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Gornell University Library
Sthaca, New York

CHARLES WILLIAM WASON

COLLECTION
CHINA AND THE CHINESE

THE GIFT OF
CHARLES WILLIAM WASON
CLASS OF 1876
1918
Cornell Universit:

“nai
Wann
Biase
MS53Fh:

IPF.
.

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‘* A knowledge of the commonplace, at least, of Oriental literature, philo-
sophy, and religion is as necessary to the general reader of the present day
as an acquaintance with the Latin and Greek classics was a generation or so
ago. Immense strides have been made within the present century in these
branches of learning; Sanskrit has been brought within the range of accurate
philology, and its invaluable ancient literature thoroughly investigated ; the
language and sacred books of the Zoroastrians have been laid bare; Egyptian.
Assyrian, and other records of the remote past have been deciphered, and a
group of scholars speak of still more recondite Accadian and Hittite monu-
ments ; but the results of all the scholarship that has been devoted to these
subjects have been almost inaccessible to the public because they were con-
tained for the most part in learned or expensive works, or scattered through-
out the numbers of scientific periodicals. Messrs. Tripyrr & Co., ina spirit ©
of enterprise which does them infinite credit, have determined to supply the
constantly-increasing want, and to give in a popular, or, at least, a compre-
hensive form, all this mass of knowledge to the world.”—Zimes.

 

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THE INDIAN EMPIRE: ITS HISTORY, PEOPLE,
AND PRODUCTS.

Being a revised form of the article ‘‘ India,” in the ‘‘ Imperial Gazetteer, ”
remodelled into chapters, brought up to date, and incorporating
the general results of the Census of 1881.

By W. W. HUNTER, C.LE., LL.D.,
Director-General of Statistics to the Government of India,

“The article ‘India,’ in Volume IV., is the touchstone of the work, and proves
clearly enough the sterling metal of which it is wrought. It represents the essence
of the 100 volumes which contain the results of the statistical survey conducted by
Dr. Hunter throughout each of the 240 districts of India. It is, moreover, the only
attempt that has ever been made to show how the Indian people have been built up,
and the evidence from the original materials has been for the first time sifted and
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Second Edition, post 8vo, cloth, pp. xvi.—428, price 16s.

ESSAYS ON THE SACRED LANGUAGE, WRITINGS,
AND RELIGION OF THE PARSIS.

‘ By MARTIN HAUG, Pz.D.,
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of Sanskrit Studies, and Professor of Sanskrit in the Poona College.

EpiteD By Dr. E, W. WEST.

I. History of the Researches into the Sacred Writings and Religion of the
Parsis, from the Earliest Times down to the Present.
II. Languages of the Parsi Scriptures.
III. The Zend-Avesta, or the Scripture of the Parsis.
IV. The Zoroastrian Religion, as to its Origin and Development.

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late Dr, Martin Haug, edited by Dr. E. W. West. The author intended, on his return
from India, to expand the materials contained in this work into a compréhensive |
account of the Zoroastrian religion, but the design was frustrated by his untimely
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TEXTS FROM THE BUDDHIST CANON
COMMONLY KNOWN AS “ DHAMMAPADA.”
‘With Accompanying Narratives,

Translated from the Chinese by 8. BEAL, B.A., Professor of Chinese,
University College, London,

Tbe Dhammapada, as hitherto known by the Pali Text Edition, as edited
by Fausbéll, by Max Miiller’s English, and Albrecht Weber’s German
translations, consists only of twenty-six chapters or sections, whilst the
Chinese version, or rather recension, as now translated by Mr. Beal, con-
sists of thirty-nine sections. The students of Pali who possess Fausbdll’s
text, or either of the above-named translations, will therefore needs want
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obtainable by them.

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eritical study of the work. It contains authentic texts gathered from ancient
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everyday life in India at the remote period at which they were written, and upon
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principle that a religion whose founder denied a God, now worships that founder as
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By ALBRECHT WEBER.

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Dr. BuHLER, Inspector of Schools in’ India, writes :—‘‘ When I was Pro-
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them with all they want on the subject.”

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up to date by the addition of all the most important results of recent research,”—
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A SKETCH OF
THE MODERN LANGUAGES OF THE EAST INDIES.
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languages of the East Indies, but the extent of our present knowledge had
not even been brought to a focus. It occurred to him that it might be of
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*« Supplies a deficiency which has long been felt.” —Times.

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THE BIRTH OF THE WAR-GOD.
A Poem. By KALIDASA.

Translated from the Sanskrit into English Verse by
Rapa T. H. GrirFiru, M.A.

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twenty-six years ago, and which we are glad to see made once more acceasible.”—
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mes.

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A CLASSICAL DICTIONARY OF HINDU MYTHOLOGY
AND RELIGION, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, AND
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. In this work an endeavour has been made to supply the long-felt want of
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SELECTIONS FROM THE KORAN.—

By EDWARD WILLIAM LANE, .
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Nights ;” d&e., &.
A New Edition, Revised and Enlarged, with an Introduction by
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and for literary skill to present them in a condensed and readable form.”—English-
man, Calcutia,

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MODERN INDIA AND THE INDIANS,
BEING A SERIES OF IMPRESSIONS, NOTES, AND ESSAYS.

By MONIER WILLIAMS, D.C.L.,
i. Hon. LL.D, of the University of Calcutta, Hon. Member of the Bombay Asiatic
Society, Boden Professor of Sanskrit in the University of Oxford.

Third Edition, revised and augmented by considerable Additions,
with Illustrations and a Map.

This edition will be found a great improvement on those that preceded it.
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lightened observant man, travelling among an enlightened observant people, Professor
Monier Williams has brought before the public in a pleasant form more of the manners
and customs of the Queen’s Indian subjects than we ever remember to have seen in
any one work. He not only deserves the thanks of every Englishman for this able
contribution to the study of Modern India—a subject with which we should be
specially familiar—but he deserves the thanks of every Indian, Parsee or Hindu,

Buddhist and Moslem, for his clear exposition of their manners, their creeds, and
their necessities.”—TZimes.
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METRICAL TRANSLATIONS FROM SANSKRIT
WRITERS,

With an Introduction, many Prose Versions, and Parallel Passages from
Classical Authors.

By J. MUIR, C.LE., D.C.L., LL.D., Ph.D.

«c., . An agreeable introduction to Hindu poetry.”—Times.

“«. . + A volume which may be taken as a fair illustration alike of the religions
and moral sentiments and of the legendary lore of the best Sanskrit writers,” —
Edinburgh Daily Review.

 

In Two Volumes, post 8vo, pp. Vili. —4o8 and viii.—348, cloth, price 28s.

MISCELLANEOUS ESSAYS RELATING TO INDIAN
SUBJECTS.

By BRIAN HOUGHTON HODGSON, Esq., F.R.S.,

Late of the Bengal Civil Service ; Corresponding Member of the Institute; Chevalier
of the Legion of Honour ; late British Minister at the Court of Nepal, &., é&c.

CONTENTS Of VOL, I.

Section I.—On the Kocch, Boddé, and Dhimdl Tribes,—Part I. Vocabulary.—
Part II. Grammar.—Part UI. Their Origin, Location, Numbers, Creed, Customs,
Character, and Condition, with a General Description of the Climate they dwell in.
—Appendix.

Secrion 1I1.—On Himalayan Ethnology.—I. Comparative Vocabulary of the Lan-
guages of the Broken Tribes of Népal.—II. Vocabulary of the Dialects of the Kiranti
Language.—III. Grammatical Analysis of the Vayu Language. The Vayu Grammar.
—lV. Analysis of the Babing Dialect of the Kiranti Language. The Béhing Gram-
mar.—V. On the Vayu or Hayu ‘lribe of the Central Himald4ya.—VI. On tue Kiranti
Tribe of the Central Himaldya.

CONTENTS OF VOL. II.

Section III.—On the Aborigines of North-Eastern India. Comparative Vocabulary
of the Tibetan, Bédé, and Garé Tongues.

Secrion [V.—Aborigines of the North-Eastern Frontier.

Section V.—Aborigines of the Eastern Frontier.

Secrion VI.—The Indo-Chinese Borderers, and their connection with the Hima-
layans aud Tibetans. Comparative Vocabulary of Indo-Chinese Borderers in Arakan.
Comparative Vocabulary o: Indo-Chinese Borderers in Tenasserim.

Section VII.—The Mongolian Affinities of the Caucasiaus.—Comparison and Ana-
lysis of Caucasian and Mongolian Words.

Section VIIL—Pbysical Type of Tibetans.

Secrion IX.—The Aborigines of Central India.—Comparative Vocabulary of the
Aboriginal Languages of Central India.—Aborigines of the Eastern Ghats.—Vocabu-
lary of some of the Dialects of the Hill and Wandering Tribes in the Northern Sircars.
—<Aborizines of the Nilgiris, with Remarks on their Affinities.—Supplement to the
Nilgirian Vocabularies.—Ihe Aborigines of Southern India and Ceylon.

Section X —Route of Nepalese Mission to Pekin, with Remarks on the Water
Shed and Plateau of Tibet. :

Secrion XI.—Route from Kathmandu, the Capital of Nepdl, to Darjeeling in
Sikim.—Memorandum relative to the Seven Cosis of Nepal.

Secrion XII.—Some Accounts of the Systems of Law and Police as recognised in
the State of Nepal.

Section XILI.—The Native Method of making the Paper denominated Hindustan,
Népalese.

Seorim X1V.—Pre-eminence of the Vernaculars; or, the Anglicists Answered :
Being Letters on the Education of the People of India.

ce he study of the less-known races of India Mr. Brian Hodgson’s “ Miscellane-
ous Foeaya ail be found very valuable both to tne philologist and the etunologist.”
— Times. i

A 2
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THE LIFE OR LEGEND OF GAUDAMA,

THE BUDDHA OF THE BURMESE. With Annotations.
The Ways to Neibban, and Notice on the Phongyies or Burmese Monks.

By tHE Rieut Rey. P. BIGANDET,
Bishop of Ramatha, Vicar-Apostolic of Ava and Pegu.
‘The work is furnished with copious notes, which not only illustrate the subject-
matter, but form a perfect encyclopedia of Buddhist lore.”— Times.

‘(A work which will furnish European students of Buddhism with a most valuable
help in the prosecution of their investigations.” —Edinburgh Daily Review.
‘Bishop Bigandet’s invaluable work, . . . and no work founded—rather trans-

lated—from original sources presents to the Western student a more faithful picture
than that of Bishop Bigundet.”—Jndian Antiquary.

“‘ Viewed in this light, its importance is sufficient to place students of the subject
under a deep obligation to its author.”—Culcutta Review.

“This work is one of the greatest authorities upon Buddhism.”—Dublin Review.
“.. , A performance the great value of which is well known to alli students of
Buddhism.”—7Z'ablet.

Post 8vo, pp. xxiv. —420, cloth, price 18s,

CHINESE BUDDHISM.
A VOLUME OF SKETCHES, HISTORICAL AND CRITICAL.

By J. EDKINS, D.D.,
Author of “‘ China’s Place in Philology,” “‘ Religion in China,” &c. &c.

“Tt contains a vast deal of important information on the subject, such as is only
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‘¢ It is impossible within our limits even to mention the various subjects connected
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‘Upon the whole, we know of no work comparable to it for the extent of its
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sophy, religion, literature, and ritual is set forth."—British Quarterly Review.

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of just condemnation the exaggerated praise bestowed upon Buddhism by recent
English writers.”—Record.

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THE GULISTAN;
Or, ROSE GARDEN OF SHEKH MUSHLIU’D-DIN SADI OF SHIRAZ,

Translated for the First Time into Prose and Verse, with an Introductory
Preface, and a Life of the Author, from the Atish Kadah,

By EDWARD B. EASTWICK, C.B., M.A., F.R.S., M.R.A.S.,
Of Merton College, Oxford, &c.
*¢It is a very fair rendering of the original,” —Times.

‘‘The new edition has long been desired, and will be welcomed by all who take
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LINGUISTIC AND ORIENTAL ESSAYS.

WRITTEN FROM THE YEAR 1846 TO 1878,

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Late Member of Her Majesty’s Indian Civil Service ; Hon. Secretary to
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and Author of “The Modern Languages of the East Indies.”

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ia His book contains a vast amount of information, . . - of much interest to every
intelligent reader. It _is, he tells us, the result of thirty-five years of inquiry,
reflection, and speculation, and that on subjects as full of fascination as of food for
thought.” — Tablet.

“The essays..... exhibit such a thorough acquaintance with the history and
antiquities of India as to entitle him to speak as one having authority.”—Edinburgh
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to many of the pages.” —A thenewm.

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BUDDHIST BIRTH STORIES; or, Jataka Tales.
The Oldest Collection of Folk-lore Extant :

BEING THE JATAKATTHAVANNANA,
For the first time Edited in the original Pali.

By V. FAUSBOLL.
And Translated by T. W. Ruys Davips.

Translation. Volume I.

‘These are tales supposed to have been told by the Buddha of what he had seen
and heard in his previous births. They are probably the nearest representatives
of the original Aryan stories from which sprang the folk-lore of Europe as well as
India, and from which the Semitic nations also borrowed much. The introduction
contains a most interesting disquisition on the migrations of these fables, tracing
their reappearance in the various groups of folk-lore legends respectively known as
‘ Hisop’s Fables,’ the ‘Hitopadesa,’ the Calilag and Damnag series, and even ‘The
Arabian Nights.’ Among other old friends, we meet with a version of the Judgment
of Solomon, which proves, after all, to be an Aryan, and not a Semitic tale.” — Times.

“It is now some years since Mr. Rhys Davids asserted his right to be heard on
this subject by his able article on Buddhism in the new edition of the ‘ Encyclopedia
Britannica,’ ”—Leeds Mercury.

*¢ All who are interested in Buddhist literature ought to feel deeply indebted to
Mr. Rhys Davids. His well-established reputation as a Pali scholar is a sufficient
guarantee for the fidelity of his version, and the style of his translations is deserving
of high praise.” —Academy.

“It is certain that no more competent expositor of Buddhism could be found than
Mr. Rhys Davids, and that these Birth Stories will be of the greatest interest and
importance to students. In the Jataka book we have, then, a priceless record of the
earliest imaginative literature of our race; and Mr. Rhys Davids is well warranted
in claiming that it presents to us a nearly complete picture of the social life and
customs and popular beliefs of the common people of Aryan tribes, closely related to
ourselves, just as they were passing through the first stages of civilisation.”—St.

James's Gazete.
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A TALMUDIC MISCELLANY;

Or, A THOUSAND AND ONE EXTRACTS FROM THE TALMUD,
THE MIDRASHIM, AND THE KABBALAH.

Compiled and Translated by PAUL ISAAC HERSHON,
Author of ‘‘ Genesis According to the Talmud,” &c.

With Notes and Copious Indexes.

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Talmud is a boon to Christians at least.”— Times. i

“This is a new volume of the ‘Oriental Series,’ and its peculiar and popular
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petent scholar. ... The present selection contains samples of the good, bad, and
indifferent, and especially extracts that throw light upon the Scriptures. The
extracts have been all derived, word for word, and made at first hand, and references
are carefully given.”—British Quarterly Review. _

** Mr, Hershon's book, at all events, will convey to English readers a more complete
and truthful notion of the Talmud than any other work that has yet appeared.”"—
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them all in interest.”—Edinburgh Daily Review.

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and thus given English readers what is, we believe, a fair set of specimens which
they can test for themselves.”— The Record. :

“ Altogether we believe that this book is by far the best fitted in the present state
of knowledge to enable the general reader or the ordinary student to gain a fair and
unbiassed conception of the multifarious contents of the wonderful miscellany which
can only be truly understood—so Jewish pride asserts—by the life-long devotion of
scholars of the Chosen People.”—JInquirer.

‘The value and importance of this volume consist in the fact that scarcely a single
extract is given in its pages but throws some light, direct or refracted, upon those
Scriptures which are the common heritage of Jew and Christian alike.”—John Bull.

“ His acquaintance with the Talmud, &c., is seen on every page of his book. . ..
It is a capital specimen of Hebrew scholarship ; a monument of learned, loving, light-
giving labour.”—Jewish Herald.

Post 8vo, pp. xii.—228, cloth, price 7s. 6d.
THE CLASSICAL POETRY OF THE JAPANESE,

By BASIL HALL CHAMBERLAIN,
Author of ‘‘ Yeigo Heiikaku Shirai.”

“ A very curious volume. The author has manifestly devoted much labour to the
task of studying the poetical literature of the Japanese, and rendering characteristic
specimens into English verse.”—Daily News.

“Mr, Chamberlain’s volume is, so far as we are aware, the first attempt which has
been made to interpret the literature of the Japanese to the western world. It is to
the classical poetry of Old Japan that we must turn for indigenous Japanese thought,
and in the volume before us we have a selection from that poetry rendered into
graceful English verse.”—Tablet.

“Tt is undoubtedly one of the best translations of lyric literature which has
appeared during the close of the last year.” —Celestial Empire. .

“Mr. Chamberlain set himself a difficult task when he undertook to reproduce
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Post 8vo, pp. xii.—164, cloth, price ros. 6d.

THE HISTORY OF ESARHADDON (Son of Sennacherib),
KING OF ASSYRIA, B.c. 681-668.

Translated from the Cuneiform Inscriptions upon Cylinders and Tablets in
the British Museum Collection; together with a Grammatical Analysis
of each Word, Explanations of the Ideographs by Extracts from the
Bi-Lingual Syllabaries, and List of Eponyms, &c.

By ERNEST A. BUDGE, M.R.A.S.,
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Society of Biblical Archzology.
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controlling its results.”—<Academy.

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‘Reason itself points out that, in the long-run of years, the moral stan-
dard of a-city or a nation is the grand secret of its prosperity. ... The
sinews of a nation’s strength are truthfulness, honesty, sobriety, purity,
temperance, economy, diligence, brotherly kindness, charity among its in-
habitants, and consequently good credit among mankind. ... And will
any man say that there is a surer way of producing these characteristics in
a people than by encouraging and fostering, and spreading and teaching,
pure scriptural Christianity?”—Primary Charge of the Right Rev. the Lord
Bishop of Liverpool.
TRANSLATOR’S PREFACE.

It seems proper, in introducing to the English public the
following work, that I should briefly state the reasons
which induced me to undertake this translation.

Most students of Chinese have, I suppose, felt the
hitherto well-nigh insuperable difficulty of obtaining
anything like a clear and orderly view of the principles
underlying and imbedded in the Confucian philosophy.
Yet such a view, most necessary to the statesman, is
well-nigh indispensable to the missionary. He certainly
will find himself at an immense advantage in making
use of whatever principles of eternal truth are already
recognised by those to whom he is sent. Finding in this
work of the Rev. E. Faber the very key required to
anlock the mysteries of Confucianism, I felt I should be
doing good service to my brethren in the Chinese portion
of the mission-field by making it easily accessible to
them in an English dress. Being warmly encouraged in
my undertaking by two well-known missionaries and

Sinologists, I have at length accomplished what I hope
vi TRANSLATOR’S PREFACE.

will prove to be a work of permanent utility to all really
interested in the Chinese. Whilst neither statesmen nor
philosophers will find the system of Mencius perfect,
either as to its political economy or its moral teachings,
the one will respect that economy as having proved prac-
tical in its working for nearly 3000 years, whilst the
other will confess that it contains more morality than
others besides the Chinese have ever been able fully to
grasp or completely to carry out. In his researches into
human nature, Mencius will be found to have anticipated
many of the results of modern psychological study. The
appeal made by both Mencius and Confucius, in support of
their alleged Divine mission, to the conformity of their
doctrines with the essentials of the human mind as dis-
covered by observation, rather than to any external
credentials, may suggest one reason why the appeal to
the miracles has generally such little weight in China.
Whilst agreeing in the main with the opinion of my
friend Mr. Faber, I have not thought it necessary to
indicate the few cases in which my personal convic-
tions occasionally compel me to differ from the view
he takes. My share in the work having been carried
out in the brief intervals of rest afforded to a missionary
on furlough by deputation-work (comprising in thirty
months some thirty thousand miles of travel, and nearly
six hundred addresses from pulpit and platform), will

account for any inaccuracies which, in spite of every
TRANSLATOR’S PREFACE. vii

endeavour to avoid them, may possibly have crept in.
In returning to the missionary field, as I hope shortly
io do, I shall be sufficiently rewarded if my labours are
found eventually to have contributed in any degree to
the much-to-be-desired transference of the Chinese from
the sway of the “mind of Mencius” to the easy yoke
and rightful dominion of the “ mind of Christ.”

Exeter, November 1881.
PREFACE.

MEnctius has already been translated into several Euro-
pean languages. Notwithstanding this, the doctrines of
this ancient Chinese philosopher are almost unknown ;
the reason of which is the general lack of system which
prevails amongst Chinese authors. One may often read
through the production of a Chinese mind, and receive
various impressions from it, but yet find it hard to get a
systematic view of the whole. Nevertheless it is to be
supposed that the embodied thoughts of the most impor-
tant of Chinese authors is in itself a coherent whole, Of
course the Chinese did not think scientifically, in the
modern sense; we find, therefore, that instead of a well-
arranged system, there is an all-pervading affinity in the
truths they proclaim. Each intuition stands in intimate
connection with the others. This is especially true of
Mencius. So far none but slight attempts have been made
to give a characteristic view of the teaching of Mencius.
The necessity for a more thorough displaying of this has
become increasingly perceptible to me during my literary
labours for the Chinese in the last few years. The edu-
cated Chinese have, indeed, no practice in the systematic
treatment of any subject, but yet such strikes them
forcibly when they meet with it. Still it was not this
consideration which induced me to present the Chinese with
a systematic exposition of the doctrine of Mencius, but
x PREFACE.

rather the desire of bringing about a well-founded reversion
to dogmas universally and well known throughout China,
Mencius is better suited than any other Chinese author to
serve as a foundation for an explanation of the doctrine of
the Gospel in harmony with the mind of China, In the
year 1872 the plan of this work was commenced, and it
has since been gradually carried out. The first idea was
to proceed in a similar way to that pursued with the
“ Digest of the Doctrines of Confucius.”1 The conviction
soon forced itself upon me that it would be better to go
more into detail. In the first place, it was necessary to
find a practical arrangement. It did not appear desirable
to lay down any known plan as a basis, because the
foreign matter would become so much misshapen. Men-
cius should himself speak, and his teaching find the most
natural, yet well founded and easily recognised grouping.
How far this has been successful the reader now has the
opportunity of proving. Only it should be borne in mind
that the present work is only an extract from a much
larger yet unpublished work, intended for Sinologists. I
hope at a later date to issue a supplement with the
necessary additions in Chinese character. In that the
translation, as far as is necessary, will be supported by
proofs, and antiquarian and historic notices will find a
place.

The quotations from Mencius in the text have subjoined
the page of Dr. Legge’s edition of the “Chinese Classics.”

This is undoubtedly the best of all the translations that
have been made. Notwithstanding this, I have often felt
obliged to depart more or less from it. The reason is that
Dr. Legge follows only the explanation of Choo-fu-tsze.

1“A Systematic Digest of the Doctrines of Confucius.” EE. Faber,
London, Triibner & Co.
PREFACE, xi

I, on the other hand, have followed the newest and best
commentary, the Mang-tsi Ching I. Although this work
in nine volumes is new, there are very few new views
brought forward in it, but the oldest explanation, that
of Chow Ki, circa 108 AD., is renewed, established,
strengthened, and used throughout against Choo-fu-tsze,
who lived fifteen hundred years after Mencius, and intro-
duced his Buddhistic philosophic notions into the work of
Mencius. Of course, individually obscure passages are
not lacking; there is, and remains for the interpretation
of such, a possible difference of explanation. Still such
doubtful explanations and translations occur but rarely
in this work. The doctrinal passages are not influenced
thereby.

The translation would be characterised by a critic as
authentic and precise throughout, and generally as adher-
ing, as closely as possible, to the original, Unfortunately
brevity obliged me to leave out many interesting extracts
from the complete commentary before mentioned. That
volume is more suited to students than to the public
generally. On this account many paragraphs of less
importance are omitted here. The titles of these are,
however, given in the table of contents, The complete
rendering of these paragraphs will add to the interest of
the future supplemental volume.

It is to be regretted that Dr. Legge’s annotations on
Mencius are so scanty. The later volumes of the Classics
are, in this respect, much better throughout. Dr. Legge’s
own remarks in his notes to Mencius show that he has
very little philosophic sympathy with the author.

In the present work the reader is afforded every facility
by its arrangement for understanding the peculiarity of
this Chinese philosopher. The system would very pro-
xii PREFACE.

bably have taken another form in its various parts at the
hands of other labourers. Apart from details, which might
perhaps be improved, I have, for my part, done what I
could, and consider the division into groups the most
natural and correspondent with the matter. The same
may be said for my explanations. But I would have it
kept in mind that I write here for the public at large,
and not merely for Sinologists. I therefore enter more
into the thought which Mencius puts before us in the
text, and seek to bring home the same to the reader’s
comprehension. It has likewise been my endeavour to
bring out other and cognate thoughts. I am convinced
that. no one who reads thoughtfully will lay down the
book without strong inducement. I must guard myself
at the outset against undue stress being laid on single
passages. It is impossible in every place to say every-
thing that the subject properly requires, in order to render
misconception impossible. The necessary additions or
limitations will generally be found in another paragraph.
It is hardly necessary to add, that I do not profess to
have mastered all the ground covered by the text, with
its peculiar explanations concerning political science, so
as to have been able to handle the subject exhaustively.
I venture one more remark on this head. A twelve years’
study of Chinese in China itself, and a residence, chiefly
as a solitary European, in the town of Fumun, near the
Bocca Tigris, south of Canton, together with unhindered
intercourse with Chinese of all ranks in my place of
residence, as well as when travelling in the interior of the
province of Kwantung, have helped me considerably in
arriving at a correct judgment, a sound conception and
a full comprehension of the philosophy of Mencius, re-
presenting generally the mind of China at its best.
PREFACE. xiii

The understanding of modern Chinese is, of course, not
all that is required for the explanation of an ancient
author. One has to be on one’s guard in this respect.
Chinese scholars and graduates readily assume a learned
expression of countenance to hide their ignorance.
Exact study is a very unusual thing in China. The
Sinologist who wishes to take up any subject will have
to take great trouble, and expend both time and money
in finding the necessary material, It appears to me, in
reference to obtaining a well-founded understanding
of these old classics, urgently necessary, that the whole
period of mental activity in China, which reaches back to
about 250 8.¢., should be mastered on all sides. One old
writer sheds light upon another. Properly these should
be treated in historic succession. That is, however, very
difficult, as there are but few workers. Another way is
to begin with an author like Mencius, who is so plain and
full of detail. Other necessary works can then follow
this as convenient. My plan.is nothing less than to go
carefully through the collected works of the most ancient
times up to about 250 B.C., specially with reference to the
doctrine they contain, and then to publish the results as
opportunity shall offer. Thus the scheme laid down in
the “Digest of Confucius” will, D.V., be carried out, and
a sound basis be afforded for a history of the mental life
of China,
EF.
CONTENTS.

INTRODUCTORY.

J. THe Far-Eastern Question
II. Or tHe Importance or CHINESE TO MoDERN SCIENCE

III. A Brier Consrectus or Carnese Ciassic Lirera-
TURE ANTERIOR TO MENCIUS. : ‘. ‘

IV. Derattrep ANALYSIS OF THE SystEM oF’ MENcIUS

BOOK I.
THE ELEMENTS OF MORAL SCIENCE.

Part I.—Concernine PRorertizs.

CHAP.
I. Man’s Essentiat Nature. ‘ ; ‘ ‘ 5

II. Taz Hear.
III. Heaven.

IV. OF Tao, og THE Universal RzIen or Law .
V. Destiny

Part I].—Virtvuss anp CorRESPoNDING DuTIEs.

I. VirtvE 1n Conpuct . : : ‘ ‘ -
II. Virtvz in SPEECH . bow
IIL Tae Four CARDINAL VIRTUES .

PAGE

14
18

4I
55
65
75
79

83
gI
96
xvi CONTENTS.

BOOK II.

THE PRACTICAL EXHIBITION OF MORAL SCIENCE,

Part I.—In toe InprvipuaL CHARACTER.

CHAP.
I. THE ScHoLAR

II. Toe Great Man
III. Tse Superior Man or SaGe

IV. Toe Hoty or Ipzan Man

Part II.—Tue Eruico-Soctan RELATIONS.

I. FatHerR anp Son
Il. Brernren, ELDER AND YOUNGER ,
III. Frieyps  ,
IV. Man anp WIFE.
VY. THe SovEREIGN AND MINISTERS
Tuer SovEREIGN

MINISTERS

BOOK IT.

PAGE
119
122
124

131

150
159
163
167
173
173
209

THE RESULT AIMED AT IN MORAL DEVELOPMENT:

THE ORGANISATION OF THE STATE,

I. Nationan Economy in Propucrion, CoMMERCE, AND

TJaxES . ‘ 5 - :

II. Nationan Epvucation: Its THEORY, ScHoozs,

TEACHERS, METHOD, AND Mosic . 7
III, Toe Nationa Derences. .  ,
IV. Home Potrrics . .

 

InDEX oF SUBJECTS.

229
247

264
274

293
INTRODUCTION.

———

I
THE FAR-EASTERN QUESTION.

CHINA at the present time is drawing the attention of
other nations to herself in a marked manner. Already
there is in process of development a Far-Eastern Question
that will soon surpass in importance the present East-
ern Question. It is very noteworthy that in both cases
Russia forms the axis upon which revolves the wheel of
events. Besides this, in the far East, as in nearer Asia,
Mohametanism is the motive element which tends to
bring about the final crisis. Let us not deceive ourselves
about the sick man. We must clearly distinguish between
Mohametanism and the Turkish Empire. Turkey may
perish, Mohametanism, mightier than it has been for
a hundred years, is now steadily advancing throughout
Africa and Asia. A spark may cause the explosion of its
dynamite-like fanaticism, terribly shatter the dominion of
England in India, place the possessions of Holland in
peril, cost the lives of innumerable Christians, and sub-
jugate at least all Asia and Africa to the Crescent.
Mohametanism is a Great Power, not owing to a national
principle, for it is international; not owing to material
interests—it is the power of Faith which inspires it,
whereby it binds together savage and inimical tribes.

Monotheism is the truth upon which Islam stands, and
A
2 INTRODUCTION.

fatalism the two-edged sword in its hand. We see in it
the antichristian bitterness of Judaism re-aroused, and
endued with greater power than of old. Fixed mono-
theism has yet its mission in the world, so long as
polytheism exists. Mohametan fanaticism serves as the
scourge of God, whose corrective task cannot be entirely
completed whilst in the presence of a degenerate Chris-
tendom, paralysed amidst its external forms, dragging on
its existence without inner spiritual life, and offering, as
of old under Byzantine rule, a Christianised heathenism,
earthy and sensuous.

Russia stands ready, like the Byzantine Church risen
from the grave, sorely chastened yet not killed, a brazen
wall against which break the waves of Mohametanism,
crimsoned with Christian blood.

The overpowering position of Russia in Europe may
arouse feelings of jealousy, especially in her German
neighbours ; the proximity of this Colossus may fill them
with horror; we may abhor this imperial-papal despotism,
because it compresses all religious life in iron bands, and
makes impossible all higher development, all , spiritual
freedom. Nevertheless Russia has in Asia a future full
of promise. Were Russian influence to extend farther
westwards, it would be hurtful not only to Europe but to
Russia herself. The natural destiny of Russia is back
from Europe towards Central Asia. But before all things
Russia needs a higher spiritual elevation, which must
come from herself by the placing of the Evangelical and
Romish Churches on a footing of equality with the Russo-
Greek, and also from the fostering of all noble scientific
and philanthropic endeavours. The spectral dread before
all parties is superstitious. No state is injured by the
presence within its territories of conflicting religious and
scientific schools, nor even by political, parties, so long as
the aim of all is a moral one, and right and justice are
paramount in every department of government. Russia
has a’‘great future if she only understood how to grasp it.
INTRODUCTION. 3

Weare obliged to glance at Russia as the power amongst
modern states which seems called upon to seal the destiny
of Mohametanism in Europe. The European Eastern
Question might conveniently solve itself best alone, but
not so the more recently propounded Central Asiatic
problem, nor the Far-Eastern Question.

England has at present a more powerful position in
Asia than has Russia. England is also much in advance
of Russia as the oldest Protestant state; she stands at the
head of European civilisation, possesses excellent laws, a
body of officials of the highest class, an able government,
public and well-managed administration of justice, free
commerce, and she seeks also the elevation of Asia. But
in English colonial policy, civilisation is not itself the
aim; it is only the means for furthering the interests of
commerce. The Asiatic is offered protection and indivi-
dual freedom; but with these, owing to the superiority
of English industry, he is degraded to a beast of burden
merely to prolong his existence. England becomes
wealthy, India ever poorer. Her government itself: has
often declared that it cannot do without the profits result-
ing from the opium monopoly. The many millions of
dollars which China pays yearly for opium must help to
defray the cost of English civilisation in India. India,
one of the most beautiful, most fruitful of all countries,
is unable, under English dominion, to raise enough to
support its own government! No wonder that this sort of
civilisation is not loved or admired in the East. Neither
England nor Englishmen are popular in Asia. Who does
not know this? England seeks, indeed, to win the con-
fidence of her subjects, and that successfully, in small
things; but in great matters destroys everything by her
utilitarian, self-seeking, retail policy. It is seeking, so to
speak, the friendship of the Bengal tiger, the trying to
ameliorate the condition of the Mohametans in India
until everything shall be ‘transformed to their views.
Indeed it is not so long since there was, under Christian
4 INTRODUCTION.

rule, full freedom for the propaganda of Mohametanism,
whilst Christian missions were hindered and even for-
bidden. .

In opposition to Mohametanism, Russia has ever fol-
lowed a plain and firm policy.. Thence it is, notwith-
standing this, the most beloved of all the great powers,
at least in China. England is only feared, and that simply
so long as she is powerful. France is hated. Her policy
in Asia is simply to be the representative of the interests
of the Church of Rome. Therefore it is that the Asiatic
fails both to appreciate and understand it. The United
States represent hitherto a policy which we can really
call one of free Christian conviction, in foreign lands as
well as in America itself. Unfortunately the organisation
of the consular service is very defective, depending upon
the change of President: in this respect the English
system has the advantage. Germany has already com-
menced to look after her interests in Eastern Asia, In
Germany philosophy and politics yet go hand in hand,
and just now the philosophy of the Unknown has in a
manner the upper hand, so that we ought not to wonder
if Germany should represent in Asia, as in the East, the
policy of the Unknown.

China has now in the north a long frontier line com-
mon to Russia, which latter has already won in the Amoor
territory a commanding situation, just as in Iliin the west.
By means of the Siberian railway, Russia, has established
connections with the headquarters of her power, and is
prepared to make the full weight of that power perceptible
in the farthest East in the shortest space of time. In the
West the Anglo-Indian empire already extends to China.
France, through her colony in Cochin-China, has’ already
become a near neighbour. The long sea-coast stands open
to all navies. Japan appears to desire to raise herself
into the position of the Britain of the East. The long
diplomatic negotiations of France with China concerning
the Tientsin massacre, of England about the murder of
% b BS

INTRODUCTION. 5

Mr. Margary (and the yet unratified Chefoo Convention),
of consuls and explorers for a direct overland channel for
commerce to and from India, of Germany in ré the piracy
of the merchant ship Anna, and of all the representatives
of the West, which resulted in an audience of the Emperor,
are well known. China is thus surrounded on all sides by
powerful but diversely constituted states, and begins her-
self to be a factor in European affairs. The times when
any people can go their own peculiar way are over. In-
ternational intercourse will ever henceforward be a condi-
tion of existence for states in modern civilisation. The
stream cannot be turned back again to its source. The
barriers with which China sought to defend herself against
the rolling waves of foreign intercourse are destroyed.
China henceforth must be included in the common civi-
lised life of the Western Powers. But against this China
struggles. One meets at first with stubborn opposition.
Chinese civilisation is unique, and has come down from
the Chinese themselves. They hold fast to it as to their
very existence. Other relations are found at least un-
practical, and many wrong. China sees only the bright
side of her own civilisation; and whilst feeling at times
its pressure, she lays the onus, not upon the system, but
upon the age or upon some‘individual. She sees much of
the dark side of our Western civilisation, and has little
opportunity of studying accurately and learning to appre-
ciate the beautiful and good belonging to it. In a word,
she fails to comprehend the foreign. In order to pave the
way for this, a medium of communication from our side
is necessary, 2 comparative explanation of the principles of
our civilisation with those of the Chinese. In order to the
carrying out of this in a thorough and convincing manner,
we must ourselves first acquire a thorough knowledge of
the Chinese nature. It is not enough to learn to recognise
in a general way the difference between the present and
the past forms of social and political life. The charac-
teristic of China is her constant and continuous intimate.
6 INTRODUCTION.

connection with her oldest antiquity. Her language, her
literature, her religion, her justice, her science, even her
manners and customs, always base their validity upon a
reference to the most ancient writings which embody the
spiritual life of China. The ancient, the classic, is yet the
authoritative in China, and even when not strictly obli-
gatory, is still the moral law. Therefore it is that an
accurate acquaintance with the contents of the classic
writings of Chinese antiquity is not only of antiquarian
value, and of extreme scientific interest, but is of the
greatest practical importance, One can make daily use
of it in China, and that with success.

The Chinese are conservative in the fullest meaning of
the word, and as such are born enemies to all innovation,
but they are in nowise disinclined (as they are often
thought to be) to the widening of the social edifice upon
the ancient well-proved foundations. Every innovation is
not necessarily a step in advance, nor is every step in ad-
vance progress. This is only the case when it results from
or attaches itself to that which is already recognised as
good, and has stood the test of proof. The Chinesé wishes
everything to become Chinese to him, 2.e. to lead him
back to Chinese foundation principles, and thence prove to
be either a higher development’or the correction of a devia-
tion.’ This desire has its value. Where several apparently
opposing views come into contact, it is necessary to find a
common platform, then to bring forward the common nume-
rator from the midst of the various ideas, and thus slowly
and surely lead to the climax of the representative view.
Evangelical missions in China are working out this pro-
blem. Men may think of this as they will, and have this
and that to censure in individual missionaries; they are

* In reference to the teaching of Principles, 1 vol., and On Educa-
evangelic faith and practice, the tion, 1 vol., Rhenish Mission House
author has worked this out in his Canton, and Library, Shanghai,
Commentary on St. Mark, § vols., These works are all in classic Chinese
Religious TractSociety, Hong-Kong; (Wen-li),
likewise in German Educational,
INTRODUCTION. 7

but men. One thing is certain, Evangelical missions are
the bearers to China of the genuine human international
spirit of Christendom. All evangelical salvation for the
religious and moral life of the individual and the com-
munity must be brought about for the common weal of all
peoples and languages, by no other power than that of the
Word and the Spirit. Protestantism, in spite of all its
divisions, shows itself in this respect as one evangelical
Church, as a spiritual and Divine power for the regenera-
tion of the world.

IT.
OF THE IMPORTANCE OF CHINESE TO MODERN SCIENCE.

China forms a world in itself. The Chinese language
and literature is the ideal impression of this world. Every
language is the result of the spiritual development of the
human community which uses it. In the language of a
people their history lies embodied in a peculiar way. By
means of its language a people stands likewise in intimate
connection with the whole of the rest of mankind. In
this our day hundreds of languages are spoken, of which
many do not appear to have the slightest trace of resem-
blance to one another. The science of language has
nevertheless already accomplished much towards bringing
- back these apparently opposed tongues into their radically
relative groups. In reference to the Aryan and Semitic
groups we have already attained to firm scientific laws,
and at the same time to the end of inquiry in many
directions. With the confusion of the languages of
Eastern, Central,and North Asia the task is more difficult,
although even here the clue already begins to unwind
itself. The Aryan group offers the inestimable advantage
of an established grammar as a firm starting-point for
8 INTRODUCTION.

comparative examination. The same is also the case with
the Semitic, but it is quite different in regard to by far
the greater number of agglutinative languages. Still more
difficult is the inquiry where, as in the Chinese, grammar
is entirely wanting. Yet the Chinese may possibly supply
the key to many unsolved problems in the study of lan-
guages, both on account of its being one of the oldest of
languages (certainly the oldest of living tongues), and be-
cause in many ways it remains in its primitive condition.

Chinese is, in the first place, a general term, like Indian
or European. We may, indeed, rightly speak of a Chinese
written language, but not of one Chinese spoken language,
because there are many such. These several languages in
China have hardly been scientifically studied, certainly
not sufficiently so. We require, in the first place, the
fullest: possible collocation of the same, in order.that, by
comparison of the values of words and their phonetic
relations, we may be assured concerning the radical words
still existing in Chinese—possibly also be enabled to find
their oldest forms, and thus fully and securely lay down
the laws for the changes in pronunciation. It is impor-
tant, in the next place, to compare the positions of words
in the formation of sentences, and so obtain a view of the
variety in the construction of the Chinese languages. We
should thus be placed in a position to pronounce with
some degree of certainty what was the original construction
and what the later development. Only when Chinese is
studied in this way can it be placed on an equal footing
with other great groups of languages with a view to
scientific results.+

To study Chinese in this way is not so difficult as it
appears at first sight. At the present time there are
educated Europeans dwelling in nearly all the provinces

1 ina” ; 7 ss »
Tatrotuotion to tha Sindy of the. saallen Stee ies ny
Chinese Characters, are the best the Chinese Language, by Dr. 8,

works on this subject, but yet very Wells Williams, may also be men-
unsatisfactory on account of the lack tioned here,
INTRODUCTION. 9

of the empire, as well as in the neighbouring countries.
These might be induced to engage in the requisite pre-
liminary work. The stimulus is all that is lacking,
Besides this, it is indispensable for such work to have a
qualified director of solid practical experience—one who
should understand how to value rightly the material
accumulated ; and thus another want is indicated,

In Chinese literature there is for us another matter of
great scientific interest. It has effected many transfor-
mations. By means of it we can travel back through a
period of at least 4000 years, of which we otherwise know
but little. The most ancient characters, of which there
are only about 200, supply us with so many outlines of
the natural and social history of that venerable antiquity.
It has recently been discovered that resemblances occur
between the composition of several of the characters and
those of ancient Egypt and Babylon. In all three of
these kinds of writing, derivatives are formed by the union
of the primitive with the classifier or radical.

The literature of China has, besides its antiquarian
interest, much to engage the attention of the modern
world. As throughout this the Arabic numerals are
almost universally used, being pure symbols without
reference to their sound, so might a modified Chinese
writing become the most proper medium for universal
intercommunication. For this are required only about
from 1000 to 2000 selected signs for as many ideas (not
forms of words). The form of each sign being so given
that the idea could be recognised, writing would be easy.
On the other hand, Chinese writing is altogether unsuited
for the various departments of science. Present endeavours
in that direction must soon increase the number of char-
acters to a million (¢g., for every plant a separate charac-
ter, &c.).

The literature is one of the oldest and comprehensive

1Cf£. L. de Rosny and G. Schlegel, Sinico Aryaca, and Dr. R. K. Douglas,
The Language and Literature of China.
Io INTRODUCTION.

in the world, that of our own day of course being
excepted.

For the study of natural history it contains a mass of
important observations of numberless natural phenomena,
astronomical,’ meteorological, and geological; also many
notices of plants and animals. The scientific study of
China might every way become of greater importance,
especially for geology and paleontology.

For practical medicine, agriculture, and many branches
of industry there is abundance of most valuable material
in both ancient and modern works.?

Chinese literature is also a rich storehouse of informa-
tion on topography, folklore, and history, not only of
China proper, but also of all Central Asia, Eastern Asia, .
and the territories to the north, even into Siberia.* On the
south, also, a portion of the islands comes into considera-
tion. The literature of China is almost the only source
of information concerning the people, the language, and
ancient history of this extensive territory. The value of.
Chinese in this respect is well understood, but at present
a beginning has hardly been made towards mastering its
treasures. It is singular that the history of the laws and
governments of these the oldest states in the world have
been so little studied. Much could be extracted from it of
importance for the circumstances of our own day. China
has successfully treated many social problems which are
only commencing for us. We find there first the old feudal

1 Vide Schott, Entwurf u. Bes-
chreibung der Chin Literartur, and
that most comprehensive work of
Wylie, Notes on Chinese Literature.

* On Chinese astronomy Biot
treats, Précis de Histoire de ]’As-
tronomie Chinoise ; and G. Schlegel,
Uranographie Chinoise.

3 There are a few monographs by
Porter Smith, Dr. J. Dudgeon, St.
Julien, P. Champion, Leon d’Hervey
St. Denys.

4 Cf. the new edition of Marco
Polo, the works of Philipps, C. Bret-

schneider, Von Richthofen, Bastian,
G. Pauthier, A. Pfzmaier, W. F.
Mayers, besides many papers in the
China Review and Missionary Re-
corder.

° Dr. J. Hein. Plath’s Essays in
the Royal Academy of Sciences at
Munich contain a few studies of
this kind. Also the translation of
the penal code of China by G. T.
Staunton. Cf. Warn. Konig, Juris-
tische Encyclopiidie, and China das
Reich der Mitte, by Gustav Klem.
INTRODUCTION. If

system, then a number of almost sovereign states sur-
rounding the supreme authority; later still a monarchy,
gradually extending towards universal dominion. Amongst
her statesmen various principles are represented; various
opposing parties amongst the people, which coming into
conflict with each other, have modified the government.
Free associations have existed for a long time amongst
the people, enabling them to protect themselves against
their officials (executive) and fellow-citizens, as well as
beggars and thieves, or great bands of robbers and pirates.
There are united societies for mutual help and for savings,
some having a philanthropic aim, others of a political
tendency, others again devoted to literary undertakings.
There are commercial corporations, guilds, and all kinds
of clubs. Generally speaking, there has existed a many-
sided, consolidated social life throughout the empire, which
one finds scarcely mentioned in those works which up to
the present have been written on China,!

The philosophy of China and its development is for
the most part unknown. The works of the most important
writers for this purpose have not only not yet been trans-
lated,? but so lightly is that which has already been pub-
lished passed over, that it is held of no account whatever ;
and learned professors, in their histories of philosophy,
generalise thus, “The philosophy of China is properly no
philosophy.” ° Of course the Chinese have not undertaken

1 The present social life of the
Chinese has been well treated of by
W. Williams, F. Davis, De Hue, J.
Doolittle, Nevius, &c.

2 At present it is only the works
of the Confucianists which are reck-
oned canonical which have been
translated. Of philosophers proper,
only Lau Tanhas been thus honoured.
Abel Remusat writes well of him.
St. Julien gives a good sound trans-
lation, collecting the text and notes
from several commentaries. The
German work of R. V. Plaenkner
gives us his own ideas, but scarcely
those of Lau Tan. That of Herr

YV. Strauss is much better, in several
places very good, but throughout
there is too much foreign colouring.
The assumption that Lau has been
misunderstood by all the Chinese,
and first rightly comprehended by
Herr V. Strauss, is worthless. Mo-
nographs by Neuman and Meadows
have appeared on the philosophy of
China in the middle ages, and in
Canon M‘Clatchie’s The Chinese
and their Rebellions. Nosinologist
has yet treated of the philosophy of
the last 650 years. See also my
Digest of Confucius,
12 INTRODUCTION.

those researches into the regions of theoretical knowledge
which too frequently seem to be taken as the only standard.
In spite of this, it is a matter of great interest to learn
upon what problems the Chinese mind has generally been
engaged. For that it must have thought we cannot but
suppose, for the great literature of China has not grown
upon its trees nor arisen out of chaos. Some interest
there would be in seeing which ideas have come into pro-
minence from the thinking of these Chinese, and on what
basis they have sought to establish their speculations.
We may be sure, and the system of Mencius will make it
plain, that the ideas contained in Chinese philosophy are
scarcely inferior in importance to those of the Greek.
The form is, of course, of importance in a system of
philosophy, but it does not constitute its nature, which
is found in its ideas, thoughts, and principles.1

Chinese Buddhism, with its abundant literature, is of
special importance for the history of religion. This is
partly translated from the Indian (Sanskrit) and partly
original, and its value has already been recognised.2 The
religious elements which are occasionally met with in the
more ancient literature have not yet received sufficient
attention.

Even the wealth of poetry is almost unknown, save that
recently the department of fiction has been diligently
worked.®

We see that there lies before us in Sinology a broad and
fallow field, yet scarcely any other territory is so uncared
for. The cause is easily ascertained. The merchants and
officials of Europe and America who reside in China

1 Specially worthy of note is
Chwang-tze, the most important
thinker of the classic period, con-
temporary of Mencius. His style is
often obscure, and requires the close
consultation of several commentaries.
No translation has yet been pub-
lished of this writer.

2 Cf, the works of Rev. 8. Beal,
St. Julien, and Dr. E. J. Eitel.

3 By St. Julien, Bazin Ainé, and
many others, Cf. On the Poetry of
the Chinese, Sir J. F. Davis. Pro-
verbs, which form a kind of didactic
popular poetry, have recently been
collected by the Rev. W. Scarbo-
rough ; see also P. Perny and Sir J.
F. Davis,
INTRODUCTION. 13

take, with very few exceptions, no interest in earnest
studies, Missionaries, who have hitherto accomplished
the chief work, have yet too many claims on them from
their vocation. One ought not on this account to reproach
missionaries, as is often done in no gentle way by their
opponents. The proper réle of the missionary is not the
opening out of scientific paths, He is a channel for
certain ideas? He has the department of morals and
religion as his field of labour. From this point of view
he is to be regarded as a worker, and not to be classed
with the mass of foreigners. Still, as a means for the
working out of his great problem, the missionary will
study closely his field of operations, regarding as factors
Chinese life and thought, the everyday manners and
customs, and the literature. Thus missions have yielded
many fruitful results for science (the present work being
one such). The missionary is also seldom in the most
favourable position for having recourse to a good library
of the best literature. It is to be hoped that the example
of France, recently followed in England, may be copied
also in Germany. Should the cultivation of Chinese by
representatives in the universities be at present impossible,
yet a gifted professor like Abel Remusat, Biot, or others,
might secure in ‘part a well-grounded treatment of the
language. It.is most important that the results of many
individual researches which are embodied in magazines
and fugitive papers, or in rare and costly volumes in Latin,
French, English, German, and Russian, should be collected
together and made available for public inspection. Thus
the student would be enabled to see quickly what has

1 The most important literary
achievements of the missionary un-
dertaken for the Chinese ought here
to be taken account of. Much has
already been done in this way; not
only are little tracts published in
Chinese, but the whole of the
Sacred Scriptures in various ver-
sions, many comprehensive theolo-
gical works, with translations or

original compositions in nearly all
departments of science. Such works
form already a library. What, on
the other hand, have the opponents
of missions done—the thousands of
well-to-do merchants and officials,
with their friends and adherents?
Even if men have no love for mis-
sions, let them be just in their oppo-
sition.
14 INTRODUCTION.

been done, and provide himself with the best equipment
for pressing forward into the yet unexplored territory.
The reflex action upon European science would be speedily
perceived by the advantages secured.

III.

A BRIEF CONSPECTUS OF CHINESE CLASSIC LITERATURE
ANTERIOR TO MENCIUS.

At the head of the classics of China stands “ The Book
of Documents,” simply called “The Book.” It contains
imperial decrees and ministerial orders from about 1200
years B.C., or even a little earlier. This book. is specially
valuable for the history of the ancient laws and govern-
ment of China. “The Book of Odes” contains popular
poems and sacrificial hymns belonging to the same period
as that of the documents. It presents us with many
glimpses of the social and national life of those days.

. These two works form the foundation of the collected
ancient literature and developed civilisation of the Chinese.
China ever remains in most intimate connection with the
ideas of these two books, for they form the plan for the
mental training of the Chinese both of ancient and modern
times, being constantly subjects for examination. Con-
cerning “The Book of Changes”! I have treated in the
“ Digest of Confucius.” This work began first to influence
Chinese literature in the time of the Han dynasty, which
rose about a century after Mencius. It first brought
Taoism into harmony with Confucianism. The same ex-
periment was tried later on by the Tung philosophers,
who first introduced their ideas derived from Buddhism
into the obscurity of- the diagrams of “The Book of

1 The translation of this by Dr. Legge, for his invaluable Chinese Classics,
is now in the press.
INTRODUCTION. 15

Changes,” and then proved out of it that Confucianism
had long had the truth of Buddhistic doctrine. It would
at that time have been easy to have withstood the error,
but a good many Buddhistic ideas were in this way trans-
ferred to orthodox Confucianism. Mencius does not men-
tion this book in a single case, but, on the other hand, he
frequently quotes the “Documents” and “Odes.” “The
Chronicles of the State of Lu,” and especially the three
commentaries upon it, form the bridge between the “ Do-
cuments” and “ Odes” and our philosophers. There were
also several other historical works, which have been lost,
a remnant only being preserved in the later great history
of the Chinese Herodotus, as we may call Sze-ma-tsin.1

As in Greece philosophy did not begin with Plato and
Aristotle, so in China Lao Tan and Confucius were not
the first. Of the more ancient philosophers there only
remain a few sentences, but nothing collected. Confucius
and Lau likewise only left behind them fragmentary say-
ings, so that it is not easy to give a clear and systematic
representation of their doctrine.

Lau was a contemporary of Confucius, His doctrine is
mystico-pantheistic. His school soon placed itself in open
opposition to the orthodoxy of Confucius. The pantheism
of the master soon fell into shameless sensualism (sensa-
tionalism) in the hands of one of its chief representatives,
Yang-shu. In the time of Mencius this section made a
great noise and spread rapidly. On the other side of the
school of Lau the chief thinkers lost themselves in scep-
ticism, ¢.g., Lih-tze and Chwang-tze, and the crowd soon
plunged into the depths of superstition.

Confucius, on the other hand, represented the stand-
point of humanity. To him man was the worthiest object
of thought and action. He regarded men not in a one-
sided or abstract way, but in their individual as well as in
their social and political relations. Political economy is

1 A translation of this is in hand, with a commentary, by my friend
and colleague, Rev. W. Dilthey.
16 INTRODUCTION.

therefore the constant aim and corrective of his philosophy.
Ethics were to him so closely bound up with external
forms or rites, that his disciples for the most part lost
themselves in the rites and neglected the morals.

Besides these schools of thought, and soon in opposition’
to them, stood a third, not less interesting, viz., socialism.
Mih Teh, the most important representative of Chinese
socialism, lived about the same time as Confucius, circa
450 Bc. The common weal was to be placed in the fore-
ground; the highest moral act of the individual was found
in making sacrifices for all. All art was to be cast away
as luxury; simplicity was insisted upon, also equality and
indiscriminate love. His followers went farther, until
the extremest communism was reached, not only of goods,
but of position and occupations also, Every one, princes
not excepted, was to build his own granary and make his
own clothes.

The advocates of socialism and communism were getting
the upper hand after the death of Confucius. Then stepped
forward to oppose them in the field, and with them the
other extreme of sensationalism, a doughty warrior from
the camp of Confucianism, or political conservatism.
That was Mencius. He lived from B.c, 372~289, and was
the contemporary of Plato and Aristotle. Mencius is the
most important representative of the Confucian school,
which then had broken up into several discordant parties.

The doctrines of Mencius were collected by his dis-
ciples without regard to order and published. This work
received at a later date canonical recognition. We can
indeed say in all truth that Mencius is now the darling
of the Chinese. Out of the whole range of their litera-
ture there is no other work which is such a living reality
as Mencius. As a schoolbook it is learnt by heart by
the little children, and its style is such, that even if
they are not thorough scholars, it is in a measure in-
telligible to them. For the examination of the scholars
it offers a favourite text for essay-writing (besides the
INTRODUCTION. 17

writings of Confucius in a wider sense). The chief dicta
of modern Chinese ethics and politics are mostly taken
literally from. Mencius, or adhere closely to his teaching.
The teaching of Mencius is even more fully and compre-
hensively contained in the canonical books than is that of
Confucius. His style is lively and interesting, the form
being for the most part either dialogue or narrative. In
many places he is quite racy in his discussions, again he
is mystical or metaphysical. In this, however, he is
decidedly inferior to his contemporary Chwang, the most
important thinker of that time.

Mencius is, like his master Confucius, simply a teacher
of political economy. To him the State is the sum of all
human endeavours, natural and civilised, working together
as a united organisation. Through his direct opposition to
the socialist, and in lesser degree to the sensationalist, Men-
cius saw himself necessitated to base his political economy
upon ethics, and his ethics upon the doctrine of man’s
nature. The ethical problem is for him the utmost de-
velopment of all the good elements of man’s nature. The
problem of the organisation of the state is, under what
conditions can the highest aim be set before it? and then
that the government shall consciously endeavour to bring
about those conditions.

 
18 INTRODUCTION.

IV.

DETAILED ANALYSIS OF THE SYSTEM OF MENCIUS.

 

BOOK I.

THE ELEMENTS OF MORAL SCIENCE.

 

PART I.—PROPERTIES.
Cuap. I.—Man’s EssENTIAL NATURE.

(a.) Defined.

All experience is founded on phenomena,

“Life” too vague and comprehensive a term.

. “The appetites ” an improper term.

. Form and beauty constitute man’s nature.

. Not of many kinds, but homogeneous and good.

. The type of each and all found in kind and likeness.

. Permits neither of increase nor of diminution externally.
. Itis inherently connected with heaven.

>
5

ow anRY YH

(b.) Man's Nature Developed.

9. Diversity depends upon the degree of development.
1o. Perversion to the earthly.
11. Natural development differs from artificial treatment.
12a.The law within is opposed to influences from without.
12). The energies of man’s nature destroyed from without.
13. Diversity of action has its cause within.
14. Freedom of choice: (a.) internal decision ; (.) external.
ART.

|

15
16

17

18
18
19
20.

2I.

22.
23.

INTRODUCTION. 19

. Persistent practice of good.
. Perpetual and symmetrical cultivation of the good germ,
. Silent concentration and right cultivation of soul.

Cuar. Il—Tar Heart. © - (b

(a.) Psychologically.

a.Its office is thought.

b.Its contents, the will and the motives.
. Ideas and righteousness.

. Benevolence and righteousness,
Elementary motives of four kinds.

(6.) Moral Definition of the Heart.
1. Subjectively Considered.

Development of the four germs.
Cultivation needed on account of the desires.

24. Diminution of the desires.

25.

There must be neither negligence nor incautious inter-
ference.

26. Of seeking to recover that which has been lost,
247. Sincerity in endeavour.

28, Error and need serve the best ends.

29. Activity is required; passivity is prejudicial.
30. Motion results in commotion.

2. Objectively Considered.

31. Sympathy in the heart leads to general beneficence in

the government.

32. Consistency in the heart tends to general consistency

33:

of conduct.
Of the influence exerted upon political life by a corrupt
heart.

34. Hearts may be won.

35:

Satisfaction of the heart concerning the dead.
20

ART.

