

The Master Steward of the Larder, tie. same as the Master
Steward of the bread and wine, and in the same manner.

Likewise the Stewards of the Larder serving in turn, like also as
the stewards of the bread and wine serve in turn. The Larderers
who serve in turn, the customary ration, and their man three half-
pence daily. The Usher of the Larder the same. The Slaughter-
men the customary ration only.

Of the Cooks. ;

The cook of the king’s kitchen shall eat in the house. Three
half-pence to his man.

The Usher of the same kitchen, the customary ration. Three
half-pence to his man. The Keeper of the vessels shall eat in the
house, and three half-pence to his man, and a sumpter-horse with
his allowance. The Scullion of the same kitchen likewise. The
Serjeant of the kitchen the customary ration only. The Cook and
steward of the king’s private family likewise. Ralph de Marchia,
who was the cook, that is dead, before the king’s death eat in the
house, and three half-pence to his man.

Of the Great Kitchen.

The King’s Poulterer, the customary ration and three half-pence ~
to his man.

Two Cooks, each of them the customary ration. Three half-pence
to their man,

The Serjeants of the same kitchen, the customary ration only.

The Usher of the Spithouse, the customary ration; to his man
three half-pence.
Appendix. 247

 

The Turn Spit likewise.

Likewise the Keeper of the Dishes, and besides this one sumpter-
horse with his allowance.

The Carter of the great kitchen, a une ration, and for his
horse a proper allowance.

The Carter of the Larder likewise.

The Serjeant who receives the venison shall eat within ; and three
half-pence to his man.

The Master Butler, the same as the Sewer, and they have one
allowance and in the same manner.

The Master Stewards of the Butlery who serve in turn, the same
as the Stewards of the Dispensary who serve in turn. But they
have more candle, because they have a taper:and twenty-four candle-
ends.

The Usher of the Butlery, the customary ration, and three half-
pence to his man.

The Hosiers shall eat in the house, and to each of their men
threepence.

The Butterer, the customary ration, and threepence to his men,
and half a sextary of household wine and twelve candle-ends,

The Workmen of the Buttery, the customary ration only, but the

_ serjeant besides this three half-pence to his man and two sumpter-
horses with their allowances.
Of the Keepers of the Cups.

Four only must serve together in their turn, of whom two shall
eat in the house, and each for his man three half-pence. Two other
shall have the customary ration and likewise three half-pence to
their men.

The Keepers of the Mazers a double ration only.

Of the Fruiterers.

The Fruiterer shall eat in the house, an three of his men.

The Carter the customary ration and allowance for his horses.

The Master Chamberlain is equal with the Sewer in his allowance.

The Treasurer as the Master Chamberlain if he shall be in the Court
and shall serve in the Treasury. William Maudut fourteen pence

. daily, and he shall eat regularly in the house, and one thick candle
and thirteen candle-ends and two sumpter-horses with their
allowances.

The Porter of the King’s Litter shall eat in the house, and to his man
three half-pence and one sumpter-horse with his allowance.

The Chamberlain who serves in his turn two shillings daily, and one
248 | Appendix.

 

simnel [of dripping], and one sextary of household wine, and one
taper and fourteen candle-ends.

The Chamberlain of the Candles eightpence daily, and half a sextary
of household wine.

The King’s Tailor shall eat in his house, and to his man three half-
pence.

The Chamberlain shall eat in the house without allowance if he shall
desire it.

The Water-carrier a double ration, and when the king goes abroad one
penny to wring out the king’s cloths ; and when the king bathes,
threepence, except on the three feasts of the year.

Of the Washerwoman—doubtful.

The Constables have allowances like as the Sewers, and in like man-
ner William, son of Odo, one royal simnel and one sextary of
clear wine and one taper and twenty-four candle-ends.

Henry de la Pomerai, if he shall eat without the house, two
shillings daily, and one simnel [of dripping], and one sextary of house-
hold wine, and one taper, and twenty-four candle-ends ; but if
within, fourteen pence and half a sextary of household wine, and
candle fully.

Roger de Oyli likewise.

Of the Marshalsea.

The Master Marshal likewise, namely, John. And besides this he
ought to have vouchers of the gifts and allowances that may arise
from the King’s Treasury and from his Chamber, and he ought
to have vouchers against all the king’s officials as witness for all
things.

The four Marshals who serve the family of the king as well clerks
as knights and ministers, the day whereon they make a harbourage
or abide without the Court in the king’s business, eightpence daily,
and one gallon of household wine and twelve candle-ends. If with-
out, threepence daily for their man and a full candle. And it |
anyone of the Marshals shall be sent on the king’s business, eight-
pence only.

The Serjeants of the Marshals if they shall be sent on the king’s
business, to each of them, daily, threepence. But if not they shall
eat in the king’s house.

The Ushers, servants of the Bishop, shall eat in the house; to each
of their men three-half-pence daily and eight candle-ends.

Gilbert Bonnehomme and Ralph shall eat in the house without any
other allowance.
Appendix. 249

 

The Watchmen, a double ration; and to their men three half-pence
daily and four candles, and besides this of a morning each of
them two loaves and one dish of meat and one gallon of beer.

The Keeper of the Hearth shall always eat in the house, and from
the feast of Saint Michael to Easter every day fourpence for the fire.

The Usher of the Chamber each day on which the king fares abroad
fourpence for the king’s bed.

'The Keeper of the Tents shall eat in the euee: and whenever he was
to carry the tents, he used to have allowance for one man and one
sumpter-horse.

Each of the four Hornblowers threepence daily.

Twenty Serjeants, each one penny daily. °

The Keepers of the Gazehounds, each threepence daily and two-pence
to their men.

And for every Harrier a half-penny daily.

The king’s Mews eightpence daily. .

The Knight’s Huntsmen eightpence daily each.

