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AN ILLUSTRATED HISTORY
OUR WAR WITH SPAIN
ITS CAUSES, INCIDENTS, AND RESULTS
EMBRACING
A Complete Record
MILITARY AND NAVAL OPERATIONS
FROM THE BEGINNING TO THE CLOSE OF THE CONFLICT
WITH DESCRIPTIONS OF
BATTLES, SIEGES, EXPLOITS, AND ACHIEVEMENTS
OF OUR ARMY AND NAVY
BY
HENRY B. RUSSELL
Author of “Life of William McKinley,” “International Monetary Conferences,” etc.
WITH INTRODUCTIONS
BY
HON. REDFIELD PROCTOR ann HON. JOHN M. THURSTON
United States Senator Srom Vermont United States Senator from Nebraska
Superbly Elustrated
WITH STEEL-PLATE PORTRAITS, MANY FULL-PAGE ENGRAVINGS FROM
ORIGINAL DRAWINGS AND PHOTOGRAPHS, AND NEW
AND ACCURATE MAPS
HARTFORD, CONN.
A. D. WORTHINGTON & CO., PUBLISHERS
1898
Copyright, 1898
By A. D. Wortuineton & Co.
All rights reserved
I 2 eiseio sk
x
ERIODICALLY, in the history of every nation there
Pp comes a crisis; questions having their small beginnings
far back in the past develop to a fruition, the natural
result of antecedent events, the legitimate offspring of all that
has gone to make up a nation’s character and relative position
in the world. These questions must be settled sooner or later,
in accordance with the demands of progress; they may be
softened for a time by diplomacy or obscured by indifference
and attention to other affairs, but the inevitable settlement is
only postponed, the eventual crisis but gathers new force, and,
in time, it must result in bloodshed or a backward step.
Placed as Cuba was, belonging to a nation whose star has been
for three centuries setting, close to the shores of a free people,
whose course has'for more than a century been ever upward,
the issue could not be avoided. The war came.
This event, like all in history, being inseparably linked
with the past, it has seemed to the author that the developing
causes were too important to a proper understanding of the
conflict to remain unnoticed; and this must be the apology,
if any is needed, for the opening pages of this history, dealing
not simply with the Spaniard and the Cuban and the reasons
for the bitter hatred which grew up between them, but with
the part that both Spain and Cuba have played in the con-
stitutional history of the United States. This long story is
replete with many dramatic and romantic incidents, which
take on a new color in the light of the war that has closed
(iii)
iv PREFACE
so gloriously for American arms, and which give the conflict
its true setting in the history of the world’s progress.
But, while briefly placing the causes before the reader, no
space required for a full narration of the incidents of the war
has been sacrificed. Though brief, the conflict has abounded
in deeds of heroism, some of them without a parallel in mili-
tary or naval history, and the character of the American
people has been revealed in stronger colors not simply to other
nations of the world, but to the Americans themselves. The
last vestige of old sectional feeling disappeared in the inspiring
unity with which all, North and South, fell in behind the flag;
and, as the war closed, our eyes were open to a wider vision,
the promise of a grander destiny than we have been wont to
consider in store for us. For the war has brought new ques-
tions and new responsibilities; in the future are suggestions
of new experiences, possibly requiring a new policy. The
Stars and Stripes now float in the Antilles and over rich
islands of the Pacific. Whatever comes, it has been shown
that the people of the United States do not shrink in the face
of duty to themselves and to humanity.
In relating the incidents of the war it has been the con-
stant aim in these pages to make use only of the most reliable
authorities and the available official reports and records.
Many of the illustrations of battles and naval and army life
are from photographs made by photographers at the imminent
risk of their lives, and they have been reproduced for this
volume with the utmost fidelity to the originals. Others are
from drawings and sketches made by eminent artists on the
spot. Acknowledgments are due to Leslie’s Weekly and
Harper’s Weekly for permission to use some of the copyrighted
illustrations that have appeared in those papers.
e
SOOO RE OR SU IRS. (00). £9.
poe
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14.
15.
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From Photographs and Original Designs bp Eminent Artists, made
erpressin for this book.
PORTRAIT OF WILLIAM McKINLEY, PRESIDENT OF
THE UNITED STATES AND COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF
OF THE ARMY AND NAVY (Steel: Plate) . Frontispiece
Engraved from a special photograph approved by the President.
EnGravep AvutTocrapH or Hon. Henry B. Russetu
ORNAMENTAL Heapine To List or ILLUSTRATIONS
ORNAMENTAL Heapine To TaBiy or CoNnTENTS
ORNAMENTAL HEADING To SENATOR Proctor’s INTRODUCTION
ENGRAVED AUTOGRAPH OF SENATOR REDFIELD PRocTOR
ORNAMENTAL HEADING TO SENATOR THURSTON’s INTRODUCTION
ENGRAVED AUTOGRAPH oF SENATOR JoHN M. THURSTON
ORNAMENTAL HEADING To Cuaprer I
EnGRAvVED Init1Au LETTER TO CHAPTER I
EMINENT AMERICAN CrviL LEADERS. : ; . Facing
Hon. Wi11am R. Dar, Secretary of State.
Hon. Russert A. ALGER, Secretary of War.
Hon. Joun D. Lone, Secretary of the Navy.
Hon. Stewart L. Wooprorp, Minister to Spain.
Furious CHARGE or CuBAN INsuRGENTS AGAINST SPANISH
INFANTRY 3 : cl 2 F . Facing
Famous CuBan LEADERS é . Facing
Gen. Maximo GomEz. Gen. CaLIxTa GARCIA.
Gen. Don JULIO SANGUILLY. Gen. ANTONIO Maceo.
Eminent Spanish LEADERS . 5 ‘ 3 : . Facing
Admiral CERVERA. Prime Minister Sagasra.
Gen. WEYLER. Gen. BLANco.
A Frrst-chass MopERN WaRsHIP.— UNITED StaTEs BATTLE-
°sHip ‘‘INDIANA” aT FULL SPEED : 3 Facing
On THE Deck OF A MODERN WaRSsHIP . : . Facing
After-deck of United States Battleship Massachusetts, showing monster 13-
inch guns and revolving turret.
(v)
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46
47
61
61
102
154
220
286
826
388
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23.
24,
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26.
27.
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29.
30.
31.
32.
33.
34.
35.
36.
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Divine SERVICE oN THE BartTiesnip ‘‘TExas” WHILE IN
Port. : - é 5 3 ‘ ‘ . Facing
Driniing MARINES ON THE BATTLESHIP ‘“‘ MEW YORK” Facing
Unitgp States BarriesHie ‘‘ MAINE” ; é . Facing
Blown up in Havana Harbor, February 15, 1898.
DEstRucTION oF THE UNITED STATES BaTrLEsHre ‘‘ MAINE”
IN THE Harpor oF Havana, FeBRuary 15, 1898 . Pacing
APPEARANCE OF THE Barriesaip ‘‘MAInE” a Frew Days
AFTER THE EXPLOSION is r . Facing
A wrecking boat hoisting one of the seh guns te the wreck.
In Hammocks ‘“‘’T wren Decks” — WHERE ‘“‘ JACK” SLEEPS
on A BATTLESHIP . . ‘ - 5 . Facing
In rue Hospritan or A BATTLESHIP 2 . Facing
Called the ‘‘ Sick Bay’ by sailors.
Sworp Dritu or SatLors ON A BATTLESHIP. . Facing
Prominent AMERICAN NAVAL OFFICERS. - . Facing
Admiral F. M. Buncs. Commodore Joun C. Watson.
Lieut. Ricumonp P. Hozson. ee CHARLES D. SIGSBEE.
THE CALL TO WAR P dos fe i r r . Facing
A Grand Army Veteran of the Civil War bringing his son intoa -reenttliie
office in a country town to answer to the call for volunteers in the war with Spain.
PORTRAIT OF MAJOR-GENERAL NELSON A. MILES
(Steel Plate) Facing
Gun Crew Workine A Monster 13-1ncH Gun In ACTION
Facing
AN OLD CoLorED CouPLE, CuBAN REFUGEES, DRIVEN FROM
THEIR Home By SPANISH CRUELTY . ‘ : . Facing
The wife was 80 years old and blind. They are making their way into the
American lines.
PORTRAIT OF ADMIRAL GEORGE DEWEY
(Steel Plate) Facing
PROMINENT AMERICAN GENERALS . is : ‘ . Facing
Maj -Gen. Jonn R. Brooxe. Maj.-Gen. FitzHucH LEE.
Maj.-Gen. ApNA R. CHAFFEE. Maj.-Gen. JoserpH E. WHEELER.
PORTRAIT OF ADMIRAL WILLIAM T. SAMPSON
(Steel Plate) Facing
START OF THE AMERICAN ARMY OF INVASION FOR CUBA,
FROM CHICKAMAUGA. F é ‘ ; 2 . Facing
In THE FoRWARD TURRET OF THE BaTTLEsHIP “Towa” IN
- ACTION . ‘ : : : 3 i 5 - . Facing
Tue Biowine Ur or THE ‘‘Merriac” Across THE EN
TRANCE OF SANTIAGO HARBOR, AND EscaPp or LIEUTENANT
Hopson AnD His Crew. ; . ; . Facing
Tue INVASION oF CUBA . 3 ‘ ‘ . Facing
United States soldiers embarking on fenanants at Tampa, Fla.
358
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394
412
422
482
452
462
506
516
522
528
584
548
564
582
588
602
654
660
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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Tue Frest BLoopy ENGAGEMENT OF UNITED STATES TROOPS
on CusBaN SoIL . ; . é 7 . Facing
United States Marines at inaianame repelling a midnight attack of Spanish
soldiers with the aid of the searchlights of the Marblehead Sunday morning,
June 12, 1898.
Invasion oF Cusa. First Unitep States Troors To Lanp
on ForeIGN SOIL . : : . Facing
Landing of the first American Army of Tgusion: at the pier at Baiquiri, near
Santiago.
Biock Hovsz at StponEY WHERE THE AMERICAN TROOPS
Frest Hoistep THE UNITED States Fiac ; AFTERWARDS
Mave A Bask oF SUPPLIES : : 7 : . Facing
An AxLaRM Near THE SpanisH Line at SIBONEY. CUBAN
Scouts RALLYING AROUND A UNITED States DeEspatcH
BEARER F 3 : . ss , : , . Facing
INFANTRY ON THE WAY TO THE BaTTLE or San Juan Facing
From a photograph taken just twenty minutes before the battle opened.
ARRIVAL OF THE WOUNDED FROM THE BATTLEFIELDS OF SAN
JUAN AND CANEY AT THE FieLD HospiTaL. . Facing
ComMopoRE ScHLEY oN Boarp His Fiace SHIP DURING THE
BoMBARDMENT OF SANTIAGO. : s ‘ . Facing
PORTRAIT OF ADMIRAL WINFIELD 8. SCHLEY
(Steel Plate) Facing
ANNIHILATION OF ADMIRAL CERVERA’S SPANISH FLEET BY
THE AMERICAN SQUADRON UNDER THE COMMAND OF Com:
MODORE SCHLEY, OFF SANTIAGO, JULY 38, 1898. . Facing
A Hanp-To-HAND FIGHT IN THE INTRENCHMENTS.OF SANTIAGO
Planting the Stars and Stripes within the enemy’s lines. Facing
CREEPING UP TO A LINE OF SPANISH SHARPSHOOTERS Facing
A United States trooper accompanied by Cuban scouts nearing the Spanish
Intrenchments at Santiago.
PORTRAIT OF MAJOR-GENERAL WILLIAM R. SHAFTER
(Steel Plate) Mucing
PORTRAIT OF MAJOR-GENERAL WESLEY MERRITT
(Steel Plate) Facing
676
682
694
706
756
T72
1.
StS SUR 99 pO
lew
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11.
12.
18.
14.
15,
16.
17.
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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
LIST OF STEEL-PLATE PORTRAITS
Wiuuiam McKinury, PRESIDENT oF THE UNITED STATES AND
CoMMANDER-IN-CHIEF OF THE ARMY AND Navy . Frontispiece
Engraved from a special photograph approved by the President.
Portrait oF Mag.-Gen. Newson A. Mines . . Facing 522
Porrrarr or ApMriraL GrorGe Dewey . 3 . Facing 548
PortRAIT OF ADMIRAL WiLiiaAm T. SAMPSON Facing 582
Portrait oF ADMIRAL WINFIELD S. SCHLEY . . Facing 32
Portrait of Mas.-Gen. Winuiam R. SHAFTER Facing 156
Portrait oF Mas.-Gen. WESLEY MERRITT. . Facing 772
LIST OF MAPS
New Mar or Cusa, mv Corors (14x21 inches) Facing copyright page
Map oF THE City or Havana, AND Havana Harsor SHoOW-
ING THE Spor WHERE THE ‘‘ Marine” was DESTROYED ‘
Map oF THE West InpiEs, mv Cotors (14x21 inches), SHow-
ina Cuspa, Puerto Rico, JAmMarica, Haytr, LeEwarp Is-
LANDS, WINDWARD IsLANDs, Etc. .. = ‘ Facing Preface.
Mar oF THE PHILIPPINE IsLANDS IN CoLors (14x21 inches),
Mauaysia, Curna, Sram, Japan, Etc. . : Facing last page
Map or THE WORLD ON MERCATOR’S PROJECTION, IN COLORS
(14x21 inches) . ‘ , y :
Map oF Cuna SHowmne Its PRovaNGRS, Portnoy OF Rieu,
Princieat Ports, Erc. . a . 188
Mar SHowine Routes anp Disranens BETWEEN Srkcn, THE
Unrrep Srates, West Inpies, Etc. c ; é . §15
Map or Havana, Its HARBorR AND DEFENSES . 527
Map or THE PHILIPPINE IsLANDS 2 ‘ : . 539
Mar or Manina AND SURROUNDING COUNTRY . < 555
Mar or THE Bay anp Harpor or MANnInA. ‘ 2 . 562
Map or ENTRANCE TO HARBOR OF GUANTANAMO . é . 668
Showing Camps of the Marines.
Map or PosiTion oF ouR TROOPS AFTER THE BATTLES OF
CanrEY AND San JuaN—SwHowine Line or Spanish RETREAT 714
Map SHowrina APPROXIMATE POSITIONS OF THE OPPOSING
VESSELS SOON AFTER THE SPANISH CRUISERS HAD EMERGED
FROM THE HARBOR OF SANTIAGO. . 726
Map oF THE APPROXIMATE POSITIONS OF THE Orposne Fis
SELS AT THE CLOSE OF THE BATTLE . . 736
Map or Eastern Cuna, SHOWING Pension Giannwnmney
TO THE UNITED STATES AT THE Fat oF SANTIAGO. . 9
Map oF THE IsLAND oF PuERTO Rico, SHowine RouTES AND
DIsTaNcEs TO OTHER Pormnts . 3 . 59
Mar or THE Hawattan IsLANDs, growed Bowne AND ie
TANCES TO IMPORTANT POINTS f 766
Map SHowiIne Routes AND DISTANCES BETWEEN THE Ges
States, HawalrAn IsLANDs, THE PHILIPPINE IsLANDS, Etc. . 769
CHAPTER I
SPANISH CHARACTER AND HISTORY—DISCOVERY OF CUBA
— ATTEMPTS AT COLONIZATION — EXTERMINATION OF
THE NATIVES —COMING OF THE BLACK MAN.
Spain’s Domain in the Eighteenth Century — The Decadence of a Hundred
Years — Spanish Character — Heroism and Fanaticism —The Hand of
the Inquisitor —The Jews and the Moors— Warriors Unfit for War,
and Colonists Unfit to Colonize — Columbus Hears of Cuba — Taking
Possession for Spain — Characteristics of the Natives — Ideal Condi-
tions of Living — Extirpating the Natives —‘‘ A Ton of Gold ”— Span-
ish Outrages and a Ruined Colony—Indians Bound in Slavery —
Killed out of Pure Wantonness— Native Suicides — A Long Story of
Rapine, Brutality, Waste, and Insult—A Bishop’s Testimony — Be-
ginning of the Slave Trade—Coming of the Black Man, « 61
CHAPTER II
SETTLEMENTS OF CUBA—DAYS OF THE ENGLISH AND
FRENCH CORSAIRS— RISE OF THE ROVING BUCCANEERS
— STIRRING ADVENTURES AND ROMANTIC INCIDENTS.
Diego Velasquez Establishes the First Cuban Settlement — The Resistance
of Chief Hatuey — Efforts to Christianize Him before Burning Him
at the Stake —The Spirit of the Indians Broken —Cuba Begins to
Flourish — Maritime Adventurers — A Remarkable Fight at Santiago
between French Corsairs and Spanish Crew — Three Days of Hand-to-
Hand Combat — Fortifying Havana — Destroyed by the French and
Plundered by Pirates — Building of Morro Castle and the Bateria de
la Punta— Orders to Gibbet and Behead all Protestants — Spain Beset
by Enemies on the Sea — The Rise of the Buccaneers — Futile Efforts
to Exterminate the Freebooters — Romantic Incidents — How Olonois
Captured a Spanish Fleet — Beheading His Intended Executioners —
Flinging Spanish Crews into the Sea, 71
(ix)
x CONTENTS
CHAPTER IIT
SPAIN AT THE FEET OF NAPOLEON—EXPLOITS OF SIMON
BOLIVAR AND SAN MARTIN—SPAIN’S DISASTROUS AND
DISGRACEFUL FAILURES.
Napoleon’s Ambition to Make Spain a Subject Kingdom — Ferdinand’s
Intrigues— Joseph Bonaparte on the Throne — Fall of Napoleon
and Restoration of Ferdinand — Revolt against Spain — Conditions
in Mexico— Raising the Standard of Rebellion — Ignominious
Death of Hidalgo and Morelos— First Struggles in Venezuela—
Simon Bolivar and His Vicissitudes — Napoleon’s Feat Surpassed —
Defeats the Spainards — O’Higgins Becomes Dictator— The War in
Peru— Defeat of the Spanish Fleet at Callao—San Martin Enters
Lima — His Interview with Bolivar— Farewell to the Peruvians —
Buenos Ayres the Storm Center—Paraguay’s Dramatic Chapter —
Spain’s Weakness and Cruelty — A Policy Calming in Disaster
and Disgrace, ‘ : a ‘ : ‘ ‘ . 82
CHAPTER IV
EARLY RELATIONS BETWEEN SPAIN AND THE UNITED
STATES —THE PURCHASE OF LOUISIANA — DISPUTES
AND CONFLICTS OVER THE FLORIDAS.
Spain’s Possessions in Washington’s Time — Owning Over Two-Thirds of
What Now Constitutes the United States—Napoleon’s Ambition to
Establish « Latin Empire West of the Mississippi — An Old Song of
Defiance to the Spaniard — Pickering’s Savage Retort — English Sup-
port — Spain Secretly Cedes Louisiana to Napoleon — Jefferson’s Di-
plomacy — Napoleon Offers to Sell Louisiana —The Treaty Signed —
Spain’s Angry Protest— Dispute over Florida Boundaries — Spain’s
Perfidious and Exasperating Conduct — Stirs the Indians to Massacre
-—Lawless Expeditions —Spain Threatens the United States with
War— Andrew Jackson’s Radical Ideas —Spain Advised by Europe
to Sell— The Treaty — End of a Long Struggle, . és . 90
CHAPTER V
“THE EVER-FAITHFUL ISLE”—PROGRESS OF CUBA DURING
FERDINAND’S DISASTROUS REIGN —THE HOLY ALLIANCE
AND THE FAMOUS MONROE DOCTRINE.
Cuba’s Peculiar Position —Importance of Havana— An Early Cause of
Ill-feeling — Excitement during Toussaint L’ Ouverture’s Struggle —
Cubans Remain Faithful to Ferdinand — Aponto’s Uprising — Agita-
tion for the Suppression of the Slave Trade — Favorable Influence of
CONTENTS xi
English Intervention in Cuba — First Struggle with the Spanish
Authorities — The People Divide — Origin and Purposes of the Holy
Alliance — ‘‘A Softer Word for Despodtism” — Help for the Bigoted
Ferdinand — Discord in Cuba — Smouldering Fires — Adams’s Advice
to President Monroe —The Famous Monroe Doctrine — Retreat of
the Holy Alliance — United States Attitude towards Cuba Influenced
by Slavery —The Panama Congress and its Failure— Attitude of
Southern States— Words of Henry Clay, yi x - 102
CHAPTER VI
SPAIN’S SECRET ATTEMPTS TO SELL THE ISLAND OF CUBA
TO FRANCE—NEGRO OUTBREAKS AND THE TRAGIC
DEATH OF THE MULATTO POET, VALDEZ.
The Captain-General Endowed with Extraordinary Authority — Powers
Misused and Unrest Fostered — The ‘‘ Black Eagle” —Discord among
the Planters — Inauguration of Spanish Venality in Cuba — The
Irrepressible Conflict in the United States— Death of Ferdinand —
No Reforms for Poor Cuba — Spanish Treasury Depleted — The
Queen’s Plan to Secretly Sell Cuba to France — A Monstrous Propo-
sition — Meeting in the King’s Cabinet — Louis Phillippe Demands a
Reduction in the Price of the Philippines —Throwing an Important
Contract into the Fire — Class Hatred Grows in Cuba — Cuba Granted
Representation in the Cortes — The Slave Trade — Outbreaks among
the Negroes — Execution of a Mulatto Poet — His Prayer Recited on
the way to Execution — His Heroic Death, 2 ‘ , . 113
CHAPTER VII
FILIBUSTERING EXPEDITIONS AND THE DEATH OF LOPEZ
—THE BLACK WARRIOR—THE FAMOUS OSTEND CON-
FERENCE — A CUBAN WARNING.
Buchanan’s Efforts to Buy Cuba— Spain Refuses to Sell— Lopez and
His Uprising — His Filibustering Attempts— Capture of Colonel
Crittenden and His Men— Lopez Killed by a Spanish Garrote —
Private Filibustering — A Change in Party Government— A Sym-
pathizer with Filibusters— Duels of the Soulés— An Affair of
Honor with the French Minister ~The Black Warrior Case — Feel.
ing against Spain Intensified —Soulé Threatens Spain — Conference
of American Ministers at Ostend — Fixing a Price on Cuba— The
Manifesto —Soulé Throws up His Commission in Disgust — Effort
to Secure Cuba — Increasing Burdens of Cuba — Arrogance of Span-
ish Authority —A Cuban Warning, ‘ : ‘ . 125
xii CONTENTS
CHAPTER VIII
REVOLUTION IN SPAIN AND INSURRECTION IN CUBA —
BEGINNING OF THE TEN-YEARS WAR— CONDITION OF
CUBA AT THE TIME.
The Revolution at Cadiz— Wretched Condition of Spain — Flight of
Isabella — Her Vain Appeal to Napoleon — Fires of Discontent
Break out in Cuba— Promoters of the Insurrection — High Stand-
ing of the Leaders— The Proclamation at Yara— Beginning of the
Ten-Years War—Condition of Cuba at the Time—Spanish Policy
of Exploiting the Island— A System of Robbery by Spanish Ott-
cials— Revenues of the Island— Principal Industries — Cities Hope-
lessly Bankrupt — Immense Salaries of the Oflicials — Perquisites
and how they were Collected —Iniquitous and Unjust Trade Regu-
lations — Taxing Everything the Cuban Produced or Consumed —
The Wrongs Admitted by the Spaniards Themselves — Vital Ener-
gies of the Island Destroyed—Cuban Hatred of the Spaniard —The
People Ready to Rise, : : ‘ ; : : . 188
CHAPTER IX
COURSE OF THE STRUGGLE— FORMATION OF THE REPUB-
LIC—OUTRAGES BY SPANISH VOLUNTEERS — HEROISM
OF CUBAN WOMEN— MYSTERIES OF MORRO CASTLE.
Rapid Growth of the Insurrection — Forced to Adopt Guerrilla Methods —
Cuban Leaders Refuse to Consider More Spanish Promises — They
Declare the Abolition of Slavery — Meet to Form a Government —
Successful Landing of Arms and Ammunition —Spain Increases Her
Forces — Obtains Her Supplies in the United States—Treats the
United States Insolently—-The Spanish Volunteers —Excesses of
Cruelty — Cuban Successes — Arrest of University Boys — Their
Sentence and the Execution—Guerrilla Tactics— Diminution of
Spanish Forces— Heroism of Cuban Women — Mysteries of Morro
Castle — Further Efforts to Secure Peace — Disagreement among the
Insurgents —A Typical Engagement — Campos Sent to the Island —
The Treaty of Zanjon, . : . . . 147
CHAPTER X
SPAIN’S STRAINED RELATIONS WITH THE UNITED STATES
DURING THE TEN-YEARS WAR—THE VIRGINIUS AFFAIR
—A RACE FOR LIFE— EXECUTION OF CAPTAIN FRY AND
HIS COMPANIONS.
Situation Changed after the American Civil War—Spanish Fears —
President Grant’s Pacific Tenders — Significant Reply of Spain —
CONTENTS Xili
Remarkable Decree of the Captain-General of Cuba — To be Shot Like
Pirates — Methods of Spanish Warfare—The Vérgin’us— Circum-
stances of Her Departure — Sighted by the Spanish Cruiser Tornado
—A Lively Chase — Burning Hams to Keep up Steam — Horses and
Arms Thrown Overboard— A Race on the Moonlit Caribbean — Cap-
tured and Taken to Santiago— The First Execution of Prisoners —
The American Consul’s Messages Delayed — He Asks for an Explana-
tion — An Impudent Note in Reply — Further Executions — Captain
Fry’s Death — His Pathetic Letter to His Wife the Night before His
Death — Arrival of a British Gunboat, é : ‘ r . 158
CHAPTER XI
EFFORTS TO INDUCE SPAIN TO SETTLE— GENERAL SICKLES
ASKS FOR HIS PASSPORTS AND SPAIN YIELDS —UNITED
STATES INSISTS ON PACIFICATION OF THE ISLAND.
Minister Sickles Visits Castelar upon Hearing of the Virginius Affair —
Curious Break-down of the Cables at a Critical Moment — Some Im-
polite Replies — General Sickles Demands his Passports — The Span-
ish Government Quickly Comes to Terms— The People Impatient to
Recognize the Cubans — Remarkable Attitude of Senator Sumner —
Fall of the Spanish Republic— America Insists that the Cuban War
Must Cease — Intervention Threatened — Spain Makes Another Prom-
ise — Forbearance at Washington—Campos Ends the War by the
Agreement at Zanjon— Canovas Refuses to be Responsible for the
Cuban Settlement— Resignation of Canovas— Campos Forms a Min-
istry — Disagreements— A Reform Act Passed — Great Cost of the
War to Spain—Exactions of the Government Increased, « Ta
CHAPTER XIT
CUBA AFTER THE TEN-YEARS WAR—CONDITION OF THE
PEOPLE —THE CAPTAIN-GENERAL AND HIS EXTRAOR-
DINARY POWERS—SPAIN’S CRAFTY POLICY.
Area of Cuba and Its Population— Percentage of Blacks and Whites —
The Government Liberal Only on Paper— The Captain-General and
His Extraordinary Authority — The Council of Administration — The
Officials All Spanish — Provincial Government —Representatives Who
Did Not Represent—The Judicial System—The State Religion
—A Charge against the Revenues of the Island — Backward School
System— Remarkable System of Censorship — No Meetings or Social
Gatherings without a Permit —Object of the Electoral System —
Cubans Have Little Chance to Vote and Less to Elect — Cuban Repre-
sentation in the Spanish Parliament — Hardly a Dozen Cubans Eligi-
ble to the Senate — Discriminations in Provincial and Municipal
Government — Spain’s Deceitful and Crafty Policy, . : - 182
xiv CONTENTS
CHAPTER XIII
SPAIN A PARASITE UPON CUBA—METHODS OF TAXATION
AND EXPENDITURES — ENORMOUS FRAUDS—A SWARM
OF SPANISH VAMPIRES — ‘CUBA IS UNDONE.”
Replenishing the Treasury at Home and Enriching the Functionaries —
Enormous Increase of Taxation — Remarkable Growth of Cuba’s
Debt — Pledging Cuban Revenues for Spanish Interest Payments —
Not a Cent of It Spent to Improve Cuba— Taxes on Everything
— Killing the Goose that Laid the Golden Egg — Enormous Import
Duties — Methods of Spanish Trade Monopoly — Treating Tobacco
as an Enemy and Loading Sugar with Imposts — Regulations of the
“ Coasting Trade” — Frauds Committed upon the Cuban Treasury —
Embezzlements Larger Than the Revenues of the Island —No One
Ever Punished — Officials Protected by Influential Patrons at Home
— The Trey of a Swarm of Vampires, ‘ . ‘ ‘ . 192
CHAPTER XIV
CUBAN EXILES, SECESSIONISTS, AND LEADERS — PREPARA-
TIONS FOR AN INSURRECTION —THE BANNER RAISED
AT LAST — FIRST RESULTS UNPROMISING.
Exile of Many of Cuba’s Best Citizens — José Marti and His Karly Life —
Imprisoned When a Boy — Deported to Spain— He Vows to Free
Cuba — Becomes the Leader of the Secession Party — His Impassioned
Address and Eloquence — Many Rebuffs and Disappointments — His
Trusted Friends in Cuba—General Lacret— A Fierce Hater of
Spain and a Strong Secessionist — Constantly Watched by the Spanish
Militia —His Visit to Santiago —Surrounded by Spanish Troops —
An Abortive Movement — Relaxation of the Vigilance of the Captain-
General — Sagasta’s Plan of Reform— Radical Cubans Received it
with Antagonism —An Empty Reform — Marti Starts for Cuba—
Stopped by United States Authorities —The Outbreak in Matanzas—
Manuel Garcia, ‘‘the King of the Cuban Country,” . ‘ . 200
CHAPTER XV
SPREAD OF THE INSURRECTION IN THE PROVINCE OF
SANTIAGO DE CUBA-—-SOME OF THE LEADERS AND
THEIR METHODS — EXPERIENCE OF A PLANTER.
Nature of the Province of Santiago de Cuba — Striking Personalities —
The Problem of Securing Arms — Horses More Plenty Than Guns —
Code of Honor among the Insurgents— A Visit to Gilard — A Camp
CONTENTS xv
in the Mountains— The Machete— The Government Becomes Anx-
ious — First Efforts to Find the Insurgents — Real Effective Force of
the Spanish Army—lIts Strength as It Appeared on the Official
Records— An Army Scattered All Over the Island — The Captain-
General Acts —Seeking Goulet’s Band— Goulet, Draws the Enemy
into the Hills—The Spaniards Surprised and Routed — Goulet
Captures a Garrison — Effects on the Rural Population, . . 208
CHAPTER XVI
POLITICAL TROUBLES IN SPAIN— GENERAL CAMPOS SENT
TO CUBA—LANDING OF MACEO AND CROMBET — DEATH
OF CROMBET AND NARROW ESCAPE OF MACEO.
Spain Beset Within and Without — Officers Refuse to Volunteer — Sagasta
Ministry Resigns— Canovas’s Ministry —Campos Sent to Cuba—
Maceo and His Record in the Ten-Years War — The Terror of the
Spanish— How He Learned to Read—His Exile and Travels —
A Hostler at West Point — An Ideal Guerrilla Chief — Crombet and
His Record — An Obstinate Captain —Crombet Blows Out the Cap-
tain’s Brains— They Land on a Lonely Shore — Their Sufferings —
Feasting on a Banana Plantation — Surprised — Crombet Surrounded
and Killed — Maceo Escapes— Wanders Alone in the Woods—
Betrayed by an Indian Guide — A Friendly Negro — In an Insurgent
Camp at Last— His Presence Works a Marvelous Change — Drilling
His Men While Carried in a Hammock, 2 ; . 217
CHAPTER XVII
GOMEZ AND MACEO PERFECT THEIR PLANS — TRAGIC
DEATH OF MARTI—MACEO’S BRILLIANT CAMPAIGN—
NARROW ESCAPE OF CAMPOS.
Arrival of Marti, President of the Cuban Republic, and Gomez, Comman.
der-in-Chief — Influence of Gomez in the Central Provinces — Arrival
of Campos — His Plan to Confine the Revolution to Santiago de Cuba
—Plan of Campaign Arranged by Gomez and Maceo— Gomez with
Seven Hundred Cavalrymen Near the Enemy—A Wild Charge —
The Spaniards Driven Back on their Reserves— Marti’s Horse Be-
comes Unmanageable — Carried into the Ranks of the Enemy — They
Fall upon Him— His Death— Campos Orders a Military Funeral —
Maceo’s Attack at Jobito— Barbers as Surgeons— Maceo Plans an
Attack — Death of Goulet Maceo Turns the Retreat into a Charge
— Did Not Know He Was Attacking Campos — Features of a Cuban
Camp — Uniform and Equipment of a Mambis, . ‘ ; . 284
xvi CONTENTS
CHAPTER XVIII .
ORGANIZATION OF THE REPUBLIC OF CUBA—STRENGTH
OF SPANISH ARMY AND PECULIARITIES OF CUBAN WAR-
FARE—ON TO HAVANA!
Campos Sends for Reinforcements — Landing of Other Cuban Leaders —
Gomez Enters Puerto Principe—His Order for the Destruction of
Sugar Plantations — The Reasons for It — A War on Spain’s Finances
—Campos Leaves Santiago for Santa Clara to Intercept Gomez—
Plan for Concentrating Cuban Forces—Cuban Delegates Meet to
Found the Republic— Picturesque Surroundings— Discussing the
Constitution — Election of Officers— A Government Largely on Paper
— Gomez’s Great Plan for a Westward March — Strength of the Span-
ish Forces— Divisions of the Cuban Army — Gomez’s Instructions —
‘“To Havana” — To Push the Revolt into the West— Tactics of the
Insurgents — Their Advantages in Such a Climate and Country —
Spanish Difficulties— The Nature of Alleged Spanish Victories — Cu-
bans Constantly Pushing Further Westward, . . ; 252
CHAPTER XIX
THE FAMOUS JUCARO TROCHA—RUSE BY WHICH GOMEZ
AND MACEO BROKE THE SPANISH DEFENSE —FEARFUL
EXPERIENCES OF CARILLO AND HIS EXPEDITION.
Campos Reinforces the Jucaro Trocha— Character of This Notable De
fense—Fifty Miles of Forts and Barbed Wire —Gomez’s Plan to
March 12,000 Men Over It— Maceo’s Pretended Attack — Again De-
ceives the Spaniards — Burning Sugar Plantations in Santa Clara —
Insurgents Divide into Small Bands— The Battle of Coliseo — Cam-
pos Foiled Again — Campos Falls Back Finally to Havana — All Cuba
Under Martial Law — Landing of Carillo and Aguirre — Their Con-
tract with a Steamer Captain — Leaving the Ship at Night in a Storm
— Thirty Miles from Land in Small Boats— Blankets for Sails — Land
at Last — The Forts of Santiago— Horror of the Expeditionists — Fac-
ing Death— The Guide Becomes Hopelessly Insane — Prepared for an
Attack — Mistaken for Fishing Boats —TIn an Insurgent’s Hut, . 265
CHAPTER XX
THE ADVENT OF WEYLER, KNOWN AS “THE SPANISH
BUTCHER” — HIS CRUELTY AND BARBARITY—THE FA-
MOUS $5,000,000 TROCHA —DARING EXPLOITS OF MACEO.
Campos Badly Received at Havana — Spaniards Clamor for Sterner Meth-
ods — Campos Consults the Leaders — His Resignation and Self-Sac-
rifice — Weyler’s Arrival — His Infamous Reputation — Commissioned
Because of It— Progress of Gomez and Maceo— Weyler’s Immense
CONTENTS XVii
Forces— Largest Military Expedition Ever Transported by Sea—
Strength of the Insurgents— Object of Their Campaign — Weyler’s
Boastful Proclamations — Civilized War Abandoned — Heroism of
Young Adolfo Rodriguez — His Execution — Waiting for the Death
Shot — A Cruel Pause — Wonderful Example of Self-Control — Wey-
ler’s Ineffective Military Operations — His Big Fence — Maceo Crosses
and Recrosses It Easily — Cuba ‘‘ Pacified’””— Maceo Appears Where
Least Expected — An Example of His Daring and oS — Raid on
Candelaria — Death of Maceo’s Brother José, , : . 288
CHAPTER XXI
DIPLOMATIC TROUBLES BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES
AND SPAIN— THE SANGUILY CASE— THE MORA CLAIM
—CAPTURE OF THE COMPETITOR.