36.
37-
38.
39-
40.
Al.
42.

43-
44.
45:
. Overrules men, also their evil intentions.
AT-
48.
49-
50.

51.
52.
53:
54.
55:

56.
57:

58.
59-
60,

INTRODUCTION.

Cuap. II].—HEAVEN.
Tue RELATION OF HEAVEN TO Man.

(a.) Its Gifts.

The life of man; the cause of causes.

The senses and the understanding.

The highest nobility and its constituents.

The throne, officials and revenue.

In these Providence declares itself for the people.
Misfortune.

Man can avert misfortune by a change of mind.

(b.) Heaven's Action.

Tn all spontaneous growth.
In the harmonising of occurrences.
In that which is impossible to man.

Corresponds to the mind of the people (vox populi).
Governs states.

Prepares for itself the proper individuals,

Perfects that which man (the superior) has commenced.

(c.) Human Conduct with Regard to Heaven.

Recognition of the heavenly.
Delight in and fear of heaven,

The service of heaven.

Cultivation of the heavenly nobility.
Men fellow-workers with God.

(d.) The World of Spirits.

Spirits are men a degree higher than the holy.

The spirits of the land rank between the people and
the ruler.

The tutelary spirits are punishable.

Besides these there are a hundred kinds of spirits.

They are from God.
INTRODUCTION. 2

Cuap. IV.—Tao, oR THE UNIVERSAL RriGn oF Law.

ART.

261,

(62.
+63.
— 64.
65.
66.

67.
68.

69.
270.
o7I.

72.

86.
87.

(a.) Laws of Various Kinds.

The Law of Yaou and Shun, filial piety and brotherly
kindness.

Of the ancients, not eating and drinking.

Of the student, to seek the lost heart.

Of the difference between wealth and benevolence.

Of bravery, or the acquiring of an unmovable heart.

Of women, submissiveness.

Of the people, dependent upon nourishment.

Of communism: princes ought to obtain food and
clothing by their own labour. .

Of art and skilled labour, not contrary to the master.

Is a maxim of business.

Several deviations from duties.

Amidst the variety of law (Tao) the aim the same.

(0.) Of the Tao (Law) which ought to Guide Men.

. The true Tao is only one.

. It consists in affection for sublime virtue.

. In benevolence.

. In the five social relations.

. In filial piety and brotherly kindness.

. The Tao is near to man.

. The recognition of the same is easy.

. No compromise therein.

. Personal example is important.

. It makes a difference to the realm whether Tao rules

or not.

. Variety of individual conduct.
. Only Tao can save a falling state.
. Benevolence belongs to Tao as its completion.

Cuap, V.—DESTINY.

There is a destiny for external things (determination).
The right destiny is conformity to Tao.
22

INTRODUCTION.

ART.
88. Cultivation of one’s self confirms this.
89. Fortune and misfortune depend upon our own conduct,
go. A relation exists between nature (being) and destiny.

PART IL—VIRTUES WITH CORRESPONDING

or.
92.
—~ 93:
94.

95.
. One-sidedness or exaggerated timidity.
97.
98.

99-
100,

IOI.
102,
103.
104.

105,

106.
107.

DUTIES.
Cuap. I.—VirtvE IN ConpDuvctT.

(a.) In Conduct in General.

From abstaining from evil one goes on to doing good.
Diligence in what is good.

Perseverance leads to the desired end.

Virtue must be thorough (all-embracing).

(b.) In that which is to be Avoided (Negative).

Indecision, which is injurious.

Going to extremes.

Perversity, «.¢, the doing that which is right in the
wrong place.

A false spirit of compromise.

Pharisaic seeming of holiness.

(c.) Individual (Positive) Virtues,

Kindness, truth, benevolence.
Sincerity.

Sense of shame.

Honour and ambition.

Virtue chosen for her own sake.

(d.) The Effect or Consequence of Virtue.

The virtuous can help their age and lead the people.
Self-improvement gains the realm,
ART.
108,
109.

IIo.

III.
112.

113.
114.
II5.

116.
117.
118.
Ig.
120.

121.
>
122.
123.
124.

125,
126,
127.

INTRODUCTION. 23

Virtue subdues hearts to itself,

The cause of this is that in every one the idea (of
virtue) is inborn.

Rapid propagation of virtue.

Cuap. II_—Virtvur IN SPRECH.

(a.) Its Importance.

Our words reveal our hearts.
Speeches and glances declare the man.

(0.) What is to be Avoided (Negative).

Presumptuous words.

Words lacking reality.

Untruths of courtesy, of which Mencius permitted him-
self to be guilty.

Uncharitable speech.

The cause of this is a lack of correction.

A fondness for playing the teacher.

Speech with the cruel is useless.

As it is also with those who ruin themselves (who are
not at peace with themselves).

(c.) That for which we ought to Strive (Positive). _
To hear good words.
Sincerity in speech.
To be intelligible and profound.
To be laconic.
Cuap. II1.—Tur Four CARDINAL VIRTUES.
1, WISDOM.

(a.) Characteristics of Wisdom.

Is not subtility.
Consists in natural and independent knowledge.

ee

Recognises the realisation of benevolence and right- —

eousness,
24 INTRODUCTION.

ART.
128. Is directed to important matters.
129. Consists in seeking the lost heart.

(b.) Practical Application of Wisdom.

130. Helps to a recognition of what is holy.

131. Originates and also skilfully effects its plans.

132. Chooses a benevolent neighbourhood. |
133. Imparts prudence to counsel, '
134. Employs an advantageous policy.

135. Always seizes the present opportunity.

2. BENEVOLENCE, ‘
(a.) The Idea Subjectively Considered.

136. It is of man’s heart.
/ 137. It is manhood (the human).
138. It is universal in its plan, and therefore possible of
universal application.
139. It is approached in the exercise of reciprocity.

(b.) The Idea Socially.

140. Its realisation is the service of parents,
_ 141. The admonishing of relatives.
\ 142. The support of the aged.

i (c.) Hindrances to the Personal Exercise of Benevolence.

143. Want of success arises from one’s own fault.
144. Evil result of obstructing it,

145. Loss of benevolence is loss of one’s self.

146. Immature benevolence is not good.

147. Benevolence is more powerful than wrong-doing,

(d.) The Kind of Exercise,

_-148, The earthly vocation makes no difference.

‘149. Wealth is not benevolent ; benevolence is not wealthy.
150. Is to be exercised from inner motives.

% ¥.
ART.

151.
152.
153.
154.

INTRODUCTION. 25

\

Propriety and righteousness are its results.
Reputation for the same is better than talk about it.
It extends from the superior man to the people.

Beginning with what is near, it extends to the remote. -

3. RIGHTEOUSNESS.

(a.) Explained as Belonging to Man’s Original Nature. J

155.
156.
157.
158.

159.
160.
161.
162,
163.

164.
165.
166.
167.
168.
169..

170.
171.
172.

173.
174.
175.

Common to all hearts.

Consequently is not learnt from without.

Is the direct path for men.

It is not so much the condition as the proper line of!
action.

It is more than life,

In its nature it yields respect.

It permits nothing improper.

Its contrary is gain.

The subjective result of its exercise is satisfaction.

(3.) In its Exercise towards our Fellow-Men.

The declining of great possessions is only negative.

Its nearest exhibition is the service of brethren.

Wrong is straightway abolished.

Is not to be overacted in undue yielding to scruples.

Position influences it.

Is to be maintained, even when opposed to our nearest
relations.

The same idea often underlies a variety of appearances.

The physical is subordinate to the mental.

No danger is involved of disrespect to the ruler.

4. PROPRIETY.
(a.) In its Source and Signification.

It takes its rise from the excellent among men.
Essentially it is respect.
Its realisation clothes all in beauty.

\
\

wy
26 INTRODUCTION.

Arr.
—176. It is more than the natural motives, yet it has at times
to give way to these.
177. Its observance is differentiated by position.
178. Admits of no impropriety.
179. Self-examination is excited by the impropriety of others.
180. It is the indication of the government of a country.
_~ 181. Hunger makes propriety impossible for a people.

(b.) As to its Special Requirements in Regard to the Dead.

182. Coffins seven inches thick,
183. Simple burial to be given up.
184. Three years’ mourning.
| 185. Second mourning.
‘ 186. Mourning of the disciples of Confucius,
187. Ministers quitting office to put on mourning.

(¢.) Requirements of Various Kinds,

188, Relationship makes a difference.
189. Scholars and teachers.

190. Prompt obedience of officials,
191. Unprofitable questions.

BOOK IL

THE PRACTICAL EXHIBITION OF MORAL SCIENCE,

 

PART IL—THE INDIVIDUAL CHARACTER.

Cuar. .—TueE Scuorar.

192. He elevates his will.

193. He requires no external inducement.

194. Takes pleasure in Tao, not in force or power.

195. Therefore out of office he accepts assistance, but no
salary.
Arr.

196.
197.
198.
199.

200.
201.
202.
203,
204,

205.
206.
207.
208.
209.

210.
2Ii
212,
213.
214.
215.
216,
217.
218.

219.

220.

INTRODUCTION. 27

Does not throw himself away on the masses.
The judgment of the masses no criterion for him.
For the multitude is thoughtless.

A singular being.

Cap. Il.—Tue Great Man.

He cultivates the greatness of his nature,

In word and deed he strives after righteousness.

He removes injustice from the heart of his sovereign.
He does not oppress the people.

The summing up of his character.

Cuap. II] —Tue Superior MAN or SacE.
(a.) His Individuality. |

Generally different from other men.

His equality with other men.

He preserves that which distinguishes men from brutes.

His will is directed towards Tao or principle.

He acquires depth by means of Tao, and thereby knows
himself.

His aspirations tend simply towards benevolence.

He has sympathy with the brute creation.

He has faults also.

He does not palliate these, but reforms them.

His grief is that he cannot come up to his ideal.

He strives after certainty.

His delight.

He is ashamed at not being equal to his renown.

He remains true to himself whether he be neglected or
an emperor.

His judgment differs from that of the world.

(b.) His Conduct.

He is an example in word and deed.

221a.He lays hold of the true standard.
2210. Fulfils the law.
229.
230.
231.

232.

233.

234.
235.

236.

237.
238.

239.

240.

241.

242.
243.

244.

245.

246.
~ 247.
248.

249.
250.

INTRODUCTION.

. In this way he works transformingly.

. He does not fight from choice.

. He does not injure men on account of land.

. His virtue is like the wind.

. He is inflexible.

. He exhibits neither narrowness nor insolence.

. His affection is graduated, embracing things, people,

and relatives.
His influence extends to the fifth generation.
He guides his sovereign aright.
Is not niggardly.
He does not vex his own children.
Employs various methods of education.
Holds no intercourse with the haughty, &c.
His forbearance has limits.

(¢.) His Treatment.
Is deceived.
The masses misunderstand him.
Ts afflicted.
Receives support.
Criticised and justified in receiving state support.
This support ought to be afforded in an honourable
manner.
He ought not to be paid off.
Does not let himself be satisfied with empty forms.
Corresponding treatment on the part of princes,
Why he is not himself the emperor.

Cuap. IV.—TuHE Hoty or Iprat Man.
(a.) His Individuality.

His influence is great and transforming.

The work of holiness is to make perfect,

Benevolence and wisdom are the distinguishing charac-
teristics.

Filial affection and brotherhood.

Holiness is the efficient of human relations (of social life),
INTRODUCTION. 29

ART.

251. The holy man has attained before others to that which
is common to all. ;

252. All holy men tend towards the same moral end. i

253. Offers men that chief good which nothing else can
supply.

254. Notwithstanding which he is. the same in kind as our-
selves,

255. This difference depends upon action and practice.

256. Imitation of the (ancient) models brings it about.

(b.) His Conduct.

257. He aims at preserving the purity of his own personality.

258. His actions are directed to secure the common weal.

259. He cares for the support of the people.

260. He appoints teachers for the people.

261. He is himself a teacher for many generations.

262. Mencius holds himself to be a holy man, like Yaon and
Shun.

263. Gifted holy men follow his words.

264. The holy man does not change his teaching.

(c.) Holy Men Recognised by Mencius.

265. Yaon and Shun.

266, Yu the Great, founder of the Hea dynasty.

267. Tang, the founder of the Yen or Shang dynasty.

268, King Wan (with Woo), founder of the Chow dynasty.
269. King Woo.

270. Duke Chow.

(d.) Four Kinds of Holy Men.

2471. E Yin, the official holy man.

272. Pih-e, the pure holy man.

273. Hwuy of Liu ha, the obliging holy man.

274. Confucius, the holy man (suited for his time).

(e.) The Spiritual Stands Higher than the Holy Man.

275. The spiritual is only an ideal man.
30

INTRODUCTION.

PART IL—THE ETHICO-SOCIAL.RELATIONS.

ART.

276.
277.
278,

279.
280.
281,
282,
283.

284.
285.
286.
287.
288.
289.

290.

2g1.
292.
293.

204,
295.
296.
297.
298.

Cuap. I.—FaTHER AND SON.

(a.) The Father.

Influence of affection.
Exhortation on arriving at maturity.
The father does not instruct the son himself.

(2.) The Son.

Avoids all unfilial conduct.

Endeavours to have offspring.

The preservation of one’s self.

The service of parents is the fruit of humanity.

This should not be external, but correspond to their
wishes.

Only submission to parents satisfies the heart.

Great filial piety consists in changing a parent’s heart.

Causes the parents to be honoured.

Not always possible to remove the bad name of a parent.

Services after death by burial and sacrifices,

These are declared more satisfactory than services to
the living.

Three years’ mourning.

(c.) Reciprocal Relations of Father and Son.
Good will.

Mutual attachment.
Absence of bitterness in urging to good,

Cuap, II.— BRETHREN, ELDER AND YOUNGER.

Fraternal affection is the fruit of righteousness.
Works educationally.

Strengthens the state.

Causes mutual confidence,

Asserts itself in sympathy, attachment, and foresight.
INTRODUCTION. 31

Cuap. III.—F Rienps.
ART.

299. All who are like-minded are friends by nature.

300. Friendship is only established upon virtue.

301. Mutual provoking to good.

302. The friendship of princes should be princely.

303. He who excels the ruler in virtue is his teacher, not his
friend,

Cuap. 1V.—MAN AND WIFE.

304. Various duties.

305. In giving and receiving, contact is to be avoided.

306. Wedlock is the highest of human relationships.

307. The consent of parents is necessary.

308. A go-between is necessary in making the choice.

309. Marriage is only to be delayed on account of nourishing
parents.

310, Enforced marriage of a daughter to a barbarian.

311. Maternal admonitions to the daughter-bride.

312. Purity of the marriage relation.

313. Divorce depends upon the will of the husband.

314. Remarriage.

315. Polygamy very ancient.

316. Concubines often mentioned.

Cuap. V.—THE SOVEREIGN AND THE MINISTERS.
Sect. .—TuHe Soverzien INDIVIDUALLY.

317. What is born in the heart has its outcome in the govern-
ment.

318. Hence the need of thoroughly exercising the heart
before undertaking the work of government.

319. In case of failure, one’s own wisdom must be improved.

320. Such a sovereign willingly receives advice.

321. In times of quiet he will study the art of government
and of administering justice.

322. Neglecting to progress in study causes misfortune.

323. As is the sovereign so are his subjects,
32
ART,
324.
325:

SEcT.

326.

327.
328,

329.
330.

331.
332.

333-
334-
335:
336.

337-
338.
339-

340.
341.
342.

343-
344:

INTRODUCTION.

He is merciful even to the brute creation.
The example of the ancients a mirror for princes.

IL—Tue Soverzicn IN His DEMEANOUR TOWARDS
OTHERS.

t

(a.) Towards the Realm.

Keeps ever in mind the government of the whole.
Is consistently benevolent.
Is gracious, polite, courtly, and law-abiding.

(0.) Towards the Official Classes.

Only advances the benevolent to high positions.

The advancement of the realm should govern the selec-
tion of officials.

Should only summon those of ability.

Should depend rather upon experience than upon com-
mon report,

As is the lord so are his servants,

Proper respect to be paid to officials.

No cold treatment.

The cause why so frequently able men are not to be
obtained.

True beneficence towards them.

In case of resignation, threefold courtesy to be observed.

Reasons for resignation.

Y

(¢.) Towards the People.

Treats them with gentleness.

Preserves strict conformity with the laws of the ancients.

Does not allow himself to be guided by his own private
interests,

Observes his duty towards those suffering need.

Cares for the physical well-being, because that conditions
the moral welfare of the people.

345a.Is gentle in the awarding of punishment.
3456. The relatives of criminals should not be held answerable.
ART.”

346.
347-

SECT.

348.
349.

350.

351.
352.

353-
354.
355-
356.

INTRODUCTION. 33

Preachers of humanity and righteousness are to be sup-
ported.
Leaves biood-revenge to the people.

III.—Tur Rvuuer as FeupAL Prince on Emperor.
(a.) Feudal Princes.

A fief is an office dependent upon the Emperor.

Feudal princes are rewarded or punished by the
Emperor.

A confederation of princes,

(b.) Feudal Princes may aspire to Imperial Dignity.

Unity is strength.

There ought to be no wrong perpetrated on that
account. : :

The people the political foundation for the Emperor.

The people gather round him who protects them.

Humane government is the only way to power.

Inhumanity loses what humanity gains.

357a.Humanity wins the heart of men.
3570.No enforcing of goodness.

358.

359+
360.

361.
362.
363.
364.

365.

Neither great family influence nor long time is requisite.

Humanity finds no enemy.

An adverse criticism on the Shoo King, based on the
above theories.

No military operations are required.

The virtue of humanity is characterised by its effects.

The examples of Tang and Woo.

At times a humane prince is able to serve another
smaller state.

Previously excepted imperial prerogative is no hindrance.

(c.) The Ruler as Emperor.

366a.Inspection of the feudal princes.
3660.This should not be a pleasure excursion at the cost of

the country.
Cc
34

ART.

367.
368.

INTRODUCTION.

Alone has power to determine on a war of punishment.
Rites and music to be determined by the Emperor
alone.

369a.Ties of nature cannot be abolished, even by imperial

power.

3690.Influence of a noble Emperor on the people.

370-
371.
372.
373:
374.

375:

376.
377:
378.
379:
380.

381.

382.
383.
384.
385;
386.

387.

(d.) The Result of Evil Government.

The state is weakened,
The person of the ruler is endangered.
Rebellion by relatives.

‘Deposition of the sovereign.

The murder of tyrants.

Sect. IV.—MInNIsTERS.

1. THEIR PREREQUISITES, DUTIES, AND FAILURES.
(a.) Preparation of Ministers.

The preparation of a good minister takes place in
adversity.

Continual self-improvement.

Virtue is to them the highest honour.

Their character to appear both host and guest.

He only who makes himself ridiculous will be ridiculed.

Under certain circumstances the aspirant may receive
alms.

(b.) Minister seeking Office.

Before the call, a personal meeting with the prince to
be avoided.

The ruler has first to make search.

Righteousness is the way, propriety the door.

Light-mindedness is to be avoided in accepting office.

Likewise over-scrupulousness.

Time and circumstances to be considered.

The office affords the means for the legal sacrifices,
ART.

388.
389.
390.

391.
392.
393+

394-
395.

396.
397-
398.

399.
400.

401.
402,
403.
404.
405.

406.
407.
408.
409.

410.
All.
412.
413.

INTRODUCTION. 35

(c.) Ministers Entering upon Office.

Unfitness leads to destruction.

Love of good is a sufficient guarantee.

Three kinds of circumstances which formerly hindered
from taking office.

The example of Confucius.

Places for poor aspirants.

Presents are necessary on taking office.

2. Duties In OFFICE,
(a.) General Duties.

Due honour to the sovereign.

The minister not to permit himself to be treated as a
servant.

Speedy compliance with demands conformable to rule.

To exercise in office what has been previously learned.

The example of Mencius. His relations to his colleagues.

Ideal of Mencius as a practical minister.

His dismissal as minister and refusal of pension.

His obstinacy.

His apology.

His sorrow, and high opinion of himself.

Why he received no salary in Ts’e.

His untruth to the King of Ts’e.

(8.) Duty in Word.

Profit not to be spoken of.

Happiness consists in humanity and righteousness.
The rectification of the ruler to be sought.
Ministers to be silent where prudence dictates.

(c.) Duty in Deed.

Must not be blinded by external splendour.

Stands boldly in opposition to the ruler.

Will not anticipate the sinful desires of the princes.
Is true to the smallest demands of duty.
36 INTRODUCTION.

Art.
414. Does not seek power and territory to further the

private aims of the sovereign.
415. The examples of able ministers—Yu and Tse.
416. E Yin.
417. Able men, yet not examples—Kwan Tschung and Gan

Tse.
3. FaILuUrgs,
‘ (a.) Causes of Failure.
418. Only occasional visits to the ruler, and his inattention
to these,

419. Officials not working in harmony.

(b.) Failure leads to Resignation.

420. On the overthrow of justice by the sovereign.

421. When stern counsels find no listener.

422, When he proves it an impossibility to help the people.

423. On being treated in an unbecoming manner by the
sovereign,

(¢.) Failure may lead to the Dethronement of a Sovereign.

424. Only a minister who is a relative dare do this.
425. Yet it may happen in the case of others from a higher
point of view.

 

BOOK IIL

RESULT OR AIM OF MORAL DEVELOPMENT: THE
ORGANISATION OF THE STATE.

Cuap. 1—NationaL Economy 1n Propuction,
COMMERCE, AND TAXES.

(a.) Production.

426, Rivers and streams to be brought into proper limits,
427. Right partition of the land.
INTRODUCTION. 37

ART.

428. Times to be appointed for agricultural operations (the
calendar).

429. The government is answerable for the welfare of the
people.

430. Inspection of public husbandry necessary.

431. No neglect of work to be tolerated.

(3.) Commerce.

432. The essential condition of this is the division of labour.
433. The motive is the value of the product.

434. Chief requirements are markets, bridges, roads, &c.
4354.Luxury and extravagance are to be prevented.

4350.In time of need, human food not to be given to cattle.

(c.) Taxes,

436. The tenth, for the necessary requirements of a civilised
state.

437. Better in the form of performance of work (socage)
than in a direct share of goods,

438. The ancient agrarian system.

439. The doubling of taxes (fifths) to be strongly condemned.

440. Taxes at the boundaries.

441. Customs to be abolished—free trade.

442. Marshes and ponds ought to be kept common.

443. The leading principle is that true wealth does not con-
sist in gold and silver.

Cuap, II.—NationaL EpucaTion: ITs THEORY, SCHOOLS,
TEACHERS, METHOD, AND MUSIC.

(a.) Theory.

444. Moral culture as well as physical is indispensable to
the state.

445. Education is not a suppression but a drawing out.

446. Therefore the people fear good government but love
good instruction.

447. Guidance of the people by personal example.
38

ART.

448,
449.

450.

451.
452.

453-

454.
455-

456.
457.
458.
459:
460.
461.

462.
463.
464.
465.
466.

467.
468,

469.
470.
471.

INTRODUCTION.

The lower soon resemble the upper classes.

Importance of propriety and education to the life of
the state. s

The education of the people therefore characterises the
government.

An uneducated people is useless even for war.

The result of education is prosperity.

(b.) Schools.

Of several kinds—boarding, military, elementary, and
high,

Permanence of the orthodox school.

Shun laid the foundation of these.

(c.) Teachers and Scholars.

Reception of scholars.

Many kinds of scholars,

Refusal of conceited men.
Proselytes from other schools.
Irreverence of an earlier scholar.
Great reverence shown by scholars,

(d.) Methods of Education.
Twofold.
Fivefold.
Levelling downward by compromises is to be rejected.
The ideal is to be held firmly.
Instruction gives ideas, but not the ability to carry
them out.
The farther education of life.
Nominal enlightenment.

(e.) Music.
Its Philosophie Conception,

Its nature is joy.
Its influence perfects the national life—social harmony,
By his music one learns the virtue of the sovereign.
INTRODUCTION. 39

ape Lis Actual Signification.
472. Theory.

473. Instruments.

474. Musical performances.

475. Concerts.

476. Ancient and modern music are equal.
477. Discussion concerning the old bell.

Cuap. IIJ.—Tue Nationa DEFENCES.
(a.) Firmness at Home.

478. Party strife is the ruin of the state.

479. Not fortified towns but law-abiding moral order affords
protection.

480. A government which is active in doing good has nothing
to fear.

481. The state must in every way receive teaching.

(0.) Defences against External Foes.

482. External foes and calamities serve to vivify the state.

483. In danger the sovereign must either flee immediately
or make a firm stand, even to death.

484. Defensive measures.

(c.) War.
485. Lust of conquest will not prosper. {
486. War hinders the increase of population. m
487. A war of conquest is really manslaughter. ”

488. It disturbs the balance of power between states.

489. Annexation should only be when the inhabitants are
favourable. :

4go. Even a war of punishment may be avoided.

491. War is generally to be deprecated.

Cuap. IV.—Home Potirics.
(a.) Identity of Interest of both Government and People.

492. The governing and the laws are for the welfare of the
people.
40

ART.
493-
494.

| 495:
496.

497-

498.
_ 499:

500.
sor.
502,
503.
504.

505:
506.

507:

508.
509.
510.
511.
— 512.
513.
514.
515
) 516.

INTRODUCTION.

The people the chief consideration in the state.

Therefore the destitute must be cared for.

The old to be nourished.

Help to be distributed to the people when necessary.

General sympathy.

Reciprocity on part of the people.

Means by which the government may win the people
love.

Service to individuals is to be deprecated.

The use to be made of the people.

Prosperity shared with the people.

Rejoicing with the people.

The contrast to this when the pleasure of the monarch
is treated as a crime in the people.

Sympathy in joy and sorrow.

Enjoyment of beauty with the people.

(0.) The Political Factors,

The state organisation in its constituent parts. The
individual forms its basis.

Great families.

Conservative elements.

Faithful officials.

Harmonious interaction of upper and lower classes.

Proportionate distribution of honours and incomes.

Maintenance of the moral and social bonds.

Alternations of order and discord are unavoidable.

The chief sources of danger to home politics,

The worst evil is the lack of principle.

see ; 2

le . eee
THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

——_o——

Book I,
THE ELEMENTS OF MORAL SCIENCE.

 

PART IL—CONCERNING PROPERTIES.

 

CHAPTER I.
MAN’S ESSENTIAL NATURE.
(a.) The Idea Defined.

1. “IT isonly from phenomena that the world draws
its conclusions;” it fails to apprehend their causes or
fundamental realities! (p. 207). But, unfortunately, it
often happens that delusive inferences are drawn from
the facts observed, and thus false conclusions are arrived
at instead of the truth.?

2. Kaou, one of the philosophers of that day, maintained
that man’s essential nature consisted in life. Mencius
replied, “‘ Is life, then, to be called the essential nature,
just as white is called white?’ Being answered in the
affirmative, he continued, ‘Is, then, the white of a white

1Thenumbersinbracketsthrough- causes of the facts themselves and
out refer to the page in Dr. Legge’s the laws which govern the occur-
Chinese Classics—“ Mencius.”” rence of phenomena generally in his

2 Dr. Whewell has pointed out “ Philosophy of Inductive Sciences,”
the difference between the ultimate ii. 260.—Tr.
42 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

feather like the white of snow, and this again as that of
a gem?’ Kaou again replied, ‘It is.’ ‘Then, verily,’ said
Mencius, ‘ the nature of the dog is the same as that of the
ox, and the nature of the ox the same as that of man
(p. 272). It is well shown by the illustration that “life”
as a definition is too universal, %.¢., it is.too comprehensive,
and fails in the determination of characteristic differences.

3. Upon the same philosopher, Kaou, affirming that “the
appetite for food and the sexual appetite constitute man’s
nature” (p. 273), Mencius vouchsafed no answer, for he did
not consider the lower sensualism worthy of his attention.
It was, indeed, already confuted by the simple fact that
the sensual appetites and enjoyments are not the highest
of which human nature is susceptible. The capacity for
higher things is the characteristic of humanity.

4. Mencius maintained, on the contrary (p. 348), “ Form
and beauty constitute our heaven-imparted nature; but
one must first be a holy man, then can he manifest the
(true) form.” The external corresponds to the internal,
at least in its main features. Man is no dualism ao
and soul, but as man he possesses an essential anity’ of
nature, even if his origin be dualistic. In Europe this
fact has long been overlooked, that every organ of the
body corresponds to some peculiar attribute of the soul,
or, in other words, the body and the soul mutually condi-
tion each other. But in saying this we do not affirm the
one to be the cause of the other. They are neither opposites
nor are they identical, and neither are they the internal and
the external of the same things. The Chinese fall into this
latter mistake when avoiding the former.

5. Men have not various natures, but the nature of all

1 “Among these [principles of to ourselves or others. But they

a2,

action by which a man may be led]
we must give a high place to the
propensity to seek that which is
known to communicate pleasure and
avoid that which is expected to in-
flict pain, and this in regard either

take a miserably defective view of
man’s nature who represent him as
incapable of being swayed by any
other motive, better or worse ”
(M‘Cosh, Divine Government, p,.
416).
MAN’S ESSENTIAL NATURE. 43

men is homogeneous and good. Kung-too, one of his
disciples, by bringing to the notice of Mencius the prin-
cipal opinions of that day concerning human nature,
obtained from him a fuller explanation (p. 277). (a)
“ Kaou affirmed that the nature of men was neither good
nor the reverse ” (consequently there is only necessity, no
freedom) ; (0.) “another maintained that man’s nature may
be made good or the reverse through external influences ”
{this is distinct from good and evil unknown, but artifi-
cially caused from without) ; (c.) “a third maintained that
there are good natures and evil natures,” and he adduced
as examples from ancient time, that the best sovereign
had a bad minister; the most reprobate father had a most
excellent son; a tyrant of a ruler, being an elder brother,
had noble younger brethren as his subordinates. (This
indicates the immutability of one’s nature.) Every man’s
nature retains its original direction notwithstanding cir-
cumstances the most unfavourable for its: preservation.
Of these opinions the third is directly opposed to the
second; the possibility of such absolutely contradictory
views clearly manifests their deceptive one-sidedness, The
disciple continues, “If it is now affirmed that man’s nature
is good, then each of these views is altogether wrong.”
Mencius replied, “As far it concerns the emotions, it is
possible for one to do that which is good; it is this which
is termed good. But if one does that which is not good,
it is not the fault of his disposition. The three former
views display a lack of reflection.”’ According to the
Commentary, men have emotions of two different sorts ;
those from within, which arise from man’s real nature
and which are good, and others which come from without
through the senses and tend to that which is not good.
He who wishes to define the idea of a genus or of a species
has, in the first place, to discover amidst the multiplicity
of phenomena that which is most perfect, and therefore
most characteristic, and with this to establish the type.
Then every deviation appears not so much a development

a
44 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

as a variety occasioned by many circumstances preventing

-or modifying the full manifestation of the original type
itself. In the holy or ideal man, Mencius, like Confucius,
contemplates this original type (of humanity).1 Of this
more hereafter.

6. The type consists in kind, hence the resemblance
between all individuals (p. 280). “All things of the same
species have on that account an all-pervading resemblance
to each other; why, then, should we doubt that this is
also the case in reference to men? The holy are of the
same kind with ourselves.” The context elaborates this
idea, viz., that there is an analogy between human nature
and “the form of the feet, the taste of the mouth, the
hearing of the ear, the sight of the eyes.” Mencius closes
with this résumé: “Therefore I say that (with all men)
the mouth has the same relish as to taste,” ¢.¢, perceives
salt to be saltish, sweetness to be sweet, &c., “the ears have
the same perception of sounds, the eyes have the same
impression as to colour. Shall it be given to hearts alone to
be without anything in common? What is it then which
is common to all hearts? This is ‘the ideas and righteous-
ness. Holy men apprehend sooner than others that which
is common to our hearts, Therefore our heart rejoices in
‘ideas and in righteousness’ just as our mouth enjoys
the flesh of fatlings.” The Commentary says, by way of
explanation, “The mouth, ears, nose, &c., are the organs
for external impressions, and the heart is the organ for
ideas and righteousness. These are likewise not external,
a.¢., not through the senses. Those organs of sense are
able everywhere to distinguish impressions of taste, smell,
&c. The heart is able everywhere to arouse to action ‘the
ideas and righteousness.” Thus the natural disposition
which man has from heaven becomes perfected. It is
not hereby asserted that man’s nature generally consists
in that which is common to all, but in that which their
hearts have in common in ideas and a sense of right

1 Not in the monkey or ascidian, as do some modern philosophers.—Tr.
MAN'S ESSENTIAL NATURE. 45

(righteousness), «.¢., in that which constitutes the con-
tinuity of humanity. The bodily organs then obey that
which is noble, pure, and archetypal.” This passage
limits in the right direction the often misapplied quota-
tion, Quod ubique, quod semper, quod ab omnibus ereditum
est, hoc est vere proprieque catholicum. Error is to be found
amongst men more frequently than truth, selfishness than
love, the sensual both more common and more obtrusive
than the spiritual. But the spiritual (ideal) is the higher;
therefore it is that Faust in Auerbach’s cellar stands in a
loftier position than the guests. But, as has been already
particularly describgd, the germs of these higher principles
exist in all men. /The relation of righteousness to the
ideas is treated by the commentator in the following way :
—lIdeas, and their carrying out into action, ought to cor-
respond, but men in so doing ought to start from the
correct instead of from the corrupt. This gives rise to
active controversy. In opposition to the mystical school
it is observed, “ The most important point with Laotsze is
the compassing of both unity and freedom from passions.
According to Chwangtsze it is the repose felt by the holy
men, so that the universe is insufficient to occasion
disquiet to the heart. For vacuity, repose, indifference,
. Silence, inaction are the peace of heaven and earth, the
culminating point of the Tao-teh (principle and bene-
ficence). Yet this is not the true standard of conduct.
The heaven-implanted ideas govern the desires of men
but do not suppress them. One may have desires; when
restrained they occasion no transgression, But selfishness
is begotten when the desires go astray, and darkness reigns
if the understanding misleads itself. The desires are be-
gotten from flesh and blood; knowledge springs from the
heart. By reason of selfishness desire becomes sinful, and

1 Mr. Faber writes Tao-Virtue ; formula for the internal and the ex-
but if the second character be trans- ternal, the spiritual and the material,
lated, why not the first also? A the idea and its execution, God in
careful perusal of the Tao-teh King his essence and his working.—Tr.
suggests that these are Laotsze’s
46 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

therefore also flesh and blood. By reason ofits darkening
the knowledge becomes sinful, and thence also the heart.”
In this definition of man’s essential nature as ideas and
righteousness, idea signifies the participation in the eternal
idea, and righteousness is the innate perception of that
practice which is most conformable thereto, or its applica-
tion to the varying circumstances of human life.

7. This nature permits neither of addition nor subtrac-
tion from without. “The superior man,” says Mencius
(p. 335), “desires extensive territory and numerous
subjects, yet his enjoyment consists not therein. His
enjoyment consists in this, to stand in the midst of
the realm and to ensure the stability of the people
within the four seas, but that which is to him his
nature consists not therein. The occupying of himself
in great matters (as emperor) adds nothing to that which
is the real nature of the superior man, and his continuing
in poverty (as a beggar) detracts in nowise from it, for
his portion is fixed. That which the superior man regards
as his nature is benevolence, righteousness, propriety, and
intelligence. Their root is in the heart; their manifesta-
tion is a peaceful expression of the countenance, a fulness
of contour in the back, and a something imparted to the
four limbs which make it known without words,” Their
nature reveals itself involuntarily in the entire personality
of men, on every side, and in everything. External cir-
cumstances cannot form the internal nature, but simply
offer a temporal sphere of operation for the self-made ideal
personality, 2.¢., already complete in its very self. This
idea of the great importance of man’s individuality was
also frequently brought forward by Confucius. The
superior man finds entire satisfaction in his own moral
nature External possessions or entire lack of these, a
high position or lowly estate, are unable to make any
change in this. All that these can do is to show what
the man is in himself.

1 See Systematic Digest of the Doctrine of Confucius, 105-111.
MAN’S ESSENTIAL NATURE. 47

8. Yet this nature has a still more profound connection.
Man stands not alone, an isolated being. Mencius says
(p. 324), “He who has fathomed his heart knows his
nature; if one knows his nature he also knows heaven.”
The heart is therefore the oracle by which human nature
is revealed, that is to say, its medium of communication
with the external world. But it is well to observe that
not only the external world, but somewhat of the speci-
fically human, manifests itself in the heart. This peculiar
humanity is nevertheless only a portion of the celestial
nature, or, more generally speaking, of heaven (God). From
this point of view human nature passes as the image and
at the same time the oracle of heaven. This is, again,
a yet more important idea, but one which, alas! is only
just hinted at. The attainment of anything like an ex-
haustive treatment of this subject is only possible from a
theistic standpoint.

(b.) Of Developing or Perfecting Man’s Nature.

g. If all men have the same nature, whence come those
real diversities which we perceive amongst them? Mencius
answers (p. 279), “Seek, so shalt thou find them; neglect,
so shalt thou lose them (de. benevolence, righteousness,
propriety, and intelligence). That men are distinguished
from one another by having of these either as much
again, or five times as much, or an incalculable amount,
arises from this, that they do not fully develop their
natural faculties. Everything has in itself its own
(normal) principle ; this is what the people lay hold of,
therefore they love this sublime virtue.”1 From this we
see that Mencius only conceived of this diversity as
quantitative, as the measure of the development of the
essential nature. But the complete highest ideal lies
concealed in every breast, remaining amongst the mul-

1 Legge’s Shi King should be consulted here, part. ii. p. 541, note on
this passage, :
48 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

tiplicity of phenomena, the one constant standard owing
to which the people pay an involuntary tribute of respect
to all genuine virtue.

10. But there are also things which draw aside men’s
hearts from the heavenly and give them an earthward
direction. Mencius used the growth of wheat to illustrate
this (p. 280), “One sows and harrows it; if the soil is
uniform andthe time of cultivation the same, it rapidly
shoots up and grows, until at the right time the whole is
ripe. Should there, however, be diversity, it is owing to
inequalities in the richness and poverty of the soil, in the
nourishment afforded by rain and dew, and in the amount
of labour bestowed upon it.” Because human nature is
not perfect from birth onwards, but must develop itself,
it happens that external circumstances interfere in a most
important manner, unhappily chiefly in the direction of
disturbance, too often destructively.

11. Yet natural development is quite different from
artificial treatment. This truth Mencius stoutly upheld
in opposition to his before-mentioned opponent, Kaoutsze
(p. 270), “Kaou said, (Human) nature is like the willow-
tree, righteousness is like a bowl; as a bowl is made from
a willow, so are love and righteousness out of man’s
nature.’ Mencius answered, ‘Can you, sir, agreeably to
the nature of the willow-tree, make it into bowls? The
willow must have violence done to it in order to become
a bowl’ (ie, the bowl does not grow out of the willow).
Had one in like manner to do violence to men in order
to produce love and righteousness, all men universally
would regard love and righteousness as sources of misery.”
It is not the form which man imparts to the wood of the
willow, that indicates its nature, but that which it has the
power to give itself under favourable circumstances. So
is it with men. It is most important that this idea be
firmly grasped. :

12a, In the same way the law within acts differently
from the influences which are without with regard to
MAN’S ESSENTIAL NATURE. 49

modification. Kaou comes again with his view (p. 272),
“Human nature is like a reservoir of water ; if one makes:
an outlet on the east, the water will flow eastwards ; if
one makes the outlet to the west, it will flow westwards.
Human nature is indifferent with reference to the good
and not good, just as water is indifferent with reference to
east and west.” Mencius answered, “Water is indeed
indifferent to east and west, but is it so in reference to
the above and below? Good, to human nature, is like
the tendency of water downwards. Man (as man) has
nothing else than good, just as water has nothing but a
downward tendency (i.c., gravitation). Now if one strikes
and splashes water, it is possible to make it go over one’s
head ; if one constrains and guides it, it can be brought
over a mountain. Is this also the nature of water?’ The
force (exerted) makes it thus! Even so is it with human
nature when man is induced to do that which is not good.”
We will add to the above another passage which it in
some measure serves to explain.

12), The energies of man’s nature and external destruc-
tive influences. Mencius said (p. 282), “The trees of the
New Mountain were once beautiful, but being on the borders
of a great state, they were hewn down, and how could they
retain their beauty? Yet still owing to the productive
energy (at work) day and night, and the fertilising influences
of rain and dew, they could not do otherwise than put
forth new leaves. There came also sheep and cattle and
browsed upon them; thus the mountain became so entirely
barren, When men see its barrenness, they think that it
never could have been a beautiful object. Is this, then,
the nature of the mountain? Can it, nevertheless, possibly
be that amongst men there is no sense of benevolence and
righteousness? The cause of their losing their integrity
of heart is like the case of the axe in the wood; can it,
whilst being daily hewn away, remain beautiful z But
that which by day and night shoots forth and rises in the

peaceful daydawn—the predilections and antipathies—
D
50 THE MIND OF MENCIUS,

stands in far closer connection with man (with his inner-
most nature), only they are too weak, so that they become
entangled or neglected amidst the daily occupations of
life. This entanglement repeating itself continually, the
night-time is insufficient for its restoration. When the
night-time is no longer sufficient to restore it, the distance
is not great between man and the brutes. When men
‘perceive their animal nature, they think that they never
had any other disposition. But can this possibly represent
the energies of humanity? Therefore there is nothing
which receives nourishment that does not grow; and there
is nothing which misses its nourishment without decreas-
ing.” It is well known how every one shuns solitary con-
verse with himself, a proof how rarely one is in a position
to find his better self, and how yet more rarely one there-
fore attains to union with the powers of heaven or with
God, the prototype. One seeks dissipation in order to get
away from oneself, and the getting lost amid (the multi-
tude of) things we call pastime, in which there is nothing
of eternity to be felt. Silence is necessary! concentra-
tion in the depths of pure humanity. Only when the
passions are still, when the rush of the day’s avocations
ceases its distracting tumult, does the sense of the primor-
dial nature bestir itself in the soul, Thence at such a
moment are good resolutions formed, which yet seldom
take root sufficiently deep, and soon become stifled by the
pressure of the following hour, by the lusts and desires
arising from our connection with nature around us. At
last one arrives at that point when he holds sensual enjoy-
ment to be the only problem of life, and regards every
virtue as mere hypocrisy or narrow-mindedness. Man de-
velops his animal nature by the neglect of humanity proper,
and then with savage delight appears in exact conformity
with the brutes around him, Piety and virtue generally
require cultivating, just as much as talents, intellect, or
memory. Every ‘human disposition allows itself to be
developed by means of corresponding exercise, but also to
MAN’S ESSENTIAL NATURE. 51

be spoilt by neglect or violence, ofttimes indeed to be well-
nigh annihilated.

13, Mencius again (p. 275), in reference to the sense of
tight, which the philosopher Kaou held to be something
drawn from the external world, carried on a lively con-
versation, in which he handled sensualism very severely.
Neither things nor the impressions of them are the stan-
dard for man, but his conduct in reference to them, which
corresponds to the sense of right within him, That is the
cause of righteousness, and therefore likewise the expres-
sion of man’s essential nature. The impression made on
the senses is only the motive.

14a. That man has a twofold nature is still farther ex-
plained by Mencius (p. 294). On one side stand the senses
and desires, on the other is the heart as the sum total
of the higher motives, especially of thought. “Thinking
attains to it (the truth); if one does not think, he attains
to nothing. This it is that heaven has given to us. Let
one first be established in thought (which here is called
the greatness of human nature), and the little (the sensual)
cannot tear it from him.” ‘Thought’ here signifies not
abstract or ideal thought, but deliberation in regard to
action. By this reflective capacity that which is within
man places itself in apposition with the impression of the
senses received from without. Nevertheless deliberation
(or reflection) can only take place when a normal rule
is also contained in man’s inmost nature. Mencius en-
tertained no idea of calling that which is contained in
the intellect great in comparison with that which the
senses offer us. Therefore he did not, like the Buddhists,
call the impressions of the senses evil, but asserts that
only their influence over the ideal is so. (Thus literally
the commentary.)

14). Yet man has not only the power of choice within,
differences arise also from without (p. 294). Mencius says,
“There is both a heavenly greatness and a human great-
ness. Benevolence, righteousness, truth, faith, delight in
52 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

goodness without weariness, this is heavenly greatness.
To be a duke, a minister of state, a privy councillor, this
is human greatness. The ancients cultivated heavenly
greatness, and human greatness followed thereupon. Those
of the present day cultivate heavenly greatness in order
to seek human greatness; if they obtain the latter they
despise the former. They labour consequently under an
intense delusion, which can result finally in nothing but
destruction.” Unfortunately, it is now still worse in
modern China and in other modern states; men just
begin with human greatness, and let the heavenly go
entirely and altogether uncultivated. By examinations
that alone can be estimated which is on the paper, the
quality of the essay not that of the heart. The result is
the destruction of internal morality by external display.
Mencius hints in the following chapter at that “honour
which one has in oneself,” for the sake of which one can
do without that from without, from other men; indeed, he
speaks of “a satisfaction derived from benevolence and
righteousness which is independent of food from a royal
kitchen.”

15. But practice is necessary to attain to this; its nature
‘is to harden (p. 323). Hence Mencius makes a “ threefold
difference” between men. Pure physiology explains this as
follows :—There are genial, richly endowed natures which
are so deeply imbued with religion and morality that to’
them development in the highest degree is a painless
progress. Others have to struggle with difficulties, yet
through the energy which they exert it comes about that
they arrive pretty nearly at an equality with the first,
Others have nothing particular in themselves, either from
natural endowment or personal culture, but they well
know how to take advantage of opportunities, These only
recognise selfish aims, and are often not very particular
as to the means they employ. One can still take pleasure
in persons like these if they but employ good means ex-
clusively. We come, then, to that ordinary morality which
MAN’S ESSENTIAL NATURE. 53

is not to be despised, but also must not be too highly
esteemed (see pp. 371 and 342).

16. But the cultivation of the personal must be per-
petual and symmetrical. Mencius said (p. 291), “ Every
one who wishes to grow timber of one or two handbreadths
in circumference knows how he must attend to its nourish-
ment. Does one then not know in reference to his own
character how that is to be cultivated? Is it possible
that he does not love himself as much as timber? What
a great lack of reflection!” One treats things according

to the view one takes of them; in other words, according /

'

to the purpose which they ought to serve. This is specially ;

important in regard to education. He who will educate »

must have a clear idea of that to which he wishes to
attain, and calculate the means employed accordingly. It
is, alas! to be deplored that the only learning met with
in the great majority of cases in China and elsewhere
to this very day still betrays a great lack of reflection.
That every faculty ought to become developed Mencius
farther indicates (p. 292) by the analogy of the “human
body,” which one also cultivates symmetrically. In the
same way “the gardener likewise cultivates his plants.”
Unfortunately, owing to the great division of labour, even
in the territory of the spirit, one drifts ever farther away
from this, the result being misjudgment and misconcep-
tion. Mencius brings forward yet another important point
concerning symmetrical treatment (p. 285). He says,
“ Although anything grows in the easiest way in the
world, yet if one expose it for one day to the heat and for
ten days to the cold it can never thus thrive. It is just
so with men when various influences work together against
them. Although they put forth somewhat, of what good
is it?” (See Art. 120.) Fluctuation between extremes
is destructive to progress, To secure successful develop-
ment constant attention is necessary. This is observed
by Mencius (p. 286). “A celebrated chess-player taught
two pupils, of whom one gave his whole heart to the

\
54 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

study, the other was thinking about a swan, and, of
course, could not make the same progress.” The ener-
gies of the soul must be concentrated upon the subject in
order that they may be able to receive a correspondent
impression and the clearest ideas possible.

17. We have already spoken, Art. 12, of silent concen-
tration and right cultivation of the soul. Many, indeed,
remember the silent concentration, but forget the cultiva-
tion required for the superior humanity. Men know how
to avoid unwholesome food for the body, but their
imaginations are crowded with all sorts of sickly pic-
tures, the fruit of bad literature. It is miserable to
perceive how, through pestilential reading, so many
noble spiritual gifts are distorted, the moral perceptions
blunted, the noblest energies weakened. Let this be much
more thought of, the advancing by means of reading of
every noble trait of human nature. Let us oppose
most vigorously every book, every publication which
nourishes the lower motives, anything that tends to
excite or foster man’s passions. Such pages, for in-
stance, as treat with scorn and derision the “ Holy place”
and the “Holy of holies” should fill us with ‘horror,
for they are murderous attempts against all that is true
in humanity.
( 55}

CHAPTER II.
THE HEART.
(a.) Psychological Idea.

(8a, THE heart is the immediate locality of the revelation
of man’s nature. In reference to this it has been already
mentioned that it is thinking which determines its office.
(Art. 14@.) For the heart is with the Chinese as with
others of the ancients, especially the peoples of the East,
not only the seat of emotion, but generally the centre of
spiritual life.

185. (See Art. 5, ante.) The contents of the heart are
the will and the motives (p. 64). “The will is the leader
of the motives; these are the fulness of the bodily organism.
The will is supreme and the motives are its subordinates ;
wherefore it is said, ‘Restrain the will, but do no violence
to your motives.’ If the will is concentrated, it imparts
activity to the motives; but if the motives are concen-
trated, they impel the will.” In this place a word is
employed in the text which it is extremely difficult to
translate into another tongue by the exact equivalent,
viz., “breath.” The characteristic idea of breath is two-
fold—a streaming forth and a drawing inwards. To these
correspond expansion and contraction, or attraction and

1 It may be as well to quote here the conscience, as constituting what
a statement which may be taken as may be appropriately called the
a fair representation of modern motive powers of the mind,” and
European thought on this subject. these three are all included in the
Dr. M‘Cosh on Divine Government, popular word “heart,” and in the

p. 265, says, “We have inthis book still looser phrase “feeling.”—Tr. |
to do with the emotions, the will, and
56 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

repulsion. The cause of this phenomenon is, to the
Chinese mind, one and the same in all departments of
nature and psychology, and is expressed by the word
“ Hi.” In the case of nature, therefore, we find it best
to translate “Hi” by the word “powers” because the
singular “power” is too abstract. Everything that stirs
within the heart of man, as well as the motives, is com-
prised in the word “powers.” The will stands to these
motives as their regulator, and therefore as the ruling
principle over them. It is a deep psychological view
which Mencius here takes. With this is also correctly
opened out the problem of man’s freedom. Freedom
consists not in the independency of the motive powers,
but in the possibility of imparting to them a definite
direction. In the will all the motives ought to find their
centre of agreement, and through it alone their practical
realisation. Mencius seems, however, not to have recognised
that the will has never attained, nor in this world ever
can attain, to perfect mastery over the motives in any man.
From his standpoint he could in no case have been able
adequately to explain the cause of this phenomenon, The
direction of the will is not in this place treated so fully as
by Confucius! (See Digest Confucius, p. 56 and seq.)

19 and 20. Of the other contents of the heart we have
already treated in Arts. 6, 12, and 17, ante,

21. The fourfold description of motive (p. 78) is most
important. Mencius maintained “that every man has a
heart sensible of sympathy, shame, tenderness, and con-
scientiousness, and he who is without these is simply not
aman,” A beautiful example illustrates this. “If men

! Tt is very significant that we find
nothing about conscience here. But
on a comparison with a note by Dr.
M‘Cosh, p. 273, we see that Mencius
had anticipated the philosophy of
the West. “The motive should be
divided into two parts, that which
is without the will, and that which
is within the will ; the latter of these

being, we maintain, the main ele-
ment.” And Leibnitz seems to
include conscience amongst the mo-
tives when he says, “The motives
comprehend all the dispositions which
the mind can have to act voluntarily,
&e.” See Reid, by Hamilton, pp,
610, 611, note. —TR.
THE HEART. 57

suddenly see a child approach a well, they all exhibit
excitement and distress of heart, and they do this neither
to recommend themselves to the parents of the child, nor
to earn the praise of friends and neighbours, nor from
a disinclination to the reputation” (of being unfeeling).
He continues (p. 79), “ The heart of sympathy is the germ
of benevolence, the heart of modesty is the germ of right-
eousness, the heart of tenderness is the germ of propriety,
and the heart of conscientiousness is the germ of wisdom.”
This paragraph opens out a wider field of action beyond
what has been already said concerning essential nature.
Mencius is a determined opponent of the mechanical con-
ception of human nature. Man is no tabula rasa, his
heart contains its own peculiar life, and brings forward
germs capable of development out of its very inmost
nature. These germs manifest themselves in the case of
all men under all circumstances. External circumstances
only condition the kind of appearance and the degree
of perfection belonging to the development. But every-
thing human lies dormant in men from their very birth,
just as the plant in the grain of seed. Soil and climate
may modify the development, but the specific character
cannot be imparted from without.

(b.) Moral Definition of the Heart.
1. Subjectively Considered.

22., Mencius never remains standing upon mere physical
‘or psychical grounds, but always unites the moral with
them. Therefore he continues (p. 79), “ The Hgo of every
man contains these four germs; if he knows how to de-
velop and to perfect them, it is as when fire begins to
burn or the spring first gushes forth. If one is able
actually to complete them (fully to mature or perfect
them), they are then ample to provide for all within the
four seas ;! if unable to mature them, it is not enough for

1 The whole Empire is signified by this term.
58 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

the service of one’s parents.” As ethical maturity in its
fullest scope flashes upon Mencius in dominion over nature,
it comprises and includes the inferior part of humanity.
Of this more later on.

23. Cultivation of the heart is necessary on account of
“the desires for the enjoyment of external things” (p. 341).
We remark the important distinction between culture,
which applies itself to the nourishment and development
of the ideal humanity and that enjoyment of external
things, to which everything belongs that has the senses for
its medium, as well as those nobler forms such as art and
science, in so far as they draw man away from the former,
which is his proper vocation.

24. Therefore, says Mencius (p. 373), “For the culture
of the heart there is nothing better than the diminution of
our desires.” The desires, like weeds. amongst the wheat,
absorb the best nourishment.

25. But the growth of the good cannot be busily pressed
forward. Mencius warns us of this by an illustration (p.
67). “Be not like that man of Sung who, being sore troubled
that his wheat would not speedily grow to full height,
went and pulled at it. Quite exhausted, he returned to
his home and said to his people, ‘I am weary to-day; I
have been helping the wheat to grow.’ His son ran off
quickly to see it—there was the corn all withered. There
are a few in the world,” adds Mencius, “who do not help
the corn to grow. These few hold it (such labour) to be
useless, and do not trouble themselves in the least about
it; they do not weed between the corn. Those who help
the corn to grow pull out the germ, and are therefore not
only useless but injurious as well.” It is clear from this
that the nature of men, as it reveals itself in the heart,
indicates a natural growth which follows its inherent law.
Yet man finds himself placed in opposition to himself,
either as disturbing this growth or as freeing it from its
hindrances. If now the nature of man consists in that
growth itself, or, more exactly, in the good which grows
THE HEART. 59

up, what is then that other which distinguishes and plucks
out the weeds? Mencius overlooks this problem. It is,
nevertheless, important to keep these facts clearly before ©
us. Again, if it could be proved that some animals had

all faculties in common with man, and that there are only

degrees of difference, little would be thereby either gained

or lost. The placing of himself in opposition to himself

or to some part of his consciousness, and the possibility of

his varying his action towards the same, belongs only to

man—that is what constitutes humanity.

26. But the good part, alas! is rarely chosen. Mencius
is a vigorous preacher of repentance (p. 288). He argues,
“Were life dependent upon a portion of soup and a plate
of rice, and these were to be offered in a harsh way,! no
traveller would receive them; if offered insultingly, even
a beggar would not care for them. But one receives ten
thousand loads of corn without any regard to propriety
and righteousness, What can ten thousand loads offer
me? It is for the adornment of official and private
dwellings, to secure the services of wives and concubines,
and in order that my poor acquaintances may receive
support from me, In that case one declines to receive
anything to save his body from death, in this he does it.
for the sake of adorning his official and private dwell-
ings; in that he receives nothing to save his life, in
this he accepts, seeking the attendance of wives and con-
cubines ; in that he receives not, even to save his life, in
this he accepts so that his poor acquaintance may receive
his assistance. Could one not also decline in such a case
as this? Thi is termed losing the original attributes of
the Heart!” And again (p. 290), “ Benevolence (love) is
the heart of man, righteousness the way. It is pitiable
for man to abandon his way and not follow it, to let slip

1 In Art, 82 Mr. Faber translates rendering differs from that adopted
this, “A man who walks in the Tao by Dr. Legge, which is as above,
would rather suffer death than un- but it is more in accordance with the
worthy treatment.” This latter context, besides being literally exact.
60 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

his heart and not know how again to seek it. When
people’s fowls or dogs stray away, they know how to
seek them again; they have an erring heart, yet they
know not how to seek that again. The aim of studies and
investigations consists in nothing else than this, only and
altogether the seeking of the erring heart.” According
to Mencius, study is carried on not so much for the sake
of much and varied knowledge, nor for the acquisition of
a technical readiness for some terrestrial vocation, but
rather, and above all, for the elevation of the heart. Many
modern so-called Christian professors could learn some-
thing from Mencius. Of this more anon (Art. 444).
Mencius continues, “Is a man’s finger crooked, yet with-
out sickness or pain or hindrance to his work, he still
regards the way from 7's’in to Js’oo as anything but far
if there only be some one who can make it straight,
because his finger is not like that of a man, If his finger
is not human, he knows how to feel abhorrence; but if his
heart is inhuman, he knows not how to feel abhorrence at
it. This is termed misunderstanding the idea of species
(the type in kind).”! Know thyself and seek thyself,
not the delusive self-seeking, but the noble Ego, the very
image of God (within). Of himself, says Mencius (p. 160),
1. wish also to improve the hearts of men, to put a stop
to destructive doctrines, to oppose strange behaviour, to
banish unseemly language, in order to act as representative
of the three holy ones. Is it because of a taste for contro-
versy ? I cannot do otherwise.”

27. He therefore also praises sincerity (p. 326). “Hvery-
thing is provided within us (in the Ego). -To find one’s
self sincere by self-examination is a joy unequalled,” All

1 It is curious to note the results “Men are many, people say,
of this teaching in the neighbouring Yet among the many, pray,
country of Japan. By the kindness Are there many men?
of the Rev. H. J. Foss of Kobe I am Listen to me then,
enabled to give the following quota- Be a man thyself, O man!
tion from the Shin-ga-ku-to-wa, or Make as many as you can.”

talk about the way of instructing the
heart—
THE HEART. 61

should be natural in men, that is to say, correspondent to
the peculiar natural disposition. Every possible relation
to the external world is conditioned by the ego, in which
they are allinterwoven. The Ego is the responsible central
organ. Therefore the delight is so great, when its entire
management of external matters leads to no contradiction
between tliese and the internal.

