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HISTORY OF GREECE AND ROME. 
 
tNc.vmD e<F„.„,.ir poi. HisTonv op G»E£ce and r 
 
T»l» CoPFt CLi^RK Co. Lt, 
 
 o. LiTMo. Toronto. 
 
MiAl 
 
 4 
 
HIGH SCHOOL" HISTORY 
 
 — OF — 
 
 GREECE AND ROME 
 
 BT 
 
 W. J. ■ ROBERTSON, B.A., LL.B., 
 
 AND 
 
 JOHN HENDERSON, M.A. 
 
 J^uthori^cii bj) the ^buaitiou ^t^jaitment ot ODtttario. 
 
 J 
 
 TORONTO : 
 
 thp: copr, clark company, tjmited. 
 
 1896. 
 
DF?Jb" 
 
 Entered acoonlinjr to Act M H.o IVlitt.nont of Ctt,.a.la i„ the year one thouH- ,d eight 
 h,u..lr«l a.ul ninety-six, hy Tub Copp, Clark (Jompany. Lim.tki., Toronto, Or.tario, in 
 the Oiflcc of the MitiistiT of AijrKniltiirc. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 
 ^^1 ClIAITKR 
 
 
 H 
 
 
 ■1 
 
 
 H 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 B 
 
 
 B 
 
 
 houN' id fijcht 
 to, Ontario, in 
 
 H VII. 
 
 1 VIII. 
 
 
 H 
 
 
 H 
 
 
 H 
 
 
 H 
 
 
 H XIII. 
 
 
 H 
 
 
 B 
 
 
 H XVI. 
 
 • 
 
 H XVII. 
 
 
 H XVIII. 
 
 
 B ^'^' 
 
 
 B ^^' 
 
 
 B '^^^• 
 
 
 H XXTI. 
 
 
 H XXIII. 
 
 GllKECK. 
 
 I>AaR8. 
 
 (I'eography of (iruocc 1-7 
 
 I'rohiatorio lireece 8-24 
 
 The Great Migrations . . 25-29 
 
 Ancient Inr+.itutions. — Oracles. — Games 30-36 
 
 Karly History of the Peh)poiint'8U8 37-48 
 
 Colonial (ireece 49 53 
 
 The Age of Tyrants 54-59 
 
 The Early History of Attiiu GO-63 
 
 The Age of Solon 64-72 
 
 The Age of Cleisthenes 73-81 
 
 Literature and Philosophy from the days of Homer 
 
 tojOOB.c 82-96 
 
 The Lydian and Persian Monarchies 97-101 
 
 The Persian Wars 102-112 
 
 The Persian Wars (Continued) 1 13-129 
 
 (irowth of the Athenian Empire 130-140 
 
 The Zenith of Athenian Greatness 141-14S 
 
 Causes of the Peloponnesian War 149-154 
 
 Tlie Peloponnesian War to the death of Pericles . . 155-160 
 From the death of Pericles to the surrender of the 
 
 Spartans at Sphactoria 161-170 
 
 Peace of Nicias 171-175 
 
 From the Peace of Nicias to the Sicilian Expeditioi. 176-179 
 
 The Sicilian Expedition 180-191 
 
 Fail of Athene and end of Peloponnesian War 192-208 
 
 [V] 
 
 f 
 
11 
 
 ^^ CONTENTS. 
 
 CiurrKa, 
 XXIV. J.iterature and Philosopl.y „f (;r,,ece from tho 
 
 Persian to the end of the J'elopoiuiesian War. . 209-223 
 
 XXV. The Spartan Supremacy 224-2.37 
 
 XXVI. The Rise of Thebes. 2:^8-245 
 
 XX VI J. The Theban Supremacy 240-255 
 
 , XXVIII. Rise of the Macedonian Vowev 2r)(;.264 
 
 X XIX. Downfall of Greece 2(55-278 
 
 XXX. Later Philosophy 279-288 
 
 XXXI. Oratory.— Architecture and Art 289-297 
 
 I. 
 
 II. 
 
 III. 
 
 IV. 
 
 V. 
 
 VI. 
 VII. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 IX. 
 
 X. 
 
 XI. 
 
 XII. 
 XIII. 
 XIV 
 
 XV. 
 
 ROM?:. 
 
 Geography of Italy 301-309 
 
 Legendary and Regal Rome 310-318 
 
 Regal Rome (Continued) 319-32G 
 
 From the Expulsion of the Kings to the Battle of 
 
 LakeRegillus 327-330 
 
 From the Battle of Lake Regillus, 498 n.c, to the 
 
 Decern virate, 451 B.c 331-338 
 
 The Decemvirate SSO-343 
 
 From the Decemvirate to the Capture of Rome by 
 
 the Gauls (449-390 B.C.) 344-351 
 
 From the Gallic Invasion to the Enactment of the 
 
 Publilian Laws (389-339 b.c. ) 352-355 
 
 From the Licinian Rogations till the end of the 
 
 Third Samnite War (367-290 b.c. ) 3r)()-3()l 
 
 From the Third Samnite War to the subjugation 
 
 of Italy (290-2G6 b.c.) 'A(S2.mQ 
 
 How Rome governed and was governed 367-377 
 
 ^•■^•■*^''^g« 378-383 
 
 First Punic War (264-241 b.c. ) 384-393 
 
 Events between tho First and Second Punic War« 394-397 
 
 Second Punic War (218-201 b.c. ) 398-417 
 
C0NTENT8. 
 
 VU 
 
 ClIAPTBR. 
 
 XVI. 
 
 XVII. 
 
 XVI II. 
 
 xrx. 
 
 XX. 
 
 XXI. 
 
 XXII. 
 
 XXIII. 
 
 XXIV. 
 
 XXV. 
 
 XXVI. 
 
 XXVII. 
 
 XXVIII. 
 
 XXIX. 
 
 Paoks. 
 
 Roman Conquests in the I'^ast 418-423 
 
 Third Punic War ( I49-14G n.c, ) 424-428 
 
 The Koman State and People at the close of the 
 
 Pu: ic Wars 429-436 
 
 Insurrections in Spain and Sicily 437-439 
 
 The < rracchi 449.447 
 
 'i'he Jugurthine War.— 'I'he Ciinbri and Teutcnes . 448-454 
 
 Social and Foreign Wars 455-467 
 
 From the death of Sulla to the end of the Third 
 
 Mithridatic War 468-474 
 
 Internal History of Rome from the consulship of 
 Pompey and Crassus to the return of Pompey 
 
 from the East (69-61 B.C.) 475-481 
 
 From the return of Pompey to tJie out])roak of tlie 
 
 Second Civil War (61-49 t,.c. ) 482-490 
 
 ( 'aesar inarches against Pompey 491-600 
 
 The Second Triumvirate 501-512 
 
 The Rule of Augustus 513-521 
 
 Roman Literature ; 522-530 
 
 f 
 
 MAPS. 
 
 Ancient Greece Pj, 
 
 Asia Minor 
 
 Sicilia 
 
 ontispiece 
 
 Macedonia, 'i'liracia, etc 
 
 Greek and Phoenician Settlements 
 
 The Mediterranean lands at tlie l)egimiing of the Second V 
 War 
 
 Roman Empire in 134 b.c 
 
 The Roman Empire at the death of Augustus, a.d. 14 
 
 Italia, Sicil'a, Sardinia and (Corsica 
 
 nine 
 
 Paor. 
 
 97 
 185 
 257 
 384 
 
 401 
 441 
 513 . 
 531 
 
Sisi^sm^'^sia 
 
 HTSTOKY OF GREECE. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 GEOGKAPHY OF GREECE. 
 
 If vou turn to a map of Europe, you will find on the south Peiiinsntas 
 . . 1 /^ ,1 , -11 i^' it. of Southern 
 
 three important penmsulas. On the west, you will notice the Europe. 
 
 Iberian peninsula, consisting of Spain and Portugal, in the 
 form of an irregular square united to France by the Pyrenees 
 mountains ; next, Italy, a long tongue of land, with the Apen- 
 nines running down the centre, while, at the eastern end of the 
 Mediterranean, you will observe Greece washed on three sides 
 by the sea and connected with the rest of the continent at its 
 northern extremity. 
 
 The country called by us Greece, and by the Romans Graecia, Heiian and 
 never had this name given to it by the inhabitants. They 
 called their land tielhis, and themselves Hellenes. The name 
 Hellas, which in Homer's day was applied to a small part of 
 Thessaly, in historical times was given to a much wider area. 
 In a restricted sense, it was applied to the country south of the 
 Cambuuian mountains, or rather to that part of the country 
 between the isthmus of Corinth and the Ambracian aiid Maliac 
 gulfs. In a wider sense, however, Hellas meant any district 
 occupied by the Hellenes, wherever they were settled : so that 
 the name Avas applicable equally to Massalia in Southern Gaul, 
 to Sinope on the Euxine, and to Athens in Attica. 
 
 Greece proper extended in ancient times from the 36° 23' to Extent of 
 
 G'V€BCC 
 
 40" north latitude, and fn)ni 21° 20' tu 24° east loiigitude. From 
 Mount Olympus, the most northern part of Hellas, to Cape 
 
 [1] 
 
Mountain 
 rangeit 
 
 (1) in North 
 em Greeee, 
 
 HISTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 western part of Acarnama to Marathon m 180 English miles 
 The area « about 21,«H) s,,uar„ ,niles,> or nearly the .reaofl ,? 
 
 a,^aneo„si.erahlyle„stha„thato,Port„,a,.'awrl^^^^^^^ 
 d.v.ded into a number of s.nall, independent states, anion- which 
 
 gion and institutions, and a oominon origin, Tlmu-di there 
 were various dialects among the Greeks. Tnd diffe^t d 
 were worshipped in diiTerent places, still, in the main, thl" 
 anguage and religion were the same, and all traced the r dZ 
 cent to a mythical Hellen, sou of Deucalion and Pyrrha 
 Greece is es.sentially a country of mountains, remarkable not 
 
 end of the Canihunian range, ri«es to the height of <),!00 feet- 
 l.nt for their wild, rugged, and bold outline. They con^st of 
 sharp abrupt, limestone peaks, destitute now of woods ugl 
 
 antyof the niouutaui syste.us of Greece is their complexity 
 l^^.ere. no general systen^ or order in their course, es .1 fy 
 n the Peloponnesus, where the mountains radiate in .1 direct 
 ^lons from the central district, Arcadia. 
 
 Greece is separated from Macedonia by the Cambunian ran^e 
 of mounfcanis. At the extreme eastern end of f ^ 
 
 Mount Olympus, the higiiest n.oui'.tr ir G,: c inTiS:: 
 times seldom free from snow, and, according to rio, er 'the 
 abode of the gods.' The vale of Tempe, through wX'h the 
 Peneus flows separates M.mnts Olympus and orsa,Z latte 
 of which IS the first of the Magnesian chain which runs 1km! 
 tJ>iea»ternsuk_of_T^^ ri»es into the Z^^^^ 
 
 , '™^e'fcludes Epirus but include.^ Ruhoea m^^^^Z~r '~' 
 
 1.^000 sq. niiien: Kpin.s (the modern Alban^-^i^ Si '"^^''^ contains about 
 contains about 29,800 sq. miles. ^ '"«'"«) la 4,000 sq. miles more. Scotland 
 
HISTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 jpeak of the well-wooded Pellon. At right angles to the Cam- 
 
 jbuuian range, and midway between the Aegean and Ionian 
 
 Lseas, and forming tlie boundary line between Thessaly and 
 
 jEpirus, runs the range of Pindus. At about 39° north latitude, 
 
 in this range is Mount Tymphrestus, from which as a centre 
 
 radiate four mountain chains. Two lateral branches extend 
 
 to the shores of the Aegean Sea, Mount Othrys to the east 
 
 and Mount Oeta to the south-east, the latter forming the 
 
 I boundary line separating Thessaly from Central Greece, at the 
 
 ! extreme end of which is the celebrated pass of Tliermopylae, 
 
 one of the 'Gates of Greece.' Again, to the south-west from 
 
 Mount Tymphrestus are the Aracynthian and Panuetolian 
 
 ranges in Aetolia, and to the south-east Mount Parnassus in 
 
 Phocis, which continues in the ranges of Helicon, Cithaeron, 
 
 Parnes, Hymettus, till it ends in < Sunium's marbled steep ' in 
 
 Southern Attica. Between Mounts Parnassus and Oeta rise the 
 
 highlands of Doris, the original home of the Dorians. 
 
 The ranges of the Peloponnesus are more intricate than those (2) /„ South- 
 of Northern Greece. The central district, Arcadia, is a mass of ^''■" ^>'''""'- 
 mountains and valleys, inhabited by a pastoral people. In the 
 north of this district, and separating it froni Achaia, are Mounts 
 Cyllene and Erymanthus ; on the east, a range which goes under 
 the names of Stymphalus, Parthenius, Parnon and Zarax, ter- 
 minating in Cape Malea ; on the west, another range passing 
 under the different names of Plioloe, Lycaeus, Parrhasius, Tay- 
 getus and ending in Cape Taenaron. The eastern and western 
 ranges are again connected by Mount Trachys on the north, 
 and by Mounts Scirltis and Boreus on the south. 
 
 The river system of all countries is determined by that of its m 
 mountains. As a general rule, high mountains and wide plains 
 will be accompanied by large rivers, while narrow ravines will 
 produce unmanageable torrents. The mountains of Greece are 
 usually at a short distance from the sea, and nearly all the rivers 
 are, in consequence, small and so rapid that they are unnavi- 
 gable. Most of them aj ? '.rmparatively shallow, except in winter 
 and spring, when they are swollen with rains and melting snows, 
 which render them dangerous, impetuous torrents that sweep 
 everything before them. 
 
 7 vers 
 
History of Greece;. 
 
 m/«Sf ■ '^'**' '''"''^ "'*''■''' "' N'>rt'i«ru Greece are the Pemns, Sperchlns, 
 AchmUs, Arachthns or Arethusa, and the Cephisms. Tlie Pe/i«w« 
 rises in the northern part of the Pindus range, traverses the 
 plain of Thessaly in a great curve, and, after a course of sixty 
 miles, during which it receives many tributaries, it flows into 
 the Gulf of Therme, passing through the celebrated vale of Tempe 
 between Mounts Olympus and Oeta near its mouth. In the 
 southern part of Thessaly, between Mounts Othrys and Oeta, 
 flows the Sperchms, which falls, after a course of sixty miles,' 
 into the Maliac Gulf. The largest river of Greece is the 
 Achelmis, which risen in the north-west part of the Pindus range 
 and flows in a southerly direction through Epirus. After a 
 course of one hundred and thirty miles, it empties into tlie 
 Ionian Sea, opposite the island of Dullchlum. For part of its 
 course it separates Acarnania from Aetolla. In Epirus there is 
 also the AracWms or Arethma, rising also in the Pindus range 
 and emptying into the Ambracian Gulf. The Cephissus rises in 
 the highlands of Doris and flows south-east into lake Copais, in 
 Boeotla. 
 
 The Alpheus rises in the south-east of Arcadia, traverses 
 Arcadia and the northern part of Elis and empties into the 
 Cyparissian Bay. On its banks is the celebrated plain of 
 Olympia. Southward through Laconia flows the Enrotas, on the 
 banks of which is Sparta or Lacedaemon. In Messenia, the 
 Pamlsus flows from the south-west of Arcadia, draining the 
 rich plains of Messenia, and discharging its waters into the 
 Messenian Gulf. 
 
 The lakes of Greece, as in most mountainous countries, are 
 formed by the accumulation of water from the uplands, and 
 in most cases are without any visible outlet. Though numerous, 
 few of them attain any size. They are found chiefly in Thessaly,' 
 Boeotia, and Arcadia. Most of the lakes are drained by subter- 
 ranean channels,^ as lake Copais in Boeotia. This lake receives 
 the waters of the Cephissus, and is connected by means of 
 underground channels with the Euripus. In Epirus is lake 
 
 (2) in South 
 ern Greece. 
 
 Lakes oj 
 Greece. 
 
 'Called pdpaOpa and evavKot. 
 
HISTORY OP GKEECK. 
 
 5 
 
 Pambotis, on which Dodona is situated. In Arcadia is lake 
 Styniphalus, and in Arg5lis, lake Lerna. 
 
 As Europe exceeds every other continent in the extent and Coast line. 
 variety of its coast, so Greece is remarkable for this same char- 
 acteristic among the countries of Europe. The coast of Greece 
 is deeply indented by numerous bays, so that no part of 
 the country is far distant from the sea — a circumstance which 
 gives the inhabitants facilities for commerce, and which makes 
 the Greeks of to-day the most enterprising of the traders of 
 the Mediterranean. Though Greece is little more than half the 
 size of Portugal, it possesses more miles of sea-coast than Spain 
 and Portugal together. No other country of Europe is so finely 
 indented by bays and creeks, and the sea was regarded by 
 the ancient Hellenes as their natural element. We find Greece 
 ^^ naturally divided into three parts by gulfs ; the Maliac Gulf 
 on the east, and the Ambracian on the west, mark the 
 southern boundaries of Northern Greece. And again the Pelo- 
 ponnesus is separated from Central Greece by the Corinthian 
 and Saronic gulfs. On the south and east of the Peloponnesus 
 we find the Messenian, Laconian, and Argolic gulfs. All these 
 gulfs penetrate more deeply into the country than those on the 
 west side, with the exception of the gulf of Corinth, which 
 seems to have been formed by an earthquake. 
 
 The chief capes are, on the south, Acrltas, Mal6a,^ and TaenS,- Capes. 
 ron ; on the east, Scyllaeum, Sunlum, Geraestus and Artemislum, 
 in Euboea ; Sepias, south of Thessaly ; on the west coast Acro- 
 ceraunia, at the north-west extremity of the Ceraunian moun- 
 tains in Epirus ; Leucatas, south of Leucadia ; and Chelonatas, 
 on the coast of Elis. 
 
 In ancient times the chief productions of Greece were wheat, Productions 
 barley and other cereals, grapes in great abundance, especially in 
 the islands, olives, oil, flax and figs. Cattle and sheep were 
 plentiful in the hilly districts of the interior. 
 
 Greece was not rich in mineral wealth. Gold, silver, copper. Minerals. 
 lead, and iron were found, but the mines do not seem to have 
 been very much worked, except the gold mines of Thasos, an 
 
 lor Malea. 
 
6 
 
 HISTORY OF GIIEECE. 
 
 Climate. 
 
 m 
 
 island south of Thrace, and the silver mines of Laurion, in 
 Southern Attica. Coal is found in the island of Euboea, and in 
 several parts of the Peloponnesus, and salt is obtained in many 
 places in continental Greece and in the Ionian Islands. In 
 almost every part of the country, however, are rich veins of 
 marble of the finest quality and of various colours, afibrding 
 material for the architect and sculptor such as hardly any other 
 land possesses. The most famous marble quarries were found 
 in the island of Paros, at Carystus of Euboea, on Mount Pen- 
 tellcus, near Athens. The limestone, too, of which most of 
 the Greek hills are composed, afforded excellent building 
 material, and many of the polygonal walls still to be seen crown- 
 ing so many of the hills were made of it. 
 
 Tlie climate of Greece in ancient times may be said to have 
 been temperate. The heat of summer was modified by the 
 height of the mountains, the sea breezes, and the extent of the 
 forests. Still, even in ancient days, the clin)ate must have 
 varied from the rigorous winter of the highlands to the almost 
 perpetual spring of the valleys near the coast. In Homer's 
 day, Olympus was generally white with snow, while the vale of 
 Tempe at its base was noted for the richness of its verdure even 
 in winter. In moisture, too, there was great variety. While 
 Attica was celebrated for its clear bright skies, Boeotia was 
 equally noted for its moist and foggy atmosphere. Some 
 attribute the quick wit of the Athenians to the pure, pellucid 
 air of that district, and ascribe the dulness of the Boeotians to 
 the hmvy, depressing influence of their climate. 
 
 VltaTfef '^^^ physical features of a country always have an important 
 ture^onthe influence in moulding the character of a people. No country in 
 W?r "•^E"^«Pe' except Switzerland, possesses so many mountains as 
 Greece. These mountains, as we have before remarked, servt 
 as barriers against a foreign foe, and also as dividing lines 
 between individual states. Hence, we find from the earliest 
 days that Greece was divided into a number of small states 
 which grew up and developed civilization and government, more 
 or less independent of each other and unexposed to foreign 
 influence. The mountains were also a preventive against any 
 single tribe obtaining a preponderating influence over the rest of 
 
. HISTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 seen crown- 
 
 the country. The pass of the vale of Tempe guarded Greece 
 on the north, that of Thermopylae also protected Central Greece 
 from the north, while tlie isthmus of Corinth was a protec- 
 tion to the Peloponnesus. The Greeks of the interior were a 
 nation of mountaineers, and they had all the characteristics that 
 usually helong to such a people. They were quick, impetuous, 
 fond of freedom and home, fickle in their affections, and 
 unrelenting in their hate. 
 
 But, while the Greeks of. the interior were nearly all moun- 
 taineers, those on the sea-coast were a population of sailors. As 
 we have mentioned before, the extent and variety of the sea- 
 coast is one of the chief physical features of Greece. Situated, 
 too, in the most accessible part of the Mediterranean, Greece 
 had easy means of intercommunication with Asia Minor, Egypt 
 and Italy by means of the numerous islands that encircled it 
 on all sides. The Greeks on the sea-coast were thus a nation of 
 sea-farers, and they possessed that love of adventure and that 
 keen susceptibility to external impressions that have character- 
 ized maritime people in all ages. 
 
 ', 
 
CIFAPTER IT. 
 
 «"!!iil 
 
 m 
 
 I 
 
 I'REHISTORIC imEECE. 
 
 The Aryaru, If you take a map of A.iciont Asia, you will find an elovatod 
 district called Ariana, near the sources of the rivers that now 
 go under the names of Oxus (or Arnu) and Jaxartes (or Syr- 
 dan/a). Long before the beginnings of authentic history, tiiis 
 country was the home of the AryanM,^ a name applied to the 
 Hindus, Persians and Armenians of Asia, as well as to the 
 different nationalities of Europe, with the exception of the 
 Turks, Hungarians, Finlanders and Bascpies on the bay of 
 Biscay. The study of languages tells us that the Aryan tribes, 
 before their separation from their original home, led a pastoral- 
 agricultural life, that they knew how to build houses, to plough 
 construct ships, weave, sew, and that they could count up to one 
 hundred; tliat they already had flocks and herds, that they had 
 domesticated the horse and the dog, and were acquainted with 
 the extraction of gold, silver and copper from the ore, and 
 that they armed themselves with the bow and arrow, and axe, 
 either for peaceful or for warlike purposes. They had also 
 recognized the bonds of blood and the laws of marriage ; they 
 followed their leader in war, and their distinctions between 
 right and wrong were fixed by custom and law. They were 
 also impressed with the idea of a Divine Being, whom they 
 invoked by different names, and though they held different 
 religious beliefs, they still had so much in common that we 
 can refer the seeminglj^confiicting creeds to a common source 
 This we learn from Philology or the Science of Language. 
 
 We also learn from the same source that the Aryans separ- 
 ated into three main branches. The Asiatic branch, which 
 passed to the south and south-east, occupied the rich plains 
 
 Main divi- 
 sions of the 
 Aryans. 
 
 i 
 
 1 The term Apja seems to have meant orijrinallv ' a holder of land • nr ' f iii». «* 
 
 ^^^ ,^„,«.|1- h«r,f . f' ' rr^ ' '• ""^r ■ '^^'^'•'^^^^ £?• 'l1? ar-a- :*&?.' 
 30^ 24.' " ^oploiujh : cp. Dcuteroi.o.ny 2L 4 ; I. Sam 8, 12; Isai^ 
 
 [8] 
 
IITSTOIIY OP ORKECR. 
 
 9 
 
 l>ean. 
 
 [of HiiHlustrtii and the table IhiuIh of Persia and Armenia. The 
 llanguageH of the pec.ple inhabiting these placeH differ least (1) Agiatio 
 Ifroni the primit vf Aryan, and are -till ai)i>roxiniately preserved 
 lin the Sanskrit, the ancient literary language of the Vedasj 
 lor sacred books of the Hindus, and in the modern Indie dialects ; 
 lin the Zend, the old hinguage of the Zend-Avesta or sacred 
 books of Zoroaster, the Persian philosopher ; and in the 
 [Armenian and Kurdic dialects. 
 
 The EuroDean branches were two in number : (a) the South- (2) Muro 
 I western European division, which seems to have crossed from 
 Asia into Euroi)e by the straits of the Hellespont and BospSrus, 
 I included the Hellenic or Greek, the Italic or Latin, and tlie(a) •^'J^JJ;,^ 
 Keltic peoples who subsequently occupied France, Spain, Great 
 .Britain and Ireland, and (b) the North-western European ^t,) jvro,f A- 
 (division, which embraces the Sclavonic races of Russia, Eastern western. 
 ! Prussia, Bohemia, Servia and Bulgaria, and the Teutonic races 
 of Germany and Scandinavia. It is probable that the last 
 mentioned division was the first to break oflf from the parent 
 stock, thsn the South-western European division, while the 
 first mentioned — the Asiatic branch — was the last to sever its 
 connection from the original stem. 
 
 The Greeks, like many other nations of antiquity, had a 
 tendency to group around the name of a mythical personage 
 events that belong to a lengthened period of time. Thus the 
 laws of Sparta were ascribed to Lycurgus, those of Athens, to 
 Solon, and those of Crete, to Minos. In the same way the 
 Greeks attributed the origin of their race to Hellen, son oiHellen. 
 Deucalion and Pyrrha, who escaped the deluge, for the Greeks, 
 
 Table of divergence of the different members of the Aryan family (adapted 
 from Schhicher's Compendium) : 
 
 Ori^inat 
 
 Teutons. 
 
liif 
 
 10 
 
 HI.STORV OF (;UEKCE. 
 