The Troubles Begin — The Alvianca Affair — Rights of American Citizens
Ignored —Sanguily and Aguirre— Arrested for Insurrection While
Taking a Bath—A Sharp Interview — Threatening to Shoot Ameri-
can Citizens-—The Consul’s Strong Reply — Release of Aguirre —
Sanguily Sentenced to Imprisonment for Life — His Lawyer Arrested
and Placed in the Same Jail— History of the Mora Claim — A Court-
Martial of the Dead — Extraordinary Diplomacy — A Wait of Ten
Years — Mora Grows Old and Poor — Spain Offers to Compromise for
$1,500,000 — Ten Years More of Waiting— A Demand Not to Be
Mistaken — A Spanish Comment — The Belligerency Question — Op-
posed by the Administration —The Capture of the Competitor — Cap-
tain Laborde’s Story — ‘‘ This Must Stop,” . : s ; . 297
CHAPTER XXII
WEYLER’S FUTILE EFFORTS—TRAGIC DEATH OF THE LAST
OF THE MACEOS—THE MURDERS OF FONDEVIELA AND
REMARKABLE EXPLOITS OF ARANGUREN.
Maceo the Terror of the Spanish Nation — Weyler’s Futile Efforts to Cap-
ture Him— Rebel Hospitals and Spanish Victories — Maceo as Un-
daunted as Ever — A Picture of the Man and of His Camp — Was It
a Spanish Trap?— Attack at Punta Brava—How Maceo Fell— Go-
mez’s Son Kills Himself at His Side— Cubans Rescue Maceo’s Body
— Stories of His Death— Their Effect in the United States — Saved
by a Lucky Bullet — Rejoicing of the Spanish People— Hopes of
Cuban Surrender Disappointed — Maceo’s Successor, Rivera — Insur-
gent Successes in Havana and Matanzas — Reign of Terror at Guan-
abacoa — Weyler Criticised at Madrid — Remarkable Exploits of Nes-
tor Aranguren — Magnanimously Frees Spanish Prisoners of War —
Nearly Captures Weyler eee ae of Destruc-
tion — His Trip to Santa Clara, . ‘ 5 e . 3812
2
XVili CONTENTS
CHAPTER XXTIT
THE MURDER OF DR. RUIZ AND THE THREATENED RESIG-
NATION OF CONSUL-GENERAL LEE— RELEASE OF SAN-
GUILY —ON THE VERGE OF WAR—SPAIN ALARMED.
Congress Stirred by Stories of the Death of Maceo — Opposition to Bellig-
erency — Spanish People Aroused — Trying to Soothe Us — Secretary
Olney’s Claims — Congress Amazed — Spain Seeks European Support
— ‘Independence or Death” —Spain’s Plan of Reform— Her Hand
Still Heavy on Cuba—The Murderous Fondeviela— Killing of Dr.
Ruiz — No Notice Given to Consul-General Lee — Lee Not Supported
at Washington in His Defense of American Citizens — Arrest of Scott
— Lee’s Forceful Despatch — He Threatens to Depart — A Dramatic
Climax —Cuban Sympathizers Classed as Jingoes—Senator Sher-
man’s Defense—Its Significance— Demand for a Ship of-War for
Havana — Sudden Release of Sanguily —Spain Alarmed — Weyler’s
Failures in the East — Capture of General Rivera, . , - 826
CHAPTER XXIV
THE CONDITION OF CUBA IN 1897— HELPLESS WOMEN AND
CHILDREN — AWFUL SCENES OF SUFFERING AND WOE—
MISERY OF THE RECONCENTRADOS—FACING STARVA-
TION AND DEATH.
Attitude of the McKinley Administration — Another Decree of Autonomy
— On the Verge of Starvation— Unparalleled Scenes of Suffering —
Weyler’s Reasons for Concentrating— A Death Warrant to Thou-
sands of the Innocent and Helpless— Driven from Burning Homes
—Huddled in Swamps—A Plague Spot on Earth—A Spanish Ac-
count of Misery — Horrors at Gitines — Coffins Used Again and Again
— Testimony of a Catholic Mother Superior—The Living and the
Dead Together— Dying Little Orphans— Scenes at the Very Gates
of Havana — Heaped Pell-mell Like Animals — The Dead in the
Embrace of the Dying — Terrible Conditions in Pinar Del Rio—
15,000 Dying Children — Extermination the Real Object——The Massa-
cres of Pacificos— The Dead Carts on Their Rounds — Shoveling the
Victims into the Sand — Incredulity in the United States, . . 3844
CHAPTER XXV
RELIEF OF STARVING AMERICAN CITIZENS IN CUBA—FAIL-
URE OF WEYLER’S CAMPAIGN—INCREASING MISERY ON
THE ISLAND—THE ASSASSINATION OF CANOVAS.
Suffering among American Residents in Cuba— The President Asks for
» $50,000 for Their Relief —Spain Watches Us Anxiously —The Mor-
CONTENTS Xix
gan Resolution —Exciting Debate in the Senate —Its Effect in Spain
—Sagasta Rebels — Canovas Resigns — Given a New Lease of Life —
Reasons for His Continuance and for Weyler’s Longer Stay in Cuba
— Political Conditions —Don Carlos— Canovas between Two Fires
— Madrid Opinion —Weyler’s Trip to Santiago — Gomez’s New West-
ward Movement — Insurgent Successes — Weyler Meets Gomez for
the First Time in Battle— Weyler’s Defeat — Superior Tactics of
Gomez — Return of Commissioner Calhoun — Gen. Stewart L. Wood-
ford Appointed Minister to Madrid — His Instructions— Nothing to
Humiliate Spain— A Season of Waiting — Death of Canovas — Party
Quarrels Cease — Weyler Driven into Havana, . ‘ ‘ . 858°
CHAPTER XXVI
THE STORY OF MISS CISNEROS AND HER REMARKABLE ES8-
CAPE— RECALL OF WEYLER— PENALTY OF DEATH TO
ALL INSURGENTS TREATING WITH SPANIARDS.
Weyler Retained by the New Premier— The Escape of Evangelina Cisne-
ros — Her Romantic Story — Following Her Father to Jail—On the
Isla de Pinos— Attracted by Evangelina’s Beauty —A Scream for
Help — Berriz in Close Quarters— Guerrillas Appear— Her Escape
to a Cave— Found by the Guerrillas—Sent to Havana— Thrown
into a Vile Prison — Sympathy Aroused in this Country — An Appeal
to the Queen — Her Escape through a Barred Window — Smuggled
on a Steamer in Boy’s Clothes — Her Enthusiastic Reception in New
York — The Queen Tired of Cuban Troubles— Her Farewell to Min-
ister Taylor — Sagasta’s Ministry — Arrival in Havana of Blanco, and
Return of Weyler— Weyler’s Grotesque Failure — Blanco Announces
a More Liberal Policy — Release of the Competitor Prisoners — Their
Wretched Lot — Masé Elected President of Cuban Republic, . 871
CHAPTER XXVII
THE PRESIDENT’S MESSAGE—THE TRAGIC DEATH OF
COLONEL RUIZ—RIOTS IN HAVANA, AND THE
“FRIENDLY VISIT” OF THE MAINE.
The Administration’s Cuban Policy Outlined — Possibilities of Interven-
tion — Opposition to Autonomy — Colonel Ruiz Hopes to Convert the
Young Cuban Leader, Nestor Aranguren—The Latter’s Reply to
Ruiz’s Letter—Aranguren Warns Him—The Meeting — Arangu-
ren’s Own Story of What Happened — Ruiz Shot— Organized Re-
lief for the Reconcentrados— Military Operations in the East — Dis-
quieting Reports-— Lee Advises Having Warships in Readiness — A
Delicate Situation — Winter Drill of North American Squadron —
The Storm Breaks in Havana — ‘‘ Death to Autonomy !” — Lee’s Mes-
sage — Blanco’s Prompt Action — Death-Blow to Autonomy — Protec-
tion of American Citizens —The Maine Ordered to Havana — Strange
Action of the Havana Authorities— The Maine Arrives Quietly, 385
xx CONTENTS
CHAPTER XXVIII.
THE MAINE AND HER COMMANDER— THREATS AND WARN-
INGS— MINISTER Dre LOME’S ABUSIVE LETTER—START-
LING NEWS—THE MAINE BLOWN UP.
The History of the Maine— Captain Sigsbee, Her Commander — His High
Standing in the Navy Department — His Coolness and Self-possession —
A Second in Which to Act — Many Lives Saved by a Prompt Decision
—The Maine in Havana Harbor—An Unused Buoy — Captain Sigs-
bee’s Precautions — Extraordinary Vigilance—The Hostility of the
Spanish Rabble— Warnings Handed to Captain Sigsbee — His Official
Relations — No Cordiality from Spanish Military Officers— Reporters at
Hotel Ingleterra— Story of a Letter from Weyler— Weyler’s Myste-
tious Hints at Mines—General Aranguren Betrayed by a Negro
Captive — Surrounded and Killed — Conditions Worse and Worse —
Publication of the De Lome Letter— Characteristic Spanish Diplo-
macy — De Lome Admits His Authorship and Resigns —Spain’s Dis-
avowal— A Better Feeling—A Midnight Dispatch — Startling News
— Maine Blown Up” — An Awful Catastrophe, . 3 : . 400
CHAPTER XXIX
THE NIGHT OF FEBRUARY 15, 1898—A FEARFUL EXPLOSION
AND SCENES OF HORROR — REMARKABLE ESCAPES — THE
WORK OF RESCUE—THE NEWS AT WASHINGTON.
A Quiet night in Havana Harbor—The Maine Swinging at her Chain —
A Sudden Roar, a Crashing Explosion, and a Mass of Flying Flames
and Débris— The Shrieks of Dying Men— The Silence of Death —
Captain Sigsbee’s Escape — Standing on the Sinking Ship — Lowering
the Boats — The Officers in the Mess Room — Frightful Experiences —
Lieut. Jenkins Groping in the Water —‘‘ Which Way ”— Lieutenant
Hood’s Graphic Story —The Work of Rescue—A Last Call but no
Answer from the Burning Ruins — Spanish Delight — Captain Sigsbee
Leaves the Ship — Visits from Spanish Officers — Sigsbee’s Despatches
to the Department — “‘ Don’t Send War Vessels” — Excitement at Wash-
ington — Scenes at the White House—Sympathy of Spanish Officials
at Havana— Public Funeral of the Victims— Appointment of the
Court of Inquiry, . ; ; , ; ‘ . 411
CHAPTER XXX
PREPARING FOR WAR—EVIDENCE OF SPANISH TREACHERY
— MILLIONS FOR NATIONAL DEFENSE—A HISTORICAL
MOMENT—THE DRIFT INTO WAR.
Effects of the Maine Incident upon Our Cuban Policy — A Plain, Concrete
Case —The People Remain Patient The President’s Policy Inter-
CONTENTS Xxi
rupted — Reasons for the Accidental Theory —Not Really Believed in
Official Circles — General Lee Informs the State Department that It
Looked Like an Outside Explosion— Sudden Activity in Official
Circles — Preparations for War— Oregon Ordered Home — Dewey
Ordered to Concentrate His Flect— Arrival and Departure of the
Vizcaya — Our Precautions for Her Safety — Spain’s Responsibility for
the Safety of the Maine — Deeper and Deeper Misery in Cuba— Red
Cross Work —Spain’s Request for the Recall of General Lee— Her
Reasons — Probing for the Weyler Letter—Lainé’s Arrest and Ex-
pulsion — Lee Finds a Weyler Telegram — Corroborative Evidence —
A Critical Moment in Our National Life, s . - ; . 47
CHAPTER XXXI
ATTITUDE OF EUROPEAN POWERS — INCREASING GRAVITY
OF THE SITUATION —FINAL DIPLOMATIC EFFORT WITH
SPAIN—REPORT OF THE COURT OF INQUIRY.
Sounding European Governments — Friendly Attitude of England — Rea-
sons for Cherishing an Alliance—The Spanish Court of Inquiry —
Marked Impression Made by Senator Proctor’s Speech — Differing
Policies — General Pando Seeks to Convert Cubans — Renewed Activity
in War Preparations —Spain’s Torpedo Flotilla Departs from the
Canary Islands — Hastening Diplomacy —A Critical Situation —
Our Demands upon Spain — Report of the Naval Court of Inquiry
Submitted — Its Conclusions — Significance of the Keel Plates in the
Wreck — Evidence Entirely Conclusive of Outside Explosion — Efforts
to Fix the Responsibility — Captain Sigsbee’s Testimony — Maine
Anchored Just Where a Mine Would be Placed— An Anonymous
Letter — $6,000 for Blowing up the Ship, . J : . 448
CHAPTER XXXII
NEARING A CRISIS—‘‘REMEMBER THE MAINE” —SPAIN’S
FINANCIAL STRAITS—HASTENING OUR NAVAL PREPA-
RATIONS —SPAIN’S UNSATISFACTORY TACTICS.
Public Impatience Restrained with Difficulty —The President’s Trying
Position — Radical Resolutions in the Senate—The President’s Firm
Hand — Liberal Victory in Spain — The Cuban Deputies — Arrival of
the Vezcaya and Alintrante Oquendo in Havana — Spaniards in Hostile
Mood — Spanish Torpedo Flotilla and Its Movements — Spain’s Appeal
to Europe — Suicide of the Dynasty —Desperate Financial Conditions
— The Church as a Holder of Spanish Bonds— Putting the United
States Navy in Readiness —The Key West Fleet and the Flying Squad-
ron— Apparent Concession but Only for Effect — The Proposed Armis-
tice — Congress Becomes More and More Impatient — The President’s
Reasons for Delay —Time Needed to Prepare — His Influence upon
Congressional Leaders — Learning a Lesson, ; . : . 457
Xxil CONTENTS
CHAPTER XXXIII
THE COALING PROBLEM—SPAIN’S PRETENDED ASSIST-
ANCE OF THE STARVING RECONCENTRADOS — SCENES IN
CONGRESS WHILE AWAITING THE PRESIDENT’S MES-
SAGE.
The Army Ready to Move —The Importance of the Coaling Problem —
Spain’s Small Supply — Coaling at Neutral Ports — Blanco’s Orders to
Help the Reconcentrados—No Charity Except through Fear of War
— Spain Playing to the Galleries of Europe — No Chance for Money to
Get by the Spanish Officials — Appeal of the Autonomist Government
— Position of the Self-Professed Friends of Peace — The Influence of
the Commercial Spirit — ‘‘ Reading the Riot Act to the President” —
The President’s Tact — April 6th, an Exciting Day — Waiting for the
Message — It Fails to Arrive — General Lee’s Request for Time to Get
Out of Cuba— The President’s Courageous Act — Bitter Attacks upon
Him in Congress — Bravely Defended — Other Important Reasons for
Delay — The President’s Expectation of War, é ‘ 7 . 4B
CHAPTER XXXIV
THE JOINT NOTE OF THE SIX POWERS — QUEEN CHRISTINA
ACTS TOO LATE— THE PRESIDENT’S MESSAGE AT LAST
—“THE WAR IN CUBA MUST STOP.”
A Little Play behind the Scenes— Attempts of European Powers to Act —
Austria’s Interest in the Spanish Dynasty —The French Investment in
Spanish Bonds — Plans for a Joint Appeal — An Impressive Moment in
the White House—The European Note— The President’s Reply —
Humanitarian Considerations — Novel Proceeding in Our Diplomacy —
Condition on Which England and Russia Acted — A Good Opportunity
for the President — A Similar Request Made at Madrid — Spain Replies
that She has Gone as Far as She Can—The Queen Takes Matters in
Her Own Hand and Would Go Further — Too Late — Blanco Ordered
to Suspend Hostilities — Riots in Madrid — General Lee and Many
Americans Leave Havana— No Further Postponement of Message
Possible —Useless to Listen to Spain’s Insincere Diplomacy — The
Message Submitted — History of the Troubles Reviewed — Spain’s
Proposal as to the Maine—The Time for Action at Hand, . 484
CHAPTER XXXV
RECEPTION OF THE PRESIDENT’S MESSAGE— ARRIVAL OF
GENERAL LEE—EXCITING DEBATES IN THE HOUSE
AND SENATE—OUR ULTIMATUM TO SPAIN— BREAKING
OFF DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS.
How the President’s Message was Received—A Plain Unimpassioned
Statement — Congress Expected Something More Fiery — General Lee’s
Arrival at Washington — Ovations on the Route — A Warm Welcome
CONTENTS Xxili
—His Testimony before the Senate Committee — Resolutions for
Intervention — The Question of Recognizing the Independence of Cuba
—The Tension of Feeling — Coming Together on the Final Vote —
Report of the Senate Committee — Defending the President — An
Impressive Speech — An Amendment to Recognize the Cuban Republic
Passed — Disagreeing Action and a Conference — The Final Draft —
Wisdom of Going to War without Recognizing Cuba— The Presi-
dent Prepares His Ultimatum — Signing the Resolutions — Minister
Polo Demands His Passports — A High-handed Performance — Wood-
ford Given His Passports, é ‘ ‘ . . 497
CHAPTER XXXVI
THE SPANISH AND AMERICAN NAVIES — PROCLAMATION
OF CUBAN BLOCKADE— DEPARTURE OF AN AMERICAN
SQUADRON FOR CUBAN WATERS — THE FIRST SHOT OF
THE WAR—THE CALL FOR VOLUNTEERS.
Beginning Operations — Plans for Offensive and Defensive Action — Com-
parison of the Spanish and United States Navies —Spain’s Armored
Cruisers — Superiority of Our Guns and Gunners—The Spirit of the
Navy — Lieutenant Commander Wainwright’s Plea for a Chance
to Fight— Peculiar Positions of Antagonists—Spain’s Best Ships
neither in Cuban nor Philippine Waters — The Cape Verde Squadron —
Speculations as to Naval Results— Spaniards Suspected of Dark De-
signs — Commodore Howell’s Auxiliary Fleet—Blockading Cuban
Ports— Departure of Admiral Sampson’s Imposing Fleet — Commo-
dore Dewey Ordered to Sail for Manila — Caution of the Naval Strategy
Board— A Spanish Ship Sighted — The First Shot of the War— The
Spanish Flag Comes Down— Other Prizes Captured —The Call for
Volunteers— Prompt Response—A Conflict between Amateurs and
Professionals — Reorganizing the Army— A Cause of Delay, . 505
CHAPTER XXXVII
WAR FORMALLY PROCLAIMED—THE BOMBARDMENT OF
MATANZAS— EXPERIENCES ON A MODERN WARSHIP—
COMMODORE DEWEY SAILS TOWARDS MANILA.
Enthusiasm and Generosity among the People of the United States — Col-
lege Patriotism — Prompt Action by the Women of the Country — Red
Cross Nurses—The Dangers of Yellow Fever —Surgeon-General’s
Warning — Rejoicing in Havana— Blanco’s Grandiloquent Manifesto
— Congress Formally Declares War— Spain Talks of Scandalous Ag
gression — Troubles in the Cortes— Importance of Securing a Base on
Cuban Coast — Havana Ignored— Advancing to Matanzas— The Na-
ture of the Bay — Waiting for the Word to Fire— A Shot from the
Batteries — Engagement Becomes General— A Thrilling Sight — Fol-
lowing the Powerful Projectiles to the Target — Clouds of Smoke —
XXiV CONTENTS 5
Three Hundred Shots in Eighteen Minutes — General Blanco’s Report
of Casualties—‘‘A Mule Killed” —The Cape Verde Spanish Flee}
Sails — Commodore Dewey Points his Fleet towards Manila — Sig-
nificance of his Orders, 5 2.7% 2 be ue cee cao Bal
CHAPTER XXXVIIT
THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS—THEIR EXTENT, CHARACTER,
AND NATIVE LIFE —REBELLION OF THE FILIPINOS AND
ITS THRILLING INCIDENTS— THE TRAGIC DEATH OF DR.
RIZAL—GENERAL AGUINALDO AND COMMODORE DEWEY.
Magellan the Navigator Hears of the Wonderful Spice Islands — Persuades
the Spanish King that they Might Belong to Spain — Sailing Westward
Instead of Eastward — Wonderful Voyage — Discovery of the Philip-
pines — The Natives — Early Importance of Manila — The Slaughter of
the Prosperous Chinese — Depressing Results— A Long and Ugly His-
tory — Character of the Islands— Peculiarities of Spanish Government
— The Uprising of 1896 — The Catapunan Society — Appealing to the
Filipinos — A Bloody Conflict — Outrages on Both Sides— A Hundred
Prisoners Suffocated in a Single Night — Public Executions —Dramatic
Incidents — The Romantic Story of Dr. Rizal — His Love Affair — Sen-
tenced to Death — Married in his Cell Just Before his Execution — His
Death — Patriotic Verses— Insurgent Leaders Leave the Country —
Insurrection Breaks Out Again— General Aguinaldo’s Exile, . 534
CHAPTER XXXIX
COMMODORE DEWEY AND HIS S8QUADRON—INCIDENTS OF
THE CRUISE TO MANILA —SEARCHING FOR THE ENEMY
—THRILLING SAIL PAST THE BATTERIES AND OVER
THE MINES—ADVANCING TO THE BATTLE.
Commodore Dewey’s Squadron —Its Guns and Armor — Dewey’s Service
in the Navy — Admiral Porter’s Tribute — Proclamation of the Gov-
ernor-General of the Philippines—Bombastic Encouragement —
Dewey’s Cruise to Manila— Rolling in the China Sea — ‘“‘ Prepare for
Action” — Practice on the Way — Stripping the Ships— All Unneces-
sary Articles Thrown Overboard— A Look into Subig Bay — Move-
ments of the Spanish Admiral— Why he Retired to Manila— The
United States Squadron Holds a Council of War— Dewey Announces
His Purpose to Enter Manila Harbor that Night— Engines Started
Again — Men Quietly Sent to Their Guns—In Sight of the Forts —
Increasing the Speed — Silent and Alert — Discovered at Last —A
Flash of Light, a Rocket, and then the Boom of a Gun — Dewey’s
Orders — Silencing a Battery —Silently Onward — Breakfast at the
Guns— The Enemy Sighted at Cavité— Heading for Battle— The
Spanish Squadron —Its Advantage, . ji ‘ ‘ : . 548
CONTENTS xxXV
CHAPTER XL
THE NAVAL BATTLE OF MANILA BAY—A TERRIBLE STORM
OF SHOT AND SHELL— SCENES OF BLOOD AND CARNAGE
—ANNIHILATION OF THE SPANISH FLEET—COMMO-
DORE DEWEY’S GREAT VICTORY.
Commodore Dewey’s Squadron in Battle Array— Advancing Silently
towards the Enemy— Mines Exploded in Front of the Olympia —
“Remember the Maine!”—The Time for Action Comes— Torpedo
Launches Venture an Attack — Rapid Guns — The Reina Christina At-
tacks the Olympia — Meets with a Terrible Fire — Destructive Shot of
the Boston — Retiring for Breakfast — Taking Account of Damages—
The Fury of the Second Attack — Spaniards Fighting Desperately —
Defiant Gunners Swallowed up in the Bloody Water— Escape of the
Spanish Admiral— A Gruesome Sight— Ships Burnt, Suuk, and De-
serted — Surrender of the Fort— Care of the Wounded — Experiences
on the American Ships—Cutting the Cable— Commodore Dewey’s
Modest Despatches, ‘ 7 : , i : ‘ 4 . 561
CHAPTER XLII
AWAITING ADMIRAL CERVERA AND HIS FLEET— ANXIETY
FOR THE OREGON—CERVERA’S UNEXPECTED ARRIVAL
AT MARTINIQUE.
A Period of Uncomfortable Uncertainty —Where would Cervera Appear ?—
Relative Distances of the Hostile Squadrons — Three Theories as to
Cervera’s Probable Course — Plausibility of the Theory that He Might
Intercept the Oregon — The Oregon at Rio Janeiro — Captain Clark has
no Fear of Spanish Fleet — Possibility of a Spanish Attack on Coast
Cities — General Opinion that Cervera would Steer for Puerto Rico —
Admiral Sampson Starts Out to Meet Him — His Formidable Fleet —
The Anticipated Battle — Days of Anxious Waiting — Strategists all at
Sea— Retiewed Concern for the Oregon—Strength of the Spanish
Cruisers — Unknown Possibilities of Torpedo Warfare — Astonishing
Announcement that Cervera had Returned to Cadiz — Assurances from
London — Spanish Denials Disbelieved — Sudden Preparations for In-
vading Cuba — Cervera is Sighted off Martinique—He Learns that
Sampson Had Called for Him at Puerto’ Rico, . é : . 579
XXvi CONTENTS
CHAPTER XLIT
ADMIRAL SAMPSON’S BOMBARDMENT OF SAN JUAN-
THRILLING SCENES DURING THE ACTION —SKILLFUL
AMERICAN GUNNERY—SAMPSON’S WITHDRAWAL.
Admiral Sampson’s Cruise to Puerto Rico — The Gallant Sailors Expect a
Great Fight — Approaching San Juan — Preparations for the Combat
—San Juan Learns of Sampson’s Approach — The Jowa Becomes the
Flagship — Peculiarities of San Juan Harbor — Admiral Sampson’s
Plan of Attack — Running up the Stars and Stripes — Speeding into
the Bay — The Duty of the Wompatuck—Sampson, Finding Cervera
Absent, Decides to Shell the Forts—The First Shot— The Music of
the Projectiles— Spaniards Return the Fire Vigorously — Bravery of a
Spaniard at an Old Gun—Some Dangerous Guns on the Forts—
Marksmanship as Worthless as Spanish Promises— ‘‘ Threaten, Puff,
Splash !” — Cruising by the Forts Three Times — Shells Land on the
New York and Jowa— One Man Killed — The Withdrawal — Admiral
Sampson’s Official Report— Not Even a Spanish Gunboat in the
Harbor — Criticism of Admiral Sampson’s Attack, . 5 » 8993
CHAPTER XLII
INCIDENTS ON THE BLOCKADE LINE — FIRST AMERICAN
BLOODSHED AT CIENFUEGOS — THE BRAVE AND BLOODY
FIGHT OF THE WINSLOW AT CARDENAS —SWEPT BY
SHOT AND SHELL.
The Blockade in Early May — The Capture of the Lafayette — Recklessness
of Some of the American Vessels — Work of Cutting the Cables — Eager
Volunteers for a Dangerous Task — Advancing Close to Shore in
Launches and Cutters — Fire from the Spanish Masked Batteries — Men
Drop at their Oars—Ship’s Guns Drive the Spaniards to Shelter —
Dead Men in the Cutters — Shelling the Lighthouse — First Adventure
of the Torpedo Boat Winslow — Laying a Trap for the Spaniards — In
a Nest of Red Buoys—A Spanish Trap— Deadly Fire Pours in on
the Winslow —The Hudson to the Rescue—A Fatal Shell— Death of
Ensign Bagley and his Men—Terrific Fighting — Brave Act of the
Hudson — Getting the Winslow Out — ee Gunboats Disabled —
Scattering a Spanish Garrison, . a a ; ‘: . 608
CONTENTS XXVii
CHAPTER XLIV :
CHASING CERVERA’S FLEET—DAYS OF EXCITEMENT AND
UNCERTAINTY —SAMPSON AND SCHLEY AT KEY WEST
AND CERVERA AT SANTIAGO.
Cervera Raises another Question for the Strategists —Schley Receives Or-
ders to Leave Hampton Roads— Cervera Reported at Curagoa — He
Seeks Coal and Supplies — Sampson a Day’s Sail from Santiago — More
Days of Uncertainty — Cervera and Sampson Both Sailing in the Same
Direction — Sampson and Schley Arrive at: Key West and Cervera at
Santiago — Cervera’s Luck as a Dodger — How He Entered Santiazo
while our Scouts Were Away — Schley Hurries to the South Coast of
Cuba — Unaware of Cervera’s Arrival at Santiago —Schley Prepares to
Attack Cervera at Cienfuegos — Finds Cervera is not There and Pushes
on to Santiago— Doubt as to Whether Cervera is Really There —
Sampson Turns Back — Schley Steams up before Santiago, . . 618
CHAPTER XLV
THE HARBOR OF SANTIAGO — ADMIRAL CERVERA’S ALLEGED
STRATEGY — COMMODORE SCHLEY MAKES SURE HE HAS
THE ENEMY —CERVERA ‘“ BOTTLED UP.”
A Beautiful Harbor — Morro Castle — Background for Many Bloody
Scenes—The Winding Channel and the Bay — Doubt as to Whether
Cervera was Actually There — Irrational Movements of the Spanish
Admiral — Guided Largely by Necessities— Opportunities which He
Refused to Embrace — Evidence of Cervera’s Presence in the Harbor —
All Doubts Removed — Schley’s Attack on the Forts — Cervera’s Ships
Fire at Random over the Hills — Remarkable Reports from Madrid —
Too Late for Falsehoods — Cervera ‘‘ Bottled Up ”— The Government
at Once Takes Steps to Send Forces to Santiago — Admiral Sampson
Arrives Back at Key West and Prepares to Join Schley — The Monitors
Left Behind — Remarkable Trip of the Oreyon— Admiral Sampson
Takes Command — Organizing the Army — Found Unprepared at the
Last Moment — The Departure at Last, ‘ ‘ é 5 . 682
XXViii CONTENTS
CHAPTER XLVI
THE BRAVE DEED OF LIEUTENANT HOBSON AND HIS CREW
— GOING INTO THE JAWS OF DEATH — FEARFUL EX-
PERIENCES AND A WONDERFUL ESCAPE.
Plans for Destroying or Capturing Cervera’s Fleet — Hobson Presents a
Plan to Prevent His Escape — Admiral Sampson Gives His Consent —
Preparing the Merrimac for a Dangerous Trip — Asking for Volun-
teers — Drawing Lots — Details of Hobson’s Plans — Preparations
Made at Last — The Crew as Selected — Hobson Speaks of His Chances
of Success — Battleships Take up Position at Sunset — Hobson Appears
on the Bridge — Everything Ready — The Merrimac Moves in—
Watching in Breathless Interest — Disappearing in the Mist of the
Shore — A Blaze of Fire — The Search of the Little Launch — Hobson
Given up for Lost — How He Steams into the Sheet of Flame— A Mine
Explodes under the Merrimac—On the Deck in a Hail of Shot and
Shell — Slipping Overboard and Clinging to the Catamaran — A Span-
ish Launch Appears — Prisoners in Morro— Fate Made Known, 645
CHAPTER XLVII
LANDING OF MARINES IN GUANTANAMO BAY — SUR-
ROUNDED BY HIDDEN ENEMIES — SPANIARDS CAUGHT
AT LAST —SHARP NAVAL FIGHT AT SAN JUAN.
Spaniards Strengthen Their Position — Bombarding the Forts at the
Harbor Mouth — The Reina Mercedes Wrecked — Looking for a
Possible Place for the Army to Land — Pluck of the Naval Re-
serves — Landing the Marines — Preparing Camp McCalla — Its
Peculiar Position — Fatal Search for the Enemy — No Sleep for the
Marines — Mauser Bullets Continually Whistling through the
Camp — Bravely Facing the Foe — Untenable Position of the Camp
— Spaniards Fire upon a Funeral Cortége — Driving Them Back
and Resuming the Services —Attacked from a New Quarter — A
Critical Situation — The Enemy Caught in a Trap — Slaughtered
without Mercy — The Camp Moved to a Less Exposed Position —
The Blockade of San Juan — Arrival of the S¢. Paul — The Terror
Makes an Attack — A Broadside from the St. Paul, . i . 659
CONTENTS xxix
CHAPTER XLYVIIT
LANDING OF THE TROOPS AT BAIQUIRI AND SIBONEY —
THE ADVANCE THROUGH CUBAN THICKETS—A MAG-
NIFICENT CHARGE AND A _ DECISIVE VICTORY —
CAMARA’S PHANTOM FLEET.
Arrival of the Transports with General Shafter’s Army — Admiral Samp-
son and General Shafter Consult— Meeting the Cuban Leaders —
Enthusiastic Cubans — Baiquiri Selected as a Landing Place— Plans
and Preparations — Anticipating an Attempted Escape by Cervera —
Incidents of a Difficult Landing — Unfurling the Stars and Stripes —
On the Road to Santiago — Yankee Ingenuity — The Enemy’s Retreat
to Guasimas— General Wheeler Decides to Attack — Moving Ahead
on Difficult Trails and under a Burning Sun— The Music of a Mauser
Bullet — Rough Riders Attacked— A Fierce Battle is On— Deploying
through the Thickets — Death in the Ranks— A Relentless Advance
— Victory and a Well-Earned Rest—The Dead and Wounded —
Camara Leaves Cadiz — His Trip to the Suez Canal, . 7 « 675
CHAPTER XLIX
CONTINUED ADVANCE OF THE AMERICAN TROOPS—GEN-
ERAL SHAFTER ARRIVES AT THE FRONT—PREPARA-
TIONS FOR A GENERAL ATTACK —INGENIOUS SPANISH
DEFENSES.
Advancing the American Lines —The Spanish Retreat — Trials of the Trail
— Soldiers Pushing Ahead Faster Than Supplies Could be Brought
Up—Impossible to Land Heavy Guns—Cutting a Way through
Tropical Jungles— General Shafter Leaves the Ship—The Cuban
Soldiers— A Remarkable Collection of Warriors — Famished and
Naked Patriots — No Understanding of Organized War — Their
Value as Scouts and Guides— Their Aversion to Spades and Picks —
Good Reasons for an Immediate Attack— Dangers of the Climate —
Stretching the Line Northward — Position of the Different Divisions
— Within Rifle Range of the Enemy — Traps Laid by the Spaniards —
Disguised Sharpshooters in the Treetops— Rifle Pits Trained on the
Openings through Which our Troops Must Advance — Expecting
to Take Santiago in a Day—Inadequate Hospital Arrangements —
The Greatest Land Battle of the War, : . F 5 . 691
xxx CONTENTS
CHAPTER L
THE FIERCE BATTLE OF JULY FIRST AT SAN JUAN, CANEY,
AND AGUADORES — GALLANT CONDUCT AND HEAVY
LOSSES OF SHAFTER’S ARMY — INADEQUATE PROVISION
FOR THE SUFFERING WOUNDED — A DARK OUTLOOK.
The Morning of July First — Grimes’s Battery Opens Fire — The Spanish
Reply —The Advance in the Center towards San Juan— A Tell-tale
Balloon — Critical Position of the Seventy-first New York — Storming
the Hill — General Hawkins’ Brave Charge— Capturing the Spanish
Position — Roosevelt Leads the Charge up San Juan Hill— Lawton’s
Attack upon Caney — Desperate Defense of the Spaniards — The Dash
of the Colored Troops — Storming the Fort — Caney Falls — General
Duffield’s Attack at Aguadores— Inadequacy of Hospital Arrange-
ments — Terrible Suffering but Brave Endurance of the Wounded —
Provisions Run Short— General Shafter Sick and Disheartened — A
Dark Outlook — Looking to the Fleet for Help —The Spaniards also
in Despair— Cervera Receives Orders to Escape, j: ‘ . 708
CHAPTER II
ADMIRAL CERVERA’S ATTEMPTED ESCAPE— THRILLING
INCIDENTS OF COMMODORE SCHLEY’S PURSUIT AND
VICTORY — THE RESCUE AND SURRENDER OF CERVERA
AND THE REMNANTS OF HIS CREWS.
The Waiting American Squadron— Admiral Sampson Departs to Consult
with General Shafter — Watching Suspicious Smoke beyond the Ridge
— The Enemy Appears — Commodore Schley’s Prompt Action — The
Spanish Cruisers Emerge from the Harbor — Pictures of Smoke and
Fire — Network of Bursting Shells — Cervera’s Tactics — Pouring
Shells upon the Spanish Cruisers — The Chase Begins — Appearance of
the Pluton and Furor— Wainwright's Handling of the Gloucester —
His Quick and Fearless Advance — Destruction of the Destroyers —
Admiral Sampson Turns Back from Siboney ~The Maria Teresa and
the Almirante Oquendo Run Ashore — The Brooklyn and Oregon Have
a Running Fight with the Vézcaya— Another Spanish Cruiser Beached
— Gallant Rescue of the Spanish Crews — Working the Spaniard into a
Trap — The Surrender— Schley’s Splendid Command, 2 . Pi
CONTENTS Xxxi
CHAPTER LII
THE SURRENDER OF SANTIAGO—TRYING POSITION OF
THE ARMY—RELEASE OF HOBSON AND HIS CREW—
OCCUPATION OF THE CITY—THE PUERTO RICO CAM-
PAIGN.