28. That “to err is human” was also known to
Mencius. He says (p. 323), “Men for the most part go
astray, and at first are able, after so doing, to reform. They
are grieved in their hearts and oppressed with anxiety,
and act accordingly; it shows itself in their complexion,
breaks forth into utterance, and then becomes plainly
declared. Thence one discerns that life results from
affliction; misery, and death, on the contrary, from rest
and bliss.’ Mencius, nevertheless, did not affirm the
necessity of error (see Art. 7), but he speaks only of the
actual circumstances of life. Adversities, however, should
not discourage, but so direct the mind to the truth as to
occasion conversion. Prosperity, joy, and bliss nourish
the thirst for pleasure, and causing men to relax their
efforts, draw inevitable ruin after them. The struggle
with adversity steels the energies against it, and leads to
a buoyant elevation instinct with life.

29. Constant activity, however, is needed; therefore,
says Mencius (p. 20), “By weighing we discriminate the
light and the heavy; through measuring we discern the
long and the short. It is so with all things, and much
more so with the heart.” Mencius says farther to his
opponent, the oft-mentioned philosopher Kaou, “The
footpaths of the hill-passes, if much used, become high-
ways; but if for a long time unused, grass encumbers
them. Your heart is now encumbered with grass.” It
concerns us, therefore, to promote the voluntary, «¢., the
freely determined action of the heart in order thereby to
keep down the superabundant growth of the involuntary
appetites (the passions). In the province of the heart it
62 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

is with the laissez faire system of indolent inactivity as
with the same applied to the cultivation of the soil—it
only produces weeds.

30. Motion results in commotion (see Arts. 14 and 28).
All progress is conditioned by the activity of the bodily
and spiritual organs, Although this activity is seldom
freely determined upon, it nevertheless effects and makes
possible the complete execution of difficult problems.

2. Objectively Considered.

31. The culture of the heart is not only of subjective
importance for the life of each individual, but it exerts
also an important influence upon human matters in the
mass, upon the political welfare of the community. It
was so in the case of the kings of antiquity, their benefi-
cent government was simply “the result of their benevolent
heart,” p. 166. (Cf. Art. 317 ff.)

32. Stability of heart, that is, a contented heart, a mind
satisfied with goodness on the part of the people, results
in quiet, peaceful living and consequent general stability
(p. 23).

33. On the other hand, those evil things which have
their origin in the heart injure also the body politic
(pp. 67,159). These he considers, so to speak, as political
heresies. Mencius mentions sensualism and communism.
These heresies always have their ultimate cause in erro-
neous moral or religious theories. It is by no means a
matter of indifference what kind of theoretic convictions
are entertained by members of the Government. Theories
influence opinions and these govern actions. Yet it is not
always open wrong-doing which is thus committed; often
it is simply a thoroughly lawful inclination towards help-
ing in establishing one’s favourite view in opposition to
that which is less appreciated. This may also happen if
only sufficient elbow-room be given to the legislators,

34. From heart to heart is likewise a truth recognised
of old. Mencius says (p. 72), “He who subjugates men
THE HEART. 63

by force subdues not their hearts; external force is
inadequate. He who by virtue brings them into sub-
mission rejoices their inmost heart. and really subdues
them, just as the seventy disciples submitted themselves
to Confucius.” It is well known that men only yield a
temporary submission to brute force, but, on the other
hand, give way willingly to spiritual superiority, especially
to moral qualifications. Yet in this case the virtue of
benevolence is meant to be understood. Many of the
other virtues tend rather to the alienation of hearts. The
idea of virtue expresses more than that of cultivation,
which plays such an important part in the present day.
Industry by itself simply awakens covetousness, envy, and
pleasure-seeking ; it- makes one happy and many others
yet more miserable. It is only where virtue, the higher
cultivation of the spirit, makes equal progress with material
culture, that a people becomes truly blessed and content-
ment reigns in their midst.

35. Satisfaction of the heart by pious observances with
regard to the defunct (pp. 97 and 135). This depends
upon the dead being properly interred in coffins. Mencius
recommended “a thick double coffin, not for the sake of a
beautiful exterior, but because then first the heart of those
who remain becomes satisfied.” Mencius says by way of
conclusion, “To cover over the corruption of the corpse
and not to let the earth touch the body, is not that a
source of joy to the human heart?” The Chinese even to
this present day have a great horror of cremation, and
this notwithstanding the fact that the corpses of Buddhist
priests are so treated. Underlying this feeling is a simple
natural sentiment, a kind of illusion, whereby one thinks
of those lying in the grave as being bodily present. Still
the Christian faith in the resurrection [of the body] is in
no way dependent upon the treatment to which the dead
are subjected; whether the ashes of the martyrs are
scattered to the winds or cast into the stream that shall
bear them to the ocean, matters nothing. The resurrec-

,
64 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

tion body has its germ in the spiritual. The soul, by
means, of her inherent divine power, forms out of the
elementary matter of the purified earth her purified body,
a perfect instrument for the enjoyment of her new
existence. (See Arts. 159 and 288.)
( 65 )

CHAPTER III.
HEAVEN.

ALTHOUGH man is the centre of the Chinese conception
of the universe, yet the more thoughtful, and amongst
these Mencius, cannot forbear the recognition of a higher
power, which projects itself into and lays hold of the life
of man,

THE RELATION OF HEAVEN TO Man,
(a.) Lts Gifts.

36. The cause of causes (p. 135). “Heaven produces
_ things, in that it appoints them one originating cause.”
This was spoken in the first place of parents, of whom
men are born in the natural course of things. Yet a
universal idea underlies this as a basis. “Heaven” stands
here for God. He brings everything to pass, yet not
without means; only the first beginnings of things are
instituted without means. These are the causes which
are ever energising in the world. In and through these
the power of God ever works, investing them with per-
manence, for besides God there can be no perpetuum
mobile. It is owing also to the ever-pervading influence
of the Absolute Cause upon all conditioned causes that the
operation of the various powers in the universe, and their
co-operation in a given direction, never fails. Both kinds
of causes are necessary to the satisfactory explanation
of the existence of things, and especially of ourselves,

Science, alas! soon loses the one, the Cause of Causes, in
Er
66 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

human limitations, and the others, the second causes, soon
come too short.

37. (Cf. Art. 14.) The “senses” and the “understand-
ing” spring from Heaven.

38. (Cf. Art. 146) It has already been mentioned
that the same holds good of the “ highest nobility,” which
consists of “benevolence, righteousness, truth, faith, de-
light in goodness,”

39. Also from Heaven are appointed the regal power,
with officials and revenue (p. 254). According to the
Chinese view, Heaven lends these to those who are worthy.

40. This is an act of Providence (p. 32). The Shoo King
is quoted to the effect that, “When Heaven brought forth

-the lower classes, it made for them rulers and leaders
(teachers), making manifest the purpose that they should
be fellow-workers with God.” ‘We see that Providence
refers not only to the maintenance of the bodily existence,
but pursues a higher aim, the spiritual cultivation, that is,
the moral improvement, of the people. The higher classes,
the leaders of the people, are here alluded to, as being what
they should be everywhere, examples to the people both
spiritually and morally, Their duty it is, likewise, to
bring the lower classes to a consciousness of that good
which slumbers concealed in their hearts, and which is
readily brought to light and perception by a very small
degree of enlightenment. This truth forms that thread
of life on which depends the long existence of the Chinese
commonwealth. Where, on the other hand, the perpetual
rejuvenating of the higher life comes to an end, and the
object of cultivation is more or less exclusively sought in
mere material interests, there self-seeking becomes rampant,
and, as a consequence, that spirit of party which, in its
remorseless revolutions, crushes the state to atoms.

41 and 42. “ Misfortune” also comes from Heaven, yet
man is able to avert it by means of “change of mind,”
and by walking in the thoughts and ways of God (p. 75).
In this the Chinese have by means of errors and per-
HEAVEN. 67

versions fallen into many superstitions. That the same,
indeed, has happened also to Christians is not the fault
of the absolute right idea, as it has, been declared to be,
but of selfish folly and want of judgment.

(6.) Of Heaven’s Action.

43. Through this there is “spontaneous growth” in
nature and history, such as everything which is apart
from or in advance of human influences (p. 235). Ancient
Confucianism differs from the modern school of Choofootze
in occupying this vantage-ground. Whilst this latter is
degraded into simple naturalism, to Mencius.there stands
above Nature a moral spiritual power which energises in
and through her. Now with us offence is frequently
taken at this, particularly on account of modern philo-
sophy having busied itself almost exclusively with theories
of knowledge. Laws for man’s will are almost unknown,
because the original moral germs are principles and not
laws.

44. Beyond this there is the harmonising of all occur-
rences (p. 231): “Heaven does not speak. It manifests
itself only and alone by means of the conduct (of the
ruler) and by what happens.” The explanation is given by
the recital of the history of the imperial choice of Shun,
There we see results put down as the characteristic
work of Heaven. Anyway, results in many, possibly in
most cases, are not in the power of men; in fact, the
most insignificant circumstances frequently lead to results
contrary to all calculation. The immediate result cannot
always be calculated upon: the heavenly characteristic
does not always appear to retain to the end the upper-
hand; yet this must really be the case if results generally
(as in special cases) are to be regarded as effected by
Heaven. This necessitates a higher wisdom than the

Chinese possess.
45. Heaven effects that which is impossible to man
68 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

that is, it gives -time sufficient [for the production of
results] (p. 232). Men of the present day are ready to
exclaim, “Chance.” Chance is properly only a recogni-
tion of our ignorance. In a universe regulated and
governed by law there can be no such thing as chance,
but simply cause and effect,—ethically termed, means and
aim. Mencius thinks teleologically : he believes in final
causes,

46, Heaven, we further learn, overrules men as well as
their evil intentions (p. 53). “Some one may be able to
occasion promotion, or may stand as an impediment in
the way, but promotion or hindrance is not in the power
of man..,.-. That is from Heaven.” It is only the
religious position of real and blameless piety which can
contemplate those disappointments it has endured, and
which it has yet to endure, as guidance from above,
Surely neither materialistic nor pantheistic conceptions
‘by way of explaining the daily path will suffice us here.
Had Heaven really no intentions apart from those of men
which serve as second causes, and were Heaven conse-
‘quently not a willing and consciously governing power,
such a faith would be simply inconceivable. Neverthe-
less, inasmuch as this faith in predestination or the divine
controlling of affairs, spite of other and false theories, is
held by the leading spirits amongst all peoples, ancient
and modern, it is the expression of an inherent and
universal truth. He who cherishes this faith is every
way preserved from despair. We must also here remark
that although men act consciously, they are yet at the
same time unconsciously serving a higher will.

47. The action of Heaven correspondstothat of the people:
vor popult, vox det. “Heaven sees as my people see;
Heaven hears as my people hear” (p. 233). What is here
said is true only of that which is permitted. Even evil
comes under this head ; else indeed there would be no pos-
sibility of evil in the world. Hence is it that the favourite
appeal to the vox populi, as well as to the permission of
HEAVEN. 69.

Heaven or of God, is in no way a criterion of the moral
rectitude of what isdone. This must be estimated accord-
ing to the pure principles of goodness, righteousness, &c,
Only thus would it be, according to Mencius’ own teach-
ing. In the preceding case matters had gone on in due
course without any violation of what is right.

48. “No man nor emperor can bestow an empire, but
only Heaven alone” (p. 230). One man alone has no
power over other men, 1.¢., over thousands and millions;
it must be given him from above. As there are born
artists, philosophers, and generals, there are also born
tulers. Culture only assists these. The natural disposi-
tion is from God (Heaven). Besides this, there is also
needed the special guidance of God through external cir-
. cumstances.

49. Heaven prepares its own agents (p. 323). “ When
Heaven is about to impose an'important office upon a
man, it first embitters his heart in its purposes; it causes
him to exert his bones and sinews; it lets his body suffer .
hunger; it inflicts upon him want and poverty, and con-
founds his undertakings. In this way it stimulates his
heart, steels his nature, and supplies that of which the
man would else be incapable.” Here, again, we see Heaven
as a conscious and free agent. Amongst all people the
belief obtains that great men are especial instruments of
the providence of Heaven—rather of God. Such have
also usually passed through a course of training peculiarly
full of suffering.

50. Heaven also “perfects” that which (the superior)
man has commenced (p. 51). (Cf. Art. 480.) The heart
of man beats on in its path, but it is of the Lord that
it goes beyond That which is really good is never
lost, but works on for generations; its fruit oft makes
its appearance long afterwards, like the seed which has
become a tree, yet is forgotten when the time of fruit

1 “ Our hearts, like muffled drums, are beating funeral marches to the
grave,” —Longfellow.
70 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

arrives. It is always thus; the fruits yield no advantage
to the seed. Besides which, both kindly soil and favour-
able weather are requisite as well as natural energies.
Man lays a solid foundation for his own prosperity and
for that of his successors by means of that beneficence
which springs from a benevolent heart. This is especially
the case with rulers, (Cf. Art. 317. Cf. also Digest of
Confucius, pp. 44-46.)

(c.) Human Conduct with Regard to Heaven,

51. In the first place, we have naturally the knowledge
of Heaven. As already said, the knowledge of Heaven
begins with the knowledge of self. “He who has fathomed
his heart knows his nature; if one knows his nature, he
knows Heaven” (p. 324.) (Cf. Art. 8.1) Hence it follows
that our knowledge of God is altogether anthropomorphic
(of a human form), but this is only because man is in the
form of God (the image of God). Only we must not
forget that this is man in his ideal nature, and not in his
ruined condition.

52. Delight in and fear of Heaven (p. 31). “He who
(as ruler) serves the small with the great delights in
Heaven; he who with the small serves the great fears
Heaven ; he who delights in Heaven protects the realm;
he who fears Heaven protects his state.” (See Art. 134.)
In both cases one’s own wishes are sacrificed for the good
of the community. Thus we recognise the divine way.
This teaching is specially important to feudal states; but
how greatly was the simple law perverted in the great and
small states of Germany until 1870! The delight spoken
of in the text refers, in the first place, to that which is
good, the higher culture, improvement of customs and

1 Cf. Al Gazzali, 2a Mohammedan attributes of God cannot be deter-
philosopher, a.D. 1010. “A know- mined from the attributes of man.
ledge of God cannot be obtained by His sovereignty and government
means of the knowledge a man has can neither be compared nor mea-
of himself or of his own soul. The sured.” |
HEAVEN. 7

laws, which the smaller possibly effected before the greater,
and which this on its part respected. The fear refers to
the display of power by the greater, which could coerce
the smaller state. In either case there ought to be no
recourse to external force, but the inner ability should by
its exertion gain for itself the mastery. (Cf. Art. 351.)

53. The service of Heaven is thus explained (p. 325):
“JTnasmuch as one preserves his heart and cultivates his
essential nature, one serves Heaven.” Such a service is
more than sacrifice.” We find here the fundamental idea
of the Evangelical Church already hinted at. The essence
of religion, especially of Christianity, consists, not in the
offering of objective forms (i.¢., such as stand in no neces-
sary connection with the person of the offerer),! but in the
presentation of the entire personality. The more this
becomes conformed to a correspondence with its prototype,
so much the more can the divine and God Himself dwell
in them, and through them work with reforming influence
upon the world. All else that is called divine service is
only a means to this end. The great majority of men,
alas! cling to the means but lose the reality under the
sign, carrying on an idolatrous service without any clear
consciousness of aught beyond. This is true, not only of
the various forms of heathenism or of the ritual, &c., of the
Romish and Greek Churches, but also amongst Protestants
there is quite enough of so-called divine service which is
nothing but the apotheosis of some form which is accom-
panied by no Holy Spirit who may transform the wor-
shipper into His own divine nature. "

54. We have already (Art. 140) spoken of the cultiva-
tion of the heavenly nobility. That the heavenly is placed
in opposition to the human nobility points to the fact that
both are not of necessity coexistent in this world; and
although the moral problem remains of striving for this,

1 Cf. Office for Holy Communion our souls and bodies, to be a reason-
in the Prayer-Book of the Church of able, holy, and lively sacrifice unto
England: “Here we offer and pre- Thee.”
sent unto thee, O Lord, ourselves,
72 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

this result is, according to Mencius, very seldom attained.

To the question “Why?” he has no satisfactory answer.

He might indeed have exclaimed: Men have altogether
deviated from heaven and become incapacitated ; there is,
none who does good (fulfilling the will of Heaven), no, not:
one.

55. That the magistrates serve Heaven as “fellow-work- +
men with God” we learn in Art. 40. This knowledge, that
the magistrates are appointed as fellow-workers with God
in the education of men for the heavenly idea, one would
scarcely expect from a heathen. Modern political econo-
mists, who are unable to grasp this, have consequently not
yet attained to the position of a civilised heathen. Besides
the celestial powers there exists yet an invisible world.

(d.) The World of Spirits*

56. They are men a degree higher than the holy (p.
366). “He who is great and incomprehensible is termed
a spirit.” The text as well as the commentary indicates
that under the term “spirit” are-to be understood spirits,
and with these the most highly developed men, whether
living or dead.

57. The tutelary deities of the land stand in rank be-
tween the people and their ruler (p. 359). “The people
are the most important; next come the spirits of the land ;
the ruler is of least importance ;” and “If a prince brings
these guardian spirits into danger, he is to be deposed.”
The spirits of the land are considered as the channels for
the blessings of Heaven. It is very peculiar that their
action is made dependent upon the conduct of princes.
The people are in the position of minors; the ruler alone
is responsible.

58. But the tutelary spirits are also punishable (p. 360).
“When the sacrificial victims are perfect, the corn in the
vessels pure, the sacrifices at their proper times, and yet

1 Of. Digest of Confucius (p. 47 ff.)
HEAVEN. 73

there arisé drought or flood, then the tutelary epivite must
be changed.” We here see the character of the worship
of the spirits very plainly set forth. The spirits, in spite
of their superhuman efficacy, both are and remain depen-
dent upon men, and are also subject to human weaknesses,
In this place we have neglect of duty plainly mentioned.
In extreme cases there should be a deposing of the spirits,
and that by the prince. Thus the spirits are vassals of
princes, the living, consequently, standing higher than the.
dead ;. men above spirits, and these only called to the
service of man. There we have the caricature of an idea
which in itself is right, which is Scripturally explained
as follows: The angels, z.¢., the celestial, not human spirits,
stand in a rank below that of man (who is in the likeness
of God), and are for the service, but not at the command,
of sinful men. That departed holy men obtain such
offices is absurd; for before their day and during their
lifetime there was just such growth, and rain, and sun-
shine, &c., as after their death is to be dependent upon
their efficacy as mediators,

59. Besides the tutelary spirits, there are a “hundred
(ie, many) kinds of spirits” (p. 232). These are the in-
visible mandarins of the unseen world, who are just as
open to bribes as those of the visible world.

60. Concerning God, Shang-ti, we find a classic quota-
tion in Mencius (p. 206). “Although any one be a bad
man, if he fasts and is collected, bathes and washes him-
self, he may indeed offer sacrifice to God.” Besides this
place, Mencius only uses two quotations from the old
classics in which the name of God is used—the one
already mentioned from the Shoo-King, that the magistrates
are fellow-workers with God, the other from the Shi-King.
Ged had “already issued the decree that the new dynasty
of Chow should assume the office of the old one of Yin”
(p. 173). After these passages from Mencius, there can
be no doubt about one point, viz., that the most correct
term for God [Elohim] is Shang-te, and in no case Shin
74 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

(spirits). Shang-te is, according to these few places—(1.)
The Supreme Ruler, who, as to kings, sets up one and puts
down another. (2.) He desires the physical and moral
health or well-being of men. (3.) He is holy, so that no
uncleanness dare approach Him. (4.) He is nevertheless
gracious to the penitent. Against such a doctrine con-
cerning God there is nothing to be advanced, as although
it is not exhaustive, yet it contains the essential elements
of the Old Testament doctrine of God. Itis to be regretted
that nowhere is there a hint given that He is the Creator;
but, on the other hand, He nowhere appears as a created
being. 7
(75)

CHAPTER IV.
OF TAO, OR THE UNIVERSAL REIGN OF LAW.

ACCORDING to the Chinese, there is only one universal
law that makes itself known in all the unities throughout
the course of the universe. Physical nature or spirit
life makes no difference. Each follows in its way a
‘fixed, ordered course, a series of occurrences, in which
cause and effect, or means and end, stand in an appointed,
ever-recurring relation. In the reality of life, then, are
there so-called surroundings to be considered which directly
modify the result? The Tao regards not so much the
results or the surroundings as the means and end, bring-
ing sometimes the one, sometimes the other, to the front,
but expressing only the law or fundamental relation
between them. In the conduct of men, it signifies the
maxims of business as well as the proceeding to be
observed in special cases. (Cf. Digest of Confucius, pp.
94-101.)

61-72. We pass by the various kinds of law (Tao) for
the sake of brevity, and consider only that which should
guide men generally. (For classified titles of Arts. 61-72,
see detailed analysis, ante.)

73. The true Tao is only one (p. 110). That is, there
can only be one direct way, because it is the shortest line
of connection between the subject and its true aim. Other
ways are not necessarily erroneous; very often they are
right, but must be more or less circuitous,

74. This one Zao is indicated by “an affection for
76 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

sublime virtue” [virtue in the abstract] (p. 279). Virtue
only appears as such when it is a step onward in the path
towards an appointed end.

75. It shows itself in “benevolence,” 2.e., human benevo-
lence, or that which is from man to man (p. 361). (Cf, Art.
136.

pe Also in the “five human relations” of father and
son, ruler and minister, husband and wife, elder and
younger brothers, and friends (p. 127). (Cf. Art. 276.)

77. In “ filial piety and brotherly kindness” (p. 301).

78. “The Tao,’ says Mencius (p. 178), “is near, and is
often sought after. Duties lie in that which is easy, and
are frequently sought in what is hard. Let every one treat
his relations as relatives, his superiors as superiors, and
the whole realm will have peace.” The root of many
social and of yet more political evils lies in this, that
men are only willing to do and to see great things, whilst

‘they neglect and despise the small. If there is the honest
fulfilling of the nearest and the smallest duties, the great
will soon offer of themselves.

7g. As a consequence, the knowledge of the same is
also easy (p. 302). “The Zao is like a great road. Is it
perhaps hard to recognise it? The evil of men is that
they do not seek it.” This evil, alas! is always at work,
and not only among the Chinese. Men do not inquire
about that problem of life which most concerns them.

80. Mencius abhors all false compromises in reference
tothesame. (Cf. Art.gg and p. 350.) “A disciple once said
to him, ‘The Zao is so majestic and sublime, it is just as
if one would ascend into heaven; it appears unattainable.
Why is it not made comprehensible to people, so that they
may daily give themselves some trouble about it?’ Men-
cius answered, ‘A great employer does not on account of

1 It is refreshing to find here a to the question, “What is your-duty
recognition of the duty implied in to your neighbour?” Some moderns
the ten commandments, and un- question whether men have any
folded in the Catechism of the “superiors” or “ betters.”

Church of England in her answer
THE UNIVERSAL REIGN OF LAW. 77

‘a stupid workman alter or dispense with the levelling
line. E (the great archer) did not alter the pull of his
bow on account of a stupid archer. The superior man
draws but does not let fly; as if playing, he takes his
position in the midst of the Tao; he who gan follows him.”
(Cf. Art. 464.) It is the part of teachers and preachers to
present the highest ideal. He who is able to receive it,
let him receive it. He who is lacking in endowments
will by righteous zeal be enabled to make something of
it. The old saying may again and again be uttered even
in this present day, “ The too hard and too difficult depend
upon a deficiency of will.” To him who will not learn
every problem is too hard. It is so in science, in morals,
and yet more so inreligion. By all means in instruction let
the understanding of the taught be had regard to; let the
commencement be made with that which is easy, and be
careful also that the eye never lose sight of the subject
as a whole, else one is only cultivating superficiality.
The history of literature and art as well as of religion is
a proof of this.

81. But for the carrying out of the Tao personal
example is necessary (p. 358). “ Mencius said: If any
one does not himself follow the Zao, neither does it take
place with his wife and children. If one does not
manage men according to the Zao, he cannot do so with
‘his wife and children.” In every case personal example
-effects more than talking and ordering, There are very
few men who do not recognise this, but notwithstanding
there are only a few who carry it out in practice. Our
innate egoism (selfishness) nowhere more plainly mani-
fests itself than in the fact that every one willingly vindi-
cates for himself a ground of excuse, knowing well what
others should do, but for himself, seeking to avoid that
which is personally disagreeable or troublesome. That is
an infirmity which often becomes hardness and injustice,

82 and 83. It makes a great difference to the realm
whether Zao governs it or not, and the conduct of officials
78 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

possessed of decision of character testifies to this. Men-
cius says (p. 350), “If there is Zao in the realm, one
identifies himself with Zao” (i.e, places himself in the
service or under the direction of Zao). “If there is no
Tao in the realm, one identifies Tao with himself. I have
never even heard of one identifying other men with Tao
in death” (ze. Tao perishes not with men). He farther
says (p. 289), “A man who lives according to Zao rather
receives death than unworthy treatment.” Consequently
the Chinese possess character; unhappily, however,
decided characters are rare in China, and elsewhere they
are not abundant. But by Zao we must never under-
stand pet plans, or democratic, socialistic, or conservative
theories, &c., or individual or national prejudices, and such-
like, but rather an ethically regulated, law-abiding course
(of life or action). In our days, alas! religion and morality
are very often sacrificed to many other and less important
considerations,

84. “Only Zao can save a falling state” (p. 183).
Benevolence and righteousness are here meant. Our
present race of politicians indeed know many means of
doing this, means which for the most part are good, but
which rarely reach to the root of the evil. Beneath all
there is a degeneracy of human nature which absolutely
needs elevating.

85. But the very Tao of the best models ag rulers is
“insufficient without a benevolent disposition” (p. 461).
The proceedings of other rulers are not to be externally
imitated. The condition of the people and their needs
are at all times various. With high officials and sove-
reigns everything depends upon the natural disposition
and a right spirit. Therefore the effect of the gospel of
Christ is full of blessing to the life of the state, yet with-
out any desire on that account to cause the disruption of
any realm,
( 79 )

CHAPTER V.
DESTINY.

THis is an idea which gives much trouble to all Chinese,
both in philosophy and actual life. They desire to learn
beforehand what is predestined in individual cases, and
on this account have recourse to many absurd practices,
Confucius himself was not free from these, as we see in
the doctrine of the Mean, chap. xxiv. Mencius, at least
in theory, was possibly as enlightened as any of the
Chinese.

86. There is a destiny of external things which is not
the right one (p. 326). “If one by seeking finds, and
loses by neglect, the seeking is useful for finding: that
which is sought is in ourselves (the Hgo). If the seeking
is according to Yao (established rules), and the finding is
destined, then the seeking is useless for finding: that
which is sought is external.” :

87. On the contrary (see p. 325), “ The true destiny and
not the false is to be willingly received. He who thus
recognises destiny does not place himself under an over-
hanging wall. To die in fulfilling one’s duty (Zao) is the
right destiny. To die in fetters (as a criminal) is not
one’s true destiny.” Every externally happy lot which is
possible to us as men is not consequently the proper one.
The destiny of man which is of importance to him is the
ideal of his personality. External circumstances only
modify the kind of fulfilment. We should keep our aim
constantly in sight, and so preserve ourselves from receiv-
ing unnecessary injury from external things, which are
80 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

no ways connected, with our work. Consequently we
should not recklessly run into danger, neither should we
like cowards start back horrorstrack at it, if only duty
demands that we meet it.

88. Cultivation of one’s self confirms our destiny (p.
325). “He to whom a short or a long life is all one,
he cultivates himself and awaits (the predestined); he
establishes thereby his destiny.” From those external
circumstances which only in the smallest degree are in
the power of men come the most important: he mentions
life and death, Whether life shall only last a few years
or many is a matter of indifference to the ethical mind.
It depends upon the use which man makes of his lifetime
whether he labour for the accomplishment of his personal
destiny or stand in opposition thereto. The divine pre-
destination extends beyond individuals. The individual
himself, however, is firstly to be considered as of chief
importance. Self-improvement lays the foundation,
appropriates to itself the objective individual destiny
in a subjective manner, and thereby prepares itself for
accomplishing the objective universal destiny. This-
consists in the improvement of the world until it be
in perfect harmony with the universe, and God be all
in all,

89. “Fortune and misfortune are dependent upon
individual (moral) conduct.”+ Our experience of things
around seems to contradict this; it requires inner experi-
ence, an enlightened spiritual perception, in order to attain
to such knowledge. Everything depends upon what makes
us happy, and whether we truly become so.

90. Finally, there is yet an intimation given us by
Mencius concerning the relation which exists between
nature and destiny. He says (p. 365), “The relation of
the mouth to taste, of the eye to colour, of the ear to sound,
of the nose to odours, of the four limbs to rest, is nature

1 “Honour and shame from no condition rise ;
Act well your part, there all the honour lies.”
DESTINY. 8r

(being), but is destined; the superior man does not call
it essential nature. The relation of love between father
and son, of righteousness between ruler and minister, of
propriety between guest and host, of wisdom with the
talented, of the holy man in reference to the heavenly
Tao is destined, but it is natural (essential); the superior
man calls it not destiny.” The first part treats of the
senses and their peculiar organisation; they are the
“nature,” but not the specific human nature. Mencius
here declares himself very plainly in opposition to
sensualism, and in the second half he confesses himself
decidedly on the side of idealism. This is the territory
of moral freedom, on which account neither the superior
man nor the sage dare to call it destiny, although, as is
plainly indicated above, it is the higher destiny. The
lower destiny is the course of things, the laws of nature,
almost independent of the action of the individual, Asa
conclusion to this section, I will recapitulate the principal
points, viz.: Destiny is to human nature as a plan, accord-
ing to which, whatever there is of moral grandeur has
been achieved. There is a difference between hearts upon
which the external world exerts an influence. There is a
contact of man’s nature with the Divine Being (Heaven).
The will in its central position is the proper personality
in the being, in which it should be the regulator of the
energies and appetites. Consequently moral freedom is
recognised. The moral perfection of human nature is
the service of God, as well as the path which leads to our
true destiny. We have in these, some contributions to-
wards the Christian doctrine of man being the very
image of the personal God. Personality is, of course, not
considered as a barrier to, but as the absolute perfection
of, moral consciousness. In man, His likeness, will God
find Himself; in him rest, or even dwell. Men becoming
God and God becoming man condition each other. The
destiny is the standard of the highest development or

completed representation of the Divine image, so that it
F
82 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

becomes a reflection of the glory of the prototype. The
way to this is pointed out by the example of the Son of
Man. It must, nevertheless, be here borne in mind that
these deeper doctrines have become quite strange to the
consciousness of the modern Chinese. They require long
and patient explanations before these thoughts can be
understood ; but it is possible finally to attain to this (in
some cases with joyful concuyrence) among the Chinese
alteady prepared for it. The progress is, however, step
by step; only in rare cases is it suddenly, as by a Paul.
What is presupposed is not simply a craving of the intellect,
but also of the moral and religious consciousness.

1 'The incarnation and our be- trath, which is only made clear to

coming “partakers of the Divine us by revelation. '
nature” are two parts of one great
( 83 )

PART IL.

VIRTUES AND CORRESPONDING DUTIES.

°

 

o——

CHAPTER I.
VIRTUE IN CoNDUCT.!
(a.) In Conduct in General.

g!. From abstaining from evil one goes on to doing
good, Mencius says (p. 333), “Do not what he did not,
desire not what he desired not; this is enough.” This is
to be referred to the conduct of that ancient holy man,
Shun, who for a long time dwelt amongst savages without
allowing himself to become barbarous through their in-
fluence. Emphasis is here laid upon opposition to external
evil influences. The same thought recurs also on p. 197,
“Tf men understand ceasing (leaving undone), they can
then understand also what is to be done.” It is at first

- easier to cease from evil than to do the good; this was
formerly too lightly esteemed by many moral philosophers
as a negative or passive virtue. It should, of course, only
be the preparation or starting-point of activity in what is
good.

92. Diligence in what is good. Mencius says (p. 340),

“He who rises at cockcrow to occupy himself diligently

in good things is a disciple of Shun. He who does so for
the sake of gain is a disciple of the (robber) Chih. If one

' 1 See Digest of Confucius, p. 59.
84 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

wants to know the difference between the holy man and
the robber, it is nothing else than the distance of selfish-
ness from goodness.” Zeal alone is not virtue, else even
the greater number of evil-doers themselves would be to
be praised; the zeal must be directed towards that which
is really good.

93. But perseverance also is required (p. 342). “ Acti-
vity is to be compared to the digging of a well; if a man
‘digs nine fathoms deep without reaching water, he may
as well be without the well.” It often happens that work,
especially that of self-improvement, has been commenced
with great zeal and then left suspended. One not only
through this misses gaining anything, but also incurs loss,
and that the greater the longer the work has been carried
on. Many opponents of Christianity have in past days
given up this work in mind and spirit too soon, and
thereby have become such as we now see them.

94. Beyond this, it is requisite that virtue be thorough
(p. 358). “A bad year cannot ruin him who is always
making money. <A perverted world cannot destroy him
who is thoroughly virtuous.” Much may be acquired by
circumspection, He who takes precautions in a good
season can stand in the time of need. Investments or
sources of help must, however, be of many kinds, so that
if one leaves us in the lurch another may come to the
rescue. So is it with virtue. One virtue alone, even if
developed to the highest degree, never satisfies and is
speedily destroyed. Thoroughness, on the contrary, im-
parts a firm and restful security; therefore is religion
better than mere morality, for it is many-sided and
central.

1 Misdirected zeal, however, on sure of praise dealt out so largely to

the part of ecclesiastics, seems to be the Ritualistsof England of late years
an exception, judging from the mea- on account of the zeal they exhibit.
VIRTUE IN CONDUCT. 85

(b.) Virtue in Things which are to be Avoided (Negative).

95. Indecision is injurious (p. 204), “ Where one ought
to receive and also to decline, receiving injures one’s
abstinence ; where one ought to give and also to withhold,
giving injures one’s goodness ; where one ought to die and
also ought not, death injures one’s courage.” Where one
hesitates, it is in most cases safest not to act. Action
always loses its moral value if it proceeds from a divided
heart. Whatever is not of faith is sin.

96. Mencius is opposed also to narrow-minded one-
sidedness (p. 341). “To hold the mean without weighing
(the surroundings) is also one-sided. That which is to
be shunned in the holding firmly to one point is the in-
jury it does to the Zao, one lays hold of a single point
and neglects a hundred.” All heretics, plead for some
single truth, but apprehend it in a one-sided and often
most dangerous manner. Although we must keep our-
selves clear from such perverseness, it is nevertheless just
as perverse to reject what is good because it has the
appearance of beiztg such (heretical). One should rather
have regard to the various extremes, and seek to supply
the defects of each by the others, keeping oneself to a
spiritually active, living medium, instead of dead and
rigid orthodoxy.

97. Going to extremes. Mencius said (p. 197), “ Con-
fucius never acted in an exaggerated way.” To maintain
a well-balanced moderation in all things is often a hard
task, yet to be thoroughly virtuous is only possible upon
this supposition ; the one helps to the other.

98. Perversity, ie, the doing of what is right in the
wrong place (p. 351). “He who stops short where he
ought not, stops short in everything; he who is niggardly
where he ought to be liberal is mean in everything. He
who advances rashly retreats precipitately.” There is
really a great deal-of mischief in the world caused by the
86 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

occupying of oneself in good in the wrong place. But it,
is also often quite an open question what really is the
best to be done. Five kinds of considerations present
themselves: The object; the surrounding circumstances ;
the means at our disposal; the manner of applying these ;
and, lastly, there are the immediate result and the remote
effect to be calculated upon. He who does this acts
wisely in the great as well as in the little events of life.

99. Still Mencius is no friend to cringing, bending, and
bowing ; these are all to be avoided. (Cf. Art. 80.) “He
who bends himself can never make others straight” (p.
140). One ought not to give way to his perverted nature
lest he should destroy himself without being of use to any
one. But firmmess is different from obstinacy and self-
will. Firmness is objective, and serves as a universally
valid principle. Self-will is subjective, has no mind for
anything but its own opinion, and clings to that, neither
owning nor recognising its perversity.

100. Pharisaic appearance of holiness (p. 375). “Men-
cius was asked, ‘How is it with those who may be styled
honest country folk?’ He answered, ‘Just this, wherein
they are so vainglorious: their words have no reference to .
their conduct, their conduct has no reference to their
words; so they say, The ancients! the ancients! how
peculiar and reserved was their conduct! Born in this
age, we do as does the age; to be good may suffice. Treat-
ing the world exceedingly well, these are your honest
country folk’ The disciple replied, ‘Their whole village
calls them honest folk, they everywhere in everything
proclaim themselves such. Why does Confucius hold them
to be thieves of virtue?’ He answered, ‘If one blames
them, there is no proof; if one criticises them, there is
nothing to lay hold of; they swim with the stream [of
public opinion], and agree with an impure world; their
demeanour resembles that of truth and faith, their actions
seem to savour of moderation and purity; the whole
multitude without exception is pleased with them; they
VIRTUE IN CONDUCT. 87

themselves hold that they are right, and because of this
one is never able to tread with them the way (Zao) of
Yaou and Shun (ze, the ethical ideal). On this account
they are called the ‘thieves of virtue.” Unhappily the
great majority of men consists of such honest country
folk, and that not merely in the country. Christ found
the same difficulty in dealing with the Pharisees as did
Confucius and Mencius with people of this sort. In the
present day it is no easier to bring moral and religious
influences to bear upon such wily glib-tongued people.
In China especially does this operate against the mis-
sionary. The Chinese are always boasting of their ancient
learning, and think that they have no necessity to learn
anything, but that their hearts and their country are
perfection, just as they themselves are. If one speaks
to them of other lands, it is said, “That is no concern
of ours;” if one appeals reprovingly to antiquity, they
say, “The times are changed ;” if one enlarges upon the
loss they experience, this is explained away as either
natural or inevitable; if one appeals to their consciences
and their higher moral requirements, this will generally
be granted, but they hold these as too difficult—“ We are
verily not holy sages,” &c. This alone accounts for missions
being more fruitful amongst savages than amongst so-called
civilised people. Happily we now. and then meet with
exceptions, and China must yet change.

(c.) Individual Positive Virtues.

101. Kindness, truth, benevolence (p. 129). “To impart
to men of one’s possessions is kindness; to direct men in
goodness is truth; to find a man to benefit the empire, this
is called benevolence.” This definition is given first with
reference to political life, but it has also a general value,
and indicates very strikingly the peculiar characteristic of
each of the three virtues.. Kindness hastens to the relief
of immediate necessities, truth to the moral improvement
88 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

or spiritual culture of the individual, and benevolence
embraces both in view of the common weal.

102. Sincerity (p.179). “The most thorough sincerity
has never yet remained without influence, but insincerity
cannot possibly acquire influence.”

103. Sense of shame. Mencius said (p. 327), “Men
should not be without a sense of shame. Shame on
account of shamelessness brings no shame” (disgrace);
and “Shame is most important to man. He who carries
on mischievous intrigues requires no shame. He who is
not ashamed at not being equal to others, what has he in
common with men?” True shame always reveals itself
at some defect in the exhibition of that individuality
which our inborn destiny demands from us through the
voice of conscience. The conscience desires that which
the noblest men before us have accomplished. He who
does not recognise such types, and does not make them
the standard of his own conduct, displays a lack of that
which is termed a sense of shame.

104. True ambition (p. 358). “An ambitious man can
decline a realm with a thousand chariots of war; but if
he is not the man to do this, he declares it in the colour
of his countenance in the matter of a dish of rice or a
plate of soup” (and p. 296). True ambition arises from
benevolence and righteousness, The ambitious are elevated
above many vices. Here a yet higher ambition of virtue
is suggested, which considers even the possession of a
crown as a trifle. But it depends not upon external
objects. A plate of soup is something of no account in
comparison with a kingdom; it is only the predilection of
the heart which imparts to things their positive moral
value. :

105. Supreme virtue (p. 371). “To let all the emotions
and activities be thoroughly proper—that is supreme, is
genuine virtue, | Lamentation for the dead and sorrow
should not be (merely) on account of the living. Let
there be no deviating from the path of virtue, and this
VIRTUE IN CONDUCT. 89

not for the sake of gain. / Let word and speech be sincere,
and this not merely for the sake of acting correctly.”
According to Mencius, virtue consists also, not in the
external labour, but in the state of mind proper to the
same, Where the external corresponds to the internal,
and equally to all reasonable claims on the part of others,
there is indeed attained that which is possible to man;
but the acme of virtue is only then accomplished, when
the internal in all its emotions and activities corresponds
to the heaven-implanted idea—the Divine will.

(d.) The Effect or Consequence of Virtue.

106. The virtuous are able to help the age and lead the
people (p. 89). (Cf Art. 317 e¢ seg.) ‘There are three
dignities recognised in the Empire. Nobility is one, age
is another, and virtue is another. At the court nothing is
superior to rank; in rural society nothing is superior to
age; in helping the age and leading the people nothing is
superior to virtue” (z¢., virtue is the best political factor).
Unhappily we often see virtue remaining in obscurity,
but even there she ought to be both salt and light.

107. He who improves himself obtains the realm (p.
171). “All that which one obtains not by conduct one
seeks by introspection in oneself. If one’s own self is
made right the whole Empire rushes towards him.” This
is said chiefly of princes. Every failure should afford an
opportunity for self-examination, This is true of all
actions, especially of works of charity, the carrying on
of government, and propriety of behaviour. It is to be
regretted that the good teaching here given is not gene-
tally followed; there would then be less bitterness in the
world, and much more true greatness achieved.

108. Virtue subdues men’s hearts. (Cf. Art. 34 ante.)

109. And that indeed because it is inborn in the people.
(Cf. Art. 19 ante.)

110. “She spreads far and wide more quickly than an
go THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

imperial decree by couriers” (p. 60). Virtue touches a
kindred chord in the human breast.. Equally the majority
feels that every higher virtue has been acquired: by trouble
and sorrow. One also involuntarily admires the perfected
work in morals and religion (as is also the case in other
departments) as long as he is not hindered by envy.
( 91 )

CHAPTER II
VIRTUE IN SPEECH.
(a.) The Importance of this.

111. THE words reveal the heart (p. 67). ‘“ What is the
meaning of understanding words?” so asked a disciple.
Mencius answered, “From one-sided expressions I know
how they (the speakers) are darkened; by extravagant
sort of talk I know they are degraded; by vulgar expres-
sions I know how they deviate (err); by prevaricating
speech I know wherein they are defective.” It is worthy
of remark that Mencius here only treats of bad expres-
_ sions. Bad language may with certainty disclose some-

thing kindred in the heart, but it is not the same with
good words.

112, Speech and the eye (p. 482). Mencius says,
“Nothing in the whole body is more honourable than the
eye; it cannot conceal its evil! If all is right in the breast,
the eye beams brightly; if there is wrong in the breast,
then the eye is dull, Hear his words and consider his
eyes, how can a man conceal himself?” Although, there-
fore, Mencius did not despise the speech as the medium of
communication by which the human heart is disclosed, he
is yet far from placing too much confidence in words. He
demands something more authentic, but finds that, not as
does Confucius in the conduct, but, strikingly deviating
from him, in the eye. In every case Confucius has chosen

1 Cf. Boston Monday Lectures, by Rev. Joseph Cook, ‘* On Solar Self-
Culture.”
92 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

the most certain proof. It is worthy of note that both
means of proof were also used as such by Christ. But asa
sure sign for judging in the case of others, only the fruits
were to be regarded, or, as Confucius without a figure says,
the conduct (Matt. vi. 22, vii. 20).

(b.) What is to be Avoided (Negative).

113. Presumptuous words (p. 260). “To speak of
high matters when in an inferior position is sin.” Accord-
ing to the context, one ought only to think about the
fulfilment of those duties which lie nearest. But even to
the present time much mischief is brought about by people
who talk about matters which are too high for their com-
prehension. In doing this they neglect their own vocation.
“ Do not be curious about what is not your business” is an
ancient golden rule.

114. “Words lacking reality are ominous of mischief.
But the tenor (essence) of mischief-making words is to
obscure men of excellence” (p. 200). At all events, this is
said in relation to slanders. It is allowed by all that these
are prolific of mischief. The reasons are correctly given
by Mencius. Speech, which is untrue even when it is not
meant to be direct slander, awakens mistrust and arouses
prejudice: that is to say, it hinders many from forming an
independent and unprejudiced judgment. The. result of
this is that the goodness or excellence of many men does
not meet with proper recognition, and is often, so to speak,
trodden in the dust.

115. But Mencius himself permitted himself to be
guilty of untruths of so-called courtesy (pp. 86, 133).

116. Weare warned also against uncharitable suggestions
(p. 197). “They who are always blaming what is not
good in others ought (to know) how great subsequent
evils they must meet with.” Consequently see to it that
thou dost not thyself that which thou condemnest in an-
other. It is every way a more obvious reflection to think
VIRTUE IN SPEECH. 93

of the evil one draws upon himself in the shape of the
enmity of the person he calumniates. This enmity is
often so much the greater the truer and more striking has
been the charge brought against him. It would be much
better for acquaintances, especially those of the fairer sex,
if conversation about others were absolutely forbidden
beyond what duty calls for.

117. The cause is disclosed (p. 187). “Men begin talk-
ing lightly just because they meet with no reproof.”
There would be much less foolish talking and prating
going on in the world if those who are profound in their
judgments did but speak more often in the way of earnest,
faithful reproof. It is indeed evil when frivolous men set
themselves up for critics and pronounce judgment upon
things which are too deep for their shallowness and too
high for their pigmy minds.

118. In contrast to this we have another evil (p. 187).
Mencius said, “ The evil of men is that they fondly wish
to"be teachers of others.” He who teaches others should
before all things teach himself, ie, to be a practical ex-
ample of his doctrine. There are indeed many epicureans
we grant. He who teaches should consequently always
fully appropriate that which serves to improve and deepen
the good and noble within us, and set it before others in
his own case.

119. With uncharitable men it is impossible to converse
(p. 174). “ How is it possible to converse with the cruel ?
They hold their danger to be security, their evil for gain ;
they rejoice in that which casts them to the ground. If
one could speak with these cruel men, how could there
be fallen states and ruined families?” Good words are
ineffectual where they do not meet with a good reception.
The wise listens to the counsels of others, not in order to
follow the opinion of every one, but to find that which is
right and eternally good. By the use of this is obtained
safety and true profit.

120. Mencius speaks also of another hopeless race of
94 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

men (p. 177). He says, “One can discuss nothing with
those who ruin themselves ; one can do nothing with those
who throw themselves away. To converse without pro-
priety and righteousness is called doing violence to one’s
self; if I myself cannot continue in benevolence and act
in righteousness, it is termed self-destruction.” (Cf. Art.
145.) Men who turn a deaf ear to expostulation have
generally already broken with themselves, and stand in
opposition to the requirements of their inmost purest
humanity. With such there is not only no desire for
truth, but a determined enmity thereto, either open
or concealed. What good, then, is conversation with
such? They have no wish to improve themselves, but
simply desire to hear that which is in harmony with their
degraded nature.

(c.) What we Ought to Strive for (Positive),

121, To hear good words (p, 202). Yu (an ancient
emperor, 2000 B.c.) abhorred generous wine and loved good
words (conversation) (p. 81), “He made obeisance when
he heard good words.” People like Yu are not only rare
amongst princes, but are as a rule not often to be met
with in the world. Many hold it for a point of honour to
take nothing from others, ze. not from inferiors or so-
called subordinates. True humility straightway submits
itself to truth without regard to the position of him who
may happen to be its medium.

122. That word and speech be sincere has been already
mentioned (Art. 105 ante).

123. To be intelligible and profound. Mencius said
(p. 370), “To speak of the near and signify the distant is
good speech ; a narrow principle with a wide application
is good management (Tao). The words of the superior
man do not go below the girdle, yet they contain Tao,”
According to the commentary, the near relates to the
improvement of the heart, the distant to the service of
VIRTUE IN SPEECH. 95

Heaven (God). The narrow is benevolence and righteous-
ness; the wide is the propagation of virtue throughout
the realm. All teaching must invariably come back to
the renewing of the heart (cultivation of the heart) as the
foundation of every moral, legal, or political edifice. Where
that is not the case we only find castles in the air, Utopias
which can never be réalised, but which rather make the
evil worse. Many socialistic schemes are of this kind.
On the other hand, we ought not to forget that the state,
or, in the highest sense, the kingdom of God (., the reve-
lation of perfected humanity in its entirety), is over the
heart. In this respect the doctrine of Jesus is unequalled,

124. Brevity in our expressions. Mencius said (p. 199),
“ One learns comprehensively and puts it down diffusively
in detail, in order then to give it to others in a brief com-
pendium.” We must remember that on the part of the
Confucianists solid knowledge was of old always insisted
upon. Unfortunately this only consists now in scholastic
learning without any vivifying energy for the heart or the
state. We find many words in modern Chinese writings,
especially in the commentaries, and very little sense. A
purifying criticism is very much wanted, which, like a
fresh breeze, may drive away the chaff! It is and will
be the mark of a master-mind to possess well-grounded
information, embracing all details of a subject, and yet to
be able to present it in a condensed and vigorous statement.

1 Many noble-minded positive the Papacy. Scientific opposition
theologians might cure themselves serves to fertilise knowledge ; frivo-
of their extreme anxiety in the face lity and animosity alone injure the
of modern negative criticism by a truth.
glance at the rigidity of China or of
( 96 )

CHAPTER ITI.
THE FOUR CARDINAL VIRTUES.

TuHEsE form the fourfold manifestations of the moral nature
of individuals, and are thence the essence of all isolated
virtues. For the origin of these, vide Art. 21 ante,

1. WIsDom.
(a.) Characteristics of Wisdom.

125. It is not subtilty. Mencius said (p. 207), “That
which is to be abhorred in the worldly-wise is their subtilty.
Were the wise such as Yu, who led away the water, wisdom
would be blameless. Yu led away the water so that the
process caused no inconvenience. Were the wise to take
the lead without causing inconvenience, their wisdom
would be great.” Mencius keeps in view the chief point :
great wisdom is not in a multiplicity of things, the not
occasioning of difficult circumstances, but in avoiding
these whilst quietly progressing.

126. Natural and independent knowledge(p. 332). “That
which men are capable of without learning, it is their best
capacity; what they know without pondering over it, is
their best knowledge. Little children, without exception,
know how to love their parents ; when they are older they
without exception honour their elder brother. Attach-
ment to parents is love; respect to seniors is righteousness,
It is not otherwise; they are (known and) recognised
throughout the world.” Moral knowledge is not some-
thing learned, but has its roots in the proper nature of
THE FOUR CARDINAL VIRTUES. 97

men, which, generally speaking, only comes to clear con-
sciousness by degrees. This consciousness is the know-
ledge in a peculiar sense (Plato’s “ Memory ”).

127. Wisdom recognises, consequently, “the realisation
of benevolence and righteousness” (p. 188).

128, It is directed towards important objects. Mencius
said (p. 352), “ Nothing is unknown to the wise, yet they
ought to strive after those things which are most impor-
tant. Nothing is unlovable to the benevolent, yet their
energy is directed towards (loving) their parents and the
excellent, The very wisdom of Yaou and Shun did not
embrace all things, but apprehended before everything
that which is chiefly to be striven for.”

Multiplicity of knowledge often leads to indecision in
judgment and uncertainty in action. The truly wise lay
hold firmly of the question immediately before them, and,
spite of a multitude of events and claims around them,
keep it steadily in view.

129. It consists also in seeking the lost heart. (Cf,
sec. 26.)

(b.) Practical Application of Wisdom.

130. It enables us to recognise what is holy (the holy
man), (p. 71). This point is illustrated in the three
disciples of Confucius. The right explanation is as
follows :—These three men, although sufficiently intelli-
gent to recognise in Confucius the holy man, yet did not
come up to him. On the other hand, their inferiority
to him did not arise from anything vulgar or ignoble.
‘Knowledge was to them the conviction that in the holy
is realised the holy and the true, This wisdom is moral
nature. A single example may serve for explanation.
He who recognises the ideal in the plays of Shakespeare or
the music of Beethoven does not readily praise bad com-
position, nor is he drawn away by lighter works, which
may in themselves be good, but are not perfected in a

masterly style. These disciples of Confucius recognised
G
98 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

in their master their ethical ideal, This should much
more be the case with Christians, who recognise in Christ
the highest, most complete realisation of the human ideal.
But this recognition is only by way of preparation. Its
object is to bring about a complete resemblance to the
ethical ideal. Only after sincere struggles can one under-
stand the nature of sin and the depths of divine grace in
the incarnation. The Chinese enter not into the inner
realm of holiness. There are, alas! not a few of such
Chinese in Christendom.

131. It is both to originate and skilfully to carry out
(p. 248). “To commence a particularthing is the work of
wisdom, to complete it is the work of holiness. Wisdom
may be likened to skill, holiness to power. To shoot with the
bow a distance of more than a hundred paces is the attain-
ment of thy power; to hit the mark is not of thy power.”
According to the context, Confucius is treating of harmony
of sound ; therefore beginning and ending combine wisdom
and holiness in one. One requires both, just as archery
requires power and skill, The Chinese think, alas! that
everything comes from one’s own power without divine
assistance, and have carried it farther, even to cases of
mercy.

132. It chooses a benevolent neighbourhood (p. 80), in
order to be able to practise benevolence,

133. Imparts prudence to counsel (p. 243), so that one
gives no advice where there is nothing to be advised.
This kind belongs to prudence, and consequently indicates
that in China also the word “wisdom” contains both
ideas. But prudence is here to be taken ethically,

134. It makes use of an advantageous policy (p. 31).
“Only the wise are able with a small (state) to serve a
large (one),” namely, in view of the whole empire. Here
wisdom stands in opposition to delusion and obstinacy.
Only by means of wise compliance did the ruler named
in the text escape total annihilation, and obtain in after
time more, so to speak, than he had beforehand lost. But
THE FOUR CARDINAL VIRTUES. 99

for the effecting of this there is required a clear appre-
hension of the situation at the moment, hope for the
future, and courage to meet everything in the way of
opposition.

135. It never lets the opportunity slip by (p. 59). “The
people of Ts’e have a saying, ‘Although one has wisdom,
that is not like seizing the opportunity; although one has
the implements of husbandry, that is not the same as
waiting for the proper season.’” Here we have shown us
the difference between real wisdom and mere learning or
knowledge, which are often called wisdom. Genuine
wisdom is practical in its nature, and it is characterised,
generally speaking, neither by irresolutiqn, which misses
its object, nor by precipitation, which rushes to its ruin,

2. BENEVOLENCE.

(a.) The Idea Considered Subjectively.

136. It is of man’s heart. (Cf. Art. 26 ante.!)

137. “It is manhood” (p. 361). (Cf. Art. 75.)

138, It is universal both in disposition and in practice
(p. 369). “All men have something that they cannot
endure; if carried on to that which they can endure, it is
benevolence. All men have something that they do not
do; extended to that which they do, it is righteousness,
If men could carry out (completely) the feeling of not
injuring others, there would be more benevolence than is
necessary. If men could (fully) carry out the feeling of
not breaking through and not climbing over (walls) [pre-
scribed bounds], there would be more righteousness than
is necessary.” In these passages it is clearly laid down
that benevolence is not accidental, but is worked out from
man’s veritable nature, and that not in a developed form,
but in the disposition which shows itself in all men. How
the disconnected indications should be turned to account
is the moral problem which we have to solve.

* Digest of Confucius, p. 66.
100 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

139. It is approached in the exercise of reciprocity
(p. 327). “In seeking after benevolence, nothing brings
one nearer to it than skilfully to exercise reciprocity.” It
is to be considered that according to this place reciprocity
does not thoroughly exhaust the idea of benevolence, but
only exhibits a sort of approach to it. But reciprocity is
that step in advance towards benevolence whose practical
importance must be immediately evident to every one.
We will here add the social aspect of this virtue in order
to obtain a well-balanced picture of the same; its political
bearings will be dwelt upon subsequently,

(b.) The Idea Socially.

140. Its realisation is the “service of parents” (p. 189),
and this is termed “attachment to parents” (p. 332). For
“there never was a benevolent man who left his ee
in the lurch” (p. 3).

141, The “admonishing” of one’s parents (p. 303). It
is very singular to find this classed under the idea of bene-
volence, and not under that of filial affection; but this
serves to show the difference as well as the close affinity
which exists between the two virtues.

142, Care of the aged is also termed benevolence (p. 337).

(c.) Hindrances to the Personal. Exercise of Benevolence.

143. Want of success therein is one’s own fault (p. 81).
“The benevolent man is like the archer who assumes the
proper position and then shoots. If he does not excel, he
is not indignant with those who surpass him; he returns.
and seeks the cause in himself.” He does so (p. 209) even
when he endeavours to hold a most friendly interview
with any one and meets with a rude repulse. “The’
superior man is distinguished from other men in ‘this
whereby he guards his heart; the superior man guards his
heart by benevolence and preserves it by propriety. The
THE FOUR CARDINAL VIRTUES. 101

benevolent loves men, the man of propriety honours them.
He who loves men is straightway beloved by them; he
who honours men is forthwith honoured by them. Is
there a man who treats me discourteously? The superior
man will look into his conduct: “Surely I am not bene-
volent; surely I am lacking in propriety. Has this thing
been deserved by me?” He considers himself and is bene-
volent ; he considers and he has propriety. If the obstinacy
of the other still remain, the superior man will again yield
to reflection: “Certainly I am not sincere (true).” He
- considers himself and is sincere. If the obstinate opponent
remains the same, the superior man declares, “That is none
other than a lost man. Such a man! What choice is
there to be made between him and a brute? What good
is it to get oneself into difficulties with a brute?” The
demeanour of others towards us is in a great measure
dependent upon our own conduct, therefore the adjust-
ment of an unhappy state of relations with any one is to
be commenced in our own demeanour. If the other party
is of the same benevolent disposition, a friendly state of
affairs is immediately established. Unfortunately one
finds far too many people of another spirit, who never
permit themselves to be persuaded in the course of a
friendly interview, but whose mistrust and enmity are
only thereby increased. The term “brute” is not alto-
gether suitable for such men, for all kinds of brutes, even
the wild beasts, suffer themselves to be more or less
tamed by friendly treatment, and, so to speak, show
attachment in response.

144. The evil results of hindering benevolence by false
doctrine show themselves in Sensualism and Socialism
(p. 158). With Sensualism everything turns to “I,” and
there no other lord is recognised (no authority). With
Socialism there is “universal love ;” there distinctions are
given up, even those of nature. “To be without father or
sovereign, that is brutal,” said Mencius very cuttingly.
From a benevolent standpoint one must employ contro-

~
102 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

versy, which unveils and battles with false doctrine; but
in order to make plain the way for truth, there must be
something besides that negative criticism which pulls
down but knows not how to build up.