The Cat Hunters each fivepence.

The Leader of the Limmers a penny.

A Limmer, a half-penny.

The Bear-ward threepence daily.

The Huntsmen of the Hart, each threepence daily, and of the great
Hart four ought to have a penny, and of the small Hart seven
a penny. ,

For the great Hart two men, and each a penny daily ; and for
the small Hart two men, and each a penny daily.

The Keepers of the Brachs, each threepence daily.

The Wolf-catchers, twenty pence daily for them and their men and
dogs, and they ought to have twenty-four coursing dogs, and
eight Harriers, and six pounds by the year to buy horses, but they,
themselves say eight.

Of the Archers who used to carry the king’s bow, each Rorepence daily ;
and other archers the same.

Bernard, Ralph Je Bobeur, and their fellows each threepence daily.
NOTES AND REFERENCES TO CHAPTERS VI.
AND VII.

THE description of the Spanish arbitration, which is the first real act
of Court Life in the course of the present narrative, is chiefly derived
from the chronicle attributed to Benedict Abbas, but really, as it is now
fairly established, the work of Richard Fitz Nigel The incident of
the Westminster outrage, and the conviction of the guilty citizens, is
equally historical, but the details of the supposed trial are supplied from
a constitutional theory of criminal procedure which is wholly original and
which is not intended to be orthodox or authoritative.

Richard de Anesti’s narrative of his great lawsuit is taken literally
from the existing manuscript, as printed and translated by Sir Francis
Palgrave. It will be observed, however, that the episode of an appeal in
the Roman Curia has been introduced, which also has been borrowed
from a nearly contemporary narrative, namely, Thomas Marleburg’s
relation of his suit in the Evesham Chronicle.

Those who wish to study the subject of Anglo-Norman jurisprudence
should consult Palgrave’s “ English Commonwealth,” Stubbs’ Preface to
“Benedict Abbas,” Pike's “ History of Crime,” and Professor Maitland’s
Introduction to vol. i. of the Selden Societys Publications, in connection
with the Laws and Assizes of the period, and the companion treatises of
Glanvill and Richard Fitz Nigel ; and lastly, the Pipe Rolls themselves,
which, as the Fee books of the courts, furnish a fairly complete list of
Agenda.

For the assistance of those who have not any opportunity of consulting
he Pipe Rolls, I have collected the various entries for the financial year
1177, in every county, in order that the subjects of trials in the King’s
Courts may be readily intelligible.

At the same time it should be remembered that it is not easy to

istinguish between these presumably select cases and those which were
tried ordinarily in the courts of the Barons or of the County and
Hundred. Neither can we be positive as to the composition of the
Courts in which the King or his officers presided, or as to their procedure.
A little later, in the next reign, a series of meagre reports or records
of cases abruptly begins, and from certain allusions in the Dzalogus such
ecords must have been known still earlier, though possibly not in any

250
Appendix. 251

 

continuous form before the reorganization of the Curia under Ranulph
de Glanvill, in 1178,

It might be surmised from the evidence of the Pipe Rolls that the
judicial efforts of the Crown in this reign were somewhat spasmodic.
Pleas and conventions find their way at hap-hazard before the King or
his justices, and rather by the private enterprise of the suitors than by an
exact process of summons such as prevailed at the Exchequer. Even
when these cases were before the Court, no trouble seems to have been
taken to despatch them expeditiously. It is not too much to say that
three-fourths of the judicial portion of the Pipe Rolls are made up of
hopeless arrears of litigation or convictions, the remaining fourth amply
representing the judicial work of the year. At long intervals we find
active measures enforced for coping with a congestion of feudal license
or an epidemic of crime. Good instances may be found in the rolls
of the 12th and 22nd years, which record the proceedings under the
two great criminal assizes of the reign. Then once more arrears
accumulate and justice seems to nod until the rude awakening with the
dawn of another reign. What is the meaning of this supineness? Can
it be that the courtiers were “fishing in muddy waters” behind their
master’s back? Or was this easy-going justice more truly adapted to the
wants of the age than the sweeping visitation recorded in the Pipe Rolls
and Plea Rolls of the next reign?

PLEAS AND CONVENTIONS BEFORE THE KING OR HIS
JUSTICES OR BARONS IN THE YEAR 1177.

DEVON.
New Pleas and New Conventions by the Justices at the Exchequer.
In the King’s mercy (several)
’ Because he withdrew from his claim.
New Pleas and New Conventions by the King’s Justices.
For unjust disseisin (2).
OXFORD.
New Pleas and New Conventions by the King’s Justices.
Because he had not one for whom he was pledge (11)
For a robber who escaped.
Because he denied what he before asserted.
For a disseisin.

For an unjust disseisin (2).
For a purpresture against the King.
252 Appendix.

 

For injury inflicted.
For a man drawn to the gallows who ought to have been hanged.

Pleas of the Court by the above.
For a disseisin contrary to the Assize.
For default.
Because he called the King to warranty and did not have him.
For license of making a compromise.
Because he did not make a return to the King’s writ.
For a disseisin
For false summons.
For an unjust disseisin.
For occupying land unjustly in the King’s town.

DORSET AND SOMERSET.
New Pleas and New Conventions by the King’s Justices.
For royal fish (concealed).
For default of warranty.
For a false claim (2).
In the King’s mercy (the whole county, a hundred,’and individuals).
For sending a duel to the hundred that should have been waged in
the County Court.
For compromise in an appeal (6).
For an unjust disseisin.

Pleas of the Court. .
For recognition of dower against another.
To have his part of a fee,
For the land of A——.
For recognition of the fees of three knights.
For right as to the fee of one knight.
For right against A——
For respite of an oath.
For default (several).
In the King’s mercy (for the forest).