 ■I 
 
 M well as tho Chinos^, »,.d «voii th« North Amorican Indiann 
 have trailitiens of this great catastrophe. It is sai.l that Hellen 
 ruled over Hellas, a name originally a,,,,li„i t„ „ di,t,,„j j,, j,,„ 
 southern jmrt of Thossaly, near the foot of Mt. Othrys bu' 
 afterwards to the whole nation. Honeo the people wore calle.! 
 from him Hellenes. Hellen had throe sons, Dorus, Ae.-,1,„ and 
 Xuthus, and the List mentioned had two sons, Ion and Achaou, 
 F..,r.n„. :"■"■" i*"™,"' /'"^'■"'' I""' -"l AcLaeu, were said to be 
 
 t«tf""t T '". '■■''"" "■"' ^""'""^ "■" O'-™!' """o". namely, 
 
 the Dorians, Aeolians, lonians and Achaeans. 
 
 ^ The Dorians originally occ„pie<l the highland., of Doris but 
 m eary tnnes, ,„ „„ ,hall „ft„rward°s see, they pr,;" 
 hemse VBS over the Peloponnesus, and becan.e, un,ler the 
 
 rtr 't,°' t'""""' °"" "' "" '"'"''"« -ces'a„.ong tie 
 Greeks. The Lunans were ehiofly eonflned to Attica and the 
 nor hern shores of the Peloponnesus, while the Achaeans oo ! 
 pied the original abode of the Hellenes and the greater part of 
 the Peloponnesus. In the Homeric poems the Achaean race was 
 so pronnnent that the term Achaean was almost syiLm" n" 
 with Grecian, but in subsequent times the race wi abLb« 
 hy he lomans. The Aeolians were the most widely diffu ed 
 of the Greek rac-s. They occupied chiefly the western Pelo- 
 poimesus, and the cities of Corinth and loloos. 
 
 Besides the Hellenes, we also find mention of another class of 
 inhabitants called Pelasgians. They probably belonged to the 
 same stock as the Hellenes, though Herod«t,L mentions them 
 
 ta „arr„f"T/" " ,'""-''rr.'™S"»-"' T'>«y dwelt in Arcadi..., 
 m parts of Thessaly and Epirus. and in Crete. It is supposed 
 by some that they were the original inhabiUnts of the eoZTry 
 ami that they preserved the primitive lang„.,.ie and customs of 
 their ancestors. They inhabited walled tow,,,, tilled the " 
 
 chief seat of whose worship was at Dodona, in Epirus. Hence 
 o aTof'Z '" ^"''»-»/»™ *"« «"e Pelasgic, and th; 
 ZtX ""' ''^ "" ''""'^" "' the greatest 
 
 Pelcmgiana. 
 
 :iir.. 
 
H'STORY OF OREKCE. 
 
 11 
 
 The traditionH of the Greeks all point to the fact that thejJ^^J'^ <»• 
 civilization of the country was largely influenced by foreignorH, 
 oHi)ocially by Phoenicians and Ej/yptiaus. Thus wo are told that 
 Inftchus, a Phoenici i adventurer, arrived in Greece and settled 
 at ArgoN. To another Phoenician, Cecrops, i^ aiscribod the foun- 
 dation of Athens. He is said to have fortified in the centre of ^ 
 the city the high rock which in early days was called Cecropia, 
 and in later times the Acropftlis. Cadmus, again, an«»ther 
 Phoenician, fouaded the city of Thebes, in Boeotia, the citadel 
 of which, even in historic ages, was called Cadmeia. It is said 
 that he introduced letters into Greece. Lelex, an Egyptian, 
 foundel Lacedaenion, or Sparta, in the Peloponnesus, while 
 Dan.tus, another Egyptian, with a number of followers, settled 
 in Argos and became king of that district. Pelops, again, a son 
 of the king of Phrygia, gained sway over the Peloponnesus. 
 
 Tha origin of these myths it is difficult to trace. It is quite 
 possible that the sea-faring Phoenicians planted colonies at an 
 early period in different parts of Greece, as they did in other 
 places along the Mediterranean Sea, but these colonies were 
 never at any time anything more than mere trading posts, and 
 could have had little influence on the political development of 
 the people. Of this we may be assured, that the civilization of 
 Greece was of native growth, and was little affected by influ- 
 ences from either Egypt or Phoenicia. 
 
 Like all primitive peoples, the Greeks believed that all Greek Reh 
 natural phenor ena were manifestations of sentient being. 
 Hence the personifications of everything in nature. To them 
 the Dawn, the Day, the Night, the Sea, the Sky, the Earth, the 
 Sun, the Moon ard the Stars were not the mere names of 
 objects, or of phenomena of external nature, the consistency or 
 causes oi which were known, but were real personages invested 
 with powers of good or evil to mankind. The flashes of lightning 
 were regarded as the fiery serpents of Zeus, the god of the air ; 
 the rays of the morning sun were the breath of the fiery steeds 
 of Helios, the sun-god ; the beams of the moon were the silver 
 
 a-rr'iwxra r\f fVio nrnrlfloaa "ninna wViila "Rlarf.ll it.Sfilf WflJl t.hfi tfiftmincf 
 
 •- e> — '" ' ' ■■ .— -- — — — --, 
 
 "Mother of All." From this nature worship arose many mytho- 
 
 gion. 
 
12 
 
 ■il 
 
 The same 
 deities often 
 have differ- 
 ent attri- 
 butes. 
 
 Olympic 
 deities. 
 
 IIFSTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 logical tales, often at variance with each oti.Pr nr.A u ■ 
 •^e,. „UU .oralit,. In .fte, d,.,s X' ^hLr^ tv" 13 " 
 these myths mvented i„ the childhood of the world were rested 
 aa pnnnfve attempts to fothom the depths of the phelrna of 
 extern,.! nature, and to exphun by the personality of a Z „t 
 goddess causes that were not then understood. Y^t even InZ 
 pnm.t,ve age we can trace a connection between rX"on !„ 
 morahty. Perjury, parricide, the violation of the ri^^ta of hos 
 pitahty, were punished by the wrath of heaven, and Z,l he" 
 poets may „.present Zeus as a usurper dethroning isTu.er 
 Cronos. stUl m no case is the want of filial affection n.arked bv 
 the approbation of heaven. marKcd by 
 
 It i"ust nut be supposed, however, that the worship of the 
 ^me de,ty was uniformly „,,served in the same w^y.'^or tht 
 each de,ty always had the same distinctive attributes. We find 
 
 very dt;::; dl "r ''z r^'"""^-* "^ "-» ^-<"- - « 
 
 ve,y different deity from the Zeus worshipped by the Cretans • 
 that D,onysus, the god of wine, was totally difl-eren frl' 
 Dionysus the god of the lower world ; th.at Posew" n Z 
 national deity of the lonians, ' the lord of the main td little 
 in common with Poseidon of Mantinea, 'the earth silk r' 
 1.1 fact It may be laid down as a general principle that th. 
 
 «^th dT' . f ;■• 'V""' *""''"''" "<"' "f'^-n "'^ociated 
 with diflerent deities. Both Iris and Hermes were messen Jk 
 
 "f the gods i Apollo, Mars and Athene presided " e war 
 Apollo and Diana were both worshipped by the hunter, .and bo h 
 Vulcan and Athene instructed mortals in handicraft. 
 
 The court of Olympus, .as represented by Homer, is framed 
 
 after the model of an earthly kingdom. Zeus is the supreme 
 
 king, and rules his court in the same way .as an earthly IZ 
 
 rules his nobles. He summons the gods to the counc f pre' 
 
 des over their debates, which are often ch.araoterized bytte 
 
 stormy wranglings - ohe Homeric assemblies. To the gods he 
 
 promulgates his decrees, after these were p.assed in the f^uncU 
 
 ; ""•' • ""^^ ^^'■B^, iwiu are invested with all t}i« 
 
 passions and appetites of humanity. They are liabllto ^^, 
 
tllSTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 u 
 
 jealousy, find lust, and to curry ont their plans they descend 
 even to deceit and fraud. 
 
 Two of the deities are, however, essentially Hellenic in their 
 character, viz. , Apollo and Athena. Apollo represents the moral Characteris- 
 and emotional side of human nature. He is the patron of the aeities. 
 humanizing arts of poetry and music ; the god of prophecy 
 who fills his votaries with that insight that pierces the future ; (i) Apollo. 
 the god of purification and of healing. He averts and inflicts 
 disease, but he also removes the curse of guilt from the con- 
 science of the guilty sinner. 
 
 Athena, on the other hand, represents pure, unclouded reason, 
 and is the embodiment of the triumph of " tellect. She taught (2) Athena. 
 to men th- arts which raised manlnnd from barbarism to 
 civilization. The art of the sculptor uhat carves the marble 
 into forms of life, or skill of the husbandman that rears the 
 olive, the craft of the shipwright that constructs his bark, the 
 wisdom of the politician that gives good counsel to the assem- 
 bly in days of peril, were all ascribed to the beneficence of the 
 guardian goddess of Athens. 
 
 The Greeks believed that there existed before the age of 
 history a number of demigods and heroes far exceeding ordinary The Heroic 
 mortals in strength and size of body and greatness of soul. The 
 heroic age of Greece comprises ^'^^i period from the time when 
 the first Hellenes made their appearance in Greece to the return 
 of the heroes from the Trojan war ; or, in other words, from the 
 settlement of the country to about 1184 B.C., according to the 
 received chronology. Still no exact line can be dx-awn, as we 
 find, in m.iny cases, the mythological period extending long 
 after the last mentioned date. 
 
 Among the many heroes no one was mpre celebrated than 
 Heracles, the son of Jupiter and Alcmene. The stories con- Heracles. 
 nected with his name may be divided into two distinct classes. 
 Those of the first class allude to the labours and dangers 
 that beset mankind in a primitive state of society, when man 
 is fiffhtinef acainsfc the savasre animals around him and reclaim- 
 ing the land. The second class of myths belongs to a later 
 age of society, when men have settled down in fixed abodes 
 
14 
 
 m 
 
 Minos of 
 Crete. 
 
 Theseus, the 
 tiatiotial 
 hero of 
 Attica, 
 
 establiahes 
 the Panath- 
 enaea. 
 
 Legends not 
 confined to 
 the exploits 
 of individu- 
 als. 
 
 HISTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 and are struggling with each other for supremacy. The twelve 
 labours of Heracles may be reduced to one or other of these 
 classes, such as his fight with tlie Nemean Lion, the fight with 
 the Leinean Hydra, the Capture of the Erymanthian Stag 
 the destruction of the Erymanthian Boar, the Capture of the 
 Mares of Diomedes, the Capture of the Oxen of Erythia, the 
 Fetchnig of the Golden Apple of the Hesperides. 
 
 Crete, too, had its hero, Minos, to whom the inhabitants of 
 the isle ascribeu their legal and political institutions. He is 
 said to have been instructed in the art of legislation by Zeus 
 himself, and so highly were his laws regarded that Lycurgus 
 the Spartan law-giver, took the constitution of Minos as a basis 
 for that of Sparta. In his time Crete became a powerful mari- 
 time state, and exercised its dominion over the adjacent islands 
 All the legends represent Minos as a just and wise prince, so 
 that along with Aeicus and Rhadamanthus, he was judge of the 
 dead in the lower world. 
 
 Attica also had its national hero, Theseus. By his wis- 
 regulations he is said to have consolidated the strength and 
 to have increased the power of his kingdom. In the days of 
 Cecrops, the founder of Athens, Attica was divided into twelve 
 districts, independent politically of each other. These were 
 at constant variance with each other till Theseus by his influ- 
 ence abolished the separate jurisdictions and fixed the civil and 
 mditary supremacy at Athens. The festival of the Panathenaea 
 was established to commemorate the political union of the 
 diff-erent states of Attica. Under the wise policy of Theseus 
 Attica advanced considerably beyond the other states of Greece 
 in prosperity and civilization. 
 
 Even in the heroic age, we find the legends not confined to 
 the exploits of individual heroes, for there are evidences of 
 men combining against common enemies. This leads us to the 
 belief that the combination of diff-erent tribes was beginning to 
 be formed, and that in consequence men were forming them- 
 selves into a state that afterwards developed into a political 
 community. The three most important of these exneH.H.n, 
 were the Argonautic Expedition, the Seven against ' Thebes 
 and the Siege of Troy. ' 
 
HISTORY OP GKEECE. 
 
 15 
 
 3y his wise 
 ^rength and 
 the days of 
 into twelve 
 rhese were 
 >y liis influ- 
 !ie civil and 
 anathenaea 
 ion of the 
 )f Theseus, 
 3 of Greece 
 
 3onfined to 
 idences of 
 I us to the 
 Jginning to 
 ning them- 
 a political 
 ixneditions 
 it' Thebes, 
 
 At lolcos, in Thessaly, dwelt a descendant of AeSlus, named 
 *ellas, who had deprived his half-brother, Aeson, of the sove- 
 reignty. When Jason, son of Aeson, had grown to manhood, he 
 ippeared before Pelias and demanded back the royal power that 
 [•ightfully belonged to him. To this request Pelias acceded on 
 condition that Jason should first go to Colchis, a country on the 
 eastern side of the Euxine Sea, and bring back the golden fleece 
 
 [there guarded by a sleepless dragon. The ship Argo, built 
 inder the direction of the goddess Athena, with fifty of the 
 
 [most celebrated heroes of the day, sailed from lolcos, and after 
 
 many adventures arrived at Colchis. Medea, daughter of Aetes, 
 
 ang of Colchis, fell in love with Jason, and by her power in 
 
 Imagic put the dragon to sleep, seized the golden fleece and sailed 
 
 [away with Jason back to lolcos. The story of the Argonautic Argonatitic 
 
 [Expedition probably arose out of the accounts of commercial 
 enterprises, wliich the Greeks, living in the neighbourhood of 
 
 llolcos, made to the coasts of the Euxine for the purpose of 
 
 [either gain or plunder. 
 
 In the Heroic age^ Thebes, in Boeotia, was one of the chief The Seven 
 cities of Greece. Lalus, king of Thebes, had been warned by j^nJbef. 
 an oracle not to beget a son, for it was prophesied that he would 
 be nuirdered by his own child. This warning, however, he 
 disregarded. A son, Oedipus, was born to him and his wife 
 locasta ; but to prevent the fulfilment of the oracle, the child 
 was exposed on the mountains to perish either from hunger or 
 from the wild beasts. A shepherd, however, found the infant 
 and took it to Corinth, where it was adopted by Polybus, the 
 king, and reared as his own son. When Oedipus had grown up 
 to manhood, he was taunted at a banquet with his birth. He 
 left his supposed parents' house and went to Delphi to consult 
 the oracle respecting his birth. The oracle ordered him to 
 avoid his native land, for there, the oracle declared, he was 
 destined to slay his father and marry his own mother. He, 
 accordingly, avoided going to Corinth, which, he supposed, was 
 his native land, and took the road leading to Thebes. At a 
 narrow part of the road he met his real father, Lalus, who was 
 also going to Delphi to enquire the fate of the son who had been 
 left exposed on the lonely mountains. A quarrel arose, where- 
 
li 
 
 16 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 I' : !i 
 
 III i 
 
 '! ilih 
 ' 111"' .': 
 
 Ilili 
 
 upon Oedipus killed LaTus. He then went to Thebes and 
 received the hand of locasta as a reward for having solved the 
 riddle propounded by the awful Sphinx, who invested the 
 land, but slew herself when the riddle w.:-' solved. Two sons, 
 EteOcles and Polynices, and two daughters, AntlgOne and 
 Ismene, were born to Oedipus and locasta. The incestuous 
 marriage of the son and mother drew down upon the land the 
 vengeance of heaven. The crops were blighted, the herds pined 
 away, the children died before their birth. Again the oracle 
 was consulted as to the cause of the fearful scourge that befell 
 Thebes, and the answer was given to banish the murderers of 
 Laius. After a time the truth was revealed that the son had 
 murdered the father and had married his own mother. The 
 queen locasta hung herself in grief, Oedipus put out his 
 own eyes and was banished from his native Thebes by his two 
 sons, Etgficlea and Polynices. On leaving the city, he pro- 
 nounced a curse which was not long in behig fulfilled. .Between 
 the rival brothers dissension arose. EteOcles gained the ascend- 
 ancy and drove out Polynices, who took refuge with Adrastus, 
 of Argos, who championed the cause of the exiled prince. Besides 
 Adrastus and Polynices, five other chiefs join them, and the 
 seven chiefs undertook the expedition against Thebes. All were 
 killed except Adrastus; Eteocles and Polynices fell by each 
 other's hand. Ten years later the descendants (EpIgSni) of the 
 chiefs who fell in battle undertook another expedition against 
 Thebes, when the city was taken, razed to the ground, and the 
 greater part of the inhabitants left their native land and settled 
 in other parts of Greece. 
 
 Such is briefly the story of the Theban war, which has fur- 
 nished so many themes for the tragedies of the Greek poets. 
 
 mTrl^an ^"^ ^^''^ marriage of Peleus and Thgtis, all the gods and god- 
 war, desses were invited, except the mischief-making Eris or Strife. 
 Angry at the slight, the goddess threw a golden apple among 
 the guests with the inscription, 'To the fair one.' Three god^ 
 desses appeared as competitors for the prize, Hera, Aphrodite 
 and Athena. When the goddesses were unable to decide amon" 
 themselves, Zeus ordered Hermes to conduct them to Mount 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 17 
 
 Ida to the beautiful shepherd Paris to decide the dispute. 
 
 I Accordingly, the three goddesses appeared before him. Hera 
 
 promised him the sovereignty of Asia, Athena, renown in war, 
 
 land Aphrodite for his wife, the fairest woman. Paris decided 
 
 [in favour of Aphrodite. Under the protection of his favouring 
 
 [goddess, Paris sailed for Greece and was hospitably entertained 
 
 [at the court of Mgnglaiis, king of Sparta. Here he succeeded 
 
 in carrying off Helen, the wife of Menelaiis, who was famed 
 
 [far and wide for her beauty. This abduction gave rise to the 
 
 ITrojcn war, for all the Greek chiefs looked upon this act as an 
 
 [outrage against themselves. At once they responded to the call 
 
 ^f M6n6laiis to avenge the insult. Agamemnon, king of My- 
 
 [cenae and brother of Menelaiis was put in command, and 
 
 rith. twelve hmidred ships and about a hundred thousand men 
 
 le sailed across the Aegean Sea to recover the faithless Helen. 
 
 I^hough Agamemnon was commander-in-chief of the wliole army, 
 
 Ihis renown was eclipsed by both Achilles, the chief of the 
 
 rThessalian Myrmidons, the ty[)ical Greek hero, who united in 
 
 Ihis person strength, beauty and courage, and by Ulysses, the 
 
 chief of Ithaca, who surpassed all the Greeks in worldly wisdom 
 
 and eloquence. Around these two warriors — Achilles and 
 
 l'']ysses - centre the events of the Iliad and the Odyssey, the 
 
 two poems that have survived to our own day recounting the 
 
 chief incidents of the siege of Troy. Besides these two chief 
 
 heroes, there are others of lesser note — Nestor, the aged sage 
 
 of Pylos, famed for his eloquence and wisdom ; Diomede, 
 
 the valiant son of Tydeus, and the Telamonian Ajax, from 
 
 Salamis. 
 
 The siege of Troy lasted for ten years, 1194-1184 B.C., accord- Thestorn oj 
 
 ing to the received chronology. It is the c<mcluding part of the '*^ H^^d. 
 
 events of this year that forms the subject of the Iliad, the 
 
 story of which is as follows : Two captives, Chryseis, daughter 
 
 of Chryses, priest of Apollo, and Brlsei's, were captured at 
 
 Lyrnessus, a town of the Troad. The former was given as a prize 
 
 of war to Agamemnon ; the latter, to Achilles. Chryses came to 
 
 the camp of the Greeks to ransom his daughter fr<;m Agamenuion, 
 
 who at first refused to release her. A pestilence, however, arose 
 
 which raged for nine days throughout the host of the Greeks. 
 2 
 
•ill 
 
 18 
 
 HISTORY OF ORKECE. 
 
 iiti 
 
 llltl! 
 
 :! !, 
 
 Ihe people were dyiug. lu consternation un a8seni})ly was 
 summoned to lind the cnuse of the plague, when Calchas, the 
 priest, told the Greeks that the cause of the pestilence was the 
 refusal of Agamemnon to restore the maiden Chryseia to her 
 father. Agamemnon reluctantly gave up Chryseis, but Briseis 
 was taken from Achilles by Agamemnon. Then began * the 
 wrath of Achilles,' the central theme of the Iliad. Enraged at 
 Agamenmon, Achilles withdrew from the field of battle, and in 
 his absence the Greeks were no match for Hector, the hero of 
 the Trojans. Of the twenty-four books of the Iliad, the first 
 fifteen are taken up with scenes of alternate victory and defeat. 
 The Greeks at length were driven back io their camp near the sea 
 and their ships were set on fire. Then Patroclus, the bosom friend 
 of Achilles, begged the latter to lend him his aid to support the 
 falling fortunes of the Greeks. Achilles still remained deaf to 
 all entreaties and sullenly sulked in his tent. He, however lent 
 his armour to his friend Patroclus and gave him command of 
 his Myrmidons. Patroclus fell by the spear of Hector. Then 
 Achilles was roused to action, for his desire to avenge the death of 
 his friend was a stronger passi-m with him than his anger against 
 Agamemnon. Clad in divine armour fc-ged by Hephaestus at 
 the command of his mother, the sea-goddess Thetis, he appeared 
 on the scene. The Trojans were driven within the walls and 
 Hector was slain. The Iliad closes with the funeral games at the 
 bu-ial of Patroclus and with the last, sad rites paid by the people 
 of i'roy to the body of Hector. According to later poets, Achilles 
 himself fell by the shaft of Paris directed by Apollo. 
 
 '^ttoP "-^ ^^^^'""^ n^ne of the Greek chieftains who figured at Troy has 
 
 y^^^y- so much interest centred as around Ulysses, the hero of the 
 
 Odyssey. The account of the wanderings of 'the wily' chief 
 
 of Ithaca, the cleverest of all the Greek chiefs who fought against 
 
 Troy, forms a fitting sequel to the story of the Iliad. 
 
 According to post-Homeric poets, after the death of Achilles, 
 Ulysses advised the Greeks to build a wooden horse inside of 
 which the chiefs of the Greeks were concealed. In the dead of 
 night the Greeks emerged from the horse, opened the gates to 
 their comrades and delivered up Troy to the Greeks. According 
 
 m 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 19 
 
 to the Odyssey, however, we find Ulysses and his comrades sailed 
 for Itliaca, and, at length, after many wanderings, they arrived 
 at the isle of the Cyclopes, a savage, one-eyed race, and here the 
 hero put out the eye of Polyphemus, who had already eaten up 
 six of his comrades. But Poseidon, god of the sea, the father 
 of Polyphemus, in revenge compelled Ulysses to wander over 
 many lands, and at the beginning of the Odyssey wt> find him on 
 the island of Ogygla, where Calypso, the nymph, detained him for 
 seven years against his will. Meanwhile his wife Pen6l6pe, in 
 Ithaca, had been courted by many suitors who riotously consumed 
 the substance of Ulysses. She contrived to defer making a 
 decision of maj riage by pretending that she wished to finish a 
 winding sheet for the aged Laertes, the father of Ulysses. What 
 she wove in the day she unravelled at night, and for three years 
 she continued to elude the decision of choice. But the suitors 
 finding out her plan became more importunate than ever. Then 
 she sent Telgmachus, her son, to the aged Nestor of Pylos to 
 find tidings of his father. Meanwhile Ulysses was released from 
 the thraldom of Calypso, and sailed from her island on a raft 
 made by himself, but his old enemy Poseidon wrecked his raft. 
 Ulysses was, however, saved by the magic scarf given by I no and 
 arrived at the isle of the Phaeacians, whose king Alcinous enter- 
 tained him. A Phaeacian crew brought him to Ithaca. Athena 
 had disguised him as a beggar and even his old swine herd 
 Eumaeus failed to recognize him, though his faithful dog Argus 
 knew his master. Telemttchus now returned after an unavailing 
 search for his father till Athena revealed his father to him. 
 Ulysses, still in disguise, held an audience with his wife Pen6- 
 I6pe and pretended to tell her news of her husband. Unable 
 to withstand any longer the demands of her suitors she agreed 
 to wed that suitor that could send an arrow from the mighty bow 
 of the hero Eurytus through the eye of the twelve pole-axes 
 set up in a row in the hall. No one of the suitors could bend 
 the bow, but the disguised Ulysses easily strung it and sent an 
 arrow through the axe-eyes. Then he turned his arrows against 
 
 the Siiitnrs apd rfiir<ialpf1 Tiirvior^If +-, ],:_ -_:r. -- mi- 
 
 i--. s,i«„ .-..i.^vii fj nia \viic, overcame the kins- 
 folk of the suitors and safely re-established himself in his 
 ancestral realm. 
 
20 
 
 HISTORY OP GRKECE. 
 