General Shafter Calls upon Gen. Toral to Surrender — Refusal of the Span-
ish Commander — Refugees from the City — Fruitless Negotiations —
The Exchange of Hobson and His Crew—Their Warm Welcome —
American Lines Advanced — Strengthening the American Position —
The Truce Ends — Bombardment of the City — Another Demand for
Surrender — A Council of Officers— Arrival of General Miles — Alarm-
ing Condition of Our Army — Insufficient Provisions — Suffering of
the Sick and Wounded — Toral Asks for More Time — An Agreement
Reached — Conditions of the Capitulation — The President’s Message to
General Shafter — Occupation of the City — Looking over the Spanish
Defenses — ‘‘ Yellow Jack” Appears— Obstacles Which Our Army
Overcame — Shafter and Garcia—The Campaign in Puerto Rico —
General Miles’s Easy and Triumphal Advance — Ponce Welcomes
American Troops— Last of the Fighting, . . . . 742
CHAPTER LIT
THE SITUATION IN THE PHILIPPINES —CONDUCT OF AGUI-
NALDO — PHILIPPINE EXPEDITIONS—ANNEXATION OF
* THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS—FALL OF MANILA.
Hostilities Begin and End in the Philippines — The Philippine Question at
Home —Policy of Expansion—A Complicated Situation — General
Merritt Designated to Lead the Expeditions — Apprehension of Trouble
with the Germans— Dewey’s Tactful Management — The Insurgents
Threaten Trouble— Aguinaldo’s Conduct — Insurgents Invest Manila
— The First Expedition under Way — Manila’s Desperate Condition —
Annexation of the Hawaiian Islands — Arrival of the First Expedition
under General Anderson and the Departure of General Merritt — Tak-
ing Possession of the Ladrone Islands— The Irene Incident — Organ-
izing for Attack —A Spanish Assault — A Demand for Surrender —
Preparing for Bombardment — The Battle of Malate — Fall of the City
— Merritt’s Proclamation, 3 ‘i 3 5 i * , . 761
XXxXii CONTENTS
CHAPTER LIV
SPAIN SUES FOR PEACE— THE AMERICAN TERMS —SIGN-
ING OF THE PROTOCOL — LESSONS OF WAR AND PROB-
LEMS OF PEACE.
Spain’s Reluctance to Yield — Her Embarrassed Condition — Symptoms of
Revolution — Don Carlos and Weyler — Cortes Dissolved in Disorder —
Waiting for Spanish Public Opinion — Overtures at Last through the
French Minister -— Reply of the United States— Terms of the Protocol
—The Philippine Problem — Condition of Our Army in Cuba —
Examples of Genuine Heroism in the War—Credit to the Private
and to the Sailor — The Patriotic and Prudent Policy of the President
—A Rich Legacy for the Future — After War, the Responsibilities of
Peace — The Problems of Better Government in the Conquered Terri-
tory —The Beginning of a New Historical Period in Our National
Life, ‘ : : : ‘ : ho lty go <5 ‘ . 776
Hon. REDFIELD PROCTOR
United States Senator from Vermont
CUBA
ITS CONDITION AT THE BEGINNING OF 1898
Isaw during my visit to Cuba and how the situation there
impressed me. This I do on account of the public in-
terest in all that concerns Cuba, and to correct some inac-
curacies that have, not unnaturally, appeared in reported inter-
views with me.
My trip was entirely unofficial and of my own motion:
uot suggested by anyone. The only mention I made of it
to the President was to say to him that I contemplated
such a trip and to ask him if there was any objection to
it; to which he replied that he could see none. No one but
iuyself, therefore, is responsible for anything in this statement.
Judge Day gave me a brief note of introduction to General
Lee, and I had letters of introduction from business friends at
the North to bankers and other business men at Havana, and
they in turn gave me letters to their correspondents in other
cities. These letters to business men were very useful, as one
3 (38)
| T has been suggested that I make a public statement of what
34 INTRODUCTION BY SENATOR REDFIELD PROCTOR
of the principal purposes of my visit was to ascertain the views
of practical men of affairs upon the situation.
Of General Lee I need say but little. His valuable services
to his country in his trying position are too well known to all
his countrymen to require mention. Besides his ability, high
character, and courage, he possesses the important requisites
of unfailing tact and courtesy, and, withal, his military educa-
tion and training and his soldierly qualities are invaluable ad-
juncts in the equipment of our representative in a country so
completely under military rule as was Cuba. General Lee
kindly invited us to sit at his table at the hotel during our stay
in Havana, and this opportunity for frequent informal talks
with him was of great help to me.
In addition to the information he voluntarily gave me, it
furnished a convenient opportunity to ask him the many ques-
tions that suggested themselves in explanation of things seen
and heard on our trips through the country. I also met and
spent considerable time with Consul Brice at Matanzas, and
with Captain Barker, a staunch ex-Confederate soldier, the con-
sul at Sagua la Grande. None of our representatives whom I
met in Cuba are of my political faith, but there is a broader
faith, not bounded by party lines. They are all three true
Americans, and have done excellent service.
There are six provinces in Cuba, each, with the exception
of Matanzas, extending the whole width of the island, and
having about an equal sea front on the north and south borders.
Matanzas touches the Caribbean Sea only at its southwest cor-
ner, being separated from it elsewhere by a narrow peninsula
of Santa Clara Province. The provinces are named, begin-
ning at the west, Pinar del Rio, Havana, Matanzas, Santa
Clara, Puerto Principe, and Santiago de Cuba. My observa-
tions were confined to the four western provinces, which con-
stitute about one-half of the island. The two eastern ones
were practically in the hands of the insurgents, except the two
fortified towns. These two large provinces were spoken of as
“Cuba Libre.”
eG
INTRODUCTION BY SENATOR REDFIELD PROCTOR 35
Havana, the great city and capital of the island, is, in the
eyes of the Spaniards and many Cubans, all Cuba, as much as
Paris is France. But having visited it in more peaceful times
and seen its sights, the tomb of Columbus, the forts — Cabafia
and Morro Castle, ete—TI did not care to repeat this, pre-
ferring trips in the country. Everything seemed to go on
much as usual in Havana. Quiet prevailed, and except for
the frequent squads of soldiers marching to guard and police
duty, and their abounding presence in all public places, one
saw few signs of war.
Outside Havana all had changed. It was not peace nor
was it war. It was desolation and distress, misery and starva-
tion. Every town and village was surrounded by a “ trocha ”
(trench), a sort of rifle pit, but constructed on a plan new to
me, the dirt being thrown up on the inside and a barbed-wire
fence on the outer side of the trench. These trochas had at
every corner and at frequent intervals along the sides what are
there called “ forts,” but which are really small blockhouses,
many of them more like large sentry boxes, loopholed for
musketry, and with a guard of from two to ten soldiers in
each.
The purpose of these trochas was to keep the reconcen-
trados in as well as to keep the insurgents out. From all the
surrounding country the people had been driven into these
fortified towns and held.there to subsist as they could. They
were virtually prison yards, and not unlike one in general ap-
pearance, except that the walls were not so high and strong;
but they sufficed, where every point was in range of a soldier’s
rifle, to keep in the poor reconcentrado women and children.
Every railroad station was within one of these trochas and
had an armed guard. Every train had an armored freight car,
loopholed for musketry and filled with soldiers, and with, as I
observed usually, and was informed was always the case, a
pilot engine a mile or so in advance. There were frequent
blockhouses inclosed by a trocha and with a guard along the
railroad track. With this exception there was no human life
36 INTRODUCTION BY SENATOR REDFIELD PROCTOR
or habitation between these fortified towns and villages, and
throughout the whole of the four western provinces, except
to a very limited extent among the hills where the Spaniards
had not been able to go and drive the people to the towns and
burn their dwellings. I saw no house or hut in the 400
miles of railroad rides from Pinar del Rio Province in the
west across the full width of Havana and Matanzas provinces,
and to Sagua la Grande on the north shore, and to Cienfuegos
on the south shore of Santa Clara, except within the Spanish
trochas.
There were no domestic animals or crops on the rich fields
and pastures except such as were under.guard in the immediate
vicinity of the towns. In other words, the Spaniards held in
these four western provinces just what their army sat on.
Every man, woman, and child, and every domestic animal,
wherever their columns had reached, was under guard and
within their so-called fortifications. To describe one place is
to describe all. To repeat, it was neither peace nor war. It
was concentration and desolation. This was the “ pacified”
condition of the four western provinces.
West of Havana is mainly the rich tobacco country; east,
as far as I went, a sugar region. Nearly all the sugar mills
were destroyed between Havana and Sagua. Two or three
were standing in the vicinity of Sagua, and in part running,
surrounded, as were the villages, by trochas and forts or
palisades of the royal palm, and fully guarded. Toward and
near Cienfuegos there were more mills running, but all with
the same protection. It is said that the owners of these mills
near Cienfuegos were able to obtain special favors of the Span-
ish government in the way of a large force of soldiers, but that
they also, as well as all the railroads, paid taxes to the Cubans
for immunity. I had no means of verifying this. It was the
common talk among those who had better means of knowl-
edge.
All the country people in the four western provinces, about
400,000 in number, remaining outside the fortified towns
INTRODUCTION BY SENATOR REDFIELD PROCTOR 37
when Weyler’s order was made, were driven into these
towns, and these were the reconcentrados. They were the
peasantry, many of them farmers, some landowners, others
renting lands and owning more or less stock, others working on
estates and cultivating small patches; and even a small patch
in that fruitful clime will support a family.
It is but fair to say that the normal condition of these
people was very different from what prevails in this country.
Their standard of comfort and prosperity, measured by ours,
was not high. But according to their standards and require-
ments their conditions of life were satisfactory.
They lived mostly in cabins made of palms or in wooden
houses. Some of them had houses of stone, the blackened
walls of which are all that remain to show the country was
ever inhabited.
The first clause of Weyler’s order read as follows:
I OrpER aND CommanpD. First, all the inhabitants of the country or
outside of the line of fortifications of the towns shall, within the period of
eight days, concentrate themselves in the towns occupied by the troops.
Any individual who, after the expiration of this period, is found in the
uninhabited parts will be considered a rebel and tried as such.
The other three sections forbade the transportation of pro-
visions from one town to another without permission of the
military authority, directed the owners of cattle to bring them
into the towns, prescribed that the eight days should be counted
from the publication of the proclamation in the head town of
the municipal district, and stated that if news were furnished
of the enemy which could be made use of, it would serve as a
“recommendation.”
Many, doubtless, did not learn of this order. Others
failed to grasp its terrible meaning. Its execution was left
largely to the guerrillas to drive in all that had not obeyed, and
I was informed that in many eases the torch was applied to
their homes with no notice, and the inmates fled with such
clothing as they might have on, their stock and other belong-
ings being appropriated by the guerrillas. When they 4
reached the towns they were allowed to build huts of palm —
33 INTRODUCTION BY SENATOR REDFIELD PROCTOR
leaves in the suburbs and vacant places within the trochas, and
left to live, if they could.
Their huts were about ten by fifteen feet in size, and for
want of space were usually crowded together very closely.
They had no floor but the ground, no furniture, and, after a
year’s wear, but little clothing except such stray substitutes as
they could extemporize; and with large families, or more than
one, in this little space, the commonest sanitary provisions were
impossible. Conditions were unmentionable in this respect.
Torn from their homes, with foul earth, foul air, foul water,
and foul food or none, what wonder that one-half had died and
that one-quarter of the living were so diseased that they could
not be saved? A form of dropsy was a common disorder re-
sulting from these conditions. Little children were still walk-
ing about with arms and chests terribly emaciated, eyes
swollen, and abdomen bloated to three times the natural size.
The physicians said these cases were hopeless.
Deaths in the streets were not uncommon. I was told by
one of our consuls that many had been found dead about the
markets in the morning, where they had crawled, hoping to
get some stray bits of food from the early hucksters, and that
there had been cases where they had dropped dead inside the
market surrounded by food. Before Weyler’s order these
people were independent and self-supporting. They were not
beggars even then. There were plenty of professional beg-
gars in every town among the regular residents, but these
country people, the reconcentrados, had not learned the art.
Rarely was a hand held out to you for alms when going among
their huts, but the sight of them made an appeal stronger than
‘words.
Of the hospitals I need not speak. Others have described
their condition far better than Ican. It is not within the nar-
row limits of my vocabulary to portray it. I went to Cuba
with a strong conviction that the picture had been overdrawn;
that a few cases of starvation and suffering had inspired and
stimulated the press correspondents, and that they had given
INTRODUCTION BY SENATOR REDFIELD PROCTOR 39
tree play to a strong, natural, and highly cultivated imagina-
tion.
Before starting I received through the mail a leaflet, with
cuts of some of the sick and starving reconcentrados, and took
it with me, thinking these must be rare specimens, got up to
make the worst possible showing. I saw plenty as bad and
worse; many that should not be photographed and shown.
I could not believe that out of a population of 1,600,000,
200,000 had died within these Spanish forts, practically
prison walls, within a few months past, from actual starva-
tion and diseases caused by insufficient and improper food.
My inquiries were entirely outside of sensational sources.
They were made of medical officers, of our consuls, of
city alealdes (mayors), of relief committees, of leading mer-
chants and bankers, physicians, and lawyers. Several of
my informants were Spanish born, but every time the answer
was that the case had not been overstated. What I saw I can-
not tell so that others can see it. It had to be seen with one’s
own eyes to be realized.
The Los Pasos Hospital, in Havana, has been recently de-
scribed by one of my colleagues, Senator Gallinger, and I can-
not say that his picture was overdrawn, for even his fertile
pen could not do that. But he visited it after Dr. Lesser, one
of Miss Barton’s very able and efficient assistants, had reno-
vated it and put in cots. I saw it when 400 women and chil-
‘dren were lying on the floors in an indescribable state of
emaciation and disease, many with the scantiest covering of
rags — and such rags!— sick children, naked as they came
into the world; and the conditions in the other cities are even
worse.
Miss Barton needs no indorsement from me. I had known
and esteemed her for many years, but had not half appreciated
her capability and devotion to her work. I specially looked
into her business methods, fearing that there would be the
greatest danger of mistake, that there might be want of system
and waste and extravagance, but found she could teach me on
40 INTRODUCTION BY SENATOR REDFIELD PROCTOR
these points. I visited the warehouse where the supplies were
received and distributed; saw the methods of checking; visited
the hospitals established or organized and supplied by her; saw
the food distribution in several cities and towns, and every-
thing seemed to me to be conducted in the best manner pos-
sible. The ample, fine warehouse in Havana, owned by a
Cuban firm, was given, with a gang of laborers, free of charge
to unload and reship supplies.
The Children’s Hospital, in Havana, a very large, fine
private residence, was hired at a cost of less than $100 per
month. It was under the admirable management of Mrs.
Dr. Lesser of New York, a German lady and trained nurse.
I saw the rapid improvement of the first children taken there.
All Miss Barton’s assistants seemed excellently fitted for their
duties. In short, I saw nothing to criticise, but everything
tocommend. The American people may be assured that their
bounty reached the sufferers with the least possible cost and
in the best manner in every respect. If our people could have
seen the small fraction of the need they would have poured
more “freely from their liberal stores” than ever before for
any cause.
General Blanco’s order of November 13th somewhat modi-
fied the Weyler order, but was of little or no practical benefit.
Its application was limited to farms“ properly defended,” and
the owners were obliged to build “centers of defense.” Its
execution was completely in the discretion of the local mili- .
tary authorities, and they knew the terrible military efficiency
of Weyler’s order in stripping the country of all possible shel-
ter, food, or source of information for an insurgent, and were
slow to surrender this advantage. In fact, though the order
was issued four months before, I saw no beneficent results from
it worth mentioning.
I wish I might speak of the country — of its surpassing
richness. I have never seen one to compare with it. On this
point I agree with Columbus, that this is the “ most rich and
beautiful that ever human eye beheld,” and believe every
INTRODUCTION BY SENATOR REDFIELD PROCTOR 41
one between his time and mine must be of the same opinion.
It is indeed a land—
‘Where every prospect pleases
And only man is vile.”
T had little time to study the race question, and have read
nothing on it, so can only give hasty impressions. It is said
that there were nearly 200,000 Spaniards in Cuba out of a
total population of 1,600,000. They lived principally in the
towns and cities. The small shopkeepers in the towns and
their clerks were mostly Spaniards. Much of the larger busi-
ness, too, and of the property in the cities, and in a less degree
in the country, was in their hands. They had an eve to thrift,
and as everything possible in the way of trade and legalized
monopolies, in which the country abounds, was given to them
by the government, many of them acquired property. I did
not learn that the Spanish residents of the island had con-
tributed largely in blood or treasure to suppress the insur-
rection.
There were, before the war, about 1,000,000 Cubans on
the island, 200,000 Spaniards (which means those born in
Spain), and less than half a million of negroes and mixed
bloods. The Cuban whites are of pure Spanish blood, and,
like the Spaniards, dark in complexion, but oftener light or
blonde,so far as I noticed. The percentage of colored to white
has been steadily diminishing for more than fifty years, and is
not now over twenty-five per cent. of the total. In fact, the
number of colored people has been actually diminishing for
nearly that time. The Cuban farmer and laborer is by nature
peaceable, kindly, gay, hospitable, light-hearted, and improvi-
dent.
There is a proverb among the Cubans that “ Spanish bulls
cannot be bred in Cuba ”’—that is, the Cubans, though they
are of Spanish blood, are less excitable and of a quieter tem-
perament. Many Cubans whom I met spoke in strong terms
against the bull fight; that it was a brutal institution, intro-
duced and mainly patronized by the Spaniards. One thing
42 INTRODUCTION BY SENATOR REDFIELD PROCTOR
that was new to me was to learn the superiority of the well-to-
do Cuban over the Spaniard in the matter of education.
Among those in good circumstances there can be no doubt that
the Cuban is far superior in this respect. And the reason of
it is easy to see. They have been educated in England,
France, or this country, while the Spaniard has such education
as his own country furnishes.
The colored people seem to me by nature quite the equal
mentally and physically of the race in this country. Cer-
tainly physically they are by far the larger and stronger race
on the island. There is little or no race prejudice, and this
has doubtless been greatly to their advantage. Eighty-five
years ago there were one-half as many free negroes as slaves,
and this proportion slowly increased until emancipation.
It was said that there were about 60,000 Spanish soldiers in
Cuba fit for duty out of the more than 200,000 that had been
sent there. The rest had died, had been sent home sick, or were
in hospitals, and some had been killed, notwithstanding the
official reports. They were conscripts, many of them very
young, and generally small men. One hundred and thirty
pounds is a fair estimate of their average weight. They were
quiet and obedient, and, if well drilled and led, I believe would
have fought fairly well, but not at all equal to our men.
Much more would depend on the leadership than with us.
The officer must lead well and be one in whom they have con-
fidence, and this applies to both sides alike. As I saw no drills
or regular formation, I inquired about them of many persons,
and was informed that they had never seen a drill. I saw per-
haps 10,000 Spanish troops, but not a piece of artillery or a
tent. They lived in barracks in the towns, and were seldom
out for more than the day, returning to town at night.
They had little or no equipment for supply trains or for
a field campaign such as we have. Their cavalry horses were
scrubby little native ponies, weighing not over 800 pounds,
tough and hardy, but for the most part in wretched condition,
reminding one of the mount of Don Quixote. Some of the
INTRODUCTION BY SENATOR REDFIELD PROCTOR 43
officers, however, had good horses, mostly American, I think.
On both sides cavalry was considered the favorite and the dan-
gerous fighting arm. ‘The tactics of the Spanish, as described
to me by eyewitnesses and participants in some of their battles,
was for the infantry, when threatened by insurgent cavalry, to
form a hollow square and fire away ad libitum, and without
ceasing until time to march back to town.
It did not seem to have entered the minds of either side
that a good infantry force can take care of itself and repulse
anywhere an equal or greater number of cavalry, and there
were everywhere positions where cavalry would be at a disad-
vantage.
Having called on Governor and Captain-General Blanco
and received his courteous call in return, I could not with pro-
priety seek communication with insurgents. I had plenty of
offers of safe conduct to Gomez’s camp, and was told that if I
would write him, an answer would be returned safely within
ten days at most.
I saw several who had visited the insurgent camps, and
was sought out by an insurgent field officer, who gave me the
best information received as to the insurgent force. His state-
ments were moderate, and I was credibly informed that he
was entirely reliable. He claimed that the Cubans had about
30,000 men then in the field, some in every province, but
mostly in the two eastern provinces and eastern Santa Clara,
and this statement was corroborated from other good sources.
They have a force all the time in Havana province itself, or-
ganized in four small brigades and operating in small bands.
Ruiz was taken, tried, and shot within about a mile and a half
of the railroad and about fifteen miles out of Havana, on the
road to Matanzas, a road more traveled than any other, and
which I went over four times.
Arranguren was killed about three miles the other side of
the road and about the same distance, fifteen or twenty miles
from Havana. The Cubans were well armed, but very poorly
supplied with ammunition. They were not allowed to carry
44. INTRODUCTION BY SENATOR REDFIELD PROCTOR
many cartridges; sometimes not more than one or two. The
infantry, especially, were poorly clad. Two small squads of
prisoners which I saw, however, one of half a dozen in the
streets of Havana, and one of three on the cars, wore better
clothes than the average Spanish soldier.
Each of these prisoners, though surrounded by guards,
was bound by the arm and wrists by cords, and they were all
tied together by a cord running along the line, a specimen of
the amenities of their warfare. About one-third of the Cuban
army were colored, mostly in the infantry, as the cavalry fur-
nished their own horses.
Their field officer, an American from a Southern State,
spoke in the highest terms of the conduct of these colored sol-
diers; that they were as good fighters and had more endurance
than the whites; could keep up with the cavalry on a long
march and come in fresh at night.
The dividing lines between parties were the straightest and
clearest cut that have ever come to my knowledge. The
division in our war was by no means so clearly defined. It
was Cuban against Spaniard. It was practically the entire
Cuban population on one side and the Spanish army and Span-
ish citizens on the other.
Ido not count the autonomists in this division, as they were
so far too inconsiderable in numbers to be worth counting.
General Blanco filled the civil offices with men who had been
autonomists and were still classed as such. But the march of
events had satisfied most of them that the chance for autonomy
came too late. :
It fell as talk of compromise would have fallen the last
year or two of our war. If it succeeded it could only be by
armed force, by the triumph of the Spanish army; and the suc-
cess of Spanish arms would have been easier by Weyler’s policy
and method, for in that the Spanish army and people believe.
There is no doubt that General Blanco acted in entire good
faith; that he desired to give the Cubans a fair measure of
autonomy, as Campos did at the close of the Ten-Years War.
INTRODUCTION BY SENATOR REDFIELD PROCTOR 45
He had, of course, a few personal followers, but the army and
the Spanish citizens did not want genuine autonomy, for that
meant government by the Cuban people. And it was not
strange that the Cubans said it came too late.
I have never had any communication, direct or indirect,
with the Cuban Junta in this country or any of its members,
nor did I have with any of the juntas which exist in every city
and large town of Cuba. None of the calls I made were upon
parties of whose sympathies I had the least knowledge, except
that I knew some of them were classed as autonomists.
Most of my informants were business men, who had taken
no sides and rarely expressed themselves. I had no means of
guessing in advance what their answers would be, and was in
most cases greatly surprised at their frankness.
I inquired in regard to autonomy of men of wealth and
men as prominent in business as any in the cities of Havana,
Matanzas, and Sagua, bankers, merchants, lawyers, and
autonomist officials, some of them Spanish born but Cuban
bred, one prominent Englishman, several of them known as
autonomists, and several of them telling me they were still
believers in autonomy if practicable, but without exception
they replied that it was “ too late ” for that.
Some favored a United States protectorate, some annexa-
tion, some free Cuba; not one has been counted favoring the
insurrection at first. They were business men and wanted
peace, but said it was too late for peace under Spanish sov-
ereignty. They characterized Weyler’s order in far stronger
terms than I can. I could not but conclude that you did not
have to scratch an autonomist very deep to find a Cuban.
I have endeavored to state in not intemperate mood what
I saw and heard, and to make no argument thereon, but leave
everyone to draw his own conclusions. To me the strongest
appeal was not the barbarity practiced by Weyler nor the loss
of the Maine, terrible as were both of these incidents, but the
spectacle of a million and a half of people, the entire native
population of Cuba, struggling for freedom and deliverance
46 INTRODUCTION BY SENATOR REDFIELD PROCTOR
from the worst misgovernment of which I ever had knowl-
edge.
T am not in favor of annexation; not because I would ap-
prehend any particular trouble from it, but because it is not
wise policy to take in any people of foreign tongue and train-
ing, and without any strong guiding American element. The
fear that if free the people of Cuba would be revolutionary is
not so well founded as has been supposed, and the conditions
for good self-government are far more favorable. The large
number of educated and patriotic men, the great sacrifices they
have endured, the peaceable temperament of the people,
whites and blacks, the wonderful prosperity that would surely
come with peace and good home rule, the large influx of
American and English immigration and money, would all be
strong factors for stable institutions.
(ia Sritar eee)
Hon. JOHN M. THURSTON
Senator from Nebraska
INTERVENTION IN CUBA
REASONS WHICH APPEALED TO THE HEARTS OF
AMERICAN PEOPLE
SHORT time ago, in company with several Senators
A and Representatives in Congress, I accepted an invita-
tion to make a trip to Cuba and personally investigate
and report upon the situation there. No conditions or restric-
tions were imposed upon us; we were left free to conduct the
investigation in our own way, make our own plans, pursue our
own methods, take our own time, and decide for ourselves
upon the best manner of laying the result of our labors before
the American people. J went to Cuba firmly believing that
the condition of affairs there had been greatly exaggerated by
the press, and my own efforts were directed in the first instance
to the attempted exposure of these supposed exaggerations.
There had, undoubtedly, been much sensationalism in the
journalism of the time, but as to the condition of affairs in
Cuba there had been no exaggeration, because exaggeration
was impossible.
¥ After three years of warfare and the use of 225,000
(47)
48 INTRODUCTION BY SENATOR JOHN M. THURSTON
Spanish troops, Spain had lost control of every foot of Cuba
not surrounded by an actual intrenchment and protected by
a fortified picket line.
She held possession, with her armies, of the fortified sea-
board towns, not because the insurgents could not capture
many of them, but because they were under the virtual protec-
tion of Spanish war ships, with which the revolutionists could
not ‘cope.
The revolutionists were in absolute and almost peaceful
possession of nearly one-half of the island, including the eastern
provinces of Santiago de Cuba and Puerto Principe. In those
provinces they had an established form of government, levied
and collected taxes, maintained armies, and generally levied a
tax or tribute upon the principal plantations in the other
provinces, and, as was commonly believed, upon the entire
railway system of the island.
In the four so-called Spanish provinces there was neither
cultivation nor railway operation, except under strong Spanish
military protection or by consent of the revolutionists in con-
sideration of tribute paid.
Under the inhuman policy of Weyler not less than
400,000 self-supporting, simple, peaceable, defenseless coun-
try people were driven from their homes in the agricul-
tural portions of the Spanish provinces to the cities and im-
prisoned upon the barren waste outside the residence portions
of these cities and within the lines of intrenchment established
a little way beyond. Their humble homes were burned, their
fields laid waste, their implements of husbandry destroyed,
their live stock and food supplies for the most part confiscated.
Most of these people were old men, women, and children.
They were thus placed in hopeless imprisonment, without
shelter or food. There was no work for them in the cities to
which they were driven. They were left there with nothing
to depend upon except the scanty charity of the inhabitants of
the cities and with slow starvation their inevitable fate.
Jt was conceded upon the best ascertainable authority, and
INTRODUCTION BY SENATOR JOHN M. THURSTON 49
those who have had access to the public records do not hesitate
to state, that upward of 210,000 of these people had already
perished, all from starvation or from diseases incident to
starvation.
The Government of Spain had never contributed one dol-
lar to house, shelter, feed, or provide medical attention for
these, its own citizens. Such a spectacle exceeded the scenes
of the Inferno as painted by Dante.
There had been no amelioration of the situation, except
through the charity of the people of the United States. There
had been no diminution in the death rate among these recon-
centrados except as the death supply was constantly dimin-
ished. There could be no relief and no hope except through
the continued charity of the American people until peace
should be fully restored in the island, and until a humane
government should return these people to their homes and
provide for them anew the means with which to begin again
the cultivation of the soil.
© Spain could not put an end to the existing condition. She
could not conquer the insurgents. She could not re-establish
her sovereignty over any considerable portion of the interior
of the island. The revolutionists, while able to maintain
themselves, could not drive the Spanish army from the fortified
seacoast towns.
The situation, then, was not war as we understand it, but a
chaos of devastation and depopulation of undefined duration,
whose end no man could see.
I will cite but a few facts that came under my personal
observation, all tending to fully substantiate the absolute truth
of the foregoing propositions. I could detail incidents by the
hour and by the day, but I have no desire to deal in horrors.
If I had my way, I would shield the American public even
from the photographic reproductions of the awful scenes that
I viewed in all their original ghastliness.
Spain had sent to Cuba more than 225,000 soldiers to
subdue the island, whose entire male population capable of
4
50 INTRODUCTION BY SENATOR JOHN M. THURSTON
bearing arms did not, at the beginning, exceed that number.
These soldiers were mostly boys, conscripts from the Spanish
hills. They were well armed, but otherwise seemed to be |
absolutely unprovided for. They had been without tents
and practically without any of the necessary supplies and
equipment for service in the field. They had been put in
barracks, in warehouses, and old buildings in the cities where
all sanitary surroundings had been of the worst possible char-
acter. They had seen but little discipline, and I could not
ascertain that such a thing as a drill had taken place in the
island.
There were less than 60,000 then available for duty. The
balance were dead or sick in hospitals, or had been sent back
to Spain as incapacitated for further service. It was currently
stated that there were then 37,000 sick in hospitals. I reached
the conclusion that the entire Spanish army in Cuba could not
stand an engagement in the open field against 20,000 well-
disciplined American soldiers.
As an instance of the discipline among them I cite the fact
that I bought the machete of a Spanish soldier on duty at the
wharf in Matanzas, on his offer, for three dollars in Spanish
silver. He also seemed desirous of selling me his only remain-
ing arm, a revolver.
The Spanish soldiers had not been paid for some months,
and, in my judgment, they, of all the people on the earth,
would most gladly welcome any result which would permit
them to return to their homes in Spain.
The pictures in the American newspapers of the starving
reconcentrados were true. ‘They could all be duplicated by
the thousands. I never saw, and please God may I never
again see, so deplorable a sight as the reconcentrados in the
suburbs of Matanzas. I can never forget to my dying day the
hopeless anguish in their despairing eyes. |Huddled about
their little bark huts, they raised no voice of appeal to us for
alms as we went among them.
There was almost no begging by the reconcentrados them-
INTRODUCTION BY SENATOR JOHN M. THURSTON 51
selves. The streets of the cities were full of beggars of all
ages and all conditions, but they were almost wholly of the
residents of the cities and largely of the professional-beggar
class. The reconcentrados — men, women, and children —
stood silent, famishing with hunger. Their only appeal came
from their sad eyes, through which one looked as through an
open window into their agonized souls.
The autonomist governor of Matanzas (who spoke excellent
English) had been inaugurated in November, 1897. His
records disclosed that at the city of Matanzas there were 1,200
deaths in November, 1,200 in December, 700 in January, and
500 in February — 3,600 in four months, and these four
months under the administration of a governor whom I believe
to be a truly humane man. He stated to me that on the day
of his inauguration, which, I think, was the 12th of November,
to his personal knowledge fifteen persons died in the public
square in front of the executive mansion. Think of it, oh, my
countrymen! Fifteen human beings dying from starvation
in the public square, in the shade of the palm trees, and amid
the beautiful flowers, in sight of the open windows of the
executive mansion!
The governor of Matanzas told us that for the most part the
people of the city of Matanzas had done all they could for the
reconcentrados; and, after studying the situation over, I be-
lieved his statement to be true. He said the condition of
affairs in the island had destroyed the trade, the commerce,
and the business of the city; that most of the people who had
the means assisted the reconcentrados with food just as long
as they could, but he said to us that there were thousands of
the people living in fine houses on marble floors who were in
deep need themselves, and who did not know from one day to
the other where their food supply was coming from.
The ability of the people of Matanzas to aid was practically
exhausted. The governor told us that he had expended all of
his salary and all that he could possibly afford of his private
means in relief work. He was willing that the reconcentrados
52 INTRODUCTION BY SENATOR JOHN M. THURSTON
shall repass the picket line and go back to seek work in the in-
terior of the island. He expressed his willingness to give them
passes for that purpose, but they were no longer physically
able to take advantage of that offer. They had no homes to
return to; their fields had grown up to weeds; they had no
oxen, no implements of husbandry with which to begin anew
the cultivation of the soil. Their only hope was to remain
where they were, to live as long as they could on an insufficient
charity, and then die. What was true at Matanzas was true
at all the other cities where these reconcentrados were gathered.
The Government of Spain had not appropriated and would
not appropriate one dollar to save these people. They were
being attended and nursed and administered to by the charity
of the United States. Think of the spectacle! We were
feeding these citizens of Spain; we were nursing their sick; we
were saving such as could be saved, and yet there were those
who still said it was right for us to send food, but we must
keep our hands off. I said that the time had come when
muskets ought to go with the food.
We asked the governor if he knew of any relief for these
people except through the charity of the United States. He
did not. We then asked him, “ Can you see any end to this
condition of affairs?” He could not. We asked him,
“When do you think the time will come that these people can
be placed in a position of self-support?’” He replied to us,
with deep feeling, “ Only the good God or the great Govern-
ment of the United States can answer that question.” I hoped
and believed that the good God by the great Government of
the United States would answer that question.
T shall refer to these horrible things no further. They
were there. God pity me; I have seen them; they will re-
main in my mind forever — and this is almost the twentieth
century. Christ died nineteen hundred years ago, and Spain
is a Christian nation. She has set up more crosses in more
lands, beneath more skies, and under them has butchered more
people than all the other nations of the earth combined.
INTRODUCTION BY SENATOR JOHN M. THURSTON 53
Europe may tolerate her existence as long as the people of
the Old World wish. “ God grant,” said I, “that before an-
other Christmas morning the last vestige of Spanish tyranny
and oppression will have vanished from the Western Hemis-
phere.”
I counseled silence and moderation in the Senate when the
passion of the nation seemed at white heat over the destruction
of the Maine, but it seemed to me the time for action had
finally come. No action in the Maine case! I hoped and
trusted that this Government would take action on the Cuban
situation entirely outside the Mazne case.
What should the United States do?
I believed that recognition of belligerency on our part
would have enabled the Cuban patriots to have achieved in-
dependence for themselves; that it would have given them
such a standing in the money markets of the world, such rights
on the sea, such flag on the land, that the independence of Cuba
would have been speedily secured, and that without cost or loss
of blood or treasure to the people of the United States. But
that time had passed; it was too late to talk about resolutions
according belligerent rights; and mere resolutions recognizing
the independence of the Cuban republic would have availed
but little. The platform of my party demanded that the
United States should actively use its influence for the inde-
pendence of the island. 2
x I yield to no man living in my respect, my admiration
for, and my confidence in the judgment, the wisdom, the
patriotism, the Americanism of William McKinley. When
he entered upon his administration he faced a difficult situa-
tion. It was his duty to proceed with care and caution. At
the first available opportunity he addressed a note to Spain,
in which he gave that Government notice, as set forth in his
message to the Congress of the United States, that the United
States “could be required to wait only a reasonable time for
the mother country to establish its authority and restore peace
and order within the borders of the island; that we could not
54 INTRODUCTION BY SENATOR JOHN M. THURSTON
contemplate an indefinite period for the accomplishment of this
result.”
The President further advised us: “ This government has
never in any way abrogated its sovereign prerogative of reserv-
ing to itself the determination of its policy and course accord-
ing to its own high sense of right and in consonance with the
dearest interests and convictions of our own people should the
prolongation of the strife demand.”
,\/ This was the proper, the statesmanlike beginning of the
performance of the promise of the Republican platform. It
was in accordance with the diplomatic usages and customs of
civilized nations. In the meantime the whole situation ap-
parently changed. In Spain the liberal ministry of Sagasta
succeeded that of Canovas; the cruel and inhuman Weyler
was recalled, and succeeded by the humane Blanco, who, under
the Sagasta ministry, had unquestionably made every effort
to bring about peace in the island of Cuba under the promise
of autonomy — a decided advance beyond any proposition ever
before made for the participation of the Cukans in their own
domestic affairs.
It was the plain duty of the President of the United States
to give to the liberal ministry of Spain a reasonable time in
which to test its proposed autonomy. That time was given.
Autonomy was conceded the wide world over to be a con-
spicuous failure. ‘The situation in Cuba had only changed
for the worse. Sagasta was powerless; Blanco was powerless
to put an end to the conflict, to rehabilitate the island, or to
relieve the suffering, starvation, and distress.
The time for action had come. Every hour’s delay only
added another chapter to the awful story of misery and death.
Only one power could intervene — The United States of
America. Qurs was the one great nation of the New World,
the mother of American republics. She holds a position of
trust and responsibility toward the peoples and the affairs of
the whole Western Hemisphere.