WARWICK AND LEICESTERSHIRE.
New Pleas and New Conventions by the King’s Justices.
To have the King’s goodwill.
For the pledges of A.—B. (2).
For disseisins contrary to the Assize (7).
For the recognition of 3 carucates of land.
Appendix. 253

 

For unjust disseisin (4).

For concealing farms.

For wines sold contrary to the Assize.

For concealing the farm of A—— before the Justices.
For default (4).

Because he withdrew from his appeal.

For making stay at Leicester beyond the time ordained.
For default of warranty.

Because he had not one for whom he was pledge (2).
Because he did not accept the Assize which he had sought.
For concealment of a plea.

For license of agreement.

Pleas at the Exchequer.
For default of Appeal.
For unjust disseisin (3).
In the King’s mercy (several)
For the pledges of A——.

Pleas of the Court.
To have seisin of A——.
In the King’s mercy.

WORCESTER.
New Pleas, etc. :
- For a disseisin contrary to the Assize.
In the King’s mercy (2).
To have his father’s lands.

HEREFORD.
New Pleas, etc.
For an agreement about land.
For a disseisin contrary to the Assize.
For a rampart removed and a certain house, contrary to the Assize.
Because he did not essoign his son reasonably.

NOTTS AND DERBY.
New Pleas, etc. .
To have a recognition of his wife’s inheritance.
For a murder.
A frithborg and his fellows for not producing A.—C. (3).
To have right of the land of A——- against B——.
To plead seised of the land of A—— which B—— claims.
254 Appendix.

 

To have the King’s goodwill.

Because he appealed A of treason and made default.

For the ending of a dispute between himself and A——’s sister.
For a false claim.

To have a recognition of boundaries between himself and A——.
For withdrawing himself from his appeal.

 

NORTHAMPTON.
New Pleas, ete.
Because he called the King to warranty and did not have him.
In the King’s mercy for A.—2Z. (several).
For waste of the forest in his baili-wick.
That our lord the King should stay his anger against him, and for
the confirmation of his charters.
Because he took a wife in the King’s gift without license.
For an unjust disseisin.
For default.
For license of compromising with A——.

LINCOLN.
New Pleas, ete.
For license of agreement with A——.
For default (4).
In the King’s mercy, for royal fish (16).
For withdrawing from justice without license (2).
Because he had not one for whom he was pledge (2).
For sale of an inheritance.
For a false judgment.
For an unjust disseisin.
Because he swore in an assize of lands which he had not seen.
For a disseisin (7).
For default of an appeal (2).
For false swearing (3).
For a false claim (2).
For the pleas of A.—C. (3).
Because he pledged the land of A—— and because he received
without license.
In the King’s mercy (2).
To have an exchange of the lands of A——.
For license of compromising with divers merchants.
To have a recognition of land against A——.
Appendix. 255

 

For a recognition of land.

For a compromise with A.—B. (2

To have right done him.

For right in respect of his lands.

For license of compromising.

In the King’s mercy for lead missing.
For the pledge of A——.

Pleas at the Exchequer.
For an unjust disseisin.
Because he withdrew himself from the Assize against A——
For a disseisin. ‘

NORFOLK AND SUFFOLK.
New Pleas, etc.

In the King’s mercy (7).
For a disseisin (11).
For a compromise with A——.
Because he denied what he had said.
For a compromise (2).
For a balk thrown down (10).
For a false claim.
For default.
' For compromise of a duel,

Essex AND HERTS.
New Pleas, etc.
For a recognition.
For default.
For a disseisin (2).
In the King’s mercy (several).
For a murder.

Pleas of the Court.
In the King’s mercy (several).
In mercy, for his father.
To have the King’s goodwill.
For right against A——.

SOUTHAMPTON.
New Pleas, ete.

For default.
For a murder,
256 Appendix.

 

Because he had not one for who he was pledge.

For wine sold against the Assize.

In the King’s mercy (several)

A and his pledges in mercy (2).

A hundred in mercy. ©

A vill in mercy.

Because he impleaded the Abbess of W—— against the King’s
precept.

Because he did not have his warranty.

Because he disseised the wife of A——.

 

SUSSEX.
New Pleas, etc.
That the Assize should endure which the Chamberlain of Tankerville
obtained against him.
Because he had not A. for whom he was pledge.
For a disseisin against the Assize.
For a disseisin.
For wine sold against the Assize (20).
For a pledge.
For unjust disseisin (2).
For a fine for the partition of land.
For a fine made with the wife of A——.

 

CAMBRIDGE AND HUNTS.
New Pleas, etc.
For the pledges of an outlaw (2).
For the pledges of A.—Z. (numerous).
‘For the fine (or profit) of an escheat.
Because they carried corn by water without the license of the
justices (49).
To have right (7).
For a disseisin.
Because he had not one for whom he was pledge.
Because he had not a certain woman to justice.

KENT.
New Pleas, etc.
For unjust disseisin (2).
In mercy for his father.
For a false claim.
Appendix. as7

 

For license of compromising (4). ‘
For a disseisin (3).

For default.

In the King’s mercy.

Because he had the land of A—— in time of war.

LONDON AND MIDDLESEX.
New Pleas, etc.
For a murder (5).
In the King’s mercy (3 villages).
For being without pledge.
Because he had not one for whom he was pledge (5).
In the King’s mercy for a watermill.
To have right in respect of 50 marks.
NOTES AND REFERENCES TO CHAPTERS VIII.
* AND IX.

THE SITE OF THE ANCIENT EXCHEQUER AT WEST-
MINSTER.