 The two 
 heroes. 
 
 llliN'l 
 
 To the Greeks the hero of the Iliad and the hero of the 
 Odyssey possessed in them .elves conjointly the perfection of 
 human excellence-personal beauty and good counsel. Achilles 
 IS the embodiment of the former and Ulysses of the latter 
 Achilles IS the typical Greek warrior, the bravest and most 
 handsome of all the Greeks, affectionate to friends, relentless to 
 foes, rejoicnig in the turmoil of battle, open-hearted and fearless, 
 but at the same time susceptible of the deepest grief. His 
 towering passion was personal ambition, and to gratify this 
 desire he was willing to sacrifice the fortunes of even the whole 
 army. It was not till the loss of his friend prompted his desire 
 for revenge that he took the field against Hector. While 
 Ulysses was noted for personal bravery, he was essentially the 
 man of subtle intellect and ready resource ; prudent, cunnincr, 
 inventive and eloquent, whose courage was undaunted in the face 
 of danger and unsubdued by any calamity. Unfortunately for 
 the Greeks in all ages, thoy have cared too much for quickness 
 of wit and too little for honesty of purpose, and we hence find in 
 later poems that writers represent 'the wily Ulysses' as an 
 unscrupulous knave regardless of everything but personal gain. 
 
 liZt'eUra ^\^ r^T ""^^^"^ ■*^'' ^^'^^ ^"^ ^'^y'^^y ^^^^ ge»«rally sup- 
 and^the'"''^^ Greeks themselves to be the work of one poet 
 
 Odyssey. named Homer, to whom were ascribed many other works besides 
 the Iliad and Odyssey. It was not till the time of the Alex- 
 andrine period (about 170 b. c.) that Hellanlcus and Xenon 
 advanced the theory that the Iliad and the Odyssey were the 
 works of two separate authors. ^ This theory had little following 
 and it was not till the end of the last century that any serious 
 deviation was made from the general opini.m of antiquity 
 Ever since F. A. Wolf (1795 a.d.) published his Prologomena 
 critics have been disputing whether Homer was a real person or 
 a mere name applied to a number of persons who composed lays 
 about a common subject, the siege of Troy; whether the poems 
 were written in Asia, in North-Eastern or in Western Greece • 
 whether Homer lived as early as 1100 B.C. or as late as 400 b c • 
 whether the poems an we now have them have been tampered 
 
 iThe followers of these grammarians were called x-pi^oi^res 'separators.' 
 
 I 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 21 
 
 with by editors or critics ; whether the poems were originally 
 reduced to writing or handed down by rhapsodists.' or whether 
 or not the poems possess the unity of plan and composition that 
 would argue the work of a single author. 
 
 It is not our intention to ax<?ue these questions. The bulk of 
 internal evidence goes to prove that the poems show the master 
 hand of a single author, and are not a patch-work composition 
 of variou ■ bards. No doubt, inconsistencies may be shown to 
 exist between books of the Iliad, or between the Iliad and 
 Odyssey, and additions may have been added by later hands. 
 Still it is easier to believe that the poems were composed by one 
 man than by a dozen of men. It is also probable that the poems 
 were not at first committed to writing, but were transmitted 
 by rhapsodists till the times of Pisistratus (about 530 B.C.), 
 when the poems were arranged in the order in which we now 
 possess them. The interest, however, does not so much centre 
 in tlie personality of Homer, as in the picture that the poems 
 exhibit of the state of society during the Heroic age. 
 
 In the Heroic age we find Greece divided into a number of Divisiom of 
 small states, each of which was absolutely independent of the £ f ^j^o^/"" 
 other, though in times of emergency one of the states often "^«- 
 acquired a pre-eminence tlirough the prowess of a single chief. 
 In each state there were three political elements — the king,^ the 
 council, 8 and the freemen who composed *-.he assembly of the 
 'people,* 
 
 The king was believed to rule by a hereditary and divine right. The king is 
 From Zeus he received his father's sceptre, and the same 
 deity was supposed to transmit it to his son. The only limita- 
 tion to the hereditary right of succession was that the king 
 should prove himself able to discharge his duties. If the king 
 at his death left only infant children, or if his heir to power 
 was altogether incapable, or if a king from old age or other 
 cause was unable to perform his duties, then some other near 
 relative would naturally succeed. The king led his people in 
 
 _ 1 pa.^!J(aSoi, either fr-cvn pafiSo? ' a zvand ' and iotSoi ' a sint/cr,' henec ' ovs that 
 sings With a wand in the hand, ' or from pdirreLv * to string together and aJSn ' a song ' 
 therefore ' one tvho strings together songs. ' 
 
 *Pa<nA€us. 8/3ovA)) or yepovvia. *ayopd. 
 
 'r\ 
 
 I 
 
22 
 
 11 
 
 (1) a leader 
 m war, 
 
 HISTORY OF GRBKCE. 
 
 war, acted as supreme judge, was president of the council and 
 of the popular assembly, and, in public sacrifices, as head of the 
 nation he interceded in behalf of the welfare of his people. 
 
 As leader of the army, he rode before the host in a war chariot 
 driven by his chosen squire, attended b^ iiis nobles in similar 
 guise, while the freemen followed on foot. In the Homeric age 
 the king kept no state, had .cw attendants, and there was 
 little to distingtiish him from 'the other nobles. He did not 
 consider it beneath his dignity to build his own raft or house 
 to supervise the labours of the harvest field, to exhibit his skill 
 either as a smith or as a carpenter. His wife was the house- 
 keeper of the palace, looked after the larder, the linen, spun 
 and wove with her attendant domestic slaves the garments of 
 the household. 
 
 (2) judge, 
 
 (3) priest. 
 
 As judge, the king sat in the open air in the market-nlace 
 with his elders around him, and decided the questions brought 
 before him by his subjects. His decisions were given, not by 
 any fixed laws-for formal laws» did not exist in Homer's time- 
 but according to the admitted principles of riglit and equity. ^^ 
 After the plaintiff and defendant had produced their witnesses 
 and stated their cases, the elders delivered their oi)inions, and 
 then the king with sceptre in hand pronounced sentence. ' 
 As priest, he was the mediator between his tribe and heaven. 
 _ He was not attached to the service of any single deity, but" 
 offered up sacrifices on behalf of the nation in general, as the 
 father did on behalf of his family. 
 
 kZuM ^l^«"g'^ *h« Vo^^^v of the king was virtually absolute, it was 
 still limited in three different ways: he had to obey certain fixed 
 customs and traditions of his people ; he had to consult his 
 council of nobles or elders, thoifgh he was not bound to follow 
 their verdict, and the decisions arrived at by the king and elders 
 were promulgated in an assembly of the freemen, who expressed 
 their approval by shouts and their disapproval by silence. 
 It will be thus seen tliat all measures originated with the king, 
 that the co uncil of nobles w as merely advisory, and that the 
 
 1 .'OMoj. ' a law,' does not occur in Homer. « «e>iaTes. ' fixed customs.' 
 
HISTORY OF nilKKC'K. 
 
 23 
 
 common people luvd the privilege of ex[)re88iiijj ap[)r<»VHl or 
 (liwipprovnl of the mensure proposed, though their will whh not 
 necessarily followed. 
 
 The council^ consisted of nobles,' who were generally the (2) Thn 
 younger branches of the royal family and who from their prowess 
 in war or council had acquired pre-eminence in their tribe. 
 As has been mentioned before, though the king consulted 
 them in all cases of iniportance, he was not bound by their 
 advice. Rarely, however, do we find their advice disregarded. 
 
 The main body of the people' were small landowners yvhi^Qi) The 
 tilled the soil subject to the chiefs. Besides these there was a •"■*' '"^"• 
 class of farm-servants called thetes,* whose condition was of the 
 most abject kind, for they had no standing politically or 
 socially. They tilled the estates of others and engaged in 
 the most menial occupations. 
 
 The picture of society presented by the Homeric poems has Character- 
 both its bright and its dark sides. There was a strong bond of n'meHc " 
 union between members of the same tribe and especially between "S'** 
 members of the same family. Hospitality was especially enjoined 
 as having the favour of heaven. To maltreat the wayfarer and 
 the stranger was the foulest of crimes. Monogamy Avas univer- 
 sal and the resj)ect in which women were held was far higher 
 than in after days. Slavery, though the doom of the prisoners 
 of war, had not the repulsive character it had in republican 
 Greece. No example is given in Homer of a cruel master, though 
 the Odyssey furnishes many instances of the devotedness of 
 slaves to their lords. 
 
 There is also, however, another side to the picture. It was 
 the period when 'might was right.' The chief who could not 
 protect himself was dispossessed by his more powerful neighbour. 
 The grossest brutality was inflicted on the conquered foe in 
 battle, and even on helpless women and children ; the power of 
 the king was often exerted for the purpose of selfish plunder ; 
 homicide was unpunished except by the nearest friends of the 
 
 luo cne 
 
 i^ouA>j or yeoovtrCa. '^ fiaa-iAriei; 'princes' was often applied to them. They 
 were often called yepome^ 'elders' or /3ovA«uTat 'councillors.' 86^/itos or Aao?. 
 
24 
 
 Cyclic poett. 
 776-660 B.C 
 
 HI8TORY OF fiHRECK. 
 
 deceased; piracy wh« a lawful occupation ; quarter in battle wa« 
 rarely given and the refinements of savagery were practised on 
 all enemies m war. 
 
 After Homer's time herr.ic poetry continued to be cultivated, 
 but It was only a faint echo of the two great epics of Homer- • 
 the Ihad and the Odyssey. Then arose a school of poets 
 who composed lays on subjects connected with the siege of Troy 
 As these legendary p ,ems were based on a Nories of events form- 
 ing one connected story they were called Cyclic poems 
 
 II 
 
 ill 
 
CHAT'TER III. 
 
 THE GREAT MIGRATIONS. 
 
 The age of the great migrations forms the boundary line ^f ^^^t 
 between the mythical and liistorical periods of Greek history. m.M and 
 The time preceding this period is full of slia.louy myth ; after it 
 we arrive at the age of actual history. Then tlie Greeks began 
 to build up ^ho states with which we afterwards l)ecome 
 acquainted in history, and to develop the political institutions 
 which characterized the various peoples. In the accounts given 
 of the various migrations, it is often difficult to separate fact 
 from fiction, or to believe that some of the events could take 
 place within the period assigned ; still it is safe to assume that 
 the legends have S(jme basis of historical truth. 
 
 The Tliessalians were originally an obscure, but warlike tribe, ^^.^^S 
 inhabiting the northern part of Epirus, in tlie region of Dodona. 
 Under the leadership of the Heraclldae, or descendants of 
 Heracles, the mythical hero, they crossed the range of Pindus 
 and exterminated, expelled or reduced to slavery tho original 
 Aoolians who inhabited the great plain of Thessaly. The in- 
 habitants of Thessaly thus consisted of three distinct classes, viz. : 
 the serfs of tlie soil, the conquered people, who, though per- 
 sonally free, had no share in the government, and the Thessalian 
 conquerors who alone held power. 
 
 The Aeolians that had been expelled from Thessaly now moved 2%-^£' 
 to the south-east and s ttled in Boeotia in the valleys of the ™'^''" ""'• 
 Cephissus and Asopus, from which they either drove out the 
 original inhabitants, or became incorporated with them. Even 
 in the earlies' times, they formed a league of fourteen states, 
 each of which was originally on terms of equality with the rest. 
 The power of Thebes, however, increased so greatly that in 
 historical times it rose to the leadership of the Boeotian league. 
 According to the received chronology the Aeolic migration took 
 
 place, 1124 B.C. 
 
 [25] 
 
26 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 m 
 
 5mS" .'^^^^'^^ '^^ ""grations were, however insi^nifio^ . 
 
 with that of the Dorians In hZ ' "'''^"^*'^"*^ compared 
 was inhabited by Aehaeans, Ih! Terwel^^^^^^ ^elo,onn..us 
 vanced in civilization. The cities JZ ^ ^ ^"°''^^ ^^- 
 
 had attained to a high de™ of r r' "^'^"^ ''^"^ '^^^^^^ 
 
 Doric conquest seems to f > ^"""^Z ^"^ prosperity, and the 
 of the civikaln 7^^^^^^^^^^^^ ^^ a check to the development 
 at all in the Iliad In th! m ^r^""" ^'^ ^°* mentioned 
 
 In early times they tu'ed bT"^' '^ "' "°*^^^' ^^^^ ^-'^ 
 tnct south of ThLX P '^ ';^^'^ mountainous dis- 
 
 fastnesses, they enrrl^^ I^vT '''' '^^"^ *^^^^ --"*-- 
 Corinth Here thp! I^^^Ponnesus by the isthmus of 
 
 Achaean st!tes f Thrpli:?"^^^^ '" ''^ ^"^^^ ^^^^ "^ ^^e 
 was slain. The conl ^^'^^ ''"' '"'^'^^' «^"-' 
 
 for a time, tilf thnSo^f ^I^^^^^^^^^^^ ^^T- "^ 
 d^mus and Oresphontes, in con un!tfon\S Z A^ l"'" 
 made a descent on fr,o r* i '^'^^ Aeohans 
 
 The allied forces first c™'uer d ElL t, • r""''"" «"''• 
 Oxylus, chief of the Aeolian, Tt- ' °^ ™ ^iven to 
 «™.ua% ..hd„ed in'™ r^i^ LtT^^.^^ ^^ 
 
 Aristod™,. whollMMtrru"' ^'°°"-' '-» -- of 
 allotted Laconia wlile ,1"''^^'^ ''a'"'""* »* Naupactm was 
 
 Arcad.. protected it fro,n Z m'tio't; T Dot^rT "'" 
 the inhabitants seem to have retained tl. _"™'*- He™ 
 they possessed in ancient tin e . A ^ uLT" t, *""*' 
 of Argos, the conquering Dorians pushTd 7 " ""P*™ 
 
 .to^ttica^^t^^ 
 
 r^o^TJfi. to war m three dioimmis' {rpc'^a, itaau^).' '''"^ ^""'"'"''f (»P'f . atVao,) or 
 
 "^^- '• • ■'^ff $ 0l " 
 
*5^!^'3«?_'^^K^g»'i: 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 27 
 
 mt compared 
 Peloponnesus 
 d hhjdy ad- 
 >s and Tiryns 
 rity, and the 
 developrnenfc 
 t mentioned 
 1 only once. ' 
 itainous dis- 
 ir mountain 
 
 isthmus of 
 mies of the 
 ler, Hyllus, 
 given up 
 us, Aristo- 
 e Aeolians 
 'fc of Nau- 
 hian gulf. 
 ^ given to 
 le Dorians 
 a, Laconia 
 3rder. To 
 nn sons of 
 •actus was 
 nia. The 
 
 refuge in 
 n Achaia, 
 enclosinof 
 s. Here 
 cliaracter 
 e capture 
 lests still 
 
 Troezen 
 conquest 
 n taking 
 
 > aiVo'cu) or 
 
 The date usually 
 
 iMegara, and forming it into a Dorian state, 
 lassitnied to the Dorian migration is 1104 B.C. 
 
 The upheavals that were taking place among the tribes oiAmaUc^^ 
 [Greece were no doubt the chief cause of the emigrations from 
 I that country to Asia Minor, although there is no doubt that 
 intercourse existed between these lands in early days. The 
 [stories of the Trojan war and of the Argonautic expedition show 
 [that marauding expeditions took place. The Aegean, dotted, as 
 is, with islands within easy reach of both nations, would be 
 [the natural highway for emigrations either of a peaceful or war- 
 flike character. No doubt these emigrations took place at differ- 
 ent times, and the colonization of Asia Minor cannot be referred 
 to any single period. 
 
 From the Propontis on the north, to Caria on the south, Character of 
 the coast line of Asia differs in many respects from the^oasf. 
 country in the interior. On the coast the land is full of valleys, 
 far surpassing in fertility those of Greece. It also abounds in 
 excellent harbours, and is watered by fine streams, some of 
 which attain a c(msiderable size. The interior is a high table- 
 land, held by various tribes of Semitic origin, the chief of which 
 were the Hittites. The customs and religion of the inhabitants 
 differed materially from those of Greece. The effeminacy, the 
 fondness for display, the polygamy in some cases, the polyandry 
 in others, the worship of hideous deities were all abhorrent to J^^^cs^"^ 
 the ideas of the Greeks. The listless spirit of the Asiatic was compared. 
 no match for the well-directed energy of the Greek, and this 
 reason may account for the fact that, while the migrations in 
 Greece were invariably accompanied by struggles for supremacy 
 between the invaders and the invaded, we have no mention of 
 any resistance being made by the Asiatics against the Greek 
 colonists. 
 
 The Aeolian colonies are said to have been the earliest and AeoKc 
 were probably settled by Achaeans who had been driven out of . 
 the Peloponnesus by the Dorians, and who, under their native 
 chiefs, settled in Asia. In Boeotia these Achaeans united with 
 the Aeolians, and hence the migration is called Boeotic, as well 
 as Aeolic, and the land they settled in Aeolio. They occupied 
 
■:!':! ■)J| 
 
 28 
 
 l! i 
 
 I 
 
 m' 
 
 Ionic 
 colonies. 
 
 Doric 
 colonies. 
 
 General 
 characteris- 
 tics. 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 the district on the coast from the Straits of Hellespont to the 
 Hermus, and formed themselves into a loose confederacy of 
 eleven' cities. 
 
 The lonians that had been driven out of their settlements on 
 the sea-coast of the Peloponnesus took up their abode in Attica 
 but the barren soil was a poor inducement to the new settlers 
 to remani there. They migrated and settled in Asia Minor 
 chiefly between the Hermus and the Maeander, though the chief 
 city of the Ionic league, Miletus, was south of that river This 
 was one of tlie most fertile districts of Asia Minor, and in it 
 sprung up cities noted in after ages for their wealth and refine- 
 ment. The invaders soon intermixed with the native popula- 
 tion, and their descendants had, in consequence, a large element 
 of foreign blood in their veins and lost many of the character- 
 istics of the original lonians. They were effeminate and had 
 little tenacity of purpose, but at the s..iie time were fond of 
 poetry and architecture. On the way to Asia many of the 
 Cyclades, and also Chios and Samos were colonized by them 
 The powerful confederacy of the Ionic league consisted of 
 twdve cities, deputies from which met every year at tlie temple 
 ot Poseidon at Panlonium, a promontory near Mount Mycale. 
 
 The spirit of migration was contagious, for it cannot be 
 supposed that the same causes would operate in the case of the 
 Dorians as in that of the lonians and Aeolians. We are told 
 that a descendant of Temenus, Althaemenes, landed at Crete 
 where he left some of his followers, and that he proceeded to 
 Rhodes, where he founded the cities of lalyssus, Lyndus and 
 Camlrus. These with Cos, Halicarnassus and Cnidus formed the 
 Dorian Hexap6lis. 
 
 In each of these three classes of colonies, the city was politi- 
 cally independent, though there seems to have been some central 
 authority which was exercised on emergencies. Thus the 
 
 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 29 
 
 spont to the 
 ifederacy of 
 
 tlements on 
 e in Attica, 
 lew settlers 
 Lsia Minor, 
 jh the chief 
 iver. This 
 r, and in it 
 md refine- 
 ive popula- 
 •ge element 
 character- 
 e and had 
 re fond of 
 ny of the 
 i by them, 
 nsisted of 
 ;lie temple 
 Mycale. 
 
 3annofc be 
 ase of the 
 e are told 
 at Crete, 
 ceeded to 
 ndns and 
 Jrmed the 
 
 lonians seem to have had a yearly meeting at Panionium 
 to which each of the Ionian states sent a deputy. This 
 assembly appears in early days to have been purely for religious 
 purposes— a festival in honour of Poseidon, to whom splendid 
 sacrifices were offered. The political union of the Ionian states 
 in early days was doubtless of a loose character and they appar- 
 ently never had any definite political organization till the time 
 of the Persian wars, and even then the members of the con- 
 federacy were apparently independent of each other. 
 
 As we have seen before, the only mention of the Dorians is in Cute and 
 the Odyssey, and in that poem they are represented as inhabit- 
 ing Crete. The island, however, was never thoroughly Helleu- 
 ized, and the inhabitants, as in the case of Cyprus, especially 
 in the inland parts, retained the traits of the barbarian 
 aborigines. The period of the migration in Greece and Asia 
 p-obably extended from 1100-950 B.C. 
 

 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Pi""' t 
 
 I 
 
 Greek idea 
 of patriot- 
 ism. 
 
 Amphic- 
 
 tyonic 
 
 councils. 
 
 
 ANCIENT INSTITUTIONS— ORACLES —GAMES. 
 
 We know little of Greek history before the period of the 
 Persian wars, for it was only then that historical records began 
 to be written. Previous to that time our knowledge is scant and 
 fragmentary. We do know, however, that Greece was divided 
 into a number of small states, independent politically of each 
 other, and having no other bonds of union than community of 
 origin, of language, of religious festivals, of games, of customs 
 and manners. Political union, such as we understand it in 
 modern days, never existed among the different states of Hellas. 
 The patriotism of the Greek was chiefly confined to his native 
 city. To him the city was the state. The safety of Hellas, as a 
 whole, was in his eyes of far less importance than that of his native 
 town. Though he was ready to sacrifice life and property for 
 his own city, the common interests of Greece seldom entered 
 hito his thoughts.. So complete and universal was this political 
 isolation that the citizen of one city was an alien in another city. 
 He was excluded from all share in the government, and, except 
 by special enactment, he could not acquire property or even 
 legally marry there, or sue in a court of justice for the recovery 
 of a debt except through the agency of a native citizen. This 
 will account for the repugnance that the Greeks had to the 
 supremacy of one city over another, and why they chafed under 
 the successive domination of Sparta, Athens, Thebes, Macedonia 
 and Rome. 
 
 Still we find that even in early times there were bonds of union 
 other than tliose purely political that tended to unite the Greeks. 
 Of these the two most important were the Amphictyonic 
 councils and the national games. 
 
 ^ From time immemorial Amphictyonic councils ^ existed in 
 Greece. Tribes that were neighbours naturally formed leagues ^ 
 for offensive and def ensive purposes, and, especially, for the » 
 
 •aM^iKTi'oi'es, 'those dwelling around' or 'near' 
 
 [30J 
 
HISTOUY OF GRKKCK. 
 
 31 
 
 leriod of the 
 ecurds began 
 3 is scant and 
 
 was divided 
 :;ally of each 
 immunity of 
 I, of customs 
 3rstand it in 
 es of Hellas, 
 to his native 
 
 ITellas, as a 
 
 of his native 
 property for 
 lorn entered 
 ;his political 
 mother city. 
 
 and, except 
 rty or even 
 bhe recovery 
 tizen. This 
 
 had to the 
 hafed under 
 , Macedonia 
 
 ids of union 
 the Greeks, 
 iiphictyonic 
 
 existed in 
 led leagues 
 ly, for the 
 
 protection of some temple where they solemnized in conmion 
 their religious rites. The Greeks ascribed the origin of 
 tliese councils to the hero Amphictyon. Such councils met 
 at the temple of Poseidon at Calauria, an ancient seat of 
 the lonians, on the Saronic gulf. Delos was also the centre 
 of another Amphictyony, which embraced the neighlwuring 
 islands of the Cyclades, where deputies met to celebrate the 
 rites and games of the Delian Apollo. The lonians of Asia 
 Minor, also, assembled for a similar purpose at the temple of 
 Poseidon, near the foot of Mt. Myc{\le. All the other councils 
 were, however, overshadowed by the one which went pre-emin- 
 ently under the name of the Amphictyonic league. This differed 
 from the others in having two places of meeting and also two r'"' ^w- 
 
 ,..^_ All phiclyonic 
 
 sanctuaries to guard — the temple of Demeter at Anthela, near leamn: 
 Thermopylae, and the temple of Apollo at Delphi. The 
 deputies from the diflferent states met at the former in autumn, 
 — at the latter, in the spring. Twelve tribes formed this confed- 
 eracy, of which eleven were the Thessalians, Boeotians, Dorians, 
 lonians, Perrhaebians, Magnetes, Locrians, Oetaeans, or Aene- 
 anians, Pthiotes or Achaeans of Phthia, Mallans, and Phoclans. 
 The twelfth is supposed to have been either the D6l6pes or 
 Delphians. The fact that some of these tribes are hardly ever 
 mentioned in historical times gives us some proof of the 
 antiquity of this council. Each of these tribes sent deputies. 
 The duties of the general assembly may be learned from 
 the oath taken by the deputies : ' ' We shall not destroy deputies. * 
 any city of the Amphictyons, nor cut off their streams in war or 
 peace; if any shall do so, we shall march against him and 
 destroy his city. If any shall plunder the property of the god 
 or shall take treacherous council against the property of the 
 temple in Delplii, we shall take vengeance on him with foot 
 and hand and voice, and by every means in our power." By 
 this it will be seen that the object of this council was to 
 prevent aggressive measures on the part of the members of the 
 confederacy, and to protect the temple of Delphi. 
 
 Tlie Auiphiccyonic council came prominently into notice The Am- 
 during two periods of Greek history, namely, during the period ^ouncTin 
 of the First Sacred War and of the Macedonian invasion. hutory. 
 
32 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 Oraclen. 
 
 Fim Sacred Crissa, a town of Phocis, was situated on the liuights of Mount 
 Parnassus, near the temple of DelpJii, which in ancient times 
 belonged to Crissa. This town had a seaport Cirrha, bituated on 
 the Corinthian Gulf, and a rich plain which extended from the 
 town to the port. The port Cirrha grew to a considerable size, 
 while the town of Crissa fell into the hands of the Dorians and 
 expanded into the town of T>Mlplii. The oracle at Delphi had 
 numerous ])ilgrims from tl. : .: -nt parts of Hellas, and these 
 generally passed thnnigh tht, i ritory of Cirrha, the magistrates 
 of which laid exorbitant exactions on the pilgrims After 
 trying in vain to get the people of Cirrha to be more lenient in 
 their demands, the Amphictyonic council declared war against 
 Cirrha. The town was taken after a siege of ten years, 595-585 
 B.C., razed to the ground, and the ricli plain was consecrated to 
 the god, while curses were pronounced on all who tilled or 
 inhabited it. 
 
 Seldom did the Greeks undertake anything of importance, 
 either public or private, without consulting the gods through 
 the ag'^'^cy of oracles, or without trying to get their aid through 
 sacrihce or prayer. The origin of oracles did not arise merely 
 from a curiosity innate in man to know the future, but also from 
 a wish to have the aid of heaven in all enterprises. In all 
 oracles the Greeks believed that the god would reveal his will to 
 man, not in visible form, but through the medium of a priest or 
 priestess. 
 