145. He, however, who does not continue benevolent
actually casts himself away (p.177). ‘“CanI not continue -
in benevolence and do I wander from righteousness? This
is termed casting one’s self away. Benevolence is the
peaceful habitation of men; righteousness is the direct
path of men. For the peaceful habitation to remain
empty and uninhabited, to abandon the right path and not’
to walk in it—Oh, how deplorable!” (Cf. Art. 120 ante.)
Such men in this way make themselves more miserable
than others, for they discard that by which their inmost
being acquires its satisfaction. But the ultimate source
of soul-happiness is God, from whom, as the First Cause,
proceed all genuine love and righteousness,

146. Immature benevolence is, however, not good (p.
297). “The five kinds of grain are the finest among
seeds, yet if they be not ripe, they are not equal to ripe
weeds. Benevolence also is only of value in its maturity.”
A very important truth is here set forth, We speak
indeed of “unripe products,” without thinking it our
business to dwell farther on them. Besides, in the present
day, one seldom finds time for petfect ripening. Many
things are left in an immature state. Even in the
exercise of works of charity there is often partial injury
effected through immaturity, that is, by well-meant but
unintelligent zeal.

147. It is more powerful when in due proportion than
wrong-doing (p. 297). “Benevolence overcomes wrong-
doing (its opposite) as water overcomes fire. Those who
now exercise benevolence are, however, as if they went
to extinguish the fire of a cartload of wood with a pitcher
of water; it does not go out; so they say, ‘Water cannot
extinguish fire.’ This confirms those who are the reverse
of benevolent. The result is nothing but destruction.”
THE FOUR CARDINAL VIRTUES. 103,

The same reproach one can hear even to the present day,
and it will be heard even until the world’s end. He who
cannot overcome opposition with his faith, his love, &c., |
should before all things look to it whether there does not
exist a state of affairs such as that described by Mencius.

(d.) The Kind of Exercise.

148. One’s earthly vocation makes no difference (p. 80).
Mencius said, “Is the fletcher in some way less benevolent
‘than the armourer? The fletcher fears lest men should
not be wounded, and the armourer’s only fear is lest they
should be wounded. Just so is it with the exorcist and
the coffinmaker. Thence it is that a man should not be
other than circumspect in his vocation.” The Commentary
says, “From of old until the present time have the
exorcists before all healed by beat of drum.” That this
superstition should have prevailed universally in China
even to our own time, is no good omen for Chinese
civilisation. Similar in one respect, it yet differs essen-
tially from the ethico-religious method of healing peculiar
to Christendom by means of prayer, laying on of hands,
&c. In the former the effect is ascribed to the trumpet
or the formula of the prayers of the exorcist ; in the latter,
to the power of faith as the most intense force of the
soul, which affects not only the formation of the organism
but its renovation also. The calling of an exorcist con-
sequently stands in no sense upon the same level of
civilisation with that of the coffinmaker. It is requisite
in the choice of a calling to weigh accurately its aim and
moral value. One may find his livelihood and much
besides in any department of professional industry. The
man who, unconstrained by necessity, makes choice of a
calling, indicates his character by that very choice,

149. Wealth is not benevolent, benevolence is not
wealthy (p. 116). “Yang Hoo said, ‘He to whom wealth
is the object of action will not be benevolent; he to whom
104 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

benevolence is the object of action will not be rich.’” This
is much like the declaration, “How hardly shall they that
have riches enter into the kingdom of God.” There, how-
ever, the acquisition of earthly goods is placed in opposition
to that of heavenly.

150. It is to be exercised from an inner motive (p. 201).
“Mencius said,‘ That whereby man differs from the, beasts
-is but a trifle: the people generally cast it away, the
superior man preserves it. Shun was full of intelligence
in reference to the multitude of things, and experienced
in human relations, he wrought owt benevolence and
righteousness, and not merely according to benevolence
and righteousness,” The difference between man and
beast is often treated of nowadays, and frequently the
decision is not to the honour of men. That after more
than a thousand years’ development of civilisation, theories
are current which throw ridicule upon humanity, proves
most incontrovertibly that civilisation and humanity are
not necessarily co-ordinately developed; indeed they may,
so to speak, proceed in opposition to each other. “That
which is requisite for the spirit of man is to measure the
extent of its desires,” says a modern sage.

151. Propriety and righteousness are the results (p. 81).
“Malevolent and unwise, indecorous and unrighteous—
that is human bondage. To be the slave of men and to
be ashamed of being a slave, is like being a bower and
ashamed of making bows, or being a fletcher and ashamed
of making arrows. If one is ashamed of that (his bondage
to men), there is nothing better for him than to practise
benevolence.” “Blessed are the meek,” &c. In the.
region of morals knowledge is not its own object, and.
propriety, like righteousness, is subordinated to benevo-
lence, which answers to love, (Vide the next Article.)

152. Reputation for benevolence is better than talk
about it (p. 331). “Mencius said that benevolent words
do not impress men so deeply as a reputation for benevo-
lence.” A man’s reputation declares the nature of his
THE FOUR CARDINAL VIRTUES. 105

everyday conduct; fine words any babbler can employ.
The word (preached) proceeds from one’s own mouth; the
reputation is the verdict of many tongues, But that one
ought not to trust too much to a good reputation Confu-
cius at least recognised in Analect xv. 27, and Mencius
also, (Cf. Arts. 112 and 100.)

153. It extends itself specially and chiefly to the
people (p. 352). “Mencius said the superior man in his
position with regard to creatures loves them, but is not
benevolent to them ;! towards the people he exercises
benevolence, but is not confiding ; he is confiding towards
those who are to be relied upon (2. parents), and benevo-
lent towards the people; benevolent towards the people
and charitable towards things.” Christianity also permits
gradations in love. Universal love without any gradations
is, generally speaking, a matter of impossibility. Benevo-
lence has ever something of grace and mercy in it, and is,
therefore, not practicable from the inferior to the superior.

154. Begins with that which is near and extends to the
remote? (p. 353). “ Mencius said, ‘ Veritably the reverse
of benevolent is King Hwuy of Leang!’ ‘The benevolent,
commencing with that which he loves, goes on to that
which he does not love. Those who are the reverse,
commencing with that which they do not love, reach that
which they do love.” The next paragraph explains this.
The king deprived his subjects of their estates and sacri-
ficed them in his wars. After a great defeat he would
yet make another attempt; and because he was dubious
about gaining the victory, he urged on his beloved young
son, and sacrificed him with them. “That is termed com-
mencing with that. which is not loved (death), one reaches
that which is beloved (a son).” So itis that there exists
a certain necessity in good things as well as in bad for
the consecutive carrying out of an undertaking which is

14, Does not treat them as duties to our fellow-men. Mr.
fellow-creatures. Benevolence is to Faber uses Humanitit humane, &.
be understood all through this as 2 “ Charity begins at home.”
the thorough observing of all our
106 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

once begun. One very rarely succeeds in escaping the
consequences, Therein lies already a judgment. (For bene-
volence in relation to the realm, see Arts. 327-329, &c.)

3. RIGHTEOUSNESS.!

The idea of righteousness is different from that of right.
This indicates external claims upon us, that the inner
motive. Hence it is possible for them both to be in oppo-
sition, ¢.g.,an action can be right without being righteous ;
more rarely is the reverse the case, the being righteous
without being right.

(a.) Righteousness belongs to the Original or Essential
Nature of Men.

155. Hence it is common to all hearts. (Cf. Art. 6.)

156. Consequently it is not learnt from without. (Cf.
Art. 13.)

157. It is the correct path for men. (Cf. Art. 152.)

158. It is consequently not so much the condition as
the proper conduct of man. (Cf. Art. 13.)

159. It is more than life (p. 287). “Mencius said, I
like fish, and I also like bear’s paws; if the two are not
to be had together, I let the fish go and take the bear's
paws. I like life and I also like righteousness; if the
two are not to be retained together, I let go life and hold
to righteousness. Life also appertains to the things which
I desire, but if amongst the things which I desire there
is something greater than life, I will not on this account
retain it (life) by baseness of conduct. Death, again, ap-
pertains to the things which I hate; but if amongst the
things which I hate there is something greater than death,
therefore there are calamities which I do not avoid. Let
it be granted that of those things which men desire there
is nothing greater than life, should not man employ every

1 See Digest of Confucius, p. 76.

i
THE FOUR CARDINAL VIRTUES. 107

means by which life may be retained? Supposing that
amongst the things hated by men there is nothing greater
than death, why should not man do everything by which
calamities might be avoided? After this fashion one
might live, and yet ofttimes one does not adopt it: after
that one might avoid calamities, and yet ofttimes one does
not adopt it. The cause of this happening is that what
man desires is greater than life, and what man hates is
greater than death. It is not distinguished men only who
are of this mind ; every one is of the same way of thinking.
It is the distinguished, however, who succeed in never
losing it.”1 That life is not the chiefest amongst good
things, men often involuntarily prove in opposition to the
inrooted, materialistic convictions of their hearts, But in
this fact lies another, viz., that this Inner sense of right-
eousness reaches out beyond this life, so that thereby man
attains to a higher destiny. Concerning this, however, the
Chinese know nothing of themselves. The gospel of the
kingdom, with its righteousness, is the only satisfying
complement of man’s intuitive idea. Apart from this it
would be simple folly to throw away one’s best good, his
life, for an empty idea. ‘

160. In its nature it yields respect (p. 275). “Right-
eousness embodies in action our (inclination to) honour
(others), therefore it is said to be internal” (see pp. 255
and 332). “Respect from inferiors to superiors,” and vice
versa, and “respect for elders,” are righteousness. With
the recognition (of honour due), however, Mencius refers
righteousness to the same foundation as propriety.

161. It permits nothing improper. (Cf. Art. 138 ante.)
Righteousness is realised by a practical recognition of the
rights of others. If this took place in all state re-
lations, life would, generally speaking, be easy. In
spite, however, of oppositions, the idea of righteousness

1 An idea glorified by Christianity hearts disquiet themselves until they
into St. Augustine’s “Thou hast find rest in Thee.”
made us for Thyself, and our restless
108 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

proves itself to be categorically imperative in man’s inner
being.

162. Its opposite is gain (p. 305). Mencius meets with
a diplomatist who would fain make peace between two
states which are at war with one another. Mencius asks
how he will set about it; he replies that “he will show
them that the war is not profitable. On the contrary, said
Mencius, if these kings disband their armies for the sake
of profit, the officers of their armies will rejoice at the
disbanding, and find their delight in profit, Subordinates
will be smitten with the love of gain in the service of
their rulers, sons will conduct themselves in the same way
towards their fathers, and brothers towards brethren; so
at last ruler and minister, father and son, elder and
younger brother, will cast away from them benevolence
and righteousness, and in their mutual intercourse will
strive after profit; but this has never yet happened with-
out ruin following. On the contrary, it is the other way
with benevolence and righteousness.” In modern politics
much is thought to have been attained when the unpro-
fitable nature of any undertaking has been proved. Profit
in the shape of gold and gear is palpable and evident.
The advantages of benevolence and righteousness are far
too mystical for the politics of most diplomatists.

163. The subjective result is contentment or self-satis-
faction (p. 329). ‘He who prizes virtue and rejoices in
righteousness may well be cheerful. Therefore in destitu-
tion the scholar does not lose righteousness, in prosperity
he departs not from the Zao. It is because in poverty he
loses not righteousness that the scholar finds himself; it
is because in prosperity he leaves not the Tao (way) that
the people do not lose hope.” Man can only find satis-
faction in that which he seeks. The obtaining of this
always proceeds in the direction of an ideal which is very
rarely realised. A definite object satisfies only so far as
it corresponds to our ideal, which is never fully the case.
He, therefore, who seeks the idea itself, and devotes him-
THE FOUR CARDINAL VIRTUES. 109

self entirely to that, becomes thereby independent of
external matters as regards the inner emotions of his
spiritual life.

(.) Righteousness as Exercised towards our Fellow-Men.

164. The declining of a kingdom is only negative (p.
345). “All people believe that if one offered the king-
dom of Ts’e to the (capricious) Chung-tsze in an un-
righteous manner, he would not accept it. That is
(merely) righteousness which. will not have a bowl of
rice or a plate of soup. There is nothing greater than
man [in his social relations]. On account of his holding
aloof from these, this man has no relatives, sovereign,
minister, superiors or inferiors. How can one believe in
his greatness?” It is indeed far easier to withdraw one’s
self altogether from the business of daily life than whilst
living and energising in the world to keep one’s self un-
spotted therefrom. Man has duties which he is called -
upon to fulfil towards other men, and every one has his
special gift which has been conferred upon him. He who
misanthropically despairs of his fellow-men is unjust to
them. Regarding this point the Confucianists as well as
evangelic Christianity are right in contradistinction to all
monkish quietism.

165. Its nearest exhibition is the service of brethren.
(See Art. 127.)

166. Wrong is straightway abolished (p. 154). (Cf. Art.
441.) “The minister of the state of Sung said, ‘I cannot
this year give up the duties at the passes and in the
markets and receive a tenth instead, but permit me to
lighten these duties until next year, and then give them
up, how would that do?’ Mencius answered, ‘That is
just like a man who every day purloins fowls from his
neighbours. Some one says to him, That is not the way
of the superior man. He replies, Permit me to give up
somewhat of my doings, and till next year to take only
110 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

one fowl a month and then give it up entirely. When
one is convinced of unrighteousness, it ought to be at once
abandoned, Why wait till next year?’”1 Delay in the
matter of self-improvement or in the putting down of
social and political wrongs is always evil. In the case
adduced it would at all events have been said, “The
deficiency i 7 the treasury must first be provided’ for some
other way.” It is possible that Mencius, with his pre-
ference for the old system of government, went too far,
But if there exist an abuse, there ought to be straightway
a search made after the proper means for removing it, and
indeed of uprooting it; half measures only make the evil
worse,

167. Is not to be carried too far in yielding to scruples
(p. 255). “A disciple said to Mencius, ‘I venture to ask
what kind of feeling is signified in making presents?’
Mencius answered, ‘Respect.’ ‘Under what circum-
stances is the persistent declining (of a present) disre-
spectful?’? He replied, ‘When an honourable man pre-
sents anything, to say did he obtain this rightly or
wrongly ? and then to decline it; this is disrespectful,
therefore one does not refuse (a present).’ Thereupon
the disciple said, ‘Supposing ‘that one does not refuse
by word of mouth but in his heart, saying, He took it
unrighteously from the people; may it not then be de-
clined under some pretext?’ He replied, ‘If it were
offered seasonably and tendered with propriety, Con-
fucius would have received it.’ The disciple upon this
said, ‘There is one, for instance, who plunders people
beyond the boundaries: ought the fruit of such rob-
bery, when offered seasonably and tendered with pro-
priety, to be accepted?’ He answered, ‘It ought not.
In the Announcement to the Prince of Kang (Shoo
King, p. 392), it is said, He who violently attacks men,

1 Wise were Christian English- ancient heathen in reference to

men if they would only act onthe opium and the Imperial traftic in
principle here enunciated by the that drug in India,
THE FOUR CARDINAL VIRTUES. III

desiring their goods, reckless and fearless of the pun-
ishment of death, is abhorred by all. Such are to be
executed without previous warning. ... How can the
presents of such be accepted?’ He (the disciple) said,
‘Our princes nowadays take from their subjects like
robbers, but if they make a present with propriety, the
superior man accepts it. J venture to ask how can this
be justified?’ Mencius replied, ‘Reflect, sir, whether’ if
an emperor should arise, he would gather together all the
present princes and execute them severally (as robbers),
or would he first give them warning, and if they did not
change their ways then first execute them? For if we
call every one that takes what does not belong to him a
robber, we begin to press the analogy (resemblance) and
push righteousness to extremes. When Confucius held
office in Loo, the people of Loo strove together for the
game, and Confucius strove also for it. If the striving
after game was proper, how much more the reception of
a present of the same?’” These presents refer, conse-
quently, not to such as friends make to each other, but to
those from persons in high position to scholars to attach
them to their interests. Mencius skilfully rejects moral
puritanism and takes up a legal standpoint. The purely
ethical conception, however, is not unimportant. It is
this: the holding of one’s self firmly to fixed principles,
yet without losing moral freedom. This is certainly a
difficult matter, of which very little can be said generally.
It relates principally to actions which, although morally
harmless in themselves, become of a doubtful character
through a peculiar connection with blameworthy matters.
In any case, one has to take care, in entering into any
connection of that kind, that with the final results all
that it presupposes be also accepted. St. Paul exhibits
the right view, 1 Corinthians x. 27, 28.

168. Position also influences it (p. 275). The villager
who is older than the elder brother is more honoured
because of his position, and the younger brother when
112 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

sacrificing to ancestors is more honoured than one’s uncle,
for the same reason. (Cf. Arts. 3 and 13.)

169. It is to be preserved even when adverse to our
parents (p. 345). “Some one asked, ‘When Shun was
emperor and Kaou-yaou chief-justice, how would it have
been if Koosow (the emperor’s father) had murdered any
one?’ Mencius answered, ‘He would simply have appre-
hended him.’ ‘But would not Shun have forbidden it ?’
‘How could Shun have forbidden it?’ ‘For he had
received the office (of chief-justice to care for righteous-
ness)’ ‘What then would Shun have done?’ ‘Why, he
would have regarded his abandoning the empire in the
same light as the throwing away of an old shoe. Privately
he would have fled with his father on his back to the
seashore, beside which he would have lived retired his
whole life long, cheerful and happy, and forgetting the
empire.” This solution of the conflict between legal and
natural duty is, indeed, somewhat singular, but is agree-
able to our moral sentiments. Righteousness would have
been recognised in the arrest of the criminal, and partially
appeased by the voluntary self-exile of the imperial son.
It is a correct opinion which is here advocated, that the
bonds of natural affection should not be sundered even by
crime itself. But it is quite another thing to give to such
crime one’s inward consent or even assistance. Each
one who is capable of judging is responsible for his indi-
vidual moral standpoint, without reference to the example
of nearest relatives, superiors, &c. Shun also sighed over
his wicked father, and succeeded afterwards in reforming
him by his own steadfastness in good.

170. The same idea of righteousness often underlies
several different external appearances (p. 237). “Con-
fucius said, ‘In the case of Tang and Yu, the succession
to the crown was indirect; in the case of Hea Hau, Yin,
and Chow, it was direct; their righteousness was the same,’
The first-named passed over their own sons and chose.
worthy ministers as their successors; the last three had
THE FOUR CARDINAL VIRTUES. 113

worthy sons. Consequently in both cases the people who
were in a position to fulfil their duty to the realm gave
their support to the throne. Each ruler consequently acted
wrongly either towards his own son or towards the empire.

171. Artisans have to submit to those who labour with
their minds (p. 125). “One labours either with his heart
(mind) or with his strength; those who labour with their
minds rule men; those who labour with their strength are
ruled by men. That those who are ruled should support
the rulers, and the rulers be supported by them, is a
general principle which holds everywhere.” This general
principle cannot be upset so long as mental labour is
necessary amongst men. It‘cannot in any way be altered
by any democratic or communistic experiments, which only
set up some modern form of the same principle in the
place of the earlier.

172. There is no danger of the ruler being neglected
thereby? (p. 3). “There was never yet righteousness
which made the ruler an afterthought.” (Cf. sec. 148.)

4. PROPRIETY.
(a.) Its Source and Signification.

173. It takes its origin from the excellent amongst men
(p. 53). “Propriety and righteousness arise amongst the
excellent.” We are not to understand that these were the
discoverers thereof; the idea and rudiments of these, it is
plainly maintained by Mencius, exist in all men, but the
peculiar form in which they find expression is determined
by the leading men of each age.

174. The essential characteristic of it is respect (p.
209). “He who observes propriety respects others.” (Cf.
Art. 150.) Propriety has consequently the same root
as righteousness, but these assume separate forms, as is
shown in the next paragraph. Earlier we have seen

1 Cardinal Wolsey’s “Ego et rex meus” affords a striking instance of

the truth of this section.
H
114 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

(Arts. 5 and 21) that propriety is traced back to the sense
of reverence and delicacy in the heart, whilst righteousness,
on the other-hand, is ascribed to the sense of shame, which
we usually call conscience: the sense of right is also a
usual term, but it is more of a paraphrase than a
definition.

175. Its realisation is “the ordering, and adorning, in the
first place, of parental and fraternal affection” (p. 190):
(Cf. Art. 127.) The relationship to his parents and brothers
and sisters is the first in which man finds himself placed
in this life. The family is, so to speak, the laboratory in
which man is quietly prepared for his work at large.

176. Propriety is more than mere natural motives, yet
there are circumstances in which it has to give way to
these (p. 298). “A man of Yin once asked a disciple of
Mencius, ‘Which is the more important, propriety or
eating?’ He answered, ‘Propriety. ‘Which is more
important, propriety or marriage?’ He answered, ‘ Pro-
priety.’ ‘If eating according to propriety brings hunger
and death, whilst, on the contrary, eating in spite of
propriety obtains food, must propriety still be observed ?’
‘Tf one cannot obtain a wife by going in person to receive
her, but can obtain a wife without going in person, is a
personal reception indispensable?’ The disciple could not
reply. The next day he went to Mencius to discuss it

‘with him. Mencius said, ‘Oh, what difficulty is there in
answering that? If you do not consider the beginning,
but simply compare the ends, you may make a cubic inch
of wood higher than a lofty mountain. Gold is heavier
than feathers, but is it so said with regard to a gold clasp
and a cartload of feathers? If you compare that which
is most important in eating with that which is of
smallest account in propriety, wherefore stop at eating
being more important ? ? If you compare that which is
most. important in marriage (the sexual desire) with that
which is of smallest account in propriety, why simply
make marriage more important? Go and reply to him:
THE FOUR CARDINAL VIRTUES. 115

If you by wrenching your elder brother’s arms and
snatching away his food can get nourishment, but without
such violence can obtain nothing to eat, ought you to
wrench his arm? If you can obtain a wife by climbing
over a neighhbour’s wall and abducting his daughter, but
cannot obtain a wife without abduction, ought you then to
commit abduction?’” This extract displays far too great
subtilty. In actual life such cases are far more rarely
met with than in theories or fiction. And even according
to Chinese teaching, propriety should never be divorced
from nature and become unnatural, but should exhibit
that which is really good in nature in its most beauteous
form. Therefore it is impossible to provide definitely,
rules which shall apply to all times and cases. The
natural is living and manifold, rules are dead and rigid.
We may express the idea of propriety thus: Nobility of
mind in a graceful exterior.

177. External position alters its observance (p. 346).
“Mencius came from Fan to Ts‘e; as he saw from far the
son of the king of Ts‘e, he said, sighing deeply, ‘ Position
alters the demeanour, nourishment the body. Oh, how great
is the importance of position! for are we not all children
of men?’” Everyday experience shows that the conscious-
ness of worth or power, of mental or some other superiority,
exercises the greatest influence upon the external demean-
our of men. Where this happens naturally, it makes a
good impression, but where a lofty bearing is assumed
without any ground for it, itis repulsive. The Christian
ought ever to remain conscious of his high calling, such
consciousness serving better to elevate his demeanour
than a host of compendiums of Christian morality.

178: No impropriety (p. 196). Mencius said, “A great
man does not use propriety which is improper, or right-
eousness which is unrighteous.” Alas! there are many
such proprieties which are improper, much justice which
is injustice; but more than ordinary wisdom is needed to
distinguish clearly one from the other, and higher prin-
116 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

ciples than ordinarily prevail to put oneself in opposition
to the customary line of action.

179. If one meets with no responsive propriety, he
retires into himself and seeks self-improvement. (Cf.
Art. 150 ante.)

180. “By observing the customs (of the people) we
understand the government” (p. 71). The customs of a
country and the nature of its government must be in
harmony ; at least a difference cannot long continue. But
the government should always in every relation occupy
a higher position than the customs which obtain amongst
the masses of its subjects. It is only by its elevating
tendency that a government secures the loyalty of its
people and secures their esteem.

181. Hunger makes it impossible for the people to
observe propriety (p. 24). “Now provision is made for
the sustenance of the people in such a way that when
they look after their betters they have not enough for their
parents ; and regarding their inferiors, they lack sufficiency
for the support of wife and children. In good years their
life is incessantly embittered; in bad years they cannot
escape death and destruction. Thus their only thought is
how to escape death, and they dread not being able to
accomplish it. How can they have leisure to cultivate
propriety and righteousness?” It is well known that
hunger overleaps all barriers. Where one does not con-
fine ‘one’s self simply to individual cases but takes a wider
range, it will be perceived that there are ever political
and likewise moral evils lying in the background.

(b.) Special Requirements of Propriety for the Defunct.

182. Coffins seven inches thick (p. 97).

183. Simple burial to be given up.

184. Three years’ mourning (p. 112).

1 This is equally true of China, a.D. It is computed that in the early part
1878, as the fearful famines preva- of 1878 nearly five millions perished,

Jent during the past two years in whilst human flesh was eaten, even
the northern provinces sadly testify. that of kinsfolk.
THE FOUR CARDINAL VIRTUES. 117

185. Second mourning (p. 53). .

186, Mourning of the disciples of Confucius. (Cf. Art.
461.)

187, Ministers on quitting office to put on mourning.
(Cf. Art. 338.)

(c.) For Various Occasions.

188. Relationship makes a difference. (Cf. Art. 305.)

189. Scholars and teachers. (Cf. Art. 460.)

190. Prompt obedience of officials. (Cf. Arts. 190, 396,
423.)

Those special usages and requirements which Mencius
mentions we pass over. The three years’ mourning for
deceased parents he regards as most important, and will
permit of no relaxation in regard to this in any way.

191. It has nothing to do with useless questions (p.
353). “If the three years’ mourning is an impossibility,
and yet one is very particular about that of the three and
five months; if one bolts his rice and gulps his soup,
yet asks about making the meat small without using his
teeth (to tear it), this is termed being ignorant of what
one ought to do.” People who “strain out a gnat and
swallow a camel” aré to be met with at all times every-
where. Such often trouble themselves vastly about trifles
because they are ignorant of the true bearing of things.
They either hold tenaciously to dead forms, of which the
spirit has long since departed, or haggle over externals
simply in order to keep up appearances. Unhappily this
is not the case amongst the modern Chinese only. In
reference to rites, Mencius on the whole is more liberal
than Confucius, save that in the observance of funeral
obsequies and the sacrifice for the defunct he is equally
firm with his master. This point will be treated of more
fully subsequently under the head of social relations. In
general it strikes us as a peculiarity of the moral doctrines
of Mencius that duties are not distinguished from their
special virtues. This distinction is properly an artificial
118 ' THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

one, and puts difficulties in the way of perfecting many
modern text-books of morals. According to Mencius,
virtue is not something learned, something acquired from
without, but it is the intuitive noble nature of man in a
concrete form for practical life. Separate virtues are
only individual, regulated, recurring expressions of one
and the same moral principle according to the definite
direction imparted to it. This has been already discussed
in our explanations concerning human nature and destiny,
as they are inherent in man and are in various ways either
developed or destroyed. It occurs also in our discussions
concerning virtue, being treated of in connection with this
very nature and destiny, only not judged of from within,
but from without, and consequently in the activities of
practical life. Therefore it is that virtue in itself is of great
value, even when socially its value may not be highly esti-
mated. It is this which makes Confucianism superior to all
other Chinese systems. It generally results in this, that
only in the autonomy of the state itself can be manifested
the full importance of the moral culture of the individual.
For Confucianism, alas! knows of no other commonweal,
no kingdom of God where the virtue recognised by the
state may be valued according to moral righteousness.
Its strength is, therefore, likewise the weakness of the
system. Chinese sensualism discovered this weakness,
and demonstrated from it the worthlessness of virtue in
general. Chinese socialism also separates itself at this
point from proper humanitarianism, in that it recognises
no individual virtue as of value in itself, but simply as
of theoretic value, or in so far as it is a social or political
virtue. We can thus better understand why Confucianism
styles itself the happy medium. As opposed to both
sensualism and socialism it has a right so to style itself.
Both these systems represent the very opposite of Con-
fucianism, as well as of certain special truths of which
we treat more fully in another place.

 
( 119 )

Book TE.

THE PRACTICAL EXHIBITION OF
MORAL SCIENCE.

 

—O

PART L—IN THE INDIVIDUAL CHARACTER.

Mencius distinguished four varied gradations of the moral person-
ality : (1.) The scholar, who at that time was likewise a candidate
for the Government service and the lower official positions ; (2.) the
great man, who generally occupied the higher positions; (3.) the
superior man or sage, who represented the highest grade of human
official worthiness; (4.) and the holy or perfected man, the ethical
ideal.

 

CHAPTER I.
THE SCHOLAR.

192. “Hz elevates his will” (p. 344). (Cf. Art. 352
and 18d.)

193. He requires no external inducement (p. 330).
Mencius said, “ They who wait for a King Wan and then
rise are ordinary’ people. Distinguished scholars arise
without a King Wan.” That-which goes no farther than
it is urged is simply an inert mass. Where spirit and life
rule there must be indications of internal energy and
productivity.

194. Has pleasure in Tao (principle), not in force
(p. 328). Mencius said, “ The (excellent) monarchs of
antiquity loved goodness and forgot power; how then
could the excellent scholars of antiquity act otherwise ?
120 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

They took delight in their Tao (principle) and forgot the
power of men. If kings and dukes did not come to visit
them with all respect and propriety, they did not often
go to see them, how much less could these obtain them
for ministers (court officials)?” On account of this, which
is peculiarly higher culture, the learned and the unlearned
are, even to this very day, disunited. Anyway, the
ancient Chinese culture was moral in its nature, and
so different from most modern. For this reason, however,
such culture is an unsaleable commodity, yielding no
external profit to the genuine scholar. He accepts no
position of influence which places him in opposition to
his views or convictions. —

195. Therefore he receives no revenue (salary) without
office, but simply assistance (p. 260). “A disciple asked,
‘Why does not a scholar depend upon princes?” Mencius
answered, ‘He does not venture to do so. That a prince,
after he has lost his territory, should depend upon princes
is proper; for a scholar to depend upon princes is im-
proper.” The disciple said, ‘Would he then receive a
present of corn from his sovereign?’ He answered, ‘ He
would.’ ‘On what principle?’ He replied, ‘The sove-
reign has to afford help to his subjects.’ ‘Why may he
receive assistance yet not take salary?’ Answered, ‘He
dare not venture it. ‘Permit me to ask why is it so?’
Answered, ‘The watchmen at the door with the staff have.
an appointed office, whereby their support comes to them
from the prince. He who, without a properly appointed
office, receives salary from his prince makes himself des-
picable’”” In this it is signified that the scholar does not
put himself at the disposal of his superior, for his own
selfish interests, as “ Counsellor So-and-so.” His actions
should be well defined on account of his office. “Clear
views as to justice and duty make true men.”

196. It does not cast itself away in order to please the
people (p. 364). “When there was famine in Ts‘e, some
one said to Mencius, ‘The people all expect that your
THE SCHOLAR. 121

worship will again cause the granary of Tang to be
opened ; but this will scarcely occur a second time.’ Men-
cius said, ‘That would be like Fung-foo. There lived
amongst the people of Tsin one Fung-foo; he was skilled
in tiger-hunting, but afterwards became a famous scholar.
As such he went to the wild district, where the people were
hunting a tiger. The tiger turned at bay in an angle of
the hill, where no one ventured to approach it. Seeing
Fung-foo at a distance, they ran to meet him. He rolled
up his sleeves and descended from his carriage.’ The
whole crowd were delighted, but the scholars laughed at
him.’” To capture a tiger was beneath the dignity of a
scholar, as not ordinarily pertaining to his vocation, The
tiger also could not otherwise possibly escape his destiny.
Famine and the tiger’s tooth are not, generally speaking,
analogous. It would have been a work of mercy to inter-
cede with the prince for his people. Mencius appears,
however, to have felt that he would obtain nothing but
a refusal and the making of himself ridiculous; besides
which, he held no official position. Confucius acted other-
wise (Analect. xiv. 21), but he held office at the time, and
so fulfilled his duty.

197. The judgment of the masses is no criterion for him
(p. 362). The best of people (in the text, Confucius and
King Wan) are often the most hated and worst slandered.
This is an indisputable proof of the moral degradation
existing amongst men. It is often not so much the result
of an evil intention as of the bewilderment occasioned by
some passion.

198. For “ the masses are very thoughtless ” (p. 327).

199. The scholar is a singular being.
CHAPTER II.
THE GREAT MAN.

200. “HE cultivates the greatness of his nature,” the
moral and not the sensual motives (pp. 292, 293). (See
Art. 14.)

201. He strives in word and deed after righteousness
(p. 198). “The words of great men do not necessarily
tend to sincerity nor their conduct to reality, but they
consist simply in righteousness.” He who offends not in
word is a perfect man. Theoretically he takes up a firm
position as to what he ought and ought not to say. His
ruling principle is truth. Where one cannot or dare not
say the truth by reason of compulsion, one should have
the courage to declare that. /It is continually a matter
of experience that every purpose should not be stubbornly
carried out into action. Only it is difficult to attain to
the true practical view, so as not to let oneself be dis-
couraged just there where resolution is required. Much
is often lost through blind zeal. The same occurs also in
political life, where the laws are carried out with thorough
strictness, which results in many things not previously
reckoned upon. Even in this our own day there are
amongst officials far more perversely obstinate little men
than really great ones. (See Analect. xiii. 20.)

202. He removes injustice from the heart of his
sovereign (p. 186). “Mencius said, ‘It avails not to
censure men or to lay the blame of anything upon the
government, the great man alone is able to sever injustice
from the heart of his sovereign. Ifthe ruler is benevolent,
THE GREAT MAN. 123

every one is benevolent; is the ruler righteous, every one
will be righteous; is the ruler correct, every one will be
correct and the state will be established’” It is often
impossible to remedy mistakes from without. But in
order to effect an external reformation from within, it is
necessary that influence be brought to bear on the heart,
which is more often the result of a life than of words
alone. True greatness of character is demanded for this,
which shall make this its object.

203. He does not repel the people from him.

204. The summing up of the character of the great man?
is given us (p. 141) when Mencius says, “He dwells in
the wide dwelling under the sky; he takes up the right
‘position under heaven; he walks in the great Tao (prin-
ciple) under heaven; if he attains his desire (of office), he
identifies himself with the good of the people; if he
cannot obtain his desire, he goes on his way (Tao) alone.
Wealth and honours cannot make him arrogant; poverty
and neglect cannot pervert him; power and force of arms
cannot bind him. Such a man is called truly great and
courageous.” Genuine manhood is also defined morally ;
it pursues a noble aim and is steadfast in its prosecution.
(Cf. Art. 376.)

1 The object which our philosopher has in view here seems to: be that
indicated by the poet—

“ Lives of great men all remind us
We may make our lives sublime.”
—Psalm of Life (Longfellow).
( 124 )

CHAPTER III.
THE SUPERIOR MAN OR SAGE.!
(a.) His Individuality.

205. Is generally different from other men (p. 333).
“ Mencius said, ‘When Shun was dwelling under trees
and rocks in the depths of the mountains, with deer and
swine around him, that wherein he differed from the
savages of the mountain fastnesses was very trifling.
Yet, if he happened to hear a good word or to see a good
action, he was like the swollen torrent of the Yangtze or
Yellow river, which overflows and cannot be restrained.’”
Mencius here indicates very skilfully the characteristics
of the superior man. It is not any outer mark, it is no
obtrusive external manifestation, but it is the direction
towards goodness, and the energising of all that is good in
the soul extending thence into the conduct generally.
But alas! in these days one is more likely to find such
truly superior men in the depths of the forests than in
magnificent palaces,
, 206, His equality with other men (p. 81). “The great-
ness of the great Shun consisted in this, that he had what
was good in him in common with mankind; he gave up
his own and sought other men’s; he rejoiced to receive (to
learn) from others, and thus to do good.... To learn
from other men how to practise what is good is to do
good with men, The superior man, therefore, has nothing
greater than his doing good with other men.” Where
there is actual superiority, a course of action like that of

1 See Digest of Confucius, 90-96,
THE SUPERIOR MAN. 125

Shun is the only right one. He gave up his own way not
so as to violate his principles, but only in reference to that
which agreed with them, allowing himself in this to be
guided by the people. These had, therefore, a feeling of
partnership in goodness with him.

207. He preserves that which distinguishes man from
the brutes. (Cf. Art. 143.) .

208. His will is directed towards Tao (Art. 80).

209. By means of Tao (principle) he acquires depth,
and thereby masters himself (p. 198). “Mencius said,
‘The superior man makes deep research with Tao (prin-
ciple), because he wishes to get possession of himself.
Having gained himself, he abides in peace; abiding in
peace, he commits himself to what is profound; com-
mitting himself to the profound, he receives from the
right and the left, and arrives at his origin. On this
account the superior man desires to get possession of
himself’” Of what advantage is it to know much of
external things if we know not ourselves? Man never
finds peace externally; it is only inward,.and only then
when he is in harmony with himself, that is, with his
prototype. When this is the case, one stands far above
the contradictory opinions of men, and can let everything
act on him without danger of injury, because he lets
himself be led back to his own proper origin, whence
springs the true nobility of all men. Then is attained that
personal conviction which is not grounded upon external
authority, and which does not fade away into subjective
uncertainty. It is conviction arising from predetermined
goodness and its source—the supreme good—God.

210. His aspirations tend only towands benevolence
(Art. 72).
211. He has sympathy with the brute creation (p. 15).

212. He has faults also.

213. He reforms his failings and does not palliate
them (p. 101). “The superior men of antiquity reformed
their faults; the superior men of our day persist in their
126 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

errors. The faults of the former were like the eclipses of
the sun and moon; every one saw them, but after their
renovation every one admired them. Do the superior
men nowadays simply persist in their faults? (No); they
come afterwards, so to speak, with apologies for them.”
At the present time both superior men and the masses are
guilty of new and worse faults in order to palliate their
former failings, To recognise a fault is often no disgrace,
but is always humiliating. Manifest improvement takes
place actually only in the case of the well-meaning, but
anything apparently tending to this re-establishes confi-
dence. Unhappily, however, many acrimonious individuals
seek their triumph in the faults of others, magnifying
these, and taking advantage of a confession in their own
sense (of its meaning). This snatching after opportunities
for maliciously or imperiously subjugating our fellow-
men, which often results in their moral destruction, is a
great obstacle to the reformation of those faults of which
one is frequently sensible.

214. His grief is that he cannot come up to his ideal.

215. He strives after certainty. _

216, His delight (p. 335). Mencius said, “ The superior
man delights himself in three things, the imperial dignity
not included: 1. That his father and mother are both
alive and his brothers cause no anxiety, 2. That looking
upward he has nothing of which to be ashamed before
Heaven, and looking down has no cause to blush before
men. 3, That he obtains those most conspicuous for
talent throughout the empire in order to instruct and
educate them.” This delight actually consists in the
noblest aspirations which man can have upon earth.
The first point is the expression of natural moral feeling,
the second of the religious feeling and sense of justice, the
third the desire for work which shall be reproductive and
imperishable. Qualified fellow-labourers and successors !
how can he who finds such be other than joyous ?

217. He is ashamed of not being equal to his renown.
THE SUPERIOR MAN. 127

218. He remains true to himself whether he be
neglected or an emperor.

219. His judgment differs from that of the world (p.
218). “From the point of view which the superior man
takes of the manner in which men strive after wealth,
honour, gain, and preferment, it is seldom otherwise than
that it should cause their wives and concubines to be
ashamed and need to weep.” It is well known that the
proper nobility of man is terribly weakened, ‘and, indeed,
trodden under foot, in the strenuous effort to acquire these
four things. On this account there are very many tears
shed in this our own day. :

(0.) His Conduct.

220. He is an example in word and deed (p. 371).
“That which the superior man keeps in view is the
cultivation of himself, whereby the whole realm attains
to peace. The infirmity of men is that they neglect their
own fields and weed those of other people ; what they re-
quire from others is difficult, and what they impose upon
themselves is easy.” He who wishes to effect anything in
the world must exhibit his idea in his own personality.
Thereby one works upon another imperceptibly, that is, so
far as there is any susceptibility on the part of others.

221. He clings to the standard (p. 377). “He simply
reverts to the standard (Holy Scripture). If the standard
is correct the mass of the people is elevated ; if the masses
are elevated we find no vice or depravity.” Well is it for
him who has a rule to which he can cling. He will then
rest on certainty. Yet better is it, verily, if his conscience
is so enlightened concerning his proper original disposi-
tion as to enable him to act normally. The thought
‘becomes Christian when brought into apposition with the
Bible and with the unction, the teaching which is of God.
In another place it is said, “The superior man fulfils the
law simply and only in order to await that which is pre-
128 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

destined,” The superior man, consequently, does not per-
mit himself to be influenced by external considerations
and influences, but follows the natural law of his ideal.
the will of God. Thus he proceeds steadily and surely,
preserving his peace of mind, and finally obtaining more
than the world can, with all its feverish restlessness and
haste in the struggle for happiness. Yet it is no stoical
resignation which is here recommended. The inborn
moral law must be fulfilled; this the superior man acts
out voluntarily as the problem of life; everything else is
but secondary. This is actually in a slightly different
form a fundamental doctrine of Christian truth. But to
how few Christians, alas! has this become the law of
their daily ,lives! The minding of the world rules in
many who profess and call themselves Christians.

222. In this way he works transformingly (p. 331).
“Wherever the superior. man passes by, transformation is
effected ; where he remains, it is as a spirit; towards the
upper and lower he flows forth with heaven and earth;
is this termed helping it forward only a little?” No
man remains entirely without influence over his surround-
ings. It is everywhere logically correct that the superior
man works in such a manner, in proportion to his capacity,
but in reality it is seldom the case. The cause lies in the
contrariety and opposition which approach on every side
and exert their baneful influences,

223. He does not fight from choice (p. 86). “The
superior man does not contend from choice, when he to
whom the whole realm voluntarily submits attacks him
against whom even relations are in rebellion; but if he
has to fight, he conquers.” This virtue alone ought to
subdue all hearts to him, and so secure dominion for him,
Confucianists have learnt, alas! and that not only from
Chinese history, which affords numberless. examples, that -
the evil are far more agreeable to the passions of their
supporters, and that sin and vice obtain authority more
easily than virtue; for men are more easily governed
THE SUPERIOR MAN. 129

through their appetites than through their affection for
the ideal.

224. He does not injure men to obtain land.

225. His virtue is like the wind.

226. He is inflexible.

227. He exhibits neither narrowness nor insolence.

228. His affection is graduated,embracing things, people,
and relations,

229. His influence extends to the fifth generation.

230. He guides his sovereign aright.

231. Is not niggardly.

232. Does not vex his children.

233. Employs various methods of education,

234. Holds no intercourse with the haughty.

235. His forbearance has limits,

(c.) The Treatment which he Experiences.

236, This, unhappily, does not correspond to his work,
but is altogether discouraging. “He is deceived,” even
by his subordinates (p. 224),

237. “The masses do not comprehend him” (p. 311).

238. He is sometimes in “great distress externally ”
(p. 362).

239. He receives support from those in power (p. 92).

240. Sustenance afforded by the state for his counsel
is “ criticised but justified ” (p. 344).

241. Yet this assistance is to be rendered in an honour-
able manner (p. 262).

242. He ought not to be paid off.

243. He will not permit himself to be either entrapped
or allured by vain forms. Mencius said (p. 347), “Sup-
port without affection is termed being reckoned with the
swine. Affection without reverence is the same as rear-
ing a pet animal. Honour and respect are there before
silkstuffs are presented. Honour and respect without
reality cannot constrain the superior man without some-

I
130 THE MIND OF MENCIUS. .

thing further.” Words and deeds corresponding remove
as far as possible all doubt as to the sentiment which
superiors actually entertain towards us. One knows then
whereabouts he is.
244. Corresponding treatment on the part of princes.
245. Why he is not himself the Emperor. (Cf. Arts.

270-1.
\

( 131 )

CHAPTER IV.
THE HOLY OR IDEAL MAN!

(a.) His Indiwiduality.

246. “INFLUENCE which is great and transforming is
termed holiness” (p. 366). Holiness which one cannot
comprehend is termed spiritual (godlike). (Cf Art. 56
ante.) Consequently holiness has its sphere of operation.
within tha limits of human comprehension, yet the next
step in advance lands us in the region of the incompre-
hensible, which is the marvellous.

247. The work of holiness is to make perfect.

248. Benevolence and wisdom are his distinguishing
characteristics.

249. Filial affection and brotherhood.

250. Holiness is the efficient of human relations (p. 168).
Mencius said, “The square and compass are the efficients
of curves and quadrangles. The holy man is the efficient
of human relations,” In holiness, therefore, is exhibited
the highest human perfection, that which is gifted for
everything, but specially on the side of morals; for the
ethical is with Mencius the specifically human, It is also
to be considered that holiness does not consist in separa-
tion from other men, but in the fulfilment of our normal
social relations to them.

251. “He has attained before others to that which is
common to all men.” (Cf. Art. 6 ante.) That is to say,
the holy man is fully conscious of possessing in subjection

.

1 See Digest of Confucius, p. 43.
132 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

to the power of his will that which is innate in all men
as the norm of human faculties,

252. Holy men tend towards the same moral end,
although they arrive at it by different paths (p. 192).
“ Shun was a man of the Eastern barbarians, King Wan of
the Western. The places of their births and deaths are more
than a thousand miles distant from each other; they were
separated from each other in time by more than a thousand
years. If their tendency had been throughly worked out
in the middle kingdom (China), they would have been in
entire correspondence, like the two halves of a seal. The
manner in which the former holy man and those of later
days acted was one and the same.” Inquiry is much
more generally directed to the origin of any one than to
that to which his energies are directed. In view of the
true end of humanity, this alone is of importance ; that of
almost none, or at best of merely subordinate importance.
These heralds of the revelation of what is human corre-
sponded to each other in essentials; so. did the heralds
of divine revelation, but only in their tendency and aim.
All individualities demand a teleologic consideration in
the above sense, in order to be understood.

253. He offers to men that chief good which nothing
else can supply.

254. The holy men are the same in kind as ourselves,
but are simply perfected individuals (p. 71). (Cf. Arts. 6
and 302.) “What the unicorn is amongst quadrupeds, the
pheenix amongst birds, the T’ae mountain amongst hills,
rivers and oceans amongst rainpools in regard to kind,
that the holy are amongst people generally ; they are of
the same kind, but standing out from those of like kind,
they tower above their contemporaries.” The passage
quoted i in Art. 6 ante brings out the equality very sharply ; Hl
in this we have simply the difference noted, but it is one
of degree, not one arising from a diversity of nature.

255. This difference, however, depends upon action and
practice, as it is with physical strength (p. 301). “One
THE HOLY OR IDEAL MAN. 133

does not exert himself to do impossibilities; but to walk
slowly behind one of his elders is called fraternal; to
hasten quickly in front of him is contrary to the duty of
a brother. Is a man any way unable to walk slowly? It
is simply not done.” Holiness is consequently the result
of habit. Every one can attain to this if he constantly
seeks to do so, but here it is that the majority of men
come short. Besides which, the matter is not always quite
so simple as slowly following after others. Mencius else-
where clearly states that many have also from birth some-
what of advantage.

256. Imitation of the ancient models brings it about
(p. 110). “They (the holy men) were men. I am also a
man; why should J stand in awe of them? Yen Yuen
said, ‘ What kind of man was Shun? What sort of man
am I? He who exerts himself becomes the same.’” One
may well say that the difference between. the holy and
other men consists chiefly in this, that they are less un-
manly. They represent manhood in its integrity. On
this ground every one can take them as examples of the
attainable.

(0.) The Holy Man’s Manner of Acting.

257. He aims at preserving the purity of his own indi-
viduality (p. 240). “I have never heard of one who made
himself crooked making others straight; how much less
could one who disgraced himself rectify the empire? The
actions of the holy men were not thus. Whether they
were remote or near, whether resigning or not, these (the
actions) referred simply to the preservation of their per-
sonal purity.” The man who wishes to be an exponent
of his theories must first identify himself with his ideal.
Such would then be an entire man. The keeping of the
person pure from all inconsistent actions becomes thus
intelligible. The aim of moral working consists, indeed,
in nothing else but the transference to others of that
134 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

which has already found individual expression in one’s
self, The individual is the result and goal of human
development.

288. His actions are directed to securing the common-
weal (p. 166). “After the holy men had exercised to the
utmost the thoughts of their hearts, they caused a sym-
pathising government to follow, and benevolence over-
spread the realm.” Hence arises a series of causes and
results similar to that formulated by the Apostle Paul,
faith and works. First that which is internal and indi-
vidual, then follows the perfected good as the natural
outcome of the same, and at the same time the test or
touchstone of the internal.

259. The holy man cares for the nourishment of the
people (p. 338); that is, “he makes pulse and grain as
abundant as water and fire.” This is naturally only when
the holy man finds himself in a corresponding position in
the state, especially as prince or prime minister.

260. He appoints teachers for the people (p. 127).
“The holy man (ae, Shun) was anxious about the rude-
ness of the people, on which account he appointed an
officer to instruct them in the five duties.” (Cf, Art. 76.)
We shall treat at length of these five duties, which in
Chinese opinion embrace the whole of social life. Here
we simply remark that to the ancient Chinese the material
side of civilisation was never the most important; this
was rather only a preliminary step to the moral problem
of human life.

261. He is himself the teacher of many generations,
and exerts a yet more powerful influence over his own
time (p. 360). Mencius said, “The holy man is the
teacher of a hundred generations; hence if they hear the
fame of Pih-e, the impure become modest, and the timid.
resolute. If they hear the fame of Hwuy of Lew-hea, the
mean become generous, the narrow-minded liberal, These
acquired such fame a hundred generations since, that after
a hundred generations every one who hears of it without
THE HOLY OR IDEAL MAN. 135

exception feels aroused by it. Could this take place
except in the case of the holy? and how much more did
they influence those with whom they were personally in
contact?” It is a well-known fact that genius often
develops its full influence for the first time after many
generations. Nevertheless it often escapes notice that
this is only possible through an intensive influence upon
one’s contemporaries, which also is chiefly confined to the
circle of one’s friends and disciples. (For Pih-e see Art.
272, and for Hwuy of Lew-hea see Art, 273.)

262. Mencius holds himself to be a holy man like
Yaou and Shun,

263. Gifted holy men follow his words.

264. The holy man does not change his teaching.

(c.) Those who were Recognised by Mencius as Holy Men.

We pause here and combine the various judgments
which Mencius has passed upon these several holy men.
This will be all the more interesting, because many of
these passages are only to be found in his pages. These
extracts are also valuable in other respects in a digest of

Mencius.
if

1. Yaou and Shun (2 356-2206 B.C.)

265. Holiness was not learned by these, but was
essential, Therefore Mencius appealed to these when
he discoursed concerning the goodness of our essential
nature. Their principles consisted in benevolence and
righteousness, in filial affection, and also in fraternal.
The imitation of these their principles on the part of
rulers without benevolent government would indeed be
useless trouble. Yaou’s chief attention was directed to
the regulation of floods, and Shun carried this out. Both
turned their attention to the discovery of fit men for
official positions. Notwithstanding which, there was
136 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

during the time of Yaou a (rascal) Seang. Their wisdom
did not comprehend all things, but applied itself to
the most necessary. Their benevolence was not indis-
criminating love, but manifested itself towards relatives
and the excellent. In their times a prince who should
ruthlessly plunge his people into war would not have
been tolerated. Their taxes were tithes; Yaou was
an exemplary ruler and Shun the model of a minister.
Confucius spoke of them in terms of high praise. (Cf.
Anal, 8, 19, and 18, although there are slight variations
in the text.) Mencius, it appears, with Tsae-go, held

, Confucius to be more excellent than both Yaou and Shun.

Concerning Shun alone, Mencius is more full of detail,
so that we may well assume him to have been the moral
ideal of our philosopher. Shun was an Eastern barbarian,
the places of whose birth and death are told us. He was
the son of a bad father, one Koo-sow. Whilst Shun lived
in the recesses of the mountains amongst the wild beasts,
there was but little difference between him and the
savages, but he was deeply moved whenever he heard a
good word or saw a good action. His greatness consisted
in this, that he constantly practised well-doing to men,
giving himself up to it and loving it, and took hints
from others also as to how to do good. He rose to his
high position from the pasture. There was nothing extra-
vagant in his receiving the empire from Yaou; it was
simply conformable to Tao (principle). Although Yaou
gave him his nine sons as attendants, his two daughters
as wives, and placed all officials, together with the oxen,
sheep, and storehouses, at his command for his sustenance,
Shun yet dwelt amongst the pastures. Then Yaou raised
him to the highest post in the empire. Shun was the
son-in-law of the Emperor, and often also his host; con-
sequently there existed friendship between the Emperor
and his subject. He ate his simple fare as if it were to
be thus all his life; he comported himself in his imperial
majesty as if he had been born to it. He rose at cock-
THE HOLY OR IDEAL MAN. 137

crow and zealously strove to do good. He was clear as
to his relations to his surroundings, punctilious in the
observance of his duties; starting from benevolence and
righteousness, he.did nothing except in accordance with
these. He gave attention to the education of his people.
Shun married without: previously informing his parents,
but his intention sanctified the deed. His filial love was
nevertheless extreme. At the age of fifty he had intense
longings after his parents. He wept for his parents
under the open sky without entertaining any grudge
against them. He valued not the affection of the realm
so long as he could not overcome the aversion of his
parents; he accomplished this at last by the scrupulous
fulfilment of his duties towards them. He honoured and
supported his father with his best, and served him as he
did the Emperor. As Emperor, in case of the necessity
arising, he would not have maintained the righteousness
of his course against his own father, but abandoning the
empire, he would have fled with him into the retirement
of private life. Shun showed himself an excellent brother
in the case of his stepbrother Seang, who wished to
murder him. Yaou appointed him to preside over the
sacrifice before the people, and both Heaven and the
people accepted him, Afterwards Shun likewise did not
appoint his own son, but his regent Yu, to whom the
realm then came. From these extracts we perceive that
the virtue of Shun displayed itself in all the moral and
social relations, whether as son or brother, husband,
father, friend, minister or emperor, upon the throne as
in the wilderness, amongst men as when alone. We
have no exceptions to make save in the case of the double
marriage, even with two sisters, and that this took place
against the will of his parents.

1 To prevent disfiguring the pages Mencius from which the sentences

by frequent numerals, I have omitted are collected composing this and
the references to the various parts of following Articles.
138 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

2. Yu the Great, Founder of the Hea Dynasty
(2205-2197 B.C.)

266. He abhorred old wine and loved good (speech)
words; when he heard these he made obeisance. He led
away the water of the great flood in such a way that
it caused no inconvenience elsewhere. He diverted the
course of nine rivers, in doing which he was eight years
absent from his home, which he three times passed by
without entering. He felt that if any one had been
drowned in that region, it would have been as if he
himself had drowned them. Finally, he took Yeh as
his coadjutor in the government and presented him before
Heaven (as his successor). In this case we have self-
sacrificing activity for the good of the realm placed in
the foreground.

3. T'ang, Founder of the Yin or Shang Dynasty
(1766-1754 B.C.)

267. Was nine feet in height. He made that his own
which Yaou and Shun had by nature. He held fast the
mean and appointed the skilful without restriction. Three
_ times he sent messengers to E-yun to call him to office.
E-yun went five times to T‘ang and five times to Kee.
T'ang first learned from E-yun and then made him his
minister; thus he became emperor without trouble Kee
helped T‘ang in that he inclined the people towards him.
They would rather have died with Kee than have lived
under him. T‘ang’s territory was only seventy Chinese
miles in extent. He manifested his great benevolence in
that with a great territory he served the small state of
Ko. However, Ko murdered a boy, so it came to a war of
extermination; then T‘ang destroyed eleven princes, He

1 Kee was a tyrant hated by the people. Ch. Cl, vol. ii. p..4, note.
THE HOLY OR IDEAL MAN, 139

punished the ruler and comforted the people, hence he was
everywhere welcomed as seasonable rain. He banished
Kee, but slew him not. Amongst his successors were
skilful monarchs, until Woo Ting ascended the throne
(T‘ang to Woo Ting, 1765-1323). The downfall of the
dynasty followed not long after (in 1153 B.c.) Itis said a
prince cannot be made to become a T‘ang or Woo. T‘ang
came to be regarded as the deliverer from the trouble
which had been caused by a tyrant. It mattered nothing
to Mencius that it was any way rebellion. For more
details on this point see Sections 370-374, and 424-425.
Excepting this, T’ang was one of the noblest characters in
Chinese history, but he appears to have been forced on
gradually by circumstances from one step to another, until
Kee was finally dethroned.

4. Kings Wan and Woo, Founders of the Chow Dynasty
(1150 B.C.)

268. King Wan was a Western barbarian, whose birth-
place and place of death are told us. He was ten cubits
high, He regarded the people as a sore (wound), and
looked towards the right way as if he saw it not. His
plan was munificent. He cared for the widows, widowers,
childless, and orphans. He nourished well the aged,
therefore they followed him. He cared for their being
nourished (by their relations) in their several families.
He urged on his people to build a tower and to lay out a
pond, and his people rejoiced that he shared his pleasure
with them. Grasscutters, wood-gatherers, hare and phea-
sant catchers were allowed in his park. From (motives
of) humanity he rendered services to the barbarians of
Kwan. His bravery was shown in his driving back an
inroad of the barbarians, and saving the land. With one
outburst of anger he gave the realm peace. He obtained
dominion as sovereign, though possessing only one hundred
miles (of territory). He renewed Chow, and made a new
140 : THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

partition of the land. Taxes and socage were tithes. His
example influenced his wife, his‘brother, his kindred, and
the neighbouring states. Under his rule the people loved
the good. Duke Chow took him forhis example. Although
he was one hundred years old, still his virtue did not
penetrate the whole realm. He could not entirely do
away with men’s aversion (to his plans), but again he did
‘ not allow his reputation to fall to the ground. He did not
accept of the realm because the people were not in favour
of his doing so. He was the equal in capacity of the more
ancient holy man Shun. In the time of Mencius, the
people expected another King Wan, who should rouse
them up. King, or more rightly Duke Wan, was, accord-
ing to these quotations, a philanthropic prince, who con-
sidered it very important to aim at the well-being of his
subjects and of the land generally. Confucius also thought
highly of him, because, besides the power and influence
which he possessed, he had also the fidelity of his vassals
(Anal. 8, 20). Any way he was conscious that he would
meet with much stubborn opposition, so that he would
frequently have very much at stake besides open rebellion.

5. King Woo (1122-1116 B.C.)

269. That which Yaou and Shun had naturally he made
his own. He neither overlooked the nearest nor forgot
that which is far off. Under him the people loved the
good. He and Duke Chow followed the virtue of their
father Wan, so that it permeated the empire. He carried
out well Wan’s plans, He felt ashamed that one man
(the Emperor Chow!) was misconducting himself in the
realm; that was his bravery. With one outburst of
anger he gave peace to the empire. He saved the people
as if from water and fire. The tyrant Chow helped him
so far as to drive the people to him. When he marched
against Yen he had only 300 chariots of war and 3000

a
1 Dr. Legge says Kes, p. 33.
THE HOLY OR IDEAL MAN. 141

bodyguards. He overthrew the tyrant Chow, but did
not murder the sovereign. He took the government
because the people wished it. But the giving the realm a
mighty bath of blood so little suited the theory of Mencius,
that he doubted the report. The personal character of
Woo is not plain from these passages, but the fact that
the people under him loved the good indicates that his
good example shone before them. The main point appears
to be the deliverance of the people from a tyrannical
sovereign, Of him, as of Tang, it is well said with
reference to their rebellion, that his was not the nature
of a holy man.