THE Exchequer is perhaps more closely connected with the Archeology
of Westminster than any other secular institution before the reign of
“the English Justinian.” It is true that from this date the ancient
palace was the fixed seat of the Law Courts, in which the Barons’
Chamber was thenceforth merged, but so long as the Curia and Exchequer
were distinct, though parallel departments, the latter really monopolized
the official establishment at Westminster. It may be urged, however,
that in this archzeological aspect the Curia is the older court, held here,
possibly, in King Edward’s day in the White Hall or Painted Chamber,
and transplanted by the Red King to a more dignified habitation in the
Great Hall with which it has ever since been associated. But it is
obvious that this view of the matter entirely assumes the permanent or
official establishment of the Curia at any one centre. In truth it had no
such establishment, but followed the king from one palace to another, its
members being for the most part “curiales” or “familiares” as expert
as any Barons of the Exchequer, but differing from the latter in this
important particular, that they had no zmfedimenta in the shape of
a chequered table, a score or so of iron chests stuffed with rolls and books
of reference, and equal number of binns full of tallies and writs for every
English county, and a smelting furnace, but could assemble and decide
off-hand a knotty point of law between sunrise and Chaplain Roger’s
hunting-mass.

Therefore the Great Hall of Rufus must not be looked on as the home
of the Curia before the 13th century, for it was not necessarily used
as a court-house, even when the Court happened to be at Westminster
de more, or for any other purpose than a council, a coronation feast,
or some other imposing ceremony. In any case, however, when the
king, after some three days’ stay, had recommenced the round of his
more favoured hunting-lodges, Westminster knew the Curia no more
until the next fitful visit of royalty, and absolutely no trace of its officia.
existence was left behind except the Records of the Court, bundles of

rolls and bales of writs, which appear to have been deposited in the
258
Appendix. : 259

 

Treasury of the Receipt. Now it is the existence of the latter as an
essential department of the Exchequer which constitutes the difference
between this latter court and the Curia and explains the existence
of a permanent staff under the Treasurer and Chamberlains at West-
minster. The Barons of the Exchequer themselves were scarcely dis-
tinguishable, in the time of which we treat, from the Justices of the
Curia. Both were equally “curiales ” and “ familiares,” and the members
of one court were equally versed in the routine of the other, up to a
certain point. It is only here and there that an expert stands out as
a specialist in jurisprudence or finance, a Glanvill or a Fitz-Neale.
These Barons then made little longer stay at Westminster than their
brethren of the Curia, though the period and scope of their work were
rigidly marked out for them; but at the end of the short session they
left behind them all the apparatus of their office in charge of their
deputies, the clerical staff of the Receipt. The President and Constable
and “ curiales” of the pattern of Master Brown went to follow the Court ;
the Treasurer and Chamberlains to hover between the Camera and
Treasury ; while the legal Barons went on circuit in the provinces for the
nice adjustment of scutages and assarts. The Marshal only was left
with his prisoners and tallies to dispose of. But in the Lower Exchequer,
or Receipt, the Deputy Chamberlains, the Treasurer’s clerk, and divers
clerks and serjeants would be found hard at work on occasion long after
the Barons had adjourned. It is true that during the recess the
majority of these clerks would return to their normal employment, being
paid only for the session, those detained on the King’s business being
recognisable by the extra allowances awarded them,! but even so some
regular official must be in constant residence at Westm'n-ter, There-
fore, when the final act of the session is accomplished, that is to say,
when, after compiling and checking (with much wrangling in their
respective masters’ honour) and sealing the summonses to the Sheriffs
against the next session, the clerks and scribes of the Chancellor and
Treasurer have returned to the Chapel or Scriptorium ; when the four
Tellers have started in charge of a treasure train of lumbering carts and
great wooden hutches, that there may be no mysterious leakage of silver
pennies, and the Deputy Chamberlains have donned armour and mounted
horse as their escort to scare away marauders according to the terms
of their office, and the remaining officials have taken a holiday like their
betters, and finally the Marshal after having seen the Usher of the
Barons’ Chamber safely under weigh with the summonses to be served

 

1 Pipe Rolls of the period, under '‘ London and Midds.”’ or ‘‘ Hampshire.”
.

260 Appendix.

 

upon the Debtors of the Crown in every shire, has himself departed
to change the air of vaults and jails for the breezes of the Wiltshire
Dewns ;—even then the permanent establishment of the Exchequer is
represented by the Usher of the Receipt, who keeps the keys and goes
the rounds of the building night and morning, while the domestic
servants of the absent Usher of the Barons’ Chamber give heed that there
is no leakage through the tiles upon the chequered table, and that the
moth and rust are excluded from the hangings of the walls, and the linen
blinds of the windows,' being overlooked in turn by the keeper of the
King’s Palace, who is also warden of the Fleet Prison,?

So far the permanent existence of the Exchequer appears to be
established, and these contemporary indications are confirmed by the
unbroken evidence of its later history since the beginning of the 13th
century. A difficulty now arises in locating this permanent establish-
ment, at Westminster itself in the first instance, and subsequently at any
particular site within the confines of the Royal Palace there.

The tradition of an earlier age has fixed the original site of the Treasury
of the Kings of England, whether of the Saxon or Norman line, at
Winchester, and with this Treasury the same tradition connects the first
germ of an Exchequer or Audit of the revenue. The subject is one
of great difficulty arising from the obscurity of description which
characterizes the contemporary references to date and scene of action.
But it is at least possible to evolve a reasonable theory in explanation
of the confliciing evidence of an Exchequer and Treasury apparently
existing at more than one centre during the reign of Henry II.

In the first place we myst recognise the fact that the Exchequer was
nominally as much a “ deambulatory” Court as the Curia itself, although
from obvious motives of convenience we find it usually fixed in one
central spot. Thus we have instances in the reign before mentioned,
and even later, of an Exchequer held at any one of the great towns.
or royal resideaces, without any further reason apparent than that it was
required for the time being to “ follow the King.” We even find the
chief contents apparently of the Treasury, bullion, plate, or regalia, and
records, moved on several occasions with great labour, at a heavy expense,
from Westminster or, Winchester to the temporary abode of the Court,
or even beyond the sea. The explanation is to be found in the purely
personal rather than official nature of the establishment, which like the
Curia had its first origin in the informal session of the King’s household
officers in the very Chamber of the Palace.