 Of all the Greek oracles the most celebrated was that of 
 Delphi, in Phocis. The town was built on the barren, rocky 
 heights of Mount Parnassus, amid an ampitheatre of hills. 
 The temple itself, enriched with the presents of eager suppliants, 
 was enormously wealthy. In the centre of the temple was a 
 cleft in the rock, from which an intoxicating vapour arose. 
 Over this cleft the priestess of Apollo seated herself on a tripod 
 when the oracle was to be consulted. Soon she fell into a 
 frenzy when the vapours had affected her brain, and the wild 
 words uttered by her were supposed to be full of prophetic 
 inspiration. i Her sayings, delivered in hexameter verse, were 
 
 'Of. /nai/Tis ^ a prophet,' from /xotco/aai ' I rave.' 
 
 Delplii. 
 
MISTOKY OF GREECE. 
 
 3d 
 
 taken down by her attendants and given to the enquiring sup- 
 pliant. Though frequently ambiguous, those sayings were 
 looked upon as divinely inspired. No oracle of Greece had the 
 same intluunce as that of Delphi. Suppliants from every part of 
 the Hellenic world, and even foreign kings thronged there to 
 consult it on all matters of importance. No colony was founded 
 no war undertaken, without its sanction, and its influence was 
 maintained till the Christian era. 
 
 The national games of the Greeks were a distinctive char- Ga7nes 
 acteristic of the people, for no other nation of antifjuity had an 
 institution similar to them. They, therefore, formed a thorough- 
 ly unique phase of Greek life. To a G-eek, physical beauty and 
 moral greatness were always closely associated, and everything 
 that tended to develop the synunetry of the human figure was 
 supposed to have the si)ecial approbation of heaven. Nothing, 
 too, was more influential than these games in arousing and 
 maintaining a national spirit among the Greeks. All barbarians 
 were rigidly excluded, while all citizens of pure Hellenic blood, ^^umml^ 
 without distinction of rank, dialect or tribe were gladly wel- 
 comed. These festivals were participated in by men from all parts 
 of the Hellenic W(jrld, and thus the Greeks were regularly re- 
 minded of the common tie of blood that united them, and, at 
 the same time, of the line of demarcation that separated them 
 from barbarians. With these games, nothing was allowed to 
 interfere. If any states were at war, a temporary cessation of 
 hostilities was made by the i)roclamation of 'the Sacred Truce. '* 
 According to Cicero, a victory at the Olympic games was con- 
 sidered by the Greeks of more importance than a triumph was 
 in the eyes of a Roman general. The Spartans allowed the 
 Olympic victor to stand next their king in battle. The state ^„„„^^ ^ 
 was honoured by the glory of the citizen that gained a victory and, thTvictJa. 
 in turn, it honoured him with rewards of money and special 
 privileges. Hynnis were composed, and statues erected in his 
 honour, and lustre was shed over his family and the whole 
 community to which he belonged. 
 
 There were four national festivals among the Greeks— the Four 
 Olympic, the Pythian, the Nemean and the Isthmian. 
 
 national 
 festivals. 
 
 ^tKixeipioL. 
 
34 
 
 HISTORY OP GKEECE. 
 
 Ill; 
 
 (II 
 
 The Olympic games were by far the greatest of the four 
 national festivals. They were celebrated in honour of Olympian 
 Zeus, in Elis, on a pl-un three miles long and one mile wide, at 
 the foot of a hill, Cronos, on the north bank of the river 
 AlphOus, about eight miles from the sea, and twenty-five from 
 the city of Elis. Olympia, where the games were celebrated, was 
 not a town but a collection of temples, and the beauty of its 
 site was supposed to be especially suitable for the object to 
 which it was dedicated. In the sacred enclosure — the Altis' — 
 stood the great temple of Jupiter, a temple to Hera, another to 
 the mother of the gods, six double altars to the twelve Olympian 
 deities, and a host of other altars and sanctuaries, besides the 
 council hall.^ Outside of the sacred enclosure were lodgings for 
 strangers, and the race course where the games were held. The 
 origin of these games is lost in myth. Tliey wero held every 
 four years. The year 776 b.c. marked a chnmological era and 
 from that time down to tlie time of Theodosius (394 a.d.) 
 they were celebrated without interruption. The most im- 
 portant fact in connection with these games was the establish- 
 ment of 'the Sacred '""ruce' between all states chat were at war. 
 An armistice was proclaimed by heralds throughout Greece dur- 
 ing 'the sacred month' when the games were held. During that 
 period, no armed force could enter the territory of Elis without 
 incurring the guilt of sacrilege. At first the foot race was the 
 
 ,. „, . only contest. This was a mere dash of two hundred yards. -^ 
 the Olympic . » , '' 
 
 games. Afterwards were introduced at different times the double course* 
 
 and the long race^ ; then the penthalon^ ; the four horse chariot 
 race,'' the most illustrious of all the contests ; the pancration, a 
 combination of wrestling and boxing ; races of saddle horses ; 
 races of boys .T,nd contests of trumpeters and heralds. 
 
 The first day was occupied with sacrifices, the next three days 
 with games and the fifth day with sacrifices of the victors and 
 ambassadors, and a feast of the victors in the council house. 
 The games were held at the time of the second full moon after 
 
 ' aAo-oc ' a grove' i$ said to be in the language of the Eleans aATis. 
 " •npvrave.lov, 
 
 8 called <7ToStoi'. *fiiauAos. 6SoAtxos = 12 crraSia. ' TreVdaAof included five con- 
 tests : leaping, footrace, throwing the quoit, hurling the javelin and wrestling. 
 
 Events at 
 
 Celebrated 
 for five 
 days. 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 d5 
 
 the summer solstice, either in the last days of July or not later 
 tluiii the 24th of August. Tlie reward was a crown of wild 
 olive from the sacred tree in the Altis. This great festival 
 attracted all who desired to meet a crowd of people collected 
 from all parts of the Hellenic world and gave an opportunity 
 for the (jreeks to combine on any (pxestion affecting the nation 
 as a whole. It was at Olympia that Gorgias of Leontini and 
 Lysias, the orator, urged the Greeks to form a common union 
 against the barbarians. The Panegyric oration of Isocrates was 
 intended for a similar occasion. According to Lucian, Herod- 
 6tus read to the assembled Greeks chapters of his history, which 
 excited the envy of Thucydldes. Painters and sculptors here 
 exhibited their works of art, and poets celebrated the renown 
 of the heroes in the games. The importance of these games 
 is further shown by the fact that the time of their institution 
 WJis accepted by the Greeks as a national era.^ 
 
 Next in honour and importance to the Olympic games were the Pythian 
 Pythian, celebrated on the Crissaean phiin of Delphi, originally ^"""'^• 
 called Pytho. These were said to hiive been instituted by 
 Apollo. At a very early period these games became of national 
 interest from their connection with the oracle of Apollo and the 
 Amphictyonic league. At first the games consisted of a nmsical 
 contest of song in praise of Apollo, for his victory ever the . 
 serpent Python, and were held originally every eight years and 
 under the care of the people of Delphi. After the first sacred 
 war, however, the Amphictyons had charge of them and intro- 
 duced gymnastic contests, and the games were then held every 
 four years, some say, on the second, others, on the third year of 
 every 01ymi)iad. The various contests held at Olympia were 
 taken as a pattern for those at Delphi, but the musical contest 
 was always the chief attraction. At these games tragedies were 
 performed, orators displayed their eloquence and philosophers 
 propounded their theories, painters exhibited their pictures, and 
 sculptors, their statuary. The prize was a crown of olive. 
 
 'To change the Olympiads into years B.C. the following rule may be given : 
 Mukiply the completed Olympiad by /<.„,•, lu id the cvmpleted odd year and deduct 
 from 77C for events that happened in the autumn and winter, or from 775 for events 
 m sprmg and summer, as the Attic year began at the summer solstice. Thus 
 the battle of Salamis was in the first year of the 75 ol., i.e., 74 Olympiads had been 
 completed . '. 776 - 4 X 74 = 770 - 296 = 480 B.C. 
 
36 
 
 i : 
 
 Netnean 
 gmnes. 
 
 iBthmian 
 gamen. 
 
 IITSTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 Originally the Neniean were funeral gamea instituted by the 
 seven Argivo leaders in the war against Thebes, in honour of 
 Opheltos (hiter called Archemorus) who was killed at the spring 
 Adrastem, near Nemga. Heracles is said to have restored these 
 games ni honour of Zeus, after his contest with the Nemean 
 hon. The festival was held ia the first and third years of each 
 Olympiad. These games were also after the pattern of those 
 at Olympia, but there was also a musical contest, as in the case 
 of the Pythian games. Before the Persian wars, the crown was 
 of olive, after that date, of wild parsley. 
 
 The Isthmian games were held in the pine grove on the nar- 
 rowest part of the Isthmus of Corinth, in honour of Poseidon 
 Ihey were celebrated in the first month , i spring in the first and 
 third year of every Olympiad. The general character was the same 
 as of the Olympic games. The prize was originally of pine, but 
 afterwards of parsley. 
 
 m 
 
juted by the 
 n honour of 
 it the spring 
 stored these 
 the Neinean 
 'ears of each 
 em of those 
 I in the case 
 B crown was 
 
 on the nar- 
 f Poseidon. 
 ;he first and 
 'as the same 
 5f pine, hut 
 
 M 
 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 EARLY HISTORY OF THE PELOPONNESUS. 
 
 Of the states of tlie Peloponnesus, Argos attained the highest 
 inportance in tlie early period of Greek history. In Homer's A.yog. 
 time, Agamemnon, 'the king of men,' the elder of the Atrldae, 
 had Mycenae as his capital, while Menelaiis, a younger brother, 
 was king of Sparta. Again, in the division of the Peloponnesus, 
 the Heraclid T6m6nus, the eldest son of AristomAchus, and 
 grandson of Hyllus, obtained Argos as his share ; to the sons of 
 Aristodemus fell Laconia, while the youngest brother, Cres- 
 phontes, received Messenia. These facts seem to indicate that 
 Argos occupied at that time the highest position among the three 
 kingdoms. Argos held sway over the eastern part of the Pelo- 
 ponnesus and included even the city of Corinth. It would soem 
 that the Doric conquerors of Argos united with the original 
 Achaean population, for we find mention of a tribe called 
 Hyrnethians in addition to the three tribes -Hylleis, Pamphyli 
 and Dymanes — i'lto which every Doric state was divided. It 
 is supposed that these Hyrnethians were original Achaeans. 
 Doric colonies from Argos settled in Phlius, Epidaurus, Troezen 
 and Sicyon, and the island of Aegina, which was, even then, the 
 leading maritime state of Greece— a position which it long held 
 until it was eclipsed by Athens. Argos was, thus, the head of a Argive 
 confederacy of states, the tutelary deity of which was Apollo ^^"^"*- 
 Pythaeus. whose oracle and shrine was the temple built on the 
 Acr6p6lis of Argos. The members of this confederacy, however 
 were never bound to each other for any length of time by any 
 strong bond of union, and except at rare intervals— during the 
 age of Pheidon and, again, in the time of Alcib;..des— they 
 formed a disjointed league which soon was overshadowed in the 
 Peloponnesus by the power of Sparta. 
 
 The first kings of Argos were mere names, and the histories of Kitigs „/ 
 them are taken up with accounts of shadowy, wars with Sparta, ^^^°^' 
 
 iV] 
 
38 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 if 
 
 It was not till tlio ago of I*heidon tJ^it we reach the period of 
 actual history. It in said th.tt ho Huccooded to power at a time 
 Pheidon ^'^'^^ t''" intluonco of royalty had boon roducod by the riHing 
 6i,o-o.w li.c. power of the Dorian oligarchy. By cnishing the power of the 
 Dorian oligarchs, he constituted himself supreiae ruler of Argos, 
 and changed the g(»vennuent from an oligarchy to a despotism. 
 He bound the nieml)ers of the Argivo confederacy into closer 
 union with the central authority ; he reduced the cities of 
 Sicyon and Corinth ; extimded his sway over the island of 
 Aeglna, and restorod to the inhal)itant8 of the city of Pisa, in 
 Elis, the superintendency of the Olympic games which had been 
 takeji from them by the Eleans. Soon afterwards, however, by 
 the aid of Sparta, the Eli'ans regained this privilege, for 
 Pheidon was defeated and slain in battle by the confederates. 
 It was not, liowever, as a conipieror, but as a legislator that 
 a^UgiZZ. P''^''^<'" ^v'ls J"«tly famous. He was the fir^t that introduced 
 into Greece a copper and silver coinage, and a scale of weights 
 and measures, whicli, under the name of Aeginetan, was univer- 
 sally adopted among tlie states of the Peloponnesus and in 
 many parts of Northern Greece. ^ This name seems to have been 
 given, not because the coins were struck on the island of Aegina, 
 but because the people of Aegina, through their connnercial 
 activity, made them more generally known. Pheidon is said to 
 have preserved in the temple of Hera, at Argos, samples of the 
 long silver nails which were replaced by his round ohols and 
 drachmas. Under his son, the power which ho accjuired gradu- 
 ally waned ; still the legislation he enacted r ained till the 
 latest times of Greek history. 
 
 As in Argos, the Dorians who coiupiered Messenia did not 
 expel the original inhabitants, but amalgamated with them. 
 An example was set by Cresphontes, the youngest brother of 
 Temenus, who not merely gave the native Achaeans full fran- 
 chise, but who married a native Achaean wife. The Dorian 
 conquerors, under Polyphontes, arose and slew Cresphontes, 
 who had shown a spirit so anti-national. Aepytus, son of 
 
 Messenia. 
 
 iThere were three scales of money in Oreeoe. the Aeirinetan, Enboeic and 
 Attic, adopted by Solon. The values were in regard to actual value as 30 : 25 • 18 
 respectively. 
 
HISTORY OF fJUKKCK. 
 
 39 
 
 period of 
 ir at a time 
 
 the riHing 
 ivver of the 
 r of ArgoH, 
 dospotisni. 
 into olosor 
 3 citios of 
 
 1 islaiid of 
 jf Pisa, in 
 li had been 
 )wevor, by 
 vilogo, for 
 ifederates. 
 ilator tliat 
 introduced 
 of weights 
 'na univer- 
 ua and in 
 have been 
 of Aegina, 
 onunercial 
 I is said to 
 )les of the 
 
 ohols and 
 fed gradu- 
 }d till the 
 
 ia did not 
 ith them, 
 brother of 
 full fran- 
 le Dorian 
 (sphontes, 
 s, son of 
 
 Runocic and 
 iS 30 : 25 : 18 
 
 t« 
 
 Cresphontes, revenged his father's murder, but \mdor hiH sway 
 and that of his succeHsors ho completely were th«) original 
 Achaoans fused with tlie Dorians that soon all traces of Dorian 
 customs and institutions wore obliterated. 
 
 With the Spartans the opposite process was going on. Though Laconia. 
 occupying the narrow valley of the Eiirotas, henimod in by 
 mountams on three sides, and numerically weak, they gradually 
 acquired sway over the neighbouring states, aiul so exercised 
 their power that they stam[)ed their imju-ess on the institutions 
 and political life, first of Laconia, and afterwards, of the greater 
 part of the Peloponnesus. Sparta advanced to the first place Lycunjus. 
 among the Dorian stjites of the Peloponnesus, chiefly through 
 the military organization instituted by Lycurgus. Of the actual 
 history of this legislator we know very little, and some have 
 supposed that he did not organize or even develop the institu- 
 tions usually ascribed to him by the ancients, but that Sparta 
 had from the earliest times these institutions in connnon with 
 the other Dorian states. If the latter theory is true, we must 
 then suppose that these peculiar instituticms were kept intact by 
 Sparta while they fell into disuse in Argos aiul Messenia in con- 
 sequence of the Doric population being merged into the native 
 Achaean element. 
 
 Lycurgus is said to have flourished 800 a.c. He was the 
 younger son of Eun6mu8, one of the two kings that reigned at 
 Sparta. His elder brother, Polydectes, had died and left a wife 
 and child. The ambitious widow wished Lycurgus to share the 
 crown with her. For a time Lycurgus a})parently consented. 
 Subsequently attended by the leading men of the iiLate, he 
 brought the child of his brother to the market place, where the 
 infant was hailed by the elders as the future king of Sparta. 
 The son was called Charllaos.^ To avoid the suspicion of any 
 ambitious design?,, Lycurgus withdrew from S})arta and travelled 
 in foreign lands. He is said to have visited Crete (where he 
 studied the laws of Minos), Asia Minor, Libya, Egypt and even 
 India. On his return Charllaos had grown to manhood, and 
 the state was torn by dissensions and humbled by a crushing 
 
 
 H.e., * joy of the people' (xaipEif, Aaos). 
 
40 
 
 HISTOKY OF GKEECE. 
 
 Object of his 
 legislation. 
 
 defeat inflicted by the Arcadians of Tegea. All were looking 
 for some deliverer when Lycurgus with twentyeight of the 
 eading men of the state appeared in the market place and laid 
 teoro the people his schemes, which were heartily approved 
 Before attempting to carry out his plans for the amelioration of 
 Sparta, he consulted the Delphic oracle, from which he received 
 the strongest assnrance of snpport. In carrying out his design 
 however, he is said to have met with violent opposition, and to 
 havelos an eye at the hands of a violent youth named Alcander 
 At last he triumphed and received the full assent of all classes 
 to his new constitution. When he had fully settled the con 
 sti ution of the state, he obtained from the people a solem .oat" 
 not to alter any of the laws till his return. He set out on a 
 pilgrimage to the oracle of Delphi, from which he received a 
 promise of everlasting prosperity to the Spartans so lon» as 
 they observed his laws. To Sparta, however, Lyeui^us ZZ 
 returned, but the institutions he established endureTtoThe 
 latest days of Spartan supremacy, 
 
 'thJ'lTs °'f' "' *''? ''^"'■^"°" °f I'^^-Sua was to unite 
 the small Spartan population in the closest ties of political 
 union, and to perfect among them a military organization fc 
 would give them complete ascendancy over tife r;st of Te Pelo 
 ponnesus About this time the Spartans probably did not num 
 ber more than 9,000, about one- third of the cououered Acharn 
 population, and still fewer than the serfs of the soil C 
 were thus really an army of occupation. He saw clearly thll 
 mihtary organization was the essential re,,ui,,ite to fl„a( c „ 
 quest and his organization of tlie state was based on this iZ" 
 
 Before describing the constihifmn ,.? t • ""^^^^ 
 
 o i/iio ^./uiihiticution or livcurfus if-, will v.^ 
 
 necessary to giva an account of the different chrsseL ^L 
 tion found m Laoonia in his day. pupuia- 
 
 ^IXltJ^^ll^T" *""■" *t •''^^™"'''""» "f a» Dorian conquerors 
 U«„L •' °f he PeloFoniiesus. They alone held the political power in the 
 state, and alone were eligible to any public office Tl!l r > 
 a)*«.»>n Sparta, though they usually had .L^i:tLl^Z'::t 
 Laconia which were cultivated by the Helots, who paid rflxed 
 amount of produce, for it was derogatory to a Spa,.„n "V t,^^, 
 lana or engage in commerce. All Spartans originally wei^o"^ 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 41 
 
 terms of equality, and were divided into three tribes— Hylleis, 
 Paniphyli and Dy manes,— which tribes were not, however 
 peculiar to Sparta itself, but were found in all Dorian states' 
 The rights of citizenship the Spartans transmitted to their child- 
 ren, who held them on condition of submitting to the laws of 
 Lycurgus, and of contributing a certain amount to the public 
 mess.i When either of these conditions was unfulfilled, the 
 citizen lost his franchise and hence there arose a distinction in 
 after times between the peers'^ and the disfranchised.^ The 
 latter might regain their position whenever they satisfied the two 
 necessary conditions of citizenship. 
 
 The second class of the population of Laconia was the Ferioeci. (2) Perioeei. 
 These were personally free, but politically subject to the 
 Si^artans. They had no share in the government and were 
 bound to obey the mandates of thoir Spartan lords. C is 
 probable that they were the descendants of the original Achaean 
 population and also of the Dorians who had not attained to the 
 full franchise. They were distributed among the hundred 
 petty towns of Luov.i.ia. In war they formed the heavy armed 
 infantry ^ ; in peace they engaged in commerce and menial occu- 
 pations from which the Spartans were excluded. They often 
 acquired great wealth, and though they were not allowed to 
 participate in the government af the state, they were far from 
 being in an oppressed or degraded condition. 
 
 The Helots were probably serfs of the old Achaean population. (3) Helots. 
 They were the property of the state and not of the individual, 
 and could be li1)ei-ated only by the state. They lived in rural 
 villages, as the jm-ioeci lived in towns, cultivating the lands of their 
 Spartan masters. They do not appear to have been sul)ject to sale, 
 but enjoyed their home and family apart from their master's 
 supervision. They were distinguished by a peculiar dress, which 
 they were compelled to wear— a leather cap and a sheepskin coat. 
 In ancient times they were treated with mildness, but in later 
 times they were objects of distrust to the Spartans, who often 
 removed by secret police « any of the Helots who might be 
 
 f 
 
 ^(n;a-(nTia.i of this We shall make mention afterwards. 
 'oMOioi. •''((Tro/xeioi'es. *irepiot(cot «6irXlTat. «, 
 
 KpvirTfia. 
 
ill 
 
 iii 
 
 42 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 Government 
 of Sparta. 
 
 (1) Kings, 
 
 I Ml 
 
 if I 
 
 I n; n 
 
 suspected Of any revolutionary designs. In war, they attended 
 he r masters as arn.our bearers, and, for thei; bravery, they 
 
 by some thi. ;h "'"' " "'"""'^ ^^P''-^^^^^- I^' - -PP-ed 
 by some that they were captives in war,' or that they were 
 
 .habitants of marsh lands,^ or that they were the inhabit^:; 
 a town, Helos, which lield out stubbornly against the Spartans. 
 The functions of tlio government of Sparta were divided 
 among (1) Uvo kings, (2) a Gerusia or council of elders, (3) the 
 Apdla or popular assembly, and (4) an executive board of five 
 ^phon or overseers, instituted shortly after the days of 
 Lycurgus. -^ "^ 
 
 The royal power of Sparta was always shared by two kings 
 who were the descendants of Eurysthenes and Procles, twin son^ 
 of Anstodemus, one of the three leaders in the Dorian conquest 
 of the Pe oponnesus. The two kings united in themselves the 
 offices of king and high priest. They led the people in war and 
 offered up sacrifices on behalf of the state. To tliem also were 
 alotted the highest seats in the assembly, a double portion at 
 all feasts. Ihey chose deputies to consult the oracles when 
 undertaking an expedition, and appointed ambassadors to foreic^n 
 states. A hundred chosen men attended the person of the 
 king ; they could direct war against any foe whatever, and in the 
 field their power was unlimited. Much of this power, however 
 was in later times infringed upon by the ephors. ' 
 
 The three tribes of Sparta-Hylleis, Pamphyli and Dymanes 
 -were divided into ten ohae^ each, and from each ohe an elder* 
 'S<S:Syrr% ,^h^ *^" kings always represented e^ o^cio two ohae 
 elders. of the Hyllean tribe, and were in the council on an equality 
 
 with the other members. An elder at the time of his ehv^ ' ■ uad 
 to be sixty years of age and of good birth and breeding ^ xhev 
 were elected by acclama^^Mn, the one who received the greatest 
 applause being declared tl successful candidate. This mode of 
 election naturally threw the decision into the hands of the 
 presiding magistrates, the ephors, w ho practically thus elected 
 
 'eAecV. 'totake.' ^'eAo,, 'a .narsh.' .-.^ijSa.. <yip^,, ^^oAb, xdya^os. 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 43 
 
 only those who were friendly to their policy. The office of elder 
 was irresponsible and for life. Their duties were partly judicial 
 and i)artly deliberative. They proposed measures and decrees 
 that wore to be laid before the popular assembly, so that with 
 them originated all changes in the government and laws, and, as 
 a criminal court, they could punish any citizen with civil de- 
 gradation. ^ They appear to have also exercised a general super- 
 intendence and inspection of the lives and manners of the citi- 
 zens, although it is difficult to tell how far these duties were 
 shared between them and the ephors. 
 
 The assembly of the Spartan freemen, called Apella, was the (S)Apella or 
 supreme authority in all matters affecting the state. Its func- SS 
 tion is tersely expressed in a rhetra or ordinance of Lycurgus "*'"'" "' 
 given in the form of an oracle. "Build a temple," says the 
 Pythian god, "to Hellanian Zeus and Hellanian Athena: divide 
 the people into tribes and institute thirty ohae: appoint a 
 council with its princes, call an assembly between Babyca^ and 
 the Knakion,3 then make a motion and depart : and let there be 
 a right of decision and power to the people. " According to this 
 the people were supreme, and had the right to adopt or reject 
 whatever was proposed by the king and magistrates. It was 
 soon found necessary to remedy this ordinance by the following 
 proviso : - But if the people shall follow a crooked opinion the 
 elders and the princes shall withdraw." Plutarch interprets 
 these words to mean : that in case the people do not either 
 reject or approve in toto a measure proposed to them, the kings 
 or elders shall dissolve the assembly and declare the proposed 
 decree to be invalid. This appears to be confirmed by the 
 words of Demosthenes, who says that the council of elders was 
 supreme m all things-that is, the council of elders instituted al' 
 legislation, and that the Apella had merely the right of adopting 
 or of rejecting any measure brought before it. 
 
 All citizens of the age of thirty who were not under any civil 
 disability had the right to attend the Apella, but no one except 
 tlie kings and magistrates had the right to sj.eak without special 
 ^"^^^'^^^""- ^^^^'^ assembly met regularly every full moon, but 
 
 'arista. ^A ridge of hills at Sparta. 8a brook. 
 