It was her glorious example which inspired the patriots of
INTRODUCTION BY SENATOR JOHN M. THURSTON 55
Cuba to raise the flag of liberty on her eternal hills. We could
not refuse to accept this responsibility which the God of the
universe has placed upon us as the one great power in the New
World. We must act! What should our action be? Some
said the acknowledgment of the belligerency of the revolu-
tionists. As I have already shown, the hour and the oppor-
tunity for that had passed away.
Others said, “ Let us by resolution or official proclamation
recognize the independence of the Cubans.” It was too late
even for such recognition to be of great avail. Others said,
“ Annexation to the United States.” God forbid! I would
oppose annexation with my latest breath. The people of Cuba
are not our people; they cannot assimilate with us; and beyond
all that I am utterly and unalterably opposed to any depart-
ure from the declared policy of the fathers which would start
this republic for the first time upon a career of conquest and
dominion utterly at variance with the avowed purposes and
the manifest destiny of popular government.
Let the world understand that the United States did not
propose to annex Cuba, that it was not seeking a foot of Cuban
soil or a dollar of Spanish treasure. Others said, “ Let us in-
tervene for the pacification of the island, giving to its people
the greatest measure of autonomy consistent with the con-
tinued sovereignty of Spain.” Such a result was no longer
possible. It is enough to say that it would have been resisted
by all classes of the Cuban population, and its attempt would
simply have transferred the putting down of the revolution
and the subjugation of the Cuban patriots to the armies of the
United States. “
There was also said to be a syndicate organization in this
country, representing the holders of Spanish bonds, who were
urging that the intervention of the United States should be
for the purchase of the island or for the guaranteeing of the
Spanish debt incurred in the attempted subjugation of the
Cuban revolutionists. It was idle to think for a single mo-
ment of sucha plan. The American people would never con-
56 INTRODUCTION BY SENATOR JOHN M. THURSTON
sent to the payment of one dollar, to the guaranteeing of one
bond, as the price paid to Spain for her relinquishment of the
island she had so wantonly outraged and devastated.
There was only one action possible: that is, intervention
for the independence of the island; intervention that would
mean the landing of an American army on Cuban soil, the de-
ploying of an American fleet off Havana; intervention which
would say to Spain, “ Leave the island, withdraw your soldiers,
leave the Cubans, these brothers of ours in the new world, to
form and carry on government for themselves.” Such in-
tervention on our part would not of itself be war. It would
undoubtedly lead to war. But if war came it would come by
act of Spain in resistance of the liberty and the independence
of the Cuban people.
There had been a time when
the land; when sensationalism prevailed, and when there was
a distinct effort to inflame the passions and prejudices of the
American people and precipitate a war with Spain. That
time had passed away. “Jingoism” was long since dead.
The American people had waited and waited and waited in
patience; yea, in patience and confidence — confidence in the
belief that decisive action would be taken in due season and in
a proper way. All over this land the appeal came up to us; it
reached us from every section and from every class. That
appeal was for action.
The administration had been doing its whole duty. With
rare foresight and statesmanship it had hastened to make every
possible preparation for any emergency. If it were true that
the report in the Maine case was delayed, it had been delayed
in order that we might be prepared at all points for defensive
and offensive action. There were some who said, but they
are mostly those who had procrastinated from the beginning,
“ Let Congress hold its peace, adjourn, go home, and leave the
President to act.”
I for one believe that the Congress of the United States
is an equal and co-ordinate branch of the Federal govern-
“jingoism ” was abroad in
INTRODUCTION BY SENATOR JOHN M. THURSTON 57
ment, representing the combined judgment and wisdom of the
many. It could more safely be depended on than the in-
dividual judgment and wisdom of any one man. [, a sena-
tor of the United States, would not consent to abdicate my
right to participate in the determination as to what is the
solemn duty of this great Republic in such a momentous and
fateful hour. We were not in session to hamper or cripple
the President; we were there to advise and assist him. Con-
gress alone could declare war; Congress alone could levy
taxes; and to this Congress the united people of this broad
land, from sea to sea, from lake to gulf, looked to voice their
wishes and execute their will.
Against the intervention of the United States in this holy
cause there was but one voice of dissent; that voice was the
voice of the money-changers. They feared war! Not be-
cause of any Christian or ennobling sentiment against war and
in favor of peace, but because they feared that a declaration of
war, or the intervention which might result in war, would
have a depressing effect upon the stock market.
T did not read my duty from the ticker; I did not accept
my lessons in patriotism from Wall street. I deprecated war.
I hoped and prayed for the speedy coming of the time when
the sword of the soldier would no longer leap from its scab-
bard to settle disputes between civilized nations. But it was
evident, looking at the cold facts, that a war with Spain would
not permanently depreciate the value of a single American
stock or bond.
“ War with Spain would increase the business and the earn-
ings of every American railroad, it would increase the output
of every American factory, it would stimulate every branch
of industry and domestic commerce, it would greatly increase
the demand for American labor, and in the end every cer-
tificate that represented a share in an American business en-
terprise would be worth more money. But in the mean-
time the specter of war would stride through the stock
exchanges, and many of the gamblers around the board would
58 INTRODUCTION BY SENATOR JOHN M. THURSTON
find their ill-gotten gains passing to the other side of the
table.
I said, “ Let them go; what one man loses at the gambling
table his fellow-gambler wins.” It was no concern of yours, it
was no concern of mine whether the “ bulls” or the “ bears ”
had the best of these stock deals. They did not represent
American sentiment; they did not represent American
patriotism. Let them take their chances as they could.
Their weal or woe was of but little importance to the liberty-
loving people of the United States. They would not do
the fighting; their blood would not flow; they would keep on
dealing in options on human life. The time had come when
the men whose loyalty was to the dollar should stand aside
while those whose loyalty was to the flag went to the front.
There were some who lifted their voices in the land and in
the open- light of day insisted that the republican party
would not act, for they said it had sold out to the capitalists
and the money-changers at the last national election. It
was not so. God forbid! The 7,000,000 freemen who voted
for the republican party and for William McKinley did not
mortgage the honor of this nation for a campaign fund, and if
the time ever comes when the republican party hesitates in its
course of duty because of any undue anxiety for the welfare
of the accumulated wealth of the nation, then let the republi-
can party be swept from the face of the earth and be suc-
ceeded by some other party, by whatever name it may be
called, which will represent the patriotism, the honesty, the
loyalty, and the devotion that the republican party exhibited
under Abraham Lincoln in 1861.
There were those who said that the affairs of Cuba were not
the affairs of the United States, who insisted that we could
stand idly by and see that island devastated and depopulated,
its business interests destroyed, its commercial intercourse with
us cut off, its people starved, degraded, and enslaved. It
might be the naked legal right of the United States to stand
thus idly by.
INTRODUCTION BY SENATOR JOHN M. THURSTON 59
I have the legal right to pass along the street and see a
helpless dog stamped into the earth under the heels of a ruffian.
Tcan pass by and say thatis not my dog. I can sit in my com-
fortable parlor with my loved ones gathered about me, and
through my plate-glass window see a fiend outraging a help-
less woman near by, and I can legally say this is no affair of
mine — it is not happening on my premises; and I can turn
away and take my little ones in my arms, and, with the
memory of their sainted mother in my heart,* look up to the
motto on the wall and read, “ God bless our home.”
But if I do I am a coward and a cur unfit to live, and, God
knows, unfit to die. And yet I cannot protect the dog nor
save the woman without the exercise of force.
We could not intervene and save Cuba without the exer-
cise of force, and force meant war; war meant blood. The
lowly Nazarene on the shores of Galilee preached the divine
doctrine of love, “Peace on earth, good will toward men.”
Not peace on earth at the expense of liberty and humanity.
Not good will toward men who despoil, enslave, degrade, and
starve to death their fellow men. I believe in the doctrine
of Christ. I believe in the doctrine of peace; but men must
have liberty before there can come abiding peace.
Intervention meant force. Force meant war. War
meant blood. But it would be God’s force. When has a
_battle for humanity and liberty ever been won except by force?
What barricade of wrong, injustice, and oppression has ever
been carried except by force?
Force compelled the signature of unwilling royalty to the
great Magna Charta; force put life into the Declaration of In-
dependence, and made effective the Emancipation Proclama-
tion; force beat with naked hands upon the iron gateway of
the Bastile and made reprisal in one awful hour for centuries
of kingly crime; force waved the flag of revolution over
Bunker Hill, and marked the snows of Valley Forge with
* AuTHOR’s Note.—Mrs. Thurston, who accompanied her husband on his journey, was
taken ill and died in Cuba,
60 INTRODUCTION BY SENATOR JOHN M. THURSTON
blood-stained feet; force held the broken line at Shiloh,
climbed the flame-swept hill at Chattanooga, and stormed the
clouds on Lookout heights; force marched with Sherman to
the sea, rode with Sheridan in the valley of the Shenandoah,
and gave Grant victory at Appomattox; force saved the Union,
kept the stars in the flag, made “niggers” men. The time
for God’s force had come again. The impassioned lips of
American patriots once more took up the song:
‘*In the beauty of the lilies Christ was born across the sea,
With a glory in His bosom that transfigures you and me;
As He died to make men holy, let us die to make men free,
For God is marching on.”
Others might hesitate, others might procrastinate, others
might plead for further diplomatic negotiation, which meant
delay, but for me, I was ready to act then, and for my action
I was ready to answer to my conscience, my country, and my
God.
In the cable that moored me to life and hope the strongest
strands were broken. I had bunt little left to offer at the
altar of Freedom’s sacrifice, but all I had I was glad to give.
Iwas ready to serve my country as best I could in the Senate
or in the field. My dearest wish, my most earnest prayer to
God was, that when death came to end all I might meet it
calmly and fearlessly as did my beloved, in the cause of
humanity, under the American flag.
i
SPANISH CHARACTER AND HISTORY—DISCOVERY OF CUBA
—ATTEMPTS AT COLONIZATION — EXTERMINATION OF
THE NATIVES— COMING OF THE BLACK MAN.
Spain’s Domain in the Eighteenth Century — The Decadence of a Hundred
Years — Spanish Character — Heroism and Fanaticism —The Hand of
the Inquisitor — The Jews and the Moors— Warriors Unfit for War,
and Colonists Unfit to Colonize — Columbus Hears of Cuba — Taking
Possession for Spain — Characteristics of the Natives — Ideal Condi-
tions of Living — Extirpating the Natives —‘‘ A Ton of Gold ”— Span-
ish Outrages and a Ruined Colony—Indians Bound in Slavery —
Killed out of Pure Wantonness— Native Suicides — A Long Story of
Rapine, Brutality, Waste, and Insult— A Bishop’s Testimony — Be-
ginning of African Slave Trade— Coming of the Black Man.
HE latter part of the eighteenth
century beheld Spain the proud
mistress of a domain upon which
she could boast that the sun never
set. At the close of the nine
teenth hardly a vestige of that
great empire remains. She found
a new world and, little by little,
in a hundred years has lost it all.
Into the Europe of the sixteenth
century she poured such a stream
of-golden treasure as had never
before been seen, the rich stores
of the Incas and the Monte-
zumas, but it all slipped from her hands, and she is now practi-
cally bankrupt, loaded with a debt she can never pay.
Through her was possible the renaissance of the sixteenth
(61)
62 SPAIN’S VANISHED GREATNESS
century, the great reawakening of medizval Europe; but
Spain remained medieval. Those very human forces which
she set in action by the great discoveries of her intrepid mar-
iners and by the distribution of her newly-found treasures,—
forces which gave birth to modern history, she strenuously re-
sisted. Upon that expansion of thought and action, follow-
ing naturally the accomplishments of her daring explorers,
she set her iron heel. Upon the unfolding possibilities laid at
her feet by Columbus, Cortez, Pizarro, Ponce de Leon, Bal-
boa, and others on the sea, she placed the blight of her Tor-
quemadas and a line of bigoted rulers at home. She strangled
her own magnificent creations, and set about destroying her
own colonies by as heedless and as cruel a policy as was ever
conceived by barbarian of old.
They who discovered the Gulf of Mexico, the Mississippi,
the Amazon, and the Pacific — those who first went around
the world, were Spaniards. Three-fourths of North and South
America were Spanish before England had acquired a little
spot of land on the nearest shores of America, and to-day Spain
withdraws from the last foot of land which once constituted
her gigantic Western domain.
It would be absurd to say that this has been brought about
without a reason. Sufficient reason exists, and it must to a
great extent be found in the character of the nation. The
foundation for the Spanish character, as in the case of other
peoples, must be largely found in the history of the nation,
which forms no part of the purpose of this book. For a full
understanding, however, of Spain’s relation to Cuba and to
the United States, a brief glance at the general features of
Spanish history up to the nineteenth century will be useful.
Under Roman sway Spain became, more than any part
of the empire of the Caesars, a Roman province, and its traces
remain to this day in language, laws, and customs. The
Italian language preserves less of the qualities of the old Latin
than the Spanish, and certainly no more striking trace of
lingering Roman habit need be sought than in the Spanish
THE KEY TO SPANISH CHARACTER 63
bull-fight. In the great amphitheaters erected by the masters
of the Roman world, money was lavished and victims were
slain to gratify the appetite of the masses. The proud Roman
maids and matrons watched with delight the fierce gladiators
hewing each other to pieces, and in later and more degenerate
days looked on with equal interest while helpless Christians
were torn by savage beasts. But cruelty had still the glamor
of heroism.
In Spain the gladiator has become the picador and the
matador. In place of the Roman maids and matrons are found
the Spanish sefioras and sefioritas of Madrid, Seville, and
Ifavana, watching with keen delight the slow irritation and
laceration of the bulls, and the disemboweling of gallant horses
by the enraged beasts. But in this Roman inheritance a modi-
fication has taken place too indicative of Spanish character
to pass unmentioned. There is the same passion of cruelty
in the bull-ring as in the old amphitheater, but the real heroism
has gone. From the moment the bull steps into the ring he
is doomed; it is no longer a contest of strength, but of persecu-
tion. The banderilleros are supplied with weapons to tease
the animal and means to escape his onslaughts. Whichever
way the tortured animal turns he is met by a fresh enemy,
and he rushes at him only to see him spring aside. The pur-
pose is not to give the animal a fatal wound, but a hundred
bleeding, torturing ones. It is cruelty from which all heroism
is stripped; cruelty only for the love of cruelty — the key to
a great deal in the Spanish character.
But there are other traces than thé Roman in this Spanish
character. Asa part of the political débris resulting from the
fall of the Roman empire, Spain fell to the Visigoths, whose
history there embraces three centuries of debauchery, intrigue,
and murder, tainting the blood of the people. In time, guided
by the spirit of the age, Spain became a hierarchy, in which the
influence of the church became all-powerful, the best of the
Gothic kings, Wambha, who resisted this tendency, falling a
prey to ecclesiastical treachery. The absorption of the state
64 A NATION OF FANATICS
by the church became more and more complete under the
centuries of Moorish warfare, and left its indelible stamp upon
the nation. Jor, in fighting for his faith, the Spaniard, un-
like the Crusader, was fighting for his home. He became a
fierce fanatic, naturally-enough, no doubt, and, when Grenada
fell, Spain at last became a nation, but a nation of fanatics.
It was an age of Spanish heroism, but a heroism which went
hand in hand with extravagant religious zeal. In the latter ~
were the seeds of the ruin of the greatness of her heroism, and
as soon as the vast Spanish empire was created it began to dis-
integrate. If it was Ferdinand and Isabella who sent Colum-
bus forth, it was they also who expelled the Jews, and sent two
hundred thousand Spaniards to death in exile. So blind was
Spanish fanaticism that it was not enough to light the fires
under the Jews; heresy must be stamped out. The Spaniard
who thought and was so brave as to tell what he thought be-
came a victim. The hand of the Inquisitor fell upon the
philosopher and inventor who came forth with the reawaken-
ing of the renaissance, and while other nations advanced slowly
towards modern ideas, Spain proudly clung to medizevalism.
The economic effects of this bigotry were unmistakable.
The persecuted Jews were the financiers, and, because of the
improvidence of rulers and the simplicity of the people in
financial matters, they possessed all the ready money. The
hated Moors were traders who brought rich merchandise from
the east. In her religious zeal, therefore, Spain exterminated
her mercantile classes and left none but warriors, priests, and
peasants. The main wheel was taken out of her economic
structure. The new wealth from America slipped into the
hands of those she persecuted, and thus her wars of persecution
impoverished her at the very time when she might have be-
come the richest nation in Europe, while her further oppres-
sion of her thinkers increased her bigotry and sapped her enter-
prise. When there was no war on hand for the warriors, and
no more hereties for the priests to burn, there was nothing left
for this class but intrigue. Under the various rulers of the
DISCOVERY OF THE BEAUTIFUL ISLAND 65
houses of Hapsburg and Bourbon, this policy continued, until,
after nearly two centuries, Spain was wellnigh exhausted.
She had planted her colonies all over the new world, but had
neither the ability nor the resources to develop them. The
rest of Europe had finally begun to profit from the reawaken-
ing, and the downfall of Spain in America at once began, in
the closing years of the eighteenth century. The peculiar exi-
gencies of their history had made the Spanish people warriors
unfitted for war, and colonists unfitted to govern colonies.
With this brief generalization of Spanish history and
character, we may enter understandingly upon the story of
Spain in America, and particularly in the Antilles. In his
conversations with the friendly natives whom Columbus found
on the island of San Salvador, where he first set foot in the
new world, he sought with eagerness to learn whence came the
gold ornaments they wore. They pointed to the south, and
he made out that in that direction lay a land of great extent
called Cuba, and, self-deceived as he constantly was by his
maps and previously-formed ideas, he immediately concluded
that. this Cuba must be the country of the Grand Khan of Asia.
Accordingly, he set sail, and in three days, or on October 28,
1492, he touched the Cuban shore not far from the present site
of Nuevitas. He was dazzled by the beauty of the landscape
before him and declared it to be “ the goodliest land he ever
saw.” “As he approached this noble island,” wrote Irving,
“he was struck with its magnitude and the grandeur of its
features; its high and airy mountains, which reminded him of
those in Sicily; its fertile valleys, and long, sweeping plains
watered by noble rivers; its stately forests; its bold promon-
tories and stretching headlands which melted away into the
remotest distance. He anchored in a beautiful river of trans-
parent clearness, free from rocks and shoals, its banks over-
hung with trees.” Here landing and taking possession of the
island, he gave it the name of Juana, in honor of Prince Juan,
the son of his sovereigns.
At the time of their discovery the islands of the Caribbean
5
66 A LOVING AND TRACTABLE PEOPLE
Sea were inhabited by two distinct Indian peoples, the
Arawaks and the Caribs. The greater Antilles, Cuba, Haiti,
Jamaica, and Puerto Rico, were inhabited almost exclusively
by the former, and the lesser islands by the latter, who were,
however, the more warlike and venturesome. The Arawaks,
by all accounts, were a simple, kindly people, given to useful
employments and leading a happy life. ‘‘ So loving, so tract-
able, so peaceable are these people,” wrote Columbus to his
sovereigns, “that I swear to your majesties there is not in the
world a better nation nor a better land. They love their
neighbors as themselves; and their discourse is ever sweet and
gentle and accompanied with a smile; and though it is true
they are naked, yet their manners are decorous and praise-
worthy.” Peter Martyr also wrote of them, “It is certain
that the land among these people is as common as the sun and
water; and that ‘mine and thine,’ the seeds of all mischief,
have no place with them. They are content with so little that
in so large a country they have rather superfluity than scarce-
ness; so that they seem to live in the golden world, without
toil, living in open gardens, not intrenched with dykes, divided
with hedges, or defended with walls. They deal truly one
with another, without laws, without books, and without judges.
They take him for an evil and mischievous man who taketh
pleasure in doing hurt to another; and albeit they delight not in
superfluities, yet they make provision for the increase of such
roots whereof they make their bread, contented with such
simple diet, whereby health is preserved and disease avoided.”
To these artless people, living a life so plainly consistent with
the Christian gospel in many essential respects, the Spaniards
resolved, in all sincerity and with the most labored devotion,
to carry the true faith. The natives naturally looked upon
Columbus and his followers as superior beings, and, when their
timidity had been removed, they rendered their visitors every
service in their power and placed before them the best they
had; the cotton which they had learned to rudely spin, their
fruits, and everything they considered of value. Columbus
A GENTLE WARNING 67
carried his faith conspicuously before him, planting the cross
wherever he landed, and, of course, he regarded the natives,
kindly as they were, as heathen. Once after he had set up a
cross and celebrated mass, a ceremony watched by the natives
with the closest attention, one of the group, an old man, came
forward and made a speech in the Indian tongue, which was
then translated to Columbus by an interpreter. The Arawak
said that the ceremony he had witnessed seemed to be a method
of giving thanks to the Great Spirit, and, after stating that he
had heard how the white people had come in large numbers
and conquered many islands, he warned him in the following
words: “If, then, thou art mortal and dost expect to die,
and dost believe that each man shall be rewarded according
to his deeds, beware that thou wrongfully hurt no man nor do
harm to those who have done no harm to thee.” Colunibus
replied that they night have confidence in the white men who
had come to teach them the true faith.
Yet, in a few years, the Spaniards, with bloody hands, had
swept these simple, kindly people from the face of the An-
tilles! Columbus himself did not hesitate to slaughter Caribs
or to send them to Spain to be sold into slavery, when he found
that they had no gold; for he must do something to replenish
the empty treasure chests of his sovereigns. If these daring
Spaniards carried the cross ever in front of them, what they
most sought was treasure. It should be said for Ferdinand
and Isabella, however, that they deprecated these acts and
actually prohibited the deportation of the Caribs for servi-
tude. They desired gold. Columbus urged, in justification
of Carib slavery, that they were enemies of the Spaniards and
also of the gentle Arawaks, and the deportation continued.
It was not Cuba, but Haiti, which was chosen for the first
Spanish settlements in the Antilles. There Columbus left
a small colony under Diego de Arana, and under the protec-
tion of a friendly cacique, or native chief. He prayed that on
his return he should find a ton of gold and spices, with the pro-
ceeds of which his sovereigns might drive the infidels out of
68 INHUMAN TREATMENT OF THE NATIVES
Jerusalem. But the colonists quarreled among themselves
and with the natives. While they hunted the country for
gold, they expected that the Indians would supply them with
provisions. This the natives did freely at first, but the
Spaniards demanded more and more, and when supplies were
not forthcoming, they deliberately seized them. The Indians
saw their fields wasted by those whom they had befriended,
and, observing that it did no good to cultivate them when the
product was all taken from their hands, they fled to the in-
terior and left the settlers face to face with the necessity of
starving or cultivating the fields themselves, work which they
scorned. This led them to wreak new outrages upon the
Indians, who combined to resist them, and, when Columbus
returned he found, not a ton of gold, but a ruined colony.
Then the home government adopted the policy of giving indi-
vidual grants of Jand and allotting a certain number of Indians
as slaves, and so arose the system which ultimately depopulated
the islands. The natives, accustomed for generations to a
measure of independence and freedom which is seldom en-
joyed except by peaceable savages, could not endure the harsh
slavery to which they were subjected. Hundreds committed
suicide rather than work under the lash, and finally the settlers
began to kill them out of pure wantonness. But slaves being
more and more in demand as the native population decreased,
the practice of kidnapping them from the smaller islands came
into use.
We need not dwell upon the story of the cruelty of the
early Spanish settlers, or tell of the thousands of defenceless
people murdered and thousands carried away as slaves, of the
stealing of gold ornaments, and the sacking of provisions. It
is a long story of rapine, brutality, waste, and insult. The
natives were exterminated. We may judge from the words
of a prelate of those days, Bishop of Chiapas, who was brave
enough to protest against the abuses practiced by the Spanish
colonizers. It throws light upon the real Spanish character.
“To these quiet lambs,” he wrote, “ endued with such blessed
BEGINNING OF THE SLAVE TRADE 69
qualities, came the Spaniards like most cruel tygres, wolves,
and lions, enraged with a sharp and tedious hunger; for these
forty years past, minding nothing else but the slaughter of
these unfortunate wretches, whom with divers kinds of tor-
ments, neither seen nor heard of before, they have so cruelly
and inhumanely butchered, that of three million people which
Hispaniola [Haiti] itself did contain, there are left remaining
alive scarce three hundred persons. And for the island of
Cuba, which contains as much ground in length as from Valla-
dolid to Rome, it lies wholly desert, untill’d and ruin’d.”
Such, then, was the condition of Cuba fifty years after that
bright day when it burst upon the vision of Columbus, “ the
goodliest land” he ever saw.
In this situation the idea of importing slaves from Africa
was naturally suggested. It had been noticed that the Afri-
eans who had been brought to the new colonies continued ro-
bust under the blazing sun and in the hard labor of the mines,
and thus, from a small beginning, an extensive slave trade
grew up, much more lucrative than the working of the mines.
But it was not the Spaniard who prospered most in this enter-
prise, for soon after the discovery of America the danger that
the Spanish discoveries might conflict with those of that other
Catholic people, the Portuguese, Pope Alexander VI., while
confirming the right of the Spanish crown to all the lands dis-
covered, designated a line to be drawn due north and south a
hundred leagues west of the Azores from one pole to the other.
All pagan lands to the east of the line were confirmed to Por-
tugal and all to the west of the line was to be the exclusive
property of Spain. Ferdinand and Isabella were commanded:
to appoint upright, God-fearing, skillful, and learned men to
instruct the inhabitants in the Catholic faith, and all unau-
thorized persons were forbidden to traffic on or even approach
the territories, under penalty of incurring “the indignation of
Almighty God and of the Blessed Apostles Peter and Paul.”
According to this offhand arrangement no other power could
have anything. This simple division of the world, therefore,
70 A NEST OF ADVENTURERS
gave Africa to the Portuguese, and, so far as a Papal bull could,
carried with it the slave trade. But in view of its lucrative
character, it soon attracted adventurous spirits of other nations,
. who, increasing in number and boldness, found after a few
years a vast field of enterprise in all sorts of piratical under-
takings. In time the Spanish islands and Main became a
swarming nest of adventurers of several nations, and as the
native Indians disappeared from the Antilles, the black man
took his place, a fact which accounts for the character of the
_ population of the islands, and the black republics of Haiti and
San Domingo.
CHAPTER II
SETTLEMENTS OF CUBA—DAYS OF THE ENGLISH AND
FRENCH CORSAIRS— RISE OF THE ROVING BUCCANEERS
— STIRRING ADVENTURES AND ROMANTIC INCIDENTS.
Diego Velasquez Establishes the First Cuban Settlement — The Resistance
of Chief Hatuey — Efforts to Christianize Him before Burning Him
at the Stake —The Spirit of the Indians Broken — Cuba Begins to
Flourish — Maritime Adventurers — A Remarkable Fight at Santiago
between French Corsairs and Spanish Crew — Three Days of Hand-to-
Hand Combat — Fortifying Havana — Destroyed by the French and
Plundered by Pirates — Building of Morro Castle and the Bateria de
la Punta— Orders to Gibbet and Behead all Protestants — Spain Beset
by Enemies on the Sea — The Rise of the Buccaneers — Futile Efforts
to Exterminate the Freebooters — Romantic Incidents — How Olonois
Captured a Spanish Fleet — Beheading His Intended Executioners —
Flinging Spanish Crews into the Sea — Havana Taken by the English —
Brighter Times for Cuba.
hausted before the settlement of Cuba was attempted,
and it was because of the unsatisfactory condition of
the former island that Don Diego Columbus, son of the great
discoverer, determined, in 1511, to secure a footing in the
“Pearl of the Antilles.” He chose for the enterprise Diego
Velasquez, one of his father’s companions, who with about
three hundred men landed near the eastern end of the island
and founded Baracoa. The harmless Indians offered little re-
sistance, though one chief, named Hatuey, who had been in
Haiti and knew something of the Spanish practices there, at-
tempted some opposition. He was quickly captured and his
followers were dispersed. As a high chief among his people
he deserved to be treated as an honorable captive, but his death
may be cited as the first instance of Spanish methods upon the
island. As the story goes, when Hatuey was tied to the stake
and the fagots were piled around him, a Franciscan friar stood
(71)
T°: native population of Haiti had become nearly ex-
’
92 VELASQUEZ’S SETTLEMENTS IN CUBA
by and besought him to abjure the heathen gods of his ances-
tors and accept the true faith so that, as the flames consumed
his body, his soul might be wafted to that heaven of rest and
happiness prepared for the faithful. He saw that his accept-
ance of the new faith would not save him from the flames, and
so he asked if there were any Spaniards in that place of eternal
bliss. Of course the friar promptly answered in the affirma-
tive.
“T will not go,” he said, “to a place where I may meet
one of that accursed race.”
Parties from the new colony pushed out and explored the
island thoroughly, and in 1514 the towns of Santiago and
Trinidad on the south coast were formed, largely for the pur-
pose of facilitating communication with the Spanish on the
island of Jamaica. The next year another settlement was
made at the spot now known as Batabano, and it was named,
after the great discoverer, San Christobal de la Habana. Four
years later the settlers removed both the town and its name
to a more attractive place just across the island on the north
shore, and here, in time, grew up the present capital. Within
ten years also Velasquez had founded the towns of Bayamo,
Puerto Principe, and St. Spiritus.
But the Spaniards had profited little, if any, by the experi-
ences following the cruel policy of extermination on adjacent
islands. Diego Velasquez, who was the first governor, ap-
pears to have endeavored to administer affairs with intelli-
gence, and he was certainly energetic, but his treatment of the
aborigines was cruel and short-sighted in the extreme. Al-
though the Indians were mild and inoffensive, the story of the
Haitian settlement was repeated. The native population
dwindled away under the slavery by which they were sub-
jugated; the abuses to which the women were subjected by the
lascivious Spaniards broke the spirit of a people who seemed
to have a marked development of domestic honor. In a short
time only a few remnants of the more barbarous mountain
tribes remained. The soil of the isle was further enriched by
INDUSTRIES OF THE ISLAND 73
the blood of a million aborigines who, up to the coming of the
Spaniards, had livec lives of peace and contentment, prac-
ticing the golden rule more consistently than those who so
faithfully set up the cross in these virgin regions.
It is true that the Anglo-Saxon can say very little when it
comes to the point of discussing mercy to the natives of Amer-
ica, for the spirit of the age was intolerant and relentless. The
fanaticism of men was so intense that it made them ruthless,
particularly when woven into the texture of the character of
the Spaniards, who certainly surpassed all others in cruelty,
though in the milder climates of the-tropics they had a timid
and yielding race to deal with.
Notwithstanding this, Cuba flourished. The soil was rich
and yielded plentifully. The energy of the early governors
rendered the mines profitable, instituted agricultural pursuits,
and created a large trade with the neighboring islands and the
home ports. The island was, moreover, used as a sort of depot
by the Spanish in their operation against the mainlands.
Here it was that Cortez embarked for the conquest of Mexico,
where “ the star of the Aztec dynasty set in blood.”
But the waters of the West Indies soon became the ren-
dezvous of all the maritime adventurers of that ruffianly age.
The other nations had never accepted the Pope’s straight-cut
division of the world whereby Spain was generously given the
whole Western Hemisphere, and England openly disputed it.
Little was done by the governments themselves, however, so
long as they were at peace with Spain, but the continued stories
of treasure shipped from the new lands stirred up a host of in-
dividual corsairs who cared nothing for papal boundaries nor
for the rights of discovery.
In 1516 the capital of Cuba had been moved from Baracoa
to Santiago, and Spain began to take precautions against the
new marauders of the sea, who, however, became more bold
and numerous, at times actually forcing their goods upon the
Spanish settlers under threats of pillage. In 1536 the people
at Havana paid a large sum to a French corsair to save the
74 COURTEOUS COMBATANTS
city, and a battle which took place at Santiago in 1538 well
illustrates the spirit of those times.
A French corsair came into that port and a Spanish vessel
gave fight. They fought the first day till sunset, when they
declared a truce for rest and refreshments while the captains
exchanged civilities. Over their wine and fruit they
mutually agreed to fight each other only by day and only by
swords and lances; for artillery, they agreed, was for cowards,
and they preferred to show their mettle in a square contest,
whichever conquered taking the other’s vessel. In this way
they fought the whole of the second day, neither conquering,
and again the captains exchanged civilities. The Spanish
captain, Diego Perez, asked the inhabitants of Santiago that
night if they would compensate him for the loss of his ship in
case the Frenchman got the better of him, for he said he was
a poor man and could not afford to lose his ship. If he could
be sure of compensation, he would keep up the fight to the
end, and, if victorious, it would be of advantage to the city as
well as to him. The people declined to pledge themselves,
doubtless thinking that the Spaniard would not mar his repu-
tation by withdrawing, and they were right. The battle con-
tinued the next day with renewed ferocity, many falling in the
fierce hand-to-hand conflict; and so again on the fourth day,
on the evening of which the Frenchman promised to continue
it the next morning. But he evidently thought better of it
during the night, for he slipped his cable and retired.
But in spite of such instances of bold resistance the Eng-
lish and French corsairs inflicted great damage upon Spanish
trade, and a French privateer captured Havana and burned it
to the ground. One raid followed another till the Spaniards
were at their wits’ end. They began to build forts and forti-
fications. De Soto, who had returned with plunder from
Peru, was commissioned as governor of Cuba and Florida with
the title of Captain-General, and with instructions to build a
fortress at Havana. He began the erection of the Castillo de
la Fuerza, though it was finished by his lieutenants while he
PLUNDERED BY CORSAIRS AND PIRATES 15
was away searching for gold in Florida, and tracing the course’
of the Mississippi, in which he found his grave.
But English, French, and Dutch raiders continued to
swarm about the islands, and by this time the Spaniards saw,
ov should have seen, one of the disastrous results of their cruel
treatment of the Indians, for the hostility of such natives as
were left was intense, and they freely welcomed to the small
islands and even to Cuba any piratical comer who threatened
the Spanish settlers, and they offered to assist the corsairs in
every way possible. In 1551 the capital of Cuba was trans-
ferred to Havana, which had been growing in importance be-
cause of its conmmanding situation, good harbor, and fertile
surroundings. But it was the object of continued attack, and
in 1554 was partly destroyed by the French, and in the follow-
ing year was plundered by pirates. In the wars of Charles
I. of Spain and his son Philip IT., the English under Drake
again seriously threatened the port, and the Spaniards deter-
mined to increase the fortifications. This gave rise to the
famous Morro Castle and the Bateria de la Punta, which for a
long time made Havana one of the best fortified ports in the
world. They were begun the year after the destruction of the
famous Armada and completed in 1597, and from that time
Havana was the commercial center of the Spanish dominions,
being the stopping place for the treasure ships bearing gold and
silver from Mexico and other colonies.
But the destruction of the Armada had seriously crippled
the maritime power of Spain. That great expedition, chiefly
undertaken to bring England back to the Catholic faith, was
but an incident in that determined purpose of Spain to estab-
lish the power of the Pope while maintaining her exclusive
right to the commerce of the new Western world as granted by
the bill of partition. The fanatical religious fervor of the
Spaniards is illustrated by an incident which took place on the
coast of Florida, where a party of French Hueguerots settled
in 1567. Soon there came a Spaniard sailing under orders to
“ gibbet and behead all Protestants in those regions.” The
76 THE TWO EYES OF SPAIN
settlement was surprised and massacred, and another party
from the same settlement, which the Spaniards afterwards
found, were hanged, over the dangling bodies being placed the
superscription: “ Not as Frenchmen, but as heretics.” But
that same year the Spanish who were trying to settle St.
Augustine were surprised and hanged by an expedition of
Frenchmen, “ Not as Spaniards, but as murderers.”
While religious wars exhausted Spanish resources and ren-
dered the mother country unable to sufficiently protect her
colonies, her commercial policy of exclusiveness only brought
new troubles upon them and a greater horde of piratical
enemies at the very time her naval strength was at a low ebb.
More liberal commercial views were beginning to prevail in
other parts of Europe, but when Cromwell asked that Spain
should abolish the Inquisition and admit the free navigation of
the western seas, the Spanish ambassador replied that for his
king to relinquish those prerogatives would be to “ give up his
two eyes.” Spain not only continued the Inquisition but mas-
sacred with a ruthless hand the men, women, and children of
such English and Dutch settlements as she could find and over-
power in the West Indies, and she strenuously endeavored to
maintain an exclusive trade with her colonies by restricting all
their commerce to the port of Seville and selling the monopoly
of that. This naturally hampered the growth of the colonies
and drew into the waters fresh hordes of smugglers, with whom
the Spanish colonists gladly traded. These smugglers made
their headquarters near Haiti, which, on account of the greater
attraction of Cuba, had been practically deserted by the Span-
ish. The few people who remained there lived mainly from
the herds of cattle which, having greatly multiplied, roamed
wild over the island. They prepared the meat for preserva-
tion in smokehouses, which were called bucans, and the smug-
glers, adopting this method of preserving their meat, became
known as buccaneers. Little by little they multiplied and
erew in importance till they were in constant conflict with the
Spanish on Jand and water and preyed upon Spanish commerce
DEPREDATIONS OF THE BUCCANEERS 77
everywhere. During this period Cuba, as the headquarters
of the Spaniards, suffered severely. The buccaneers were the
real masters of the situation. They feared no enemy and
spared none, and regarded the Spaniards with a bitter hatred
while they emulated their acts of cruelty. As a matter of
tact Spain had drawn upon herself the hatred of all Europe
by her arrogant religious and commercial pretensions, and had
aroused the cupidity of every ruler by the treasures she had
brought to Europe.