 

1 Pipe Roll, 23 Hen. 11. e¢ seg. 2 Pipe Rell, 9 Hen, II, et seg,
Appendix. i 261

 

In the course of a century, however, this crude system had been
refined upon, with the result, as we have seen, that both Curia and
Exchequer had now an independent session, the places of those officials
whose presence could not be spared from the household being supplied
by deputies! The Curia being unencumbered with official baggage
could meet in one palace as well as another, to which circumstance we
owe the well-known picture of the peripatetic suitor of the period,?
while the place of the Treasury and Exchequer was supplied by the
Camera or Ministry of the Privy Purse replenished by forestalling the
farm of a local officer? or by relays of treasure from the old and new
capitals, and audited by certain quasi-Barons of the Exchequer in their
original capacity of gentlemen of the bed-chamber.‘ But it would still
happen on certain occasions, the significance of which is in most cases
now lost to us, that the King would be content with nothing less than the
view of the whole operation around the chequered board and melting-pot,
and in such cases there was no alternative but for the Barons to set in
motion the long procession of treasure-wains or to commission the royal
“smack” ® for a passage across the Channel, convoyed in each case by
the Deputy Cbamberlains clad in unaccustomed mail.

Otherwise, however, the royal treasure was both audited and hoarded
at Westminster or Winchester, and the only important point is which
‘of these two capitals should be regarded as the official seat of the
Exchequer and Treasury. ‘es

On some former occasions, in connection with the subject of the official
custody of Domesday Book,® I attempted to decide this interesting
question in favour of the Westminster site ; but though I was able to refer
to numerous instances of an Exchequer and Treasury settled at West-
minster in the reign of Henry II., it was pointed out at the time by
a well-known scholar,? who supported the claims of Winchester with
equal emphasis, that for every instance in favour of the former site,
another equally conclusive could be advanced on behalf of the latter
from contemporary records and chronicles. Therefore, according to the

 

1 “Quia propter majora et magis neccessaria . . . . avelli nou possunt.’’—
Dialogus, i. 5.

2 Palgrave, Engl. Commonwealth, ii. \xxv.

3 «Et in camera Regis per breve Regis.”"—Pipe Rolls, passim.

4 Camerarii, also called Milites or Barones, see Fantosme (Rolls ed.), line 2021-3.

5 The ‘'esnecca Regis” of the Pipe Rolls.

6 Atheneum, Nov. 27, 1886; Domesday Commemoration, 1888; Antiqguary,
Sept., 1887.

7 Mr. J. H. Round in the Aatiguary for June and July, 1887.
262 Appendix.

 

estimable practice of the “compendious Mr. Madox” in similar cases :
“T leave every man to his freedom of judging therein as he shall see
cause.”

NOTICE OF AN EXCHEQUER AND TREASURY AT WINCHESTER OR WESTMINSTER
IN THE REIGN OF HENRY I1.}

1156 ‘* Treasure” conveyed to Cricklade and beyond sea from Winchester.

Pr si rr Shoreham Westminster.
1157 Regalia 7 St. Edmunds Winchester.
1158 ‘‘ Treasure ” zs Carlisle 59

»» Regalia (and Tallies) conveyed to’ Worcester 3
1159 ‘‘ Treasure ” conveyed to beyond sea 35
1161 ‘Record Chest” ,, London 3

“4, “Treasure” se beyond sea 35
I 162 2 a3 ” ”
1163 Plate Pe Berkhamstead for Xmas is
1164 “ Record Chest” ,, London (Easter) 3

ey 35 i Northampton (Mich) 2 45

fs Exchequer at Westminster (Michaelmas,)
1165 ‘Treasure ” conveyed to various places +
1166 ” ” ” ‘ ”
1169 i ‘i Southampton i
1170 i (and Regalia) conveyed to Southampton i
1172 ¥s conveyed during the whole year 5
1173 ” 58 to Normandy and back 93

ot a s Winchester and elsewhere from Westminster.
I 174 ue 39 ced ” ” 9%

a 95 (and Hawks, etc.), conveyed during the whole year from

Winchester.

 

1 Printed Pige Rolls and Eyton’s /tinerary, I have verified most of these from the
original rolls.

2 On the other hand, it has been argued that the Exchequer being known to be at
London at Easter and at Northampton at Michaelmas, the despatch of this ‘‘ Record
Chest’? from Winchester to both those sessions indicates a normal centre at the old
Saxon capital. Asa matter of fact the Michaelmas Exchequer was at Westminster,
and therefore this chest had nothing to do with that Exchequer. Iam convinced
myself that it contained only certain Regalia, and as the King was in London at
Easter (though not at the Session of the Exchequer), the whole proceeding is explained
by the natural supposition that the chest in question, like the bulk of the contents of
the Winchester Treasury ‘followed the Court,’ and was not required for fiscal
purposes.

3 And yet we find a suitor paying his fines into the Treasury at Westminster in
these two years,
Appendix. 263

 

1175 ‘‘ Treasure” conveyed to Gloucester'from Westminster.
1176 ‘i returned to London.

»» Charter dated at the Exchequer at Westminster.
1177 Easter Exchequer at Westminster.

x ‘* Treasure” conveyed to Winchester and back to London.

” ” ” xe from Westminster,
», Treasury at Winchester has to be repaired.

1179 ‘* Treasure” conveyed to London from Winchester.
an an A Winchester , » Westminster.
», Plate = Southampton ,, Winchester.
» ‘© Treasure” mn after the King ,, Westminster.

1180 > ap ay to Woodstock ,, oy
», Dies. a from Winchester and returned.
yy ‘* Treasure” 15 to London from Winchester.