44 
 
 HISTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 (''III 
 
 ■*'• 
 
 I 
 
 (4) Ephori 
 
 emergent mee ings nught be convened oftener by the magis- 
 trates. As in he Homeric a.jora, the people cor.ld express ^h,ir 
 Po.er.of ^I^I!^^/^'-^! ;r disapproval by shouts, and in consequence the 
 the Apeila decision of any motion was virtually in the hands of the presiding 
 magistrate, who often thwarted the will of the assembly, especi 
 ally when the ephori had the right to preside. The p;ople in 
 the Apeila alone could proclaim war and conclude a peace, enter 
 into negotiations for an armistice for any length of time, make 
 treaties with foreign states-for these, though arranged by kin<.s 
 and ephors, haa to be ratified by the popular assembly The 
 same assembly elected the magistrates and state priests, settled a 
 disputed succession and all changes in laws or in the constitution 
 after a previous decree had been passed by the council of elders. 
 The ephori or overseers were probably appointed after tlie 
 time of Lycurgus. They were Jive in number, four of whom 
 were elected from the four villages adjoining the city of Sparta 
 and one from the city itself. They were chosen by the whole 
 people without any qualification of age or property, and they 
 acted as a counterpoise to the power of the kings and elders 
 They entered office at the autumnal eqirino: , held power for one 
 year, and the chief ephor gave his name to the year They 
 possessed judicial authority and decided civil suits, while the 
 council of elders took cognizance of capital crimes. They also 
 acted during their tenure of oflice as the executive of the com- 
 munity, convened and presided at meetings of the Apeila 
 received foreign ambassadors, could institute proceedings 
 against any person whatever and even depose the kin-s 
 and magistrates from oftice. They could deprive of civil 
 rights any citizen who had been guilty of violating the laws of 
 Sparta, could raise levies, collect taxes, and in war two always 
 accompanied the king to supervise his conduct, while the 
 three who remained at home were kept regularly informed 
 of the progress of the war. It can be easily seen that the 
 ephors, owing to the ridiculous method of voting in the 
 Apeila, could easily elect whom they chose as elders °and that 
 they were the supreme rulers of Sparta. It has been well said 
 that "Sparta was governed by two kings and fivp irrA«r...n.;ki^ 
 despots, 
 
HrSTORY OP GREECE. 45 
 
 However important the political legislation of Lycurgus, stm Spartan 
 more nnportant was the peculiar training to which all Spartans ''■"*''"*^ 
 were subjected; and of this Lycurgus was, if not the originator 
 at least the one who brought it to perfection. In modern days 
 It IS usually supposed that the state exists for the citizen • in 
 Sparte, the citizen existed for the state. Every Spartan was 
 bound to devote his energies and affections to the honour and 
 glory of Sparta ; all private interests had to be sacrificed for 
 those of his native city, for as we have said before, the horizon 
 of Greek patriotism was very narrow indeed. The sole object ^''"'''><'"'. 
 of the legislation of Lycurgus was to perfect a military 
 machine by means of which the Lacedaemonians would be in- 
 vincible m war ; and to this end the supervision of all Spartans 
 from childhood to old age was under the direct care of the 
 state. 
 
 As soon as a child was born, it was exposed to public view r.a.»n, 0/ 
 and the elders decided whether it should live or not If de '"'^•^• 
 formed or weakly, it was taken to Mt. Taygetus, where it was 
 left to die of exposure ; if healtliy, it was given back to its 
 parents, under whose care it remained till its seventh year At 
 that a,ge it was taken from its parents and placed in a training 
 school under the charge of an officer who was appointed by the 
 state and under the supervision of the elders. Here the boy 
 was instructed not merely in gymnastic exercises and in all the 
 military movements required in the field of battle, but he was 
 also subjected to the severest discipline and forced to endure the 
 greatest hardships and fatigue without a murmur. He was 
 compelled t6 go barefoot, was obliged to wear tlie same garment 
 summer and winter ; to endure hunger and thirst, cold and 
 heat ; to sleep at night on rushes gathered with his own hands 
 from the bed of the Eurotas. He had to cook his own food 
 small m quantity and unappetizing in kind, which, however' 
 he was allowed to supplement by hunting and stealing, for 
 It was no disgrace for a Spartan to steal, though it was looked 
 upon as a crying sin to be caught in the act. 
 
 The Spartan youth had little training bevond gvmnasti«« «n^ ^ - 
 military exercises. He was taught to despise ' literature" as -""S/o 
 unworthy of a warrior. The arts of painting, sculpture, archi- ""''""• 
 
 I 
 
 for 
 
46 
 
 HISTORY OF GREKCE. 
 
 'ill 
 
 I''" 
 
 "til!! 
 
 tecture, the studies of philosophy and eloquence which were so 
 assiduously cultivated at Athens had no part in a Spartan educa- 
 tion He was, however, taught singing and playing on the lyre, 
 martial hymns and choral music. The only relief to the drudger; 
 of the training school was the gyninopaedia, in which he con- 
 tended with his peers in music, dancing, running and wrestling 
 T^rmnnuj of At the age of eighteen a lad was called Melleiren and for two 
 years served on outpost duty, wlien he was styled m-en and 
 began to exercise a direct influence on his juniors. He now 
 became a member of the public mess,^ an institution not 
 peculiar to Sparta, but common apparently to all Dorian com- 
 munities. Each table accommodated fifteen, and no new 
 members were admitted without the unanimous vote of the 
 whole body. Each member sent every month a contribution of 
 barley meal, wine, olives and figs, and a little money to buy fish 
 -for flesh was feerved only on days of sacrifice. The special 
 dish was the unpalatable ' black broth ' which was found so 
 distasteful to foreigners. No luxuiy was allowed and all 
 members of the mess were on terms of absolute equality. 
 Trainin, of The Spartan girls in their earlier years were subjected to a 
 training similar to that of the boys, though less severe. They, as 
 the boys, were formed into classes, and competed with each other 
 in running, wrestling and other gymnastic contests. At twenty 
 a woman usually married ; a man married at thirty. Thoucdi at 
 twenty a woman was relieved of state discipline, her husband 
 remained under its supervision till the age of sixty He 
 rarely visited his wife and only wh.n he was not required at 
 the mess, the drill ground and the gymnasium. The women of 
 Sparta, though enjoying little of their husbands' company, were 
 treated with great respect and enjoyed a liberty quite unknown 
 to the Athenian matron. They had a high idea of patriotism. 
 A Spartan mother prided herself on the heroic deeds of her 
 husband and sons, and the exhortation to her son when handina 
 him the shield as he went to battle, " Return either with this or 
 on this," ^ shows clearly the self-sacrificing patriotism she had 
 for her native city. 
 
 'ai'ffffiTto. ^Toi' 7) eiri rap. 
 
^&^ 
 
 hich were so 
 artan educa- 
 on the lyre, 
 he drudgery 
 liich lie con- 
 d wrestling, 
 iiid for two 
 I Eiven and 
 3. He now 
 itution not 
 )oriaii eoni- 
 d no new 
 ote of the 
 ribution of 
 to buy fish 
 The special 
 s found so 
 'd and all 
 ity. 
 
 iected to a 
 !. They, as 
 each other 
 At twenty 
 Though at 
 V husband 
 jixty. He 
 ■equired at 
 women of 
 )any, were 
 unknown 
 )atriotism. 
 eds of her 
 n handing 
 ith this or 
 a she had 
 
 HISTORV OP GUEECK. 4 
 
 The success of the Spartans in the field was due partly to Spartan 
 their stubborn courage and partly to their military organization. "'''"^■ 
 The military system instituted by Lycurgus proceeded upon the 
 principle of a graduated degree of subordination whereby every 
 officer would have a certain degree of authority, and thus the 
 whole military force would possess a graded body of commanders ; 
 so that the signal given by the king would be passed in an 
 insoant throughout the whole army. The army in the field was 
 thus a machine acting with precision and effect, and manoeuvres 
 were executed with a speed and accuracy that no other Greek 
 army could approach. The army was divided into divisions 
 called morae, four hundred strong. These again were divided 
 into ioxxv loclwi, each one hundred strong, each again into jjcm- 
 tekostues of fifty each, and each of the latter into two enomotia. ^mt^T^ 
 Each enoTMitia w^s led by an enomotarchus, each pentekostns""' '^^ 
 l)y a imitekonter, each lochos by a lochagns, while a nwra was 
 led by a polemarchns. 
 
 It was not long after the age of Lycurgus before tlie Spartans 
 tested their system of organization, for war soon broke out 
 with Messenia, Arcadia and Argos. These wars resulted in 
 the supremacy of Sparta over the greater part of the Pelo- 
 ponnesus. 
 
 No doubt the first Messenian war arose from the desire of Firgt 
 the Spartans to obtain the rich lands of their neighbours. ^„„ ^^r 
 war lasted for nineteen years, but the details Tre scanty and ^•'<^' 
 shadowy. It seems that during the first four years of the war, 
 though it was carried on with vigour, the Spartans made little 
 progress in the conquest of Messenia, but in tlie- fifth year they 
 succeeded in driving the Messenians within the mountain fast- 
 ness of Ithome, when famine so thinned tlie ranks of the 
 Messenians that they were compelled to surrender. By the 
 capture of Ithome, the power of Messenia was broken. Some of 
 the population went into exile and formed the colony of Rhegium, 
 while others remained at home and were reduced to the 
 condition of Perioeci, though they seemed to have more exac- 
 tions demanded of (hem than were required of the Perioeci, 
 for they had to pay half of the produce of their land to their 
 masters, 
 
 rpi Messenian 
 ^•^^ war 7 1,3-7 2U 
 
48 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECFl. 
 
 ■ mw 
 
 War with 
 Armdia. 
 
 B.C. rm. 
 
 War with 
 Argos. 
 
 ^ For thirty years tlie Messenians endured the yoke of the 
 68 Spartan conquerors, and then, ai.led by the Argives, Arcadians 
 SMcyonmns and Pisatans, they declared war against tlieir 
 oppressors. At first the Spartans were unsuccessful and in 
 their extremity sent to the oracle of Delphi for aid. The god 
 bade them aj.ply to Athens, whereupon the Athenians sent them 
 Tyrtaeus, a lame schoolmaster of Aphidnae, whose martial 
 songs, still extant, aroused the drooping hearts of the Spartans 
 to renewed efforts. At length the Messenians were compelled 
 to retire to the mountain fastness of Eira, where they were finally 
 reduced to surrender. With the fall of Eira, the fate of Messenia 
 was sealed till the days of Epaminondas, 369 b.c. 
 
 It is prol)able that the con(iuest of Arcadia followed shortly 
 after that of Messenia. The Spartans met, however, a stub- 
 born enemy in the town of Tegea, which long held out 
 against them. Finally, however, it was forced to surrender 
 and compelled to acknowledge the supremacy of Sparta The 
 inhabitants were treated with great regard by the Spartans 
 and beyond acknowledging themselves as subject allies, they do 
 not appear to have suffered any degradation in their political 
 standing. 
 
 After the death of Pheidon, the Argive league broke up, and 
 Sparta gradually pushed her conquests against the individual 
 members of the original confederacy, so that she soon extended 
 power over all the eastern side of the Peloponnesus. 
 
 Sparta thus humbled the power of Messenia and Argos She 
 had the Arcadians of Tegea as her allies and ruled over two- 
 thirds of the Pelopcmnesus. At the time when Athens was 
 engaged in civil strife with local feuds, the system of Lycurgus 
 had placed Sparta in the foremost place among the states, not 
 only of the Peloponnesus, but of all Greece. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 COLONIAL (JHKKCK. 
 
 The period 700-500 b.v. was noted in Greek histoiy ^BA.eo/ 
 tlie em of cH)lonization. It was then tliat Greece founded a '"'''""■^"''''"• 
 number of colonies, many of which m developed in wealth 
 population and intelligence that they surpassed in these char- 
 acteristics their mother cities. The cliief causes of the origin of 
 Greek colonization were civil dissensions in the parent state, an 
 over-abundant population, commercial enterprise, or pressure 
 from foreigu foes. From the very nature of the various micrra- 
 tions,! civil dissensions w<.uld naturally arise. Around "tlie 
 conquerors in the various states there would spring up the 
 conquered population who chafed under the yoke of serfdom 
 Greece, again, was unable to sustain iuitself any large number of 
 people, for the land was poor and, in many ])arts, unfit for tillage. 
 Again, the Phoenicians, once the traders of the Mediterranean, 
 and m early times successful competitors with the Greeks in com- 
 mercial enterprise, lost their power in the eiglijth century before 
 Christ, for their two chief cities, Tyre and Sidon, were reduced 
 under the power of Assyria in the reigns of Sargon and Senna- 
 cherib (72G-681 B.C.). It was not till the rise of Carthage and 
 Kome that the Greeks had any commercial rivals, and thus Greece 
 had, during two centuries at least, undisputed sway in the carry- 
 ing trade of the Mediterranean. 
 
 A Greek colony^ was not settled, as is generally the case with Dtferenee 
 one in modern days, by a few straggling bands of adventurers S'aZ« 
 scattering over a country, and, afterwards forming themselves ""'^^'•" 
 into a political comiraniity. The Greek colonists formed from '"'""•"■ 
 the beginning a regular political body. The colonists were 
 collected in various ways. Often a whole faction emigrated ; 
 
 ' See Chapter III. ~~ ~ 
 
 irmn4rStj£::' ""'^ '''''''' "'^°""'^: « '''">^' "^ «"Wan*. a.oc.o,; an 
 4 [49] 
 
50 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 m 
 
 11 
 
 sometimes a state issuecl a proclamation asking for emigrants; 
 sometimes one son from eacli family was chosen, and sometimes 
 different states combined. The sanction of the Delphic oracle 
 was generally tained and wisdom was exhibited in this, for no 
 ])ersons in the ancient world could have had better oijportunities 
 to find out the suitability of a site for a colony than the Delphic 
 priesth(j()d, since the oracle was visited by pilgrims from all parts 
 of the Mediterranean, After receiving the sanction of tiie 
 t»racle, the next step was to choose for the colony a founder, ' who 
 had full power to settle its size and constitution. On his arrival 
 at the appointed place, he chose land-surveyors who allotted the 
 land to the colonists, after lie iiad reserved a part for the gods. 
 The founder, after his death, usually received the honouia 
 due to a her(j. 
 
 «^a%1.7«. ^" '""*'*' ''''^^^' '•'''^^' ^''^ exception of Elagnesia in Asia Minor, 
 atedohthe the colony was established near the sea, and "enerallvon a hill 
 Which formed the Acropolis. The city was built, as far as pos- 
 sible, after the model of the mother city,^ and the buildings first 
 erected were usually the temples of the gods, a gymnasium for 
 the exercise of the youths, a council house, and a market place 
 where goods were sold and public meetings held. In later times 
 a theatre for dramatic representations was also looked upon 
 as essential. 
 
 fhlfotonf "^^^ ^"^°^^ ^^^ considered politically independent of the 
 tothetmiher Toother state and the only bonds of union were those of filial 
 affection, such as a daughter would have for a mother, common 
 religious rites and a common constitution. The colonists took 
 with them fire from the central hearth" of their native city and 
 maintained the worship of its chief deities, while the founder 
 generally modelled the constitution after that of the parent state. 
 The colonists regularly sent representatives and offerings to the 
 festivals of the mother city. If they, in turn, founded a colony, 
 the founder was usually taken from the original mother city. In 
 danger they aided hur and expected aid in return. A war between 
 a colony and its mother city was looked upon as an unholy thing. 
 
 'otjcio-Trj? "/uv^TpdiroAts. •^npvTavelof, 
 
 I pi:' 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 51 
 
 r, common 
 
 and the tierce struggle between Corcyra and Cormth was regard- 
 ed by the Greeks as unnatural and repulsive. 
 
 In the colonies democracy developed sooner tlian in the r, ■ r 
 mother land. As is naturally the case, men in the early days -K'""^ 
 of a colony are more on an ec|uality, and class distinctions that """""''' 
 may exist in the.r former home are obliterated. Hence, it hap- 
 pened, hat ancient usages and customs were often swept away 
 and tha the Greek colonics increased much more quickly tha' 
 the mother land m commercial activity and wealth, till in many 
 cases they far surpassed the parent cities. ^ 
 
 Of the Greek cities foremost in colonial enterprise, the chief GVo«,,w 
 were Chalcis and Eretria in Euboea, Miletus and Phocaea in Asia ^"'-- 
 Mmor, Connth, Meg^ra, Sparta, Locri, and the Achaean towns 
 of the northern part of the Peloponnesus. It will hereafter be 
 seen that the lonians were the chief colonizers among the Greeks 
 
 On the western side of the island of Euboea are the sea ports coi • . 
 Chalcis and Eretria, distant from each other about twelve miles ^^a^, 
 and both situated on excellent harbours on the Euboean Straits' ^"'"■" 
 These towns had been for some time in the hands of a plntd- 
 cracy so that social distinctions among them were founded on 
 wea h. Colomes established by them were, therefore, founded 
 tor the sake of c«..mmercial gain. These two towns were the pio- 
 neers m colonial enterprise in European Greece, and they founded 
 >nost of he colonies in the district of Chalcidlce in the northern 
 part of the Aegean-a district so called because more than half 
 ot the thirty towns m that locality were founded by Chalcis 
 They were probably attracted to this place by the rich silver 
 mines in which the country abounded, for the Euboeans had 
 already been famous for working the copper mines of their own 
 island. In oici y, again, they founded Naxos and Zancle (after- 
 wards Messana); while Naxos, in turn, founded Leontini and 
 Catena ; and Zancle became the mother city of Himera 
 Rhegium, m Italy, was founded mainly by Messenians. 
 
 surpassed, by that of Miletus ni Asia. Situated near the mouth -^^ 
 
 of the Maeander, its inhabitants were in ancient times noted for 
 fcheir commercial enterprise, and, as was the case in many other 
 
 Miletus. 
 
52 
 
 JifU'i 
 
 11 
 111' 
 
 Colonies oj 
 Megara. 
 
 Colonien of 
 Corinth. 
 
 :.' 1 . ■ 
 
 llIflTOHY OF OREEOE. 
 
 Ionian stiitos, tlio government foil into the hands of a powerful 
 plutocracy. All the colonies of Miletus with the exception of 
 Naucratis, near the delta of the Nile, were on the Propontia or 
 the PJuxine. They Hrst settled Cy/.Icus, a town situated on a 
 narrow neck of land that runs into the ProiK.ntis, but soon 
 afterwards established colonies on the shores of the Euxinesea, 
 ».hich were famous for excellent timber and rich mines o( gold! 
 iron, copper, and red lead. Here was founded 8indpe, which ii'i 
 turn founded Trapeaus; while on the western side of the Euxine 
 rose the colonies of Odessus, Calatis, Tomi, Apollonia, and 
 Mosseuibria, the f^rst four of which were colonies of Miletus. 
 The enterprising Milehims penetrated even the lonely steppes 
 of Scythia and founded Olbia, near the mouth of the Bory- 
 sthenes (Dnelper) and Pai.ticapaeum, on the strait between the 
 Euxine sea and the Maeotic lake. 
 
 Other cities of Asia were seized with the colonizing spirit. 
 Phocaea founded Amisus, on the Euxine, and Massalia in 
 Southern Gaul ; Perinthus was settled by cohmists from Satuos ; 
 Abdera, near the mouth of the Nestus, by settlers from Clazo- 
 menae, while the island of Paros sent out a colony to the island 
 of Thasos, rich in silver mines. 
 
 While the colonies of Chalcis and Eretria and those of 
 Miletus arose from a spirit of conuuercial enterprise, those of 
 Megara and of Sjjarta were evidently due to the misrule of the 
 oligarchy of birth. MegHrians founded Chalcedon, on the straits 
 of Bosporus, in Bithynia, and a fev\ years later, Byzantium 
 (afterwards Constantinople). Colonists from Byzantium, in turn, 
 founded Messembria, in Tnrace, and Heraclea-Chersonesus, the 
 modern Sebastopol. Another Heraclea, called Heraclea Pontica, 
 was founded by the Megariars. 
 
 The colonies established by Corinth were probably due to the 
 same causes as led to the foundation of those of Megara. 
 Syracuse, perhaps, the wealthiest and most important of the 
 Greek colonies was founded by Corinthians and, in turn, became 
 the mother city of Camarina. Corinthians also colonized 
 Corcyra, which, in turn, founded colonies at Apollonia and 
 EDidamnus. 
 
HISTORY OF OREKOK. 
 
 In Southern Italy two important colonies, Sybftrisand Oroton, AcHaean 
 were foun.led by the Aclmeans of the aorthorn Peloponnesus '"'''^"■'« 
 which, in after ago8, became both wealthy a.ul famous. Of the 
 other colonies of Italy, Tarentum was founded by the Partheniae 
 of Sparta h is said that during the second Messenian war the SS^ 
 ranks of the Spartan youth became so thinned that many of the 
 ..partan women married Perioeri, the offspring of who.n were 
 called Partheniae or - bastards." They were not recognized by 
 the Spartjins as being on s(,cial e(iuality with the others A con 
 .si)iracy headed by Phalanthus, one of their number, was formed 
 but It was checked, and the consi.imtors were compelled to leave 
 Laconia. They went to Italy and settled Tarentum. 
 
 Another Spartan colony was the island of Thera, which in turn 
 founded Cyrene in Af:.ca, while Cyrene, again, founded Barca 
 liesides the colonies we have mentioned in Southern Italy there 
 were many others. In fact, so studded was this part of the 
 Italian peninsula with (Ireek colonies that it obtained the name 
 t)f Magna Graecia. 
 
 03 
 
 
CHAPTER VIT. 
 
 THE AUK OF TYRANTS. 
 
 ;i'i; 
 
 ;f.S"/,. ^" *''*" ^^""^''^^^ ^"^^ "^^^^^^ centuries B.C. nearly all the states of 
 
 hereditary 
 roj/alti/ 
 except at 
 Sparta. 
 
 Age of 
 
 political 
 
 upheaval. 
 
 m 
 
 Greece underwent a i)olitical change. That period was marked 
 by an almost universal abolition of hereditary monarchy and 
 the establishment of various forms of oligarchical government. 
 With the exception of Sparta, no state during the flourishing 
 period of Greek history retained the kingly form of govern- 
 ment. 
 
 In the age of Homer, monarchical g(jvernment was the rule 
 m Greece. At the head of each state was the king or 
 chief surrounded by his nobles, while the people had little or 
 no nifluence. But, by the time of the first ()lymi)iad, the old 
 constitutional forms of hereditary government were passing 
 away, and, in the place of these, oligarchies, founded generally 
 on landed property, were established. There were va;-ious causes 
 for this. Sometimes the direct line of the royal family died out 
 Cau.eoftMs.^nd the c(mncil or chiefs of the late king divided the powe^ 
 among themselves, and they in turn transmitted this power to 
 their heirs. In other cases, when the royal line did not die out 
 the king was gradually stripped by the great families of his power 
 and prerogatives. Most of the Greek states were small, bein- 
 conhned to a city and the adjacent land. In such a community 
 {Dadvanc tbe king could not surround hLuself with the pomp of power as 
 m^ ,vr,/,.a. i,, ol.len days, when the distinctions between the nobility and the 
 common ])eop]e were more marked. As the king moved about 
 in his little community, all his faults and failings were known 
 to the citizens, and the reverence formerly paid to ' the divinity 
 that doth hedge a kin^' gradually waned under the development 
 of civilization. 
 
 ^ tt: loZr ^""^^^'Z '"""'^ ™ *^' ^''"^^^^^^ ''''^ ''^ *'^« 1^^'^r «1^«*^«« of the 
 cias^e,, people. Between the serfs of the soil and the nobles there exist- 
 ed in every state in Greece an intermediate population consistinir 
 
 [54] ^ 
 
HISTORY OF GREEC!. 55 
 
 of (1) a class with small holdings who tilled the farms t f the nobles 
 
 and (2) the artisans, and (3) those engaged in commerce. While 
 
 tlie ruling class remained stationary, or even diminished in 
 
 numbers, as was the case in Sparta, these intermediate classes 
 
 grew in wealth, numbers and intelligence, and began to demand 
 
 a right to a share in the government of the state. Often, too, SSn-'' 
 
 when the king became tyrannical, he was deposed and the '"""'• 
 
 office abolished. 
 
 Whatever may have been the causes that led to the subversion 
 of the kingly authority, the establishment of an oligarchy, con- 
 sisting of a few noble families which had been attached to the 
 person of the king, followed. Rarely, however, did this kind of 
 government succeed in maintaining itself in power for any length 
 of time. Often its administration was 1 d, its rule oppressive, and 
 the members of the oligarchy were frequentlyat hereditary enmity 
 with one another. They had not the traditions of the old patri- StoS'*" 
 archal kings who could point to a long descent, and they seldom"*"* 
 gained the reverence of their subjects. These oliga>'chies, having 
 thus no ancestral record on which to f(jund th^ir claims for 
 support, had to stand or fall on that of their own administration, 
 and we therefore see the reason that they seldom succeeded in 
 holding their power for any length of time. 
 
 The word 'tyrant' was applied to a person who gained and Tyrant: 
 exercised power in an unconstitutional iwf//, although the charac- J^^^l "'^ 
 ter of his rule might be mild and beneficent. When the old 
 hereditary monarchies were replaced by oligarchies, any ruler who 
 acquired supreme power, and was not bound by any of the con- 
 stituticmal checks of the ancestral monarchy, was called a tyrant 
 —a term applied alike to the mild rule of Peisistratus of Athens, 
 and the cruel despotism of Periander of Corinth. Often these 
 tyrants were ambitious oligarchs, and still offcener military or 
 political adventurers who championed the cause of the lower 
 classes against the oppressive exactions of the nobles. The rule 
 of the tyrants was frequently cruel and oppressive. It was oidy 
 natural that men who had acquired their power by the sword 
 would have to maintain that power by the same means. Often 
 the tyrant would shut himself up in the Acropolis surrounded 
 
 i 
 
m 
 
 r 
 
 m 
 
 56 
 
 Tyrauin of 
 Sicyon. 
 