The Spaniards found the buccaneers made out of entirely
different stuff from the gentle natives they had so ruthlessly
massacred, for, banding together, they maintained themselves
against every Spanish assault and generally won the victory.
After many Spaniards had bitten the dust, fresh troops were
sent, but the buccaneers were also constantly recruited from
the adventurers and roving criminals of all nations. So mat-
ters continued till 1663, when Spain undertook to overcome
all opposition by sending a superior force of trained men under
Van Delmof, a veteran officer. He attacked the buccaneers’
headquarters on the island of Haiti, but, although they num-
bered only a fifth of the Spaniards, they drove the latter into
the sea with great loss. The Spaniards kept up the struggle by
lying in wait for small parties and butchering them to a man,
but they were always worsted when encountering a consider-
able body. Then the Spaniards foolishly thought to extermi-
nate the buccaneer by exterminating his cattle, upon the
abundance of which he was supposed to depend, but this only
made him the fiercer plunderer of Spanish commerce. He be-
came a freebooter — the freebooter of the Spanish Main. He
attacked Spanish ports, plundered Spanish vessels and put the
crews to death. Havana was threatened, and with this danger
and that of an invasion of the English and Dutch, the Captain-
General began the erection of a new defensive wall across the
projecting neck on which the city is laid out. But the depre-
dations of the adventurers continued in spite of the treaty of
peace between Spain and England in 1670, and declined only
78 THE FREEBOOTERS VICTORY
for a time when towards the end of the seventeenth century
the war between France and England led to dissensions among
the freebooters themselves.
Volumes would be required to tell of the remarkable in-
cidents of this warfare in the West Indian seas. History has
few more romantic pages. A single incident may be given as
an example. A native of Sable d’Olonne, Olonois by name,
having in a Spanish attack lost his ship and narrowly escaped
with his life, managed to arm two small vessels with twenty-
one men; then he started off to pillage the city of Los Cayos
in Cuba. Hearing of the expedition, the Governor-General
at Havana despatched a six-gun frigate manned by ninety men
to the assistance of the inhabitants. Four other smaller ships
were also sent to join the frigate, and it looked like a formidable
expedition against two small vessels with but about a score of
men. The Spanish governor of Havana was so certain of cap-
turing the freebooters that he exacted a promise from the com-
mander of the expedition that he would cut off the head of
every man of them, and he sent along a negro to act as exe-
eutioner. Olonois somehow learned of the plan and at once
started to meet the frigate before she was joined by the smaller
vessels. He had the good fortune to come upon the Spaniard
in the night, and bringing his vessels one on each side, at day-
break his twenty-one men boarded her, and, after a desperate
engagement, overcame the ninety of the Spaniard. He be-
headed all the prisoners but one, not sparing the negro who
had been sent as his executioner. The remaining one he sent
back to Havana with the threat that a similar fate awaited the
governor. Olonois then set out in pursuit of the four in-
tended consorts, captured them and flung the crews into the
sea. “Yet, depraved as they were,” says one writer, “the
freebooters made a great profession of religion, which in some
of their number was doubtless real. They praved fervently
on all oceasions and never commenced a meal without a long
grace. Before going into action they humbly sought God
to grant them the victory, after which the Catholics sung
SPAIN'S INJURIOUS RESTRICTIVE POLICY 79
the Magnificat and the Protestants repeated a hymn.” It
was well into the eighteenth century and after the English,
French, and Dutch had firmly established themselves ip the
West Indies that the freebooters were driven from the seas.
Notwithstanding the complicated relations of the Euro-
pean powers during the war of the Spanish Succession with
which the eighteenth century opened, Cuba was left compara-
tively free from strife, but it was not long before there came
the first serious trowble between the Cuban colonists and the
mother country. By the time of the Treaty of Utrecht, by
which the Hapsburg rule in Spain was ended, the island had
become well settled and the agricultural products of the in-
terior made a large showing beside the gold and silver of the
other Spanish-American colonies. Up to 1717 the main rev-
enue from Cuba came through the commercial monopolies of
Seville and Cadiz, but that year a new policy was inaugurated
by which the growing tobacco trade was made a government
monopoly. Its enforcement was violently resisted and re-
sulted in many collisions between the government forces and
the people. It was but another incident in the restrictive
policy of Spain which finally entirely undermined her power
over her colonies. The magnificent harbors of Cuba could
be entered only by stealth or force except by the monopoly
vessels. As Spain was in no condition to be a large purchaser,
the production of the island was strangled and the farmers
barely more than lived on what they produced. But Spain
would not and did not learn the lesson. - Owing to unwise
measures at home Spain’s own industries declined, and thoze
of her people who could purchase bought foreign products
which were smuggled in, and paid for them with gold from
America. The result was the collapse of her own industrial
system and the loss of the precious metals which she had made
so many bloody sacrifices to secure. .
The monopoly restrictions imposed upon the Cuban trade
gave rise to systematic smuggling by British traders in
Jamaica, and the constant friction finally resulted in the
80 MORRO CASTLE SURRENDERS TO THE ENGLISH
Anglo-Spanish war of 1739, which ended with a general
European war in 1748. In the decade that followed,
the smuggling trade in Cuba grew out of all control of the
tobacco monopoly, and a system of farming out the revenues
to private monopolists was substituted. But this only led to
further trouble. The expansion of British trade in the Indies
led to the Bourbon compact to put a check to it and war began
in 1762. An English fleet consisting of forty-four men-of-
war and 150 other vessels under Admiral Pocock took Havana
in June of that year, and an army of about 15,000 men under
Lord Albemarle began the siege of the Spanish garrison num-
bering 27,000 under Governor Porto Carrero. The resist-
ance was stubborn, but Morro Castle surrendered on July 30th
and the city on August 13th. The treasure which fell to the
English was enormous. Over three.and a half million dollars
was divided among them. The English continued to hold the
city till early the following year, when, under the terms of the
treaty of Paris, the island was restored to Spain in return for
the cession of Florida to England.
On the whole, the eighteenth century was a much Lrighter
one for Cuba, although the blight of Spain’s colonial policy
was not wanting. During their occupation of Havana the
English had opened the port to free commerce, and when the
Spanish again took hold of the island they found it impossible
to safely reimpose the old restrictions in all their rigor. Many
of the former limitations of the commerce of the island with
the home country were removed, and the island made a rapid
material advance. In 1777 Cuba was given a more inde-
pendent colonial government under the control of the Captain-
General, whose power was, however, practically absolute and
fraught with the seeds of the woes of the Cubans in after
years. So long as these officers were intelligent and humane
the island prospered greatly and its wonderful resources be-
eame apparent.
At the time this change was made England was engaged
in a struggle with its American colonies, and the Bourbon
SPAIN REGAINS SOME LOST POSSESSIONS 81
monarchies of France and Spain availed themselves of the op-
portunity to get even with their old enemy. France joined
the American colonists and Spain took up a campaign in her
own behalf, regaining the island of Minorea and_ several
smaller West Indian isles which had been wrested from her.
Other European powers maintained an attitude favorable to
Spain,- though looking out for themselves, and by-the treaty
of Versailles in 1783 Spain regained Florida. England had
lost her American colonies, with the exception of Canada and
some of her West Indian possessions.
CHAPTER IIT
SPAIN AT THE FEET OF NAPOLEON—EXPLOITS OF SIMON
BOLIVAR AND SAN MARTIN—SPAIN’S DISASTROUS AND
DISGRACEFUL FAILURES.
Napoleon’s Ambition to Make Spain a Subject Kingdom — Ferdinand’s
Intrigues— Joseph Bonaparte on the Throne —Fall of Napoleon
and Restoration of Ferdinand — Revolt against Spain — Conditions
in Mexico— Raising the Standard of Rebellion — Ignominious
Death of Hidalgo and Morelos— First Struggles in Venezuela—
Simon Bolivar and His Vicissitudes— Napoleon’s Feat Surpassed —
Defeats the Spainards — O’Higgins Becomes Dictator—The War in
Peru — Defeat of the Spanish Fleet at Callao—San Martin Enters
Lima — His Interview with Bolivar— Farewell to the Peruvians —
Buenos Ayres the Storm Center — Paraguay’s Dramatic Chapter—
Spain’s Weakness and Cruelty — Always Failed to Restore Her Flag
When Once Torn Down— A Policy Culminating in Disaster and
Disgrace.
France, under Bourbon rulers, had ‘regarded them-
selves as natural allies, but this alliance in the end
had much to do with the ruin of Spain. The revival which
promised so much for Spanish industry and commerce under
the wise and enlightened rule of Charles III. was quickly sup-
pressed in the inglorious reign of Charles TV. In 1796 a war
broke out with Great Britain which was productive of nothing
but disaster to the Spaniards. By pressure of France another
arose in 1804 which was attended with similar ill-success, and
in the battle of Trafalgar Spain lost a great part of that fleet
which she needed for the maintenance of her American
colonies. Napoleon had already conceived the idea of mak-
ing Spain a subject kingdom with one of his own family on the
throne, and he had nothing but contempt for its Bourbon ruler,
although he pretended to be a faithful ally. Meanwhile,
Ferdinand, the presumptive heir to the Spanish throne, was
182)
T iinee, inca the eighteenth century Spain and
NAPOLEON'S DESIGNS UPON THE SPANISH THRONE 83
weakly intriguing to displace his father. He became sub-
servient to Napoleon, who cultivated his intrigues without hav-
ing the least idea of making him King. Finally, Ferdinand,
who was liked by the people, compelled his father to abdicate,
but, lured over the border at this critical moment by Napo-
leon’s agents, he found himself a prisoner and compelled by
Napoleon to renounce all claims to the Spanish throne before
he had had an opportunity to occupy it. The same year
Joseph Bonaparte was prevailed upon by his brother to take
the erown, and he was declared King of Spain and the Indies.
But before he had reached Madrid the country had arisen, the
various provinces electing juntas or councils to administer
affairs and resist Napoleon’s purposes.
That mighty struggle during which Napoleon overran
Spain, and which he acknowledged to have been one of the
main causes of his ultimate downfall, is a thrilling page of his-
tory, but it concerns this story only as it affected Spain’s re-
lations to her American colonies. In 1812 a constitution had
been devised by the Cortes, or legislative body, of Cadiz, appa-
rently liberal, though Wellington considered it good only to be
looked at. “TI have not met,” he said, writing of the Cortes,
“ one of its members or any person of any description who con-
siders it the embodiment of a system by which Spain is or can
be governed. The Cortes have in form divested themselves of
executive power and appointed a regency for that purpose, but
the regency are, in fact, the slaves of the Cortes, and neither
regency nor Cortes have any constitutional communication
with each other, nor have they any authority beyond the walls
of Cadiz.”
Napoleon’s fortunes declined, and, pressed by his enemies,
he again negotiated with Ferdinand, who still seemed sub-
servient, though the French Emperor had so recently and so
cruelly deceived him. Napoleon believed that Ferdinand,
as King, might be a pliant tool, for Joseph had left Spain in
disgust. But the imperial prestige was broken, and early in
1814 Napoleon was compelled to abdicate. Ferdinand had
84 SPANISH-AMERICAN POSSESSIONS
already returned to Spain, where he was welcomed by the
people, who hoped that he would resume the throne and take
up the reins of power under the constitution of 1812. But
Ferdinand quickly abrogated that apparent guarantee of lib-
eral government, together with all the acts of the Cortes, and
proceeded to set up an absolute monarchy on the old lines,
recalling the Papal nuncio and re-establishing the Inquisition,
With astonishing ingratitude he broke his most solemn pledges
and fell under the direction of priests and nobles and of a set
of vulgar flatterers and favorites.
These domestic affairs of Spain had an tapotant effect
upon the American colonies. There were two Spanish vice-
royalties in South America — that of Lima, which comprised
the countries now known as Peru, Ecuador, Venezuela, Costa
Rica, and the Guianas, and that of Buenos Ayres, which in-
cluded, besides the present Argentine Republic, Uruguay,
Chile, Paraguay, Bolivia, and the untraversed wastes of Pata-
gonia. Mexico, which was known as New Spain, and com-
prised a large territory extending to what is now the southern
limit of Oregon, was also a vice-royalty. The revolts and
revolutions in each of these provinces had many features in
common. It has been said that the history of one is the his-
tory of all; and it is true that from 1808 to 1821 all were in
revolt against Spain, their revolutions set each other in
rapid succession.
It is not strange that their history had so much in common,
for all had been the victims of a long oppression of the mother
country, and the political aspirations of their people were
simultaneously stirred when Spain lay at the feet of Napoleon,
and liberal ideas were everywhere noticeable as a result of
the revolutions in America and France. Ferdinand’s restora-
tion of absolutism and oppression, therefore, naturally led to
their revolt.
Mexico ranked first among all the Spanish colonies in re-
spect to population, material riches, and natural products,
though the intolerant spirit of the clergy and military rulers
HIDALGO'S INEFFECTUAL OPPOSITION 85
nad led to the obliteration of almost every trace of the Aztec
nationality and civilization, while the strict system of seques-
tration of commerce crippled the resources of the country.
But the people endured the system till 1810, when discontent
broke into open rebellion under the leadership of a country
priest named Hidalgo.
In Mexico, as in all the colonies, the Spaniards who were
born in Spain held all the offices under the government. The
Creoles, though of Spanish extraction, were treated as an in-
ferior race, while the Indians and half breeds were trampled
under foot. In defiance of the expanding liberalism, the
plain tendency of the times, Ferdinand continued to fill Mexi-
can offices with Spanish favorites, to garrison Mexican forts
with Spanish soldiers, and to exclude from Mexican markets
all wares not made in Spain. This stubborn resistance of all
civilizing tendencies was a feature of Spain’s dealings with all
her colonies and the sufficient cause of discontent.
Priest-ridden at home, her policy of throttling her colonists
in Mexico eventually raised opposition among the Mexican
clergy. Hidalgo and a fellow priest named Morelos kept the
banner of revolt afloat for ten years, and although it was an
article of faith among Spaniards that the priests were not to be
punished for their actions, Hidalgo, when caught in arms, was
shackled hand and foot, carried on a mule to Chihuahua,
thrown into irons, and taken out in the gray dawn to be shot by
clumsy bunglers who could not hit the old man’s heart at ten
paces. Morelos was stripped of his robe, set on his knees with
his back to the soldiers, and shot ignominiously from behind.
Such acts of cruelty but added fuel to the fire of revolt, and
new heroes took the place of the murdered. |
Indeed, the cause of the Spanish monarch in Mexico was
really lost before Iturbide took command of the patriots. He
was a frivolous trifler, maintaining almost an imperial rule
over Mexico for a time, and when he fell the independence of
Mexico was assured and was recognized in 1824 by every
foreign power except Spain.
86 THE POLICY OF EXASPERATION
The same foolish policy which alienated Mexico compelled
the Central American states to follow her example. The his-
tory of Venezuela reveals the same general reason for her in-
dependence. When Napoleon sent Joseph to Madrid to play
King, Venezuela refused to recognize him and stood out
stoutly for the old dynasty, but when the old dynasty was re-
stored and idiotic measures of absolutism were enforced, the
Venezuelans were loyal Spaniards no more. Simon Bolivar
went to England, bought arms, and when he returned made
the Spanish soldiers prisoners and locked them in the strong
fortress of Puerto Cabello.
Spain had but one policy for colonists — oppression, and
for those who protested, torture and death. From 1813, when
the struggle of the Venezuelans for liberty began, till 1820,
when it ended, the Spanish adhered to this policy, which al-
ways led to the further exasperation of the people and
eventually made reconciliation impossible. After the re-
union of New Grenada and Venezuela in 1819 the Spanish
cause was hopeless, but General La Torre insisted on fighting
a battle with Bolivar, in which he lost everything, six thou-
sand men, artillery, honor, reputation, and hope.
But the epidemic of freedom could not be confined to anv
one locality in South America. Everywhere the people were
rising against Spanish wrongs. While Bolivar was fusing
the northern colonies into the republic of Colombia, José de
San Martin, at Buenos Ayres, was maturing plans for the
liberation of Chile. He had been well educated at the Col-
lege of Nobles in Spain, and had fought with distinction at
Baylen, where Napoleon met his first serious reverse at arms.
With 180 recruits which he picked up in the streets of Buenos
Ayres he formed the nucleus of an army, to which were added
the forces under Bernado O’Higgins, son of the viceroy of
Chile.
With this army he crossed the Andes at Uspallata pass,
which is 12,500 feet above the sea, over 4,000 feet higher
than the pass of the great St. Bernard, thus surpassing the feat
VICTORIES OF SAN MARTIN AND BOLIVAR 87
which contributed so much to the glory of Napoleon. At the
foot of the mountains a considerable body of Spaniards was
met, but O’ Higgins fell upon them with his cavalry and routed
them. Pushing rapidly on, San Martin, on February 15,
1817, with hardly a coin in his pocket, no military chest, and
no stores, entered Santiago with his wild gauchos at his back,
and was well received. A junta of the leading citizens of the
capital was summoned and the post of supreme dictator of
Chile was offered him. He declined it, nominating Bernado
O’ Higgins in his place. It cannot be said that San Martin ac-
complished the liberation of Chile by the capture of Santiago,
for the Spaniards held Valdivia, a much stronger place, for
three years longer, but the possession of the capital city by the .
insurgents was a vast moral advantage.
At the time of San Martin’s victory Guiana had been con-
verted to the side of independence by a man of color named
Piar, and on the very day of San Martin’s entrance into San-
tiago, Bolivar defeated the Spaniards at Barcelona.
At this time Peru was a more important division of South
America than Chile, and San Martin felt that his task was only
half accomplished so long as Peru remained in Spanish hands.
THe saw that the possession of Lima and of its seaport Callao
would depend upon control of the sea, and he, therefore, be-
stirred himself to create a navy for the Chileans. He induced
them to buy two old East Indiamen, which were converted into
fighting ships, an old English corvette, and three brigs. Of
this fleet he induced Lord Cochrane to take command as chief
admiral, and the squadron sailed for Callao in January, 1819.
Admiral Cochrane approached the Spanish fleet of twelve ves-
sels and a few gunboats, which lay under the guns of Callao
castle, and, after several ineffectual attacks, he captured the
Esmeralda, a forty-four gun frigate, and added her to their
squadron. In the meantime San Martin landed a body of in-
fantry and horse seventy miles north of Lima and threatened
the city from that side.
The Spanish general, Vezuela, had under his order an army
88 RISE OF THE SOUTH AMERICAN REPUBLICS
of 23,000 men, but his officers were disaffected, and, after
much quarreling, they forced him to resign. His successor had
no disposition to continue the struggle, and without firing a
shot, San Martin entered Lima on July 28, 1821, hastened to
proclaim the independence of Peru, and accepted the title of
Protector.
Bolivar had just arrived at Guayaquil after a decisive vic-
tory at Quito and San Martin hastened to meet him there.
What passed between them has never been fully known. But
Bolivar remained at the head of his army, while San Martin,
the pure patriot, returned to Lima and issued a farewell ad-
dress, in which he said: “ The presence of a fortunate soldier
is dangerous to newly-constituted states. Peruvians, I leave
your national representation established. If you repose con-
fidence in it you will triumph. If not, anarchy will overthrow
you. May success preside over your destinies.”
On San Martin’s departure, Bolivar was chosen dictator of
Peru, and a new state was created under the name of Bolivia,
of which he was made perpetual protector. He was also
chosen president of Colombia, and the congress of that state
refused to accept his resignation. The administration of
Venezuela was in the hands of Vice-President Paez, but he
took his orders from Bolivar. Thus all the northern portion
of South America was at this trying time under the control of
one man, who practically had absolute power.
Buenos Ayres had constituted herself a republic in 1810.
The city was a storm center for several years, indeed, from
1810 to 1817 it underwent fourteen. revolutions, suppressed
two rebellions, was twice blockaded and once bombarded, but
peace came when General Rosas trampled all constitutions
under foot and declared himself a military dictator. The
dramatic chapter which Paraguay bore in the long struggle
has been described by Thomas Carlyle in his most vivid
manner.
In all these struggles Spain showed her weakness, her
eruelty, and her stupidity. From the time of Philip IT. to the
AN UNBROKEN CHRONICLE OF DISGRACE 89
present day Spanish fleets have taken the sea only to be beaten,
and Spanish ships have seldom opened fire.except to be sunk.
The overwhelming disaster which overtook the Armada was
but the beginning; Trafalgar was but an incident in the long
history of Spain’s downfall. When the colonists rose in in-
surrection, she threw her fleets upon all the seaports in turn
— Vera Cruz, Caracas, Buenos Ayres, Valparaiso, Valdivia,
Callao. In not a single instance did her squadrons accom-
plish anything, nor did they retard the progress of the insur-
gents for a single day. By spiteful bombardments she occa-
sionally destroyed some lives and property, but never could she
restore the Spanish flag to the forts from which it had once
been torn, nor could she inspire among the rebels any terror
of the Spanish name. The whole record of her colonial man-
agement is an unbroken chronicle of imbecility, cruelty, injus-
tice, and truculence, culminating in disaster and disgrace.
With this brief review of the Spanish loss of Mexico and
the South and Central Americas, we will now trace the move-
ments by which the young republie of the United States be-
came possessed of the richest portion of that great domain
which in the sixteenth century Spain’s daring discoverers had
laid at her feet. It marks the beginning of those relations
between the United States and Spain which have culminated
in the recent war.
CHAPTER IV
EARLY RELATIONS BETWEEN SPAIN AND THE UNITED
STATES—THE PURCHASE OF LOUISIANA — DISPUTES
AND CONFLICTS OVER THE FLORIDAS.
Spain's Possessions in Washington’s Time — Owning Over Two-Thirds of
What Now Constitutes the United States— Napoleon’s Ambition to
Establish a Latin Empire West of the Mississippi — An Old Song of
Defiance to the Spaniard — Pickering’s Savage Retort — English Sup-
port — Spain Secretly Cedes Louisiana to Napoleon — Jefferson’s Di-
plomacy — Napoleon Offers to Sell Louisiana — The Treaty Signed —
Spain’s Angry Protest — Dispute over Florida Boundaries — Spain's
Perfidious and Exasperating Conduct — Stirs the Indians to Massacre
—Lawless Expeditions —Spain Threatens the United States with
War— Andrew Jackson’s Radical Ideas —Spain Advised by Europe
to Sell— The Treaty — End of a Long Struggle.
are not aware that when George Washington was
President more than two-thirds of that great domain
which now constitute our Union belonged to Spain. Be-
cause the government of the United States acquired the
larger part of this vast territory in a peaceful manner the fact
does not occupy a conspicuous place in our histories. But ina
study of the previous relations of this country with Spain, and
of the gradual decline of Spain’s power on this side of the At-
lantic, the fact becomes interesting and important.
During the administration of Washington, and also of
John Adams, the great territory west of the Mississippi from
its mouth to its headwaters was Spain’s. Originally settled
by France, it fell to Spain through the treaty of 1763, fol-
lowing the Seven-Years War. England laid some claim to
that part of it which now comprises the States of Washington
and Oregon, but it was not deemed valid, and the whole region
(90)
D OUBTLESS many of the people of the United States
NAPOLEON'S MAGNIFICENT SCHEME 91
was an unknown wilderness waiting for the nineteenth cen-
tury to unfold its wonderful resources. In addition to this
Florida belonged to Spain, together with a strip of land ex-
tending along the gulf coast to the mouth of the Mississippi,
and known as West Florida.
The eareer of Napoleon played a part not usually appre-
ciated in shaping the destinies of the new American republic.
His ambition to bring Europe under his sway was but a por-
tion of a magnificent scheme which also comprehended the
establishment of a great Latin empire on the Western con-
tinent. In the later exigencies of his career, the necessities
imposed upon him by antagonistic European alliances enabled
the young but sturdy government of the United States by a
master stroke to extend its domain to the Pacific. A brief sur-
vey of the relations of the United States to Spain at the period
following the Revolution is essential to the proper understand-
ing of the dénowement which took place at the century’s close.
During the struggle of the American colonies for their in-
dependence, Spain held aloof for some time, though largely
out of revenge’ upon the English she rendered us some ma-
terial assistance on the Mississippi, allowing us in the first
stress of the war to obtain powder from her stores at New Or-
leans. But soon after the war was over Spain became so arro-
gant over the Florida boundaries and caused so much inter-
ference with our navigation of the Mississippi that the
people of the United States clamored for redress in war. The
following verses from a song, found in a very old book, clearly
shows the feeling in the States at that time, while they were in
a condition of loose federation under the Continental Con-
gress:
“AMOR PATRIA INCITAT.”
1785.
COLUMBIA TO HER GENUINE SONS ON THE PROSPECT OF A SPANISH WAR.
Awake, O my sons! and to glory repair,
The prospect is noble, the object is fair;
The Spaniards have dared to infringe on our right ;
Are ye freemen and not bring the matter to light ?
92 AN IMPORTANT TREATY
These Dons will grow proud by insulting our flag ;
O suffer them not of such meanness to brag,
In peace let your stripes round the globe be display’d,
From nation to nation establish your trade ;
In the language of freemen enforce your decrees,
Make the ocean your empire, and sail where you please ;
On the basis of freedom establish your fame,
And the slaves of each despot will crouch at your name,
Ye had courage to face the bold Briton in war,
And the Spaniard, ye know, is inferior by far.
Demand satisfaction ; if that be denied,
The aggressor the consequence then must abide :
’T would be worthy, by heaven ! and your annals adorn
The standard of freedom to bear to Cape Horn.
Unshackle the slaves that to royalty bow,
And o’er plains quite neglected establish the.plow !
In October, 1795, or during the second administration of
Washington, Thomas Pinckney arranged a treaty with the
“Madrid government establishing as boundaries of the United
States, East and West Florida on the south at 31° North
latitude, and on the west the middle of the Mississippi River
above that latitude. What was ‘regarded as the most impor-
tant and advantageous part of the instrument was a recognition
by Spain of the right of the United States to navigate the
Mississippi, with a privilege of deposit at the port of New Or-
leans, free of duty. About two years later, President Adams,
in a message to the Senate, complained that the Spanish officers
in Louisiana were constantly interfering with the work of run-
ning the southern boundary line under the above treaty. The
“Spanish minister, D’Yrujo, sought to justify the action of the
Spanish authorities on the theory that there were designs
against the Spanish territory, the evidence for which was a let-
ter addressed to one Carey, a Cherokee interpreter, by Senator
Blount of Tennessee, urging him to stir up the Cherokees and
Creeks for the purpose of abetting a scheme, in which the Eng-
lish were also said to be concerned, for invading Spanish ter-
‘itory. This letter seemed to give some validity to the Span-
ish minister’s statement, and the House took steps to impeach
ALLIANCE OF FRANCE AND SPAIN 93
its author, an effort which eventually failed. The British
minister, when called upon to explain, said that while such a
scheme had been proposed to him he had not countenanced it,
and Pickering, then Secretary of State, retorted savagely upon
the Spanish minister. Fisher Ames congratulated Pickering
upon his reply to “ the Spanish Don,” adding, “ You have not
left a whole bone in his skin.” Pickering constantly imputed
dishonorable motives to the Spanish minister, and many of his
letters express his contempt for “the Spanish puppy.” The
statesmen of those times did not hesitate to use plain and even
harsh English.
The conviction that the Mississippi River and 31° North
latitude were not the natural boundaries of the new repub-
lic began to manifest itself soon after peace was restored with
Great Britain, and this feeling was expressed in occasional
propositions for invading Spanish territory. The decadence
of Spain was already well under way. The colonists in her
territories everywhere were misgoverned and oppressed, and
dissatisfaction prevailed. By a treaty in 1796, France and
Spain had allied themselves to guarantee each other’s
dominions in both the Old and New World. This alliance led
the English government to look with favor upon propositions
for enabling the Spanish colonists to throw off the Spanish
yoke at the very time that the feeling in this country was
tending in the same direction. Moreover, the relations be-
tween France and the United States had become greatly
strained through the disingenuous and sometimes rather in-
solent diplomacy of Talleyrand.
In this situation Francisco Miranda, a South American
revolutionist, secretly worked upon the British ministry to
promote a joint expedition for a movement upon Louisiana,
Great Britain to furnish the navy, and the United States
thearmy. Our relations with France went from bad to worse,
and war seemed at hand, and, after the failure of our special
mission to Paris, Hamilton became committed to the scheme
of liberating Spanish America if the United States could
94 LOUISIANA CEDED TO FRANCE
be the principal agency and furnish the whole land force.
Miranda wrote to Hamilton that England would co-operate
as soon as the United States was prepared. “ All is ready,”
he said, “for your President to give the word.” But Presi-
dent Adams was not inclined to favor the project, as, like
Washington, he disliked forcible conquests or foreign al-
lances. “ At present,” he wrote, “there is no more prospect
of seeing a French army here than there is in heaven,” and
‘gradually the danger of a war with France and the possibility
of a conquest of Spanish America faded away.
When Thomas Jefferson- became President, Napoleon,
who had just been proclaimed First Consul, had begun to trail
his sword over Europe and had defeated the Austrians at
Marengo. Spain was still a faithful ally of France. It was
a part of Napoleon’s design to re-establish French influence in
American territory, and thus make a Latin counterpoise to
Anglo-Saxon influence here, partly for the greater security of
the French possessions in the West Indies. In October, 1800,
in a secret treaty by which he promised to secure for Spain
the recognition of the King of Tuscany by all the powers of
Europe, he obtained from her the cession of Louisiana, and
soon took steps to send an expedition to take possession of the
colony.
Meanwhile, the United States, being outraged by Spain’s
repeated violations of her treaty as to free navigation of the
Mississippi, made preparations to attack New Orleans, but
soon after Jefferson’s inauguration information concerning
Napoleon’s secret treaty reached cur government through our
minister at London, and the project was abandoned. The new
treaty was anything but agreeable to the people of the United
States. The administration felt that under the control of
Spain, which was on the road to decay, the United States might
confidently await the time when the territory could be easily
secured. But with the French, under a ruler who contem-
plated universal empire, in control of Louisiana, the case was
different. The possessor of the mouth of the Mississippi, Jef-
PRESIDENT JEFFERSON’S OPINION 95
ferson wrote to Livingston, our minister at Paris, would of
necessity become the natural and habitual enemy of the United
States. “ We-must turn all our attention to a maritime force,
for which our resources place us on very high ground; and
having formed and connected together a power which may
render reinforcement of her settlements here impossible to
France, make the first cannon which is fired in Europe the sig-
nal for the tearing up any settlement she may have made and
for holding the two continents of America in sequestration for
the common purposes of the United British and American
nations.”
Livingston’s instructions in taking the French mission
were to dissuade France from acquiring Louisiana if possible,
and, if not, to procure a cession to the United States of the
Floridas and New Orleans. Meanwhile, the King of Spain
informed the Intendant of Louisiana of its cession to France,
and he was instructed to make arrangements for its delivery
to the French government. In pursuance of this order, or,
perhaps, upon some misconception of his duties, he ordered the
port of New Orleans closed as a place of deposit for merchan-
dise, a privilege which our treaty with Spain had guaranteed.
As a result the product of a large part of the United States
could find no outlet. The people in the western section of the
country were greatly stirred by this act, and Hamilton was in
favor of seizing New Orleans and the Floridas at once and
negotiating afterwards. But Jefferson was disposed to con-
tinue his diplomatic efforts, though they were not succeeding
well. Livingston strove in vain to gain the favor of Napoleon,
who was rapidly fitting out a large expedition to take possession
of the new territory. Jefferson appointed Monroe a special
minister to act with Livingston, but by the time he had reached
France a great change suddenly came over Napoleon. The
order for the sailing of the expedition was countermanded, and
Livingston was surprised to find himself in high favor in the
court.
The cause of this was a sudden threatening of a renewal of
96 LOUISIANA SOLD TO THE UNITED STATES
hostilities of France with Great Britain. Napoleon had
charged the British with perfidy, and George III. had retorted
in kind. The English ambassador was openly affronted at
the Tuileries, and both governments prepared for war.
Napoleon saw that if he continued in his scheme for Louisiana,
the United States would become an ally of Great Britain, and,
moreover, he needed money. The result was that he at once
authorized the sale not only of New Orleans'but of Louisiana.
In this situation the sale was quickly arranged, and the famous
treaty was signed May 2, 1803, the United States ministers
dining amicably with the Consul who but a short time before
would hardly recognize them. By this treaty the United
States became a vast empire with immunity from dangerous
neighbors, securing for about three cents an acre a domain
which has yielded almost incalculable wealth. Thus Spain
lost her hold on the richest part of the American hemisphere.
But it was not without a protest from Ferdinand, who
thought Napoleon had again played him false. Spain’s flag
still floated at New Orleans. The French had not yet taken
possession under the cession of 1800, and while preparations
were being made for the formal transfer of the territory to the
United States, the Spanish minister, at the direction of his
King, protested that France could not cede it because she had
promised not to alienate the territory to another nation, and
because she had not fulfilled the conditions of the treaty, the
King of Tuscany being still unrecognized by the courts at
London and St. Petersburg. To this the United States re-
sponded that any such question must be settled by France and
Spain alone.
The Spaniards were so loath to believe that the United
States could secure the territory that they continued to re-
main in New Orleans after the formal transfer, though the
treaty required them to leave in three months. While the
soldiers of the United States slept in tents and fell sick of
fever, the Spanish soldiers continued to occupy the barracks
and storehouses, and regularly every day mounted guard.
WARS AND COMPLICATIONS 97
Furthermore, in the arrangements for the government of the
new territory we became embroiled in a boundary dispute
with Spain, and her arrogant claim to West Florida was now
secretly encouraged by France. Jefferson seriously thought
of accepting war with Spain, for West Florida appeared es-
sential to the United States on account of Mobile and its bay,
and our ministers had undoubtedly understood when making
the purchase that this territory was included. As the Euro-
pean war was still protracted, and France could not afford to
have this country throw its influence on the side of Great
Britain, Jefferson thought he would try again for a peaceful
settlement, for Spanish affairs seemed to be under the com-
plete control of Napoleon.
Congress appropriated $2,000,000 for another diplomatic
effort to acquire the Floridas, and commissioners were sent
to Madrid for the purpose, stopping at Paris in an unsuccessful
endeavor to secure French support. The conduct of Spain
meanwhile was perfidious and exasperating, and the adminis-
tration would have borne less had it not been for the fear that
France would sustain the declining Spanish kingdom in case
of an open rupture; moreover, by this time we were drifting
into difficulties with Great Britain.
After the breaking out of the war of 1812, Spain, which
had been a pliant ally of France in the confliet with England,
now united with England in-secretly stimulating the Indians
on the southern border to make war against the United States,
which feared that unless East and West Florida were seized
they would become a base for offensive operations by the Eng-
lish. One result of the Spanish and British efforts to stir up
the Indians was the massacre of Fort Mims, where out of the
550 Americans surprised in this slaughter pen, 400 were slain
or roasted to death, an act which was quickly punished by Gen-
eral Jackson, and West Florida practically became ours
through the surrender of the Spanish fortress at Mobile.
After our war with England, Spain alone of all the Euro-
pean powers remained in vexatious relations with this govern-
7
98 FERDINAND’S DOUBLE DEALING
ment. Our troubles with her related to two topics — the
negotiations to secure a cession of East Florida to the United
States, and the revolutions in the Spanish-American colonies
of South America. Our negotiations for Florida made no
progress in spite of our moderation and forbearance. Spain
was either disingenuous or perfidious, or both. After his
restoration, the bigoted and despotic Ferdinand did not con-
ceal his hatred of free institutions. He would have liked to
defy the United States, but the resources of his country were
at low ebb and he failed to secure the support of England,
Tiussia, and France in his plans. He was forced, therefore, to
adopt that common feature of Spanish policy, a profession of
conciliation and friendship while instructing his agents to use
underharided means against us. In this way his agents
fomented disturbances on the Florida fronticr and endeavored
to poison the minds of the people at New Orleans. The in-
structions to the Spanish minister at Washington appeared to
be to keep the negotiations in a state of suspension. The ar-
rangement which the government of the United States de-
sired was the full cession of East and West Floridas with a
fixing of the disputed boundary lines of Louisiana. On our
part it was proposed to relinquish the accumulated spoliation
claims against Spain.