6. Duke Chow.

270. He took his father Wan as his teacher, that is, for
his example. He sought to unite in himself the virtues
of Yu, T’ang, Wan, and Woo, and to exercise them, If he
found anything that was unsuited to his time, he thought
it over day and night; when he found the solution, he
waited for the morning to carry it out. With Woo he
brought the virtue of Wan into general recognition
throughout the empire. He assisted Woo to destroy
the tyrant Chow. He fought against Yen, and slew its
ruler three years later. He drove the Feileen to the
sea and slew it, destroyed fifty states, drove away the
wild beasts, and so greatly benefited the realm. He
came twice against the barbarians of the West and
North. He would have struck down the heretics (Yang
and Mih, &c.) as if barbarians. (Bear in mind the much-
be-praised tolerance of the Chinese for opposing doctrines.)
He made his elder brother, Kwanshuh, protector over
the state of Yen, which thereon rebelled. It was impos-
sible for Duke Chow to know this beforehand, but the
error lay on the side of right; he also rectified his fault.
He was invested with the state of Loo, that was not more
than one hundred li in extent. He did not become em-
peror because no tyrant (Kee or Chow) occupied the
142 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

throne. His teaching was placed on a level with that
of Confucius (Chung Ni). Duke Chow was at all events
a talented statesman, who imparted stability to the war-
like acquisitions of Woo. His talent was not merely of
an intellectual, but of a moral nature also.

(d.) Comparison of Four Kinds of Holy Men,
1. H-Yin, the Oficial Holy Man.

271. He was a farmer of the land of Sin, and took
delight in the principles of Yaou and Shun. That which
opposed their justice and principles he would not have
esteemed even for the reward of an empire. Were it accom-
panied by one thousand teams he would not have regarded
it; he-would neither have given nor have received a single
straw of that which was not according to their justice and
principles.. T‘ang had to invite him thrice ere he decided
to leave his fields with the idea of making T‘ang a ruler
like Yaou and Shun and his people like theirs. Therefore
it does not appear right to assert that he took office in both
peaceful and troublous times, and that he went five times
to T‘ang and five times to Kéé (it is explained as a media-
tor). He held himself to be one who recognised the
supremacy of the right, and therefore to be called from
heaven to teach the same to the people. He thought that
if he did not make them sharers in the beneficence of
Yaou and Shun, it would be the same as if he cast them
into a roadside ditch. So he took upon himself the heavy
burden of the government, and went on that account to
T‘ang and advised him by attacking Hea to save his people.
Tang first learned from him and then made him his
minister, and so became Emperor without trouble. Like
Duke Chow, and for the same cause, he would not become
Emperor. He sent T‘ang’s successor into exile for three
years. He said, “I cannot lower myself to the level of
those who are inconsistent ;” he also banished Tae Kéa
THE HOLY OR IDEAL MAN. 143

to T*ung (to the grave of T’ang). This pleased the people
greatly. When T‘ae Kéa became virtuous he brought
him back, and this greatly delighted the people. E-Yin
was a man of great energy, and he it was, according to all
appearances, who chiefly induced T‘ang to take the steps
he did against Kéé ; for T‘ang, according to the story in the
Shoo King, seems never entirely to have overcome the
scruples of conscience. But that E-Yin, under T’ae Kéa, |
made no effort to place himself upon the throne is greatly
to his honour, and shows that he was a loyal and upright
character.

2. The Pure Pih-e with the Name Hwan.

272. He was a son of the king of Uchung; Shootsze was
his younger brother. He served no ruler who was not to
his mind, and had no friend who was not like himself.
He would not appear at the court of a bad man nor con-
verse with an evil man, both being to him like sitting
amidst coals or filth in one’s festal attire. Itis said that
he thought the same when he found himself with a villager.
He carried his hatred to wrong so far that he thought it
necessary, if he stood near a villager whose cap was not
properly adjusted, to move away with a lofty mien as if
in danger of infection. On this account also he received
nothing from princes, even when it was offered with good
words and commands. His non-reception arose from this,
that nothing should induce him to approach them. On
this account Mencius calls him narrow-minded, and de-
cides that neither he nor E-Yin can be regarded as the
equals of Confucius. Pih-e remained in an inferior posi-
tion simply that he might not serve a degenerate (prince)
with his talents. To avoid Chow he dwelt on the coast
of the North Sea, yet joined himself to King Wan on
hearing of his undertakings, because he took good care of
the aged. As a holy man and as a teacher of a hundred
generations he is ranked with Hwuy of Lew Hea, On
144 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

hearing the fame of Pih-e the profligate became modest
and cowards brave. Pih-e was a singular specimen of a
holy man, yet such people are undoubtedly of great use
in the courts of princes, a kind of court conscience. His
end was very sad. Desiring to know nothing of the
rebellion of Woo, he withdrew with his brother to the
mountains and perished of hunger.

3. The Obliging Hwuy of Lew Hea.

273. He was a contemporary of Confucius (?), a native
of Loo, by name Chin Wo and the surname Kim, He
was not ashamed of a profligate prince, nor did he find an
inferior office too low for him. When elevated he did not
conceal his talent ; it must work according to his prin-
ciples. If neglected he murmurec. not; in misery and
want he grieved not. Therefore he said, “Thou art thyself,
Tam myself; although thou shouldst stand by me with your
breast and arms or thy whole body naked, how could that
defile me?” Hence he transacted business indifferently
with people without prejudice to himself. When pressed
to remain he remained, thus giving proof that going away
was not of importance to him. Yet he was by no means
fickle, and would not have changed his purpose for the
throne of the Duke. He was likewise a teacher of one
hundred generations. If they hear of him, the mean
become generous, and the narrow-minded liberal. This is
any way nearer to the Christian ideal than the former.
To preserve oneself unspotted amidst corrupted surround-
ings is to manifest a rare force of character,

4. The Man Suited to his Age—Confucius,

274. He asserted that he was no holy man. He so
subdued men’s hearts by his virtue, that seventy disciples
were devoted to him. He repudiated his former scholar,
Kew, who laid double imposts upon the people without
THE HOLY OR IDEAL MAN. 145

advantaging his prince, and generally rejected all who
lacked humanity. He was not indignant at the self-con-
ceited passing him by. He contented himself with dis-
ciples of mediocre talent and position, as he could not
obtain better. He hated all imitation which might be
confounded with the reality. The general corruption of
morals filled him with fear, and led him to compose the
Chronicle of Loo. He esteemed highly water which had
a source. He esteemed Yin Yun as a worthy on account
of his contentment. He praised the forester who would
not come when summoned (by his prince) in an improper
manner. He held closely to etiquette. He would not
put up at an unsuitable hostel in Wei or Ts‘e, as report
went, but journeyed to and fro in accordance with propriety
and correctness. He accepted that which was offered on
principle (Tao), and might be received with propriety ;
therefore he even received game, because he was an
official in Loo. He sought to carry out his teaching; if
unsuccessful, he went away; on this account it was that he
never stayed three full years in any state. He accepted
appointments under three several princes in their respec-
tive states. As accountant, his care was to be accurate in
his calculations. As steward of the fields, he sought to
make the oxen and sheep fat, strong, and of good size.
As minister of justice in Loo, because his counsel was not
followed, he waited for the next opportunity which offered
itself at the time of sacrifice and departed. When he left
Loo he went slowly, because it was his fatherland; when
he left Ts‘e, he took with him the rice which should have
been prepared for his meal, uncooked. He remained in
office as long as it was possible to do so, and, when obliged
to, departed quickly. He felt uncomfortable if he remained
three months without a prince. Hwan, the master of the
horse in Sung, wished to kill him, His heart was dis-
tracted by grief at finding himself unloved by the crowd
of nobodies. The mourning of his disciples lasted for three

years after his death, as if for a father. From the begin-
K
146 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

ning of men there never was another Confucius. Mencius
sought to conform himself to Confucius. In the words of
Confucius Mencius also finds confirmation of his views
concerning the goodness of human nature, We here learn
very little about the proper personal character of Con-
fucius; it is only his peculiar excellency as a teacher
which is mentioned, and specially as a servant of the state.
It is this which constitutes its importance. The political
economy of Confucius has preserved itself during thousands
of years, notwithstanding it has suffered much modifica-
tion in the course of time. It is worthy of remark that
the holy men of most ancient times were emperors; in
later times the ministers took possession of the higher
rank; and that Confucius, who is now honoured as the
greatest of the holy, was never able to become minister of
state. In a certain degree, therefore, holiness stands in an
inverse ratio to worth in the eyes of men.

(e.) The Spiritual Stands Higher than the Holy Man.

275. Here man again comes in contact with Heaven
(God). (Cf. Arts. 8, 51, 53.) The highest ethical develop-
ment fulfils the destiny of the creature, the idea of Heaven
(of God). Thus man walks in fullest intercourse with the
highest Being, and is able to co-operate in accomplishing
in the world the yet unexecuted purposes of God. We
perceive how closely this conception approaches to that
of the God-man. The high significance of individuality
is set forth in these extracts from Mencius in a way that
deserves our attention. Indeed, we find that universal
history keeps the same lesson before us. The theoretical
manuals of political economy very rarely, or with a lack
of firmness, uphold this important position. Throughout
the modern world there is a lack of individuality in the
state, the church, in science, and even in art. This is a
well-known and indisputable fact. But that it is in our
power to form this individuality, yea, to cause ourselves
THE HOLY OR IDEAL MAN. 147

to approach to it, is a fact which seems very little known,
and which is opposed by nearly all characterless individuals.
Men seek to transfer the blame from themselves to their
time and circumstances. Even under the most difficult
circumstances the character develops itself, only thus it
becomes more marked. But what is required is that a
thoroughly formed character be kept before young people,
and all capable of receiving instruction. The weakness
of our times is caused by the mind being occupied by
heroes of romance of a hazy or dubious virtue. The
moral energy so sadly lacking in our contemporaries can
never develop itself from these. The capacity is there,
but its exercise and the motive for the same are both
lacking. We must gaze upon men with a nature like
ourselves, but who have brought that nature to the highest
development to which man can attain, and this not in
fiction, but in reality. We must look at the difficulties
with which these heroes had to strive, and recognise that
these were of the same nature as those which surround
us. Such considerations arouse confidence in one’s own
high destiny to a sublime vocation; they witness to the
possibility of overcoming difficulties, and awaken courage
to wrestle with the same. But it is necessary to consider
also the means through the faithful use of which the aim
is to be attained. Mencius only knew of a rigid morality,
a purifying of the heart and nourishment of every germ
of good, and the exercise of wisdom, humanity, righteous-
ness, and propriety. In one word, the subjugation of the
appetites and passions by means of the ideal of human
nature, and the gradual perfection and final sovereignty of
this latter, The great evil of the modern world is the undue
excitement of the nerves by the habitual use of all kinds of
narcotics, both in a real and metaphorical sense. Hence the
sensual appetites become more powerful than would be the
case in their normal condition. But the moral sense not
being able to obtain the mastery over the senses, man
rectifies his condition as well as he can, yet is ever restless
148 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

under the enervation that follows upon moral intoxication.
The very philosophical systems by which the world-pain
is soothed are not calculated to restore its normal rest.
Their nature is disunion and therefore disquiet. Vigorous
characters are an impossibility under such circumstances ;
at the best there obtains a kind of geniality, but mostly a
gloomy restlessness. We require in both men and women
characters in which the moral ideal shall reign supreme,
in which consequently a kindly contentment and harmony
of soul shall prevail. Such can then with more full and
complete individuality grasp the problem which their
God sets before them in external life. Position, whether
high or low, is'a matter of indifference to the individual
govemed by Christian morality. That attained in one’s
self remains for eternity, and first manifests its full worth
when the heavenly kingdom, wherein governs perfect
moral righteousness, shines forth in its majesty. But
such a character will seek fully to master whatever it lays
hold of in its earthly vocation. Perfection even in trifles
is the earnest endeavour of the moral character. This
endeavour arises not from the desire of external reward,
although it rightly allows the reception of that to which
it is entitled, but from the motive within, from delight in
the perfect. The man photographs himself even in his
acts. Any way Mencius offers much in this section which
is worthy of consideration, This ancient Chinese char-
acter ought to supply us with a motive to simulate as
Christians the ancient heathen in that which is good.
Every higher step in civilisation ought and can prove
itself an advance only as it exhibits the lower steps more
fully perfected in itself. Therefore it is we do not place
ourselves upon the same standpoint of virtue as the
heathen. The Christian, on account of his standpoint of
faith, and gifted by the Holy Spirit with a new and
renovating life, must be ashamed if the heathen can excel
him in goodness, That would be no fault of the gospel,
but a failure in appropriating the grace of God which
THE HOLY OR IDEAL MAN. 149

meets us there in its fulness, not as of old in intuitive
illumination. The Chinese in their everyday life are still
farther removed from the doctrine of their teacher
Mencius than of old; but on this account his doctrine
can be made use of as a corrective. It represents the
conscience of China. That conscience is the knowledge
of an original law of good, which is the standard of the
difference between it and the actual attainment of the
individual ; thereby a feeling of guilt is conceived, and a
desire for the reconciliation of defective practice with the
beautiful ideal is aroused and kept alive.
( 150 )

PART IL.

THE ETHICO-SOCIAL ‘RELATIONS.

—o——-

CHAPTER I.
FATHER AND SON.
(a.) The Father.

276. INFLUENCE of affection (p. 218). “ When father
and mother love their son, he rejoices and does not forget
them.” The nature of the love of parents is unfortunately
not defined, though that is important in order to dis-
tinguish the purely natural (instinctive) love from its
ethical conformation and transformation. This passage
is closely connected with that in which only the duty of
sons is inculcated to win the love of their parents, and not
the duty of parents to love their children.

277. “Exhortations on arriving at maturity” (p. 140).
These are referred to, but not described.

278. “The father does not instruct the son himself”
(p. 184). “A disciple asked, ‘Why does not the superior
man teach his own son?’ Mencius answered, ‘It com-
ports not with his authority. Instruction must be accom-
panied by correction. If there be not correction (of habits,
&c.), there will follow passion (severity) ; if severity ensues
there will be perverse ill-temper. (The son says), “My
honoured sire instructs me in what is correct, yet does not
FATHER AND SON. 151

tend towards what is right” (does not himself act rightly)
So there is discord between father and son; when that is’
the case itis bad. The ancients exchanged sons and so
instructed them. Between father and son there should
be no censure compelling one to be good. If there
be, alienation will result: nothing is so injurious as
alienation.’” Rightly to unite severity with affection is
one of the most difficult problems in education. How
many failures are made on both sides is proved by the
number of spoilt young people. In the present day there
are far more owing to the prevalent overlooking of small
faults. We must also make a difference between instruc-
tion and education. The parent is seldom practically in
@ position to instruct his child, but education should be
chiefly the work of the parents; these also should by
proper preparation put themselves in a position to effect
this. In the above passages we have nearly all that
Mencius has to say about the position of parents towards
their children. The duties of parents are not thought of.
How entirely different to this is the teaching of Chris-
tianity! The chief reason for this is that to the Chinese
children are the absolute possession of the father, and
that he may use them at his pleasure just as any other
of his belongings. So it has been with all heathen people,
and is now always the case with modern heathen. The
Bible presents quite another view of the case, viz. that
children are the possession of God, and the parents only
for a time the representatives of God; hence the parental
authority is naturally limited and modified even within
those just limits.

(b.) The Son.

279. Must avoid all unfilial conduct, as laziness, fond-
ness for play and drink, selfishness, profligacy, quarrel-
someness (pp. 212-214). A disciple said, “ K’wang Chang
is called unfilial by the whole empire ; how comes it, sire,
152 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

that you keep company with him, and, so to say, treat him
‘with courtesy ?” Mencius replied, “ There are five things -
which public opinion treats as unfilial: (1.) laziness in
the four limbs, and not paying attention to the nourish-
ment of one’s parents; (2.) play and an inclination to drink,
and not paying attention to the nourishment of one’s
parents ; (3.) seeking to amass gold and goods, and not
paying attention to the nourishment of one’s parents ; (4.)
following the desires of one’s eyes and ears so that one’s
parents come under judicial correction; (5.) delight in
bravery and fighting, which brings the parents into
danger. Has Charig any one of these? Yet Chang, as.a
son, urged his father to that which is good, so that they
avoided one another. To urge one to good is the manner
between friends; between father and son the urging to
good is the greatest violence to mutual good feeling.’ Then
did not Chang at all desire the possession of wife and
child? But because he had transgressed against his
father and dared not approach him, he sent away his
wife and cast out his son, so that he all his life received
no nourishment. He was convinced in his heart that if
he did not so act his sin would be exceeding great. Such
and no other is Chang.” From another old work we learn
that Chang’s mother was slain by his father on account
of a crime, and then simply buried. Chang became a
general, yet ventured not to give his mother a proper
burial without the consent of his father in spite of the
command of his prince. Hence came alienation between
father and son. The Christian reader can only call this a
sorrowful story, and perceive with grief how perverted is
the morality of the best of the Chinese in so important a
case. Mencius was of course not to blame in his inter-
course with Chang, and Chang also certainly not for
urging his father to give an honourable. interment to his
own mother, especially when the prince himself gave
occasion for it. That this Chang, because of the pain
caused by his disagreement with his father, should have
FATHER AND SON. 153

deprived himself of his own children, them of their father,
and his wife of her husband, transcends our Christian
notions. Similar things are happening in the China of
our day.

280. Endeavours to have offspring (p. 189). Mencius
said, “Three things are unfilial, and to lack posterity the
most so. Shun married without informing (his parents) ;
on account of having no posterity, the superior man re-
gards this as informing them.” (Cf. Art. 307.) The ancient
custom of China required for marriage the informing of
one’s parents and their consent. In the present day it is
yet more rigorous; sons as well as daughters are absolutely
betrothed by their parents. The happy pair meet for the
first time after the celebration of the marriage. On account
of the hatred of his parents, Shun could not look for their
approval, so decided of himself to do that. which Mencius
justifies out of a consideration for posterity, which here
has attributed to it the highest moral worth. This decision
has already caused great mischief in China.’ On it is
based divorce because of childlessness, and polygamy for
the sake of male posterity or for the obtaining of a greater
number. Thus has been brought about all the mischief
of a harem in the household as a matter of duty, of which
China has been forced abundantly to taste the bitter fruits.
But apart from that to which it has served as a founda-
tion, the case before us is decidedly a corruption of morals.
It never appears to have entered the Chinese mind that
Shun by waiting would have attained to a much higher
position morally. Yet this would be the simple result
from the Chinese position of the absolute authority of the
father. The son would have been obliged to wait until
his father’s view changed. This was the only course
morally, According to Mencius’s own showing, the son
must properly be declared answerable for himself at the
appointed time, i. his majority, which the Chinese till
now have never allowed. Thereby the absolute authority
of the parents would be broken. Mencius also properly
154 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

places another principle above this; but not the right of
men as individuals, nor the moral principle that marriage
is a universal duty which special circumstances may
hinder but never ought to make impossible. The son
marries not for himself, but only in order to provide his
parents with posterity; it is thus the interest of his
parents which guides him. We must not think that the
Chinaman by marriage establishes his own household.
The woman has to obey unconditionally her mother-in-
law just as the man his father. (See Art. 304.) For the
bringing into action of a higher principle there is lacking
in China the idea of a personal God, and yet more so of
the Heavenly Father of the New Testament, as well as the
moral filial relationship in which we stand to Him. On
this alone can be based a higher authority than that of
the human father.

281. “The preservation of one’s self presupposes the
service of one’s parents” (p. 185). This is evident,
but may easily be perverted. All sacrifice for king and
country is simply impossible during the lifetime of one’s
parents. There are few officials in China who have not,
in time of danger, an old father or mother far away at
home, who urgently require the immediate return of their
son. The passage is right as regards the self- willed
putting of one’s self in danger,

282. The service of parents as long as they live is a
fruit of humanity (p. 189).

283. This should not be external service, but “ corre-
spond to the wishes of the parents” (p. 186). (CE
sec. 140.)

284. Only submission to one’s parents can satisfy the
heart ; there was a yearning after this even amongst the
ancients (pp. 218-221). “A disciple asked Mencius, ‘ Shun
went out in the fields crying and weeping to merciful
Heaven; why did he weep andcry ?’ Mencius answered,
‘Because of ai unsatisfied yearning.’ The scholar replied,
“If the parents love him, the son rejoices and forgets them
FATHER AND SON. 158

not; if they hate him, he vexes himself yet murmurs not;
did Shun then murmur?’ He answered, .. . ‘ You un-
derstand nothing. The heart of the filial son is not so
devoid of feeling that he can say, “I exert my strength to
cultivate the field; that is the duty of a son and nothing
more; what is it to me that my father and mother do not
love me?” The Emperor (Yaou) caused his children, nine
sons and two daughters, the various officials, the cattle,
sheep, and magazines to be made ready to serve Shun
amidst the fields, Many of the scholars of the realm
betook themselves to him, the emperor wished to have
him as co-regent in the realm, and to make it all over to
him; but because he was not in accord with his father and
mother, he was as a forsaken man with no place of
refuge. To be beloved by the scholars of the realm is
what men covet, yet it was insufficient to assuage his °
sorrow. Great beauty is what men covet; he was married
to both the daughters of the emperor, yet that was in-
sufficient to assuage his grief. Wealth is what men covet;
he possessed as wealth the whole realm, yet that was
insufficient to assuage his grief. Honour is what men
covet; he was honoured as emperor, yet that was in-
sufficient to assuage his grief. To be beloved by men, to
have great beauty, wealth, and honour, were insufficient
to assuage his grief; only being brought into perfect
accord with his father and mother could assuage it. In
youth man yearns after his parents; when he perceives
the desire of beauty he yearns after a young maiden ;
when he has wife and child he yearns after wife and
child; in office he yearns after his sovereign; if he does
not get on with his sovereign he has a burning within.
But great filial affection has a lifelong yearning; at fifty
years old to experience a yearning after father and mother,
that have I seen in Shun.” In this extract we have a
beautiful proof that external fortune cannot satisfy the
heart, but only the consciousness of duty fulfilled, and not
that only, but a corresponding interchange of affection,
160 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

To patiently experience hatred where one brings love, and
where there would naturally be love in return, that can
only be in a mind satiated with love of God. Still Shun
attained all that a filial mind could do from his stand-
point.

285. Great filial piety consists in changing the mind of
his parents. In continuation of the history of Shun (p.
190) Mencius said, “When the whole realm had great
delight in him, and wished even to submit to him; to
consider this delight and the submission of the realm
as a bundle of grass—that was Shun alone. Without
winning his parents he believed he could not be a man;
without being in accord with his parents he could not be
,ason, Shun fulfilled the duty of serving his parents, and
his father was reconciled ; with the reconciliation of his
father the realm was transformed. By this reconciliation
was established what father and son ought to be. This is
great filial piety.” This greatness consists also, according
to Mencius, in one not following the caprices and mistakes
of one’s parents, and through such compliance strengthen-
ing them therein, but in one as a son, by conduct both
with and without words, setting the truth before his
parents in all filial love but with resolution.

286. Causes the parents to be honoured (pp. 226-230).
It is here related that Shun as emperor was in an un-
natural position in regard to his father, who became his
subject. To this Mencius replies: “The father received
the highest honour and the best care through the honour
and position of his son. Yet Shun always remained a
son.” Nevertheless, Shun also had not anxiously aspired
to high position on account of his father, but-found him-
self on the throne as the result of his personal worth and
decision of character. This was not at all furthered by the
serious position he occupied in opposition to his parents
and sisters and to their evillives. In this Shun may even
now serve as an example. To renounce nothing of the
divine claims upon us, in opposition to one’s nearest
FATHER AND SON. 157

relations and to those to whom the highest respect is due,
and yet not to elevate oneself above those whom nature
has made our superiors, this is ever an aim to be attained
to with difficulty, but is an ethical problem.

288. Parents are not only to be served in life but
“also after death by burial and sacrifices as propriety
requires” (p. 112). (Cf. Arts. 183, 184.) For the burial
the Confucianists as well as Mencius insist most strongly
upon a coffin seven inches thick, and also upon two
coffins one inside the other. The Socialists, on the other
hand, will have only a single one, three inches thick, and
avoid all parade, and that rightly. To honour the dead
with a becoming burial corresponds to man’s feelings;
the opposite is a proof of brutal insensibility. The Con-
fucian requirement of two seven-inch coffins is a ridiculous
exaggeration; besides which, with a few exceptions, it is
a matter of impossibility. The sacrifices required imply
the continued existence of the departed, but make this
dependent also upon the living! This Chinese mourning,
so pleaded for by Mencius and Confucius, is especially a
proof of their hopelessness and ignorance concerning
everlasting life. It is Christianity alone which sheds
abroad light and offers security concerning that which
lies beyond the grave: hence it is and remains for all
time the only heart-satisfying religion. Reason reaches
only to the grave; beyond it strikes out into unbelief,
which is unreasoning, or into superstition, which is per-:
verted reasoning. The humanitarian doctrines of Con-
fucius and Mencius here degenerate into a mere torture
of our hearts.

289. Service to the dead is accounted as more satis-
factory than that to the living (p. 198). Mencius said,
“Care for the living is not enough to be accounted a
great thing (but merely natural), only the ceremonies for
the dead can be accounted a great matter.” We must
observe in addition, that the funeral obsequies serve far

1 See Digest of Confucius, p. 58, &c.
158 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

more for the satisfying of the feelings of the survivors.
The care of living parents, on the other hand, is itself
good. He who is not lacking in this will always feel it
necessary to provide proper burial for them.

290. Three years’ mourning (p. 348).intimately con-
nected with the former, is firmly insisted on by Con-
fucianists, and indeed obtains to the present day. (See
Art. 191.) (Concerning blood-revenge, see Art. 347.)

(c.) Reciprocal Relations between Father and Son.

291. Concerning these Mencius only mentions “ good-
will” (p. 88).

292. And ‘mutual attachment” (p. 127), as those that
should rule—first, of course, on the side of the father,
and then from the son.

293. From both there should be “no bitterness in
urging to do good” (pp. 184, 213), no cause of offence.
(Cf, Art. 284.) This is the teaching of Mencius on the
fundamental idea of Chinese social life. We may say
that we too possess the peculiar characteristic of the
same. We see the same idea recurring in all the other
social relations, specially, however, developed in those
of the sovereign and his officials (court servants). We
find this idea in absolute authority on one side and strict
subordination on the other. In case of immoral conduct
on the part of the father, the son should offer passive
resistance, so as to preserve the moral standpoint. The
great essential is unconditioned authority, which yet
ought to obtain recognition in an ethical manner,
( 159 )

CHAPTER II.
BRETHREN, ELDER AND YOUNGER.

By this is signified the brotherly relation, and chiefly the
subordination of the younger to the elder brother.

294. Brotherhood is “the fruit of righteousness” (p.
189). In the house amongst brothers and sisters com-
mences the carrying out of right opinions. It is, how-
ever, to be well considered that the essential of this is
not equality of position, but the direct recognition of
diversity of rank, both with Confucius and Mencius.
That so long as both are children, the younger brother
should give way to the older, is based upon the very
nature of things; this is here extended to the whole life.

295. Works educationally.

296. Strengthens the state.

297. Causes mutual confidence (p. 101). This is justified
by Mencius even in cases of deception, as with Duke
Chow. Notwithstanding that confidence is too often mis-
placed in one’s nearest relatives, Mencius certainly seized
the right point of view morally. So long as there exists
any moral connection amongst those concerned, confidences
will establish themselves, whilst frequent deceptions set
friendship in flames and destroy the last atom of con-
fidence.

298. Makes itself known as sympathy, attachment, and
foresight (p. 223). “A disciple asked Mencius, ‘ His
parents set Shun to work to complete the threshing-

1 See Digest of Confucius, p. 75.
160 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

floor; when the ladder had been taken away his father
burnt the threshing-floor. They set him to clean out a well;
scarcely was he out of it than they came to bury him
init. His brother Seang said, “The plan of covering in
the city-founding prince (in the well) is all of my weaving.
Oxen and sheep shall be my parents’, the threshing-floor
my parents’, the harp mine, the bow mine, my two sisters-
in-law will I require to serve me.” He went and entered
into Shun’s palace. Shun played upon the harp on the
couch. His brother said, “I think with anxious care upon
the government,” and blushed. Shun answered, “This
whole crowd of officials do thou govern for me.” Do we
know whether or not Shun perceived that his brother
wished to kill him?’ Mencius answered, ‘How should
he not have known it? Was his brother sorrowful? so
was Shun also sorrowful, Did he rejoice ? then Shun also
rejoiced.”” In p.224 we find a supplement to this. There
the same disciple said to Mencius, “‘ The brother (Seang)
made it his daily business to kill Shun. When Shun
became emperor, he only banished him. How is this?’
Mencius answered, ‘He rewarded him. Some think it to
be banishment.’ The scholar said, ‘Shun banished the
superintendent of works and one other official, slew the
prince of San Meaou, and imprisoned K‘wanhin; these
four delinquents, the inhuman, were removed, and the
realm acquiesced. Seang was the most inhuman, and
Shun rewarded him with Yeupé. Had then the people of
Yeupé sinned? Does a humane man really act thus, that
he removes other people but rewards his younger brother?’
He answered, ‘A humane man does not retain his anger,
cherishes no ill-will against his brother, but loves him
heartily, and that is enough. Hearty affection for him
wishes him honoured, love for him wishes him wealthy.
Rewarding him with Yeupé made him both honoured and
wealthy. On the other hand, being himself emperor, could
hearty affection and love be named whilst his brother
remained a commoner?’ ‘Permit me to ask’ (continued
BRETHREN, ELDER AND YOUNGER. 161

the disciple), ‘why some thought it to have been banish-
ment?’ Answered, ‘Seang had nothing to do in his state;
the emperor sent a plenipotentiary who should govern the
state and render the revenues of it: therefore it is called
banishment. Could it be permitted that he should oppress
any subjects? But nevertheless Shun wished to be able
to see him constantly, so he came continually to the court.
He received Yeupé without tribute or government—that
is plainly implied.’” In the foregoing is indicated an ideal
relation between brother and brother, according to the
view of Mencius and his followers. But we find a great
deficiency in the complete absence of indignation against
the brother’s sin; of moral abhorrence of the criminal
intention which might well be united with the greatest
individual affection. This deficiency continues to adhere
to the ethics of Mencius, even though we must regard the
history on which it is founded as a fiction, Shun was
already co-regent, and yet he was to have repaired the
threshing-floor and cleaned out the well single-handed.
Further, his brother goes to the palace to take both of
Shun’s wives, the daughters of the reigning emperor, for
himself, and to appropriate to himself or to give to his
parents the property which had been lent by Yaou to
Shun. This is all ridiculous. We have in the foregoing
all that Mencius teaches concerning the relation of one
brother to another. The weakness of his ethics thus
comes more. plainly to the light. Not only is the far too
great consideration given to procuring honours and riches
a marked error; it leads in the end to nepotism, which
has caused nothing but evil. Even reigning princes do
not thereby strengthen their position, viz., by raising many
of their nearest relatives to high offices, except when these
are also individuals of great ability. So it is in every
department of life. That brothers should mutually act in
a brotherly way is moral; but it is also an element of
morality that they be placed only in positions correspond-
L
162 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

ing to their abilities. Mencius here stands in opposition
to his former theory, that only the worthy should become
officials: that the unworthy should receive the dignity
and revenues whilst others do the work is neither ethical
nor politic,
( 163 )

CHAPTER IIL
FRIENDS.2

299. ALL who are like-minded are friends by nature (p.
267). “ Mencius said to a disciple, ‘The well-educated of
one locality makes friends with the well-educated of every
place; the well-educated of a state with those of the
state; he of the whole realm with those of the whole
realm. If he finds the friendship of the scholars of the
whole realm unsatisfying, he takes into consideration the
foremost people of earlier days, recites their poems, reads
their books. If he knows nothing of the people, he studies
the history of their times. That is elevating friendship.’ ”
“ Birds of a feather flock together” is an old and a true
saying, Friendship, to be enduring, requires a similarity
in mind, or at least of endeavour. Ideal natures seldom
find a perfect satisfying friendship in their immediate
neighbourhood, often not in more distant acquaintance.
Then literature generally steps in as a complement. Un-
happily men now read too much, and that not to their
instruction, but to their destruction; so it is that one
seldom makes a friend of any one author, but having only
a superficial acquaintance with him, never sounds his
depths. But this is yet more important in the study of
literature than in personal intercourse. The author pre-
sents his concentrated self in his books, and the whole
contents of the mind-life are to be found together in very
few pages. One should become absorbed in these, and

1 Cf, Digest of Confucius, p. 74.
164 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

return to them again and again, as one naturally renews
one’s intercourse with an intimate friend. From the indi-
vidual we may then proceed to the character of an entire
period of history. Unhappily, owing to the present desire
for novels and romances, sound taste is destroyed and
one’s mind ruined, so that one is rendered incapable of
an intense friendship with the living, much less with the
departed. This is true likewise in the department of
religion. How few are there who let their Bible become
their friend! However, the advice of Mencius is far
more closely followed by European scholars than has been
the case in China for years past. The Chinese, indeed,
read the ancient works diligently and learn them by heart,
yet one rarely meets with one thoroughly familiar with
an old author, much less with the history of his time.

300. Friendship is only founded upon virtue and on no
other consideration (p. 252). “A disciple said to Mencius,
‘Permit me to ask concerning friendship.’ Mencius re-
plied, ‘ One does not form a friendship upon any considera-
tion of age, or appearances, or relationship; friendship
agrees with virtue and admits of no secondary conside-
ration.’” This kind of friendship is purely ethical, and
therefore of great value in culture; this, again, proves the
ideal nature of Mencius.

301. The business of friendship is “ mutual provocation
to good” (p. 213). (Of. Art. 279.) Of what use is friend-
ship if we do not allow ourselves to be helped by it in
doing good? It affords the opportunity for overcoming a
false sensitiveness and feeling of shame, It is one thing
to have one’s attention rightly directed in a friendly and
gentle manner by a friend of either sex, and quite another
when this is done in a contentious or even inimical and
bitterly scornful way.

302. Mencius adduces an example to show that “the
friendships of princes should be princely ” (p. 255).

303. The ruler should honour as a teacher, not treat as
merely a friend, him who is his superior in virtue and in
FRIENDS. 165

other respects (p. 265). “Duke Muh often took counsel
with Tsze-sze (grandson of Confucius), and said to him on
one occasion, ‘ Of old, lords over states with one thousand
war chariots made friends of scholars. How was that?’
Tsze-sze, being displeased, answered, ‘The people of for-
mer days had a saying, Let him be served! but where did
they say let him be befriended?’” Mencius continues:
“Tsit nothing that Tsze-sze was displeased ? ‘ According
to our positions, you, sir, are ruler and I am a servant of
the state; how could I venture to form a friendship with
the ruler (my sovereign)? According to virtue, you, sir,
ought to serve me; how, then, can friendship be formed
with me?’ Ifa ruler with one thousand war chariots de-
sired friendship with him and could not obtain it, how
much less could he have done so if he had summoned him
to his presence?” This quotation appears to contradict
the foregoing, but the same truth underlies it. The inner
equality fails here on account of external inequality. The
difference of external rank can only be let go with im-
punity when true intercommunication of heart takes
place. Where this is lacking, it is necessary to hold most
closely to these external forms as the only’ way of avoid-
ing misunderstanding, offence, discontent, and hatred.
Mencius has only these few remarks to offer on the rela-
tions of friendship, yet these are both sound and striking.
The opportunity presents itself here for the evangelical
doctrine of the communion of faith. Moral and religious
culture is naturally furthered in such a sphere. The
circle of the family is too limited, and because it rests
upon a purely natural basis, although morally elevated,
seldom offers to each of its members that standpoint for
advancement, ethically and religiously, which is required.
The greater Church communities are again too extended ;
the individual relations of one to another are too much
wanting in them. Still this is not the place in which to
treat more at large the question of Christian communities.
Only let us add this reflection, that an ethical religious
166 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

friendship both is and must be above all, in the best sense
of the word, the characteristic of the Church as of the
Churches. Heathen religions know nothing of this, or have
but a caricature of it in the mysteries of the initiated in
the cloisters and the priesthood. In this we perceive the
special excellency of Evangelical Christendom, the noblest
and most perfect friendship which the world has ever
seen. This is clearly evidenced by the history of the
Christian Church.
( 167 )

CHAPTER IV.
MAN AND WIFE.!

304. As the basis of these relations, the various duties of
the sexes are briefly and concisely stated (p. 128). “Man
and wife are different,” says the text literally ; we might
also translate it “separate.” The sense is clear; it expresses
the very opposite of that which, in the present day, is
understood by “Emancipation.” Wherever social order
prevails, this inequality will obtain in consequence of the
difference, which has its basis in nature, although amongst
all peoples who practise polygamy itis carried to extremes
in the subjugation of the woman and her exclusion from
social intercourse. Only when social intercourse between
the sexes is pure and moral can it result in the elevation
of both.

305. Men and women should not come into contact in
giving and receivin g, although there are exceptions (p.
183). “Some one asked, ‘Does propriety require that men
and women should not touch one another in giving and
receiving?’ Mencius replied, ‘That is propriety. He
said again, ‘If one’s sister-in-law is sinking, ought she then
to be drawn out with the hand?’ He replied, ‘ It is wolfish
not to draw out the sinking sister-in-law. The avoiding
of contact between men and women in giving and receiving
is propriety ; the drawing out of the sinking sister-in-law
with one’s hand is praiseworthy.’” It is not easy to take
into account the circumstances, because it is impossible to

1 Cf. Digest of Confucius, p. 73.
2 The “Rights of Women” are meant by this term.
168 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

frame rules to meet them, on which account much error
occurs in practice. The exceptions to a universal rule
should never be justified upon either merely subjective
or objective grounds, but should also admit of proof as
both necessary and humane.

306. Wedlock is the greatest of human relations (p.
221). “The uniting of man and wife is the greatest of
human relationships.” This is so because the regular
propagation of mankind is thereby conditioned. Besides
which, the well ordering of the a life of the state
depends upon the same.

307. The consent of parents is necessary (p. 221). “A
disciple asked, ‘In the Book of Odes it is said—

“ How oughtest thou to take a wife?
Father and mother must be asked.”

If one believes these words, then no one more than Shun
should have exemplified them; but why did Shun marry
without so asking?’ Mencius replied, ‘Had he asked,
he could never have married. For man and wife to be
united is the greatest of human relationships; had he
asked, he would have had to give up the greatest of human
relationships because of the dissatisfaction of his parents,
therefore he asked not.’” We must here grasp firmly the
teaching of Moses on this point, “A man shall leave his
father and his mother and cling to his wife.” Yet there is
an essential difference to be noted. According to the
Mosaic position, the relationship of the married, as man
to his wife, is closer than a son to his parents, but this is
in the case of a marriage already concluded. The conclu-
sion itself is made in the Bible dependent above all on
the will of the parents. This remains ethically just, spite
of the modern sentimental fashion of our times which
plunges many young people i in misery.

308. A go-between is necessary in making the choice
(p. 144). “Ifa man-child be born, one desires for him a
wife ; if a female-child, a husband. This parental heart
MAN AND WIFE. 169

all people have. If one waits not for the commands of
parents and the arrangements of a go-between, but makes
holes through walls in order to see another secretly, or
gets over a wall to follow another, the parents and neigh-
bours will despise such.” For young people it is naturally
more suitable to let the parents choose and make the
necessary arrangements, It is indeed the case in China
that unhappy marriages are proportionably fewer (ex-
cepting those which are disturbed by polygamy and the
authority of the mother-in-law) than in lands where the
young people, following their momentary inclinations,
plunge into matrimony without rational reflection. To
bring the inclination and the judgment into accordance
with what is right is the moral way of proceeding. The
consent of the parent or guardians should be obtained,
but yet this is not an absolute condition in all cases; for
a forced marriage against the inclination or where aver-
sion exists is decidedly objectionable. Also an irrational
affection, so long as it proves itself in a proper way to be
really a true love, should, all considerations to the contrary
notwithstanding, find recognition, The necessity of go-
betweens is occasioned in China by the exclusion of the
female sex from all free social intercourse.

309. Marriage is to be delayed only on account of the
duty of nourishing parents.

310. Enforced marriage of a daughter to a barbarian.

311. Maternal admonition to the daughter bride (p.
141). “When a daughter is about to be married, her
mother imparts instruction to her; whilst accompanying
her to the door, she says by way of warning, ‘When you
come into your household, be respectful, be circumspect,
do not oppose your husband, The vocation of wives and
concubines is to act rightly in resignation,’” This ad-
monition is to the point. Reverence is above all things
necessary for a sound marriage relation; not merely the
affection of the wife for the husband. Wives should be
watchful in this respect if they wish to preserve the love
170 THE MIND OF MENCIUS. .
of their husbands. Holy Scripture also directs this. “Let
the wife see that she reverence her husband.”

312. Purity of the marriage relation (p. 39). “The
king of T’se said, ‘Your humble servant has a weakness ;
my weakness is to be addicted to the fair sex.’ Mencius
answered, ‘Of old the king of T‘ae was addicted to the
fair sex, he loved his wife’” It says of him in the Book
of Odes :—

“ The Duke Tan-foo of old came in the morning on
A swift horse by the margin of the Western water ;
He came twice to the foot of the K‘e mountain.
Having arrived with the Lady Kiang, they
Chose together their dwelling-place (B.c. 1400).

In those days there were at home no dissatisfied
Maids, and abroad no unsettled men.”

According to the ancient Book of Odes, the intercourse of
the sexes in China was quite unconstrained; the relation
of the two princely personages named was both exemplary
and monogamic, though we cannot prove this latter state-
ment. Besides this, it is distinctly stated concerning the
most important woman in the ancient history of China that
the chief of her virtues was her treating the inferior wives
without either envy or jealousy. It is sad to find so very
few passages in Chinese literature which can be adduced
in condemnation of the immorality of polygamy. I know
of very few which go as far as those of Mencius, and they
leave it an open question.

313. Divorce depends upon the will of the husband (p.
214). “An official cast out his wife and child because he
had injured his own father.” (Cf. Art. 279.) This is the
only reference Mencius makes to the subject. Of him it
is recorded that he would have put away his own wife
because she nourished their child before his eyes, which
to him was contrary to all propriety. But the mother of
Mencius said to her holy son that the impropriety was
upon his side, for he ought to have knocked before he
entered the apartment of the women.
MAN AND WIFE. 171

314. Remarriage.

315. Polygamy was then very ancient (p. 222). “Yaou,
the ancient emperor, gave both his daughters to Shun
to wife.” Many Chinese now seek to explain away
the fact that both sisters were given to be the wives
of one man. But little is gained thereby, because it is
contrary to natural feeling that one sister should be con-
cubine and servant to the other as the lawful wife (Lev.
XViil. 18).

316. Concubines are often sHeheoned by Mencius.
See p. 216, where a wife and a concubine are convers-
ing; p. 289, the service of concubines is mentioned, not
only of one but of several, as was formerly and is now
customary with officials; p. 372, “many hundred concu-
pines ;” and p. 313, ahianding to which, following an ancient
decries of the princes, a concubine might not be made a
lawful wife. That polygamy is a political evil, Mencius
might have deduced very plainly from the history of
former times. The chronicle of the state of Loo is full
of adultery arising from this very cause. We see that
the teaching of Mencius as to the relation of man and

wife is essentially conditioned by the idea of polygamy.
On this account the wife is not permitted to have any
kind of independence. It is Christianity alone which
gives the wife her rightful place. The wife is religiously,
morally, and legally the equal of her husband, yet socially
her position is one of subordination to her husband. This
is not only a biblical requirement, but is equally postu-
lated on moral and natural grounds. Government by
the wife is not only degrading to the husband, but is.
also a perversion of order, natural and divine! Eman-
cipation (the rights of woman) is dangerous to the state
because destructive of the family. Marriage is made an
impossibility to many men by reason of “the ambitious
pretensions of women, following the notions peculiar to
our modern civilisation. Hence arises much of the evil

1 See Shoo King, p. 302.
172 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

so prevalent in foreign lands where European merchants
and officials frequently live in concubinage with natives.
Hence also arises much of the modern form of prostitu-
tion and its accompanying evils) Women who advocate
the rights of women can never take delight in the modest
relations of the home; their joys are abroad in the great
business of the world or in the saloons of society. Thus
family life is disorganised and the training of children
neglected. The best school education can only partially
remedy this defect. In the family and the home should
the soul of the child be cultivated and that of the adult
find contentment. In this lies the problem for woman
to solve. From a Christian standpoint, it is the vocation
of woman to care for goodness of heart in the fullest
sense of the word. I may be permitted to hint at yet
another view. We condemn, and that rightly, polygamy ;
but what would the Chinese say of the many illegitimate
births in Christian lands? We see thus what responsi-
bilities are incurred in seeking to substitute one religion
by another. The evil in human nature only takes another
form. To meet this, the evangelical renovation of the
heart by the divine power is an absolute necessity for
securing moral purity, :
C273 )

CHAPTER V.

THE SOVEREIGN AND MINISTERS.
Szcrion I.—Tux Soverrien INDIVIDUALLY.

THE relation between the sovereign and his ministers is,
according to Mencius, not accidental but moral’; and so
it really is. As soon as the moral bond is loosened
between these, the constitution begins to suffer, and each
fresh rupture hastens its dissolution. Each relation
between these is conditioned from both sides. Not only
are duties ethically imposed upon the minister, others
corresponding belong to the sovereign. This arises from
the moral individuality, which declares itself as ethical
in their social positions. Mencius insists upon the prin-
ciple that every man in regard to all the five social rela-
tions is a member of his immediate family and of the great
human family also; and he retains his position therein
by knowing how to realise his character as man accord-
ing to the ideal already delineated. This same moral
development is insisted upon for princes; for with
Mencius there is no other morality for those in high
authority than obtains for universal humanity! and which
concerns every man. Hence we have but few hints for
the inner development of the typical sovereign, yet these
are enough to afford proof of the above assertion.

317. What is “born in the heart has its outcome in
the government” (p. 68). (Cf. Arts. 33 and 106.),

1 How far superior is the old Chinese philosopher in this respect to the
teachings of a corrupt Christianity as formulated by the Jesuit casuists !
174 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

318. Hence the need of first thoroughly exercising the
heart (spirit) previous to the work of governing (p. 166).
(Cf. Art. 31.)

319. In case of failure the fault must be sought in one’s
self (p. 170). (Cf Art. 107.) Therefore it is said, “If
one rules men without attaining to the well-ordering (of
the state), one must revert to one’s own wisdom.” (Cf.
Art. 143.) We may boldly affirm that in all misgovern-
ment, the administration, or in absolute monarchies the
ruler, is alone to blame. The defect in wisdom usually
shows itself in a mistaken judgment of the relations of
things; frequently, too, in the choice of wrong means for
the removal of what is injurious. Inefficient means may
be classed with the wrong, and frequently do more injury.
Mencius strikes the right nail on the head.

320. Such a sovereign “is willing to receive advice” (p.
90). To receive advice, for which ‘he himself asks, after
the pattern of the old ideal emperor, is a virtue which
only proceeds from self-knowledge and the humility arising
therefrom,

321. In constant practice of humanity. In times of
quiet he ought to study the art of governing and of
administering justice (p. 73). Mencius says, “ Humanity
brings glory, the opposite disgrace. Now to hate disgrace
and continue in inhumanity is like hating damp and
dwelling in a marsh (low ground). If one hates disgrace,
there is nothing to surpass the esteeming of virtue and
showing honour to scholars. The excellent should be in
posts of honour, the able in official positions, noble houses
in peace and quiet. When the times are thus, political
economy and the administration of justice are manifested
openly. Even great states will respect such (a ruler).”
“Létat c’est moi” has some truth in it, only its meaning
must be understood rather according to Mencius than
Louis XTV. That meaning is, according to Mencius, that
all the virtues of government are embodied in the sovereign,
or that he exhibits as he unites them in himself. The
THE SOVEREIGN AND MINISTERS. 175

principal of all is benevolent nobility of mind. , Yet this
ought not to degenerate into a good-natured negligence.
The ruler should ever keep in mind the requirements of the
realm. Being conscious of the insufficient power and per-
ception of his own, as of the best minds, he should be anxious
to obtain gifted servants of the state, whilst especially
studious to be himself making progress in knowledge,
1.¢., to acquire in its fulness, as far as man can, what is
necessary to the art of government. This takes place
best when the ruler develops actively the right which
subsists inwardly, and at the same time gives proper
attention to the labours of others. It ought to be the
problem which every ruler should propose to himself, how
to gain a standpoint above all parties; and this can only
happen when he examines without prejudice the various
positions of each, and holds to the best, yet without for-
getting that a better is frequently possible.

322. Neglecting to progress in. study causes misfor-
tune,

323. “As is the monarch so are his subjects” (p. 186).
(Cf. Art. 212.) This truth obviously only holds good
generally ; the exceptions are by no means rare.

324. He is merciful even to the brutes.

325. The example of the ancients is a mirror for princes
(p. 202). Mencius said, “ Yu abhorred old wine and loved
good speech. T'ang held fast the mean and established
distinguished men after a bold manner. King Wan con-
sidered thé people as an open wound; he looked to the
way (Zao) as if he scarcely saw it. King Woo despised
not the near and forgot not the remote. Duke Chow con-
sidered how to unite these three kings in himself, in order
to be able to display these four virtues. If anything would
not do, he looked at and considered it day and night; if
he happily solved it, he sat down and waited for the
morrow.” This mirror for princes might serve for reflec-
tion in the present day. Verily, in constitutional states
it is very necessary that there be an able individual as
176 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

ruler, else he will soon come to nothing and government
be the plaything of parties.

Sect, II.—TuHe SovEREIGN IN HIS DEMEANOUR TOWARDS
OTHERS.

(a.) Towards the Realm.

326. The ruler ever keeps in mind the government of
the whole, and therefore has no time for special endeavours
(p. 128). There were then Communists who proclaimed
absolute equality, saying that the prince ought himself to
plough, and also himself prepare his own food; and that
no man should be either the lord over or the servant to
another. Mencius first proves the impossibility of carry-
ing out such doctrines in any human community, for
that is founded upon the division of labour; then he
explains this, especially dwelling on the difference between
mental and physical labour, and the work of govern-
ment for the sake of the common weal. Thence he goes
on to moral and political considerations. Mencius said,
Men have a principle (Tao): with plenty to eat, warm
clothing, and comfortable dwellings, without instruction
they approach the brutes. The sage (Yaou) grieved over
this, and appointed See as the minister of instruction, to
teach men their duties. Between father and son there
exists attachment ; between sovereign and minister, right-
eousness; between husband and wife, discrimination;
between elder and younger brethren, the observance of
rank; between friends, fidelity.” Then he reminds us
farther that the personal anxiety of holy kings was directed
to this, “the obtaining of capable ministers; he whose care
is, on the contrary, directed to the cultivation of his fields,
is a farmer and nothing more,” says Mencius, The public
life of a monarch permits of no well-grounded knowledge,
still less of the personal development of particular forms
of labour. Nevertheless it remains that he should examine
into the relative importance of each branch of industry,
THE SOVEREIGN AND MINISTERS. 177

and according to that make provision in a special manner
for the elevation of each in like proportion. Especially
ought he rightly to grasp the relations of the various
branches to each other and to the whole. Here there is
work enough for the Government of a state (home politics).
As far as is possible all that is good should be encouraged,
and that in a way to make each render support to the other.

327. He is benevolent or humane (p. 168). “He who
rules not his subjects as did Yaou oppresses them. There
are properly only two ways, that of humanity and of
inhumanity. If the subjects are oppressed to the utter-
most, the sovereign himself is murdered and the state
destroyed ; if oppression is not so severe, his person is in
danger and the state is weakened. He receives those nick-
names of ‘the Dark, ‘the Cruel,’ which even pious sons
and affectionate nephews cannot alter in a hundred
generations.” Benevolence (humanity) should underlie
all the personal activity of a sovereign, who thereby
serves both himself and the state. The result of the
opposite course is often displayed in history. The same
is true of every sort of authority. The assumption of an
air of authority is by no means that which really governs
subordinates ; on the contrary, it tends to excite opposition,

328. Mencius adds (p. 116), “ The excellent sovereign is
gracious, politic, and courtly towards inferiors; what he
takes from the people is according to law” (i.¢., legal taxes).
Elsewhere (p. 180) he explains this: “A gracious sove-
reign does not despise other men; the politic never take
by force from the people” (because he knows how to
make his lawful revenues suffice), “The ruler who does
both, who despises and plunders, only fears; none obey
him. How can such a one be gracious and politic? Have
graciousness and frugality ever been brought about by the
tone of the voice and a smiling countenance?” For every
Government, as well as for the ruler himself, authority
is the fundamental condition of existence. When this

Poe ‘
authority rests: upon a firm foundation, upon essential
M
178 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

superiority, moral power, and sanctified right, the pompous
assertions of external power are unnecessary and inju-.
rious. We should never seek dignity where it is not
to be found, nor think it lessened by things which only
remotely affect it. Frugality will be considered farther
on. Courtesy towards inferiors might be studied with
advantage by many who are in authority. As to legality, .
many Governments know how, in spite of legal re-
straints, to satisfy their illegal desires in a legal manner.
This knowledge is the property of no one party. It is
probable that the ruling diplomats of the modern world
are no less distinguished than their classic predecessors
for dulcet tones and smiling faces.

(0.) The Demeanour of the Sovereign towards Officials.

329. He only advances the benevolent to high positions
(p. 166). “The holy men, after they had fully developed
the thoughts of their hearts, let sympathetic (merciful)
government follow as an institution, and benevolence
overspread the realm. Hence it is said, in order to build
high, one ought to avail oneself of elevations; to dig deep,
one must use streams and lowlands. He who has to do
with government and does not avail himself of the acts
of former kings, how can he rightly be termed wise ?
Therefore it is only the benevolent who are rightly put in
high positions. If the inhuman is found in a high posi-
tion, he disseminates his wickedness amongst the masses.”
Many points of importance are here brought forward.
First we have the embodiment in the outer actions of the
inward preparation. It is not enough that good plans be
formed; there is no lack of these in our more modern
times. Those whom we mean to guide must be impressed
by the fact that amid all our measures we only aim at
bettering. their condition. He alone is sympathetic who
allows himself to be influenced by the requirements of
others. Again, we must look around us for points of.
THE SOVEREIGN AND MINISTERS. 179

support in a common-sense study of history and by
making the experiences of others of use to ourselves.
This is not to be done by being able to enumerate a mass
of dates and events, but by comprehending the heights
and depths of man’s nature, and by taking up a position
corresponding to one’s own moral aim. Thus we raise
ourselves above the merely personal standpoint, which
always gives an impression of self-will, and approach, by
means of our connection with the noblest spirits of anti-
quity, the feeling of universal humanity. Only it is one
thing to place oneself upon the height, and thereby obtain
for oneself a higher view and perception, and another to
stand below the height of the ancients, to admire, and
possibly at best imitate them. Besides, it is important
to observe and make use of every advantage our own
times offer, i¢., to employ in the service of the state all
the finer intellects of the day.

330. The selection of officials should be with a view to
the progress of the realm (p.129). (Cf. Art. 321.) “To find
a man for the realm,” says Mencius, “is called humanity ;
therefore it is easy to hand over the realm to a man, but
difficult to find a man for the realm.” He is treating
here of the succession, which naturally is generally a
simple and easy matter. On the other hand, the selec-
tion of a capable co-regent and successor is very difficult,
and supposes great penetration on the part of the selector.
In history the choice of the ruler has generally proved
evil, because the choice has mostly been governed by
selfish considerations.

331. Only men of capacity should be summoned to
office (p. 73). (Cf. Art. 321.) “Let the excellent be in
posts of honour, the able hold office.” The nomination of
officials is in the power of the ruler, or at least is condi-
tioned by his influence. The well-being of the common-
wealth is dependent upon this, just as the health of the
human body is dependent upon the state of the several
members. It is therefore of importance that the choice
180 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

should not be made dependent upon merely subjective
grounds, but in the interests of the welfare of the realm.

, 332. The ruler should in this trust more to experience
than to common report (p. 41). “Mencius saw the king
of Ts‘e and said to him, ‘ What we call an old-established
state is not said of high trees, but of hereditary states-
men. The king has no attached officials. Those ap-
pointed yesterday are lost to-day without knowing why.’
The king said, ‘How can I discover their incapacity and
so avoid them?’ He answered, ‘If the ruler promotes
an excellent man for one of the states, as if he had not
received sufficient consideration, he will place commoners
above nobles and strangers before relatives; how dare he
do this incautiously? If all around take him to be an
excellent man, he is not therefore one on that account; if
all dignitaries hold him to be an excellent man, it is not
to be taken for granted; but if this happens on the part
of all the people of a state, one may look into it, and find-
ing him to be an excellent man, forthwith employ him.
If all one’s surroundings or all the dignitaries declare
any one to be unsuitable, one does not pay attention to
this; but if it happens on the part of all the people of a
state, one examines into it: if he is proved to be unsuit-
able we must remove him. If the whole of one’s sur-
roundings or all the dignitaries pronounce him worthy of
death, one does not listen to them ; butif all the people say
so, we inquire into it: if he is shown to be so, he must
then be put to death. Thus it is said the inhabitants of
the country put him todeath. By such conduct, therefore,
may one become as the father and mother of one’s people.’”
The above naturally refers to the higher state officials,
The appointment of these is always one of the most im-
portant of the duties of a sovereign. To make the be-
stowal of the higher positions the result of examination,
as is the case with the lower, would be destructive. Asa
tule, it is every way to be desired that those already exa-
mined, and also candidates for the service of the state,
THE SOVEREIGN AND MINISTERS. 181

should be advanced to such posts. But in any case it is
important that in making the choice the decision should
not depend upon mere business-like ability, for this may
be possessed by any able secretary. Intellect and charac-
ter are the essential requirements for high positions of
trust. Another important consideration is also postulated.
The ruler should neither incline to his own view before
that of others, nor to the wishes of those in high posi-
tions, for these are generally coloured by self or party
considerations, but to the wishes of those for whom the
official is appointed. Only well-known and generally re-
cognised individuals are adapted for such positions. But
even then it is important that the ruler clearly under-
stand the grounds of such popularity, and examine into
them before deciding in the interests of the state. For
the removal of such officials the foregoing considerations
are equally applicable. A high state official should never
be made the plaything of envy, malevolence, and other
caprices, otherwise the sovereign will only be surrounded
with weathercocks,

333. As is the lord so are his servants.

334. Proper respect to be paid to officials (p. 194).
“ Mencius discourses to the king of Ts‘e: ‘ If a ruler regards
his officials as hands and feet, they will regard him as the
heart and stomach; if he regards his officials as dogs and
horses, they will regard him as a farmer; and if he regards
them as earth and grass, they will regard him as a thief
and an enemy.’” If Mencius really said this to the face
of the tyrant, it is worthy of all honour. Any way, the
teaching of Mencius preserves a large measure of indivi-
dual liberty to the higher officials. The passage contains
a very bitter truth of universal application in all relations
between rulers and dependants, employers and employed.
Unhappily each seeks to throw the blame of unhappy
relations upon the other side. There are faults on both
sides, but Mencius is right in this, that the initiative rests

with the superior.
182 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

335. No cold treatment (p. 337). (Cf. Art. 243.)
Mencius said, “ Support without affection is called reckon-
ing one as a pig; to love and not respect is to treat one as
a pet calf. There must be honour and respect before the
presentation of silk stuffs, An empty show of honour
and respect can never attach the superior man [to you].
Something more is wanted.” Rulers are extremely sensi-
tive about high treason, and other persons of rank also
about disrespectful conduct towards themselves; but how
seldom is their treatment of dependants of that noble and
manly character which is absolutely requisite in the inter-
change of courtesy by equals! The social questions of the
present day arise in great part from these considerations.