 
 HISTORY OF GR^JECE. 
 
 by mercenary troop., exile or p„t to death the leading „,„,. 
 ot the state, or make the government so oppressive that the 
 c,t,.e„s would take refuge in colonial enterprise. S.l f, L 
 
 ^Z^th^ "*T """'; -'"«—" '» 1»-t the disconten 
 
 pubhc „„rks he „,oney re<,uired for which w,« wrung from 
 
 that th. age of tymnts was one of great n.ental develop.nent 
 and matenal prosperity in Greece. Many of the stories 
 re a ed o them nn.st ,,e taken with so„>e reservation! ftt e 
 oh, evulence against then, is fro.n their avowed ene.nies. We 
 shal g,ve a sho,. acco.n.t of a few tyrannies, selecting only the 
 n,os typical Of the history of the usur,«tio„ of PdsistrMu 
 we shall speak heieafter. J-usisiratus 
 
 No city of Greece was so long under the sway of tyrant, 
 a S,cyon, winch was situated a little to the west of Cor nth 
 
 676 B.C.) to that o Cle,stl,enes (o(iO b.o.) or fully a century 
 Threyol„t,„n was brought a>,ont by Orthagoras, who was njt 
 
 of the old Achaean fan.ilies that had been opposed to the 
 Donan conquest. No doubt he wa.s strongly supported by 
 *e„at.ve population, and both he and b,f succesC were 
 
 .Z of The,? 1 ?'' """"" ™'^ '™ '^1*^'"^ *° "- 
 mass of the people-two causes which may account for the 
 
 long confnued power of the tyr,ants of Sicyon. Ori^ha.orl! 
 
 was succeeded by Myron, by Aristonynus! and, lastly: y 
 
 Cle.sthones, fan.ous for his wealth and grandeur, and for hfs vic^ 
 
 bacred War he fought aga,nst Cirri,a; and he w,as also e„ga.,ed 
 
 Uona, s. He d ed, leaving a daughter Agariste, the wife of 
 Megac es, an Athenian, who belonged to the powerful fan,t o 
 stot rtrrlrh ^^^"f^--"- "'■""- "f Cleisthe„es,'^h 
 
 Like many other state, of the Peloponnesus, Corinth had 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 67 
 
 been conquered by the Dorians. The conquerors did not expel 
 the ongnial Aeohan inhabitants, but reduced them to a state of 
 social infenonty. The ancestral monarchy of tlxe UeraoM Tyrants of 
 pnnces was, however, replaced by an oligarchy who traced their '^^- 
 descent to one Bacchis, an early Heraclid king. Tlie rule of 
 tlie Bacchiadae was one of constant unrest and marked by the 
 ^u.uktion of many colonies established in different parts of the 
 Hellenic world In the hands of the Bacchiadae, the govern- 
 
 thiovv n by one Cypselus. According to tradition, the mother of '''■''" ^•^• 
 Cypselus was of the Bacchiadae, but she was so lame and ugly 
 that no one of tliat family would marry her. She, therefore 
 married Let.on, one of the unprivileged multitude. As the 
 Delplnc orac e had given out that a son born from such a 
 marriage would prove a ruin to the oligarchy, the Bacchiadae 
 a temp ed to murder the child. To prevent tliis, the mother 
 placed him in a chest ; ' whence his name. When he grew up to 
 man s estate, his mixed descent excluded him from political life 
 but he felt that the blood of the Bacchiadae flowed in 1^^ 
 laking advantage of the discontent in his native city, he over- 
 threw the reigning family and for thirty years he ruled as . 
 tyrant m Ins native state. His popularity was so great that he 
 did nc, maintain an armed force to defend his person or enforce 
 his authority. Against the oligarchs his power was especially 
 
 Jrn ;, f ' "'"''^'''^ '""'"' '^''' '''^'''''^ '"'^'^ t^^ed all heavily. 
 
 Sti 1 with the majority of the people he was popular, for they 
 
 had evidently come to the conclusion that his government 
 
 though despotic, was better than no government at all. 
 
 While tlie rule of Cypselus was on the whole mild and popular p. • , 
 that o iHs son Periander, though at first gentle and beneficent ^^'^b. 
 was_ afterwards cruel an.l detested. This change in the characte^ 
 o Periander is said to have been caused by Thrasybulus, tyrant 
 of Miletus. t IS said that soon after his accession to royal 
 power, Periander sent an envoy to Miletus to ask ThrasybuLs 
 the best method of conducting his government. Thrasybulus 
 mad^no vei-bal answer, but led^e Corinthian messenger into a 
 
 ^KV\lje\r) 'a client,' 
 
 ;? 
 
58 
 
 •'I ■! 
 
 
 Tyrants o,f 
 Megara. 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 field of corn and began to knock off with his staff the ear^ 
 of the grain that stood out above the rest of the crop. On the 
 return of the envoy, Periander proceeded to carry out the hint 
 ^ven by Ins brother tyrant. He built for himself a fortress n 
 the Acropehs, and surrounded himself with a body of foreign 
 
 weXr^FT "'"' ^"^^^^' ''' ^^^^^^^ large sums from the 
 wealthy His spies were everywhere, and he was constantly 
 
 n rmed of every plot against him. Without a shadow o^ 
 
 trul he would banish or put to death any who opposed his 
 
 imperious exactions or commands. He closed the gymnasium 
 
 so that the young men were prevented frd.u meeting together 
 
 and he did away with the public feast^ where the x;en met ai 
 
 Slled b rZ'l ^^" ""' embittered by misfortune. He 
 kdled his wife Mehssa in a fit of jealousy, whereupon his 
 younger son Lycophron withdrew to Corcyra. When, advanced 
 m years and, probably, relenting through remorse, he wished 
 his son Lycophron to return to his native land, the latter 
 reused. Periander then agreed to go to Corcyra, if Lycophron 
 would return to Corinth to administer the government.' To 
 
 willinf t'b t p"'' ^/T'"''" ''''"''^' ^''' '^' Corcyraeans un- 
 
 leatr P T^7^"*'^'"'' ^^^^ ^^^"^ ?"t Lycophron to 
 death. -Periander died of despondency at the age of ei Jity, and 
 
 was succeeded by his nephew, Psammetlcus, who refgned for 
 hree or four years, when he fell by the daggers of conspirators 
 at the moment when the Spartans attacked Corinth and swept 
 away the last traces of the Cypselldae. 
 
 However oppressive the government of Periander may have 
 
 abroad. He extended its sway over Epidamnus, Aegina, Ambra- 
 cia, Leucas and Anactorium, and recovered Corcyra He was 
 also a patron of literature and art. The poet Arion and the sage 
 Anacharsis were among his friends; and he himself was s<, 
 famous that he is reckoned erne of the 'seven sages' of Greece 
 At Megara, Theagfines established himself a despot during the 
 reign of Periander of Corinth. Like Orthagoras of Sicyon, he 
 gainedJiisj)ow^ by espousing the cause of the people, but 
 ^ffvffo-iTia (see p. 41). ' ~ 
 
 ill 
 
ff the ears 
 p. On the 
 ut tJie hint 
 
 fortress in 
 
 of foreign 
 IS from the 
 constantly 
 shadow of 
 pposed his 
 [ymnasiuni 
 
 together, 
 len met at 
 une. He 
 eupon his 
 
 advanced 
 he wished 
 the latter 
 jycophron 
 lent. To 
 'aeans un- 
 ophron to 
 ighty, and 
 signed for 
 aspirators 
 md swept 
 
 »il 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 ^^ Tl^l^ ^'' P''''^' ^^^ ^'' ^^^*^' -'^r he wa« banished, 
 B.C 600. Then followed a bitter feud between the oligarchy 
 and the democracy, in which the latter finally triumphed The 
 lower classes do not seem to have used their power with discretion 
 for they plundered and confiscated the property of the wealthy' 
 many of whom were driven into exile. The nobles were com- 
 pelled to cancel all debts of the lower orders of the people and 
 even to refund the interest. The haughty way in which the 
 democracy exercised their power led to a revulsion of feeling in 
 favour of the oligarchs, who returned from exile, and restored 
 the oligarchy, but were again expelled by the democracy It 
 was not till after a period of defeat and victory that the 
 oligarchy was restored to Megara. 
 
 59 
 
 may have 
 lome and 
 I, Ambra- 
 He was 
 1 the sage 
 f was So 
 : Greece. 
 
 uring the 
 icyon, he 
 )ple, but 
 
Mill 
 
 Athens un 
 important 
 in early 
 times. 
 
 Kingship 
 abolished 
 1068 B.C. 
 
 Life 
 archonx 
 1068-752 n.C 
 
 Decennial 
 archons 
 752-683 B.C. 
 
 CHAPTER VTTT. 
 
 THE EARLY HISTORY OF ATTKJA. 
 
 Nine 
 
 annual 
 
 archons. 
 
 and the little we do kn<„v, ,s ubscued by traditions vasue ™d 
 
 tZ :;■"''■ , '" "" ""'""•'" >""'"- Athen.i,n,enti,i< as a 
 town of secondary importance, and there is nothing to indicate 
 ts futnre prcennneuce in Greek history. It is true we have a 
 traditional lint of kings, from the founder Cecrops to the at 
 riotic Oodrus, after whose reign the office of king was abolished 
 Acconliiig to tradition, the Dorians invaded Ittica, and the 
 
 fe of the Athenian knig. Codrus, upon learning this resolved 
 to save h,. country by self-sacrifice. In disguise he w;nt to Ihe 
 nemy s camp, provoked a ,p,arrel, and was killed ; whereu,Ln 
 
 the title of king and substituted that of arcJmn or ruler. 
 
 At first, the m-chous were appointed for life. The first life 
 archon was Medon son of Codrus, and the oMoe was confli.edl 
 
 "'.'"""'^f' '''"^"'\''""°S *'" "™^ "' ^l»™» recessive 
 aichons. But soon after the accession of Alcniaeon, the thir- 
 teenth in descent from Codrus, another change followed, and 
 decennial archons were appointed, these being still ..enerallv 
 restricted to the family of Codrus. »»neraUy 
 
 In the year 683 B.C. another change occurred, when ni,u> 
 archons were elected annually, and this number continued dow^ 
 o the end of Greek history. They were elected, at first from 
 the Eapatridae by the votes of the people. The first, or ^IZ 
 dent o the body, w.as called the archon,^ by way of pre-eminence 
 or «,.*,,. .^„, ,„,.,. fr„,„ tHe year being distinguished and 
 registered by his name. The second was called U,u, ardu>n> 
 the third poUmarch or commander-in-chief, and the other six 
 were styled ty.mwthetm,' or law-givers. 
 
 ap>^-ii>p'. 
 
 «aav 
 
 [60] 
 
 
HISTORY OF (illEECE. 
 
 61 
 
 e of Solon, 
 vague find 
 iioned as a 
 ■o indicate 
 we have a 
 ^ the pat- 
 abolished, 
 and the 
 pared the 
 , resolved 
 3nt to the 
 hereupon 
 id forever 
 
 i first life 
 •nfined to 
 uccessive 
 the thir- 
 i^ed, and 
 generally 
 
 len nhie 
 led down 
 irst from 
 or i)resi- 
 ninence, 
 lied and 
 archon,^ 
 ther six 
 
 The chief archon was a sort of .state protector of all who were The Arehon 
 unable to protect themselves. He was the official r^uardian of 
 orphans, heiresses, or of families that had lost their natural 
 guardian, and he also super^-.ten od all law suits arisincr out of 
 family disputes. He had also charge of religious embassies, and 
 ot ihe greater Dionysia, or festivals of Bacchus. 
 
 The duties of the king archon were nearly all connected with J^ing 
 religion. Thus he presided at the Lenaea or older Dionysia "''''""• 
 superintended the mysteric's and the Lampedephoria, the courts 
 of the Areopft. IS, and of the Ephgtae. His wife-for marriacre 
 was compulsory in his case-had also some religious duties. ° 
 
 The polemarck w: * originally, as his name implies, commander- ^'f"- Pole- 
 in-chief in war, and we find him discharging this duty in con- "'""''• 
 junction with t,,., ten generals as late as the battle of Marathon 
 490 B.C. After this time his duties seem to have been to take 
 cognizance of cases arising between resident aliens, or when one 
 of the party was a resident alien, and also, to take charge of the 
 funeral celebrations held in honour of those who were slain in 
 battle. 
 
 The thesmotketae were so called because they were specially TheTke.no. 
 C(mnected witli the administration of justice, and were the <mard- *''''"'■ 
 lans of tlie code of laws. This code tiiey annually revised so as 
 to rescind any laws that were inconsistent with those that were 
 passed. Their chief duty, however, seems to have been to 
 receive informations and to bring cases to trial in the courts 
 
 Besides the nine archons, the only other political power in 
 these early times was the court of the Areopagus, so called Areopagus. 
 because it met on Mars' Hill, i It seems to have been the repre- 
 sentative of tl.e council of chiefs of the Homeric age. All Athen 
 lans who had occupied the office of archon and who at the 
 expimtion of tl^eir office had had their conduct subjected to a 
 scrutiny, • id had been approved, were entitled to a seat in 
 this cour.. It had charge of religious observances generally 
 and possessed also some censorial powers over public morals 
 It especially had judicial power in case of intentional homicide' 
 arson, impiety, or treason, and it retained influence and power 
 down to the age of Christianity. 
 
 Apeios wdyoi, 2 evOiiva. 
 
62 
 
 Tribes. 
 
 m 
 
 Draco, 
 62U B.C. 
 
 I 'i! 
 
 HISTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 dividtd" tJ'^' "\ •■ "''^, '"''^ '""""'• "'" P-P'- "f Attica 
 
 S„; J // ■;""•""• "f";-' I""- -"!em.„t.,f Attica there were 
 
 lelen^dea, a<,pletes,- Anjwie^,' ,md Aiyihom,.' The derivation 
 
 of these words, „o doubt, diow that they „,ea«t retrt^X 
 
 oonaecrators' or 'priest,- or ', .ayersV „„„>.; ar^tln?^ 
 
 artisans ;' and ' (^oat-liPr<l« ' Aft- ^i j^"""bu mtn, 
 
 V . ; oo^t '»eriih. After the aj^e of Theseus tlip^io 
 
 weie elected Gwrnonnm- 'yeomen'; „nd Demiom-mi 'artisan, ■ 
 
 d'ividt:";:' "■ '"'I'™t' '^''' '*' ™ -"> to'h le ::; 
 
 *^Wa to hT ;' ^ff™ "' ' ''^°">«hoods.' and each 
 pnratiia into thirty gend or * clans.' 
 
 These tribes were, however, superseded in time by others 
 theSlo e.^ Itis possible that the people of the Plain I'enre- 
 nerdsnieu ; of the Shore, the hsiieriuen. 
 
 These tribes were constantly at variance with each otlier and 
 general d,seouteat prevailed when Draco was called upon o draw 
 
 were said to have been written, not in i,,k, but in blood All 
 crimes from petty theft to wilful murder were punished alik; wfth 
 he death penalty. When Draco was asked why he pr„i„„L ted 
 laws so severe, he is reported to have ^id that sniaU oftei ces de 
 served death, and that he knew no severer puni- hiiient Tr the 
 greater ones. It is probable that the laws he promulgated we e 
 severe only by comparison with the niildersystem of j„rLr„dIn„e 
 mvogue in later days, for wo kiiowthat in one cas , atfe^t Ii s 
 laws relating to homicide were not so severe as tlio e of Ws pre 
 decessors Before his tin.,:, all homicides were tried bv the 
 court of the Areopagus, and if any person was found gUtyLt 
 
 with conflj f ' "' '""''"' '"■ V'V""'^ banishment 
 w th conhscat..,n of property. Draco divided the duties of the 
 
 ^:^^:V';^_^^*-^^^^a^^ the courts called JsJJ^, 
 
HIHTORY OF GllEECE. 
 
 63 
 
 spiracy. 
 
 reserving t., the Aredpmjm all cases of wilful murder, ami to the 
 ApMtae various degrees of homicide. 
 
 The written code of Draco did not allay the discontent of all Cvlon: co,, 
 Classes, for the l)ody politic was moved with the dissensions that "'■*"■"'■" 
 arise from an unsettled constitution. Accordingly, twelve years 
 after the promulgation of the laws of Draco, we find one of the 
 J^upatridae aiming at supreme power. Cylon, an Athenian 
 nobleman, had married the daughter of Theaggnes, tyrant of 
 Megara, and had gained a victory in the Olympic games, 640 B.C. 
 Encouraged, no doubt, by the success of his father-in-law, and 
 aided by a band of mercenary troops from Megara, he and his 
 friends seized the Acrop6lis ; but the great mass of the people 
 ooked askance at his attempt, and he soon found himself and 
 his friends besieged by the forces of the state. Though Cylon 
 and his brother made their escape, the rest were blockaded in 
 the citadel, where they were hard pressed by hunger. The 
 archon, Megacles, of the great family of the Alcmaeonldae, 
 fearing that their death should pollute the sanctuary of Athena 
 promised that their lives should be spared on condition that 
 
 tneV Jeff, fho rJori^ riii 1 , 
 
 they left the place. Though a solemn p.onuse was given 
 Eumerdls^''^ ^ ^'''*^' ''"''' ""' *^' ""^"^ ^^'''' ''''^^ ^^ ^^^^ 
 
 thtZ^t^l^i" ti'P''"" "^ P^'j"'^ ""^ «^^"^^g- attended ^a.... 
 ll^TV ^^^"^^^*^^"i^-«' ^«^d they were expelled fromXLt,? 
 
 A hens. In consequence of the guilt of this family the^«"""^^^- 
 Athenians supposed that they were especially visited by the 
 displeasui-e of tlie gods, and the pestileiial blight which 
 
 heaven. The Delphic oracle advised them, in their extreni- 
 ty, to api)ly to the Cretan prophet, Epimentdes. After many 
 acrifices and religious rites, he purified the city, and thus staged 
 
 W tf 'rr. " ''" ^" ™ ''''''^ '^ ^^^•^"' -^- -- regarded 
 
 and bv f. " " '': '""'^^ ^^ '''^'^ ^^^^ constifutron, 
 
 and, by after ages, as the man who made Athens the glory of 
 Greece and of the civilized world. S y ui 
 
CHAPTER TX. 
 
 THK A(iK (»K SOLON. 
 
 Solo7i the '^^^ ^'^^^ founder of tlio Atliouiau conHtitution was Solon, son 
 
 Athenian'''''^ Execosfcldos, a Eupatrid noble, who on his fath. r's side traced 
 constitution his descent from Codni i, ciiu lai-A. king of Athi us uliil his 
 mother was tirst cousin to the mother of Pei&istratu.s, afterwards 
 tyrant. He was born b;i8 B.C. The father, Execestldes, was a 
 man of extravagant habits who scjuandered the little i)atriniony 
 he had. Unlike the majority.of the Eui)atridae, he betook him- 
 self to trade to repair his shattered fortunes-. His calling nitur- 
 ally sliari)ened his wits and enlarged his knowledge of the w^rld. 
 At an early period his gifted soa, Solon, devoted his attention 
 to literature, especially to poetry, and so celebrated d'd ho 
 become for his wisdotu that he was enrolled among the '* ^Seven 
 Sages of Greece." 
 
 Soon after the legislation of Draco, we find Athens involved 
 in a long and doubtful war with Megilra for the possession of 
 Salamis, an island separated from the Attic ^liore by a channel 
 less than a mile wide. So low had the fortunes of Attica fallen 
 that this island had been seized by the Megarians. After many 
 vain attempts to recover possession of it, the Athenians, in despond- 
 ency, had actually passed a decree forbidding any one to write or 
 say anything to incite the Megarians to renew the contest, Solon, 
 indignant at the pu3illanimous spirit of his countrymen, recited 
 in the market place, before the assembled Athenians, a pi^era he 
 had composed on the loss of Salamis, and at once he aroused 
 the drooping spirits of his ^ellow-countrymen to try to regain 
 posse.^sion of the island. Appointed to load the expedition, he 
 landed on the island, drove the Megarians from it, and so suc- 
 cessfully conducted the campaign that he carried the war to the 
 gates of the hostile city and seized its port, Nisaea. A doubtful 
 struggle afterwards arose. This was finally settled by the inter- 
 ference of Sparta, which decided that in future Salamis should 
 
 £64] 
 
 War with 
 
 Meriara, 
 (ilO-GOO B.C. 
 
HISTOKV OF {JUEECE. 
 
 remain in possession of Athenn. Solon after thi« took part in 
 Ue Favst Sacred War, and espoused tl.e part of Delphi against 
 irrha He is said t<, have proposed the decree of the Ainphic- 
 tyons, by which the guiiry c. y uas destroyed. 
 
 We liayo alre.dy .een that Athens nas torn by three factions, 
 those of tiie Plain, the Upiai.is a.i the 0..ast. From the dav : 
 of Cylon H conspiracy, matters h..I beer, going trom bud to worse. 
 A series of bad liarvests had brought to abject poverty the 
 pool . lusse. who cultivatea the I.uids .f the Eupatrid , and 
 wh.. ha<l beui c<.mpelled to pay one-sixth^ of the produce as 
 en.al for tins land. When they were unaW to meet the stipu- 
 Ltted renfal they vane co.apelled t b.rrow money from the 
 Kupatrul nobles at exorbitant rates, ,uid thus they mortgaged 
 not only their farms but also their persons to m.et their press- 
 ing needs. According to Draco's laws any who were unatie to 
 pay their debts n.ght be sold with the.r wives and children 
 ^^ slavery and thus Atti, a was be r g,,iually depleted of its 
 uial population to swell ti^e sLtve u.ukets of Lydia awl PVypt 
 In consequence of tliis eonditioii of aftairs, the state was threat^ 
 ened with a loss of its agricultural population through the 
 ra,acity of the rich. Ju alarn, the Eupatridae elected Solon 
 ai.bon and entrusted him with the duty of drafting a new 
 constitutioi for the city. ^ 
 
 The first measure thar, he introduced was his famous Disburd 
 exnng O.dn.anco.^ By this decree all d^bts, whether due to th 
 tateorthe in.l.vulual, were cancelled a.d the small proprie- 
 tors who had ]>..en disfranchised on cco.ut of their debt. 
 
 of this ordinance the number of citizens was largely i.. /eased. 
 Athens T;;;i";r^.^^^" ?' f^^- -- to change the coinage of 
 
 cte^sed bv pf "TT '^'' ^'"^ "^'"= *'" ^^S'""^'-- --age, 
 
 devised by Pheulon of Argos. Solon no^v adojited that - " Eu 
 
 boea, hence called t!.e Euboeic.3 A ..ding to Plutarch '.^ -o L 
 
 mad^em^aaof 100 drachmas winch had formerly contained 
 
 60 
 
 Firvt. Sacred 
 War,rm-B86 
 B.C. 
 
 Low ebb (j/ 
 the Atheri' 
 tan power. 
 
 Solon 
 archon, 
 59 It BC, 
 
 (1) Disburd- 
 ''ninf/Ordin- 
 tnce. 
 
 (2) Chanaes 
 t:ie coinage 
 
 * Hence called t^^rJjlldpol. 
 
 »The l■elali^e val.ic of Aeginetan and luboeic was nearly as 26 ; 18. 
 
66 
 
 HISTORY OF (JRKECE. 
 
 (8) Repeals 
 the laws (>/ 
 Draco. 
 
 Political 
 changes. 
 
 Fovr classes. 
 
 (1) Pentncos- 
 ioinedimnoi. 
 
 (2) Hippeis. 
 
 {S)Ze'i<fltae. 
 
 (i) Thetes. 
 
 73,' which in-ohahly means thut 8„l„n nuule a mina or 100 
 drachmas t.i.t of tho same quantity of .silver which was formerly 
 used for 73 drachmas. 
 
 After thus relieving the poor from their burdens, Solon re- 
 pealed the laws J Draco, except those relating to murder, and 
 he substituted a new code more humane in cliaricter, by which it 
 was not allowed, for example, to lend money in mortgage on the 
 debtor's body. 
 
 The most injportant, however, of the reforms of Solon were 
 those tliut he made in the polil al constitution of Athens. So 
 nnportant were tliese that he w..^ looked up.m l)y the Athenians 
 as the fatlier of tlieir constitution, though it is well known 
 that m.uiy reforms ascribed to him were not instituted, but 
 may have been modified, by him. By one sweeping change, he 
 abolished all tho privileges of birth which tho aucvjnt Eupatridae 
 enjoyed and substituted a classification of citizens by which 
 offices and municipal honors were determined, not by birth, 
 but by proi)erty. In other words, he changed the government 
 from an oligarchy to a timocracy. ^ All citizens were cli vided into 
 four classes: (1) Feidacosiomedimnoi ; (2) Hippeis or Kniqhts : 
 {^) Zenyltae ; (4) Thetes. 
 
 The Pentaamomedimnoi,'^ &fi the name implies, embraced all 
 those whose annual income equalled five hundred medimni of 
 corn or upwards. The Hippeis^ or Knights, consisted of those 
 whose income ranged from fioe hundred to three hundred 
 ■medimni, and were so called from their ability to keep a war 
 horse. The third class ZemjUae,^ included those whose income 
 ranged froui three hundred to one hundred and fifty medimni, and 
 were so nanied from their ability to keep a yoke of oxen. All 
 whose income fell helow one hundred and fifty medimni formed 
 the fourth class or Thetes. In this classification, landed property 
 alone was assessed so as to induce the wealthy to invest in land, 
 and tii:!s to be eligible for the highest oflices of the state. 
 
 ' TL/jLOKparia, ' the ride of the wealthy.' 
 
 ■,i"u*''u"f*"''°f^^''^'''"-, ■^'^f MeSiMi'os (meiUmnus) contained 12 imperial ealls 
 or IJ bushels and was reckontd equal to a drachma or 17A cts 
 
 « • - 2 • 
 
 * ievyirat. from ft vyos ' a yoke of oxen. ' 
 
HISTORV OP OHKECE. 
 