3, Treasury implements purchased at Winchester.
», Exchequer at Westminster, Michaelmas.
»» “‘ Treasure” sent out from Westminster to different mints throughout
England to be recoined and returned there.
1181 Plate sent out from Westminster.
»» ‘‘ Treasure” conveyed to Winchester, where the King kept Xmas.
1183 Exchequer at Westminster.
1184 ” ” ”
», Charter dated at the King’s chapel at Westminster.
1185 ‘‘ Treasure” conveyed throughout England from Westminster.
>» Plate An

oY ” ” ”
» ‘* Treasure” now sent direct to Southampton ,, ‘9
1186 9 ” a3 ” a” ” a ”
»s New furniture for the Winchester Treasury.
1187 The Swords of _,, 55 Sy furbished.!

3, ‘* Treasure ” conveyed abroad from Winchester.

It must be remembered in connection with the term “Treasure,” that
two different species of Bullion were included therein, namely, coin and
plate, including regalia and jewels. I have strong reasons for believing
that both species were separately hoarded, as they undoubtedly were
a century later, and that the Winchester treasury was especially designed
to accommodate the latter until the middle of this reign, after which date
the regalia, etc., were usually deposited in the Abbey of Westminster.
The coined treasure, on the other hand, was throughout received and
hoarded at Westminster in the Treasury of the Receipt, with the Seal and

 

1 Mr. Round has kindly pointed out that these were the State swords used at
Richard I.’s coronation. I had quite missed the point of the passage.

‘
264 A ppendix.

 

Records, being drafted thence as required into the Camera or Wardrobe.
This accounts for no mention being made of regalia or plate in the
inventory of this Treasury in the Dzalogus, and we know that on another
occasion the entire contents of the Abbey Treasury in 1303, valued at
£,100,000,! consisted of plate and jewels.

It may also be gathered from the above notices that thete was un-
doubtedly a central Treasury at Winchester, but that in the majority
of cases this was used as an emporium in connection with the transport
of bullion (and especially the regalia and plate),as wellas other supplies,
via Southampton or other sea-ports to the Continent during the almost
incessant wars of the first twenty years of the reign. After the great
rebellion of 1173-4, however, a great change seems to have taken place,
coinciding- with the reorganization of the Curia and Exchequer in the
interests of the Crown and the prominence of the official element which
had its permanent headquarters henceforth at Westminster.2 Again at
the end of the reign, on the renewal of the! war, the Treasury at Win-
chester was once more utilized, but having fallen into decay it required
certain structural repairs and a new plant, for the Treasury swords actually
required to be cleansed of the rust which they had contracted during the
ten years that the Chamberlains and Clerks had been in permanent
residence at Westminster. I do not, however, rely so much upon this
view of the position of the Exchequer and its belongings, as upon certain
independent notices which seem to me to offer conclusive evidence in
favour of the Westminster site during the great part of the reign.

It is evident from the description of the author of the Déa/ogus, himself
the King’s Treasurer at this time, that the Exchequer and the Treasury
were both at one place. Thus he states that there were in the Treasury
certain records and regalia which he specifies, and which were used in
the “daily business of the Exchequer.”* And again he says in several
places, and most distinctly, that the Great Seal was kept with the above
in the Treasury, which it never left except when it was carried from the
Tower to the Upper Exchequer to be used by the Barons, leading us to
suppose that the Treasury was contained in the Receipt. Finally, he
fixes the position of this Exchequer at Westminster by the mention
of a payment for ink for the whole year in both Exchequers made to
the Sacristan of St. Peter’s, Westminster.’ We have also the evidence
of the Pipe Rolls from the twenty-second year of the reign for the

 

1 Pike's History of Crime, vol. i. pp. 199-202.
? Stubbs’ Preface to Benedict Abbas (Rolls Series).
3 Dialogus, i. 14. 4 Toid., i. 5; i. 14. 5 [bid., i. 3.
Appendix. 265

 

regular allowance of woollen and linen cloth and other furniture for the
several chambers of the Exchequer out of the farm of London. Finally,
there is the unique statement of a suitor of the period, verified by the
Pipe Rolls, that‘he paid certain sums into the Treasury of the Receipt
of the Exchequer in the 11th and 12th and 13th years of the reign, and it
can be shown by a curious coincidence that he made these payments at
Westminster.! I have collected many other evidences of the same kind,
but like those already mentioned, they all point to the same conclusion,
namely, that whenever the position of the Exchequer is mentioned, which
it rarely is, it will be found to be at Westminster, except on those rare
occasions, when, like the Curia, it followed the King. I now come to the
remaining point, and here I should like to say that I offer an opinion
with the greatest diffidence upon the archzology of Anglo-Norman
Westminster. The position of the Exchequer, therefore, which I shall
attempt to fix, must be looked on as purely conjectural, for although the
cumulative evidence in support of it is very strong, we are, I believe,
absolutely devoid of any direct allusion to this site before the end of the
13th century.

The original position of the Exchequer chamber seems to have been
on the north-east side of Westminster Palace. There is indeed nothing
to prove this except the immemorial tradition of the position of the
Receipt in that quarter, and the fact of the later transfer of the Exchequer
Court to the north-west side of the Hall of Rufus after the incorporation
of the Barons’ Exchequer with the Common Law Courts. We may
assume, however, that the “ House of the Exchequer” was situated in
the New Palace and not in the Old Palace. The former was admittedly
an abortive product of regal ambition extending (in spite of Stow’s
ambiguous reference) no further than the Great Hall? This then was
used from the first as an official apartment, and before long other build-
ings of an equally formal character were grouped round it; including, in
the middle of the 12th ‘century, a State Chapel and the Exchequer
House. On the west side of the Hall of Rufus there may have been
some temporary buildings, though it is difficult to conjecture their official
use, for the Constabulary and the more domestic offices of the Household
dignitaries were probably located in the basement of the old Palace.
There was one other building within the precincts of the New Palace,

 

1 Excheg. T. of R., $8.

2 It is not clear whether the Council Chamber (afterwards the Star-Chamber) was
part of the original extension of the New Palace here referred to. We first hear of
‘*new houses” on the north-east side under Edw. III.
266 Appendix.