336. The cause why so frequently able men are not to
be obtained (p. 266). (Cf Art. 244.) “If the prince
desires to see a man distinguished (by his ability) but in
an indirect way, it is as if he wished him to enter a room
but shut the door against him. For righteousness is the
way and propriety the door. But only the superior man
can follow this way and go.in and out of this door,”
‘What is good is often desired, but the intention is carried
out in such a manner that any good result is frustrated.
We act upon self-will, that is in most cases not according
to objective right, and yet less according to reason, but in
accordance with our subjective inclination. This is neces-
sarily repugnant to any man of character.

337. True beneficence towards them (p. 262). “Cooked
meat was often presented by Duke Muh to the grandson
of Confucius, Tsze-sze. Tsze-sze was displeased at this.
At last he motioned the messenger to the door, bowed
twice with his head to the earth, turning his face to the
north, and declined to receive it, saying, ‘Henceforth I
know the sovereign feeds me as a dog ora horse.’ Since
that time no servant brought him presents, He who
takes delight in men of ability and can neither put them
in office nor support them, how can he be said to take
delight in ability? A disciple of Mencius said, ‘I venture
THE SOVEREIGN AND MINISTERS. 183

to ask in what way should a ruler support a superior man
so that that support may be received?’ He replied, «It
is to be done by command of the ruler; the superior man
then receives it with a twofold motion of the hands and
bowing of the head. On this follows the keeper of the
stores with grain and the head of the kitchen with flesh,
without mentioning the command of the ruler. Tsze-sze
regarded it as sacrificial flesh, which caused him the
annoyance of (paying) continual compliments; and this
is not the right way-of affording support to the superior
man. There was Yaou (in his action) towards Shun. He
made his nine sons serve him, gave him his two daughters
in marriage, and made ready all the officials, oxen, sheep,
stores, and magazines of grain to support Shun (labouring)
amongst the cultivated fields; thence he raised him and
appointed him to the highest position, Thence it is said,
A king or duke publicly honouring a man of ability.”
Tsze-sze was so prominent amongst his contemporaries,
that one of the higher official positions was his due. If
the prince, for some reason or other, was unwilling to
elevate him to this, he should still have offered him
support in a more delicate manner. This is a universal
principle. Many great people think that their assistance
is in itself so surpassingly great a favour as to forget that
very much depends upon the manner in which a gift is
offered. A small present given with heartfelt delicacy,
does more good than a rich gift which makes one feel
continually the sensation of accepting alms. A so-called
beneficence is often harder to bear than misery. The
foregoing also shows that in ancient China delicacy of
feeling was as highly developed as is the reverse now-a-
days.

338. In cases of resignation a threefold courtesy is to be
observed (p. 195), and on taking their final departure the
officials will put on mourning attire. “The king of T’se
said, ‘ Propriety requires mourning attire to be put on for
the old ruler; what must take place in order that the
184 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

officials put on mourning?’ He replied, ‘Their admoni-
tions must have had results, their advice have been
listened to, and blessings have flowed down to the people.
If the official has reasons for departing, the ruler will
permit him an escort over the boundaries, and will send
also in advance to the place to which he betakes himself.
If he remain away three years without returning, then first
he takes back the fields and residences. This is called
observing threefold propriety. If this be so, then will
mourning be put on for him. Now, on the contrary
(continues Mencius), one is a minister and his exhortations
have no result; his advice is not listened to, and no bless-
ings flow down to the people. If one has reasons for
departure, the ruler seeks to detain him by force, and
carries it to extremities in the place to which he goes.
On the day of departure he takes back the fields and
residences. This is called robbery and enmity;’ why
should one put on mourning apparel for a robber and an
enemy?’” The threefold propriety consists first, therefore,
in the counsel of officials being rightly estimated; that
will give confidence and happiness in their service,
especially when with this there is brought about a real
improvement in the condition of the people. It is taken
for granted that the proposals have reference to the
welfare of the community. Secondly, in the departure
from office without enmity of mistrust, but with every
mark of honour, being escorted to the boundaries and
recommended by a special message to a ‘neighbouring
court. Thirdly, in the anticipation of a friendly return,
therefore at first only a furlough of three years; during
this, the revenues of those public lands which form the
income of the higher officials remain at his disposal.
Whether this revenue would be permitted to cross the
boundaries is not plain, and could hardly be supposed,
but in case of his return, it would be given up to him,
Only when the three years had expired would this posses-
sion be forfeited. There is here indicated a paternal
THE SOVEREIGN AND MINISTERS. 185

relation between the sovereign and his officials which,
even in ancient China, rarely existed,

339. The grounds of dismissal, (See Art."420.) Those
of departure are, according to Art. 332, neither the dis-
pleasure of the dignitaries nor the surroundings of the
sovereign, but that of the people, which the sovereign,
after careful examination, finds well founded.

(c.) Towards the People.

340. Treats them gently (p. 202). (Cf. Art. 325.) “King
Wan treated the people like a wound.” All rough handling
of a wound gives pain and increases the inflammation. On
the other hand, we must not let ourselves be hindered by
pain from cleansing and binding up a wound, necessarily
also from cutting, burning, sewing up, and such like; but
these only in order to bring about a healing of the same.
All infliction of pain which does not contribute towards
healing is objectionable, even in the slightest degree, and
no physician claiming to be humane would permit himself
to have recourse it. The human organisation, specially
that of a sufferer, was never intended to furnish physicians
with opportunities for experiments. Just so is it with
the people. Unfortunately in this time of modern pro-
gress many various and injurious experiments have been
tried in the departments of both social and political
organisation. It is a pity that the pain of the patient’s
wounds is unfelt by the physician.

341. Preserves strict conformity with the laws of the
ancients (p. 165). In the Book of Odes it is said—

“ Never transgressing and never forgetting,
But following after the old ideal,”

“Tt has never yet happened,” says Mencius here, “that
any one following the laws of the earlier monarchs has
committed a fault.” The Chinese are, indeed, evil spoken
of as hyper-conservative, and it is not to be disputed that
186 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

this is frequently the case in a very disagreeable manner.
But the defender of conservatism after the Chinese way
defends only that which is good in old times, and not
everything that is ancient. Indeed, one often thinks that
everything good may be found in antiquity, forgetting the
progress of development, and likewise that possibly some-
thing better may be found in other directions.

342. Does not allow himself to be guided by his own
private interests (p.2). ‘“Mencius had an audience of the
king of Liang. The king said, ‘ Venerable sir, you thought
a thousand miles (li) was not too far to come to see me,
possibly being in possession of that which shall be pro-
fitable to my state. Mencius replied, ‘Why must the
king say profit? There are humanity and righteousness,
and therewith enough, If the king says, what is profit-
able to my state, the upper classes will say, what is
profitable to our families, the scholars and the common
people will say, what is profitable to ourselves. The
upper and lower classes will emulate each other in gaining
profit, and the state will be endangered. In a state with
ten thousand chariots of war, the family with a thousand
chariots will murder the ruler; and in a state of a
thousand chariots, the same will be done by a family
with a hundred. To take a hundred thousand from ten
thousand thousand is yet not. too little; if one places
righteousness in the background and profit in the fore-
front, no one will be satisfied without deeds of robbery.
Let the king say simply humanity and righteousness, and
nothing farther; why must profit be spoken about ?’”
The private interests of princes and high officials have
already brought many a state to the ground. When that
is prevented by other circumstances, these still occasion
much confusion, bloodshed, and destruction. The interest
of the state is and remains the highest interest of the
ruler. This is also well known by most masters. We
only deceive ourselves concerning our real interests. Is
it not too much the thought of the present day that these
THE SOVEREIGN AND MINISTERS. 187

consist exclusively in material profit? Mencius, more
than 2200 years since, condemned the much-vaunted
utilitarianism of our day. Humanity and righteousness
conjoined are, for him, the only true polestar of good
government.

343. Observes his duty towards those suffering need
(p. 261). “The ruler must afford help to his subjects in
their need.” (Cf. Art. 195.) This passage refers firstly
to scholars, but admits also of a universal application,
like the foregoing. The ruler is held answerable for the
welfare of his people, and endeavours himself to make
atonement in famine (p. 8). “Dogs and swine consume
the food of men (says Mencius to the king of Liang), and
yet one knows no frugality ; on the roads lie those perish-
ing of hunger, yet one perceives no opening (of the
storehouses). Men die, and it is said, ‘Not I, but the
year is in fault.’ What difference is there here between
killing any one and saying, Not I, the weapon is in fault?
If the king ceases to lay the blame upon the year, he will
make the people of the realm draw round him.’” That is,
when they find help from the king, they will rally round
him from-all sides, the more so in bad years.

344. He cares for the physical well-being of his people,
because that conditions their moral welfare (p. 338).
“The people cannot live without fire and water. If any
one knocks in the darkness of night at the door of one of
the people and asks for water or fire, there is no one who
would refuse it, that is sufficiently plain. If a holy man
rules the realm, he will make pulse and grain like water
and fire. If these, the chief staples of food, are as abundant
as water and fire, how can inhumanity obtain amongst
the people?” (P. 24.) “<A judicious ruler will therefore
take measures to provide for the vital requirements of his
people. He will manage so that they, looking upward,
have a sufficiency to serve their fathers and mothers, and,
looking downward, have a sufficiency for the support of
wife and children, that in good years they may be able
188 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

to eat their fill, and in bad years to avoid starvation; then
they may be urged onward to what is good, because it will
be easy for the people to follow after it.” With Mencius
man’s material needs are to be supplied equally with
and by means of the moral. (Cf. Arts. 326, 444 and ff)
Neglected poverty always brings with it great dangers to
morality, and in consequence to the welfare of the state,
Still abundance of provision by itself will never make
people moral We see far too often that the wealthy are
the most morally degraded. The well-to-do too frequently
think more of the gratification of the sensual desires than
of the cultivation of their higher nature. It must ever be
the aim of a truly benevolent administration to take such
measures as that every, even the poorest, subject may be
able to find his proper support in a right way. This is
best brought about by means of universal industry, which
generally invigorates the people; by frugality even in the
higher circles ; specially by thrift and temperance amongst
the working classes. To this end the greatest possible
extension of agriculture and of all kinds of industry
is requisite, so that he who will work may be able to
find work by which he may support himself and his
family.

345a. He is gentle in awarding punishment (p. 23).
“The possession of a well-balanced mind, without any
certain means of existence, is only possible for the culti-
vated. With the people, on the contrary, uncertainty as
to the means of existence draws after it indecision of
mind. Where there are no fixed principles, there is to be
found every possible kind of idleness, vulgarity, evil, and
debauchery. When crime follows, then to visit it with
punishment is called ensnaring the people; but how can
the people be ensnared if a humane ruler is on the throne ?”
A purely external application of justice or the law, in
which no consideration is given to the. circumstances
which occasioned the deed, is terrible injustice. Justice

1 In sacred writ the story of Sodom is a proof of this,
THE SOVEREIGN AND MINISTERS. 189

ought always to be perfected by equity, or, according to
Mencius, to be corrected by humanity.

3450. The relatives of criminals should not be held
answerable (p. 38). “Criminals were never punished in
wife and child.” This was under King Wan (cf. Art. 442).
That which is said in the Commentary throws a pleasing
light upon the humanity of the ancient Chinese civilisa-
tion. But it appears, nevertheless, that, with very few
exceptions, the custom of to-day of holding families re-
sponsible even then prevailed, as the very intimation
which Mencius here gives indicates clearly. In the pre-
sent day the whole clan is responsible for the individual,
which gives rise to much injustice. Slavery is quite cus-
tomary, but in a very mild form.

346. Preachers of humanity and righteousness ought to
be supported by the state (p. 145). “Some one said to
Mencius, ‘It is not right that students should be fed
without rendering service.’ Mencius replied, ‘Were there,
sir, no universal exchange for labour, in order to supply
deficiency by superfluity, the farmer would retain his
superfluous corn, the woman keep all superfluous material
for clothes. Were this exchange the same, the joiner as
well as the wheelwright would receive their support from
you, sir. -Now, if there be a man who is filial at home and
brotherly without, who holds the doctrine of the earlier
kings, and by it so assists later monarchs that they learn
it, he receives no support from you, sir. But why do
you honour joiners and wheelwrights and esteem that
mean which urges to humanity and righteousness?’ He
answered, the object of joiners and wheelwrights is
directed to the seeking of support; is the object of the
superior man who urges on the doctrine (Tao) also that,
viz., the seeking for support?’ He replied, ‘Why do you,
sir, seize upon his object? He who makes himself of
service to you ought to be, and is to be, supported,
Which, then, do you recompense, his object or his ser-
vice?’ He replied, ‘His object.’ Mencius answered,
190 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

‘There is a man who disfigures the roof and smears the
walls; his object is to obtain support by his work; do
you support him?’ ‘No!’ was the answer. Mencius
said, ‘Then, sir, you recompense the service and not the
intention.’” The vocation of the preacher may thus, on
the principle of the division of labour, demand recognition
for itself in the state as a kind of industrial occupation.
Humanity and righteousness, we dare also add to these
the religion of Christ, are necessities for the life of the
state, as the satisfaction of many requirements of the
lower physical as of the higher spiritual life. The noble
yearning of man’s heart for the eternal, concealed though
it be in many cases, demands its satisfaction. The present
ruling passion of the human heart is simply the sensual
and selfish. Unless that which is higher be persistently
aroused and nourished in him, it will infallibly perish.
China in her present condition is an eloquent instance,
People like Mencius are, alas! great rarities in China.
347. He leaves blood-revenge to the people (p. 357).
(Art. 184.) “ Mencius said, ‘From henceforward I recog-
nise the seriousness of murdering any one’s relation. He
who kills a man’s father, his own father will be killed by
another. He who kills a man’s brother, his own brother
will be killed by another, Thus indeed he does not kill
them himself, but it lacks very little of being the same
thing.”” Blood-revenge is a miserable makeshift, in times
when the power of the executive is not sufficiently far-
reaching. The matter in dispute generally excites the
spirit of family revenge, until it comes to be a lingering
and murderous feud. Each execution is not a murder,
and passion belongs not to impartial judges. In the
Mosaic law a limit was assigned to unjust revenge by
the cities of refuge and the investigation to be made by
appointed judges. The basis for the administration of
justice must ever be the Christian requirement, “Revenge
not yourselves.” The avenger listens to God and His
representative upon earth, the Government which upholds
THE SOVEREIGN AND MINISTERS. 191

right and justice. If, on the one hand, there are many
imperfections to be deplored, on the other, it is much
better than when every one takes the law into his own
hand, which leads to lynch law. This state of things can,
however, only become general when there is actually no
justice to be had from the Government. Where, on the
other hand, sentence is passed fearlessly and impartially,
and yet in accord with strict justice, there the desire for
private revenge lessens and at last disappears. Private
wrongs will then be punished lawfully. We see in the
foregoing teaching about blood-revenge an error full of
danger to the state, which bears evil fruit in China even
to our own day.

Sect. II].—Tue Rouier as FEUDAL PRINCE OR EMPEROR.

(a.) Feudal Princes.

348. A fief, like an office, depends upon the emperor
(p. 98). “A dignitary asked privately, ‘May Yen (a state)
be attacked?’ Mencius answered, ‘It may. Tse-kwai
(a former ruler) ought properly not to have given away
Yen, and Tse-shi (a former minister, now ruler) ought not
to have received Yen from any one (without the imperial
permission). Were there here an official whom your rever-
ence liked, and to whom, without informing the emperor,
you gave on your own authority rank and revenues, and
this official received these also of his own will, without
any order from the emperor, how then? What difference
would there be between this proceeding and that?’” “The
people of Ts‘e attacked Yen. Some one asked, ‘ Was that
a direction to Ts‘e to attack Yen?’ He answered, ‘In no
way. Some dignitary asked whether Yen might be
attacked, and I answered, It might. *He understood it
thus, and attacked Yen. Had he asked, Who may
attack it? the answer would have been, He who is
commanded by Heaven, he may attack it. Were a murder
192 . THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

committed, and any one asked, May the murderer be
killed? the answer would be, He may. Were any one
to inquire, Who may kill him? the reply would be, He
who is the criminal judge may kill him. But for Yen
to be attacked by Yen, what kind of injunction would
that be?” Tse-kwai ascended the throne of Yen in B.c.
319. The king of Ts‘e sent Sootai, an able diplomatist,
who, being bribed by Tsi-shi, the minister of Yen (with a,
hundred pieces of gold), counselled Tse-kwai to transfer
the province to his minister, which he did, so that the
minister becameruler. He who is commanded by Heaven
is naturally the emperor, whose authority and power were
in those times greatly in abeyance. The princes did
pretty much as they liked. Now it is even worse in
China, for the villages carry on a kind of war against
each other. It is clear that an empire must one day be
ruined in this way. It is dubious from the quotation
what was the opinion of Mencius, as the intention of his
questioner could hardly have been concealed from him.
Possibly he gave this answer because he was only asked
privately and not officially.

349. Feudal princes are rewarded and punished by the
emperor (p. 311). Mencius said, “The five chieftains
sinned against the three (model) kings; the present princes
sin against the five chieftains. The governors of to-day
sin against the princes. The visit of the emperor to the
princes is called a hunting excursion; the attendance at
court of the princes is called an official report. In early
years, the tilling of the fields was proved, and the deficiency
of the crops in harvest supplied, so as to meet the neces-
sities of the case. If the emperor explored the boundaries
and found the cultivated area augmented, the farms in
order, the old people supported, the skilful honoured,
rising men in the offices of state, then he gave a reward,
a reward of land. If he explored a region and found the
ground uncultivated, the old neglected, the excellent for-
gotten, and parasites in the offices of state, then he
THE SOVEREIGN AND MINISTERS. 193

administered rebuke. The first occasion of neglecting to
appear at court brought a degradation of rank (to the
prince); the second, loss of territory; if it happened a third
time, the forces of the realm marched against him. The
emperor pronounced sentence but did not execute it; the
princes executed it but did not pronounce it. The five
chieftains, on the contrary, required princes to carry out
sentence on princes. Therefore it is said, The five chief-
tains sin against the (model) kings.” Formerly the princes
had not only the desire to govern, and that well, as is
frequent in later days, but also to work out the problem
of civilisation. Just so the emperor. By means of the
regulated appearance at court the vassals were kept in
dependence upon the emperor, the central power of the
realm. The emperor witnessed for himself the kind of
authority exercised in the various states, and could not
in those days be deceived by false reports, as is the case
in China in the present day. There was also a great
advantage in the clear distinction made between the
administration of justice and the execution of the sentence.
The emperor pronounced judgment on the princes, but
the carrying out of the same was by means of the princes.
In the case of particular states, the execution of justice
was committed to the prince of the neighbouring state.
This would all have worked very well if the emperors
had not very soon become dissolute. As they gave them-
selves up to pleasure, their power declined, and that of
the princes increased. In the time of Mencius the
emperor had less territory to govern than the Germany
of the seventeenth century.

350. A confederation of princes, B.c. 650 (p. 313).
“Duke Wan was the most accomplished of the five
chieftains. He assembled the princes in K‘wei Ke‘w.
He bound the sacrificial animals with the document upon
them, but spilt no blood. The first enactment ran thus:
‘The extermination of the unfilial; no exchange of the

entail ; no concubine to become lawful wife.’ The second
N
194 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

enactment, ‘The excellent to be honoured; the talented
to be searched out, in order to distinguish those of ability.’
The third, ‘Respect to be paid to the aged; compassion to
be shown to the young; guests and strangers not to be
forgotten.’ The fourth, ‘The lower officials not to hold
hereditary offices; the business of one office not to be of
various kinds; the reception of subordinates to be circum-
spect; no premeditated putting to death of a governor,’
The fifth, ‘No deceptive coast embankments; no suppres-
sion of the sales of grain; no investiture (with rank)
without proclamation.’ It is said all the four contracting
parties returned after the completion of the compact
with mutual farewells. The princes of to-day, continues
Mencius, repudiate all these five requirements, hence it is
said they sin against the five chieftains.” This agreement
is in every way a most interesting document, and gives us
at a glance a view of the social and political life of those
early days, B.C. 700. We see that the emperor had then
almost no authority, being only slightly recognised in the
fifth laa as lord over the feudal princes,

(0.) Feudal Princes may aspire to Imperial Dignity.

351. “Unity is strength” (p. 12). This is of force
against that division of interests by which every state
and every little town only thinks upon the things which
concern itself.

352. No wrong ought to be perpetrated on this account,
still less should any innocent person be punished (pp. 70
and 344). “The son of the king asked, ‘What is the
business of a scholar?’ ‘The improvement of the will’
‘What is the improvement of the will?’ ‘Nothing but
humanity and righteousness. To slay an innocent man
is inhuman ; to take what is not proper is unrighteous,’
‘What is the habitation?’ (sphere of action). ‘It is
humanity.’ ‘What is the way?’ ‘It is righteousness.
With this the problem of the great man is solved.’”
The will (cf. Art. 186) gives to man’s life its direction,
THE SOVEREIGN AND MINISTERS. 195

and from this it chiefly proceeds. He who slays an
innocent man has as yet taken no direction towards
what is good. In a legal sense also the idea of crime
is, of course, much weakened. Already many innocent
people have been legally sentenced to death. In China
there is much in criminal cases that excites our repug-
nance, For instance, a wealthy criminal can purchase a
substitute. Villages often force poor wretches to give
themselves up as guilty, and to confess to crimes which
they have never committed. In such ways one thinks to
satisfy appearances with the law or the magistrates, It
is now as of old with regard to extortion under every
conceivable pretext. How lightly human life was esteemed
in the time of Mencius is shown by p. 15: “There is
not one amongst the shepherds of men throughout the
whole realm who does not take pleasure in executions.
Were there any who did not take pleasure in executions,
the people throughout the empire would lift up their
heads and look to him; verily it would beso. The people
would stream towards him as water pours downwards
irresistibly ; who can restrain it?”

353. The people are the political foundation for the
emperor (p. 360). “He who wins the people becomes
emperor; he who wins the emperor becomes prince; he
who wins the prince becomes a governor.” We must,
however, bear in mind that Mencius does not set the
imperial dignity in prospect before every one, but only
for one of the reigning feudal princes, who formerly fre-
quently became emperors. It is characteristic that the
highest dignity is made dependent not upon the will of
the princes, but upon that of the lowest foundation of
society, the people; and this is worthy of reflection. The
consciousness of this dependence upon the people'univer-
sally ought to have been a wholesome corrective to the
emperor against autocratic despotism. But we must, at:
the same time, remark that this idea of Mencius has
never been worked out in China.
196 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

354. The people gather round him who protects them
(p. 14). “The king of Ts‘e asked, ‘ What virtue appertains
to the obtaining of the highest authority?’ He replied,
‘Protecting the people, and then no one can hinder from
the supreme authority.” (Cf Art. 55.) That this king
was the man to do so, Mencius inferred from the fact that
he pitied an ox which he saw led to sacrifice, “which
resisted like an innocent man who approached the place
of execution.” It is too often the case that the nobility
know how to treat well their dogs and horses, and even
their cattle, but not their domestics and dependants.
There is no objection to the prescribed expedient, the
obtaining of the supreme authority by the spread of such
sentiments amongst the people that they establish their
own protection; but the history of the world nowhere
shows that the many-headed hydra can be brought into
subjection without bloodshed.

355. Humane government is the only way (p. 359).
Mencius said, “There are inhuman (princes) who have
gained a state, but no inhuman (prince) has obtained the
whole realm.” The meaning is, that no inhuman prince
has ever founded a new dynasty. A military despotism
can establish itself without any other virtue than bravery,
but with the victory the power begins to crumble away.
Humanity conquers slowly, but its victories remain.

356. Inhumanity loses what humanity gains (p. 170).
Mencius said, “The three dynasties (Hea, Yen, Chow)
obtained the realm by humanity, and they lost it through
inhumanity. This is in every case that whereby a state
falls or rises, is established or decays. If the emperor is
inhuman, he will not guard the four seas (the empire);
if the princes are inhuman, they will not guard the spirits
of the fields ; if the higher and lower officials are inhuman,
they will not guard the ancestral temples ; if the scholars
and people are inhuman, they will not guard the four
limits of the body. If any one*now has pleasure in in-
humanity and yet hates death and destruction, this is
THE SOVEREIGN AND MINISTERS. 197

like hating drunkenness, yet putting oneself in the power
of wine.” We think, and with reason, that Mencius
ascribes to humanity and its opposite a much greater
effect upon the life of the state than to almost any other
factor. Monarchs especially, and small authorities also,
should remember that inhuman or unloving conduct for-
feits the confidence of subordinates. Then it is that
every one soon thinks how he may best protect himself
against the same. What is really good in the superior
will then only be accepted so far as it corresponds to the
private interests of those under him. Thus social bonds
are loosened, and revolution breaks out and spreads at the
slightest inducement. One ought to distinguish clearly
between the causes and the occasion of such a crisis.
357a. Humanity wins the heart of men (p. 175).
Mencius said, “Kee and Chow (ancient tyrants) lost the
realm because they lost the people; they lost the people
because they lost men’s ‘hearts. There is but one way
to win the empire; to win the people is to win the
realm. There is but one way to win the people; to win
their hearts is to win the people. There is but one way
to win their hearts : give them and lead them according to
their desires, and offer them not what they abhor—that
approaches it! The’ people betake themselves to the
humane just as water hastens downwards or as game
flees to the desert. Therefore it is the otter which drives
the fishes together into deep water; the hawk which
drives the birds together into the bushes; Kee and Chaou
who drive the people together to T‘ang and Woo (the
founders of new dynasties). Were there a lover of
humanity among the present rulers, the princes would
collectively strive together for him; and even if he did
not wish to become emperor, he could not avoidit. The
present emperor would be as if one sought three-year*
wormwood for a seven years’ sickness; if that cannot even
be drawn, it will not be obtained in a lifetime. If the

1 The Chinese consider this the medicine for chronic complaints,

+
198 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

will is not directed to humanity, there will be lifelong
trouble and disgrace, with death and destruction as its
end.” Evil treatment scatters the people, love draws
them in proportion as they are uncorrupted. But to
avoid oppression and cruelty, the people will willingly
put themselves under almost any power that will promise
them protection and good treatment.

3570. No enforcing of goodness, but continual educa-
tion leading to it. (Ci Art. 445.) Governments fre-
quently fail in this respect. There is often too great
haste in reforms for which the people are not prepared.
Not that faint-heartedness is to be commended, but quiet
firmness, which ever progresses step by step. We must
beware of imitating the advance of a rope-dancer without
chis balance. 2

358. Neither great family influence nor long time is re-
quisite (p. 59). “Neither of the three dynasties had more
than a thousand li, and the state of Ts‘e had just as much
land. Nor does the territory require to be extended nor
the people increased, in order to become drawn together.
By the carrying out of a humane government these
arrived. at the imperial dignity, and no one could with-
stand that.” It is generally true that an emperor, even
without imposing family influence, may obtain and retain
his influence over the vassal princes by means of his per-
sonal virtue, but it is seldom possible for his successors.
So it has-been in China and in other lands.

359. The humane ruler has no enemy in the realm (p.
11). “ When the king secures humane government for
the people, there is a diminution of imprisonment and
fines, duties and taxes are lightened, ploughing is heavy
and weeding light; so that adults have a quiet day in
which they may cultivate filial and brotherly affection,
truth, and faith, in order thereby to serve at: home their
father and elder brother, and abroad their seniors and
superiors, so that one can use a staff to beat back the
hard coat of mail and sharp weapons of Tsin and Shu,
THE SOVEREIGN AND MINISTERS. 199

These rob their subjects of their time, so that they can
neither weed nor plough to support their father and
mother. The parents freezing and starving; brothers,
wives, and children are scattered and destroyed. These
crush their subjects to the ground. If the king sets up
his tribunal over these, who then will oppose him?
Therefore it is said the humane has no enemy.” (Cf.
Art. 440.) A humane government returns to works of
peace, and seeks to avoid war and strife, <A policy of
peace abroad and paternal care for those at home gene-
rally does away with much enmity, but not with envy
and wickedness. The armed selfishness of neighbouring
states is often an evil enemy against whom one must
necessarily be watchful. Men and their policy are now
swayed by one of several lower passions, against which
beautiful theories are of no use, although the keeping in
view of the ideal is of great importance,. For practical use
we ought to. give attention to their actual working out, so
that the wavering springs of motives of popular life be
not misunderstood. In spite of all her teaching about
humanity, China has not had fewer wars than other
countries,

360. To support his theory Mencius criticises the Shoo
King, or Book of Documents, p. 355. “Better,” says he,
“no book than to believe the whole contents....A
humane ruler has no enemy throughout the realm. How
can blood wash away the mortar-pestle if the greatest
humanity is in conflict with the greatest inhumanity ?”
Mencius does not reflect that under a tyrant the lowest
minds very often feel well off and live by the plunder and
oppression of the good. It is also interesting to see how
a former beautiful and well-intentioned theory has called
forth aso-called unprejudiced criticism. We mustalways
discriminate between acts which are open to criticism (1.¢.,
the testimony for and against which is to be impartially
weighed) and the interpretation of those acts. In this our
subjectivity has ample room for speculation. The min-
200 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

gling of the objective acts with their subjective explanation
has already caused much error and misunderstanding.
Many modern Bible criticisms are strangely like this of
Mencius, which is 2300 yearsold. But in the department
of natural science it is not better. Hypotheses are often
put in the place of fact, i.e, facts are explained by them,
until finally a large number of other facts are discovered
by which the neck of the theory is broken. Then as usual
the old song goes on from the beginning.

361. No military operations are required (p. 355).
Mencius said, “ There are people who say, I can place the
battle in array well, I can lead the fight well—that is a
great sin. If the ruler of the state loves humanity, he has
no enemy throughout the realm.” No enemy except the
enemies of humanity, likewise all egotists.

362. The virtue of humanity in rulers is characterised
by its effects (p. 22). “ Now the king displays a govern-
ment which makes humanity widely: known, so that the
officials throughout the realm wish for a place at court ;
all husbandmen wish to be appointed to the royal de-
mesnes ; ‘all merchants and traders wish to have stores in
the royal markets ; all travellers wish to journey over the
king’s highway; all throughout the empire who have to
complain of their rulers wish to complain before the king.
Tf these all continue thus, who can restrain them?”
Mencius only considers in all these quotations the power
of goodness ; he leaves out the might of evil. The good
conquers not without a struggle. This is true in the
department of politics as in every other. But there is and
temains a great difference when the struggle is loved and
sought, or whether it is forced on from the other side,
because of noblest striving for the good of humanity. The
State of the political power has in this case to wage her
warfare decidedly. But it is otherwise in the department
of religion. Christ has forbidden the use of external
power for His religion ; it is only to be extended and pro-
tected by means oft the power of truth and by free testimony.
THE SOVEREIGN AND MINISTERS. 201

The so-called religious wars have all remarkably little to
do with religion proper. Mencius naturally places himself
upon a religious standpoint with this humanity. But
thereby he mingles the religious with the political, and
demands from the state what even a greater organised
religious society (the Church) can hardly carry out. The
case is worth reflection.

363. The example of T’ang and Woo (p. 147). “A
disciple asked, ‘ Sung isa small state; if now it be brought
under imperial government, and Ts‘e and Ts‘oo hate it and
seize upon it, how then?’ Mencius answered, ‘Tang
dwelt in Po with Ko as a neighbouring state. The Count
of Ko was neglectful and did not sacrifice. Tang sent to
ask him, “Why did he not sacrifice?” The answer was,
“There is a lack of victims.” Tang supplied him with
oxen and sheep. Count Ko ate them and did not sacrifice,
T‘ang once more sent to him asking, “ Why is the sacrifice
still not offered?” The answer was, “There is a lack of
grain.” Tang sent the people of Po to till the fields for
him; the aged and the weak carried food to them. The
Count of Ko led out his people; if he met any one
with wine, rice, millet, or corn, he took them from him;
if he would not give them up, he was killed. There was
a lad who was killed on account of millet and meat, and
plundered.’” This is what is said in the Shoo King,
“ The Count of Ko was an enemy to those with supplies.”
On account of the murder of this boy he was chastised,
and every one within the four seas (the empire) said, “It
is not that he may become rich by possessing the empire,
but to revenge acommon man and woman.” Tang began
the work of executing justice with Ko, and went on to
eleven others, and yet he had no enemy in the empire.
When he brought the East into order, the barbarians of
the West were discontented; when he reduced the South
to order, the savages of the North were discontented and
said, “ Why does he leave us to the last?” The people
longed for him as for rain in a great drought. Those who
202 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

went to the markets did not cease, the work in the fields
experienced no change. He punished the rulers and
comforted the people; he was like seasonable rain. The
people had great joy.. The-Shoo King says, “ We expected
our ruler—he is here; he brings no punishment” (p. 149).
“There remained still some (princes) not reduced to sub-
jection. King Woo brought the East inta order, and
tranquillised the scholars and women; these brought
baskets full of their black and yellow silk. United to
our king of Chow, good.shall befall us! They betook
themselves as subjects to the great city of Chow. The
principal men received their principal men with presents
of black and yellow silk in baskets; the common people
received their common people with baskets full of rice
and dishes of soup. He saved the people as from water
and fire, and only seized the tyrannical. In the great
declaration, Shoo King, it is said, ‘My forces are dis-
played ; if they press forward into’ his territory they will
lay hands on the tyrant. The punishment of death shall
be inflicted on him, so that T‘ang will be surpassed.’
They do not work now to govern in an imperial way as is
affirmed; if things were carried on in an imperial way,
then every one within the four seas would lift up his
head, and looking forth with the wish that (this prince)
might become monarch. Although T’se and T’soo are
great, what would there be to fear?” Both these princes,
T‘ang and Woo, were rebels against their emperor; accord-
ing to Mencius, they were still morally justified in the
act, Through their example Mencius wishes to incite the
princes of his time to imitation; he preaches simply
rebellion in every passage that treats of striving after
the imperial dignity or of supremacy in the realm. The
type which is put forward in the above passages consists
in helping the oppressed and innocent by taking them
under protection against tyranny, and in interceding for
the people with all one’s power,

364. At times a humane prince, even at the head ofa
THE SOVEREIGN AND MINISTERS. 203

great state, may “for a time serve a small state” (p. 31).
(Cf. Arts, 134 and 52.) The humane prince has especially
the welfare of his people in his eye,.and does not sacrifice
that so far as other matters are concerned, taxation, loss,
&c. Nowadays much capital is made of the honour of
the crown or of the nation, and it is important to con-
sider this, . The lives and the welfare of the subjects
must ever be a far higher consideration, The realm
which considers these has already arrived at victory. We
must consider the difference it makes in this case whether
it be a great or small feudal prince who behaves peace-
fully. The possession of the realm is conditioned by the
peaceful policy of the great states against the small ones.
On the other hand, the possession of the smaller states
depends upon their peaceful position with regard to the
great ones. This is good teaching, but it has never long
been followed.

365. Previously excepted imperial prerogative is no
hindrance (p. 37). “The king of Ts‘e asked, ‘All the
people advise me to pull down the Hall of Light; shall I
pull it down or abstain from so doing?’ Mencius replied,
‘The Hall of Light is a hall for the emperor; if the king
wishes to carry out an imperial government it must not
be pulled down.’” This hall was a place for the assembly
of the princes, with an altar on which sacrifice was offered
to the imperial ancestors. There is a great difference
between Mencius and Confucius in thus favouring such an
idea of a vassal overriding the imperial prerogative (cf.
Anal.) The empire in the days of Mencius was in process
of dissolution.

(c.) The Ruler as Emperor.

366a. “Inspection” of the feudal princes (p. 311).
(Cf. Art. 249.) The emperor himself was the chief con-
troller. It would be a good thing if this were also the
case in European states. Too much confidence cannot be
placed in officials even here without injury to the empire,
204 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

The press, where it recognises its duty, is of use as an
argus-eyed guardian of the public weal, yet in spite of
this we are ever and anon surprised by unexpected jobs
or dangerous neglect in one or other department.

366. Yet this inspection should never become a mere
pleasure excursion at the cost of the country, as it had
already become.on the part of the vassal princes, and also
once on the part of the emperor (p. 35). “Now it is not
so; an army marches and consumes the provisions. The
hungry are not fed and the toilers are not rested. With
blinded eyes they (the courtiers) intrigue amongst them-
selves. The people give themselves up to secret wicked-
ness, The decrees of the emperor remain disregarded
(by the princes), the people are oppressed. Food and
drink are, so to say, washed away.” Out of the ancient
tours of inspection had been already formed parties of
pleasure. It appears that the Chinese nobles held four of
these annually. In the spring they went downwards to the
sea-coast, in summer they streamed upwards towards the
mountains, in harvest-time they followed the chase, in
winter enjoyed their drinking-bouts,—a life which nobles
and princes in Europe also have understood without the
help of,the Chinese. The perversion and degeneracy here
implied are best treated when we go back to the original
idea of an inspection resulting in readjustment. This is
equally true of State Churches and other institutions, A
form is never to be put in the place of reality.

367. The sole right “to determine upon a war as a
punishment” (p.99). (Cf. Art. 348.) No feudal prince
has the right to make war upon another. The army only
marches when commissioned by the emperor. Had this
been firmly carried out, the history of China would natur-
ally have been very different. The stipulations of Arts.
349, 366, 367, are far-reaching enough to establish the
supremacy of the emperor. But the emperor must natur-
ally have the power to assert his rights, and must not
try to escape the incidental discomforts,
THE SOVEREIGN AND MINISTERS. 205

368. Rites and music are only to be determined by the
emperor; so Confucius teaches most explicitly in the
Analects and Doctrines of the Mean. But Mencius deviates
from him in this important point (Art. 173). Generally
he asserts that propriety comes from the excellent, and in
Art. 180 that the Government, and therefore the vassals,
determine the. rites and music. Thus Mencius lets slip
the most important means of securing uniformity in the
empire. Confucius had a keener perception of the impor-
tance of lawful forms, although he also has not pronounced
thereon with sufficient clearness, Any way it is erroneous
and full of danger to the unity of the state organisation
when the varying ritual of different states or provinces
has developed itself independently. Certain fundamental
outlines must be adhered to, but every free movement
need not be restrained. The state should present an
organisation whose individuality contributes to the unity
of the whole. Only this unity ought not to become
absolutism, for such would soon find itself unable to
penetrate the inactive material of the masses, Confucius
here stands upon this side—Mencius on that.

369a. Even the imperial power does not do away with
ties of nature, especially the relation of the son to the
father (p. 345). (Cf. Art. 169.) The emperor is, and remains,
aman, and should know himself to be such. This view
of himself will not lessen his true dignity, but preserve
in him a spirit of real humility before God and man,
whilst winning for him the respect of all true manly minds
amongst his subjects. It is rarely that an emperor has a
father such as Koosow; but it makes a good impression
upon the people when ‘excellent relations exist between
the ruler and his family.

369b. Influence of a noble emperor on the people (p.
331). Mencius said, “The subjects of a chieftain are
serene and contented; those of a monarch are animated.
They murmur not if he slay them; they consider it not
if he advantage them. They betake themselves daily to
206 THE MIND OF MENCIUS. '

good, and know not who causes this. Then wherever the
superior man passes through, transformation takes places ;
where he abides, wonders happen. He influences those
above and below like heaven and earth. Is this in any
sense a small improvement?” The great influence of a
superior ruler upon his subjects is here somewhat exag-
gerated. This influence, results not merely from the
possession of justice and righteousness, but is the out-
come of the full individuality in action. Teachers use
analogies which often exert great influence although they
neither possess depth of affinity nor striking superficial
resemblance. The results depend not only upon the
natural disposition, although that greatly assists towards
them, but are to be arrived at in a moral way. This
should be the special endeavour of every worker, according
to his department of labour, for the highest ideal can very
seldom be attained to.

(d.) The Results of Evil Government.

370. The state is weakened (p. 169). (Cf. Art. 327.)
The passage defines what is called bad government, viz.,
when the aim of government is not the welfare of the
people, morally and materially, as was the aim of the
ideal emperors, Yaou and Shun. It is frequently asserted
that the state must be weakened by selfish government.
(Cf. Arts. 342, 352, &c.)

371. The person of the ruler is endangered (Art. 327).
The people will then look upon their ruler as their greatest
enemy, and will seek to protect themselves from him,
leaving him in his difficulties and assisting in his over-
throw. z

372. Rebellion by relatives (p. 85). “He who follows
the right track (Tao) has much help; he who loses it has
little. If it comes to extremes, with the least help his
relatives will rebel: if it comes to the extreme, with much
help all the realm betakes itself to him.” The last ex-
planation is by far the best. Many foolish actions of the
THE SOVEREIGN AND MINISTERS. 207

ruler and some scandal or other cause the falling away
of subjects, and even one’s nearest surroundings; when
the mad whirl reaches its climax, there remains but
rebellion, in which all, even blood relatives, take part.
The history of the Roman Caesars offers many examples.
It is worthy of note that Mencius never speaks of a
revolution of the people. The people never revolt in the
form of a popular uprising, but let themselves be guided
by revolutionary leaders, yielding themselves to those
by whom they believe their painfully felt hardships will
be mitigated. Mencius only recognises the established
princely houses as such leaders of the people; in this he
differs essentially from modern teachers of revolution.
373- Deposition of the sovereign (cf. Arts. 57 and.
424, 425, p. 40). “ Mencius said to the king of Ts‘e, ‘ When
a court official intrusts wife and children to a friend and
travels to Ts‘oo, but on his return finds wife and children
suffering from cold and hunger, what should he do with
‘him?’ The king answered, ‘Cast him off’ He said,
‘What is to be done with the chief-justice who cannot
control his subordinates?’ The king said, ‘Dismiss him.’
Mencius said, ‘What is to be done when within the four
boundaries no order prévails?’ The king looked to the
tight and left and spoke of other things.” The analogies
are striking: no wonder that the king looked strangely.
But this doctrine of Mencius opens out some weighty
considerations. It may find application among feudal
princes, but who is to depose an emperor or other sovereign
prince? The answer would naturally be, the people.
That is unthinkable. The United States is a case in
point. There the President is chosen by the people, but
he can only be deposed by the sentence of the coufts, not
by the people who chose him. For this are needed also
the requisite legal forms to bring about the impeachment
of the ruler, to procure a legal decision, and beyond this
the power necessary to the carrying of it out. Where
these conditions are lacking, to proclaim such a doctrine
208 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

is to teach sedition, and is not only morally wrong, but
criminal also. Mencius is in these candid remarks very
different from his master, Confucius, who never permitted
himself to use such language. It is singular that the
Socialism of that day did not propound anything on this
subject. According to Mencius, there was no possibility
of interfering with the emperor, but yet he might be over-
thrown by Heaven.

374. The murder of tyrants (cf. Art. 327, p. 43). “The
king of Ts‘e asked, ‘Is it true that T‘ang has banished Kee,
and King Woo slain Chow ?’ Mencius answered, ‘It is
so stated in the records. He said, ‘Dare a minister put
his sovereign to death? He who outrages humanity is
called a robber; he who outrages righteousness i is called a
villain; a man lie is a villain ana a robber is called a
subject (a common man). I have heard of the execution
of a subject called Chow, but never of the murder of a
sovereign.” (Cf. p. 169,and Analects.) The commentator
remarks here, “A king or duke lowers himself by evil
deeds to the status of a subject.” Mencius apparently
regards the murder of a tyrant equally with the deposi-
tion of a sovereign as permissible. Any way he never
speaks against them, although the history of his time
offered ample opportunity. Amongst Christians, any way,
he has the Jesuit Mariana on his side, Evangelical
Christians, however, must reject all such doctrines with
horror. The power of life and death ought not, even in
the case of ordinary people, to be left to the will of any
private person, much less in the case of princes, whose
affairs are far more difficult of reformation, That tyran-
nical princes lower themselves to the level of their meanest
subjects is a subterfuge which makes no difference to the
principle here laid down. Even the worst of villains ought
not to be slain by every one. That would be punishable
murder. This Mencius himself teaches (Art. 348). Well-
ordered trials and sentences in accordance with established
law are alone permissible, both rightly and morally. If a
THE SOVEREIGN AND MINISTERS. 209

prince rages with bloodthirsty ferocity, many legal means
are at the disposal of able ministers of state to restrain
him within ever-narrowing bounds, and even at last within
four empty walls. The murder of princes, as a horrible
means of seeking advantage for the sovereign, is altogether
bad. A tyrant can only rage as he finds corresponding
scope and helpers for his crimes. If such be forthcoming
in a State to any extent, then tyranny is nothing else but
the punishment of God for long-standing moral corruption.
The best means for helping to obviate such a state of
things is universal moral reformation, repentance, and
renovation.

Sect. [V.—MInIstTErs.
1. Tuer Prerequisites, DuTIEs, AND FAILURES.
(a.) Preparation.

375. The preparation of a good minister takes place in
adversity (p. 333). (Cf. Art. 49.) Mencius said, “Men
in possession of ability, wisdom, counsel, and intelligence
are generally formed by trouble. The deserted official
and the illegitimate son strengthen their hearts circum-
spectly and reflect upon the difficulties they meet; thus
they succeed.” The struggle with difficulties is a better
school for the formation of character than the ordinary
high school where everything goes in its appointed groove,
The mental as well as the physical powers require exercise
to enable them to work out great problems. According -
to Art. 49, Heaven calls out its exceptional witnesses and
labourers.

376. Continual self-improvement (p. 334). Mencius
said, “There are servants of the prince who serve their
ruler out of desire of doing eye-service. There are mini-
sters who are peacemakers for the spirits of the land;
they find their pleasure in procuring peace for the spirits of
the land.. These are.subjects of Heaven; they grasp that

which ought to be in the empire, and endeavour to carry that
o
210 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

out. These are great men; they aim at self-improvement,
and things then become reformed.” Concerning great
men see Arts. 200-204. The importance of these is here
expressed as forming statesmen of decided character and
beneficial influence upon the ruler and his realm.

377. Virtue is to them the highest honour (p. 89).
“ There are three things recognised as of worth throughout
the empire—age, rank, and virtue. For helping on our
times and directing.the people, nothing transcends virtue.”
This is equally true of the ruler and of the state officials,
It is singular that only ethical requirements and not in-
tellectuaLare insisted upon by Mencius. These last are not
excluded, but are presupposed ; still they are not esteemed
the chief thing. There is great danger nowadays in the
predominance given to what is intellectual. This is in-
creasingly the case in all offices; the intellectual is made
the great characteristic of management, Especially is this
to be noted as a great evil in the ecclesiastical department,
where the religious element; which ought to be the chief
standard, is entirely lost in the intellectual. Reform is
clearly needed here. If one wishes really to help the
Church, it is most important to distinguish rightly the
worldly from the religious element. True religion can
never become dangerous to the state, but a worldly
Church may, whose ministers seek their highest honour,
not in religious virtue as servants of Christ, but in the

+

pomp, and dignity, and lordly authority of the Episcopate-

or other corresponding position,
378. Their character to appear both host and guest.
379. He only who makes himself ridiculous will be
ridiculed,
380. Under certain circumstances he may receive alms.

(b.) Ministers Secking Office.

381. Before being called, “a personal meeting” with
the prince “is to be avoided” (pp. 152 and 137). Can-
THE SOVEREIGN AND MINISTERS. air

didates should not press their services upon the prince or
try to ingratiate themselves with him, but wait to see if
he will freely recognise their worth. Only thus can a fair
field be secured for their influence.

382. The sovereign must first make search (p. 264).
“* Why, asked Mencius of an unemployed scholar, ‘ does
the sovereign make a visit?’ He answered, ‘On account
of (the scholar’s) extensive information, or on account of
his great ability.’ Mencius replied, ‘If it is on account
of his extensive information, the emperor would never
call a teacher to himself; how much less would a prince!
If it is on account of his great ability, I have never heard
that one wishing to see such a one, calls him to come’”
(but goes to him first). It seems to us an extraordinary
idea that a prince should pay the first visit to a subject,
even if he be a man of great ability. But we must con-
sider that the relations of those times were more simple,
and that even those princes very rarely corresponded to
the ideal of such teachers as Mencius.

383. “ Righteousness is the way, propriety is the door
to the prince’s presence” (p. 267). (Cf. Art. 336.) The
scholar does not cast himself away by these, but acquires
reputation. Only he must not think the time long before
this arrives. Candidates for office need more patience
than other people,

384. Light-mindedness is to be avoided in accepting
office.

385. Likewise over-scrupulousness.

386. Time and circumstances must be considered. The
first of these destroys either the official or his work; the
second lets slip favourable circumstances which offer an
opportunity of making use of one’s acquirements. Both
time and circumstances need to be well considered.
Therefore the mind must be alive to what the necessity
of the case requires, neither abandoning principles nor
carrying these to absurd extremes. This calls for wisdom
from above.
212 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

_ 387. An office is often necessary to preserve the means
' for the appointed sacrifices (p. 142). ‘Some one asked,
‘Did the superior men of ancient times take office ?’
Mencius answered, ‘ They did take office.’ Tradition says,
Confucius, when he was three months without either
office or sovereign, was quite put out.. If he went over
the boundary, he was sure to have the proper present
packed up. Kung Ming E said, ‘If the men of old were
three months without a sovereign, people condoled with
them. Was not this condolence after three months with-
out a ruler precipitate?’ Mencius said, ‘The loss of office
to a scholar is just what the loss of a state is to a prince.
It says in the Book of Rites (Li Ke), The prince has
tilled his field in order to obtain grain for the sacrificial
vessels. His wife breeds silk-worms in order to make
the garments. If the victims be not perfect, the grain,
the vessels not pure, the garments not complete, he dare
not sacrifice. But the scholar also does not sacrifice when
he has no field. If the victims, the grain vessels, the
garments, be not perfect, he dare not hold festival; is not
that a sufficient cause for condolence? Why did Con-
fucius pack up a present whenever he crossed the boun-
daries? Office is to the scholar what the plough is to
the farmer. Does the farmer leave his plough behind
when he removes over the boundaries? The ancients
had no desire to avoid office, yet they hated what was
irregular. To go to the prince in an irregular way is of a
piece with breaking through walls’” (burglary). It is a
good point in Confucianism that it makes binding upon
scholars the duty of not withdrawing themselves from the
public service, but of seeking in that their highest des-
tiny. Taouists and Buddhists, on the other hand, natu-
rally draw back selfishly. All monasticism has its root
in selfishness, whether refined or gross. The followers of
Confucius and Mencius, with but few exceptions, have
gone over to its opposite form, the chase after power and
splendour. But the blame of this must not be laid to the
THE SOVEREIGN AND MINISTERS. 213

account of Mencius, as is plain from his teaching in the
passage above. We see also bere the importance of
sacrifice,

(c.) The Minister Entering upon Office.

388. Unfitness leads to destruction (p. 368). “One
took office in Ts‘e. Mencius said, ‘ That is death to him.’
When he was put to death the disciples asked, ‘How did
you know, sire, that he would be put to death?’ He
replied, ‘He was a man of some little talent, but he had
never followed the mystery (Tao) of the superior man, so
that he was simply fated to bring death upon himself.”
Through overweening vanity many a one has come to
ruin. He who will not be advised cannot be helped. To
pass a good examination is by no means a guarantee of
practical ability.

389. Love of good is a sufficient guarantee (p. 319).
“The state of Loo desired to confer its government upon
Yo Ching Sze. Mencius said, ‘When I heard it, I was so
glad that I could not sleep.’ A disciple asked, ‘Is Yo a
man of determination?’ ‘No!’ ‘Ishe aman of judgment?’
‘No!’ ‘Has he extensive information?’ ‘No!’ ‘Where-
fore, then, was there this sleepless joy?’ He answered,

‘He is a man who loves what is good.’ ‘Is, then, the love of
good all-sutficient?’ ‘Love of goodness is more than enough
for the whole empire ; how much more for the state of Loo! !
For when there is love of goodness there, every one will
come from within the four seas, treating a thousand li as
nothing, to share with him their goodness. But if he
does not love what is good, the people will say, “ Yes, yes!
I know that already.” The sound and look of that “ Yes,
yes!” will drive people more than a thousand li away.
If the scholars remain at a distance, more than a thou-
sand li away, then slanderers, flatterers, and eye-servers
will gather round. When one dwells amongst such,
although he may wish to govern the state well, can he
214 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

attain to this?’” Of course, it isnot asserted that love of
goodness without any other preparation is sufficient for
the carrying out the highest ends of government. The
discussion was with one who had been a disciple of
Mencius. But what Mencius desires to impress upon us
is true, viz., that moral unfitness and a mind given to im-
morality and frivolity, even when combined with the most
brilliant endowments and practical ability, never does
aught but injury to the public service. A nobler, truer,
purer, and therefore more lovely character will adorn any
position, even if there remain many technical qualifica-
tions to be desired.

390. Three kinds of cireumstances which formerly hin-
dered men from taking office (p. 321). “Some one asked,
‘Under what circumstances did the superior men of old
take office?’ Mencius answered, ‘They accepted it in
three cases, and declined it in three. If they were received
with every mark of respect, and experienced appropriate
treatment, and their discourse had some result, they ac-
cepted it. If their work had no effect, they departed,
notwithstanding that there was no diminution of the
respect offered to them. The second case was when,
, although their proposals had no immediate result, yet
they themselves were received with the highest marks of
respect and appropriate treatment ; then they took office;
but were this behaviour diminished, they departed. The
third (and least important), if one morning there were
nothing to eat, and at evening nothing to eat, so that for
hunger he could not leave his door; and the ruler on
hearing of this said, “I cannot carry out his method at
large nor follow his counsels, but I am ashamed to let
him die of hunger in my territories ;” then he may indeed
receive the alms (offered), yet only sufficiently to avoid
death’” This naturally only finds fulfilment amongst
the candidates for the higher offices in the state, when
these are men of character and fame. But in real life
other factors come into operation—as family, friendship,
THE SOVEREIGN AND MINISTERS. 215

&c., which exert great influence upon the taking or de-
clining of office.

391. The example of Confucius (p. 258). “Confucius
took office upon trial. When the trial was sufficiently
long for the carrying out (of his ideas), and that carrying
out ceased, he went away; therefore it was that he never
stayed anywhere three full years. ‘Confucius took office
where he saw that their practice was possible, a position
where his reception made it possible, a position where he
received ‘official support.” Confucius held it to be his.
duty to use that in which he was superior to other men to
serve them with. He knew well that he could only raise
another to his own ideal when he himself was living up
to it. In this consisted his greatness. But it is plain,
from the testimony of contemporaries, that his failure
arose not simply from defects in his moral principles, but
also from their exaggerated form. Ancient forms should
preserve the spirit of antiquity.or be reformed, That is
the defect of all dead conservatism.

392. Places for poor aspirants (p. 259). Mencius said,
“One does not seek office on account of poverty, but yet
at times itis so. A wife is not taken for the sake of her
attention, yet at times itis so. He who takes office on
account of poverty, denies himself honour and remains in
an inferior position, denies himself wealth and remains
poor: what is suitable for such a one? To become a
doorkeeper and strike the watchman’s staff. Confucius
was once keeper of the stores ; then said he, ‘My accounts
must balance; there is nothing more.’ Once hewas manager
of the public fields ; he said, ‘ Now to have oxen and sheep
fat, strong, and of good size—that is all’ To speak of :
high things when in a low position is a crime. To hold a
place in the administration when one’s principles (Tao)
are not carried out is a disgrace.” This extract is the
necessary complement to Art. 390. This extension is
worthy of consideration. There only death from hunger
was to be avoided, whilst here a continual office may be
216 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

entered on, in which one’s highest duty is to hold one’s
tongue. The attention is to be directed exclusively to the
nearest duties, and the state may go its way. Sheep and
oxen can also be fattened under a tyrant. According to
the proper result of the Confucian system, every parti-
cipation in the rule of a tyrant, even in his domestic
economy, must be avoided. According to the ancient
Chinese idedl, these poor aspirants might engage in busi-
ness or agriculture, and wait a favourable opportunity.
Naturally it is not so in a constitutional state, where the
law is above the will of the ruler. There one’s duty is to
carry out firmly the law, even under the worst of sove-
reigns. Still in such lands there will be found often
enough judges and counsellors bending to every breath of
wind from the throne. ‘

393. “The gift of introduction” is necessary (p. 143).
(Of. Art. 387.) This has now become a regular purchase
of office, an evil which poisons the whole current of
‘Chinese public life.

2. DuTIES IN OFFICE.
(a.) General Duties,

394. Due honour to the sovereign (p. 168). “To urge
to difficult deeds is called, in reference to the sovereign,
respect ; to develop the good and to repress his evil is pay-
ing due honour to him. To say, ‘ My sovereign is incom-
petent,’ is to defraud him.” This is an important ethical
position, to find the true way of honouring the sovereign
in seeking by all loyal means his moral progress, How
very different would have been the course of universal
history had earth’s many sovereigns only had such
advisers around them! It does not seem that parlia-
mentary freedom has done much to help towards this.
In place of a despotic sovereign, we have the more dan-
gerous tyranny of parties, in face of which the above
passage is but empty words. (Cf. Arts, 291 and 407.)

Li
THE SOVEREIGN AND MINISTERS, 217

395. A minister of decided character “does not permit
himself to be sent for like a servant” (p. 90). (Cf. Arts.
320, 188.) To do so would be to yield much of the dig-
nity of his office, which gives him a relative independence,
and enables him to exercise over his sovereign more or
less of inflyence, sometimes even of restraint,

396. Speedy compliance with commands conformable
to rule (p. 89). “The Book of Rites says, ‘If the father
calls, do not delay (but straightway obey); when the
sovereign’s command calls, do not wait for the carriage.’ ”
In both cases strict subordination is due, This is most im-
portant in all kinds of service, if the failure of the leader’s
plans is to be effectually prevented. In China the power
of the father is more absolute than that of the Emperor.