 67 
 
 ris, Solon re- 
 
 imperial galls. 
 
 By this arrangement, the Bupatridae ,vu«ld be included in 
 the ,r,t two classes; the third cla«. represented the t«l-«- 
 or yeoMunry- while the Tl.tn formed the Uer,JZLZ 
 '«r,™, class.' The EupaMU. who had not thr Zerty 
 .,uaUhcat.on were degraded to the ™nk of iieuyit,. or S ' 
 
 alone , the Htppev, and 2e,^tae could, however, hold minor 
 "fhces, wlule the Thete, were debarred from al offll T^ 
 were, as a sort of c^mpe,„ation, exen.pt from taxes. Twa's t^ 
 rhete. that formed the light-armed troo,« ; the Ze„,jUa.Z 
 heavyarmed n.fantry ; the Hippel., tbi kvalry, wS' he 
 Ingher oftces were reserved for the PentaconoM.di'Li 
 
 As we have n.ontioned before, the archons were chosen from , . 
 theft„(a».» „ .,„. ,,„, „^,.^ ^^ ^^ eleete"*2r,",?y«„ 
 
 the'wZit c^ ^ rr "" """'"'"^^ ■" ""^ '""«"" between S^JS; 
 of seW on TT' *"''"" "'"■"'■"^^'l "■' ingenious con.bmation "»'• 
 
 nomma e ten persons each, and out of the -forty persons so 
 nonnna ed n,ne were selected by lot as archo,.s. At the expira! 
 tion of then- year of office ean), „l n, i e.\pira- 
 
 with most of tl. "'"'""»«»"'> "• tl'e archons, as was the case 
 
 a scrlnv. „ •"""'" "^"'"'' •" Athens, had to undergo 
 
 a soiutuiy by giving an account of his stewardship. 
 
 To Solon is ascribed the credit of instituting the DM' or „ , 
 senate. p.„,„ h of the fonr original tribes one hmdred "■ 
 
 n eZI^H "'''' '""■''"' "" '"*"««• ^' "" '^^-^^ 
 
 L; in - .™"*'' ™ '°««"'te'l by the kings, so in historical 
 
 tunes all laws nntiated with the senate. Its dut^ was to p ep^e 
 
 lar assembly, to provide presidents for the meetings of tb^ 
 at its tpSon '"' ""' ^'-' -'" -- -^i-'ed CO sc'rutiny 
 
 EDh6t-» « i' , °^''^ "* horai6ide were left to the"""' 
 
 Epl 6Ue. Solon enlarged the duties of the Areopagus by makin! 
 .ts duhes also censorial. While it still retain Jtl 1,4^^ in 
 
 ' «v90co. i- |8ovAyJ. 
 
6d 
 
 HISTORY OF ORKECE. 
 
 Bcelesia. 
 
 ^^Kt 
 
 vestigute all cases of wilful murder, it had also the general super- 
 vision of the laws and institutitnis of the state, and also the 
 right to insi)eet the lives and occupations of its citizens. It 
 could exact tines and forfeitures, if it considered the life and 
 occupation of any citizen obnoxious. Profligacy, insolence, 
 idleness, neglect of religious duties could be punished by it. 
 This ccnirt was composed of ex-archom, and down to the days of 
 Pericles it was the centre of Eupatrid influence, and a counter- 
 poise to the democratic influence of the Ecdeda. 
 
 The assembly of the freemen was called in Solon's time 
 Heliaea, but subsecpiently, Ecdesia. It corresponded to the 
 Honieric mjora. It resembled the agora in this, that it could 
 not initiate a measure, but it ditfered from the agora, because it 
 had the right of rejecting or of passing any motion brought before 
 It. By the popular assem])ly the members of the senate were 
 elected, and to the popular as.semblyall the principal officers, at 
 the end of their year of othce, were accountable for their 
 administration. It was thus that the democracy secured its real 
 power. All otticers from the highest to the lowest were directly 
 responsible to the people. This assembly could declare war or 
 ratify treaties, and thus it had, in its owji hands, the direction 
 of the domestic and foreign })olicy of Athens. 
 
 Many other constitutional enactments were ascribed to Solon 
 of Solon. . ,vhich really belong to a later age. Some laws, however, he did 
 pass which deserve notice. He gave the right to persons desti- 
 tute of children to dispose of their property by will ; formerly 
 the property went to the nearest kinsmen. He also relaxed the 
 severe restrictions the father had over the son, and forbade 
 arbitrary disinher'tance. He even enacted that a father who 
 had not taught his s(m scmie useful trade should have no claim 
 to maintenance in his old age. To force all persons to take a 
 side in politics, he passed a law that any citizen who remained 
 neutral in a political contest should be disfranchised. He en- 
 couraged trade and commerce by granting special privileges to 
 foreigners to settle in Attica ; he punished theft by compelling 
 the guilty person to restore double the value of the property 
 stolen ; forbade speaking ill of the dead or the living ; established 
 public dinners i .i the town hall for the archons and others who 
 
 other laws 
 
HISTORY OF OREECK. 69 
 
 were regarded as worthy of state maintenance, and bestowed 
 large rewards^ on the victors at the Olympic and the Isthmian 
 games. 
 
 After settling the constitution of Athens, he bound the people Soion 
 and the government to observe his laws for ten years. He is *'"«''«'«• 
 said to have remarked that his laws were not the best he 
 could devise, but the best tlie Athenians could receive. No 
 sooner had he promulgated his code tlian he was importuned 
 to supplement his legislation with alterations or improvements. 
 To avoid tlie annoyances which these reciuests caused him, he 
 determined to travel, and visited Egypt, Cyprus, and Asia 
 Minor. In Lydia he is said to have visited King Croesus, 
 then in the height of his power. After Solon had viewed 
 unmoved all the treasures of the Lydian monarch, Croesus 
 asked him whom he considered the happiest man in the world, no 
 doubt expecti7ig thut his innnense wealth wcnild entitle himself 
 to be regarded in the fir.st degree of happiness. But Solon men- 
 tioned in the first degree of happiness Tellus, an obscure citizen 
 of Athens wlio died figliting for his native land. Again Croesus 
 asked him whom he regarded in the second degree, and Solou 
 mentioned Cleo])is and Biton, two young Argives who died 
 while escorting their mother to the temple of Hora. Astonished 
 and mortified that Sohm did not regard him in the number of 
 the happy, the Athenian replied that no man could be called 
 happy till he was dead, as the fickle goddess Fortune often 
 changed tlie brightest prosperity to the darkest adversity. The 
 rest of the story is well known to a'l. 
 
 On his rettu-n, Soion found that the old strife between the Factions in 
 factions of the Plain, the IJ-lands, and the Shore had broken "^"'■'"• 
 out anew. The first was headed l)y Lycurgus, the second by 
 Peisis>ntus, a relative of Solon for their mothers were first 
 cousins, and the third by Megacles, an Alcn:ieonid and a 
 grandson of tliat Megacles who had suppressed tlie conspiracy ■ - 
 of Cylon. Of the three, the ablest and most enenretic 
 was Peisistratus. Though he belonged to the oligarchy" he 
 championed tlie cause of the poor, and by the arts of the dema- 
 
 ' A victor at the Olympic games received 500 drachmae ; at the Isthmian, 100. 
 
70 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 Peisistratus 
 tyrant 660 
 B.C. 
 
 Peisistratus 
 exiled 659 
 B.C. 
 
 Return of 
 Peisistratus 
 653 B.C. 
 
 Secotid exile 
 of PeisiMra- 
 tus 6I45-6S5 
 B.C. 
 
 Second 
 return of 
 Peisistratus 
 5S6 B.C. 
 
 goorue-ghbness of tongue and unscrupulous assertion-he per- 
 suaded the people that his life was in danger at the hands of the 
 party of the Plain. The popular assembly at once voted him 
 a bodyguard, with which he seized the Acropolis and became 
 tyrant of Athens. 
 
 At first Peisistratus ruled with moderation and ability, but 
 after a year's rule, Megacles and Lycurgus combined and drove' 
 nm mto exile. The two factions of the Shore and the Plain 
 however, could not work together and soon Peisistratus was 
 mvi.ed to return to Athens by Megacles, who offered him the 
 iiand of his daughter in marriage. The mode of his return is 
 noteworthy There lived at that time at Athens a woman, 
 Phya, noted for her tall, commanding figure. Clothed in the 
 panoply of Athena, she approached the city in a war chariot 
 with Peisistratus at her side. Heralds preceded them and 
 announced that Athena was bringing back her Peisistratus to her 
 own Acropolis. Thi, story the credulous Athenians believed 
 For SIX years Mega^J^ and Peisistratus renmined apparently 
 triendly, for the alliance was cemented by the marriage of th- 
 daughter of Megacles to Peisistratus. But it was not long 
 before Peisistratus quarrelled with his father-in-law. Once more 
 the forces of Megacles and Lycurgus joined themselves against 
 hnn. He went into exile a second time to Eretria where he 
 remained for ten years. But these ten years were not spent in 
 Idle inactivity. Aided by mercenaries from Argos, and by exiles 
 ^om Naxos, Peisistratus sailed from Eretria, and landed at 
 Mara hon, where the forces of Megacles and Lycurgus were 
 defeated A general amnesty was given to all his enemies and 
 Peisistratus without opposition was allowed to enter the city 
 
 On his return to Athens, he took precautions to make his power 
 secure. He at once hired a band of Thracian mercenaries, and 
 sent into exile to Naxos the sons of his enemies. As soon as he 
 was thoroughly established in power, however, he showed him- 
 self a wise and merciful ruler. While he observed the Solonian 
 constitution he always took care that one of his family should be 
 at the head of the board of archons. He also levied an 
 extraordinary tax oi five per cent, on incomes, and the money 
 thus levied he devoted to the erection of public buildings 
 
on — he per- 
 lands of the 
 ! voted him 
 and became 
 
 ibility, but, 
 I and drove 
 
 the Plain, 
 stratus was 
 3d him the 
 s return is 
 
 a woman, 
 hed in the 
 rar chariot 
 
 them and 
 atus to her 
 i believed, 
 -ipparently 
 iage of the 
 s not long 
 Once more 
 '•es against 
 
 where he 
 »t spent in 
 I by exiles 
 landed at 
 'gus were 
 jmies and 
 he city. 
 
 his power 
 aries, and 
 oon as he 
 wed him- 
 Solonian 
 should be 
 eviecl an 
 e money 
 •uildings, 
 
 HISTORY OF OREECK. 
 
 and to the maintenance of public festivals. He laid the 
 foundation of the great temple of Olympian Zeus which remained 
 unfinished for six hundred and seventy years. The fountain of 
 Kallirrhne, called also Enneakroimos, was covered with a building, 
 and by means of nine pipes supplied Athens with water. Peisis- 
 tratus was also a patron of literature and art. The first public 
 library at Athens was established by him, and by him the collec- 
 tion of the Hoirieric poems, probably in the order we now 
 possess them, was made. 
 
 On the death of Peisistratus, his power was transmitted to his 
 sons Hippias and Hipparchus, who couducted the government 
 with great harmony. Hipparchus inherited the literary tastes 
 of his father. Under the patronage of the Peisistratidae, the 
 poets KSimonides of Ceos, and Anacreon of Samos, flourished at: 
 their court. 
 
 Hipparcluis was, hcwever, thoroughly immoral in his private 
 life and ottered a gross personal insult to Harmodius, a young 
 Athenian noble. Not c<mtent with this, he insulted also the sister 
 of Harmodius at a public festival. Stung with resentment, this 
 young Athenian and his friend Aristogeiton determined on re- 
 venge. With a few followers they resolved to carry out their 
 plans for slaying the Peisistratidae at the festival of the great Pan- 
 athenaea, which all the citizens were reciuired to attend in arms. 
 They had formed their plans to first kill Hippias as he was ar- 
 raj^ing the procession, but seeing him conversing witli one of the 
 v/Hs^rators, they naturally thought their plans were being be- 
 trayed, and gave up this part of their design. They then sought 
 out Hipparchus and despatched him with their daggers. The 
 guards slew Harmodius on the spot. Aristogeiton r,t fii^t escaped, 
 but was afterwards taken and exposed to all the refinements of 
 torture to extort from him the names of his fellow conspirators 
 The death of Hipparchus converted Hippias into a suspicious 
 and crud tyrant. He put to death a large numl)er of citizens 
 surround Kl himself with mercenary troops, raised arbitrary 
 taxes, and, in cr^nsequence, became extremely unpopular, while 
 the fame of Harmodius and Ari,<^/>gejt.)n constar tly increased. 
 In c(msequence of the unp^niiarity of Hippias, the Alcmaeoni- 
 
 71 
 
 Dmth of 
 Peinistratus 
 
 Conspiracy 
 of Harmo- 
 dius and 
 Aristogeiton 
 
 Hippitrchus 
 killed. 
 
 I 
 
73 
 
 Popularity 
 of the 
 
 Alcmaeoni- 
 dac. 
 
 Return of 
 (he A Icmae.' 
 onidae and 
 expulsion 
 of Hippias. 
 510 B.C. 
 
 I'i 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 <lae thought the present a favoumhle opportunity to retur.i ^o 
 Atnens. Accordingly Cleisthenes, the Aleniaeonid, son of 
 Megacles, wlio in the days of Peisistratus led the faction of tlie 
 ^hore headed an armed band and attempted to return to his 
 native land This attempt was crushed by the mercenaries of 
 Hippias. What Cleisthene.s could not gain by force, he gained 
 by diplomacy. The temple of Delphi had been destroyed by 
 hre some , oars l,efore this, and the family of the Alcmaeonidao 
 had received ti.e contract for rebuil.ling it. They not merely 
 did their work satisfactorily, bat even exceeded their specifica- 
 t'ons m employing Parian marble for the front of the temple 
 .nstead of the coarse stone which the specifications called for' 
 By this means they gained the good will of the Deluhic priest- 
 hood. Froni tins time whenever the Sj,artans came to consult 
 the oracle, the only answer made was that ' Atlieus should be 
 liberated.' So often was this answer returned that Kiiu^ 
 Cleomenes of Sparta was at length induced to undertake the 
 war against Hippias. At first he was unsuccessful, but his 
 second attempt succeeded. He defeated the Thessalian allies of 
 Hippias, who afterwards sought refuge at Sigeum, a small town 
 m the Troad. 
 
 From tliat time a new era began to dawn on Athens Har- 
 Hiodins aiKl Aristogeiton were looked upon as martyrs who had 
 shed their blood for the liberation of their native land, statues 
 were erected to them in the market place, and their names cele- 
 brated in the national songs. 
 
o return *^<> 
 lid, son of 
 etion of tlie 
 Bturii to liis 
 I'cenarius of 
 i, he gained 
 sstroyed by 
 cniaeonidac; 
 not merely 
 ir MpecificH- 
 the temple, 
 i called for. 
 ijliic priest- 
 ! to consult 
 should be 
 bhat Kin<' 
 lertake tlie 
 1, but his 
 an allies of 
 nnall town 
 
 ms. Har- 
 
 s who had 
 id, statues 
 ames cele- 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 THE A(iK OF CLEISTHENES 
 
 XMLS ot pol.t cs_I«ag.,ras, son of Tisander, a kader of the 
 
 " .garc HO faction, and Cleisthenes, son of Mgacle.Ctele.it 
 
 o t ,0 democracy. The rule of PehfctrMus, ami c.necWlv thaT 
 
 " Ins two son., had been favourable to the g^th of «^ 
 
 de Mocrat.c s,„r,t of Athens. The name, of Hh„«c n" "^ 
 
 H,„p,as were falling into popular disfavour, w " 
 
 Ha n.od,us and Aristogeiton were rising i„ o genera "o„u 
 
 I"..ty. As a result of this feeling, Isag„ras n,S wfth i le 
 
 success with the people in advancing his elain,! T- 
 
 leader of the Athenians, who looked as^Ica 2 " ^ '^ZJt 
 
 re-esoabhsh amongst then, the old rule of the Peisi r2lV 
 
 Isag6ras w..,, therefore, forced to flee, while hi, 2' o' 
 
 thene, was left a« undisputed master of kthen.!. ^''^Sffl.'*" 
 
 Isagoras now had recourse to King Cleo.nenes of Sparta 
 who, in endeavouring to establish a tyrant at Athen iSidt' 
 took to caiTy out a policy utterly inconsistent wit the 
 political traditions of the Spartans. He cvidentlv f! f T 
 inconsistency of his policy for he did not atb^'ISiet w ,! 
 
 sent before him herald, ^:L:1::'aZ:L:Z ^^^ 
 A hens 'the accursed family,- thus attempting to woTontZ 
 
 »n:;::tr;rUa:;;;:Ld'!:^':r -rz-- --^-^ 
 
 short lived f..r H.^ f.T», • i ^"^ ^"^® was «ei«</»«i«s 
 
 lived, f.n the tyrannical enactments of Isagfiras soon ^J'''' ''' 
 
 [ 73 ] ^^' 
 
 I 
 
7i 
 
 HLSTOKY OF GREECE. 
 
 Isagoras 
 banished. 
 
 drew down upon him the vengeance of tlie Athenians. He 
 dissolved the senate of four hundred established by Solon, 
 and replaced it by three hundred oligarchs chosen by himself! 
 while at the same tiuie he expeMed seven hundred demo- 
 cratic families who joined Cleistiieues in exile. The people soon 
 rose in insurrection, drove King CleCmgnes and his Spartan 
 hophtes with Isagfiras and his adherents into the Acropolis, 
 where, after a few days, the garrison was compelled through' 
 starvation to capitulate. The lives of Cleomenes and his Spar- 
 tans were saved, probably because the Athenians had no desire 
 to provoke a war with Sparta. It is said that Isagoras, 
 disguised as a common soldier, eluded the vigilance of the 
 Athenians. But the fate of the Athenian oligarchs was very 
 different. Such was the indignation of the Athenians at the 
 attempt of the oligarchs to subvert the constituti.jn of Athens 
 ])y meauH of foreign aid, that all the prominent men were at 
 oncj put to death, while the rest of the usurpers were sent into 
 exile. Instead of being grateful for the preservation of his life, 
 Cleomenes was stung with resentment at the loss his pride had 
 sustained from his unsuccessful attempt to establish Isagoras as 
 tyrant of Athens. He, accordingly, used all his means to 
 organize a second and more formidable expedition, and at once 
 despatched orders throughout the Peloponnesus to send contin- 
 gents from every state to join in the expedition against Athens. 
 He even associated with him in the command the other king, 
 Demaratus, a precedent unusual in the history of Sparta, for 
 usually one of the kings remained at home while the other took 
 the command of the armies in the field. The Athenians in 
 dread of the threatening invasion, sent ambassadors to Arta- 
 phernes, satrap of Western Asia, to solicit aid from ' the Great 
 King.' The Persian satrap would not, however, pledge any aid 
 unless the Athenians were willing to acknowledge the supremacy 
 of Persia by giving the typical offerings uf earth and water. 
 Though these ternii were accepted by the Athenian envoys, they 
 were indignantly rejected by the people when laid before 
 the assembly. Athens was at this time destitute of allies with 
 the exception of the small town of Plataea in Boeotia. This 
 town, from the days of Peisistratus to the time of the Pelopon- 
 
ians. He 
 ly Solon, 
 y liimself, 
 ed demo- 
 iople soon 
 3 Spartan 
 Acropolis, 
 I through 
 his Spar- 
 no desire 
 Isagoras, 
 36 of the 
 was very 
 lis at the 
 of Athens 
 n were at 
 sent into 
 { his life, 
 pride had 
 sagoras as 
 means to 
 id at once 
 id contin- 
 t Athens, 
 her king, 
 parta, for 
 ther took 
 jnians in 
 to Arta- 
 he Great 
 e any aid 
 ipreniacy 
 id water, 
 'oys, they 
 d before 
 Hies with 
 ia. This 
 Pelopon- 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 nesian war was always loyal to the Athenians. In consequence of 
 her friendship for Plataea, Athens had incurred the enmity of the 
 Thebans, who had united with them the maritime state of Chalcis 
 m Euboea, the commerce of which came into competition with 
 that o Athens. The Spartans determined to attack Athens from 
 
 he Isthmus, while Thebes and Chalcis were to make a descent 
 from the north Cleomenes passed the Isthmus, and had led his 
 armyasfarasEleusis when the allies first learned the objects 
 of the expedition. Then he openly declared tliat his purpose 
 was not so much to overthrow the democratical government of 
 Athens, as to establish Isagoras as its tyrant. Up to this 
 
 ime the policy of establishing tyrants was altogether foreign to 
 that of Sparta, and Cleomenes was opposed in his plans by 
 l^emaratus and by the majority of his allies. Tlie Corinthians 
 and many of the others who had experienced the iniquitous rub 
 of the Cypsehdae, had no desire to assist any one in estab- 
 ishing a tyranny. Unsupported in his plans, Cleon.enes and 
 his confederates withdrew from Attica without wreaking his 
 revenge. ^ 
 
 The Athenians, however, were not content when they saw the 
 foe withdraw from their territory. Tliey determined to carry on 
 war against Thebes and Chalcis. Luckily they managed to get 
 between the armies and fell first upon the Tliebans, whom they 
 routed. They then crossed the Eurlpus, and not only defeated 
 the Chalcians, but took tlie city itself and expelled the oligar- 
 chy. They confiscated the lands of the conquered and divided 
 It up into four thousand farms or clerncMes, which they bestowed 
 upon the poorer people of Athens. The lower classes of Chalcis 
 were left undisturbed to dwell among the new settlers, but the 
 state was really made a dependency of Athens, for all the power 
 was m the hands of the Athenian clernch, who was a perman- 
 ent governor in Chalcis. Thus Isagoras was banished and 
 Cleisthenes restored. 
 
 Cleisthenes now set about his work of reforming the constitu- 
 tion of Athens. He was a born legislator and belonged to a 
 tamily of legislators. His grandfather, after whom he was 
 named, was the celebrated Cleisthgnes of Sicyon, and hi. Clei.t,ene. 
 
 76 
 
 Cleisthenes 
 restored. 
 
 brothfii* Wi 
 
 ippocr^tes was tlio grandfather of the still 
 
 more 
 
76 
 
 HISTORY OF GRKECE. 
 
 celebrated Pericle.s. The reforms that Cleisthgnes instituted 
 were endunng, and any slight changes that subsequently were 
 made dul not destroy his original schen.e <.f government, 
 the central idea of which was that the citizens in tiie assembi; 
 were of supremo authority, without whose sanction no import- 
 ant nxeasv.res could be enacted. The first important reform of 
 Cleisthenes was a redistribution of the original tribes. The 
 four lonic tribes were done away with alt(.gether and ten new 
 ones, named after ten Attic heroes, were instituted. Each of 
 hese ten tribes was divide. , to ten den,i^ or townships. The 
 ^n6.. were not local though the daai were. In this way the 
 rfem belonging to a particular tribe were not contiguous, and 
 thus It was impossible for the different meml,ers of tl^ tribes to 
 
 t'hus m dT it " 'T'T "'^^ '' ^'^'''''' P^"-^^- Cleisthenes 
 thus made it impossible for any local combination to arise such 
 
 as had been formed by the Shore, Uplands, and Plain under the 
 t eisistratidae Every freeman of Attica of eighteen years of a^e 
 was registered ni the denros to which he belonged in a public 
 register.^ Besides this, Cleisthenes enrolled the reklent 
 aliens, and even the slaves of the resi<lent aliens, who dwelt 
 apa t from their masters, but who had a sufficient property 
 qualification. In this way he swelled the number of the citizens 
 and, in consequence, the military power of Athens was propor- 
 tionately increased Each de>nos, like each township in Canada 
 managed Its own afiairs. It had its own public meiings, levied 
 taxes for local purposes, and was under the superintendence of an 
 ofticer called a demarchns.^ 
 
 S^Z^tJtL , ^^ consequence of the establishment of the ten new tribes a 
 Sl'^r '^''"^' ''^T'^' I" ^^'^ constitution of the senate. Fifty per- 
 Buie. «ons were chosen by lot each year from each tribe. Each mem- 
 
 on'tbl !! 1 ''Tt\l"^ '" ^" *^"^''^ ^""^^^ "' ''^^^' ^ ^-»-»e citizen 
 Duties of the'l'' ^ \^.f ^^" ""1 ^^^^ P^^^^ts, one who had never suffered any civil 
 .... disability. For each day he sat in the senate he received a 
 
 a) Demera .7' ™''' '^ '^'^ ^'"'^^^^ ^^^^^"^« ^'^ ^^^^^ns was liable 
 
 (X>ne,,era. t^ undergo a scrutiny at the en d of the year. The duties of the 
 
 8 Srjiiapxoi. 
 
HISTORY OF GHEE(;E. 
 
 77 
 
 senate were partly deliberative, and partly to supply presidincr 
 ufhcers for tlie assembly. It prepared Inllsi to lay before the 
 Acdi'sm, l)ut these bills, unless ratifiod by the people, were invalid. 
 If ratified by the people such a bill became a /),s77>//m>/(,,- <,r decree 
 winch was in force for one year only, and unless ratified by the 
 mmudhetue (originally thesmothetae) at tlie end of the year, did 
 not pass HI to the list of the laws.s 
 
 The second duty of the Bnle was to supply presidents f<,r th^ czyVo supply 
 popular assembly.^ The senate consisted as we have said of SOOE^''.^;, 
 members, and the Attic year of 354 days.^ Both the year and ««''«"%. 
 the senate were divided into ten sections, so that T.O members of 
 the Bale held office for 35 days. This period was called a prytaneia^ 
 and the senators who held ofHce during thaf time, priitaneis.i 
 These were again subdivided into fire sections so that 10 mem- 
 bers of the n„le held office for seven days. These were called 
 pnmln,^ and the chairman" of these presided over the senate 
 and the PJcclesia. The cluurman held office for one day. In his 
 custody were tlie public seal, and the keys of the Acropolis and of 
 the treasury. 
 