Over this territory which we were trying to peacefully
secure by purchase, Spain exercised hardly the shadow of
authority, a fact which was sufficiently manifest from the ease
with which little troops of irresponsible invaders defied Span-
ish authorities. The only pretence of Spanish occupation of
the Floridas consisted in the retention of small garrisons at
Pensacola and St. Augustine. In 1817 a few lawless recruits
from Savannah and Charleston passed over to Amelia Island,
near the present site of Fernandina, and took possession of it,
at the same time proclaiming a blockade of St. Augustine.
The Spanish governor made a futile effort to dislodge
this band of not more than 150 buccaneers, and they held
their ground for months. Spain then filed various pro-
ANDREW JACKSON CAPTURES PENSACOLA 99
tests at Washington, and even threatened war with the
United States if the occupation were allowed to continue.
It was no wonder that many people in the South were dis-
gusted with the consideration the government showed to the
complaining Spaniards, who were so utterly incapable of de-
fending themselves from any little roving band that located
itself right in the face of the Spanish garrison. And when
the United States sent a force to Amelia Island to disperse
their own filibustering subjects, and, to preserve order, re-
mained temporarily in possession, the Spanish also protested
against this occupation, protested both against the filibusters
and the presence of the soldiers sent to drive them out.
The Seminole war again brought Andrew Jackson to the
front, and he fully believed in seizing the Floridas and holding
them as indemnity for the outrages Spain had committed on
the property of citizens of the United States. His eager spirit
resented the mild diplomacy used with the Spaniards, and he
thought that a government which could not maintain its
authority over territory it professed to own had no right to
continue the pretence. He was strengthened in this belief
by the fact that the Spanish authorities had countenanced
rather than restrained the uprising of the Seminoles in our
territory. His theory was that self-defense compelled the
United States to take control of points which the Spanish
authorities could not keep in order, and when once in the field
he made quick work in capturing the Spanish garrison of Pen-
sacola, much to the perplexity of the administration, which had
cautioned him against going too far into Spanish territory.
When the fall of Pensacola became known in Madrid, the
perfidious King sent orders to suspend treaty negotiations,
which he himself had kept in suspension, and made explicit
demands for satisfaction. In Monroe’s cabinet, John Quincy
Adams, the Secretary of State, was the only one to defend
Jackson’s conduct in acting contrary to orders, and it is quite
possible that his course was directed by a fuller understanding
of the Spanish character and diplomacy.
100 SALE OF THE FLORIDAS
But Jackson’s unauthorized action was disavowed, and that
which a few American troops had seized with so little effort
was formally restored. It was another case of honest for-
bearance on the part of the United States. In presenting the
case of this government in reply to the demands of Spain,
John Quincy Adams put the blame for the invasion directly
upon that country, and the Cortes of Madrid was silenced.
Europe thereupon suggested to Spain the speedy sale of the
Floridas to the young republic, which had shown that it could
take possession of the Spanish territory at any time, without
any trouble, and upon any provocation which the treacherous
character of Spanish diplomacy might easily afford.
The chapter of Spanish intrigue and American diplomacy
concerning the Floridas was soon thereafter closed. In Feb-
ruary, 1819, a treaty was signed by Adams and the Spanish
minister in behalf of their respective governments, whereby
Spain ceded to the United States all territory east of the Missis-
sippi known as East and West Florida, with adjacent islands,
for five million dollars. West of the Mississippi the new
boundary began at the mouth of the Sabine River, now the
eastern boundary line of Texas, running north by that river
to 82° North latitude, thence north to the Red River, thence
west along that river to 100° West longitude, thence north to
the Arkansas River, thence westerly along this river through
what is now Kansas and Colorado to 106° West longitude,
thence north to 42° North latitude, and thence westerly on the
line which is now the northern boundary of Utah, Nevada,
and California, to the Pacific. It was well known that this
government would have pressed further in the effort to secure
the ceding of Texas but for the feeling then beginning to mani-
fest itself that the balance of slave and free states would be dis-
turbed. All the territory left to Spain, including what are
now Texas, New Mexico, Arizona, Utah, Nevada, and Cali-
fornia, with parts of Kansas, Colorado, and Wyoming, were
in open revolt against a country whose tyranny was rapidly
despoiling her of all the gains of the sixteenth century.
SPAIN RATIFIES THE TREATY AT LAST 101
The treaty was at once ratified by the United States gov-
ernment in anticipation of its speedy ratification by the Cortes,
but the unreliability of Spanish character again manifested
itself. In view of the natural sympathy of the people of the
United States for the rebellious colonists of South and Central
America, it became difficult for the government of the United
States to preserve a strict neutrality in these revolutions.
Ferdinand feared that if he ratified the Florida treaty the
United States would recognize the belligerents, and so he held
off, though France, England, and Russia urged him to ap-
prove. Pressed for a decisive answer, Ferdinand only offered
various mysterious excuses. Congress was disposed to re-
quire the executive to take possession of the Floridas at once,
but the administration still treated Spain with undeserved for-
bearance. Finally, in February, 1821, when Ferdinand’s
throne was threatened by his own people, and South America
had thrown off the yoke, the treaty was ratified and the long
series of negotiations as to Spanish America was brought to a
close. It had been almost the exclusive feature of American
diplomacy during Monroe’s administration. At any time a
handful of United States volunteers could have taken and
held the great territory for which the future held so rich a
destiny, but we dallied with Spain, put up with her shuffling
and treachery, and treated her with a consideration which no
power in Europe would have granted her under the circum-
stances.
From this time forward our relations with Spain chiefly
concern the history of Cuba.
CHAPTER V
“THE EVER-FAITHFUL ISLE”— PROGRESS OF CUBA DURING
FERDINAND’S DISASTROUS REIGN —THE HOLY ALLIANCE
AND THE FAMOUS MONROE DOCTRINE. ;
Cuba’s Peculiar Position — Importance of Havana—An Early Cause of
Ill-feeling — Excitement during Toussaint L’ Ouverture’s Struggle —
Cubans Remain Faithful to Ferdinand — Aponto’s Uprising — Agita-
tion for the Suppression of the Slave Trade — Favorable Influence of
English Intervention in Cuba — First Struggle with the Spanish
Authorities — The People Divide — Origin and Purposes of the Holy
Alliance — ‘‘A Softer Word for Despotism’” — Help for the Bigoted
Ferdinand — Discord in Cuba —Smouldering Fires — Adams’s Advice
to President Monroe — The Famous Monroe Doctrine— Retreat of
the Holy Alliance — United States Attitude towards Cuba Influenced
by Slavery — The Panama Congress and its Failure— Attitude of
Southern States—The United States Uses Its Influence to Insure
Spain’s Domination of Cuba — Words of Henry Clay.
URING the troublous years of the disastrous reign of
LD Ferdinand, the island of Cuba maintained a position
peculiarly her own, and it will be necessary to re-
turn to the time when the people of the United States won
their independence and trace upward the history and condition
of that province which, because of the failure of all efforts
to plant the seed of liberal government in her soil, obtained
the title of “ The Ever-faithful Isle.” During the last years
of the eighteenth century Cuba, under the rule of a few wise
governors, advanced rapidly in material resources, and the
ports of Havana and Santiago were opened to free commerce,
excepting the slave trade, and a few minor productions. At
the close of the century Havana was the most important city
in America. Of the governors, none were more wise and
progressive than Luis de las Casas, who imparted a new impulse
to commerce and agriculture, and inaugurated a series of im-
portant public works. He took an active interest not only in
(102)
EMINENT AMERICAN CIVIL LEADERS.
Hon. WILvIAM R. Davy, Secretary of State. ; Hon. RussE-i A. ALGER, Secretary of War.
Hon. Stewart L. Wooprorp, Ex-Minister toSpain. Hon. JoHN D. Lona, Secretary of the Navy.
DEVELOPMENT OF CUBA 105
relieving the remnant of the native Indians from slavery, but
in developing the military defenses of the island. A great
navy yard grew up at Havana, though in accordance with
Spain’s short-sighted policy, it was closed in 1776 on the de
mand of the’shipbuilders of Spain that such work should be
done only in the mother country. By this time Spain had
become the servant of France; reforms in church and state,
which stubborn Spain would not have dreamed of had she
had her own way, were introduced, and in Cuba the develop-
ment was marked. In 1776 Spain was forced into a further
alliance with France, and when the Spanish naval power was
broken the following year at Cape St. Vincent, her communi-
cation with her colonies was so interrupted and feeble that
Cuba was left practically to her own devices. When Spain
lay at the feet of Napoleon she had no recourse but to leave the
colonies to defend themselves, and it was only the increased
defenses which saved Cuba from attack.
It was with some difficulty, even under the prudent meas-
ures inaugurated by Las Casas, that serious disturbances could
be avoided when the excitement of the negroes was intensified
by the remarkable campaign of Toussaint L’Ouverture in
Haiti, and there were several bloody uprisings; still, as a
whole, the island greatly benefited by the Haitian revolution,
for it led to a large immigration of white settlers driven out of
San Domingo, the number taking refuge in Cuba in the decade
ending in 1808 having been estimated at fully 30,000. En-
couraged by Governor Las Casas, they contributed largely to
the development of the eastern section of the island, where
they mainly settled, and where they introduced the cultivation
of the coffee plant, the product soon becoming a large element
in the commerce of the island. The cession of Louisiana also
resulted in a large immigration of Spaniards, who found that
they must quit New Orleans or live under the flag of the
United States.
When Napoleon placed his brother on the throne of Spain,
and the Spanish, seeing themselves cheated and humiliated,
106 CUBA’S LOYALTY TO SPAIN
rose in a sort of helpless frenzy, the condition of affairs in Cuba
was greatly changed. England, which had long been an
enemy of Spain, now became her ally. English fleets, instead
of threatening Cuban waters, now aided in extending its com-
merce. When the news of the captivity of Ferdinand
reached Cuba, the colonists, irrespective of any party divisions,
refused, to recognize Joseph Bonaparte. The divisions be-
tween the Cubans and the Spaniards were for the moment
lost sight of, and the people contributed men, money, and
material to assist the Junta of Seville, which proclaimed equal
rights for all Spaniards, both at home and in the colonies.
The hopes of the Cubans rose high, but the Junta proved itself
too closely bound to the colonial monopolies to allow of a
liberal consideration of colonial rights, and the Cubans were
greatly disappointed. The authorities in the island, however,
met the crisis by boldly modifying the orders of the home
government and thus maintaining the freedom of commerce
under other than Spanish flags. During the years when Spain
was losing her colonies in South America, many loyal Span-
iards took refuge in Cuba, and, while the population was
increased and the island became the most important of Spain’s
colonies, the presence of so many Spaniards naturally con-
tributed to strengthen the reaction which followed the restora-
tion of the despotic Ferdinand.
When, after the capture of Seville, the Spanish con-
stituent Assembly was called to frame a constitution for the
Spanish monarchy, the colonies were invited, and Cuba
was represented by three deputies, the small proportion being
the cause of considerable discontent. The Constitution of
1812 became only-another factor in the discontent, for though
the pleas of the Cuban planters prevented the adoption of the
clause for the abolition of slavery in Cuba after ten years, the
rumors of the failure led to serious uprisings among the slaves,
led by José Aponto, a free negro. But the insurrection was
quickly put down and the leaders executed as usual.
However, during that brief period of constitutional gov-
FERDINAND RESTORES DESPOTISM 107
ernment Cuba enjoyed many new advantages. As one Cuban
writer expresses it, “ A division of civil and military powers
was effected; provincial deputations and constitutional muni-
cipal councils were established; liberty of the press was ac-
corded; educated judges were appointed, and the fetters of cen-
tralization were materially relaxed.” There was at this time a
population of about 600,000 on the island, an increase of about
330,000 in twenty years. Of the total, 274,000 were whites,
114,000 free blacks, and 212,000 slaves. The proportion of
increase in twenty years had been 454 per cent. of whites; 19
per cent. of free blacks; and 354 per cent. of slaves.
The revolt in South American provinces undoubtedly in-
clined the home authorities for a time to a more favorable
policy towards the faithful isle, and it was partly for this
reason that when Ferdinand restored despotism in 1814, and
trampled the constitution under his feet, Cuba at first suf-
fered less than Spain herself, though Cuban deputies were not
admitted to the Cortes. But Ferdinand then dissolved the
Cortes and undertook to restore absolutism in all its ancient
rigor. In July, 1814, the Captain-General of Cuba, Apodica,
was ordered to restore the old system, and he made the formal
attempt to do so, but liberal ideas had obtained so much head-
way that is was impossible at once to restore the old order of
things with safety.
In 1817 arose the agitation for the suppression of the slave
trade in Cuba. The importation of negroes into slavery had
been interdicted by Denmark in 1792, by England and the
United States in 1807, by Sweden in 1813, and by Holland
and Irance in 1814, and as England had performed for Spain
the service of saving her from Napoleon, that government
used its influence to bring about the suppression of the slave
trade in the Spanish colonies. The result was the conelusion
of the treaty at Madrid in 1817, by which the deportation of
negroes to Spanish colonies was made illegal after 1820, and
Ferdinand, who was ercatly in need of money, received for
this concession $2,000,000, Portugal being paid a million and
,
108 A REVOLT IN SPAIN.
a half for a like concession. The change was violently op-
posed, not so much by the Cuban planters as by the slave-
trading interests, and for years after the interdiction ship-
loads of slaves were either smuggled in or their entrance con-
nived at by the Spanish authorities.
To compensate Cuba for the supposed loss of commerce
from the interdiction, and in the hopes that it might have a
beneficial effect upon the revolting South American provinces,
which Spain expected then to recover, she consented to have
Cuban ports opened to unrestricted commerce, and encouraged
immigration to the islands. In short, owing to the favorable
influence of English intervention, Cuba made a distinct gain
at this time. But it was the forerunner of that long and
troubled period in which the Cubans and the Spaniards stood
face to face in an attitude of bitter hatred and hostility. For
a proper understanding of recent Cuban history, it is necessary
to mark closely the distinction to which this period gave rise.
It was in 1820 that the standard of revolt was raised in
Spain by Riego and Quiroga against the cruel absolutism of
Ferdinand. The movement quickly spread, and in a short
time the constitution of 1812 was again proclaimed and Ferdi-
nand was compelled to accept it. But the Captain-General
who had been sent out to Cuba two years before attempted to
delay its re-establishment in the island. He was overborne
by the garrison of the city, a part of which at once pronounced
for the liberal order of things, and they were joined by the
Cubans.
MAP OF HAVANA, ITS HARBOR AND DEFENCES.
tered upon the serious business of war. In the afternoon Ad-
miral Sampson on his flagship New York reached the harbor of
Matanzas, where the monitor Puritan and the cruiser (in-
cinnati were maintaining the blockade. The city lies at the
head of a bay about four miles from the sea and the mouth of
the bay is about three miles wide. On its west side is Point
Rubalcaya and on the east side Point Maya, both having a
high elevation above the sea and giving their batteries a very
commanding position. Stretching back from these batteries
are commanding hills, in the shrubbery of which the Span-
iards had been busy placing concealed batteries.
The New York led the way into the bay, followed a hun-
dred yards astern on the port side by the Puritan, while the
Cincinnati was about the same distance behind on the star-
board. The crews were all at their quarters waiting for the
528 THE ATTACK UPON MATANZAS
“music ” to begin, the orders being to open fire when the bat-
teries fired their first shot. At a few minutes before one
o’clock there was a puff of smoke from the east shore and an
8-inch shell whizzed toward the New York and fell consider-
ably short. The range to the east shore was still over three
miles, but the flagship promptly opened fire with one of her
heavy guns. The engagement in a few minutes became gen-
eral, and shore and bay was covered with the wind-swept smoke
while the hollows below the hills roared with the cannonading.
The New York steamed quickly in and cireled around to the
westward toward Point Rubaleaya, while the Puritan swung
eastward to engage the Maya batteries.
It was the first opportunity the gunners of the New York
had enjoyed for target practice of this kind and it was a stir-
ring sight to see. As a big puff of smoke rose from her side,
the eye turning to the battery on shore would behold a cloud of
dust and fragments flying high in the air, indicating the terrific
force of modern projectiles. The New York soon reduced the
range to about a mile and a quarter, and was tossing shells into
Rubalcaya at the rate of about three a minute with wonderful
precision and apparently with great destructiveness.
In the meantime the Purilan was taking care of Point
Maya. It was a long shot to that battery and it was so well
masked that the only target was the infrequent smoke of a
gun, but when the Puritan found the range her shells burst
every time within the fortifications, great clouds of dust and
fragments rising high in the air with every explosion. Up to
this time the Cincinnati had received no order to join in the
action and her crew and officers could hardly contain them-
selves. Finally, Captain Chester himself signaled asking per-
mission to engage, and it was granted by the flagship. The
Cincinnati quickly steamed up to within two thousand yards
broadside on and all her guns seemed to go at once. But this
grim sport was of short duration.
At the end of eighteen minutes, the batteries apparently
having been silenced, the New York gave the signal to retire,
GUN CREW WORKING A MONSTER 13-INCH GUN IN ACTION
SUPERB MARKSMANSHIP OF THE AMERICANS 531
but soon after a last defiant shot was fired from the shore.
Almost instantly one of the big guns of the Puritan, which
was in line, replied. It was the best shot of the day and ex-
cited the admiration of every witness. It struck the battery
just where the smoke had showed the gun, tore its way into the
earthworks and exploded with terrible destruction. Then the
ships stood out to sea.
The display of marksmanship on the American vessels was
superb; the firing was rapid and every one of the three hundred
shots fired seemed to do its work of destruction to the new
forts, but not one of the enemy’s shots hit the ships; they were
absolutely unharmed except from the usual results of the con-
cussion of their own guns. .\ correspondent wrote: “ When
a 10,000-ton ship, usually as steady as a rock, shakes and
trembles like a frightened child; when firmly-fitted bolts start
from their sockets and window-panes and woodwork are shat-
tered; when the roar peals up from port and starboard and you
feel your feet leaving the deck and your glasses jumping
around your forehead, while blinding, blackening smoke hides
everything from sight — then it is that you first realize the ter-
rible power of a modern war ship’s batteries.”
Not one of our men was hurt, and the gunners and their as-
sistants were delighted to embrace the opportunity they had
so long waited for to “ pump a little iron,” as one of them ex-
pressed it, “into those Spaniards.” It is not known what the
casualties were on shore, but it is difficult to see how those who
manned the batteries could have entirely escaped unless they
ran away. Captain-General Blanco sent home a report of the
usual Spanish color. No lives were lost, he said, except that
of one mule. Our vessels were injured by the Spanish fire,
and he was quite sure a smokestack was hit.
On the 26th the President issued an order proclaiming our
policy regarding the rights of Spanish vessels and the rights of
neutrals, indicating an intention to pursue a liberal course
least calculated to irritate foreign powers, and giving Spanish
merchant vessels within the ports of the United States until
532 DEWEY’S SQUADRON SAILS FOR MANILA
May 21st for loading their cargoes and departing. The right
of search was to be exercised with strict regard for the rights
of neutrais, and mail steamers were not to be interfered with
except on the clearest grounds of suspicion of having contra-
band goods or of violating the blockade. This proclamation
was followed within a few days by decrees of neutrality from
most of the foreign nations. Great Britain was one of the
first to declare her neutrality, sending notices to all ports in
all colonies under her dominion. This, of course, necessitated
a prompt departure from the port of Hong Kong of Dewcy’s
fleet, and it moved to Mirs Bay, a Chinese port, where also it
could remain but twenty- -four hours.
Portugal, having dominion over the Cape Verde Islands,
at which the Spanish fleet was concentrated, delayed for some
days to define her position, and it was at one time suspected
that she might make common cause with Spain. At last, how-
ever, she took a neutral position, daring no longer to disregard
the obligations of neutrality, and the Spanish fleet, which had
been reported as having sailed several times, actually sailed on
the 29th, two days after Commodore Dewey sailed from Mirs
Bay for Manila.
Public attention in the United States was so completely
taken up with the situation about Cuba, especially after the
news of the departure of Cervera’s fleet from St. Vincent, that
little was thought of Dewey’s movements. In a general way,
it was thought that, neutral declarations having shut our
Asiatic squadron off from Hong Kong, it would be necessary
for our fleet to secure a base for coal and supplies nearer than
Honolulu or San Francisco, and, as the Spanish Philippines
lay but two or three days’ sail from Hong Kong, and as we were
at war with Spain, it would be a stroke to secure a coaling sta-
tion there. Very few in the discussion which preceded the
actual outbreak of war had for a moment supposed that the
armed intervention for the pacification of Cuba would begin
with a campaign of conquest in islands on exactly the opposite
side of the world. It had been the declared purpose of our gov-
AN ENLARGED CONCEPTION OF DUTY 5383
ernment to free Cuba and extend a helping hand to the starving
people of that island, and it had begun by establishing a
pacific blockade which for the time shut off supplies not only
from the Spanish but from the reconcentrados, and all were
expecting that as speedily as possible we would use the navy
to strike at any naval force Spain sent to the defense of the
islands, and also to assist in landing troops near Havana, estab-
lishing a base of supplies for ourselves and for the suffering
Cubans. Incidentally, we were at war with Spain, and it was,
of course, our business to strike Spain wherever we found her.
While we were thinking of other things, and wondering at
what point Cervera’s fleet would appear, Dewey, obeying
orders the significance of which had not occurred to the Ameri-
can people, struck a blow that in a day changed the opinions of
the nation and, apparently, the course of its policy.
The revolution which had been proceeding in the Philip-
pines against Spanish authority, for very much the same rea-
sons as in Cuba, had up to this time attracted little attention in
the world and least of all in the United States. Agreeably to
the traditions of a hundred years, we had viewed with little eon-
cern the troubles of others in far-away lands. Having rigor-
ously kept to the doctrine that the destiny of all peoples on the
Western Hemisphere was a subject for our immediate con-
cern, and having upheld it whenever occasion demanded, we
had confined our efforts on the other side of the world to the
support of enterprising and daring missionaries, satisfied to
take the heathen under our religious influence under whatever
flag of authority the exigencies of European colonization im-
posed upon him. As a government, we had grown into the
habit of keeping our hands off. Spanish oppression and brutal-
ity would never have tempted us to assume the duty of a maker
of peace and a bearer of freedom to the Philippines had Cuba
not been at our doors. But the conception of our duty
quickly enlarged after Commodore Dewey pointed his ships
for Manila.
CHAPTER XXXVIII
THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS— THEIR EXTENT, CHARACTER,
AND NATIVE LIFE —REBELLION OF THE FILIPINOS AND
ITS THRILLING INCIDENTS — THE TRAGIC DEATH OF DR.
RIZAL—GENERAL AGUINALDO AND COMMODORE DEWEY.
Magellan the Navigator Hears of the Wonderful Spice Islands — Persuades
the Spanish King that they Might Belong to Spain — Sailing Westward
Instead of Eastward — Wonderful Voyage — Discovery of the Philip-
pines— The Natives — Early Importance of Manila — The Slaughter of
the Prosperous Chinese — Depressing Results — A Long and Ugly His-
tory — Character of the Islands— Peculiarities of Spanish Government
—The Uprising of 1896— The Catapunan Society — Appealing to the
Filipinos — A Bloody Conflict — Outrages on Both Sides— A Hundred
Prisoners Suffocated in a Single Night — Public Executions —Dramatic
Incidents — The Romantic Story of Dr. Rizal — His Love Affair — Sen-
tenced to Death — Married in his Cell Just Before his Execution — His
Death — Patriotic Verses— His Widow Joins the Insurgents and is
Welcomed as a Joan of Arc—Insurgent Leaders Leave the Country —
Insurrection Breaks Out Again — General Aguinaldo’s Exile.
tween Portugal and Spain by a line from pole to
pole some three hundred miles west of the Azores,
as related in an early chapter, he did not imagine that one navi-
gator sailing east and another west might meet somewhere on
the other side of the globe. Yet this very thing happened,
and, in consequence of it, for three hundred years the Spanish
had one day too many in their calendar and the Portuguese one
day too few. It happened that Magellan, who was a Portu-
guese, had begun his career as a navigator by sailing under
Portuguese commanders eastward around the Cape of Good
Hope to the Indies, and he had a desire to lead an expedition
to the rich “spice ” islands about which he had heard. But
his king treated him ungratefully, so he transferred his al-
legiance to the Spanish flag, and finally persuaded Charles V.
of Spain that the wonderful islands would lie within that part
of the world the Pope had given to Spain, if only good ‘care
(534)
W Pope Alexander VI. divided the world be-
AN OLD COLORED COUPLE, CUBAN REFUGEES, DRIVEN FROM THEIR HOME BY SPANISH CRUELTY.
The wife was 80 years old and blind. They are making their way into the American lines,
THE FIRST JOURNEY AROUND THE WORLD 53%
was taken to sail westward instead of eastward. Thus it hap-
pened that Magellan made that wonderful journey — “ the
most wonderful in history,” as John Fiske, the historian, calls
it, “ doubtless the greatest feat of navigation that has ever been
performed.” THis ships were the first to circumnavigate the
globe, though Magellan himself was killed by natives in the
islands which were claimed by Spain and soon became known
as the Philippines, in honor of Philip I1., one of the most dis-
honored kings who ever reigned in Spain.
Antonio de Morga, writing about eighty years later, or in
1609, put this maritime achievement in this way: “ Having
won America, a fourth part of the earth which the ancients
never knew, the Spaniards sailed, following the sun, and dis-
covered in the western ocean an archipelago of many islands
adjacent to further Asia, inhabited by various nations, abound-
ing in rich metals, precious stones, and pearls, and all manner
of fruit, where, raising the standard of the faith, they snatched
them from the yoke and power of the devil and placed them
under the command and government of Spain.”
Manila was an important commercial center while Liver-
pool was only a fishing station and while the Indians were still
oceupying Manhattan Island. Formerly, the islands had been
under Chinese dominion, but the yoke was shaken off by an
invasion from India, and it was these invaders with whom the
Spaniards chiefly had to deal. But the Chinese still main-
tained a brisk trade with the Philippines in cotton, silks,
metals, and quicksilver. rom time to time a great many en-
terprising Chinese landed in the islands, and early in the
seventeenth century they came in large numbers, but the
Spaniards became jealous of their strength and. began to per-
secute them in many ways till at last they were goaded into
rebellion. Several times the Spaniards endeavored to ex-
terminate them, but they continued to arrive and to thrive
till finally it was decreed that every Chinaman on the island
of Luzon should be killed. Twenty-four thousand of them
were put to death with one curious result, according to the his-
538 THE USUAL MISTAKES OF SPANISH POLICY
torian of that day: “When the war was at an end, the want
and difficulties of the city began because there were no Chinese
who exercised various arts and brought all the provisions;
neither was any food to be found to eat nor shoes to wear, not
even for very.excessive prices. All this weighed down the
spirit of the Spaniards.”
We need not follow the long and ugly history of the Span-
iards in these islands; in many respects it is similar to that of
Cuba. It was the purpose and the endeavor of the Spanish
government to make all the money possible out of the people,
giving to them little in return but “ the faith,” which was al-
ways rather obstinately declined.
Lying wholly within the tropics, the islands, big and little,
number nearly a thousand, varying in size from Luzon, which
is somewhat larger than Cuba and about the size of the State
of Illinois, to tiny islets hardly worth a name. .Altogether
their area is twice that of New England. The tropical scenery
in the forests of this archipelago is of unsurpassed splendor, the
heat and moisture combining to produce vegetation of a mag-
nificence which beggars description. Gigantic trees towering
to a height of two or three hundred feet are festooned with
graceful rattans. Splendid tree-ferns rise thirty or forty feet
into the air, while underneath are smaller varieties and ex-
quisite orchids. So dense is the vegetation in some of these
forests that the fierce tropical sun hardly penetrates to the
ground beneath them and the dense undergrowth constantly
drips with moisture.
The islands contain some 10,000,000 natives of different
tribes, many of whom the Spaniards were never able to bring
under their authority. The main population consists of the
Tagals. They, together with the various mixtures of half-
breeds, bore a burdensome taxation and other unhappy condi-
tions for many years, and, so long as the only edueated people
on the islands were the rulers, there was little trouble. Little
by little, the natives and half-breeds heeame educated, some of
the young men of the richer families going abroad, and with
AVARICE AND RELIGIOUS FANATICISM 539
greater education came greater ambition. The natives began
to desire:some voice in the government, the abuses of which
125
Bed TRonG...oF cacen. |.” (eal Ait)
PHILIPPINE
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ene:
© BABUYAN 1S.
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MANILA BAY
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MAP OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
they began to understand; and, of course, the proud Spaniard
and the power-loving friar looked with as pronounced disfavor
540 GRIEVANCES OF THE FILIPINOS
upon the demands of these people as they did upon those of the
Cubans.
The church organization became very powerful in the
hands of the various orders of Dominicans, Augustinians,
Recoletanos, and Franciscans, and even the Governor-General
himself dared not oppose them. The Archbishop received a
salary of $12,000 a year, though to conduct the whole ecclesi-
astical establishment cost no less than $1,000,000 a year.
The Archbishop lived in a palace in considerable state, and on
the great feast days he was the only one allowed to ride in a
carriage.
The Governor-General received a salary of $40,000,
though the cost of his office to the colony was no less than
$1,000,000 a year. As in Cuba, governors came with empty
pockets and went away with full ones. It was asserted that
Weyler put $6,000,000 to his credit during the short time he
had control of the Philippines, and the sub-officials stole in like
manner. The peculations amounted to millions of dollars an-
nually and absolutely nothing was done for internal improve-
ments. The budget showed that only $6,000 was appropriated
for new improvements in this whole archipelago, and yet
$60,000 was set apart for the Manila Cathedral, $4,000 for the
choir alone.
If a bridge was destroyed by a flood or earthquake, it was
never repaired. And so it went on for year after year. Had
Spain been actuated by the spirit of internal improvement that
characterized the administration of England and Holland in
adjacent countries, had she subordinated her religious fanati-
cism and her avarice to a desire to better the natives, the com-
merce of the islands might have been fifty times as great, for
in natural productiveness there is no land on the globe surpass-
ing the Philippines.
The beginning of the end of it all came in 1896 while Gen-
eral Blanco was Governor-General of the colony. Rebellion
broke out, and Spain, whose forces in Cuba under General
Campos had just been swept back to Havana, was called upon to
A HUNDRED SUFFOCATED IN A NIGHT 541
face the brotherhood of the Catapunan in the Philippines.
This society was the strongest political society in the islands,
having a membership of about 50,000 “ Filipinos” in Luzon
alone, and through it the munitions of war were mostly con-
tributed to the insurgents. They issued an appeal in which
they said: ‘“ We make no racial distinction. We call upon
all possessing honor and national dignity. All are sufferers,
the Filipino, and the Asiatic, the American, and the European.
We invite all to help raise a down-trodden and tormented race
—a country destroyed and hurled into the slough of degrada-
tion. We except no one, not even a Spaniard, because in our
ranks there are some noble Spaniards, lovers of justice, free
from prejudice, who are supporting our demands for individu-
ality and national dignity.”
Native Filipinos, residing in Madrid, expressed their griev-
ances in an address to the Spanish people, containing extracts
from the Philippine budget for 1896-97. It showed that the
Philippine treasury was compelled to pay a heavy contribution
to the general expenses of the government at Madrid; pensions
to the Duke of Veragua and to the Marquis of Bedmar, besides
providing for the entire cost of the Spanish consulates at all
the important Asiatic ports. It contributed, like Cuba, a large
amount of money for the office of the colonial minister, and for
a purely ornamental and purely Spanish body called the Coun-
cil of the Philippines. It paid the expenses of the penal colony
of Fernando Po in Africa, and all the pensions and retiring al-
lowances of all the civil and military employes who had
ever served in the Philippines, a sum amounting to nearly
$2,000,000 annually.
The real fighting began in August, 1896, and repeated
bloody conflicts followed. At first the natives were poorly
armed; indeed, the majority bore no weapons at all. But
after a while the organization was improved, bolos, or long
sharp knives somewhat like the Cuban machetes, were dis-
tributed to the men, and a few secured firearms which were
brought in from Hong Kong and Singapore. Gradually, the
542 EXECUTIONS AS SOCIAL EVENTS
area of discontent widened into the province of Cavité, where
most of the fighting took place. Before reinforcements could
be brought from Spain, the insurgents had practical control of
that province.
The rebels were not as wisely controlled as the Cubans and
many outrages occurred on both sides. The Spanish authori-
ties, with their usual stupidity, endeavored to prevent the
foreigners in the islands sending out information, but, in spite
of all precautions, a few details reached the outer world, show-
ing that the rising was a serious one, that horrible outrages
were committed by the rebels, and that the Spanish troops re-
taliated with almost corresponding brutality.
A hundred rebels, or suspected rebels, were suffocated to
death in the “ Dark Hole of Manila” in one night. This place
is an old inquisitorial prison, in the base of the main fortifica-
tions on the Pasig River, which flows through Manila, a dark
and unsanitary hole below the ground level, unused for more
than a hundred years before this revolution, with stagnant
water, poisoned, stifling atmosphere, and infested with rats and
vermin. Spanish officers on guard during that long and awful
night heard the piteous cries of the miserable creatures who had
been thrown into this horrible pit, and their condition was made
more terrible when, acting upon the orders of a lieutenant, the
sentinel in charge covered up the only air hole in the dungeon,
“because it rained,” he said.
The public executions were made greater fétes even than
in Cuba. An American who was present in the country at
this time wrote:
‘« These executions were generally made the occasion for quite a jubilee
—aturnout of the élzte, 1 gala day, a time for rejoicing. The fact that
there was to be an execution was prominently, joyously announced,
officially and otherwise, in the local newspapers. There was at Jeast one
military band in evidence, and the morning when unfortunates who had
protested against Spanish misrule were to be shot found the Spanish colors
flying from a great many buildings, and the warships in the harbor
‘dressed.’ The Philippine capital had a holiday aspect.
“The deadly work was generally performed in the cool of the morning.
That these events were fully appreciated was shown by the presence on the
A LIFE SACRIFICED FOR LIBERTY 543
Lunetta of thousands of people. Hundreds of fashionably-dressed ladies
and gentlemen ‘graced’ the occasion with their presence. For the most
part these fashionubles came in their equipages. These ladies would stand
in their vehicles, determined not to miss any part of the ghastly show.
The signal from the commanding lieutenant that the victims were dead was
the signal for these delighted lady spectators to wave their handkerchiefs
or parasols as evidence of their satisfaction.”
As in Cuba, this bloody work abounded in dramatic inci-
dents, many touching examples of heroic martyrdom; and the
fate of Dr. Rizal will have an enduring place in the history of
these troubled isles. He was one of the prominent leaders in
the secret organization which supported the insurrection
against Spanish tyranny; not an adventurer, but a man of cul-
ture, an experienced and able physician, once the president of
the Manila University, a leader in the educational and scien-
tifie as well as social life of his “ beloved Filipinas.” He was
a lover of equality, and while Spain’s yoke did not chafe his
own shoulders severely, he had pity for the less fortunate
natives about him, and his love of his native country took pre-
cedence of all else in his strong and impulsive nature.
Although he did not appear directly in connection with
the organization of the rebellion, the Spanish secured evi-
dence to show his intimate relations with the most active lead-
ers of the insurrection. Two years before, because of his po-
litical views, he had been sent into exile in the island of Min-
danao, where he practiced his profession with profit, and where
he met the lady who finally became his wife and his widow in a
single day. Miss Taufer was born at Hong Kong of European
parents. Her father was in poor health, and they went to
Manila, thinking the climate would be beneficial. After a
stay of six months they visited the island where Dr. Rizal was
a practitioner and where he was called in as an attending physi-
cian. THe fell in love with the young lady, and the engage-
ment was ultimately announced. Upon promise of freedom,
Dr. Rizal seems to have been tricked, late in 1896, into return-
ing to Manila, where he was at once placed on board the Span-
ish cruiser Castilla and conveyed to Spain.
544 THE LAST THOUGHT OF A PATRIOT
Meanwhile, the Spanish authorities had seized certain
papers of the Catapunan society which were thought to im-
plicate Dr. Rizal, and to show that he had been in constant
communication with the insurgent leaders in Luzon. Arriving
at Barcelona, he was arrested and sent back to Manila for trial.
Once there, he was speedily condemned to death. The time
for his execution was fixed for December 6th. At six o’clock
on that fateful morning, Miss Taufer was admitted to his cell.
In two hours the execution would take place. A priest was in
attendance upon the condemned man. The scene was pa-
thetic.