397. What has been learned is to be practised in office
(p. 43). (Cf. Arts. 99, 80, 392.) “Mencius had an inter-
view with the King of Ts‘e, and said, ‘If a saloon is about
to be built, you surely let the inspector of works seek
great timbers. When he has found these great trees, the
king rejoices, in that it corresponds to his purpose. If-the
carpenter hews them so that they are too small, the king
will be angry, in that it fails to correspond to his purpose.
Now a man desires in his full age to carry out what he
has learned in youth. If the king say, “Let go what you
have learned and follow me,” how shall he behave then ?
Had we here a rough gem, although worth twenty-four
ounces of gold, you would surely confide it to a lapidary
to cut and polish it; but in reference to the government
of the state you still say, “Only let go what you have
learned and follow me.” Why do you make such a dif-
ference from your conduct in giving the lapidary your
gem to cut and polish?’” Mencius is not here consistent
in his teaching. Any one who is about to build a house
will previously come to an understanding with the builder
about its plan; likewise with the lapidary about the form
of his gem; it is only the carrying out of the work that is
left to their hands. It should be thus also in the govern-

‘
218 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

ment. The sovereign and minister must be of one mind
about the general plan of government, or at least have
come to some understanding about it; even when the
minister is the ruler and the sovereign a mere puppet.
This being granted, then the minister should be afforded
the utmost freedom in carrying out the plan.

398 to 405. The particulars of these Arts. will be found
in the first and second Books of Mencius. In these are
delineated the politics of small states. Mencius advocates,
in opposition to these as exemplified by Kwan Chung, a
policy for the whole realm. Kwan Chung was the most
able minister of the period embraced in the “Spring and
Autumn Annals” of Confueius; he raised the state of Ts‘e
to the highest position amongst the other vassal states,
but did not secure for it imperial power over them. This
appeared to Mencius as a political fault. Confucius took
another view, and several times praised him highly. There
was a difference in the time of these two politicians.
Confucius desired to strengthen the Chow dynasty, but
Mencius had already given it up: he wished to bring
forward some other able dynasty into the imperial posi-
tion, and purposed to reserve for himself the posjtion of
independent prime minister. In the carrying out of this
plan, however, he had no more success than Confucius.

(0.) Duty in Word.

406. The superior minister “will not speak of profit,”
which works destructively. (Cf. Arts. 162 and 342.) By
profit men are not improved, but mostly morally ruined,
because their selfishness is ever increased as their eye is
sharpened to perceive opportunities of profit.

407. The happiness of all consists in humanity and
righteousness, which should therefore have great stress
laid upon them (p. 88). “No man of Ts‘e speaks to the
king about humanity and righteousness; is it that they
do not regard humanity and righteousness as excellent ?
THE SOVEREIGN AND MINISTERS. , 219

In their hearts they say, ‘How can it be done, to speak
with him about humanity and righteousness?’ That is
a lack of respect which is unequalled.” (Cf. Art. 394.)
We must not too quickly give up a man as lost to good.
Self-conceit and a love of our own ease, if not also a con-
temptuous estimate of others, lead us to do this. He
who possesses in himself anything better than another has
thereby a mission in the world. (Cf. Arts. 409 and 391.)

408. The rectification of the sovereign is to be sought.
(Cf. Aris. 202, 230.)

409. Ministers must be silent where prudence dictates
(p. 243). “A minister knew beforehand that his sovereign
would not be advised by him; therefore he was silent
and took his departure.” (Cf. Art. 133.) Everything has
its limits, even exhortation. If frequent speech bears no
fruit, then absolute silence becomes a duty. If another
will not let us save him, it is permissible to look to our
own. safety. But even this only when the welfare of the
country imposes no other considerations.

(c.) Duty in Deed. :

410. The virtuous minister is not to be blinded by ex-
ternal splendour (p. 372). Mencius said, “He who advises
great people estimates them lightly and considers not their
pompous manners, Halls several storeys high, with the
beams of the roof projecting several feet, would not be so
built if I had my way. Food spread before me over (a

‘ table) ten cubits square, with some hundreds of waitresses,
would not be so ordered if I had my way. Great festi-
vities, drinking parties, state hunts, with a train of a
thousand carriages, would not be arranged if I had my
way. With all that, they (the princes), like myself, have
no sympathy; all that I care for is the discipline of the
ancients. Why should I fear them?” One commentary
says here, “These three retrospective statements are the ex-
pression of scorn.” Another says, “Mencius here measures
220 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

other people by his own height; we do not find such
vehemence in Confucius.” A third remarks, “Mencius
arrived at this- because as a holy man he could not trans-
form the people through his virtue.” We see from this
that the Chinese know how to get rid of that which they
do not like. There is no doubt, however, that Mencius
was somewhat embittered owing to his deep researches
into antiquity. His words in the text seem a little sharp,
but his meaning is good. Contempt for external pomp
and splendour can well exist side by side with proper
reverence for the position of the prince.

411, Stands boldly in opposition to the ruler.

412. Will not anticipate the sinful desires of the princes
(p. 314). “The sin of him who furthers the wickedness
of the sovereign is ‘small; the sin of him who anticipates
the wickedness of the sovereign, and goes to meet it, is
great. The officers of our day anticipate all the evil of
the sovereign, therefore it is that the modern officials sin
against the princes.” The commentary says, “The differ-
ence consists in this, that in the first the sovereign con-
ceives the idea and the minister carries it out; in the latter
the sovereign has not yet laid hold of the idea, and the
minister leads him on to it, prepares him for it, 4.¢., anti-
cipates his evil.” The minister is thus the author of the
evil, and not merely an involuntary helper. To degrade
oneself to this last is abhorrent, but it is simply criminal
to excite one to evil, and lead them on in its practice,
when the duty of the minister is to work out with all his
energy the morally good,

413. Is faithful in the smallest demands of duty. (See
quotation in Art. 392.) He who enters upon an office
should fulfil its requirements with all fidelity. In this
Confucius was a good example. The endeavour after what
is higher is not excluded, but must never be pursued at
the cost of duties close at hand.

414. Does not seek power and territory to further the
private aims of the sovereign (p. 316). “Mencius said,
THE SOVEREIGN AND MINISTERS. 221

“He who now serves his sovereign says, “I may for my
prince extend his territories and fill his treasuries ;” such
is now called a good minister, but of old would have been
called a robber of the people. If a sovereign is not
established in the right way (Tao), nor his will (aim) in
humanity, the endeavour to enrich him is nothing but to
enrich a Kee (a tyrant). “I may for my sovereign con-
clude agreements with other states, so that the battle must
be won by us;” such is now called a good minister, who
would of old have been called a robber of the people. If
a sovereign be not established in the truth (Tao), if
humanity be not his aim, then the endeavour to make him
successful in war is nought but to further a (tyrant) Kee.
Although one following the course of the present day
without altering its customs should have the empire given
him, he could not retain it for a single morning.” Un-
fortunately the policy condemned by Mencius has to this
present day received greater consideration than the opposite,
“ which he commends. Financial administration, and that
characteristic of modern states, military power, claim a
higher place than morals and religion even in so-called
Christian countries. Theoretically the ideal aim is recog-
nised, but practically it falls into the background, whilst
material interests and increase of power are nowadays.
the great objects of government.

3. Farure.
(a.) Causes of Failure.

418. Only occasional visits to the ruler, and these
neglected by him (p. 285). “It is not to be wondered at
that the king of Ts‘e is so unwise. If a thing is the
easiest to grow of all in the world, if you set it one day in
the heat and then ten days in the cold, it cannot grow. I
very seldom have an audience; as soon as my back is
turned there come the cold elements; had I even called
forth some shoots, what could happen to them?” This
222 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

conflict with opposing elements, this counter-working
which all true work meets with, which is even called forth
by it, or at least quickened by it, can only be estimated
by the skilful labourer. All theories—and not only those
in the department of politics—must undergo many modifi-
cations in their carrying out in practical life—many ship-
wrecks ere the high sea is crossed.

419. Ministers not working in harmony (p. 181),
“Were all the ministers of the king virtuous men, with
whom could he do evil? Were they the reverse, with
whom could the king do good? What can one single
excellent minister do for the king?” This extract unites
into one many former sayings. The solitary man, even if
one of the most excellent, is but a little fragment, an
atom in the universe. But yet it would be wrong for
him to allow himself to be discouraged by the mere con-
sideration of the uselessness of such working. Spirit
works upon spirit in an intensive and incalculable way—
electro-chemically, we may say. But without firm con-
viction, without faith, nothing is of any use.

(0.) Failure Leads to Resignation.

420. On the overthrow of justice by the sovereign.
Mencius says (p. 196), “ When innocent scholars are put
to death, the officials may take their departure; if the
people, being innocent, are slaughtered, the scholars may
well remove themselves thence.” In political life it is
very important to consider the signs of the times. It
soon comes to the endangering of one’s life by continuing
in office without being able thereby to advantage the
state.

421. When stern counsels find no listener (p. 94).
“ Mencius said to Ch‘e Wa, ‘ You, sire, resigned a governor-
ship and requested the office of criminal judge, which
appeared as if you sought it as affording an opportunity
of speaking your mind. Now many months have already
THE SOVEREIGN AND MINISTERS. 223

elapsed; could you find nothing to speak about?’ Ch'e

Wa then remonstrated with the king but without any

result, so he resigned his office and took his departure.

The people of Ts‘e said the motive of Ch‘e Wa was good,

but that of Mencius himself was not to be discerned.

Some one told Mencius of this. He said, ‘I have heard

that he who is in office gives it up when he cannot fulfil

his duty; he who urges the ruler with words departs

when he attains to no result. I myself have no office; I

have no word to speak necessarily ; may I not, therefore,

act voluntarily and without constraint in my intercourse
with others?’” High officials, especially ministers of

state, have no option but either to follow the sovereign or
to take their departure if the ruler will not determine
upon receiving their advice. (Cf. Arts. 390, 424.)

422, When he proves it an impossibility to help the
people (p. 93). ‘‘Mencius came to P‘ing-luh and said to
the governor, ‘ Would you, sir, execute one of your spear-
men who three times on one day should lose his place in
the ranks?’ ‘He answered, ‘I would not wait for three
times.’ ‘Yet you, sir, have several times lost your place in
the rdnks. In bad times and famine years the old and
enfeebled amongst your subjects were driven to the
ditches and canals; the able-bodied who were scattered to
the four corners of the earth amounted to’some thousands.’
He replied, ‘ That is not what Kew Sin (his own name)
had to care for’ Mencius replied, ‘If now some one
receives from other péople oxen and sheep to feed the
same for them, he must seek pasture and grass for them;
if he thereon sought and found not, would he not give
them back to their owners, or would he stand by and see
them die?’ Kew Sin replied, ‘That.is my fault.’ On
another day Mencius had an audience with the king and
said, ‘ Your humble servant knows five of your majesty’s
governors, but the only one of them who perceives his
faults is Kung Kew Sin.’ After he had related the above
to the king, the king said, ‘This is, then, the fault of me,
224 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

unworthy.” It is singular to find it always insisted upon
that sovereigns are answerable for the well-being as well
as for the good behaviour of their subjects. Unhappily
this is far too frequently forgotten both by higher as well
as lower officials; great social injury is the result, and
thus are excited political ferment and discontent. Where
there is existing distress to be removed, each one readily.
appeals to lack of instruction, or powerlessness, or to some
one who formerly must have preceded, &c. Such subter-
fuges manifest a deficiency in personal sympathy, and an
ignorance of that divine charity which desires to help all.
It is striking yet pleasing to find that Mencius always
treats the relation between the ruler and the governed as

pastoral. In this we have a very fruitful idea. He who

cannot grasp such an idea is not fitted for bearing rule.

Many modern sovereigns and ministers comport them-

selves as if the people only existed on their account. It

is a proof of a deep sense of the moral, duty one owes to

the people when a great minister gives up his office simply

and solely because he cannot advantage the people.

423. On being treated in an unbecoming manner by
the sovereign, unless this be merely passing negléct (p.
310). “When Confucius was chief-justice in Loo he
remained unused; then followed the sacrifice; as no roast
flesh came to him, he went away without taking off his
cap of ceremony. The ignorant think that he did this on
account of wishing for the flesh; the thoughtful conceive
him to have done it because propriety was lacking. But
Confucius preferred to go away on account of a small
offence rather than seem malicious. The masses cannot
properly understand what the superior man does.” The
first reason, that he was unused, that the sovereign did
not care for his counsels, was his real motive, but it offered
nothing to lay hold of. This he met with in the assembly
for sacrifice. It was but a slight offence, but it was charac-
teristic, and afforded the wished-for opportunity. The
crowd only saw the cause nearest them without recog-
THE SOVEREIGN AND MINISTERS. 225

nising a deeper reason. It is important for the historian
to consider these. The difference in the judgment passed
upon the conduct of great men consists mostly in the
shallowness or profundity with which their motives are
grasped. By these conceptions the historian or biographer
really characterises himself.

(c.) Failure Resulting in the Dethronement of a Sovereign.

424. Only a minister who is a relative dare do this (p.
268). “The king of Ts‘e asked concerning chief ministers
of state. Mencius said, ‘Concerning which chief ministers
does your majesty ask?’ The king said, ‘Are there dif-
ferent kinds of chief ministers?’ ‘There are several chief
ministers of noble relationship and others of a different
surname (to the king). The king said, ‘ Permit me to
ask about those of noble relationship.’ He answered, ‘If
the sovereign has great faults, they ought to make remon-
strances; if this is repeated without receiving any atten-
tion, they may change (the occupant of) the throne,’ The
king was moved and changed countenance. Mencius said,
‘Let it not make the king angry. The king asked his
humble servant, and I dared not say aught but the truth
in reply.’ The king’s countenance became composed. He
then asked about the other chief ministers of another
surname. He replied, ‘If the sovereign has faults, they
remonstrate with him; if this is repeated without receiving
any attention, they will depart (resign).’” The idea so
plainly defined here is good, and it is a proper limitation
of the doctrine of revolution. (Cf. Art. 370.) The relatives
of the sovereign must naturally feel every way concerned
in preserving the future of the dynasty. Unhappily, such
palace revolutions have generally ended with murder.
They are only justifiable when grounded not merely upon
political considerations, but upon actual enormities com-
mitted by the reigning sovereign. It is also requisite

that this should not be done by illegal and immoral
P
226 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

means, and privately, but by an abdication of the crown,
after which a harmless private life may be led. Thirdly,
this change of sovereigns must receive general and public
recognition,

425. Yet this may happen in the case of other ministers
from a higher point of view (p. 343). “A disciple re-
marked, ‘E-Yin, the prime minister, said, “I cannot endure
the disobedient” (to principle, Tao), and he banished the
emperor to T‘ung (the graves of his ancestors). The people
were much pleased. When the emperor became a worthy,
he brought him back, and the people were greatly pleased.
If a worthy be a minister and his sovereign be not a
worthy, may he thus banish him?’ Mencius said, ‘ Were
the real aim of E-Yin followed, it may be done; without
the aim of E-Yin it is usurpation.’” The history is in the
Book of Documents (Shoo-King). E-Yin (see Art, 271)
was an old and approved minister of state, who, properly,
had founded the Yin dynasty, for he helped the father of
this emperor to the imperial dignity. What his view was
in banishing this young emperor he showed after three
years. But the like experiment has also its dangerous
side, and in the present day could hardly be carried out
anywhere. There would be an abundance of suspicions,
and thus of inward disturbance. The best means of
counteracting the madness of a tyrant are to be found
in the moral incorruptibility and firmness of the ministers,
especially the highest, and the sound feeling of the people.
Towards this, true religion and morality help far more

. than any other recipes for political improvement. On
the putting to death of a sovereign, see Art. 374. The
thoroughness with which Mencius treats of the relations
between the sovereign and his ministers shows plainly
.the high importance he attached to the same. It forms,
and not unreasonably, the proper centre of his teaching.
In political life, everything clings closely around the
sovereign and the ministers, or, according to modern
notions, around the lawgiver and the administration,
THE SOVEREIGN AND MINISTERS. 227

which latter contains within itself both courts of justice
and government. According to Mencius, the sovereign is
the only lawgiver, although the conception of the laws
generally proceeds from the ministers. But the lawgiver,
according to Eastern custom, is never himself subordinate
to the laws, but possesses in regard to them unlimited
freedom. His will has no legal or justly imposed limits.
In spite of this, however, the greatest despot is bound by
moral principles. These it behoves rulers to keep clear
and proclaim conscientiously. It is well to keep this in
mind, that we may be able to judge rightly of the method
of Mencius regarded in its entirety. The teaching which
he gives to absolute rulers is of a deeply ethical nature,
but so piercing at times that we must feel astonished at
the grand freedom which then prevailed. We see this in
the bold appearance of the leaders of Socialism, Com-
munism, and Sensualism. The teaching of Mencius aims
at this, that the moral law, embodied in the persons of
virtuous ministers, shall oppose itself energetically to the
absolute authority of dissolute rulers. The minister
should not be the blind co-worker with his sovereign, but
the representative of the people, the incorporation of the
moral law of human existence and of general social life.
We are somewhat reminded by the above of the position
which the prophets of the Old Testament held with regard
to the kings, At the same time we bear in mind the im-
portant difference between the moral government devised
by Mencius and the theocracy of those prophets. These
were never the ministers of the kings, and always pre-
served their freedom in regard to them. They were
equally free in dealing with the people, to whom they
maintained the sternest preaching of repentance. The
prophets did not receive the law from without, as did
Confucius from antiquity, but spake as they were moved
by the Spirit of Jehovah, therefore the very Spirit of the
Lawgiver: they deepened and explained the teachings
of former times. The latter alone applies to Mencius,
228 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

In opposing the governors of his day, he did not consider
that the ministers of a despot can never preserve the in-
dependence and freedom requisite for carrying out his
teachings. Mencius himself spoke so boldly because he
was out of office at the time. Yet, farther, Mencius
overlooked the importance of renewing from beneath.
The evil ways and requirements of the people were never
illuminated by him in the sense and spirit of the prophets.
He held that all reformation of social life should proceed
from the Government. Of how little use that is without
the conversion of the people generally we may learn from
the history of the Jewish people under Joash, Hezekiah,
and Josiah. .It may appear strange that the point of this
discussion of Mencius is turned against the sovereign, so
that even his execution is justified, whilst the death of a
guilty official, although just mentioned (Art. 332), is never
advised. Only his dismissal appears to be justified, and
no details are given of this. The resignation of the officials,
on the other hand, seems to be pretty fully discussed.
This democratic feature, as we may call it, of Mencius is
certainly worthy of note. Confucius would have often
shaken his head at these teachings of his bold successor.
The teachings of so important a moral character as Men-
cius apply very closely to the circumstances of his own
time. Yet he surely found few amongst the officials who
corresponded to his ideal: his own disciples even appear
to have been of very little importance.
Book LL.

THE RESULT AIMED AT IN MORAL DEVE-
LOPMENT— THE ORGANISATION OF THE
STATE.

—_———_—_—_

CHAPTER I.
NATIONAL ECONOMY IN PRODUCTION, COMMERCE, AND TAXES.
(a.) Production.

426. Rivers and streams to be confined in proper limits
(p. 126). “Formerly, in the time of Yaou, when the
empire had not been reduced to order, the great waters
streamed seawards over their limits, so that a great inun-
dation took place. Grass and vegetation grew luxuri-
antly, and birds and wild beasts were innumerable; the
five kinds of grain were not grown, and the birds and
beasts pressed upon man. The tracks of the beasts and
the footprints of the birds crossed each other throughout
the middle kingdom. Yaou alone was distressed on this
account; he raised Shun to be co-regent. Shun, through
Yih, caused fire to be applied. Yih kindled the moun-
tains and lowlands and burnt them up (the vegetation
and grass). The birds and beasts fled and hid themselves.
Yih cleared the nine streams, purified the Ts‘e and T‘ah,
and guided them to the seas. He opened the Joo and
Han, and regulated the Hwae and Sze, and guided them
into the Keang (the great river), After that the middle
230 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

kingdom could obtain food. During this, Yaou went three
times past his own door in the eight years or more, yet
did not enter it.” This passage always gives one the im-
pression that the empire of China commenced at this
time. In the accounts we have of Shun there is much
that is fabulous. (Cf. those collected in Art. 265, also
298.) <A good chart of the water system of ancient China
is much to be desired. Many questions concerning the
geography of ancient times must depend for solution upon
local researches. The ancient accounts can only give us
hints here and there, The territories of the Yellow and
Great rivers contain many treasures of scientific import-
ance, but the researches of Western scholars are neces-
sary to bring them to light. The confining of the waters
to proper limits was the very condition of existence in
many of the Chinese states. At this day it would enrich
and bless many states if Governments gave more thought
to the reclamation of the many pieces of waste ground
within their borders. The first possibly large outlay
would amply repay itself in the following generation,
China in this respect is in advance of many European
states. In later days it became otherwise in China, espe-
cially through the influence of the little politics of the
small states. A minister said to Mencius (p. 319), “My
management of the waters surpasses that of Yu.” Men-
cius replied, “ You are in error, sir. Yu's management of
the waters was correspondent to the course of the waters.
Yu therefore made the four seas their receptacle; you,
sir, make that to be the neighbouring states. The over-
flow of waters is called an inundation; an inundation is
a waste of water, which humane people abhor. You are
in error, sir.” This management of the waters was only a
measure adopted for momentary relief. For a thorough
cure of the evil there needed apparently the co-operation
of the adjoining states. The flood which was mastered
was by no means a great one. Vain service, by which
one’s own state has been helped at the cost of neighbour-
NATIONAL ECONOMY. 231

ing lands, has often been rewarded with orders in our
own days. We may draw important conclusions from
these two citations, namely, that the Government ought
to care for the regulation of the course of the rivers, the
making canals, &c. It generally lies in the interest of
states to increase the area of habitable land and cultivated
fields. Thus is the number of inhabitants increased.
Of course this is more the case in industrial communities ;
but industry is subject to many fluctuations, and should
therefore always have a sure agricultural background.

427. “A just subdivision of the land.” (For details
of this see Art. 438.) In China, from old times, the
system of small farms obtained. This is of advantage
for the increase of the population; it offers abundant
work, and spurs on the people to industry and frugality.
Large farms, indeed, permit of a more advanced manage-
ment, but the profits are not so large, and are often
absorbed, Many large properties are much neglected.
The extension of the population, especially the improve-
ment of agriculture on small estates, must ever be cared
for by the state, as was the case in ancient China.

428. The appointment of the times for agricultural
operations, facilitating the cultivation of grain and hemp,
ordering of nets for fishing, care of forests, cultivation
of silk, breeding of domestic animals (p. 6). “If the
times of husbandry be not hindered (by enforced service
for the state, in the army, &c.), there will be more grain
than can be consumed. If no narrow nets are per-
mitted in the lakes and ponds, there will be fish and
turtles in abundance. If the axe and bill only at the
right time enter the forests and wooded hills, there will
be more timber to hand than is needed. If there be grain,
fish, and turtles in abundance, and more timber than is
needed, the subjects can nourish the living and bury their
dead without entertaining wrong feelings towards any one.
The nourishing of the living and the burying of the dead
without showing wrong feelings is the beginning of the
232 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

imperial way (or principle Zao). If possessions of five
acres of land are planted with mulberry trees, then those
fifty years of age may be clothed in silk, If the time for
fowls, pigs, dogs, and swine be not neglected, then those
of seventy years of age may eat flesh. If the time be
not let slip for fields of a hundred acres, families of
several persons shall not suffer from hunger. If attention
be given to education and the duties of filial and. frater-
nal affection be inculcated, the white-headed will not
carry burdens in the streets. It was never yet the case
that the imperial dignity was not obtained when the
people of seventy years old were clothed in silk and ate
flesh, and the black-haired people suffered neither from
hunger nor cold.” The state ought to care for everything
which is beyond the power of the individual or for which
he lacks the needful information. Of course this is
simply, as is stated in the text, in the things of physical
welfare and moral culture, not in extravagances. Even
in the case of adults there remains a difficult problem to
be solved by an able Government. The caring for the
nourishing, housing, and clothing, as well in time of
peace as in time of war, should not be neglected by the
State. Every instance of neglect gives rise to social
questions fraught with danger. The administration must
ever remain conscious of this problem, and keep their
eyes open to the welfare of the people. The chief thing
is that there should be offered a way of satisfying in a
proper way those requirements which will not be denied.
The Government has, therefore, not only to provide for the
administration of justice and for education, but also, in
the first place, for the necessary conditions of human
existence.

429. The Government is answerable for the welfare of
the people (p.9). “The king of Leang said, ‘ Your ser-
vant wishes quite humbly to receive instruction.’ Men-
cius said, ‘Is there any difference between killing a man
with a stick or a sword?’ He answered, ‘It makes no
‘NATIONAL ECONOMY. 233

difference.’ ‘Does it make any difference whether it
happens by means of a sword or through the form of
Government?’ He answered, ‘It makes none. He said,
‘In the kitchen is fat meat, in the stalls fat horses, but
the people have the appearance of hunger, and in the
open lie those who have died of hunger; that is called
cattle preferred and men consumed. + Men abhor the wild
beasts because they devour one another; but when he
who is the father and mother of his people in the exercise
of his authority does not avoid the increase of domesti-
cated animals and the devouring of men, where is his
mother and father-hood for the people? Confucius said,
“He who first made images had no posterity.” Because
he made images of men and used them (to bury with the
dead). How then will it be with him who lets his people
die of hunger?’” Great luxury always goes band in
hand with great misery. The upper classes are often un-
mindful amidst their refined enjoyments of the thousands
they are leaving to languish in misery. Laws can do
little to help these, only pitiful love can afford assistance.
It is often a difficult question to decide how, but so long
as things have not gone to extremes, the ways and means
are to be found at least of bringing such into a better
position as, apart from individual guilt or vicious lives,
have been brought down in the world, That is man’s
duty.

430. Inspection of the state of husbandry in spring and
autumn, (See Arts. 349 and 366.) “The saying of the
Hea is, ‘If our king does not journey, how can we obtain
prosperity? If our king care not, how can we obtain
assistance?’” As already mentioned, the emperor him-
self ought personally to oversee the progress made in
agriculture, and punish all neglect of the same. To let
good arable land go untilled is a sin against the state.
To let the whole land become desolate through anarchy
is a sin against humanity, for thereby people innumerable
are plunged into misery, and the neighbouring states made
234 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

to partake of the trouble. From this point of view inter-
ference is often a duty of humanity.

431. No neglect of work to be tolerated (p.113). “The
Duke of T’ang asked concerning the ‘progress of the
state.” Mencius answered, ‘The work of the people must
not be neglected. In the Book of Odes it says-—

‘By day go gather the grass,
By night quick twist the ropes ;
Make haste and mount the roof,
For seed-time will soon be here.’

The spirit of the people depends upon their nourishment.”
(Cf. Art. 32.) Unhappily the oversight of work is now
for the most part neglected. There are many idlers in
the world, both rich and poor, specially in Asia. Europe
has a superabundance also. Hunger and also affection
urge the majority of men to energy of action, either mental
or physical; but an evil minority is at work in social life,
just as decay works in nature. State policy is to disinfect
itself of this, The state essentially requires industrious
and skilful subjects. Indolence relaxes all energy and
leads the poor to crime, the rich to sexual enjoyment ; it
brings about physical and moral weakness, and finally
political ruin. This and nothing else was the ruin of all
the earlier civilisations. The state should also, on the
ground of self-preservation, urge or constrain all capable
of labour to work. He who has no need to work for his
daily bread ought to labour for the common weal in the
widest sense. He who has no mind for this had better
be sent across the frontier into Utopia.

(0.) Commerce.

432. The essential condition of this is division of
labour. In this place we have the argument against the
teaching of Communism, according to which every one,
including the sovereign, must look after his own needs
(p. 123). (Cf. Art. 346.) Mencius said, “‘ Will, then, the
NATIONAL ECONOMY. 235

Communist first sow his own corn and then eat of it?’
Answered, ‘Yes.’ ‘Willhe first weave his own stuff and
then clothe himself?’ ‘No; the Communist clothes
himself in rough stuff (Koh).’ ‘Does he wear a cap?’
“Yes.” ‘What sort of cap?’ ‘A plain one.’ ‘One
woven by himself?’ ‘No; one exchanged for grain,’
‘ How is it he does not weave it himself?’ ‘That would
cause neglect to his husbandry.’ ‘Does he require metal
and earthenware vessels for cooking and iron for a plough ?’
“Yes. ‘Does he make them himself?’ ‘No; he exchanges
grain for them.’ ‘These objects being exchanged for grain
is no wrong done to the potter and worker of metal; and for
them to exchange grain is that anything to the husband-
man?’ ‘Why is not the Communist also a potter anda
worker in metal and all things that he requires in his house,
soastouse them? Why is heso confused as to carry on ex-
changes with various handicraftsmen ? Why does not the
holy Communist fear so much trouble?’ He answered,
‘The businesses of various handicrafts could not be carried
on along with agriculture. Can, then, the governing of
the whole empire alone be carried on along with agricul-
ture? There is work for great men, and there is work for
little men. Farther, there is available for the use of one
person what various handicraftsmen have produced. If
each should provide for himself and then use them, the
whole empire would be brought into the streets.’” Were
men able to supply their own’ needs in their own houses
without the help of others, all commerce would be super-
fluous. But man is not only mentally but also physically
destined for social life. A well-ordered state is thus
necessitated by his external relations, and it is a yet
greater necessity of his nature. For such a state one
member is united to another and all incorporated into a
harmonious organisation, actually and not theoretically.
It soon follows that even the individual state has not
sufficient in itself for its own needs, but that the whole of
humanity must enter into relations with every part. In-
236 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

ternational commerce thus increasingly develops itself.
All commerce arises from man’s necessities. One seeks
to supply one’s own lack from the superabundance of
others, and at the same time to dispose of his own super-
fluity in like manner. This is true whether of natural
products or of industrial manufactures. The part of the
Government is to provide that this exchange shall be
carried out properly. In China this was not only looked
after in the bulk, but the Government appointed also
streets for exchange, mountain-passes, markets, and such
like. (Cf. Arts. 428, 434.)

433. The motive to commerce is the worth of the pro-
duct; therefore the same will not be artificially fixed
(p. 132). “Ifthe Communistic method were followed (said
‘a defender of the same) there would not be two prices in
the market and no deceit in the state. Even if one sent
a half-grown boy to the market, no one would take advan-
tage of him. Linen and silk of the same length would
correspond in price, likewise hemp and silk of the same
weight, so also the five kinds of grain in the same quantity,
and shoes of the same size. Mencius answered, ‘The
inequality of products is their peculiarity (quality), whether
it be double, fourfold, tenfold, a hundredfold, a thousand-
fold. If you make them all equal, that would throw the
whole empire into confusion. Put shoes of delicate work
and common shoes at the same price, would the people
make them? If these Communistic doctrines are
followed, people will be led to deceive one another;
could one use them for governing a state or a family ?’”
The quantitative value is the simple value to the con-
consumer; this is different to the value in exchange.
Fine work requires more time, and therefore represents
greater value than common. The price must be fixed
accordingly ; but in estimating the price another factor
must also be taken into consideration besides labour and
usefulness, namely, beauty. This will depend partly upon
the influence of fashion and partly upon the taste of the
NATIONAL ECONOMY. 237

individual. The value of usefulness is also a compound
element which may arise either from a momentary or per-
manent necessity, from one single requirement, or from
several in union. Again, the price varies with the practi-
cability of the work. Such work as can be undertaken
by any one without preparation has naturally the lowest
price ; such, on the contrary, as can be effected by gifted
hands and under special circumstances has a much higher
value. We may call this the principle of rarity. The
same applies also to natural products. Briefly we may
say the price is determined by the material, the labourer,
the usefulness, the rarity, the task, and the purse (of the
buyer). The mistake of regulating the market value by a
fixed scale has been committed by many Governments.
Nothing but disadvantage to the public generally can
result. The price can only regulate itself on a sound
basis when production and exchange are free, ie, not
constrained by a number of regulations. Oppressive laws
interfering with industry, especially taxation, hinder the
free development of commerce. Monopolies need not be
entirely abolished, yet they ought to be characterised by
brevity of duration, ¢g., the perfecting of a new invention ;
afterwards they should merge in the stream of general
competition, Yet the closest watching is requisite of
this general competition to tax as highly as possible every
absolute deception. That the greatest adulteration pre-
vails most where there is the freest action allowed to
commerce Mencius does not seem to have anticipated.
Individuals cannot possibly protect themselves on all
sides in the present complicated relations of trade, so much
the more, therefore, could and should the Government look
after this.

434. Of chief importance for commerce are markets,
bridges, &c. (p. 193). The prime minister of Ch‘ung
carried people across the river in his own carriage.
Mencius said, “ That is kindness; yet without understand-
ing how government is to be carried on. When the foot-
238 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

bridges are prepared in the eleventh month of the year,
and bridges for carriages in the twelfth month, the people
will not have to wade across. If the government of the
superior man be well balanced, he may have people
removed from his path; how can he carry every one
across the river? If, therefore, the ruler wishes to please
everybody, the time will not be sufficient.” The favour of
people is often both sought and obtained in an improper
manner. The only care of the Government is that every-
thing in the land be ordered in the best manner. Excep-
tions only hold good in special cases. -There will always
be room to prevent everything going on in a mechanical
routine. It was improper for a prime minister to become
a hackney coachman; although in a special case of ur-
gency it would redound to his honour to use his state
carriage to help on a poor subject. If the case was as
Mencius relates it, one of neglect on the part of the
Government, the business of the Government was to apply
the great remedy that so each individual might help him-
self. China of old was far in advance in the building of
streets and bridges, although now she has fallen behind
other countries. The peculiar importance of easy and
rapid transit, commercially considered, to places far
removed from each other, and for the development of the
empire itself, is quite unrecognised in modern China,
Railways and steamboats are the natural outcome of what
the Governments of antiquity undertook. Here we may
express our wonder that the many thousand merchants of
high civilisation, the customs officials, and officers in the
Chinese service, together with all the ministers, consuls,
and others, in so many years, have not been able to bring
the Chinese mind to recognise the absolute necessity of
these things. Whatever civilisation has hitherto obtained
from China by way of concession is without exception
due to the superiority of our arms; as good as nothing
‘has been obtained as the result of diplomacy exclusively.
‘In relation to commerce we may remark that both the
NATIONAL ECONOMY. 239

factors already mentioned, production and value, are
greatly influenced by means of communication, which
make the widest distribution of commodities possible.
435@. Luxury and extravagance are to be prevented
(p. 338). “ Let the consumption correspond to the season
of the year, let the use be according to propriety; then
the goods cannot be used up.” This is one great help to
the Government. Mencius supposes that the people live
temperately and economically, as indeed is the case with
the working classes in China up to the present time. It
is general also with the Government and the nobility.
Confucius never ate what was not in season, ze, which
did not belong to the season of the year. That is still
considered right living in China. The other advantage is
economy. Of course this is only the case with some kinds
of food, as vegetables, fruit, &c. If the use is seasonable,
there will be neither covetousness nor prodigality. Here
again we have an important hint for the political econo-
mist. As in a family to spend more than the income
must result in misery, so it is in the state if the consump-
tion is more than the production, and when the means for
a supply of foreign produce are thereby limited. This is
not the only reason for endeavouring to obtain a super-
abundance of products. The chief thing is that a certain
equality in the consumption be brought about. If amongst
a thousand inhabitants a hundred revel in abundance,
two hundred live moderately, four hundred have barely
enough, and three hundred suffer from hunger or privation,
wanting those things which can support their strength
and preserve their health, this is a wrong which demands
rectification. HExtravagance is always to be found amongst
the lower classes ; it shows itself periodically when wages
are good. It is to be seen in the general use of stimulants,
which have never been proved by physicians to be re-
peatedly necessary. What is the good of constant tobacco-
smoking? A constant application’ of a stimulus to the
nerves only produces nervousness, of which there is a great
240 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

deal too much. The general abuse of alcohol peoples the
institutes for the imbecile and mad. Strengthening and
nourishing food might well be more used in the place of
these. Then again there is luxury in clothes to be con-
sidered. This, especially amongst the women of the
humbler classes, ought to be highly taxed, and incon-

sistent dressing be publicly censured. Otherwise, this
' evil will go on increasing until its perpetrators get the
upper hand. Then, when everything that is thought
manly consists in sensual enjoyment and outward appear-
ance, the humblest will have the same right as the
noblest, and the embittering results of social democracy
be fully established. Mencius had another view of what
is desirable, and so have we.

4350. “In times of need the cattle should not receive
that nourishing food whereby man can be sustained” (p.
5). (Cf. Arts. 345, 429.) The royal hounds and swine
are mentioned here, These last were being fed with good
grain, in order to make their flesh tasty for the royal table,
Even now there is many a useless beast well fed whilst
men are allowed to perish.

(c.) Tames.

436. The tenth for the necessary requirements of a
civilised state (p. 316). “A minister said, ‘I wish to take
the twentieth, how would that do?’ Mencius replied,
‘That is the way (Tao) of the Mih (Barbarians). In a
state of 10,000 households, would it do to have only one
potter?’ ‘No, there would not be sufficient vessels to
use,” Mencius continued, ‘In Mih they do not grow all
the five kinds of grain, but only millet; there are no
walled towns, public edifices, temples, and stated sacrifices,
no presents of silk and entertainments for princes, no
ministers and officials by hundreds: on this account the
revenue of one twentieth is sufficient. But to live now
in the middle kingdom and do away with human (duties),
NATIONAL ECONOMY. 241

relationships, to have no rulers (superiors), how would that
do? With only a few potters a kingdom could not sub-
sist, how much less without a ruler? If it be wished to
make the taxes lighter than the plan (Tao) of Yaou and
Shun, we shall have a greater and lesser Mih; if it be
wished to make them heavier than the plan of Yaou and
Shun, we shall have a greater and less Kee (tyrant)’” A
civilised state has not only natural, but also artificial
requirements. For the circumstances of that time the
tithe was the most appropriate form of tax. In modern
states it would be found most oppressive. Then the
agricultural labourers, peasants, were the principal payers
of taxes. The handicraftsmen had their special imposts.
The whole of the literati were excepted, and the people
who had no property or business were also exempt.
Capitalists did not exist. Thus is to be explained the
tithe, the almost universal form of the taxes of an-
tiquity.

437. The tenth is better taken in the form of labour
(socage) than in a direct share of goods (p. 117). “The
rulers of the Hea dynasty enacted the giving of fifty acres
to each family, and a tax to be levied on them; the Yin
dynasty, seventy acres and socage; the Chow dynasty,
one hundred acres and a share of the produce; in reality
they all gave one-tenth. . . . Lung-sze said, ‘ For regulating
the land there is no better system than socage, none worse
than taxes. By the tax system it took permanently the
general average of several years. In good years, when the
yield of grain is immense, much may be taken without
oppression; yet the amount taken is small. In bad years,
when the yield is not enough to cover the manuring of the
field, the full amount must still be taken. He who should
be as the father and mother of his people makes them
dejected, because, after a whole year’s industrious toil,
they cannot obtain enough to support their parents.
Then they borrow to assist them, till old and young are
scattered about in canals and ditches (perishing of hunger).

Q
242 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

Where is there a father or mother’s feeling for the people ?’
~ .. The ode says, ‘May the rain first come down upon
the public field and then upon our own.’ Only where
socage is is there a public field. From this passage we
see that the Chow dynasty had socage.” These Chinese
acres, or mow, were about the same in the gross, because
the unit of measurement varied. The advocacy of the
socage system under the Sung dynasty by Mencius is to
be explained by the fact that he only considered that
system from the ideal side, whilst he kept in view the
injury done by the other two systems. The chief objection
to taxation arises when the superabundance of a good year
is quickly paid away to foreigners. Fluctuation is generally
shown in the revenue from the land, which vitally affects
all business, and in the full extension of the commerce of
the world, brings about most rapidly an equality between
deficiency and supply. In that case taxation can also be
equalised, and the tax recommends itself. It is singular
that this is spoken of as the oldest form of taxation.

438. The ancient agrarian system (p. 119). “The Duke
sent his minister to consult about the system of dividing
the land into nine parts. Mencius answered, ‘As your
ruler desires to carry on a benevolent Government, and
has chosen and appointed you for that purpose, you must
make this of chief importance. A benevolent Government
must commence with the boundaries. If the boundaries
are not correct, the division into nine parts will be unequal
and the revenue in grain irregular. It is on this account
that, under tyrannical rulers, corrupt ministers neglect the
boundaries. If, on the other hand, the boundaries are
correctly laid down, you may sit down and decide the
portion of the land-tax. . .. I recommend for the open
land a ninth part as socage land, but in the midst of the
state a tenth, which the residents themselves must be
induced to give up of themselves, From the chief gover-
nor downwards, each official must have his clear field.
This clear field consists of fifty acres. Males not included
NATIONAL ECONOMY. 243

in families are to have twenty-five acres. On occasion of
death or of removal, there is no going out of the district.
In the fields of a district those of each group of nine are
friends to one another in going out and coming in; they
help one another, guarding and watching, and supporting
one another in sickness. The people thus live in mutual
harmony. A square li makes nine squares. A group of
nine covers nine hundred acres, The centre is the public
field, eight families have each one hundred acres of their
own. They cultivate together the public field. When
the public work is finished, then they first venture to
attend to their private affairs. This is the way the
countrymen are distinguished from savages. This is an
outline, the actual achievement of which rests with the
sovereign and you, sir.” It appears that by the socage
system two and a half acres were allotted to each family
for buildings and garden, although they only had to culti-
vate ten acres instead of taxes. This was the tenth of the
hundred. In the share system one hundred and twelve
and a half acres came to each family, of which they had
to give up the produce of twelve and a half, which is one-
ninth, The difference consists in the two and a half acres
for house and garden, which, mentioned in the commentary,
here escapes memory. This, however, is only a feint to
help on the somewhat lame system proposed by Mencius.
According to another statement, the people held of the
best fields one hundred acres; of medium, two hundred
acres; of bad, three hundred. The good field lay one year
fallow, the medium two years, the bad three years. The
exchange of workers took place every three yeafs, so that
in three years the three kinds of fields were managed by
each peasant. Of the second and third kind there were
only one hundred acres cultivated, so that the remainder
lay fallow, and the piece cultivated this year lay fallow
next year. Mencius clearly shows by his preference for
the socage system that he had an ideal social existence in
his mind. He would, as is shown in the text, bind to-

°
244 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

gether the families in closer bonds, that each should not
exist for itself, but cultivate a spirit of union. It might
have been foreseen that such constraint would cause dis-
sensions. In public works in general there is unhappily
a tendency to magnify one’s own power as much as pos-
sible. Only under very primitive circumstances is the
socage system practicable, or upon special occasions when
the spirit of common action is strongly aroused, and a
unique demand arises for speedy assistance. But it can-
not long continue, still less assume a permanent form. If
the corresponding means of exchange are ready, and there
be no lack of workers, it is better for every Government
to receive for the labour its value in products of other
labour or an equivalent in gold, than to provide for its
own requirements free labour. Thus both parties are
served. Mencius having chosen the worst out of three
previous systems is a sign that he was not a great econo-
mist, and was also a novice in social politics.

439. The doubling of taxes, “taking one-fifth” instead of
one-tenth, is strongly condemned (p.181). (Cf. Art. 487.)
Of three kinds of taxes, only one at a time is permissible
(p. 367). “There are taxes of linen and silks, a tax on grain,
a tax on labour. The superior man uses one of these and
leaves the other two; if he demand two of them, the
people will suffer from want; if he exacts the three, then
father and son are separated (7e., families cannot exist).”
Mencius is always considering how the people may be
protected from the exactions of extravagant despots.
These three kinds of taxes were all paid by the same
people, th® peasants. But the taxing of only one article
would certainly prejudice its production, if others found
sufficient demand, especially in the neighbouring states.
An equable partition of tenths, or a tax in lieu thereof,
would have answered far better, or even Mencius’s pet
plan of socage.

440. Market taxes, &. (p. 75). “Mencius said, ‘Is
there a ground-rent to be paid in the market without a
NATIONAL ECONOMY. 245

tax on goods, or inspection without any rent ? all the mer-
chants in the empire will be delighted, and desire to have
a store in the market. If at the passes there is an inspec-
sion of persons without taxes, all travellers will be pleased
and wish to pass over those roads. If the husbandmen
give socage service but no taxes, then all the peasants of
the empire will rejoice and desire to plough in those fields.
If there be only ground-rent, but not poll or house tax,
then all the people of the empire will rejoice and wish
to be his subjects.” The Commentary in the Chow-li
remarks, “that in markets and towns rooms were taxed
according to size. Taxes on dwellings were first intro-
duced in a time of national decay. Many princes exacted
socage from the public field and a tithe from the private
fields also. Houses without a plantation of mulberry-trees
in the garden had to pay the tax on dwellings, and people
without occupation the poll-tax.” Mencius was disin-
clined to complicated systems of taxes, but in doing away
with the misuse he rejected much that was good. The
tithe was unjust as soon as it had to be taken from one’s
personal requirements. Mencius supposes that every one
has first provided for his necessity. This may be in the
simple relations of a thinly peopled state, but not in modern
times, when foreign commercial relations are important
factors in questions of taxation.

441. Customs duties to be abolished (p. 357). “Of old
there were frontier posts to guard against violence; now
they have frontier posts to exercise violence.” Every one
is agreed that frontier duties, not to speak of inland taxes
between one district and another, as is now the custom
in China, are an inconvenience to travellers and a great
hindrance to commerce. Unhappily neither the wisdom
of China nor of the West has been able to devise means
for abolishing them; that is to say, nothing has been
found to take their place. It is also necessary that the
abolition of these be simultaneous and universal. The
state which precedes others in this path will suffer serious
246 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

financial injury, of which foreigners reap the advantage,
Antiquity is no argument in such things for our days,
seeing that the principle could not be unconditionally
applied in the time of Mencius. (Cf. Arts. 166, 437, 440.)

442. Marshes and ponds ought to be kept common (p.
38). “The management of affairs by King Wan in K‘e
was of old thus: the peasants gave a ninth as a tax, the
officials had hereditary revenues, at the markets and passes
there was inspection without duties, the use of marshes
and weirs was unrestricted, criminals were not punished
in their wives and children.” The weirs served to form
ponds for preserving fish. We may conclude that in the
time of Mencius the princes knew how to keep the fishing
for themselves. In China of to-day it is free, and is car-
ried on with energy.

443. The leading principle is that true wealth does not
consist in gold and silver (p. 368). ‘“Mencius said, ‘The
prince has three kinds of most precious things—the land,
the people, the business of governing. He who counts
pearls and jewels as the most precious, calamity will over-
take him.” Whilst true in the first place of the private
enrichment of princes, this is an important lesson to
finance ministers in regard to national economy. The
accumulation of gold will not give a country or a monarch
superiority over others; but the best management of the
useful products of the land, the advancement of morality
and intelligence amongst the people, with enlightened
and liberal government. Where these prevail, there is no
danger from within or without. Mere monetary wealth
soon brings trouble. A curious account is given of the
origin of taxes (p. 104), in which is indicated the idea
that the greed of sharp traders led to their imposition.
( 247 )

CHAPTER II.

NATIONAL EDUCATION : ITS THEORY, SCHOOLS, TEACHERS,
METHOD, AND MUSIC,

(a.) Theory.

444. Morat culture as well as physical is indispensable
to the state (p. 127). “There is a way with men; enough
to eat, warm clothing, comfortable residences, without
education, makes them like beasts.” This tendency un-
happily shows itself in many so-called scholars, whose
education has lacked the moral element. The culture of
the intellect and the acquisition of information cannot
supply this deficiency. Simple material prosperity cannot
long continue in a state unless moral purity and truth are
widespread amongst the people.

445. Education is not a suppression but a drawing out
(p. 199).1 ‘‘Mencius said, ‘He who seeks to subjugate
men by goodness will never succeed in subjugating them.
He who educates them by goodness will bring the whole
realm into subjection. If the hearts of all in the whole
realm be not subjugated, the imperial power is unattain-
able.”” The Government must always have the power to
legislate in favour of what is good, but it is to its interest
very rarely to exercise this power./ The more other factors
work to this end, to which the people voluntarily listen,
the deeper will strike the roots of the authority of Govern-

1 This seems a parallel toa very real goodness. External virtue,
common saying, “ Youcannot make though convenient to society, is de-

men virtuous by Acts of Parliament.” structive to the individual, making
Moral suasion alone will produce him a “whited sepulchre.”
248 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

ment, Those other factors are the Church and its mis-
sions. Sometimes, however, these will so fail that the
good, the truth itself, seems as an authority external to
the people and in opposition to the individual, and fear
or some lower motive is needed to force them to accept it.
At the first opportunity a reaction will take place, and an
endeavour be made to break the unbearable yoke. It is
otherwise where timely instruction and suitable education
have brought about their reception. Thus is aroused a
love for and joy in the good. Persuasion is the natural,
ethical, and the only religious way.

446. “Therefore the people fear good government (that:
is, the united will which compels to good the individual
will of the subject), but it loves good instruction” (p. 331).
The people will not lightly venture to oppose authority,
but are easily coerced or intimidated, as are children, with
whom, in addition to firm discipline, are needed not only
training and teaching, but also threatening,

447. Guidance of the people by “ the personal example”
of their ruler (p. 330). (Cf. 193.) The personal example
of those in authority and sovereigns is a most impressive
teaching for the people, who follow it as children like to
imitate what they see in adults, The imitation of the
nobility is indeed nowadays carried to extremes. The evil
is more copied than the good. It is every way better
when the true and the good are the pattern, and the will
of God is the only rule. But few lay hold on this.

448. The lower soon appear like the upper classes (p.
196). “Mencius said, ‘If the sovereign be benevolent, then
every one is benevolent; is he righteous? then every one is
righteous.’” The sovereign should, therefore, be properly
not only the representative of. the power of the state and
of the law, but also the embodiment of morality. That is
his high calling, which even in our own day and circum-
stances is of highest importance.

449. Importance of propriety and education to the life
of the state (p. 167). “The misfortune of a state is not
NATIONAL EDUCATION. 249

that its walls and fortifications are incomplete, and its
arms and armour are not abundantly forthcoming; the
injury of a state is not that its fields are not increased
and its possessions are not accumulating. If the upper
classes have no propriety and the lower no education,
revolutionists will rise up, and the final catastrophe is not
far off.” This is directed against the oppression of the
upper classes. They ought to show propriety (or consis-
tency). If the officials of a state generally were to pre-
serve propriety towards every one under all circumstances,
that by itself would much further the education of the
people.’ Education in China has permeated all sections of
the community far more than in Europe. If we contrast
the conduct, speech, and intercourse with each other of
the lowest class of people in China and Europe, we shall
find our assertion amply confirmed. The cause of this is
that the Government of China from the earliest period has
regarded the education of the people as its chief duty. It
is true that the courtesy of the Chinese of to-day is very
hypocritical, It lacks the genuineness of a sound morality
and a pure religion. There is therefore no occasion to
place the morals of the Chinese above those of Christianity,
as has been done by some superficial scholars. We will
only refer to the fact that the Chinese have already recog-
nised and cultivated many important elements of good
government which in other states have remained neglected,
spite of better influences. | | We must, alas! also refer to
the press, which holds so high a position in the education
of the popular mind. How little of propriety reigns in
this region towards those who think otherwise! Is this
rude, malicious, scornful, dogmatic tone that of modern
cultivation? It matters not what the party, all are simi-
larly affected, The public weal can only be furthered when
those who seek to advanceit really respect others who also
seek to promote it (although by other means and in other
ways), and treat them with at least learned propriety.
450. The education of the people therefore characterises
250 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

the Government (p. 71). “By seeing the customs we may
know the kind of Government.” (Cf. Art. 180.) It sounds
paradoxical, but it is true. It is the relation of the pupil
to the master. From the behaviour of the former one can
well estimate the ability of the latter. But the pupil can
never be greater than his master.

451. An uneducated people is useless even for war (p.
315). ‘“Mencius said, ‘The people, being uninstructed, to
use them for war is said to be bringing the people to
destruction.”” Text and commentary here both leave us
in doubt as to the kind of instruction meant, According
to the examples in the Book of Documents (Shoo King),
we should take it to mean instruction as to the cause and
aim of war. But the general application is also admis-
sible. It is education alone which distinguishes the soldier
from a wild animal of the worst kind.

452. The result of education is prosperity (p. 337).
(Cf. Arts. 142, 359, 435.) Education is the cultivator of
all that is noble, and shows itself not least in its power
over the lower passions. Where education increases sen-
-sual enjoyment, by adding a refined zest to it, it is no
longer the education intended by Mencius, but belongs to
the school of Epicurus. This has a tendency to destroy
and not to increase prosperity. It is well we should in-
quire what is the aim proposed and striven for in the
much-belauded education of our day.

(2.) Schools,

453. Of several- kinds, viz. boarding, military, ele-
mentary, and high, (Cf. Art. 428.) Mencius said (p.
118), “ Establish boarding-schools, gymnasia, and elemen-
tary and high schools for the education of the people.
Boarding, @.¢., nourishing ; high, ¢.¢, advanced education;
gymnasia, ie, military exercises (the bow), The Hea
dynasty called theirs high schools; the Yin, gymnasia ;
the Chow, boarding-schools. Elementary schools were
NATIONAL EDUCATION. ost

common to the three dynasties, By all of these were the
duties of men made plain. If the duties of men are
made plain by the upper classes, there will be the attach-
ment of the people shown by the lower. Should an
emperor arise, he will certainly take example by this, and
thus you will become the teacher of the emperor.” The
Commentary says, “ Wealthy people had a school in their
hall. Twenty-five families would unite for a public
school, and five companies for a local school. Those
mentioned in the text are local schools. Next, model
schools were established in the imperial residence, which
were then imitated in the provinces, All these were of
the same kind, but they differed in name. In the board-
ing-schools the old people were at times entertained; and
in the gymnasia military exercises were practised, espe-
cially prize-shooting (archery). According to the text,
the aim of these schools was to develop a symmetrical
education.” The scholars were prepared to fulfil all social
obligations. We ought here to keep in mind the views of
Mencius as to human nature, as laid down in Arts. 1-35.
The education of humanity only requires other instruction
and exercise in order to assist the development of the
pure humanity, which, according to Mencius, is ethico-
religious, Nowadays instructors frequently cannot “see
the wood for the trees,” and teach in consequence many
specialities which are of no practical value, but are
destined to be forgotten. The necessary moral and reli-
gious fundamental training may be considered under two
aspects—that which is not simply individual but keeps
in mind the social duties, and the vocation for one’s life
as a, citizen, of which only the first steps are to be acquired,
which it is most probable each pupil will require later on
in life. The special education for any department of life
can then more rationally commence with the choice of a
vocation. The education of the people supposes an unin-
terrupted progress in learning, which is brought about in
many ways throughout life,
252 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

454. Permanence of the orthodox school (p. 377).
Mencius said, “ From Yaou and Shun to T‘ang there were
over five hundred years. Men like Yu and Kaou-yaou
saw and recognised it (the truth) ; such as T‘ang heard of
it and recognised it. From T‘ang to King Wan there were
more than five hundred years, Men like E-Yin and Lae

‘ Choo, they saw and knew it. King Wan heard of it and
knew it. From King Wan to Confucius there were more
than five hundred years. Men like Tae-Kung Wang
and San E-Sang, they saw and knew it. Confucius
heard of it and knew it. From Confucius till the pre-
sent time are one hundred years. One is so little re-
moved from the age of the Holy One (the Sage), is so
very near to the place of his residence. Is there then no
one? Is there none to transmit them?” Hence we see
that: the chief representatives of Chinese orthodoxy were
the most important of her emperors, thus indicating that
the nature of that orthodoxy was political economy.
That this has all along continued so conservative arises
from the fact of its strong moral basis, which again is
founded upon the nature and destiny of man. The time
in which Mencius lived was a period of political, not of
literary decay. Mencius had many contemporaries of the
first rank. Of the founders of new dynasties which arose
after Mencius, not one became sufficiently famous to be
classed with the examples of antiquity. Although there
has been no lack of great changes in form, there has been
an underlying clinging to the traditional. The creative
power perished when the empire was consolidated. China
has had so long a continuance as an empire because no
rebel in case of success had any new plan to bring for-
ward, but simply sought to revivify the ancient. This
success only lasted for a time, till a new rebellion again
overthrew a decrepit Government and repeated the process,
The latest rebellion of the Taipings alone was national and
boldly reformatory. It failed, not because of the opposi-
NATIONAL EDUCATION. 253

tion of so-called Chinese stagnation, but from the absolute
incompetency of its leaders.

455. Shun was “the founder; he appointed the first
minister of education” (p. 127). (Cf. Art. 326.) This
office is therefore one of great antiquity, and of importance
if the state will receive instruction. In a sound state of
political life education must not be neglected; it ought
not to be left to the crotchets of an individual, but be
carried out so as to keep in view the requirements of the
mass, whilst providing for the special needs of individuals,
The Government may prescribe the examinations with
regard to the requirements of the state, and it is its duty
conscientiously to watch over these, but it ought carefully
to guard against any division of interest between itself
and the families of the empire. School and home ought

‘ ever to stand in closest harmony. Parental authority is
established and an outlet is furnished in the energetic
pursuit of a political career. If the parental authority be
overthrown, that of the state falls also; there then re-
mains no moral right, but only that of might. School
life in China at the present day is very much neglected.
There is no discipline, and there are neither preparatory
institutions for teachers nor examinations of these, The
state only examines those who offer themselves at the
official examinations, and apportions their degree. Each
one can see for himself how he may best provide him-
self with what is required. The office of a teacher is a
thoroughly free and open profession. But free inquiry is
entirely stifled by the way in which preparation is made
for the Government examination. Choo Hi is sanctioned
as the exponent of the Classics, after whom every Chinese
must form his opinions; every opinion that deviates from
his is legally wrong. Of late years the Chinese for the first
time have had the opportunity of taking wider views, but
are seldom in the position to do so. There, in the exami-
nation, lies the chief obstacle to the unprejudiced inquiry
into anything foreign.
254 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

(c.) Leachers and Scholars.

456. Reception of scholars (p. 369). “ Mencius said,
I having opened a class, go not after those who leave, and
reject not those who come. If they come with such a
heart, they will be at once received.” Mencius, therefore,
received every one who came to him to learn without
examining their character. The context says that a
sandal was missing from the inn, Mencius repudiated
being answerable for his pupils. At the same time he:
hints at the improbability of his scholars doing anything
of the sort. Possibly it was simply a school joke that
they had perpetrated. Confucius does not appear to have
received scholars so easily.