 

which has a greater interest than any other in connection with the
Exchequer. This is the specula, or watch-tower, “near unto the river
Thames,” in which the author of the Dzalogus sat when he was “in
residence” at Westminster.! This tower may be with some confidence
identified with the Norman structure which formerly abutted on to the
east side of the Great Hall. It may possibly be further identified with
certain “chambers” which we know were provided for the convenience
of the Barons at a slightly later period. This tower, communicating.
directly with the official staff of the King’s chapel, and also with the
Curia and Camera in the interior of the Old Palace, and directly over-
looking the Exchequer House with its precious contents, is the real key
to the position of the ancient Exchequer. The description of this tower
as “juxta fluvium” may have been necessary to distinguish it from
another tower at the south-west angle of the Old Palace walls, being
indeed the point farthest removed from the river, and which might
be described in contra-distinction to the others as “juxta ecclesiam.”
The restored building of the Confessor was in Norman and Angevin
times the residential portion of the Palace of Westminster. This contained
the King’s houses, that is to say a suite of “ chambers,” on the first floor,
as the name implies being placed over the low vaulted “cellars” which
were then probably used as such, and as the offices of the several house-
hold functionaries. The kitchens and stables and slaughter-house, etc.,
were more probably distinct from this block which formed the east wing
of the Old Palace. The communication between the old and new
palaces was apparently at the north end of the same wing, but the direct
route from one enclosure to the other was no doubt by a path or covered
way from the north-east side of the old or white hall. This gave access
to the gardens and the river equally, or by passing through the west door
of the Chapel to the Watch Tower and Exchequer House and the south-
east side of the New Palace yard. But whatever may have been the
exact situation of the Exchequer House, we are enabled to form a fairly
good idea of its interior plan from the description of the Dzalogus.

Here we have a superior and an inferior Exchequer, both apparently
contained in the same building, for though the appellation of Upper and
Lower may have been merely used to, designate their respective import-
ance, we cannot ignore the descriptive sense of those terms where majus
and parvum would otherwise have seemed more appropriate ; and,
indeed, we find that the Upper Exchequer is also called majus (just as
its officers were called majores) when it was desired to describe its

 

1 Dialogus, i., Preface.
Appendix. 267

 

importance rather than its position. Moreover, there are several refer-
ences in the Dzalogus and elsewhere to the Exchequer House (Domus
Scaccarit) as a single building. In the account of the trial of the Pyx
given in the above-mentioned work, we also find that the Assayer carried
the Pyx, containing the sample coins selected by him from the heaps
undergoing the process of counting and weighing in the Receipt, from
the Lower to the Upper Exchequer, and after the coins had been
examined, and the Pyx sealed by the Barons, he returned as it would
appear, accompanied by the overseers nominated on both sides, once
more to the Receipt, where the Smelter, “ forewarned ” of their approach,
had fanned his furnace to the necessary heat. Then, as soon as the
operation was fairly accomplished, the party returned to the Upper
Chamber to weigh the molten silver in the presence of the Barons.
Each Exchequer was probably divided into two chambers, the Upper
containing the Court-Room and Council Chamber, and the lower
a Counting-House, also used as a Scriptorium and a Treasury. There
were two Ushers or Doorkeepers, the principal one of whom held
a quasi-hereditary office in the Upper Exchequer. It was his duty to
admit only those who had business to the “outer chamber,” and none
but the Barons to the “inner chamber.” It is significant that throughout
the reign we find this officer paid out of the farm of London. The Usher
of the Receipt was specially charged with the custody of the Treasury
door, and he also provided all the necessary implements at a fixed rate,
including ink, purchased by him from the Sacristan of Westminster.
Especial emphasis is laid in the Déalogus on the fact that unlike every
other member of the Exchequer, the Usher of the Upper Barons’ chamber
(who was employed at the close of the session in serving the new
summonses on the Sheriffs), the Usher of the Receipt was employed as
a permanent domestic servant of the Treasurer and Chamberlains. This
is a proof that the Exchequer Treasury formed a permanent department
at Westminster, and thus disposes of the suggestion that after the session
the officers of the Exchequer were transferred to Winchester, together
with the contents of the Treasury. It was probably also the duty of the
senior Usher to see that the Barons’ chambers were duly swept and
aired during the recess, for we read that he was assisted in his duties by
the servants of his family. In a record of the fifth year of Edward II.
we read that the Barons sent for the two ushers of the Exchequer at
Westminster before the recess, and directed them as to special precau-
tions to be taken for the custody of its contents, and this later notice may
be fairly considered as explanatory of the earlier practice indicated in
the Dialogus.
268 Appendix.

 

It will not perhaps be necessary to multiply instances of this nature.
I have carefully refrained from attempting to trace anything more
beyond the bare outline of the position of the Exchequer at Westminster,
fearing to lessen the value of the authentic evidence available, however
meagre, by combination with the more copious but hopelessly confused
details which exist from the thirteenth century onwards, when, through
disastrous fires and ambitious schemes of reconstruction, the external
position and internal arrangements of the ancient houses were changed
beyond all hope of recognition. The nature of the principal changes
that were made in the official economy of the Royal Exchequer can,
however, be roughly ascertained, and will be found to consist in the
complete separation of the Barons’ Chamber, now dignified with the real
instead of the honorary appellation of a Court, from the Lower Ex-
chequer, and its removal to more commodious premises on the opposite
side of the Great Hall. The Receipt, however, still retained its ancient
site until comparatively recent times, now occupying, apparently, both
floors of the Exchequer House, and administered by an augmented and
more dignified official staff, but retaining with the new establishment all
the ancient usages and practice of the old, so that at the present day we
are able to verify the descriptions of the Dialogus from existing records,
whether of the Queen’s Remembrancer or the Lord Treasurer’s, whether
of the Exchequer Court or the Treasury of the Receipt.