Dr. Rizal, seized with a sudden inspiration, proposed that
a marriage ceremony be performed then and there, and the
lady eagerly assented. There, while the rays of the early
tropical sun streamed through the little barred window of the
cell upon the group, were spoken the solemn words which
joined the lovers in wedlock till death should part them. The
wife remained with her husband till the summons came, and
then they led her away. The execution was attended with the
usual formalities and was a sad but imposing spectacle. Great
crowds of Spaniards, including many ladies, attended, but the
natives were not so numerous as on former occasions. Rizal
displayed great fortitude, walking from the prison with firm
tread and head erect, his arms pinioned behind his back. He
looked about him carefully, glanced at his executioners, and
then, with his eyes fixed upon the rippling sunlit waters of the
bay, received the volley of eight rifles, swayed and fell. An-
other bullet was put into the body at short range to make sure
of death, and the band struck up the usual lively airs.
A few hours before his marriage and his death he wrote
some remarkable verses — “Mi Ultimo Pensamiento”’ (My
Last Thought) — an incident somewhat similar to that when
years before the Cuban poet Valdez left an enduring prayer in
verse before falling a martyr on the plaza of Matanzas. Rizal’s
poem abounded in the spirit of a patriot, as will be seen from a
translation of the opening verse:
A PROMISE OF REFORM 545
‘Farewell, adored fatherland ! Our Eden lost, farewell !
Farewell, O sun’s lov’d region, pearl of the Eastern sea !
Gladly I die for thy dear sake: Yea, thou knowest well
Were my sad life more radiant far than mortal tongue could tell
Yet would I give it gladly, joyously for thee.”
The execution caused a great sensation in Manila because
of his prominence and his romantic marriage, and a week later
the widow set off on foot for the rebel camp at Imus, where she
was hailed as a modern Joan of Are and was received with
great demonstrations. She followed the insurgents into many
of their victorious engagements.
During the long struggle many wealthy half-castes were
implicated. Many fled the country and their estates were
turned into the coffers of the government. More troops. were
hurried out from Spain, earthworks were thrown up at Cavité,
and 8-inch guns looked out over the bay. New batteries were
planted behind the walls of Old Manila, stretching from the
river south along the bay to the promenade, and families liv-
ing in the suburbs pitched tents in the streets of the old city.
Thus Spain held the insurgents in check, while the commercial
interests of the islands suffered greatly.
In December, 1897, General Primo de Rivera, who above
all Spanish generals had an intimate knowledge of the country
and its inhabitants, found the situation untenable for both
parties. It appeared to be somewhat like the Cuban situation.
Neither party could drive out the other, the rebels being secure
in their mountain fastnesses and the Spaniards holding the
chief towns and villages on the coast. Rivera, therefore, sent
two well-known Philippine natives occupying high position in
Manila to propose terms of peace to General Emilio Aguinaldo,
the head of the military movements of the insurgents, then at
Biac Na Bato. A council of the revolutionary government
was held in which it was agreed to lay down their arms on con-
dition of certain reforms being introduced. The principal
ones which the Spanish authorities agreed to were: the secular-
ization of the religious orders and their inhibition from all
546 AGAIN IN REVOLT
official vetoes in civil administration; a general amnesty for all
rebels and guarantees for their personal security and frora
vengeance of the friars after returning to their homes; radical
reforms to curtail the glaring abuses in public administration;
freedom of the press; representation in the Spanish parlia-
ment; abolition of the system of the deportation of political
suspects.
If the Philippine insurgents had had the benefit of as much
experience with the Spanish government in such agreements
as the Cuban insurgents had, they would have known that no
such arrangement would have received the necessary sanction
at Madrid; but Rivera agreed to the reforms, making the sig-
nificant condition that the principal rebel leaders must leave
the country during the pleasure of His Majesty. As these
leaders had lost all their property either by confiscation or
plunder, Rivera agreed further to provide them with funds to
live in a becoming manner on foreign soil. He was very glad
to get them out of the way so cheaply, and it was generally re-
garded asabribe. To what extent the leaders were influenced
by this offer it is difficult to say.
The rebels laid down their arms and peace was apparently
secured, but no sooner had they done so and had returned to
their homes than the religious orders began again to persecute
them and to trump up imaginary charges to procure their ar-
rest. The Spanish government, on its side, imagining itself
now secure, desisted from carrying out the proposed reforms,
a trick like that played on the Cubans at Zanjon in 1878.
The Filipinos, however, refused to be duped, and again rose
in rebellion, not only around Manila but all over the neighbor-
ing islands, but they necessarily had to begin all over again,
their arms having been surrendered and their leaders having
left the country.
General Aguinaldo, accompanied by his aid-de-camp and
private secretary, had gone first to Hong Kong, then to Saigon
in French Indo-China, and then to Singapore, arriving there
incognito at about the time matters came to a crisis between
THE INSURGENT CHIEF RETURNS 547
Spain and the United States. The purpose of his visit to
Singapore, as the story goes, was to consult with some of his
Philippine friends, and particularly with Howard W. Bray,
an old and intimate English friend for ten years resident in
the Philippines, about the affairs of the islands generally, and
particularly as to the advisability of lending his aid to the
Americans in the Philippines in case of war. The repudia-
tion of the reforms which Rivera had promised to immediately
carry into effect left Aguinaldo and other leaders, many of
whom had gone to Hong Kong, free to act. Meanwhile, Mr.
Bray was introduced to Spencer Pratt, Consul-General of the
United States at Singapore, who was anxious in view of the
contingencies to learn as much as possible as to the conditions
in the Philippines.
Soon after Aguinaldo arrived, therefore, an interview was
arranged at which Bray acted as interpreter. Aguinaldo ex-
plained the nature of the co-operation he could give in the
event of the American squadron operating on Manila, and
said he would guarantee to maintain order and discipline
among the native troops, preventing them from committing
outrages upon defenseless Spaniards beyond the inevitable in
fair and honorable warfare. He further declared his ability
to establish a proper and responsible government on liberal
principles and would be willing to accept the same terms for
the Philippines as the United States proposed to give Cuba.
The Consul-General placed himself at once in telegraphic
communication with Commodore Dewey at Hong Kong, and
it is said that as a result of the interchange of messages Agui-
naldo at once left for Hong Kong and for Manila.
CHAPTER XXXIX
COMMODORE DEWEY AND HIS SQUADRON — INCIDENTS OF
THE CRUISE TO MANILA —SEARCHING FOR THE ENEMY
—THRILLING SAIL PAST THE BATTERIES AND OVER
THE MINES—ADVANCING TO THE BATTLE.
Commodore Dewey’s Squadron —Its Guns and Armor — Dewey’s Service
in the Navy — Admiral Porter’s Tribute — Proclamation of the Gov-
ernor-General of the Philippines—Bombastic Encouragement —
Dewey’s Cruise to Manila— Rolling in the China Sea — ‘‘ Prepare for
Action” — Practice on the Way — Stripping the Ships — All Unneces-
sary Articles Thrown Overboard — A Look into Subig Bay — Move-
ments of the Spanish Admiral— Why he Retired to Manila— The
United States Squadron Holds a Council of War— Dewey Announces
His Purpose to Enter Manila Harbor that Night — Engines Started
Again— Men Quietly Sent to Their Guns—In Sight of the Forts —
Increasing the Speed — Silent and Alert — Discovered at Last —A
Flash of Light, « Rocket, and then the Boom of a Gun — Dewey’s
Orders — Silencing a Battery —Silently Onward — Breakfast at the
Guns — The Morning Breaks over Manila— The Enemy Sighted at
Cavité — Heading for Battle — The Spanish Squadron — Its Advantage.
HE United States squadron which sailed out of Mirs Bay
| on April 27th was not made up of “ ironclads” or
armored battleships. They were the four protected
cruisers, Olympia, Baltimore, Boston,and Raleigh, and the two
gunboats, Concord and Petrel. The Olympia, which was the
flagship, Captain C. V. Gridley commanding, carried ten rapid-
fire 5-inch guns and four 8-inch guns mounted in barbette tur-
rets, with armor of four inches in average thickness. This was
about all the armor there was in the whole squadron. In her
secondary battery were fourteen 6-pounders, seven 1-pounders,
four Gatlings, and one field gun. The Baltimore, Captain
N. M. Dyer commanding, had four 8-inch and six 6-inch rifles,
and four 6-pounders, with several smaller rapid-fire guns.
The Boston, Captain Frank Wildes commanding, carried two
8-inch and six 6-inch rifles, and two 6-pounders, with other
smaller guns. The Raleigh, Captain J. B. Coughlan com-
manding, had one 6-inch and ten rapid-fire 5-inch guns and
(548 )
THE SQUADRON AND ITS COMMODORE 551
cight 6-pounders. The combined tonnage of the last three
cruisers is less than that of the battleship Jowa. The tonnage
of the Olympia, the largest and strongest of the squadron, is
about one-half that of the Iowa.
The 1,700-ton gunboat, Concord, carried six 6-inch rifles
and two 6-pounders; the 900-ton gunboat Petrel carried four
6-inch guns. The combined tonnage of these boats was 19,-
100. Accompanying the squadron was the revenue cutter
Hugh McCulloch, which had just arrived at Hong Kong, hav-
ing been ordered by the Secretary of the Treasury to report
to Commodore Dewey as a dispatch vessel. She carried four
light pieces. Two merchant steamers, the Nashan, laden with
3,000 tons of Cardiff coal, and the Zafiro, carrying 7,000 tons
of similar coal, having been purchased by the Commodore,
went with the squadron, regarded merely as merchant vessels
owned by the United States. Their officers and crew all gave
notice of their intention to become American citizens and re-
mained on board to navigate the vessels as needed. It should
be remembered that all these steps, including the concentration
of these vessels at Hong Kong, had taken place in the interval
following the destruction of the A/aine, and is a clear indica-
tion of the expectation of war which prevailed at Washington
and also of the expectation that the Philippines would figure
in the conflict which had become inevitable. It was due to
the prudent foresight of the authorities at Washington,
seconded by the prompt and energetic action of Commodore
Dewey in the Orient, that he was able to sail out of Chinese
waters within a week after war was opened.
Commodore George Dewey was a good type of the Ameri-
can naval officer. He had been faithfully performing the
tasks allotted to him for thirty years and the time of his re-
tirement was approaching. In person he is slightly built, of
medium height, with finely-chiseled face, firmly-set lips, and
clear eyes. He was known as a man quiet in manner, sparing
and incisive in speech, and decisive in action. He was just
beginning his naval career at the time of the Civil War, and
33
552 A BOMBASTIC PROCLAMATION
at the time of the capture of New Orleans was a lieutenant on
the old Mississippi, which, when trying to run the batteries
of Port Hudson in March, 1863, ran aground. The enemy
had her in range and poured shells into her hull till her com-
mander, seeing she could not be saved, ordered her fired.
Captain Smith and Lieutenant Dewey were the last to leave
the ship. “It is in such trying moments,” said Admiral
Porter in his official report, “that men show of what metal
they are made, and in this instance the metal was of the best.”
When, late in 1897, changes were made in the command
of the some of the squadrons, Commodore Dewey did not wish
togot the Orient. He much preferred a station where there
would be fighting if war came, for no one then thought of
active hostilities in the East. He was, nevertheless, assigned
to the Asiatic squadron and raised his flag on the Olympia on
January 3, 1898.
When information that Commodore Dewey would proceed
to threaten the Philippines reached Manila, the Spanish Gov-
ernor-General issued several proclamations, one of which in-
cluded the following:
‘““The American people, composed of all the social excresences, have
exhausted our patience and provoked war with perfidious machinations,
acts of treachery and outrages against the law of nations and international
conventions.
«A squadron manned by foreigners and possessing neither instructions
nor discipline is preparing to come to this archipelago with the ruffianly
intention of robbing us of all that means life, honor, and liberty.
“ The aggressors shall not profane the tombs of your fathers, shall not
gratify their lustful passions at the cost of your wives and daughters, shall
not cover you with dishonor, shall not appropriate the property your
industry has accumulated as provision against old age, and shall not perpe-
trate any of the crimes inspired by their wickedness and covetousness,
because your valor and patriotism will suffice to punish this miserable
people, that, claiming to be civilized and cultivated, have exterminated the
unhappy natives of North America instead of bringing them to a life of
civilization and progress.”
Owing to the necessity of economy in the use of coal as well
as the danger of driving into the rather heavy sea that was
running, a speed of about eight knots was maintained in mak-
IN PREPARATION FOR THE COMBAT 5538
ing the trip to the Philippines. Even at this slow speed the
heavily-laden Nashan and Zafiro made a decidedly wet voy-
age, and the Petre pitched and rolled deeply. Gun-drills and
other exercises kept the officers and men occupied continuously
during this run, and from the time the squadron left Mirs Bay
until it came into the presence of the enemy there was not an
hour in which preparations for battle were not under way.
When the tired ship’s company had finished its day’s work
on Wednesday, the first day out, and the Olympia had settled
down to the quiet of the first watch, the stillness was broken
with alirupt harshness by the blare of the bugle, and red and
white lights flashed up and down the masts of all the ships in
response to the Commodore’s peremptory signal: “ Prepare for
action.”
In two minutes each vessel was alive with men, who, but a
moment before, had been soundly asleep, or were supposed to
be. From the bridge of the flagship sharply-uttered orders
proceeded, and in seven minutes the executive officer was able
to report to Captain Gridley:
“The ship is ready for action, sir.”
Looking back along the line of ships dimly visible in the
moonlight, which fell on the China Sea, it was easy to see that
every one of them were stripped for battle, and the Commo-
dore was naturally greatly pleased with the quick and thorough
response to his signal, for he knew that such readiness was very
soon to be in serious demand. He was preparing for the
first naval battle of the new navy of the United States.
Search-light and night-signal exercise took place during a
large part of the first watch on Thursday night, and the pro-
gress made in working both the lights and the signals was very
satisfactory. Friday was passed without incident, except that
the weather became very warm and muggy, and the work of
the men below deck was exhausting, but in spite of the heat
and the heavy sea the ships kept their positions with precision.
The island of Luzon was sighted early Saturday morning,
and being, as was supposed, in close proximity to the enemy,
554 LOOKING FOR THE SPANISH ADMIRAL
the whole squadron began its final preparation for battle.
Chain-cables were coiled around the ammunition hoists to give
them further protection. Nets of tough Manila rope were
stretched beneath all the boats and drawn across the wardroom
bulkheads to protect the woodwork, flying splinters from
which, when struck by shot or shell, might become deadly
nssiles. All unnecessary material was thrown overboard and
went swimming off on the tossing China Sea.
When a few miles distant from Subig Bay, a rather deep
opening in the bold and rugged coast, about forty miles north
of Manila, the Boston and the Concord were sent ahead to learn
whether any part of the Spanish squadron was hidden there.
Later, they were reinforced by the Baltimore, the three vessels
moving at a speed of about fifteen knots, while the other three
remained with the transports and steamed at only six knots.
In the afternoon the three scouting vessels returned, having
explored Subig Bay without finding any craft there except a
few small sloops and schooners which were overhauled, but
not otherwise disturbed.
It had been reported from Manila several days before
Dewey sailed, that Montijo, the Spanish Admiral, had taken
his fleet to Subig Bay and assumed a position favorable for
giving the Americans a warm welcome, and while the Commo-
dore was taking no Spanish reports for granted, he took the
precaution to look in. The bay is one of the best harbors on
the coast, being used by steamers in the typhoon season in
preference to Manila Bay. The latter is surrounded chiefly
by lowlands so that the fury of the storm is not diminished by
the surroundings, while Subig Bay is amply protected hy the
Bataan Mountains on the east and a coast range on the west.
About half way up the bay is Grande Island, commanding
both sides of the entrance, which, at this point, is but about
two miles wide, and if the island were properly fortified it
would be an absolute protection to the city of Subig, a place of
about 19.000 inhabitants at the head of the hay. Montijo
went to the bay at ahont the time of the declaration of war, in-
FORTIFIED ENTRANCE TO MANILA BAY 555
tending to fortify Grande Island, either to prevent Dewey
from using it as a base in case he did not enter Manila Bay, or
MANILA
AND
VICINITY
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SCALE OF MILES
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MAP OF MANILA AND SURROUNDING COUNTRY.
to be used by the Spanish in case Manila became too unpleas-
ant for them. But he concluded that he could not fortify the
place in less than a month, and having heard that Dewey had
556 THE SILENT APPROACH — THE ALARM
sailed he put back to Manila on the 30th, or the day Dewey’s
fleet came in sight of the island.
When the scouting vessels returned, reporting no enemy
at Subig and none in sight along the coast, Commodore Dewey
came to the conclusion that the Spanish admiral had with-
drawn to Manila with the intention of holding against him the
mouth of the harbor, which is about ten miles wide, between
flanking chains of low mountains that start upward from the
water’s edge, each point being occupied by a fort. Dividing
this entrance into two channels are two islands, Corregidor and
Cadallo, both fortified, and lying so far to the north that the
northern channel is narrow, while between the islands and the
forts on the southern point there is a sweep of water over eight
miles wide. The usual course for vessels going and coming
from Chinese ports is through the narrow channel, which
Dewey knew was well mined, and while the other channel was
supposed to be mined, it presented less dangers because of its
width and, though there were some shallows, deep water could
be followed by an experienced navigator.
Dewey halted his squadron a short distance from Subig
Bay, and, while the vessels lay motionless on the calm sea, the
commanding officers were summoned over to the flagship for -
instructions. He told his astonished captains that he intended
to enter Manila Bay that night in spite of the forts and in spite
of the mines. He felt confident that the Spaniards would not
expect him to make such a move, and, therefore, he was re-
solved to make it. He stated the details of his plans and gave
his directions. The officers went back to their ships, the
engines were started again, and the squadron idled along at a
speed of about four knots, not wishing to appear at the entrance
of Manila Bay too early. The moon had risen, and, although
it was occasionally obscured by light clouds, the night was not
one in which a squadron ought to have been able to run through
a well-defended channel without drawing upon itself a hot fire.
Something of the kind was expected, and at a quarter to ten
o’clock, as the ships drifted quictly along, the men were sent
THE FIRST SHOT 557
to their guns, not by the usual bugle call, but by a whispered
word of mouth.
Every man was ready and the final steps of battle clearing
were completed in silence in a very few minutes — and they
were dramatic moments. Off to port could be seen the sullen
“loom of the land,” where, for all they knew, the enemy was
already watching their approach, and were preparing their
guns for a terrific fire at the right moment. Closer and closer
they crept, a long line of dark hulks with the transports in the
rear. Nota light was permitted to show in any vessel except
one at the very stern, which was necessary as a guide to the fol-
lowing ship, and these lights were shaded on each side.
As they approached the entrance and the first fort, the
speed was increased to eight knots, and quietly the line slipped
past the batteries on the north point of the entrance without
any evidence that the enemy had discovered them. Every
man was silent, but on the alert; every eye was fixed on the
sombre forts; every nerve was strained; every pulse beat
strongly. Then Corregidor Island came abeam to port and
every glass was turned on its frowning point. But not until
the long line had swung into the broad channel — the Boca
Grande as it is called — did the outlooks of Corregidor catch
sight of it. A few sparks flew up out of the funnel of one of
the gunboats. In a moment a bright light flashed up in the
center of the island, and it was answered by a similar one on
the north shore. Then a rather feeble rocket staggered aloft
over Corregidor, and the American sailors standing by their
guns felt sure every moment that the batteries would open.
But they did not. The Spaniards were evidently taken by
surprise. No one had been at the guns, and it took time to
get the batteries ready for action. On went the American
squadron deeper and deeper into the bay. And not until the
leaders of the squadron had passed out of easy range did a gun
greet the long line of silent ships.
Tt was nearly half-past eleven when there was a bright flash
from the batteries off to port, the boom of a heavy gun, and the
558 IN SIGHT OF MANILA
vindictive whistle of a shot far overhead. It came from a
battery too far astern to enable the leaders to return the fire
to advantage, but the Commodore was somewhat uneasy about
the three non-combatant ships in the rear. He, therefore,
signaled to the Hugh McCulloch to lead the transports up to
a position where they would be protected by the cruisers and
less exposed to attack. As the Hugh McCulloch was coming
up she signaled that her chief engineer had been taken with
a stroke of heat prostration and medical consultation was asked
for. He died in twenty minutes of heart failure, due, perhaps,
to the strain of those thrilling moments, during which all stood
silent in the constant expectation of an exploding mine or a
hail of shell from the shore. But the minutes dragged by
and the ships crept onward.
The Raleigh, which was steaming along third in line, fired
the first reply to the shot from the batteries from a 5-inch gun,
and presently the Boston followed suit. Another shot flew
from the batteries, and, as the Commodore’s ships were on the
close lookout for the flash to obtain an idea of where to aim,
the Concord placed a 6-inch shell so exactly over the spot where
the flash had occurred that an exclamation of admiration was
heard on all sides. It was a marvelous shot. Dewey’s sailors
did not know it then, but that shot disabled the gun and killed
nearly every man in the group of Spaniards about it.
There were no more shots fired from the shore, and as the
Commodore did not wish to waste time on the batteries or to
make any more “ fuss ” than necessary in approaching Manila,
where he now supposed the Spanish fleet must be, the squadron
kept on its silent course. Speed was reduced to less than three
knots, as there was no haste. The Commodore wished to ar-
rive off Manila at the first break of dawn, but no earlier. The
men lay down beside their guns to get what sleep they could,
but the time was not conducive to sleep, and the strictest look-
out was kept for the enemy’s ships and torpedo boats.
At four o’clock coffee and hardtack were served out to the
men, and the officers were glad to get the same frugal refresh-
COMPOSITION OF EACH FLEET 554)
ments. No one felt like sitting down to a formal breakfast.
The lights of Manila had long been in sight. The dawn of
that Sunday morning began at half-past four when the squad-
ron was about six miles from the city, lying on the low alluvial
plains which form a sort of huge doormat to the main range of
mountains, running along the eastern coast of Luzon. As
the sun came up exactly behind the city, the shadow cast by the
land obseured the harbor foreground, but finally the city be-
came clearer, looking like a white chalk-line on the low shore,
and its domes began to glisten against the mountains fifteen
miles beyond. Then the presence of a group of vessels in the
foreground could be made out, but before five o’clock it could
be seen that they were nothing but merchant ships. Where
was the enemy?
The cruisers were creeping up in close battle order, the
flagship leading, followed by the Baltimore, the Raleigh, the
Petrel, the Concord, and the Boston. They had passed up the
broad bay to the northward of Manila, and had turned toward
the south, which position they were holding when the Spanish
squadron was sighted in the little bay of Cavité, under the guns
of the forts of that arsenal, the larger ships lying outside the
breakwater, while inside could be seen the smaller gunboats.
The enemy was found and the American squadron was holding
a course directly towards him. It was about five o’clock.
The vessels under Admiral Montijo’s command consisted
of the cruiser Reina Christina, the flagship, 3,500 tons, and
with a battery of six 6.2-inch, two 2.7-inch, six 6-pounders,
and six 8-pounder rapid-fire guns; the Castilla, 3,300 tons,
with a battery of four 5.6-inch, two 4.7-inch, two 3.3-inch,
four 2.9-inch, and eight 6-pounder rapid-fire guns; the Isla
de Cuba and Isla de Luzon, 1,030 tons each, with batteries of
four 4.7-inch, four 6-pounders, and two 38-pounder rapid-fire
guns; the Don Antonio de Ulloa and Don Juan de .Lustria,
1,130 tons each, with batteries of four 4.7-inch, two 2.7-inch,
and two 38-pounder rapid-fire guns; the General Lezo and
Marques del Duero, 524 and 500 tons respectively, with bat-
560 THE ENEMY’S ADVANTAGES
teries of small rapid-fire guns. The Velasco was also in port,
but was undergoing repairs and her guns were mounted on
earthworks on the shore. There were also four torpedo boats
and two fine transports, the Manila and the Isla de Mindanao.
While the Spanish ships exceeded those of Commodore
Dewey’s attacking squadron in number and in the number of
its men, they were less in aggregate tonnage. Neither were
they as well protected as Dewey’s ships, although their guns
could readily pierce the steel sides of the American cruisers if
well aimed. If the Spanish squadron had been compelled to
come out in the open sea and fight it would have had little
chance even in the hands of experienced gunners. But what
gave the Spaniards an equalizing, if not a superior, advantage
was the position they held under the protection of the shore
batteries. Experts have estimated that one good gun mounted
on shore is worth several aboard ship, having a fixed platform,
and, therefore, able to fire with greater accuracy. Another
advantage the enemy had was the perfect knowledge of the
harbor and the exact distance of our ships at all times. The
American fleet was compelled to maneuver in strange waters
with a Spanish chart which they dared not trust.
CHAPTER XL
THE NAVAL BATTLE OF MANILA BAY —A TERRIBLE STORM
OF SHOT AND SHELL — SCENES OF BLOOD AND CARNAGE
—ANNIHILATION OF THE SPANISH FLEET—COMMO-
DORE DEWEY’S GREAT VICTORY.
Commodore Dewey’s Squadron in Battle Array — Advancing Silently
towards the Enemy — Mines Exploded in Front «f the Olympia —
“Remember the Maine!”—The Time for Action Comes — ‘Torpedo
Launches Venture an Attack — Rapid Guns — The Reina Christina At-
tacks the Olympia — Meets with a Terrible Fire — Destructive Shot of
the Boston — Retiring for Breakfast — Taking Account of Damages —
The Fury of the Second Attack — Spaniards Fighting Desperately —
Defiant Gunners Swallowed up in the Bloody Water — Escape of the
Spanish Admiral— A Gruesome Sight — Ships Burnt, Sunk, and De-
serted — Surrender of the Fort— Care of the Wounded — Experiences
on the American Ships— Cutting the Cable—Commodore Dewey’s
Modest Despatches.
ANILA Bay extends in a northeasterly direction, its
M greatest length being some thirty-five miles and its
circumference about one hundred and twenty. .The
city of Manila lies to the extreme east side on both banks of the
muddy Pasig River. On the south bank is the old city sur-
rounded by a moat and massive walls, constructed in the six-
teenth century and crowned by some antiquated guns and a
few modern and high-power guns recently added. New
Manila on the north bank is entirely defenseless. Eight miles
distant and on the southern shore of the bay is Cavité, having
a small bay of its own, formed by a projecting neck of land.
This was well fortified by large guns and contained an arsenal
and slips for large vessels. Under these heavy guns and
drawn up in fair order for defense were the fourteen ships of
the enemy, and apparently they had been taken by surprise,
for they were in no position to maneuver as a squadron; in-
deed, some were making hurried efforts to get up steam.
(561)
562 EAGER FOR THE FRAY
As the Olympia, followed by the Baltimore, Raleigh,
Petrel, Concord, and Boston in the order named, steamed
towards the enemy, every man was on the alert. Trim and
fresh-looking in their paint, gay with fluttering signals, they
presented a real holiday aspect as they cruised along, but clus-
tered about the decks at their guns, stripped for hot work and
—— impatient for the
a . signal which
MR 4) would mean a
plunge into an ex-
perience entirely
iy.
Ges
| GS
Ys
io
BT
Pt.Luzon Are
(ied
novel, were eager,
gallant men, while
Fort in CoRREAION Eo down out of sight
MANILA BAY BY in the bowels of
Ete YY, _the ships at the
ammunition hoists
and at the boilers
were others equally eager who could not see what was going
on outside but felt that every moment they might hear the
boom of a gun and the rattle of projectiles. On the bridge
were the commanding officers; in their proper stations were
the signal officers, the range-finders, the navigators, all per-
forming duties of the utmost importance upon a modern fight-
ing ship.
At intervals the range was called out. Nearer and nearer
they were approaching the enemy. Yet the minutes, minutes
of fearful tension, passed and not a sound broke the stillness of
that Sabbath morn whose flaming light was breaking over the
mountains back of Manila.
Commodore Dewey’s orders were to hold the fire till an
effective range had been reached. He did not propose to
waste any more powder than necessary. On they went, the
transports holding off out of range and their crews crowding
the decks to watch the spectacle.
At 5:15, when about five miles from the Spanish fleet and
a,
SOS
B
Laguna de
MAP OF THE BAY AND HARBOR OF MANILA.
THE BATTLE-CRY 563
about four miles from the Old Manila guns, two batteries from
the former and three from the latter opened fire. But it was
ill-directed. Shot followed shot, kicking up the water about
Commodore Dewey’s squadron, on board which, as it steamed
ahead, all was as silent as if the ships were empty, except for
the whirr of the blowers and the throb of the engines and an
occasional order.
At intervals the range-finders exhibited their signal flags,
and as each range was called the gunners lowered the sight
bars. The range from Cavité was decreasing fast and the
shots from its guns and from the Spanish cruisers, which now
opened fire, began to shriek through the air and lash the water
about them. Faster and faster they came, when suddenly,
some distance ahead, a great column of water shot into the air,
and then another close by. The enemy had fired two mines,
but they were too far away to do any damage, and the ships
pushed on. “The air seemed full of things,” as one of the
officers expressed it. The heat was intense. Stripped of all
their clothing except their trousers, the gunners waited im-
patiently at the port guns to line them on the enemy.
When about three miles from Cavité, the Olympia began
to swing her port batteries towards the Spanish line, and just
then a shell burst directly over her. From the boatswain’s
mate at the after 5-inch guns came a hoarse cry: “ Remem-
ber the Maine!” And then the cry arose from the throats of
every man on the decks.
The time had come. The gunners had the range. One
after another the ships followed after the Olympia with their
port batteries to the enemy. At exactly nineteen minutes to
six, or more than twenty minutes after the enemy had opened
fire, Commodore Dewev, who stood on the bridge closelv
watching events, turned to the captain of his flagship and said:
“You may fire, when ready, Captain Gridley.”
Tn an instant one of the Olympia’s 8-inch guns sent a shell
screeching into Cavité fort three miles away. Big guns and
little guns chimed in from all the ships before the roar had
564 THE CEASELESS THUNDER OF CANNON
died away. A hailstorm of iron flew at the Spanish ships from
the rapid-fire guns, while large shells dropped upon the fort.
It was one continuous roar. The fire from Cavité and the
.Spanish ships was redoubled. Shot and shells flew all about,
splashed the water about the ships, throwing it over the decks
and drenching the men. Occasionally, they came whistling
through the rigging and rattling about the sides of the vessels.
A great cloud of smoke enveloped them, for there was very
little wind, and signaling became difficult. Still the terrific
fire was poured into the enemy as the squadron steamed by.
It was a scene of awful magnificence.
“ Another unpleasant thing about the Spanish shells,” said
an eye-witness on the Olympza, “ was the way they had of com-
ing at us even when they had not been properly aimed. Thus
it often happened that a projectile which had not only fallen
short, but which was not even a good line shot, would be up-
set by its impact with the water and would come tumbling end
over end, far out of its original direction. And how these fel-
lows did roar, plainly visible if they came anywhere near us,
and as they rose from the water and spun round and round,
they seemed to be about the size of a barrel, especially if an ob-
server happened to be close on the line of their eccentric
flight.” But all these flying missiles did no serious execution,
while our sailors could see through the rifted smoke that the
broadsides poured by our vessels were making some impression
on the Spanish ships.
Having passed the line firing the port batteries, the
Olympia came around, taking a course back and closer to the
enemy’s ships, and the others followed, a great roaring, smok-
ing, flashing, shricking procession, and, as it passed along,
the starboard batteries blazed away at the enemy.
The roar of the steady thunder of cannon was terrible.
When the fort was pouring its terrific fire upon our ships, it
looked to those on the McCulloch and the transports as if our
vessels could not possibly endure the fusilade. Heavy shells
and solid shot fell about them like hail from the clouds, and
PROMINENT AMERICAN GENERALS.
Maj.-Gen. JOHN R. BROOKE. Maj.-Gen. FirzHuGH LEE.
Maj.-Gen. ADNA R. CHAFFEE. Maj.-Gen. JOSEPH E. WHEELER.
THE SPANISH ADMIRAL’S GALLANT ASSAULT 567
many exploded immediately over the ships. At one time the
Americans were anything but sure of victory, and this was
after the fire had been kept up for an hour. It looked as
though every gun of the Spanish ships had been turned loose
on Dewey’s cruisers, and the shore line was a veritable blaze of
fire from the batteries. The din was simply indescribable.
Tons and tons of shot continued to fall over our ships,
whose salvation was the bad marksmanship of the Spaniards.
Most of their shots were high, falling over into the bay beyond.
This was especially noticeable after the American ships had
swung about and run back nearer to the enemy’s line. The
Spanish gunners did not change their range except on the forts,
where the marksmen were better trained, or had the advantage
of a solid platform and a better defense.
In the midst of the terrific din a couple of torpedo launches
were seen leaving the shore and heading for the American
ships. Quickly the gunners turned their rapid-fire guns on
them, and in the terrible hail of shot and shell which fell upon
them one was immediately sunk and the other so badly dam-
aged that she ran on the beach to save herself. That was the
first and last venture of the Spanish torpedo craft.
Round came the Olympia again, after having passed the
enemy’s line to the eastward, and nearer still toward it the
procession retraced its course, using again the port batteries.
Then the Reina Christina was seen coming out towards the
Olympia to give her battle. Admiral Montijo stood on the
bridge, and his vessel made a gallant assault. But the fire
of Dewey’s squadron was concentrated upon the reckless Span-
iard. Shells riddled her sides and swept her deck, and just
as the admiral stepped from the bridge a shot struck it and car-
ried it completely overboard. She quickly turned back
towards the harbor, and while speeding in the Boston sent an
8-inch shell into her stern, sweeping through the vessel, creat-
ing terrible havoc, and setting the ship afire. Many of the
men were killed. Yet through his glass the American com-
modore could see the Spanish admiral calmly walking the deck
568 A LULL IN THE TEMPEST
while the Spanish sailors were keeping their guns hot, discharg-
ing shells which flew all around the Olympia and her followers,
doing very little damage to the flagship, but how much to the
others he could not tell.
Round swung the line again, giving the starboard batteries
another chance, and this time closer still to the enemy. From
the beginning of the engagement, the three batteries at Manila
had kept up a continuous fire, which the American squadron
had not returned, paying its attention entirely to the Spanish
fleet and the Cavité batteries. At this point, Commodore
Dewey sent a message to the Governor-General to the effect
that if the Manila batteries did not cease firing he would shell
the city. It had the effect of silencing them. The Governor-
General could not fail to appreciate Commodore Dewey’s ad-
vantages in the situation, for, if he withdrew his ships from in
front of the Cavité batteries to Manila, eight miles away, he
could shell the city without probable interference from the
Spanish fleet, whose admiral would not dare to attack Dewey
unaided by the strong forts at Cavité after what he had seen of
American gunnery. Dewey would doubtless have been very
glad to have enticed the Spanish admiral away from the Cavité
forts so that he might speedily finish his ships in open battle.
This would have left him free to return to Cavité and devote
his undivided attention to its batteries.
After steaming past the Spanish line the fifth time, Com-
modore Dewey, at 7.35, gave orders to withdraw across the
bay for breakfast. The men had been fighting for two hours
on nothing but the coffee and hardtack which they had at 4
o’clock. The commodore also wished to take account of his
damages and the loss of life.
When the American “jackies” realized that they were
being withdrawn from the fight, there was a wail of disap-
pointment at first, illustrated by the almost tearful appeal of
one gun captain to Commander Lamberton of the Olympia:
“For God’s sake, captain, don’t stop now. Let’s finish ’em
up right off. Damn the breakfast!”
, MARVELOUS ESCAPES 569
In passing the last time by the enemy’s line the American
cruisers had gone within very close range, and while the
officers could see that they had wrought sad havoe with some
of the Spanish ships, the batteries and vessels were still firing
vigorously. One shot passed through the Baltimore, and the
Boston was hit not far from the water line. Dewey did not at
this time appreciate how nearly he had the enemy whipped, and
the Spanish did not realize as yet the straits they were in.
Seeing the storm of shells striking about the Olympia and
bursting close aboard the ships of the squadron, the commo-
dore had reason to fear that our loss had been heavy. He
knew that the Olympia had escaped without serious casualties,
but as she had had a dozen hairbreadth misses, it did not seem
possible that the others had been equally fortunate. On the
other ships the situation was similarly regarded; indeed, it was
thought that the Olympia had been seriously damaged when
she pulled away.
It was not long before it was discovered that no serious
harm had been done his ships and not a life had been lost. It
seemed nothing less than miraculous that they should have
come out of such a hail of iron so little damaged.
When it was found that not a man had been killed, and
that none of the vessels had been seriously harmed, an old gun-
ner on the flagship remarked: “The Spaniards couldn’t hit a
flock of barns.”
But the lack of precision in the aim of the Spaniards was
not more remarkable than the small damage done when their
shots did hit, for in such a rain of iron some could not fail to
strike even if the aim had been poor or at random. The
escapes were wonderful. The shell which pierced the Boston
went crashing into the wardroom and exploded within five
feet of Paymaster Martin. He was not hit, though it set fire
to the lockers and did considerable damage before the fire was
extinguished. The fragments of a single shell struck within a
radius of fifteen feet of Commodore Dewey. An armor-
piercing projectile struck a box of 3-pounder ammunition on
570 ADMIRAL MONTIJO’S STORY
board the Baltimore, exploded it, and the whole discharge
passed between two groups of men so near together that it was
difficult to see how all escaped, and yet but a half dozen were
wounded and that only slightly.