457. Various kinds of scholars (p. 374). “ When Con-
fucius could not obtain men of moderation, to whom he
might have communicated his views, he was obliged to
take bigots and ascetics. The bigots quickly laid hold of
things; the ascetics would not do many things. Did
not Confucius desire to have moderate men? It was
because he could not get them that he thought of the
next class. The conversation of the bigots was high-
sounding; they said, ‘The men of old! the men of old!’
But if we compare their conduct, it did not correspond,
Tf he could not obtain bigots, he tried to get scholars who
would not engage in anything impure, in order to com-
municate his views to them. These were the ascetics;
they came after the others.” Confucius thus taught one
so-called correct school. It is noteworthy that the same
types in all ages form the orthodox. The moderate men
are rarely met with. The bigots, or dogmatists, develop.
more energy, we now see, amongst the Ultramontanes,
whilst Protestants, as far as they are orthodox, take up
the side of asceticism.

458. Refusal of conceited men (p. 354). “A disciple
asked, ‘When the regent’s brother came within your door
he should have been treated with propriety. Why did he
NATIONAL EDUCATION. 255

receive no answer?’ Mencius said, ‘He who questions
me, presuming on his nobility, or his talent, or his age, or
his services to me, or upon old acquaintance, will not be
answered,’ The regent’s brother did two of these things.”
Modesty is requisite in a learner, specially in a student
of ethics and statesmanship; still greater is this require-
ment for religion. Mencius would have to expel most of
the high-school students of the present day. The desire
for wisdom, and especially for knowing how to govern, is
not so great as appears at first sight,

459. Proselytes from other schools (p. 367). “ Mencius
said, ‘ They who flee from Socialism go over to Sensualism;
they who flee from Sensualism go to the Orthodox. If they
go over to that, they ought to be at once received. Dis-
putants now deal with the Sensualists and Socialists as if
pursuing a stray pig; even when they are already in the
sty, they follow after them and bind its feet.’” The idea
is plain. Socialism naturally begins with the ideal; it
pursues the highest aim, but it cannot long sustain itself
on high, but sinks down into miserable Sensualism.
Modern Socialism has already passed even this point.
Thence it raises itself and sends back many of its ad-
herents to orthodoxy. Man as a moral and religious
being can find no satisfaction in the abyss of sensuality.
It leads many to destroy their nobler self; but the crowd
only follow such for a time, until they come to a con-
sciousness of their actual state. It is usually only an
ideal or even an illusion which the mass of men pursue;
when undeceived, faith awakens and they find that ortho-
doxy alone secures their safety. Unhappily many mistakes
are made by the orthodox party at such times, One does
not like to see “the swine” again in the fold, but fears
that they may once more break away, so proceeds to bind
their feet, that they can neither stand nor walk. The
idea is, within the sphere of the school (the Church with
us) we ought to keep plenty of room. The “pure” doc-
trine is the rope wherewith feet are bound, In contrast
256 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

to this let men see from without and find tolerated
within the richest variety. Life will have motion, Many
of the world’s chief herdsmen find the abundance of their
swine or sheep very inconvenient for oversight; instead
of fresher pasture, give dry hay or husks, and the herd gets
fat upon it—possibly these shepherds yet’ more so. Only
rest, rest in the stall! they say.

460. Irreverence of an earlier scholar (p. 188). One of
the earlier scholars of Mencius came in the train of a
minister to Ts‘e, He came to see Mencius. “Mencius
said, ‘Do you come, sir, to see me also?’ He answered,
‘Why does the master utter such words?’ Mencius
answered, ‘How many days is it since you came hither?’
He said, ‘Some’ ‘Some! Is it not then right of me to
utter such words?’ ‘My lodging was yet unprepared,’
said he. ‘Have you, sir, heard that one visits his chief
after his lodging is prepared?’ He said, ‘I have sinned.’”
In most cases we may know the tendency of a man’s dis-
position if we can but observe what he does first of his
free will, and what course he takes. In our own day
many things are done for the sake of propriety, because
one dare not leave them undone, but they are not the
outcome of the heart, i

461. Great reverence shown by the scholars (p. 130).
“Tn former times, three years after the death of Confucius,
his scholars prepared to return to their homes, They
entered and bowed themselves before Tsze Kung. Stand-
ing opposite to each other, they wept till they all lost
their voices and then returned home. Tsze Kung built
afresh a dwelling upon the site of the grave (of his teacher
Confucius), and lived there alone three years, after which
he returned home.” It is a fine trait that the scholars
remained together three years after their master’s death,
and thought over what they had been taught. It was like
the imperial mourning for a father. Yet Tsze Kung
doubted this. This mourning was not observed by all
the seventy disciples of the master, but only by a small
NATIONAL EDUCATION. 257

number. Still this remains a unique fact in his history.
It could only be possible when the disciples had known
their teacher for many years, and had been taught by him
not only intellectually but also morally. In modern
times that is extremely rarely the case, and then only for
a very short time. The lack of reverence of our day lies
chiefly at the door of the teacher, who too often fails to
bring into prominence the ethical side of the master’s
vocation. We see here another indication of the greatness
of Confucius; he was, indeed, the superior of Mencius,

(d.) Methods of Education.

462. Twofold (p. 324). Mencius said, ‘Education
has many methods. I hold it (often times) unsuitable to
teach (a man), and thereby I teach (him).’” The com-
mentary paraphrases this, “I hold the conduct of a man
to be impure, therefore I decline to teach him. The man
feels this, he reforms himself, he learns to exercise
humanity and righteousness. This is also one of my
methods of giving instruction.” This method smacks
somewhat of stoical pride, but in some cases it may be
justified. Where there is a sense of shame, it is rarely
that a friendly admonition to virtue is entirely lost. To
the light-minded an earnest discourse does no harm. In
both cases a cold silence might increase enmity and. break
the last link, Love and sympathy are the best teachers.
Only amongst scoffers is silence usually in keeping, and
always amongst decided enemies.

463. Fivefold (p. 349). “ Mencius said, ‘ The superior
man teaches in five ways. 1. There are some he influ-
ences like a timely rain, 2. With some he perfects their
virtue. 3. With some he brings out their talents. 4. Of
some he answers the questions. 5. Some he teaches
privately. These are the five methods which the superior
man uses in teaching.” The newer method would base

these five ways upon psychology, after as many elements
R
258 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

of the life of the soul—Sensibility, the Will, Imagination,
Intellect, and Reason. Such schemes have their advan-
tages, but do not help us much, and often give us mere
words instead of a living idea. Every teacher with a
moral purpose will influence his pupils in various ways,
each according to his individuality. The master who has
his model quite ready for all shows that he is but a
pedant. Mencius always keeps humanity as a whole in
his mind, and lets peculiarities find their place naturally.
The first, thoroughly awake to instruction, receive it
eagerly and joyously. The second have more aptitude for
the ethical, and yield themselves to right guidance. The
third have a special inclination for this or that theoretical
or practical department, and press on in that direction.
The fourth are intellectual, critical natures, who require
answers to their questions, lest through suppressed doubts
they showld end in uncertainty. The fifth are those who
specially attach themselves to the master and allow them-
selves to be urged on by him. Naturally the thorough
scholar and higher education are here supposed.

464. Levelling downward “by compromises” is to be
rejected (p. 350). (Cf. Art. 80.) This especially relates
to thorough scholars. To the good one may bend or con-
descend, but never pay compliments to the perverted or
to the corrupted.

465. The ideal is to be kept before one (p. 297).
“Mencius said, ‘When E (the great archer) taught any
one to shoot, he directed his attention to the full drawing
(of the bow), and the attention of his pupils must be
directed to the same. A great master-workman who
teaches any one does it with the compass and square, and
his pupil must also use the compass and square.’” The
learner must receive from his master an idea of what is to
be done in his department. To that his endeavour must
be directed entirely until he is able to accomplish it. In
this way he will keep his zeal excited and avoid the self-
satisfaction which ever accompanies superficial attainments.
NATIONAL EDUCATION, 259

466. Instruction gives ideas, but not the ability to carry
them out (p. 356). “Mencius said, ‘The joiner and
wheelwright can give a man the compass and square, but
cannot make him skilful with them.” This is an im-
portant consideration when we wish to estimate the work
of the teacher.’ There must also be a correspondence
between the ability of the teacher and the willingness and
ability of the scholar in order to reach the highest result.

467. The farther education in life (p. 196). “Those
who have ability train those without ability, the gifted
train those without gifts; therefore men rejoice at having
skilful fathers and elder brothers. If the able scorn those
without ability and the gifted those without gifts, then
the difference between the skilful and the incapable does
not amount to an inch.” The commentary says, “If the
skilful do not fulfil this their vocation, they become as
fools, and reckon themselves with those of no ability.”
That higher knowledge or civilisation should effect the
education of those of lower attainments is not only agree-
able to nature, but also a moral duty. Only in this way
can the differences and difficulties of social life be over-
come, That in its widest sense is the idea of missions.
As long as a mission only uses peaceful and benevolent
means, it stands justified in the forum of civilisation and
science,

468. Nominal enlightenment (p. 363). “ Mencius said,
‘The talented used to make men enlightened through their
enlightenment; now they make men enlightened by their
obscurity.” The commentary says, “Enlightenment
takes place by means of morality (Tao Te).” Thus the
so-called enlighteners of our time may measure the worth
of their teaching. To impart knowledge to the people so
as to fill them with doubt is not enlightening them in
the sense of Mencius, but darkening, because it removes
them from the moral duties of men. Without a moral
and religious education the intellectual only injures men,
because it lends dangerous weapons to immorality, selfish-
260 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

ness, and wickedness. Endeavours for the good of others,
in a religious and moral sense, have never led them to
destruction, but to nobler enlightenment. It is only
human ambition which likes to lead to darkness instead of
light. Let men consider the difference, In all ages there
have been blind leaders of the blind, not only amongst
Pharisees and Scribes, but amongst teachers, lawyers,
officials, ministers, and sovereigns. All great revolutions
show darkness on the side from which enlightening ought
to come, and light that breaks forth out of the darkness of
the once despised.

(e.) Music.
Philosophie Conception.

Music plays an important part in popular education in
China. Only the Socialists vigorously oppose it. Con-
fucianists ascribe to it great influence upon the minds of
the people, and thus upon social life and the Govern-
ment. Confucius is more copious on this subject than
Mencius.1

469. Its nature is joy (p. 190). “Thé nature of music
is to rejoice in these two (filial and fraternal duties),
When there is joy these increase; when increasing, how
can they be discontinued? If they cannot be discon-
tinued, the feet dance and the hands gesticulate uncon-
sciously towards them.” It is not so absurd as it appears
at first sight that music should bring men’s hearts into
union with moral government. Melody and rhythmical
movement are external signs of that which sways the
heart, That a decided tone pleases us and certain har-
monies carry us with them has indeed an external cause
in the relations of their vibrations, but a deeper still in
the constitution and disposition of our souls.

470, Its influence perfects the national life (p. 26), “A

1 Cf, The Digest of Confucius (p. 82).
NATIONAL EDUCATION. 261

minister visited Mencius and said, ‘I had an audience of
the king. The king spake with me about his love of
music, and I had no reply to make: how is it with the
love of music?’ Mencius answered, ‘Had the king a
great love for music, what would the state of Ts‘e lack ?’
Another day Mencius had an audience of the king and
said, ‘The king once spake with his minister about a love
for music; is it not so?’ The king changed countenance
and said, ‘I cannot love the music of the ancient kings,
but I love that which suits our own day.’ He replied, ‘If
the king had great love for music, what would be lacking
to the state of Ts‘e? The present music would be like
the ancient.’ ‘May we hear how that is?’ Mencius said,
‘Which is real enjoyment, to enjoy music alone or with
others?’ ‘There is nothing like enjoying it with others.’
Mencius said, ‘Which is enjoyment, to enjoy music with
a few or with a mass?’ He answered, ‘There is nothing
like enjoying it with a multitude.” Mencius said, ‘ Permit
your humble servant to speak to the king about music.
Your majesty is now having music here, and the people
hear the clang of the royal bells and drums, the fifes and
flutes, and all say with aching heads and wrinkled brows
to one another, “Our king loves to have his music; but
why does he bring us to such extremity?” Father and
son do not see each other. Brothers, wives, and children
are separated and scattered abroad. This is nothing else
than that you do not share your pleasure with the people.
Now, had your majesty your music here, and the people
that heard the clang of the royal bells and drums, and the
sound of the fifes and flutes, said cheerfully and pleased,
and with pleasant countenances, one to another, “ Our king
is not ill, else how could he enjoy music?” This would be
nothing but your enjoying yourself in common with your
people,”” From this place it appears plainly what position
in ethics is assigned by Mencius to music. Ruler and
subjects should be in harmony, and music be the expres-.
sion of the common joy. We have thus also a doctrine
262 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

of social harmony. In the above Mencius departs some-
what from his master Confucius, who ascribed to the
ancient music a magical effect upon the revivifying of
state life, but denounced the modern music as destructive
to the mind,

471. Therefore Mencius could say (p. 71), “ By listening
to the music we know the virtue (of the sovereign).” (Cf.
Art. 180.) Properly, the music, like the rites, must be
approved by the sovereign, if it be not appointed by him.
The music for festal occasions, especially for the great
sacrifices, was appointed by the sovereign formerly, but
in the time of Mencius mostly by the princes. Besides
this there was the popular music abounding in song. The
classical Book of Odes collected by Confucius contained
many such popular songs. Much may be understood of
the popular opinion from the music of the day, formerly
also the kind of government, because the people then
were in close dependence upon it. The character of
Chinese music is determined by the compass 7 g, a, }, ¢,
d,e,f. In the most ancient times they knew the intervals
of fifths. The octave is unknown in China, all music
being arranged to a scale of five notes, Harmony was
unknown, but melody, rhythm, and the peculiar tones of
different instruments are distinguished. With music the
art of dancing was often united, Music itself was never
taught in Chinese schools. Confucius himself was musical,
as were some of his disciples, Mencius does not seem to
have been distinguished in this respect. In other ancient
philosophic writings of China examples were given of
great musical feats. Music ought not to be undervalued
as a means in educating the people. Man generally has
a delight in music and song. Only care should be taken
to improve the taste, and not let it be lost. In this respect
the views of Confucius contain a degree of truth, Where
simply good music is loved, there, as a rule, good thoughts
will be cherished and prized. The thoughtful can apply
this to the music of our own day.
472.
473.
474-
475.
476.
477.

NATIONAL EDUCATION.

Theory of music (pp. 161, 165, and 36),
Instruments.

Performances.

Concerts.

Ancient and modern music are alike.
Discussion concerning the old bell (p. 248).

263
( 264 )

CHAPTER III.
THE NATIONAL DEFENCES.
(a.) Firmness at Home.

478. Party strife is the ruin of the state (p.175). “A
man must first disgrace himself, then it will happen to him
from others; a family must first destroy itself, and then
it will happen to it from others; a state must first stab
itself, then it will happen to it from others.” Internal
dissensions precede external ruin. Where this is not the
case, assaults of foes serve to arouse new life. The inner
divisions are often forgotten for a while in presence of a
common danger, but too often for the first time when it is
too late.

479. Not fortified towns but law-abiding moral order
affords protection (p. 84). ‘“ Mencius said, ‘The time of
Heaven is not like the advantage of earth; the advantage
of earth is not like the harmony of men. If a fortress
(a walled town) of three li circumference, with outworks
of seven li, be besieged and assaulted but not taken, it
was the time of Heaven for the besieging and assaulting.
But the not being taken indicates that the time of Heaven
is not like the advantage of the earth. A fortress by no
means deficient in height, surrounded with moats by no
means deficient in depth, whose arms and weapons lack
neither strength nor sharpness, whose stores of grain are
not lacking in abundance, if after all given up, this
indicates that the advantage of earth is: not like the
harmony of men. Therefore it is said, A people is not
THE NATIONAL DEFENCES. 265

protected by the throwing up of frontier forts, a state is
not defended by steep mountains and ravines, the whole
realm is not held in loyalty by the advantage of arms,
He who has found the moral law of the universe (Tao),
many assist him; he who has lost it, few assist him.”
The commentary says, amongst other things, “ The ancients
divided the land, not the people.” At this time the
princes wished to keep the people to their own bound-
aries, so they erected the frontier fortresses, 2, they
wished, in a lawful way, to hinder the people from
wandering about, and to cause them to settle down in
definite dwelling-places. How many means of restraint
have been sought by Governments when they have lost
the chief means! Small states have always exhibited the
same symptoms, and have perished absolutely in their
littleness. Now that we have the great states, we see the
same thing on a larger scale. Each is envious of the
other, always at work fabricating more destructive arms,
building stronger fortresses, seeking to increase their
inhabitants, yet thinking very little, indeed, about the
inner harmony, which is more important than aught else,
But, says Mencius, the chief thing is principle (Tao). The
strongest forts are often lost through a lack of moral
union in the defenders, Proper military preparations are,
of course, not excluded, but these are often overrated to
one’s destruction; they are no guarantee against treachery;
deceit, and neglect.

480. A Government which is active in doing good need
not fear the enterprise of neighbouring states (p. 50).
“The Duke of T‘ang asked, ‘ The people of Ts‘e are forti-
fying See. I feel on this account great alarm ; what is best
to be done?’ Mencius replied, ‘If (the Duke) does good,
his descendant in later generations will attain the imperial
dignity. The superior man founds the inheritance, offers
the clue which can be continued in the future. When
the completion of the work arrives it is from Heaven.
What has the ruler to do with that (neighbouring state) ?
266 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

Be active in doing good, and that is enough.” Were
states to seek to excel each other in good, in arrangements
to secure peace, life would be more restful and useful.
But attention is solely directed to power and dignity,
rarely to the deep moral purpose of national and political
existence.

481. The state must receive teaching from all sources
(p. 173). “The small states take the large for their
example, yet are ashamed to receive their commands;
that is as if a scholar were ashamed to receive the direc-
tions of his master. If one is ashamed of this, there is
nothing better than to take King Wan for an example.
If he does this, he will be certain, with a large state in five
years, or with a small one in seven years, to obtain the
rule over the whole empire.” For King Wan’s way, see
Art. 268, Pride and caprice are ever united with pupils,
old or young. The best way to become free of the teacher
is industrious study, by which alone one arrives quickly
and easily at one’s aim. States which will not learn often
receive blows from their stronger instructors, neither are
lesser corrections wanting.

(0.) Defensive against External Foes,

482. External foes and calamities serve to vivify the
state (p. 323). “If there are within no conservative
families and worthy counsellors, and abroad no inimical
states and external calamities, that state will generally
come to ruin.” By these the energy of the state is incited
and the self-satisfied repose, and effeminacy, by which most
of the old civilisations have perished, will be averted.

483. In danger the ruler must either immediately flee
or make a firm stand, even to death (p. 51). “The Duke
of T‘ang asked, saying, ‘Tang is a small state; although
exerting all my strength to serve the large states, I cannot
avoid the inevitable; how may this be done?’ Mencius
answered, ‘In former times the great king (founder of the
THE NATIONAL DEFENCES. 267

Chow) dwelt in Pin; the barbarians made incursions into
it; he gave tribute of skins and silks without being able to
get ridof them. He gave them dogs and horses, pearls and
jewels, without getting rid of them. Then he assembled
the old people and spoke to them as follows, saying,
“What the barbarians covet is the land. I have heard
that the superior man does not injure men with that by
which he nourishes them. What difficulty will it be for
my two or three children to be without a ruler? I will
leave you.” He left Pin, crossed the Leang mountain,
and founded a town at the foot of the K‘e mountain, where
he dwelt. The people of Pin said, “He is a humane man;
we must not lose him.” They followed after him like
crowds hastening to the market. Or you may say, The
land belongs to the generations following, an individual
cannot alter this ; I will'rather die than give it up: I ask
the ruler to choose between these two courses.’” Modern
times are not without examples of princes abdicating,
though not with the result of the Chinese sovereign. The
reason being that modern abdications do not take place
from a love of the people, but as a last means of self-
preservation for rulers abandoned by their people. Ifa
ruler can trust himself to his people, the conflict is to be
preferred, in case there is a possibility of victory and of
maintaining the same; otherwise it is more humane to
flee. Self-destruction is romantic but barbarous.

484. Defensive measures (p. 50). “The Duke of T‘ang
asked, saying, ‘T‘ang is a small state between Ts‘e and
Ts‘oo; shall I serve this or that?’ Mencius replied, ‘I
cannot grasp this proposal. There remains only one way.
Deepen your moats, improve the walls of your forts, and
defend them together with your people. Prepare to die,
and let not the people depart: in this way you may
succeed.’” History proves that a small state, where the
people love their government, has often successfully re-
sisted mighty powers, and defeated them with great loss.
268 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

(c.) War.

485. Lust of conquest will not prosper (p. 20). “‘If
the king (of Ts‘e), therefore, prepares arms, endangers
soldiers and officers, excites discontent among the princes,
does this give you joy in your heart?’ ‘No, said the
king; ‘what joy can I have in these? Thereby I only
seek that which I covet. ‘May I hear’what it is you so
greatly covet?’ The king laughed and said nothing.
Mencius continued, ‘Is it because your rich and sweet
food is insufficient for your mouth, your light and warmth
insufficient for your body?’ ... ‘No, not on that ac-
count.’ ‘Then,’ said Mencius, ‘one can understand what
your majesty covets so much; it is to extend your terri-
tories, to have Ts‘in and Ts‘oo at your court, to govern the
middle kingdom, and to keep the four (frontier) savage
regions in hand. To endeavour by the means you are
using to obtain your desire is like looking for fish in a
lofty tree’ The king said, ‘Is it as bad as that?’ He
replied, ‘It is worse; for if you seek for fish in a high
tree, although you do not find any, there will be no evil
result following. To seek what you desire by what you
are doing, and to direct all the energy of your spirit to it,
must have an evil result.’ He said, ‘ May I hear how?’
He replied, ‘If the people of Tsow fight with those of
Ts‘oo, which does your majesty think will conquer?’
‘The people of Ts‘oo would conquer. ‘Therefore the
small cannot contend in war with the great, nor the
minority with the majority, nor the weak with the strong.
The land within the four seas contains nine times a thou-
sand li; Ts‘e only consists of one such part. To seek
with one ‘to overthrow the eight, what difference is there
between this and Tsow going to war with Ts‘oo? It
is even opposed to radical principles.” This monarch,
therefore, was preparing to seize the empire by force of
arms, Mencius often urged the princes to strive earnestly
after the imperial dignity, but always in the way of peace.
THE NATIONAL DEFENCES. 269

He who wishes to carry out anything by external power
must carefully calculate the opposing forces. Without
considerable spiritual superiority an eightfold power
cannot be conquered, but the very attempt is fraught
with ruin. Ts‘e reckoned upon the lack of union amongst
the other powers, but found out its error later, and expe-
rienced signal discomfiture. (Cf. Art. 489.)

486. War hinders the increase of population (p. 5).
“The king of Leang complained to Mencius that, in spite
of his anxious thought on behalf of his people, the popu-
lation of his state did not increase, nor that of his neigh-
bours decrease. Mencius answered, ‘ Your majesty loves
war.... That is why the land is depopulated.”’” War
costs not only precious lives, but also arms and provisions,
It takes away from production the best strength, and hin-
ders it likewise, whilst consumption is increased. The
injury and the destruction is yet worse if the land is
invaded. Spite of all which, statesmen have as yet
discovered no remedy or way of preventing wars.

487. A war of conquest is really manslaughter (p. 181).
“Tf the fighting is for land, the slain fill the open fields;
if the fighting is for a town, the slain fill that town. This
is what is meant by ‘increasing the territory and de-
vouring the flesh of men,’ a crime for which death is
insufficient. Therefore skilful warriors should undergo
the most severe punishment, next those who unite princes
in alliances, afterwards those who extend the area of moor-
land and burden the people with uncultivated territory.”
Mencius suggests many questions in regard to the history
of the world, What have all the great conquerors of past
times, down to Napoleon, done for the good of humanity ?
Millions of lives have been sacrificed, civilisation has
retrograded, and the history of the world still taken
another course than that proposed by the conqueror. The
conquering state is generally ruined by its greatness.
Righteousness exalteth a people, yet more a throne, But
such great convulsions are necessitated when states keep
270 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

so much aloof from one another, and so develop angry:
opposition. It is with peoples much as with the atmos-
phere; where well-ordered equality of temperature pre-
vails, all is soft and mild; where opposite temperatures
come into direct opposition, storms result.

488. It destroys the ‘balance of power between states
(p. 315). “Mencius said, ‘The land of the emperor con-
tains about a thousand square li; without that it would
not be sufficient for the entertainment of the princes.
The land of a prince contains about one hundred square
li; without that he would not have enough to maintain
the statutes of his ancestral temple. When Duke Chow
was invested with Loo, it was one hundred square li; the
territory was not insufficient, but it was limited to one
hundred li... .. Now Loo is five times one hundred
square li, What do you think, sir? Were an emperor
to arise, would Loo be diminished or increased? A
humane man would not do it were it simply the taking
from one and the giving to another, how much less ought
one to do so by the slaughter of men ?’” Loo had formerly
annexed nine states, but soon after itself suffered’ the
same treatment. It saddens one to see how often like
occurrences repeat themselves in history in a slightly
different form. The history of China of that period might
well serve as an example and warning to modern Europe.
The present smaller states will not much longer be able
to enjoy their independence. It would show us that in
the formation of any great power no general European or
universal peace is possible. China had first its small,
then its large states. In Europe there is a greater because
a national difference. There is a great importance in this,
but also a dark side. As long as selfishness is the lead-
ing motive of politics, state boundaries cannot be abso-
lutely settled. If we finally arrived at a monarchy like
that of China under the Tsin dynasty, Bc. 250, even this
would not secure enduring peace. How many rebellions
has China experienced since that time! The ruling dynasty
THE NATIONAL DEFENCES. 271

has been changed more than twenty times. Still we need
not despond. The kingdom of God alone remains eternal ;
but that consists in righteousness, peace, and joy in the
Holy Ghost. States only exist by virtue of those eternal
virtues which they exhibit. We think in the first place
only of that which Mencius has so well brought forward
here. Especially ought we to remember his two funda-
mental ideas of humanity and righteousness. These are
eternal virtues. They show their lasting nature in that
they cannot be exhausted upon earth.

489. Annexation should only be when the inhabitants
are favourable (p. 45). ‘“Mencius said, ‘If the dwellers
in Yen are pleased at being annexed, then annex it.
Among the ancients there was one who so acted; it was
King Woo. If the people of Yen are not pleased at being
annexed, then do not annex it. Amongst the ancients
there was one who acted on this principle; it was King
Wan.” (Cf. Art. 41.) The king annexed it, and the
result is seen (p. 46). “When the people of Ts‘e had
conquered Yen they annexed it. The princes of the realm
took counsel how to save Yen. The king of Ts‘e said to
Mencius, ‘ The princes are advising how to attack me. How .
ought they to be treated?’ Mencius replied, ‘ Your servant
has heard of some one with seventy li who exercised the
government over all the realm; that was T‘ang. I have
never heard of any one with a thousand li who feared
others. Now the ruler of Yen was tyrannising over his
subjects ; your majesty went and punished him; the people
regarded it as their own saving out of water and fire, and
received your troops with baskets of rice and vessels of
soup. But they killed their fathers and elder brothers, and
laid their sons and younger brothers in fetters, destroyed
their ancestral temple, and carried away its precious
vessels; how could this prosper? The whole realm fears
with reason the power of Ts‘e. Now with territory doubled
and no humane government exercised, that sets in motion
the arms of the whole empire, If the king hastens to
272 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

issue an order for the release of the old and young, to
leave the precious vessels in their place and position, to
set up a ruler after taking counsel with the people of
Yen, and then withdraws, so may the halting (of the
troops of the allies) be attained’” The king did not do
so, Yen revolted, and Ts‘e suffered a reverse, losing also
its prince and much land. Yen, in fact, owed its safety
to the envy of other states at Ts‘e’s acquisition of terri-
tory. So it is in this day in the case of several weak
states.

490. Even a war of punishment may be avoided (p. 354).
“In executing punishment the superior authority makes
war upon the inferior. Hostile states do not punish each
other.” (Cf. Art. 367.) (P. 356.) “Punishment of the
states is called correction. If each wishes itself to be
corrected, why does it require war?” The misery is when
states do not correct themselves. For this is needed the
universal dominion of morals and religion. Of course,
neither this nor that external form is meant, which often
enough have caused war, but the reality of them. That
war amongst the peoples ought to be abolished is as
impracticable as the desire to do away with all capital
punishment. To seek to diminish crime and to make
punishment just and humane, is possibly . attainable.
Many wars might be prevented by suitable means, Even
if all states did not join it, a genérally recognised autho-
rity might be established and recognised, to whose deci-
sions differing states might have recourse, or which in
case of refusal might with other states act as the execu-
tive, but all private endeavours do nothing to help toward
this.

491. War is generally to be deprecated (p. 354). “There
are no righteous wars. Instances there are of one war
better than another.” (Cf. Arts. 488,154,490.) Mencius
is highly to be regarded in this respect, that he always
advocates a policy of peace. In this respect he is at
one with all the chief state philosophers of the Chinese,
THE NATIONAL DEFENCES. 273

How unlike these to the Greeks, who idealised robbery and
violence, in both small and great, above everything! Yet
many scholars regard the Greeks as far higher, if not the
very highest, exponents of humanity. The ideas of the
Chinese offer a great contrast to these, especially in poli-
tical economy. The Greek conception is that of a town
council by the side of the grand statesmanlike intuitions
of the Chinese.
(| 274

CHAPTER IV.
HOME POLITICS.

(a.) The Identity of the Interest of the Government
- and the People.

492. THE Government, as well as the laws, is for the
welfare of the people (p. 165). ‘There are now rulers
with benevolent hearts and a reputation for humanity,
yet the people do not receive any benefit from them, and
they cannot be examples to future generations, because
they do not use the (Tao) practice of the earlier kings.
Hence it is said, ‘Good in and by itself is not sufficient
to establish a Goverment; law in and by itself cannot
carry itself out.” The laws of the state represent a will.
Its difference from the will of an individual is that it is
the will of the community, the Government for those
governed. As thought has universal laws, so has the will.
As every thought is not right, but only in so far as the
law of thought therein finds expression, so has the will
laws which are the standard for its realisation. Not every
will corresponds to the law of man’s right will. But as
“the thought” is to be distinguished from thinking, so
“the will” from willing, or, more clearly expressed, “that
which is willed,” just as thought corresponds to “that
which is thought.” The will of the Government, as that
which is willed, is the law for the state. Both the will

and that which is willed belong together. But the carry-, ,

ing out of this is not so secured; that requires the mind
or will of the subjects; the law must also become some-
HOME POLITICS. 275

thing willed by them. Because this is never fully the
case, the law requires external enforcement. This it finds
only in the personal representative of the law, who effects
the carrying of it out with more or less power. This
power stands in an inverse ratio to the will of the subjects.
We may also say that the force which the state exerts
towards its subjects indicates the difference between the
will of the Government and the will of those governed.
In the department of politics this law never becomes so
carried out as its sense properly requires. The state con-
sists in reality of several single beings, and its power
cannot so watch over all of these as would be necessary
to carry out the formulated, will of the law. ‘Thus it
forms to itself by degrees a modified, and possibly toler-
ably practical, mode of proceeding. Ministers with the
best intentions cannot help the law beyond this. A sound
state policy requires a personal representative of the law.
The people must feel, and where possible see, that its welfare
depends upon the stability of the law and the Government.
That which is legally willed thus becomes the will of the
people. The step from this will to its fulfilment is then
easier, although it is very seldom that there is a complete
correspondence between that which is willed and that
which is done. '

493. “The people are the chief consideration in the
State” (p. 359). (Cf. Art.57.) This appears self-evident,
yet it is but rarely understood.

494. Therefore the destitute must be cared for (p. 38).
“The widowers, the widows, the childless, and orphans
form the poor folk of the realm, and have no one to whom
they can complain.” King Wan cared first for these four
kinds of people when he announced the humanity (or
benevolence) of his Government, The Ode says—

«It goes well with the rich,
But pity these poor solitary ones.’”

The Government has always to provide for the common
276 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

weal, But in considering the whole it must not lose sight
of those who, without state help, must perish. This is
often too long neglected. :

495. The “old to be nourished” (pp. 179-336). (Cf.
Art. 142.) Mencius does not mean that the state is to
support all the aged, but to see that this be done by their
relations. That was attained formerly by encouraging use-
ful occupations. This might even now be recommended
with advantage. Where it happens that the heads of
families cannot support all who depend on them, it is the
duty of the Government to inquire the cause and to find
the requisite assistance. Where such cases can be treated
in detail, the individual can generally be enabled to help
himself; but where the evil is widely extended, the
poor worker with the best will cannot devise expedients ;
he can neither see what to do nor has he power to
do it.

496. “Help to be given the people when necessary ”
(p. 261). (Cf. Arts. 195 and 343.) In preserving the
people the Government preserves itself. The home policy
can by gentle discrimination secure many friends, For
other questions the people generally care little and under-
stand less. Only it should be a wise care for the poor, as
much as possible exercised through poor persons, because
such better understand the cases and more easily find a
favourable hearing. These could be controlled by well-to-
do people of higher position.

497. General sympathy (p. 77). “The earlier kings had
a sympathetic heart, and therewith also a commiserating
government. He who with a sympathetic heart exer-
cises 2 commiserating government may govern the whole
empire as if turning it round in the hand.” Sympathy
opens the heart, sternness closes it. Still great energy is
required with the sympathy to form and carry out great
plans; the good of the people is the moving cause, and
the people, provided they are not passionately excited,
have a keen perception of this.
HOME POLITICS. 277

498. Reciprocity. For such a Government the people
willingly die, but they abandon the unsympathetic (p. 48).
“Tsow had an engagement with Loo. Duke Muh of Tsow
asked Mencius, saying, ‘Of my officers there remained
thirty-three men killed, and none of the common soldiers

‘died. To punish these in the way of discipline cannot be

done, but if not, then they malifiously saw their leaders
die without standing by them; what, then, is best to be
done?’ Mencius replied, ‘In times of want and years of
famine, there were of your subjects the old and the weak.
lying about (dead) in the moats and canals, the strong,
who were scattered about to the four quarters, several
thousand persons. Yet your magazines were supplied
and your treasuries filled. None of the officers made a
report. Thus the neglect of the superiors is cruelty to
the inferiors. Tsang-tsze (a disciple of Confucius) said,
“Stop! stop! what goes from you comes back to you!”
Now the people have only returned their conduct to the
officers. Do not blame them. If you exercise a bene-
volent government, this people will be attached to their
superiors and die for their leaders.’” A similar thing has
been heard of in modern European armies, 7.¢., that soldiers
have shot their own officers in the battle. Rigid discipline
need not exhibit itself in brutality. Specially should all
set over men respect their subordinates. That is the secret
of all power over others, consideration for the least, and
participation in their experiences. With this, energy in
the carrying out of principles may well be united. As
long as the upper classes think that they are a class of
men by themselves, and the lower classes are only for
their service, the gentle human feeling of these latter will
be outraged. Then there is the constant danger of an
explosion, a revolution, brought about by the uprising of
suppressed human nature,

499. Means by which the Government may win the
love of the people (p. 176). “ Procure for the people what
they desire, and do not offer them what they abhor.” (Cf.
a
278 ; THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

Art. 357.) This is a general statement; specially are
mentioned—(1.) The scholars are to be won by honour
to the excellent, gifts to the skilful, place to the distin-
guished, (2.) The merchants by exacting only ground-
rent without taxing of merchandise, inspection without
payments, (3.) The travellers, inspeotion at the boun--
daries and frontiers without taxes. (4.) The agriculturists
by socage service without taxes. (Cf. Art. 440.) Men-
cius also would have the state keep in mind its pur-
pose of civilisation, and: that taxation must supply the
requisite means, A too great lightening of taxation would
be most prejudicial to the state, could not long continue,
and must be very dearly purchased. But a Government
profits the people when all that is exacted turns to the
advantage of the administration. Such is the principle
in vogue throughout Asia and in part of Eastern Europe.
It sometimes seems to be the chief idea at times in the
budgets of constitutional states. It is worthy of note
that in China great importance was attached by the
Socialists to military preparation.

500. “The rendering of service to individuals is to be
deprecated” (p.194). (Cf. Art. 434.) Time is too short for
it, and it indicates weakness in the Government. It is,
we have seen (Arts. 492-499), an object of home govern-
ment to attach the subjects, individuals as well as large
masses, to itself, but much depends on the way in which
this is done.

501. The use to be made of the people should be the
very best (p. 330). Mencius said, “Let the people be
employed in a way to secure their happiness; although
wearied they will not murmur. Let them be killed in
the work of preserving their lives; although they die they
will not murmur against him who causes their death.”
This again is universally true. No one loves toil for the
sake of toil, or death for its own sake. It requires the
aim to be made very plain, which is only to be obtained
through this means, If the aim is generally desirable,
HOME POLITICS. 279

one can put up with very unpleasant means of attaining
to it, even if many have to be employed. But a mistake
is often made in the choice of means. In politics it is not
every aim that sanctifies the means.

502. Prosperity shared with the people (p. 39). “The
king said to Mencius, ‘I have a passion for something; I
love wealth.’ He answered, ‘In old time Duke Lew loved
wealth. The Ode says—

“ He hoarded up, he gathered in,
He packed up dried flesh and grain
In bags and sacks.
He thought, The mustering of the people brings glory.
Halberds, bows, and arrows were prepared,
Shields, spears, battle-axes, and hatchets ;
Then he marched forth.”

Thus those who remained had stacks and stores, those
who marched had provisions packed ; then it was that he
first felt able to begin his march. If your majesty loves
wealth, let it be mutually shared with your people.’” (Cf.
Arts. 426-443.) A ruler who only amasses private wealth
mistakes his position and loses the affection of his people,
causing mistrust and envy by this splendour. How dif-
ferent "when his state is his treasure and his subjects his
jewels.

503. Rejoicing with the people (p. 4). “ King Wan used
the strength of his people to make his tower and lake, and
yet the people rejoiced, calling the tower the ‘Wonder
Tower,’ the lake the ‘Wonder Lake;’ they rejoiced that
he preserved his stags and deer, fishes and turtles. The
men of old enjoyed themselves together with their people,
therefore they could rejoice.” Joy in the joy of fellow-
men is a very noble joy. To wipe away the tears of the
poor and sorrowful and to give them laughter instead is
a higher kind of enjoyment than that procured by costly
paintings and sculpturdés. In the present day private
parks are much in vogue. Seldom is it that the possessors
find pleasure in these, or time to enjoy themselves in them;
280 | THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

the public look through the gates and lament that so
beauteous a spot lies useless to the neighbourhood. Gene-
rally there cannot exist for long in any community an
arrangement by which the greater part does the work and
only the remainder derives its pleasure from it. Human
nature has, in consequence of the unrest which results
from its indispensable labour, a need for amusement that
‘cannot be repressed, for obtaining some kind of enjoyment,
the desire for which is of equal importance with the
strength to labour. Where the majority find this im-
possible, then the mass begins to ferment, and a revolu-
tionary explosion follows. Each right desire requires a
careful directing towards the noble and beautiful, so that
it be not degraded into mere sensuality and vulgarity.
Here is the problem for the Government, which both can
and will form the taste of the people for enjoyment by its
own pleasures.

504. The contrast to this, when the pleasure of the
monarch is treated as a crime in the people (p. 30).
“Mencius said to the king of Ts‘e, ‘When I arrived at
your borders, I inquired about the great prohibitions
before I ventured to enter it; and I heard that inside the
border gates there was a park of forty square li, and that
he who killed a deer in ‘it was held guilty of the same
crime as he who killed a man. Thus those forty li are a
pitfall in the midst of the state. Is it not natural for the
people to hold them to be too large? The park of King
Wan contained about seventy square li. Grass-cutters and
wood-gatherers visited it, pheasant and hare catchers
visited it; he held itin common with the people. Was it
not natural for them to regard it as too small?’” Under
King Wan hunting was free, truly a political means of
preparing his elevation against the Yen dynasty three
thousand years since. Even now hunting is free in China
in the open field, specially in uninhabited districts or on
the mountains, This subject is treated (p, 28) in the same
way as music (Art. 470).
HOME POLITICS. 281

505. Sympathy in joy and in sorrow (p. 33). The king
of Ts‘e had an interview with Mencius in the Snow Palace.
The king said to him, “Have men of distinguished virtue
this pleasure also?” Mencius replied, “They have; and
if others obtain not the same, they condemn their superiors.
They are wrong in condemning their superiors because
they cannot obtain pleasure. But to be ruler of the people
and not to share enjoyment with them is also wrong.
He who rejoices in the pleasure of the people, in his
pleasure the people also rejoice. He who is grieved at
the sorrow of his people, in his sorrow they also grieve.
To rejoice with the whole realm, to sorrow with the whole
realm, and yet not to obtain the imperial dignity, has
never yet happened.” The argument is striking. The
upper classes, specially those who have possessions, have
indeed a legal right to the enjoyment of their own. Those
who can only look on have no right to condemn these.
But right has its limits in humanity: as soon as it becomes
inhuman it passes over into the opposite. Not only from
the standpoint of humanity, but also from that of wisdom,
is it incumbent upon those in a high position to preserve
an accordance of feeling with the feelings of the lower
classes. If the noble and the right—the truly human—
are not cultivated whilst there is the opportunity, then
the passions, the wild forces of nature, break loose. Equality
in our common humanity with firm maintenance of dif-
ferences of rank is essential.

506. “Enjoyment of beauty with the people.” (Cf. Art.
312.) Mencius meant that each king should rejoice in
his own wife. Were this the case with all those in
authority, marriage throughout the land would be happier
than is frequently the case. This point is one of extra-
ordinary importance for the state. The more happy
marriages, the more contented families, These are the
foundations of the state. It is necessary to direct the
attention of noble minds to this point; the matter must,
however, be gently handled.
282 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

- (0) The Political Factors.

507. The state organisation in its constituent parts.
The individual is the ultimate element (p. 171). “Men-
cius said, ‘The people have a common saying: “The
empire, the state, the family,” is what all say. The
basis of the empire is the individual state; the basis of
the state is the family; the basis of the family is the
individual.’” This is first said of the emperor, who through
his state governs the realm, through his family his state,
and through his individuality his family (family here in
its wider sense). Here Mencius thinks not of quantity
but of the right quality. The head of the state must be a
person who has proved himself, and is approved, in the
narrowest circle, head of the family, and in the widest as
head of the state. Only to such an individuality will
all the various elements of the empire bend. This is the
condition of internal peace and prosperity. Beyond this
it is signified by the above passage that the organisation
of the state does not rest directly upon the family; there
is something beneath that. Where there are no longer
feudal states, the realm requires some other bond of union
between the great families and its colossal and complex
self. The more there are of such great families, and the
more closely their interests are intertwined, so much the
more vitality has the state in itself, and the stronger its
position towards what is external. But if these are ex-
clusive and stand in an inimical position to each other,
the whole is in gonfusion. If the family be not regarded
in its individual members, each is absorbed in the whole,
and there will soon be a lack of decided characters. Each
should be, even for his own sake, a thoroughly educated,
morally developed individual. This last position ought
not, however, to be attained by opposition to the rest, but
by means of its well-regulated unity.

508. Great families (p. 171). ‘“Mencius said, ‘The
HOME POLITICS. 283

administration of government is not difficult, One must
not offend against the great families. To him to whom
the great families incline, the state inclines; to him to
whom the state inclines, inclines the whole realm. The
virtue-inculcating teaching of such a one will spread as a
result over all, over-filling the four seas.’” These families
were in China what the powerful noble families of Europe
once were. Now, in the place of these, we may and must
place the corporations and associations, especially those
of a political nature, whose influence is in some respects
greater than that of the earlier noble houses. A Govern-
ment can seldom remain neutral towards all parties. It
has too great an interest in the result to stand quietly by
watching for the end, resolved to be contented with it.
It requires a leading principle and a majority to make its
success possible. Therefore it must unite with one or
other party. An intelligent Government ought never to
let itself be torn in pieces by party passion; it must yet
more seek to incorporate the elements of truth held by its
opponents, spite of the one-sidedness of party. Only thus
can it hope to attain an enduring victory. The greatest
political mistake of a ruling party is to persecute the
others by means of external power. That is a misuse of
power. Let one treat opponents, as far as the difference
is one of conviction, with gentleness and consideration.
Only actions, never opinions, should be held as criminal.
(But many words are the same as actions.) An Opposition
can only hold together so long as it maintains truths
which have not obtained recognition by the ruling party.
So, for instance, the Confucian political economy has
appropriated the essentials of the Socialistic, and is fuller
and more powerful for the struggle it has undergone. So
it is in every department of social life. It is not a weak
eclecticism, but a living growth here advocated. Every
new addition works upon the old truth, rejuvenating it or
lending it new life: the type is the same, but there
is somewhat new in every part. This is a law of the
284 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

organic life of natural, spiritual, social, and political well-
being. |

509. Conservative elements (p. 323). “If there are no
conservative families at court . . . the state will come to
ruin.” (Cf. Art. 482.) Opnaeruine the parties in the ancient
political life of China we have but few hardly intelligible
intimations, which form a subject for the discussions of
sinologists. That the conservative element is most impor-
tant for a healthy political development will not be quite
evident to some of the “party of progress.” But we must
distinguish between the true conservatism, which will only
hold fast to traditions proved good, and its caricature,
which endeavours to perpetuate everything ancient with-
out examining it. Although China has, in the present
day, fallen into this last error, it was by no means the
meaning of Mencius, He simply was not sufficiently
clear in guarding. against it. Every organism which
ceases renewing itself, dies out, becoming inorganic.
This renewing must take place by way of growth, as
the development of the original type; thus it busies
itself in casting off all ‘that is unnecessary and a mere
excrescence. Too-hasty progress often breaks away from
the old stem without any growing life in the new graft.
The result is long delay or retrogression, until that which
has been lost is restored.

510, “Faithful officials.” (Cf. Arts. 375 e¢ seg., 106,
331.) Without trustworthy officials the Government
halts. For training such, the ruler, even with the best
intentions, is manifestly insufficient. Only when among
the subjects and officials each faithfully fulfils his own
duties can success be secured. The temptations to
unfaithfulness proceed mostly from the people. China
is not the only state now suffering from this evil.

511. “ Harmonious interaction of the upper and lower
classes.” (Cf. Art. 359.) Every one in the state must do his
duty ; not merely his legal duty, which may be done as a
matter of policy, but the moral duty, the inner require-.
HOME POLITICS. 285

ments of the law of the mind. There is too much lack
of this. In times of moral corruption, the Government
blames the subjects, the subjects the Government. Both
are so far in the right that common repentance is needed.
Here lies also the great importance of religion to the state.
The morality of the state is a kind of average, although
the Government must take a higher moral standpoint
in order to be able to effect the education of the people.
The Christian religion has a higher moral standpoint than
the state. The ordinary morality is presupposed, but the
moral feeling is deepened, and an ideal striven after that
corresponds to the highest—the divine claims in man.
This perfection striven after is, however, never attained.
In individual cases religious people may sink below the
level of the common morality. The state has public
opinion in addition to legal punishment for such cases,
The religious body (the Church) has also its discipline, its
excommunication, whereby she can publicly declare her
moral character to all who have fallen below her moral
standpoint. In a great Church body there must be formed
smaller associations with this end in view, after the reli-
gious standpoint of the individual. These can exert dis-
cipline over each other. Through these by degrees the
general moral tone is improved and elevated. The Chris-
tian religion can never be thereby exhausted. She seeks
a fellowship of love with the Heavenly Father, through
the Saviour, who has revealed the divine love in His own
fulness. But the more intimate the fellowship with God
becomes, the more perfect becomes the human personality
which is created after God, and thus too the general moral
conduct is perfected. Then the moral conduct proceeds
in' a natural way from within, instead of being a mere
external acquired form. The multitudinous errors that
have been made in the past prove nothing against the
truth and importance of this matter.

512. Proportionate distribution of honours and incomes
(p. 249). “Mencius was asked the arrangement of digni-
286 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

ties and emoluments determined by the house of Chow ?”
(1100 B.C.) (p. 250). “The emperor had a domain of one
thousand square li. His chief minister had land equal in
extent to a prince; the other ministers as much as a count;
great officials as much as barons; dukes and princes had a
territory of about one hundred square li. The ruler of
this had ten times the income of a chief minister; these
four times as much as the other ministers; these again
double the amount of the great officials; these double of
the middle-class officials, and these double the lower
officials; these had the same as the palace servants. The
income of these was equivalent to what they made by
their own field-work.! Counts had a territory of seventy
li. The income of the ruler was tenfold that of a chief
minister;he had three times as much as the other ministers;
these double the amount of great officials, &c., as above.
Barons had a territory of fifty li; yet there were the
same four grades. He who had not fifty li had no access
to the emperor. These smaller holders of estates were
attached to some prince to whom they joined themselves.
In a territory of fifty li the ruler had an income tenfold
that of a chief minister; he had double that of the other
ministers, &c., as above. A husbandman received the
produce of fields of one hundred acres. The chief hus-
bandman received the manure for one hundred acres,
which supported nine people; the next classes supported
eight, seven, six, and the lowest, five persons. The income
of the ordinary servants in the palace was regulated by
these varieties.” According to the Chow Li, the emperor
had formerly 11 chief ministers, 68 of the second class,
and 269 other ministers, 1150 great officials, 4496 middle
class, and 19,507 lower officials. Dukes and princes re-
ceived an income equal to that of 2880 persons; counts

1 If we take the values of the per annum; the middle, £24; the
present day as a guide, for the sake highest, £48; the ministers, £96;
of realising the difference appor- the chief minister, £384; the duke or
tioned to the different ranks, we prince, £3840. Field-work is vari-
shall find, taking a low estimate, ouslyremunerated inthe different pro-
the lowest official receiving, say, £12 vinces at from 158. to 25s. per month.
HOME POLITICS. 287

equal to 2160, and barons 1440.1 If Mencius had not
disposed of these arrangements by other considerations,
there was,yet in antiquity a fixed scale of dignities and
incomes. Mencius tells us that the princes had volun-
tarily upset this (p.249). “The particulars of that arrange-
ment (Chow) cannot be learned, for the princes, disliking
them as injurious to themselves, have all made away with
the records of them.” They hoped to do better for them-
selves. The officials did as the princes nowadays; the
mandarins have only.a trifling nominal income, and are
dependent upon fees or perquisites for their necessary
expenses. These fees are very pliable or elastic, and
include a mass of illegal impositions. These and the
further corruption resulting from the sale of offices have
poisoned Chinese political life to the very core. A new
and righteous regulating of the whole finance system
is one of the fundamental conditions for a healthy and
prosperous political future. Unhappily it is frequently
overlooked; a solid moral principle is the great prerequisite.
When a baron expends as much as a monarch and a
subordinate official as much as a minister, it is natural
that their proper income should be insufficient. They
seek other assistance in order to be able to meet this
extravagance. To confine themselves strictly within
proper limits is no longer understood by most. There is
then a moral perversity combined with a sickly public
opinion. Social and political injury are the result.

513. Maintenance of the moral and social bonds (p. 19).
“T treated my aged as aged, and so reached to the aged of
others. I treated my young as young, and so reached to
the young of others. Thus may the whole realm be made
to turn round in the open hand.” In the Ode it says, “An
example to his gracious wife, it reached even his brothers,
and reflected itself in the families and in the land. The

1 At first sight this appears in- = 320: in other words, the dukes re-
consistent with the text; but ifwere- ceived 320 times as much as sup-
member that nine persunsconstituted ported a labourer’s family.

a family, we shall find that 2880 + 9
288 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

language only takes up such a mind and applies it to all.”
Each man stands in manifold relation to his fellow-men,
not only in reference to age, which is laid hold of here,
but also as husband and wife, father or mother, son or
daughter, sister, friend, master, or servant, &c. These
distinctions are to be recognised and fulfilled by each one
in his special position, so as to set.an example to all others.
We have seen in earlier Arts. what Mencius taught con-
cerning these individual relations. It is important that
we keep clearly before us this fundamental idea of Con-
fucian politics. Therefore no levelling is permitted of
these social distinctions, but a moral elevation and carrying
out of the same. On this account there should be more
care taken in the present day in the education of youth.
“Think what thou art and what thy neighbour, and.
conduct thyself so that you may be an example for all
who may be likewise circumstanced, and put yourself in
the place of another!” If this were always everywhere
the rule, an ideal state would be arrived at.

514. * Alternations of order and disorder are unavoid-
able” (p. 155.) It has ever been so during the existence
of the Empire. The beginning of each dynasty was good,
the end of it was evil. So is it throughout the world.
Frequently both follow quickly upon each other. Rarely
has the disorder been brought about by external misfor-
tune; generally it results from destruction of morals,
which poisons the social rélations or overturns them, and
thus destroys the health of the national life. The evils
themselves are always otherwise caused, springing gene-
rally from some other nearer source, and requiring other
means for their healing. Rightly to recognise the root of
self-announced evils, and to make these harmless in the
right manner, belongs even to-day to such people as the
Chinese call “holy.” But, alas! these very rarely appear.
We have now through the Gospel certain, and at the same
time thorough, knowledge of many chief evils which were
hidden from the ancients, of which they indeed felt the
HOME POLITICS. 289

evil result, but whose seat and healing they sought in the
wrong direction. Still Christianity has not made the
changes our article speaks of impossible. The mind of
Christ governs far too few men, and of these sways the
hearts of but few. The more abundantly that becomes
the case, the better condition will be attained by means
of these vicissitudes. Compare a century of the history
of various states for a proof of this.

515. The chief source of injury to home politics (p. 358).
“Mencius said, ‘If confidence be not placed in the humane
and excellent, the state will become empty and void.
Without propriety and righteousness there will be con-
fusion of the upper and lower classes; without good
administration and management the wealth will not
suffice for the expenditure.” It is supposed that the state
has a sufficient number of men of ability in whom con-
fidence may be placed. The higher moral education must
therefore have become pretty general. The second point
unites righteousness with propriety ; this is very important.
Righteousness is cold and exclusive; propriety softens its
hard appearance. So with the first point; excellency or
skill without humanity or benevolence, whilst in many
cases commanding respect, rather repels than attracts
men. In the third case, the carrying out of the principles
of government is associated with the care for the daily
business of the state. The Government must not only
regard what comes before it from day to day, but must
also keep in view the culture problems of political life.
These three are worth laying to heart.

516, Lack of principle is the worst evil (p. 166). “If
the! who is above has no principle (Tao) to examine (his
government by), those below have no law to keep, the
court will not believe in principle (Tao), the handicrafts-
man will not trust his measure, the superiors will trans-
gress against righteousness, the common people against
the penal laws. That the state stands firm is then only

1 4.¢,, the sovereign or minister.
L
290 THE MIND OF MENCIUS.

the result of a happy accident.”! Man lives not by bread
alone, but by ideas and the ideal. He who overlooks this
often deceives himself in his reckoning. There remains
for the Government a principle to carry out; not to leave
individuals entirely to their own ideas, but to pursue one
recognised fundamental idea for the whole state. This
ideal gives coherence to the units, it elevates and energises
the whole. This must not be a Utopia, but must stand
in correlation to the nature and destiny of man, especially
with the social and political side of man’s nature, and
with his destiny, physical, moral, and heavenly. In a
Christian state it would be a descent below the position
of the heathen empire of China were men to remove the
religious principle from politics. It is unreasonable to
desire that religion should rule the state, and a mistake to
seek to govern the state simply according to the require-
ments of any religion. Both these are attained first in the
fulfilment of all things, the kingdom of God in its majesty.
It is an anti-Christian endeavour under the pretence of the
Christian religion to wish to govern in the state from the
Church side. Jesus Christ has provided for His kingdom
only the Word of truth, the power of the Holy Ghost, and
not external power. Human pride and love of dominion
please themselves in ruling, even when one must take the
police as spiritual to help for a religious purpose. Itisa
misuse of the authority of the state to issue religious
prescriptions, to mix other inimical departments with
religion, as is witnessed by the really hurtful confusion
of our day through the mixing of science and religion.
Verily the Evangelical Church is being most perceptibly
injured thereby. Only the religiously awakened are fitted
to teach religion—men borne along’ by the deeper religious
convictions, whose preaching comes from faith, and whose
faith is their innermost experience. Neither matricula-
tions nor university degrees help to the attainment of

1 The unhappy state of Ireland in 1881 may serve as a comment upon
these words,
HOME POLITICS. 2901

this. Simple peasants and labourers may possess mor.
religious intelligence than many who stand high in the
ranks of the learned. As between men, an intimate and
friendly relationship is not dependent upon a well-
grounded knowledge of anatomy, physiology, &c., so still
less is fellowship with God, the inner Christian life,
dependent upon the scientific acquaintance with these
things. One should cultivate these and inquire into them
entirely unimpeded by ecclesiastical statutes, and only
in accordance with the laws of truth. There may even
be provided scientifically taught preachers for the circle
which desires them, and can enjoy what such offer. But
the people require homely fare. They need direct instruc-
tion as to their religious and moral duties and necessities.
Science is for the intellect, and for that alone. Man
requires food for his soul, which comes from God, and
will be nourished only by the divine. Spite of all the
advances of chemistry, men still prove their food by
the taste. So, spite of all advances of science, they will
go for spiritual food to faith, and not knowledge. If these
considerations seem to lie a little apart from the text, let
us look again at the short verse, and then compare with
it the already evident workings of the struggle of civili-
sation.
INDEX OF SUBJECTS TREATED OF IN
THE COMMENTARY.

—_

CHINESE teachers compared to Heb-
rew prophets, 227.»

Competitive examination, 52, 179,
180.

Communism, 235.

Confucianism compared with other
systems, 67, 118.

Conscience, how aroused, 149.

Conservatism, proper and improper,
284.

Courtesy, unreal in China, 249.

Cremation, 63.

Criminals, families responsible for,
189; substitutes accepted for,

195.
Divine service, 71.

Epvucatioy, its aim, 60, 66, 120, 250.
Exorcism, 103.

Gop, correct name for, 73.

INDIVIDUALITY, its importance, 46.
Inquiry, free, stifled, 253.

LITERATURE, unwholesome, 54, 147,
164.

Man’s nature Heaven's oracle, 47.

 

Marriage, 153, 169.

Mourning, 117, 157.

Monasticism opposed to Confucius,
109, 212.

Music, 262.

Narcotics, 147, 239.

OFFICIAL incomes, 286.

Parents’ power over children, 151.
Polygamy, 170, t71.

Popular objections to reform, 87.

REVOLUTION not popular, 207, 252.
Religion important to a State, 285.

ScHOLARSHIP rare, 164.

Sensualism, 42, 48, 49, 61, 62, 81,
118, 255.

Socialism, 101, 118, 157, 255.

Solitude, why shunned, So.

TRANSIT, means of, deficient, 238.

UrtinivaRIsNIsm condemned, 187.

VILLAGE wars, 192.

Zeat is not virtue, 84.

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