Such was the position of the Exchequer at Westminster as I have
liked to figure it to myself from the time of Chaplain Roger to that
of Archdeacon Swereford.

THE SHERIFFS’ ACCOUNTS.

The authorities used for the description in Chapter VII. of an Easter
Session of the Exchequer are the Pipe Rolls of the reign and the
Dialogus de Scaccario. Further details may be found in Madox and in
an essay on the System of the Exchequer contributed by the author
to the Introductory Volume of the Pipe Roll Society’s publications
(vol. iii.). The items of the Southampton Account, which form the subject
of the Justiciary’s comments, are of course taken from the actual Pipe
Roll of 1177.
NOTES AND REFERENCES TO CHAPTER X.

In this chapter the subject of the abuses of the Court is further de-
veloped, Master Walter Map being as before the mouthpiece of those
more serious and impartial critics who were able to distinguish between
the merits of Henry’s good intentions and the defects of his actual
administration. Without needing the assistance of a scandalous chro-
nicler like Ralph Niger, or of an interested eulogist such as Richard
FitzNigel, it is possible to read between the lines of the received history
of the reign by reference to official remains and to the friendly criticism
contained in works like the “ Polycraticus” of John of Salisbury and
the “ De Nugis Curialium” of Walter Map.

It is true that we have only a suspicion of the “tyranny” hinted at
in the text, which would by no means justify an attempt at a destructive
review of Henry’s policy ; but for all that a disagreeable impression is
left upon our minds by a comparison of these sinister rumours with
certain historical incidents of the reign. The crisis of the reign, in the
great rebellion of 1173-4, may be thought by a close observer of the
personal antecedents of the respective partizans to have been provoked
by something more than a stern insistance on the essential conditions
of civil government. Even the most unpopular agents of the new
régime, the heartless pedants of the Exchequer, were capable of a lively
resistance to any reform of obvious abuses within their privileged body.
On such occasions the official advisers of the Crown were “ Achitophels”
and “serpents,” while they could listen sympathetically to a colleague’s
denunciation of royal “bloodhounds.” But when that colleague took
up arms for the redress of the real or fancied grievances of the Church,
the baronage, and the commons, he was unhesitatingly condemned by
them as an “unnatural” traitor. If Henry II. was not a tyrant, he
was certainly a bully, and worse than that, a maintainer of lesser bullies,
the courtiers or familiars whose characters have been so unsparingly
exposed even by writers of their own party. The serious breach of the
peace between the followers of Bertram de Verdun and the Earl of
Leicester on the eve of the great outbreak is remarkably significant, and
perhaps only a typical case, which here found its way into the law
courts.

On the whole, however, the merits of the rebel cause can scarcely

269
270 A pendix,

 

be ascertained at thisday. Tous they must appear as selfish feudalists,
in the absence of any evidence of a definite programme which would
qualify them for the title of reformers. Like many earlier and later
agitators, they have in fact suffered at the hands of courtly historians
whose version of the affair has alone survived. It is enough if our
complacent hero-worship of their great adversary is tempered by a
suspicion of Map’s sincerity and Dean Wido’s guiltiness.

I have introduced in this chapter a tale of the civil war such as
must have been commonly in the mouths of professional reciters of the
period. Here indeed I ‘have ventured to give a mere abridgment of
Jordan de Fantosme’s famous romance, which the author was probably
accustomed to recite in a more condensed form than that in which it
survives in the unique MS. so admirably interpreted in the Rolls’ edition
by Mr. Howlett.
NOTES AND REFERENCES TO
CHAPTERS XI.-XIII.

IN these chapters I have attempted to describe certain historical scenes
within a typical English monastery at the precise date of this narrative.

The circumstances introduced here are all such as actually occurred
on the authority of the contemporary chroniclers, and the personages
of the story are equally real; while I have laboured hard to represent
the local surroundings as faithfully as my imperfect knowledge of ecclesi-
astical antiquities permitted.! es

The story of Waltham Abbey is chiefly derived from the Bishop of
Oxford’s Edition of the “Inventio Sancte Crucis apud Waltham.”
The arbitrary dissolution of this house in the manner related in the text
has been almost unanimously condemned by contemporary and modern
writers.

The description of St. Alban’s is taken from original MSS. and local
histories and personal observations. Matthew Paris is of course the
great authority for the lives of the Abbots and events connected with
the Church. In one important particular, however, I have rejected his
statement, namely, as to the date of the Invention of St. Amphibalus,
which he places in the year 1178, though the contemporary chronicle
of Benedict Abbas assigns the date to the year of our story.

Alexander Necham, the brilliant author of the ‘De Naturis Rerum,”
has been introduced as a visitor to his native abbey and as the trenchant
satirist of the Nugze Scholarium; though in this matter he was not
far in advance of Nigel of Canterbury.

The legend of St. Godric, and the account of the several miracles
performed on the occasion of the Invention of St. Amphibalus, have
been related almost in the words of the contemporary historian, with
a view to preserving as much as possible the inimitable xazveté of the
original narrative.

 

1 T have particularly to acknowledge a debt of gratitude to the works of Dr. Jessop
and Canon Mackenzie Walcot, as well as to Mr. Macray’s edition of the Evesham
Chronicle in the Rolls Series. :

Butler & Tanner, The Selwood Printing Works, Frome, and London.
SS \N \ \
A