The Spaniards knowing that the Baltimore and Boston
had been hit, and thinking that all their firing must have done
some damage, when they saw the American ships draw away
concluded that they had been obliged to give up the attack.
They set up a cheer, and the story at once went to Manila and
from there to Madrid that the American squadron had at-
tacked, partially destroying the Spanish fleet, and had finally
been obliged to retreat. But the American sailors were only
resting on their guns and taking a little well-earned breakfast;
and as they did so the damage they had done the enemy began
to appear. The Reina Christina was seen to be burning
fiercely and two of the other ships were on fire.
In telling his own story afterwards, Admiral Montijo said:
“T observed fire on my ship forward and our steering gear was
damaged, rendering the vessel unmanageable. We were sub-
jected to a terrific hail of shell and shot. The engines were
struck and we estimated that we had seventy hits about our
hull and superstructure. The boilers were not hit, but the
pipe to the condenser was destroyed. A few moments later, I
observed that the after part of the ship was on fire.
0° &
er Lz a
8
a, AUS
EL Morfa
Cast Uae
Gtoucester
APPROXIMATE POSITIONS OF THE OP-
POSING VESSELS SOON AFTER THE
SPANISH CRUISERS HAD EMERGED
upon the leading Span-
ish ships so far as pos-
sible, and by the time
they were in close range
the three leading Span-
ish cruisers were steam-
ing along close to the
shore and the fourth was
emerging from the har-
bor.
While all of these
eruisers were subjected
to the fire of the Amer-
ican vessels, the first fury
of the American shells
naturally fell upon the
Maria Teresa, which
was in the lead. The
‘Brooklyn, after firing
from her port batteries
for about ten minutes,
wore around, and, taking
a course alongside the
Teresa, emptied her star-
board batteries as the
vessels plowed along.
on the bridge, and his
men were encouraged to their best efforts by his cheery
words:
“Fire steady, boys, and give it to them.”
The
Texas, which had rushed in from her position east. of the
COMMODORE SCHLEY ON BOARD HIS FLAGSHIP DURING THE BOMBARDMENT OF SANTIAGO,
APPEARANCE OF THE DESTROYERS 929
Brooklyn, quickly became engaged first with the Vizcaya and
then with the Colon. The Jowa, which had begun firing at
the Teresa at a range of 6,000 yards, speedily diminished this
as she rushed straight for the harbor entrance, until the range
was considerably less than‘a half mile; but when it was certain
that the Teresa would pass ahead of her and that the Brooklyn
was to engage her at close range, the Jowa turned and de-
livered her starboard batteries at the J'eresa, then turned to
head off the Vizcaya and fired her port batteries, joining with
the Teaas. As the Vizcaya drew ahead, the Iowa turned
again and gave her a broadside from the starboard; after a
few minutes of this, she executed similar tactics on the third
Spanish ship, while her secondary batteries were turned on
the Pluton and Furor, which had by this time emerged and
were at once in a circle of terrific fire.
In the chase which had now developed at the head of the
fleeing line; the owa and Texas were dropping astern a little,
and the fire of the three Spaniards was concentrated on the
Brooklyn. But meantime the battleship Oreyon, coming in
from her position to the southeast, had adopted different tactics.
Quickly getting under rapid headway, she steamed directly
west, pouring in a fire from her guns upon one ship after an-
other as she came up in the most glorious and gallant style,
outstripping all her sister battleships. She was an inspiring
spectacle, with a large white wave before her bow, her smoke-
stacks belching forth great puffs of smoke from her forced
draft, her guns thundering at the escaping ships ahead. She
quickly passed the Iowa, while her secondary batteries took a
share in the fire on the torpedo-boat destroyers, and, gaining
every moment on the Texas, pushed on to the assistance of the
Brooklyn.
But while the chase was in this condition, or about forty
minutes after the alarm had been given, one of the most ex-
citing and glorious features of the engagements was taking
place at the rear of the escaping line near the mouth of the
harbor. The destroyers Pluton and Furor were among the
730 THE ‘‘ GLOUCESTER’S”’ BRAVE FIGHT
finest vessels of their class in the world, and were considered
particularly dangerous because of their high speed and their
torpedo equipments. C'ervera’s plan had been tc have the fire
of his large ships concentrated upon the Brooklyn.as the only
vessel supposed to be able to keep abreast of ‘him, while the
Pluton and Furor were to take advantage of the confusion and
the nearness of the attacking vessels to launch their torpedoes.
But while the cruisers were concentrating their fire on the
Brooklyn, now over a mile west of the entrance, the torpedo-
boats became the center of a fire from other American ships,
which made it impossible for their crews to work their tor-
pedoes, and very quickly destroyed them completely.
Commanding the entirely. unprotected Gloucester was
Lieutenant-Commander Richard Wainwright, who had been
executive officer of the Maine, and who had pleaded so well
for active service against the Spaniards that the department
had put him in command of the converted yacht. But the
moment he saw that the Spanish vessels were escaping, Wain-
wright determined to make a spirited attack upon the Span-
ish torpedo craft when they should appear. Rushing in at
full speed, the little Gloucester poured an accurate and deadly
fire from all her guns upon the destroyers. Her advances
were straight, quick, and fearlessly undertaken. The little
vessel was a target for every gun mounted on shore, and for
the broadsides of the Colon, Oquendo, Pluton, and Furor, all
at easy range, and the shells flew around her on all sides, but
she was not hit. Her skillful handling and gallant fighting
excited the wonder and admiration of all who witnessed it, for
while other ships were firing their secondary batteries at the
destroyers, the Gloucester, pushing inside the course of the
cruisers, at ‘much closer range, practically rendered the de-
stroyers unmanageable; her gunners could not remain at their
posts; they fell in bloody groups about the decks, which were
riddled bv the Gloucester’s rapid fire. Secing the terrible
plight of the destroyers, the batteries on Socapa opened fire on
the Gloucesler, but she kept her guns hot regardless of danger.
ADMIRAL SAMPSON’S RETURN 731
Within twenty minutes from the time they emerged the
careers of the Pluton and Furor were ended, and two-thirds of
their people killed. Both destroyers were total wrecks.
Rough-edged wounds of all sizes showed on the low dark hulls
and superstructure. There had been no time to note the
flight of minutes, but there were two of the most powerful tor-
pedo-boat destroyers in the world, of supposedly twenty-eight
or thirty knots speed, cut down, riddled, and wholly disabled in
a run of less than three miles, and while they had been fired
upon by the battleships as they pushed by after the Spanish
cruisers, their destruction was largely due to the terrible, rapid,
and accurate fire poured in at close range by an unprotected
yacht. Both had struck their colors, and those of the Pluton
had been secured by Commander Wainwright. He was en-
_gaged in saving the Spanish crews when the New York came
steaming in at her highest speed from the east.
At-the time the Spanish cruisers came out of the harbor,
the flagship New York, bearing Admiral Sampson, was about
to put in at Siboney. At the first boom of a gun every one
knew that the long-expected was happening at the entrance,
and that the New York had lost a chance to participate in the
game. Orders were at once given to bring the ship about, and
she was started back with all the speed she could muster from
the two boilers which were in readiness. As she flew along,
her disappointed sailors could see the ships come out, watch
the sharp attack of the American fleet under Commodore
Schley, and by the time she arrived at the mouth of the harbor
shortly after 10 o’clock, where the gallant Gloucester was
engaged in the work of rescue, the chase of the cruisers had
set far to the eastward. The New York did not stop, but
forged ahead with ever increased speed in a vain effort to
reach a point where she could participate. But the admiral
was to have only the enjoyment of seeing one cruiser after an-
other run helpless upon the beach before he could get within
range. It was Schlev’s hattle.
But we must now turn to the point in the chase at which
732 SPANISH CRUISERS BEACHED
our attention was temporarily diverted to the battle between
the destroyers and the Gloucester. As already stated, the first
rush of the Spanish squadron had carried it past the Lowa and
Teaas before they could work up to their best speed, but the
Spaniards suffered heavily in passing and the first in the line,
the Maria Teresa, and the last, the Oquendo, were set on fire
by shells during the. first fifteen minutes of the engagement.
The very first shot had cut the main water supply pipe of the
Teresa, and the second that landed set her afire astern.
Several large shells swept through her, and countless of smaller
caliber burst within her. As the Oquendo was the last to come
out of the harbor, and the other vessels had run ahead of some
of our battleships, she at once received their concentrated fire.
One of the first shots exploded in her after torpedo apartment,
setting a raging fire, and the guns’ crews were driven from
their guns by the American shells.
During the fight with the destroyers, the Teresa had fallen
behind with the Oquendo, and the Vizcaya was leading, fol-
lowed by the Colon, the fire of the Brooklyn, Oregon, and
Texas being largely concentrated upon the former. The
Towa was still in the chase and still firing at long range, but
was dropping behind. The Teaas was gaining speed, but the
Oregon was coming up with a mighty rush. With flames
arising from the after-decks of the Teresa and the Oquendo,
both vessels gave up the fight, the former at about 10.15 run-
ning on the beach aboui six miles west of Santiago harbor en-
trance; the latter a few minutes later was beached less than a
mile beyond. Just before this occurred the Oregon came
up with the Tevas, and passed inside so that the latter’s
guns were blanketed for a moment. The Colon had now
forged ahead of the Vizcaya, towards which the Oregon
and Brooklyn were now aiming their guns with destructive
results. The Oquendo having been beached, the Texas also
turned her guns at longe range on the Vizcaya. So the chase
continued for about a half hour, when the Vizcaya was seen
to be in flames, and she ran on the beach at Aserraderos, fifteen
RESCUE OF SURVIVING SPANIARDS 735 ;
miles from Santiago, at about 11 o’clock, torn by a terrific ex-
plosion as she sank. She was still flying the Spanish flag from
the gaff, and it was not hauled down till almost burned down
by the flames mounting up from the riven hull. Some idea of
the storm of iron may be gathered from the fact that the
Brooklyn alone fired about 2,000 shots during the engage-
ment.
Meanwhile, the Harvard and little Gloucester, having set-
tled the fate of the destroyers, had run up and were engaged
in the work of reseue about the wrecks of the Teresa and
Oquendo. Some were rescued as they swam; a few “were
taken directly off the burning Pluton, and some from the
beach, where they were glad enough to fall into their hands
rather than into those of the Cubans, who manifested a dis-
position to shoot them down. Nearly all the prisoners were
clad only in underclothes at most. Such was the case with Ad-
miral Cervera, who, with a small party, had reached the beach
near the stranded Teresa and were surrounded by an exultant
band of Cubans. Cervera surrendered himself gladly and was
transferred to the Jowa. On a signal from the New York,
which was now coming up, the Zowa proceeded to the same
work near the Vizcaya. This rescue of prisoners from the
burning ships was the occasion of some of the most gallant
conduct of the day, for they were burning fore and aft; some
of their guns and reserve ammunition was exploding, and it
was not known at what moment the fire might reach the main
magazines. In addition to this, a heavy surf was running just
outside the Spanish ships, but no risk deterred our officers and
men; the work of rescue was complete. The Iowa picked up
38 officers and 238 men from the Vizcaya. The Harvard
rescued 35 officers and 687 men. The Indiana was ordered
back to the blockade line when overtaken by the New Yort,
and on her way rescued over 200 men from the wrecks of the
Oquendo and Teresa.
Shortly after the chase there was a terrific explosion in
the forward part of the Oquendo, caused by the fire reaching
736
=]\ Brooklyn,
(cCom.Schley)
Oregon
raed 5
Cristobat
Coton
Vizcayd
Oquendo
lowa
Infanta Marig
Teresa
Indiana
Gloucester |
nae
Fidg Ship
Aamiral Sam €\ Morr
iral Sampson cat
JoqueH OBewes.
APPROXIMATE POSITIONS OF 'THE OPPOS-
ING VESSELS AT THE CLOSE OF THE
BATTLE.
CHASE OF THE ‘‘COLON”
the magazine. It bulged
out the plates in every
direction. The results
were altogether different
from those on the Maine,
and the Oquendo lay there
as mute evidence of the
Spanish treachery in Ha-
vana harbor five months
before. The wrecks were
pitiful sights. As fine
armored cruisers as there
had been in the world lay
covered with scars and
smouldering. Charred hu-
man bodies lying about
told the story of the fierce
fight.
Of the Spanish ships
only the Cristobal Colon
remained, and she was their
fastest ship. She had been
so fortunate as to escape
the concentration of fire
which had riddled the other
vessels, and by the time the
Vizcaya was beached she
was at least six miles ahead
of the Brooklyn and the
Oregon. Being thus far
out of effective range, it
looked as if she might es-
cape. Her funnels belched
out great columns of smoke
and her forced draft even
earrked flames at times
THE END OF THE SPANISH SQUADRON V37
from her stacks. The Brooklyn was hot on the chase, standing
well out, the Oregon a little astern but inside and gaining fast;
the Texas was some distance behind but running nobly with
the little Vizen abreast. The guns were still now and the
interest had centered entirely in the contest of speed. If the
Colon could maintain her superior lead she might escape. But
she was forced by the situation to hug the shore; if she pointed
out the American vessels would come up into firing range be-
fore she could get out tosea. Jar ahead the dim blue outlines
of Cape Cruz were growing more and more distinct on the
horizon, and straight towards this steered the Brooklyn and
Oregon, while the Spaniard was running in close. It was
evident by noon that he could not make the point without pass-
ing the bows of his pursuers, which were steadily gaining,
coupling on more boilers as the steam was got up.
After 12 o’clock Commodore Schley saw that the Spaniard
was in a trap and could not get out, but the chase continued
till ten minutes before 1, when the Brooklyn and Oregon were
alongside, and the latter dropped a large shell beyond the
Colon. A moment later one from the Brooklyn struck close
to her bow. The Spanish commander saw that his game was
up, and he began to hunt for a convenient place to beach.
He did not think of fighting. He evidently had no heart for
it, though but one man had been killed on board and no fire
had been started on the ship. The only object of the Span-
iards now was to destroy their ship. The breechblocks of the
guns were torn out and thrown overboard, and every possible
inlet for water was opened. At 1.20 she hauled down her
colors and ran ashore at Rio Torquino, about forty-eight miles
from Santiago. A boat from Commodore Schley’s flagship
went alongside to receive the surrender, while the gallant
commodore ordered the signal to the Oregon: “Cease firing.
Congratulations for the grand victory. Thanks for your
splendid assistance.” The commander of the Colon was very
polite and surrendered unconditionally to Captain Conk, who
remained on board about fifteen minutes, observing the con-
738 SAMPSON RESUMES COMMAND
dition of the ship. As he was returning, Admiral Sampson
came up in the New York, took charge of matters and ordered
the vessels to report their casualties. But there was only
one to report. A man on the Brooklyn had been killed and
another wounded. Acting on Cervera’s orders, the Spanish
ships had concentrated their fire on Schley’s flagship, fully
expecting to sink her and then run away from the remaining
ships. The marks and sears show that the Brooklyn was hit
twenty-five times, and the ensign at the main was so shattered
that when it was hauled down it fell in pieces. ’
Soon after the New York came up, the Vixen reported to
the admiral that two strange ‘cruisers were in the distance.
The Brooklyn was signalled to investigate, although she had
borne the brunt of the fighting, and Commodore Schley was
obliged to leave his prize to Admiral Sampson and hurry away.
The stranger proved to be an Austrian, and it was after mid-
night when the Brooklyn reported at Santiago with one of her
compartments filled with water, where a 11-inch shell had
pierced her side.
After sinking six ships, killing and wounding over 600
men, and making hundreds of prisoners without the loss or
serious injury of a single vessel, and with casualties limited
to one man killed and a couple wounded, and having dis-
patched the whole business within five hours after the Spanish
flagship had poked her nose out of the entrance, the Americans
took a well-earned rest, and on the next morning awoke the
Cuban echoes with such a celebration of the Fourth of July
as history had never before recorded.
Commodore Schley’s instant decision and the dash and
vigor with which he met the emergency, and the splendid sea-
manship with which he headed off and caught the Colon in a
race which will he famous as long as naval history is written,
leave him entitled to the lion’s share of the credit. It was he
who discovered the elusive Spaniard in Santiago; it was he
who bottled him there; and there was a poetic justice and pos-
sibly a just providence in that fortune which enabled him to
ANNIHILATION OF ADMIRAL CERVERA’S SPANISH FLEET BY THE AMERICAN SQUADRON UNDER REDE
COMMAND OF COMMODORE SCHLEY, OFF SANTIAGO, JULY 3, 1898,
COMMODORE SCHLEY’S GREAT VICTORY GAL
destroy it when there was no one at hand to deprive him of
the honors of command. Success in war is always more or
less a matter of opportunity. It was no disparagement to the
Commander-in-Chief, Admiral Sampson, whose absence was
in pursuance of duty and without fault, to yield to Com-
modore Schley the full measure of reward.
A. few days after the battle the Spanish prisoners, num-
bering 746 and including 54 officers, were sent to Portsmouth,
N. H., on the cruiser St. Louis. They were dressed in cloth-
ing of every description, having come on board practically
without clothing of any kind. Admiral Cervera showed signs
of the terrible mental strain under which he had been for
weeks. The Spanish seamen frankly declared that they had
no further desire to fight with Yankees. Every provision
was made for their comfort, and Admiral Cervera became
quite a popular hero with the people, because of the nobility
of his conduct and the many evidences of his appreciation of
the treatment accorded to him and his officers, who were kept
in comfortable quarters at Annapolis, the prisoners of the
crews remaining at Portsmouth.
43
CHAPTER LII
THE SURRENDER OF SANTIAGO—TRYING POSITION OF
THE ARMY—RELEASE OF HOBSON AND HIS CREW—
OCCUPATION OF THE CITY—THE PUERTO RICO CAM-
PAIGN,
General Shafter Calls upon Gen. Toral to Surrender — Refusal of the Span-
ish Commander — Refugees from the City — Fruitless Negotiations —
The Exchange of Hobson and His Crew—Their Warm Welcome —
American Lines Advanced — Strengthening the American Position —
The Truce Ends — Bombardment of the City — Another Demand for
Surrender — A Council of Officers — Arrival of General Miles — Alarm-
ing Condition of Our Army — Insufficient Provisions — Suffering of
the Sick and Wounded — Toral Asks for More Time — An Agreement
Reached — Conditions of the Capitulation — The President’s Message to
General Shafter — Occupation of the City — Looking over the Spanish
Defenses — ‘‘ Yellow Jack” Appears— Obstacles Which Our Army
Overcame — Shafter and Garcia—The Campaign in Puerto Rico —
General Miles’s Easy and Triumphal Advance — Ponce Welcomes
American Troops — Last of the Fighting.
HE news of Commodore Schley’s great victory soon
‘| reached Siboney and was carried along the lines, oc-
casioning great enthusiasm among the soldiers whose
position, as they lay in their wet trenches in constant danger
of Spanish bullets, was anything but pleasant. The lines
were being gradually extended, Kent working his division
northward, and Wheeler’s cavalry moving southward, and
this made the formation somewhat thin. But the fortitude of
our army in its difficult position and the willingness and en-
thusiasm with which it joined in the work of hemming in the
Spaniards was the admiration of every spectator of the cam-
paign.
On the day following the destruction of Cervera’s ships,
General Shafter summoned the city to surrender under threat
of bombardment, but he received a curt refusal from the
Spanish commander, with a request that the bombardment be
postponed till the foreigners and the women and children
(742)
WELCOME TO HOBSON AND HIS MEN 743
could leave the city. Action was, therefore, deferred till
noon of the next day, and thousands of people took ad-
vantage of the situation to come out of the city, where the
food situation had become desperate. While General Shafter
could not object to such a step, it increased the difficulties of
his situation, even more seriously than was at first realized.
Within a few hours it was estimated that 15,000 people froin
the city became dependent upon the Americans for food, when
the subsistence department was by no means in shape to pro-
vide rations at the front sufficient to meet the wants of the
army alone. But the soldiers in many cases shared their
meager rations with half-starved refugees, who came into our
camp not simply dependent but bearing germs from a disease-
stricken city. This reception of refugees proved to be the
worst blow which our brave army received before Santiago.
Before the time allowed by General Shafter for this pur-
pose had elapsed, General Toral, who had succeeded Linares,
wounded at Caney, in command of the city, requested another
postponement of the bombardment in order that he might
communicate with the authorities at Madrid, and to do this he
was obliged to ask permission to use cables in American hands.
Upon one excuse or another the truce was extended from day
to day till the 9th.
During these negotiations one of the interesting events
of the war took place. On the 7th the Spanish agreed to
effect an exchange of prisoners, the only Americans they held
being Lieutenant Hobson and his crew. The scene of the
exchange was a tree between the lines in front of the Rough
Riders. Hobson and his men came forth-accompanied by a
Spanish officer, and were met by Colonel John Jacob Astor
and a few prisoners captured at Caney. A Spanish officer
was given for Hobson and fourteen Spanish privates for his
seven men. The exchange was in full view of both armies,
and as Hobson and his men neared the American lines they
were welcomed with cheer upon cheer. Ranks were broken,
officers’ orders passed unheeded, and the men were simply
44 DEMAND FOR UNCONDITIONAL SURRENDER
borne from one part of the line to another. Even more en-
thusiastic, if possible, was their reception by the fleet on
board the New York. The prisoners spoke cordially of their
treatment, and said they had suffered no real hardship. Lieu-
tenant Hobson modestly protested against the warmth of his
reception, both in the field and on the New York, declaring
again and again that the men who were greeting him would
have done the same thing in his place. He was the idol of
the hour and the contagious enthusiasm which greeted him
was a striking expression of that genuine admiration for
heroism so characteristic of the American soldier and sailor
in this war.
Shortly before the expiration of another truce on the 9th,
Toral sent to Shafter a letter offering to evacuate the city, if
allowed to march out with all his troops. This would have
meant simply a withdrawal to join the Spanish army further
west, ultimately to help Havana, and the offer was promptly
rejected by Shafter, who demanded an unconditional sur-
render.
General Toral then asked that the terms of evacuation he
had offered be submitted to the authorities at Washington,
and Shafter complied with the request, again postponing hos-
tilities a day, or until a reply could be received from the
President. It came at noon of the 9th and was an unquali-
fied approval of Shafter’s demand, with instructions to accept
no terms but unconditional surrender of the city, the fortifi-
cations, and the Spanish forces. As a matter of fact, the
Spanish commander was anxious to make the best terms pos-
sible, but Madrid was unwilling to allow him any discretion,
and was determined, for domestic reasons, to insist upon the
““defense of the city to the last extremity. From the stand-
point of the Spanish government, the situation had become
desperate, for, if the fall of Santiago followed swiftly after
the destruction of the navy, it might mean disaster to the
government. Some resistance was essential to the dynasty.
Meantime, Shafter had taken advantage of the delay to
A HAND-TO-HAND FIGHT IN THE IN? RENCHMENTS OF SANTIAGO,
Planting the Stars and Stripes within the enemy’s lines,
A COUNCIL OF OFFICERS w47
strengthen the American position, dig new trenches, and to
advance the American lines to within 400 yards of the Spanish
lines. Streams were bridged over, roads were put in con-
dition, reinforcements were landed and brought up, and the
heavy siege guns were at last worked to the front and put in
position. On the 10th, the truce having expired, the Span-
iards again opened fire, but it was soon silenced. Another
request for time having been asked by Toral and refused,
Shafter began an attack at five o’clock of the afternoon of
the 11th, and, though continued less than an hour, it was suffi-
cient to demonstrate to Toral the futility of holding out much
longer. Not only did heavy guns and mortars pour in shells
from the field, but the fleet outside threw destructive shells
over the ridge into the city and bay. The Spanish reply was
spiritless and weak. The reinforcements had enabled General
Shafter to stretch his lines entirely about the city, and its
investment was complete. After the bombardment and when
the town was on fire in several places, General Shafter sent
another note to Toral, again demanding unconditional sur-
render, but no reply was made to it till the following morning,
the 12th, when Toral wrote a terse reply, saying that he had
communicated the demand to his “superior government.”
General Shafter then decided to call a council of officers
to determine what should be done. General Miles had arrived
the day before, not to supersede Shafter in immediate com-
mand, but to observe the conditions before the city. The
severe losses in the battle of the 1st had made the government
anxious, and Miles had been hurried to the scene in conse-
quence. He attended the council, and so also did Lieutenant
Hobson, representing Admiral Sampson. Many of the army
men had declared that it was now the duty of the navy to
force its way into the harbor, and it was agreed that such an
act would bring the Spaniards to terms at once. But Samp-
son believed that, on account of the mines, it could not be
done without the loss of some of the ships. It was agreed by
the army officers that the city could be taken in three hours
448 SUFFERING OF THE ARMY
by an assault, but it would cost, possibly, a thousand
men, and, naturally, all desired to avoid losses whether of
ships or men. The troops were becoming impatient over the
delays, and argued that if the slow process of starving the city
into subjection was adopted, more men would be lost in sick-
ness than in storming the place. The officers were much
worried over the condition of the army, for the heavy rains
on the 11th and 12th had resulted in much sickness, and this
was being aggravated by the intense heat which followed.
Besides this the landing of supplies had become so difficult
at times that only half-rations could be served at the front,
and if a storm came up so as to prevent the landing of supplies
for any length of time the situation would become terrible.
The condition of the sick and wounded was already de.
plorable. The hospital service had broken down completely
under the strain put upon it. Wounded soldiers were lying
about on the grass with insufficient attendance, and often they
had to be carried to the rear over rough roads in jolting ammu-
nition wagons. They endured it bravely, but their sufferings
were terrible.
Any great delay in taking the city was, therefore, out of
consideration. On the 13th an interview was arranged be-
tween Shafter and Toral, and the former again impressed
upon the Spanish commander that longer delay on his part
could only result in the further slaughter of Spanish troops.
He must surrender, or a continued bombardment would be
begun from all sides, while the fleet would make an attack
from the sea. Toral declared that, whatever his personal
wishes might be, he would be unable to give up the city till
so instructed by his superiors. Ile asked for more time in
which to communicate with Blanco. After consideration,
Shafter granted him till noon of the 14th. But, on the morn-
ing of that day, an actual agreement for surrender was ac-
complished, Shafter modifying the terms in some smal] par-
ticulars. oral was inclined to haggle further, desired his
soldiers to keep their arms, and to have the action considered
TERMS OF SURRENDER 49
more like an evacuation; but the American generals informed
him that he must accept the terms or there would be a general
attack, to end only in an unconditional surrender.
The conditions of capitulation included all forces and war
material in the territory east of a line from Aserraderos, on
the south, to Sagua de Tananio on the north, General Luque’s
force of 10,000 men at Holguin, being a little outside the terri-
tory. For the United States, General Shafter agreed to trans-
port, with as little delay as possible, all the Spanish troops in
the district to Spain, the embarkation being near the points oc-
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Showing portion surrendered to the United States at the fall of Santiago.
cupied. Officers were to keep their side arms, and both officers
and men were to retain their personal property. The Spanish
were authorized to take the military archives belonging to
the surrendered district, and all Spanish forces who wished to
remain in Cuba might do so under parole, giving up their arms.
The Spanish forces were to march out of Santiago with honors
of war, depositing their arms at a point agreed upon, to await
the disposition of the United States government. This left
the question of the return of the arms entirely in the hands of
the government. This surrender affected about 12.000
soldiers, against whom not an American shot had been fired,
and the troops in the whole district were estimated at about
25,000. f
President McKinley gave expression to the feeling of the
whole people over the event, when he cabled General Shafter:
750 YELLOW FEVER APPEARS
The President of the United States sends to you and your army the
profound thanks of the American people for the brilliant achievements at
Santiago, resulting in the surrender of the city and all of the Spanish troops
and territory under General Toral. Your splendid command has endured
not only the hardships and sacrifices incident to the campaign and battle,
but in stress of heat and weather has triumphed over obstacles which would
lave overcome men less brave and determined, One and/all have displayed
the most conspicuous gallantry and earned the gratitude of the nation.
The hearts of the people turn with tender sympathy to the sick and
wounded. May the Father of Mercies protect and comfort them.
Formal possession of the city was taken on the 17th, an
immense concourse of people being present. As the chimes
of the old Cathedral rang out the hour of twelve, the infantry
and cavalry presented arms. Every American uncovered,
and Captain McKittrick hoisted the Stars and Stripes. As the
brilliant folds unfurled in a gentle breeze, against a fleckless
sky, the cavalry band played “The Star Spangled Banner.”
At the same instant the sound of the distant booming of Cap-
tain Capron’s battery, firing a salute of twenty-one guns,
drifted in. When the salute ceased, from all directions along
the line came floating in across the Plaza the strains of regi-
mental bands and the cheers of the troops.
When the American officers had an opportunity to observe
the nature of the entanglement of defenses of the city, they
were convinced that General Shafter’s patience and modera-
tion in dealing with General Toral’s exasperating delays and
excuses were wise. Fighting as the Spaniards did the first
day, it would have required a loss of 5,000 men to have taken
the city. Indeed, in the face of a determined and well-
drilled enemy, it is doubtful if the city could have been taken
by assault.
But if the strength of these defenses furnished a sufficient
reason for putting up with some delays, there was another
development of the case which provided abundant reasons,
not simply for declining to haggle further, but for making
some apparent concessions to soothe the Spanish pride. To-
wards the latter end of the truce the dreaded “ yellow jack”
began to make its appearance in the American camps, and
CREEPING UP TO A LINE OF SPANISH SHARPSHOOTERS.
A United States trooper accompanied by Cuban scouts nearing the Spanish Intrenchments at Santiago,
VICTORY IN SPITE OF OBSTACLES 153
while soldiers had not quailed before Spanish bullets, they
feared the prospect of such a contagion in the ranks. The
conditions under which' the soldiers fought, lying in wet
trenches, exposed to a fierce heat or to the deluges of the rainy
season of a tropical climate, made the appearance of fevers
almost a certainty. Toral, undoubtedly, kept hanging off
in the hopes that yellow fever would appear in the American
camp and enable him to secure better terms. Santiago itself
was in a dirty condition; typical Spanish indolence and dis-
regard of common sense in time of peace had left the city un-
defended against: disease, and when the refugees left the city
and mingled with the Americans, Toral felt certain that
the contagion would be introduced among them. But when
he saw no indications of it and he was completely hemmed in,
he had no recourse but to yield.
Neither in the Spanish lines nor in the United States was
there a realization of the discouraging condition in which our
army was placed. It was extremely difficult to get food and
medicine. Not only were the facilities for lightering supplies
from the transports inadequate, but the road to the front was
almost impassable, the mud at times being two feet deep,
although Shafter had 1,000 men constantly at work on it.
The difficulties almost baffled description. It is doubtful if
ever in history an army has encountered such obstacles and
accomplished so much. It seemed to some in this country
that Shafter was making a mistake in temporizing with Toral,
but, in reality, he is entitled to the greatest credit for the
manner in which he met the terrible obstacles and won one of
the three great victories of the war, the victory which really
decided the issue and compelled Spain to hasten a suit for
peace. Less than four weeks had elapsed since the first soldier
of Shafter’s army set foot on Cuban soil, and he had secured
the surrender of a city, a large part of the province, and an
army of 25,000 men. It would be hard to name a siege of a
strongly-defended city carried out more quickly to a conclusive
issue. Despite the sufferings of our men, they had shown the
tod CONTINUED NAVAL SUCCESSES
highest soldierly qualities —courage, tenacity, cheerfulness,
patience.
General McKibben was given the temporary command of
the city, and for a few days the surrender of arms and ammuni-
tion, the clearing the harbor of obstructions, and the listing
of prisoners went rapidly on. Soon the Red Cross steamer
entered the harbor and relieved the conditions as to food.
American rule was accepted quietly by the people. General
Wood of the Rough Riders succeeded to the military com-
mand in a few days and carefully looked after the health
of the city. Meantime, Spanish commanders from other parts
of the district came in and surrendered, the prisoners eagerly
awaiting their return to Spain. ‘
Soon after the fall of Santiago, two naval victories were
gained — minor actions as compared with Manila and San-
tiago, but both accomplished with the thoroughness which
marked those events. On July 18th, at Manzanillo, Com-
mander Todd of the Wilmington, in command of a squadron
of six vessels, one a gunboat and the others auxiliary cruisers,
approached the harbor, remaining beyond the range of the
shore batteries, burned three Spanish gunboats, drove two
others ashore, destroyed three transports, and blew up a store
ship and a pontoon. All this was accomplished without the
loss of a life on our side. This left Manzanillo in a condition
to be easily taken if the campaign should require it.
Equally complete was the work of our ships at Nipe, a port
on the northeast coast of Cuba. It was proposed to take this
place as a convenient harbor for use in the expedition to
Puerto Rico, and our naval force consisted of four gunboats —
the Topeka, Annapolis, Wasp, and Leyden. In about an
hour after they entered the harbor on the 21st the batteries
of three forts had been silenced, the Spanish troops driven ont,
a Spanish gunboat larger than any of the attacking ships
sunk, and the harbor oceupied.
The relations between the Cuban officers and our generals
came to a crisis with the occupation of Santiago, and the ex-
GARCIA’S DISPLEASURE 755
aggerated notion the Cuban leaders had of the part they were
playing was apparent. A letter alleged to have Lcen written
by Garcia was published, in which he complained of not being
invited to take part in the ceremonies of the surrender, that
his army was forbidden to enter the place, and that the Cuban
leaders had been ignored in every way by General Shafter. He
protested against leaving the Spanish civil authorities in the
city, and said the officials should be elected by the Cuban
people. At the same time he withdrew his forces from the
vicinity of Santiago. General Shafter replied in a courteous
note, reminding Garcia that he had been invited to witness
the surrender, which was made to the American army alone,
and he referred him to President MeKinley’s proclamation as
the law for the provisional government of Santiago. This
proclamation continued in operation the municipal officers
and regulations guaranteeing private and property rights.
In a later dispatch to the government General Shafter said
that Garcia had refused to have anything to do with the sur-
render if the Spanish authorities were left in power, in spite
of the fact that he was assured it was but a temporary. ar-
rangement. General Shafter then added:
The trouble with General Garcia was that he expected to be placed in
command at this place; in other words, that we would turn the city over
tohim. I explained to him fully that we were at war with Spain, and thac
the question of Cuban independence could not be considered by me. An-
other grievance was that, finding that several thousand men marched in
without opposition from General Garcia, I extended my own lines in
front of him and closed up the gap, as I saw that I had to depend upon my
own men for any effective investment of the place.
The Cuban Junta in this country seemed content to leave
the future of Cuba to the American sense of justice and fair
dealing, and Garcia’s action received no endorsement.
A campaign to Puerto Rico had from the first been a part
of the government’s program, and it would have been
begun long before, had not the War Department been seriously
overtaxed to provide for the expedition to the Philippines,
and for the operations about Santiago. The destruction of
756 THE PUERTO RICAN EXPEDITION
Cervera’s fleet made it possible for the navy to co-operate in
Puerto Rico, and preparations were at once made for a prompt
and energetic movement. There was the further reason for
haste in the fact that Spain was showing a disposition to sue
for peace, and our government wished to establish its authority
in Puerto Rico before any armistice came, as it proposed to
take that island among others in lieu of an indemnity which
it was well known Spain would not be able to pay.
Profiting by the experience in the Cuban campaign, the
military authorities decided to send a much larger army to
Puerto Rico than was used before Santiago; but this was after-
wards shown to have been bad judgment, for, while a large
army was seriously necded before Santiago, it was not needed
in Puerto Rico, whose people were ready to welcome American
control. It would have been better if a part of the Puerto
Rican force had been sent to Santiago to relieve those who
had endured that campaign, and were soon to show the serious
results of it. There was but a comparatively small Spanish
force in Puerto Rico, and yet it was proposed to send there
about thirty thousand troops under the command of General
Miles himself. To Puerto Rico where less resistance was to
be expected and where less than expected was really en-
countered, was sent a well-equipped army; to Santiago was
sent a force inferior in numbers, and yet too large for the
commissary arrangements. which accompanied it. General
Shafter had been compelled to meet difficulties without a
parallel in warfare, without that support which was sent to
Puerto Rico, where Miles simply led a triumphal march in a
healthy country and without any serious resistance.
The Puerto Rican expedition, with the Massachusetts,
Columbia, Gloucester, Dixie, Yale, and eight transports,
left Guantanamo Bay July 21st. There were about 3,500
troops in the first detachment. The second expedition sailed
from Tampa on the 23d, and the third, under command of
General Brooks, embarked in the next three davs from Tampa,
Newport News, and Charleston. General Miles landed on
759
LANDING OF GENERAL MILES
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