 The Ecdesia was the formal assembly of the Athenian citizens Ecdesia. 
 that met to discuss and vote upon all matters of public interest. 
 Ihe meetings were held at first once dnring i^ach pnjtany, but 
 afterwards were called on emergencies, sometimes four times dur- 
 nig each prytany, at such times and places as were appointed by 
 the prytuneis, by a notice^" posted up in the market place five ,/,«.« „/ 
 (lays before such meeting. In this notice were also stated the '"«'""^- 
 (luestions to be discussed. 
 
 At first the Ecdesia met in the market place ; then in the Pnyx, Place of 
 a portion of the city west of the Areopagus; and afterwards, in ""'^"■"^• 
 the theatre <jf lUonysus. 
 
 Under Solon the government of the state was chietiy in the 
 hands of the Arcliom; under that of Cleisthenes, the power was 
 ^^^^r^^,^BHle^^dt\^^Ecdeua. The popular assembly 
 
 aninterciLlarrn'onThof sJlaf^^^li,;;';^^ ^""' '' --^ Period of eight years 
 rrnvrafsta., T^^pv^artFv. ^ TrpoeSpot. '' ini<yTdrr,i. ^<> Trpoy pay. f,.a. 
 
78 
 
 HISTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 was the great political school of the Athenians In it were 
 discussed all questions all'ecting the political life of the Atheni- 
 ans. Here were heard all foreign euibassie.s, all questions of 
 peace or war, of revenue and taxation, all now laws of which 
 previous notice had been given, all motions conferring rewards 
 or inflicting civil punishment on citizens or strangers, and all 
 reports of public officials at the end of their term of office. 
 The platform ^ from which the speakers addressed the assembly 
 was of stone, surniiouiited by steps which were usually occupied 
 by die pruedroi. The chairman^ of the proedroi presided and 
 read the previous bilP which had been recommended by the 
 senate. The crier * then put the usual question, ' Who wishes 
 to speak ? ' According to the institution of Solon those above 
 tifty years of age were called upon first to speak, but this 
 custom afterwards fell into disuse. The speakers by an old 
 law were required to confine themselves to the subject before 
 the meeting, and were forbidden to indulge in scurrilous 
 or abusive language, though the Litter order was often disre- 
 garded. This right of free speech,^ that all citizens possessed, 
 was one of the proudest boasts of the Athenians. It was an 
 incentive to every free-born citizen, however humble, to be- 
 come an orator, for oratory was the chief avenue of success to 
 an aspirant for political power. Any citizen who was twenty 
 years of age, not labouring under any civil disability, and whose 
 parents on both sides were free-born Athenians, and who had been 
 enrolled in the register of his demof^, could discuss before the 
 people the political questions of the day. The discussion was 
 not confined to a particular class of professional speakers. 
 No doubt the assembly had favourites who wielded great 
 influence, still the most obscure, as well as the most noted 
 citizen had equally the right to address his fellow citizens on all 
 questions aff'ecting the public weal. The meetings were more 
 marked by liveliness than by order. Bores or windbags were 
 looked upon as intolerable nuisances, and their words were met 
 with hoots or hisses and drowned in the din. All citizens were 
 expected to be present and had in later times a double induce- 
 
 ' /3^/u.a. -eirtffTanjs Toil' Trpoe'fipcoi'. ''> n-po/3ovAev/j.a. */c^puf. ^napp-qaria. 
 
a it were 
 e Atheni- 
 estiona of 
 
 of which 
 y rewards 
 1, and all 
 
 of office. 
 
 assembly 
 
 occupied 
 uded and 
 id by the 
 ho wishes 
 >se above 
 
 but this 
 >y an old 
 set before 
 scurrilous 
 ;en disre- 
 jossessed, 
 .t was an 
 le, to be- 
 luccess to 
 IS twenty 
 nd whose 
 • had been 
 efore the 
 ssion was 
 speakers, 
 ed great 
 3st noted 
 ms on all 
 ^ere more 
 •ags were 
 were met 
 ens were 
 e induce- 
 
 f 
 
 I 
 
 HISTOKY OF GREECE. 
 
 79 
 
 mcTit to attend. A crowd of bowmen ' swept the market phtce 
 and other places of resort with a rope marked Vjth vonnillion. 
 All who refused i ■ go, or were loitering on the way, \' re U„ heel 
 by the )wni' u aix' 'ned. Besides this incentive, in later 
 tmies a fee of ,,0 three oholi was given to each citizen of 
 
 the poorei classe.s to induce tliem to attend. The Ecclesia, as we 
 have said, was one of the chief educational influences in the life 
 of tl Vthenian citizen. The humblest citizen listened there to 
 the liiiest oratory and, in consecjuence, became well versed in all 
 the political affairs of his native city, and of even foreign states. 
 The sharimess of wit and skill in repartee, so characteristic of 
 the Athenians, were no doubt greatly due to the constant attend- 
 ance on the Eccl 'a, the real parliament of ancient Athens. 
 
 Before tfie days of Cleisthenes, the courts of Athens were the TheEphetae 
 Areopagus, v/hioh we have noticed already,'-^ and the four courts 
 tliat went under the general name of Ejjhetae. These hitter 
 took their names from the places where they met— at Palladium, 
 Delphinium, Phreatto, and in the Prytaneum. The first court 
 heard all cases of unintentional homicide and incitement to 
 murder ; tlie second, cases of justifiable homicide ; the third tried 
 all persons who had committed an act of justifiable homicide 
 while under sentence of exile ; and the fourth court had charge 
 of cases in which the culprit was unknown, or was an inanimate 
 object sucli as a stick or a stone. 
 
 After the time of Cleisthenes most cases at Athens, both The Heliaec 
 criminal and civil, were tried by the Heliaea, a body of jurors 
 selected every year. Every Athenian citizen of the age of thirty, 
 and not under some civil disa])ility, was eligible to serve in 
 this court. At the beginning of each year six thousand men 
 were drawn by the ten archons. These were sworn, in a body, 
 to abide by the laws and to give their verdici according to 
 the evidence brought before them. They were then dis- 
 tributed into the ten sections, five hundred being assigned 
 to each court, leaving a supernumerary thousand to supply 
 the place of any who had been removed by death or had left 
 the country. The members of each group received a small 
 
 •SKu^at or TufoTttt. -p. 67. 
 

 '//*^'' 
 
 
.J^. 
 
 
 IMAGE EVALUATION 
 TEST TARGET (MT-S) 
 
 4 
 
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 150 
 
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 112 
 
 2.5 
 
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 Photographic 
 
 Sciences 
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 23 WEST MAIN STREET 
 
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80 
 
 |i.l 
 
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 mi 
 
 Strategi. 
 
 Obtracimn. 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 tablet with one of the letters from A to K marked on it. The 
 ten courts composing the Heliaea were also marked from A to K, 
 so that the five hundred who received tablets marked A would 
 be assigned to the court marked A, and so on with the others. 
 What the jurisdiction of the different courts was, we have no 
 means of knowing. Often two, three and even five courts 
 were united in trials. The Heliasts received subsequently each 
 one, two or three obols a day during their session. The size 
 of the court was an uicentive to an orutor and a preventive 
 against bribery. 
 
 According to the constitution of Cleisthenes the citizens were 
 marshalled by tribes, each tribe being under a stmtegoa or 
 general, appointed annually by the citizens. They had super- 
 vision of all matters connected with the war department 
 of the state. They levied and enlisted soldiers, collected war 
 taxes, and in ccinj unction with the polemarch formed the 
 supreme council of war. 
 
 The last important institution of Cleisthenes was ostracism. 
 Athens had suffered at different times from the bitter rivalry of 
 parties and the usurpation of tyrants. To prevent the recur- 
 rence of r.uch a state of matters, Cleisthenes devised the insti- 
 tution of honourable banishment called ostracism, by which it 
 was provided that 'at any political crisis a special meeting 
 could be called at which the people could declare by their vote 
 that the presence of any individual was prejudicial to the 
 interest of the state.' If six thousand citizens voted, by writing 
 the name of any individual on a piece of tile,^ that such a 
 person should be banished, he was required within ten days to 
 withdraw from the boundaries of Attica and remain in exile for 
 ten years. This sentence did not cast any stigma on the person 
 so banished for he still retained his civil rights and his property, 
 and it was not looked on as a punishment, but, simply as the 
 means of relieving the state of an individual whose presence 
 would be inimical to its interests. 
 
 Such were the leading features of the constitution of 
 Cleisthenes. By it the people had supr-^me control of the state. 
 They elected its n.agistrates and called them to give an account 
 
 ' oaTpaKov, 
 
HISTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 of their stewardship at the expiration of their term of office ; they 
 shaped the foreigii and home policy of the state, and also had 
 the supreme control of its judiciary. This constitution had its 
 weak and its strong features. Wliile it raised the citizens 
 intellectually, it also gave an opportunity to unscrupulous 
 demagogues to lead them at their will, and finally succumbed at 
 the end of the Peloponnesian and Macedonian wars. 
 
 81 
 
 
 ^i 
 
 6 
 
CHAPTER XI. 
 
 I 
 
 ri 
 
 i 
 
 |;'t: 
 
 lit 
 
 M 
 
 Hesiod. 
 
 LITERATURE AND PHILOSOPHY FROM THE DAYS OF HOMER 
 
 TO 600 B.C. 
 
 After the period of Homer and the Cyclic poets, we enter 
 upon a totally different phase of Greek literature. While the 
 poetry of Horner is purely objective, that of the period with which 
 we are now dealing is almost entirely subjective. Homer sings 
 of the warlike deeds or adventures of heroes in which he himself 
 took no part. To the events of which ho treats, he stands in 
 the position of a spectator. It is, however, different with the 
 poets of the subsequent age. They deal with incidents which give 
 colour to their life, and this colour is reflected in their song. 
 Hesiod, for example, describes from actual experience the hard 
 privations of a farmer's life; Archilochus blends martial 
 strains with the plaintive notes of sorrow for the subjugation of 
 Asia Minor under a Persian deapot, while the poems of ' burn- 
 ing Sappho' breathe forth the passionate emotions of love. We 
 shall see hereafter that the poetry of this period deals with the 
 various passions that affect humanity. 
 
 In point of time and in external form, the poetry of Hesiod 
 is not far removed from that of Homer, for Hesiod lived pro- 
 bably a century later than Homer, and both wrote in the hexa- 
 meter metre and in the Ionic dialect. It is, however, only in 
 these particulars that * the bard of Ascra ' resembles 'the great 
 father of Maeonian song. ' The little that we know of Hesiod is 
 gathered from his own works. He was born in the village of 
 Ascra, in Boeotia, to which his father Dius had immigrated from 
 the Aeolian Cyme, in Asia Minor. After his father's death, he 
 was involved in a law suit with a younger brother, Perses, about 
 the little patrimony. The suit was decided against Hesiod. 
 We are also told that the poet then emigrated to Orchomenos, in 
 Boeotia, where he spent the rest of his days. 
 
 The masterpiece of Hesiod was 'The Works and Days,' a 
 didactic poem giving instruction to the farmer in the work he has 
 
 [82] 
 
HI8T0KY OF GREECE. 
 to do and telling hi,,, the days that were lucky a„d u„l-,ckv for 
 
 heavy ^l.j:l:7Z2^ i:^^ zrzL ^^ ""!' ""• 
 
 that waa hia constant companion „rdo„bt n '^'T^'^y 
 proving i„«„ ce „„ his Spirits 'an"d 'ol eV^-Xilif 
 
 ..d.. istsrB-^tir^is-^^^^^^ 
 
 BeL: The Wo^^rand W H "! V""™"-"' <>f HomL. 
 x« YvorKs ana Days, Hesiod wrote the 'Theoffonv ' 
 
 me goas. other minor works are ascribed to him 
 anlto':'o'ltr r ^'^:' "- ^-- between 760 .«..,.„ 
 
 we have m n^ned 1 JHr 1""' """"«' '" '''^'^'"'^- ^--««/ 
 oligarchy, and this tit; cretalrr'/ «"™ ""^ '""'SS 
 again, was superceded by dem^" v Th "^ ''' "'"''' 
 
 ment marked the rise of i^? T^ .^'",f "'''anges .n govern- 
 ment of hmnanX"!::, I^lt g;otthTr' ^ ^'^^^^ 
 the members of fv.^ iJ / growth of freedom among 
 
 began :^^:>^^z:z^a^ ^Kfrr 
 
 was dawninff uDon fhp n««r.i • "'"^'i^^^^^nuy. Knowledge 
 
 Hsing intoyoCet^iraLrrnVthe::,"^^^ ^™/™"^ 
 
 C^riambiJaXric:'" '"^'" "' ""^ "^ '"''"' '"- 
 
 ap^:.ritirrirrrdt"r:t"T^ 
 
 «*»t which the nT"' *" ""' ^'•fcrfa.io™ o/'> "^^ 
 
 of poeL'tcoX; '"VT-7""™- '^'^«^ i' *« fo™ 
 _r ^y, accordmg to Coleri dge, 'natural to the reflective 
 
 83 
 
 ' eA€yoj is said to be derived from s i »" I ' ~~ 
 
 crivea irom e, e Asyeiv, to say ' woe,' ' woe.' 
 
HISTORV OB* GREECfi. 
 
 CalUnus 
 about 690 
 B.C 
 
 Tyrtaeus 
 about 675 
 B.C. 
 
 Arehilochus 
 about 670 
 B.C. 
 
 mind, and it may treat of any subject, if it does so, with refer- 
 ence to tlie poet himself.' This is exactly true of Greek elegy.* 
 Almost every conceivable subject is represented in the elegiac 
 poetry of the Greeks. The inspiring martial song, the dirge for 
 the dead, political or party songs, the lays of family feuds, laws 
 for the guidance of the state, proverbs on morals and manners, 
 have all a part in these poems. This kind of poetry had always 
 a flute accompaniment, and this fact is supposed to point to its 
 foreign origin, for stringed instruments were peculiar to the 
 Greeks as wind instruments were to the natives of Asia Minor. 
 Iambic'^ poetry was devoted to raillery, repartee and satirical 
 composition, while lyrical was a name given to poetry that had 
 the same range of subjects as elegiac poetry, but not restricted 
 CO any particular metre, and, as its name implies, had a lyre, 
 instead of a dute accompaniment. 
 
 The first of the elegiac poets and tlie inventor of the metro 
 was Calllnua of Ephgsus. He lived at a time when the Cim- 
 merians, a savage horde of northern Europe, broke into Asia and 
 invaded Ionia. The lays of Callinus are spirited appeals to 
 his countrymen to withstand the invader. 
 
 Tyrtaeus lived at the time of the second Messenian war 685- 
 668 B.C. Tradition states that he was a lame schoolniaster of 
 Athens, that the Spartans were commanded by an oracle to seek 
 a leader from the Athenians, wlio in mockery sent Tyrtaeus. 
 Be this as it may, his soul-stirring battle songs did mor*^ than 
 the profoundest tactics of the ablest general could have ?! ae, to 
 secure victory to the Spartans. 
 
 ArchilSchus, an Ionian of the isle of Paros, was not only a 
 great satirist, but also one of the first of the lyric poets 
 and was ranked by the Greeks in his own sphere on an 
 equality with Homer. He was the first Greek writer 
 who composed Iambic verses according to fixed rules, and 
 
 » The elegiac metre consists alternately of a hexameter and a pentameter, havinp 
 the followinif scheme : 
 
 — uu I — vu I — vn.1 I — uu I — uo I 
 
 'linru, to rail. 
 
 UKJ \J\J 
 

 HISTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 ^avo mother and therefore, despised in hia native , J h: 
 
 mr Tt: r,"" """' *° '^'"''™' ">a inhabitanl o wh th 
 were at war w,th the neighbouring Thracians. He flnallv MI 
 
 ;:eLr atSrtr"™ "" '''^- ^^ ^' ^ 
 
 Simonldes of Amorgos shares with Archilfiehn, fl,„ i, 
 of inventing the Iambic metpp H '*""'"*°''".' '^^ honour s.„,„„a„ 
 
 Paro. but fad a o„C to ho-„e"hCin^T, ""/'; "^'^ °'j-«^" 
 where he spent most of^i. ,i,e. t'Ztl'lll^Z'Z 
 
 ui AFcnnocnus. His longest extant poem is a fi«.f ,Va ' n 
 
 aTrar'.'tr""'"*'"^^^"'' ^°'''' -'»'— Lttrio^: 
 
 theTol : t! IT^ """"""' ''°» "■« '»'' '• 'h^ t«'tative, from 
 the dog ; the untidy woman, from the swine, and so on 
 
 po!trBXe°'his'Z':hi'T"f ' "'" "'" '" ^>eg- «'"-«. 
 comnosifioTiQ Tw- J"j'""s suDjects, or to satirical 
 
 female LtepWr Thelf ^? ^^^^^^^^ *« ^anno, a 
 Nanno ' ilL. T u- ^^^o^^ng. taken from the poem 'To 
 
 Nannie, illustrates his peculiar views of life and his'practic^l 
 
 What's life or pleasure wanting Aphrodite . 
 win? I f den-haired goddess cold am I ; 
 
 When love and ove's soft gifts no more delight ^e 
 
 Nor stolen dalliance, then I fain would die ! ' 
 Ah ! fair and lovely bloom the flowers of youth ; 
 
 On men and maids they beautif ullv smile : 
 
 85 
 
86 
 
 HISTORY OP QREBCE. 
 
 13^ 
 
 t ! 
 
 u 
 
 M 
 
 i[.:\ i! 
 
 11 
 
 Lesbian 
 School. 
 
 AlCMUS 
 
 about 590 
 B.C. 
 
 But Boon comes doleful eld, who, void of nith, ^ 
 
 Indifferently afflicts the fair and vile ; 
 Then cares wear out the heart ; old eyes forlorn 
 
 Scarce seek the very sunshine to behold— 
 Unloved of youths, of every maid the scorn — 
 
 So hard a lot Grod lays upon the old. » 
 
 CMs'dM.le? ^"^^^ Simonldes, of Ceos, the elegy reached its perfection. 
 
 B.C. He composed many epigrams, the most celebrated of which is 
 
 that composed in honour of those who fell at Thermopylae :— 
 
 Go, stranger ! tell the Spartans here we lie ; 
 Faithful to death because they bade us die. ^ 
 
 Lyrical poetry was cultivated in early times by the Aeolians 
 of Lesbos. Of this school, the two chief representatives were 
 Alcaeua and Sappho. 
 
 Alcaeus was a native of Mitylene, of Lesbos. He took an 
 active part in politics and was the leader of the nobles against 
 the rising power of the people. At length, when the popular 
 party gained the upper hand, he and his brother were banished. 
 His songs, of which only a few fragments remain, treat of a 
 great variety of subjects. Politics, wine, women and war form 
 the burden of his poetry. 
 
 The ' dark-haired' Sappho waa, like Alcaeus, a native of Lesbos. 
 She lived in the stormy days of Lesbian politics, of which, how- 
 ever, we find no mention in the existing fragments of her poetry, 
 though numerous references to the politics of the period abound in 
 the writings of her contemporary, Alcaeus. From her works we 
 learn that she was not merely a contemporary of, but on intimate 
 terms with, Alcaeus. It is said that she fled from Lesbos and died in 
 Sicily. The story of her unrequited love for Phaon and of her 
 leaping from the Leucadian cliff into the sea is probably a fiction 
 of a later date. That she was a poetess of pre-eminent artistic 
 ability is attested by the almost unanimous voice of antiquity. 
 By some she was called ' the Tenth Muse ' ; by others she was 
 Styled par excellence, 'the Poetess,' as Homer was called 'the 
 
 'Translated by John Addinffton Symonds. 
 "Translated by Sir Edwin Arnold, 
 
 Sappho 
 about 590 
 B.C. 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 Poet^' The musical rhythm of the metre called 'Sapphic,' in 
 her honour, ih an evidence of an ear ex.iuisitely attuned to the 
 harmony of sound. She poHsessed the liveliest imagination, and 
 her poems express the most ardent passion of love. Her two 
 best fragments are the following. Both are translations of 
 Ambrose Philips. 
 
 ADDRESS TO A BKLOVKD MAIDEN. 
 
 Blest as th' iiinnortal gcxln is he, 
 The youth who fondly sits by thee, 
 And hears and sees thee all the while 
 Softly speak and sweetly smile. 
 
 ' Twas this deprived my soul of rest, 
 And raised such tumults in iny breast ; 
 For while I gazed, in transi^rt toss'd, 
 My breath was gone, my voice was lost : 
 
 My bosom glowed ; the subtle flame 
 Rose quick through all my vital frame ; 
 O'er my dim eyes a darkness hung. 
 My ears with hollow murmurs rung. 
 
 In dewy damps my limbs were chilled ; 
 My blo(;d with gentle horrors thrilled ; 
 My feeble piUse forgot t(j play. 
 I fainted, sank, and died away. 
 
 87 
 
 HYMN TO VENUS. 
 
 O Venus, beauty of the skies. 
 To whom a thousand temples rise, 
 Gaily false in gentle smiles. 
 Full of love-perpltxing wiles ; 
 O goddess, from my heart remove 
 The wasting cares and pains of love. 
 
 If ever thou hast kindly heard, 
 A song in soft distress preferred. 
 Propitious to my tuneful vow, 
 O, gentle goddess, hear me now ; 
 Descend, thou bright, immortal guest 
 In all thy radiant charms confessed. 
 
w 
 
 TP" 
 
 88 
 
 HISTORY OF GREPXE. 
 
 Ill 
 
 A nacreo7i 
 circa 530 
 B.C. 
 
 i jl 
 
 Thou once did'st leave almighty Jove, 
 And all the golden r(M)f8 above ; 
 The car thy wanton .sparrows drew, 
 Hovering in air they lightly flew ; 
 As to my bower they winged their way 
 I saw their fniivering pinions play. 
 
 Tlie 1)irdH dismissed, (while you remain), 
 Bore back their empty car ag,ain ; 
 Then you with looks divinely mild. 
 In every heavenly feature smiled, 
 And asked what new complaints I made, 
 And why I called you to my aid. 
 
 What frenzy in my Iwsom raged, 
 And by what; care to be assuaged ? 
 What gentle youth I would allure. 
 Whom in my artful toils secure ? 
 Who dares thy tender heart subdue, — 
 Tell me, my Sappho, — tell me who ! 
 
 Though now he shuns thy longing arms. 
 He soon shall court thy slighted charms ; 
 Though now thy off' rings he despise, 
 He soon to thee shall sacrifice : 
 Though now he freeze, he soon shall bum, 
 And be thy victim in his turn. 
 
 Celestial visitant, once mere, 
 Thy needful presence I implore ! 
 In pity come and ease my grief. 
 Bring my distempered soul relief ; 
 Favour thy suppliant's hidden fires, 
 And give me all my heart desires. 
 
 Auacreon was born at Tecs, a city of Ionia. He is indirectly 
 connected with the Lesbian school in the form and matter of 
 his lyrics. Ho si)ent most of his life at the court of Polycra,tes, 
 tyrant of Samos, but afterwards at that of Hipparchus, of 
 Athens, and finally in Thessaly, where he lived with the 
 princely Aleuftdae. The universal voice of , antiquity repre- 
 sents Anacreon as a consummate voluptuary ; and his extant 
 poems confirm the truth of this tradition. Love, wine, and 
 
HISTORY OP OKEECE. 
 
 89 
 
 He had no desire except that of 
 
 niuHJc were his chief themes, 
 enjoyment. 
 
 We must not imagine that all the songs sung at the feasts of CallUtratu$ 
 tlio ancient Greeks were devoted to the praises of wine. Often 
 the 8t)ngs sung on such occasions were on patriotic themes. 
 One of the most popular of such songs was 'the Ode to 
 Harniodius and Aristogeiton,' composed by an obscure poet 
 Callistratus. The translation is by the Marquis of Wellesley : 
 
 I'll wreathe my sword in myrtle bough, 
 The sword that laid the tyrant low, 
 When patriots, burning to be free. 
 To Athena gave equality. 
 
 Harmodius hail ! though reft of breath, 
 Thou ne'er shalt feel the strc/ko of death ! 
 The heroes' happy isles shall be 
 The blest abode allotted thee. 
 
 I'll wreathe my sword in myrtle bough, 
 The sword that laid Hipparchus low, 
 When at Athena's adverse fane 
 He knelt, but never rose again. 
 
 When Freedom's name is understood 
 You shall delight the wise and go(xl ; 
 You dared to set your countiy free, 
 And gave her laws equality. 
 
 Besides the Aeolian, we have also the Dorian school of Lyrical Dorian 
 poetry. Both schools represent the poetry of the aristocratic -^y"*"*' i'*'*' 
 classes of society, but the poetry of the Aeolians is nearly*^' 
 altogether personal, while that of the Dorian school is almost 
 wholly religious. 
 
 The Aeolian writers gave vent through lihe medium of im- mfferences 
 passioned lyrics to their joys or sorrows, their hopes and fears, f>''-t^"f«n the 
 to their views of society or of politics, and they mirrored in AeSn'"' 
 their verses all the fluctuating feelings that vex or delight" 
 humanity. On the other hand, the Doric poets gave expression 
 to the religious life of the Doric people as preserved in the 
 traditions of the past. For this reason the Doric bard, like the 
 
 poetry. 
 
r 
 
 90 
 
 H 
 
 I ^' 
 
 Alcinan 
 about 6S0 
 B.C. 
 
 Stesichonis 
 about 610 
 B.C. 
 
 Arlon, of 
 Methymna 
 610 B.C. 
 
 HISTORY OP rJREKCE. 
 
 Homeric minstrel, says little of himself. He celehrAteB, it may 
 be, the deeds of some hero who hus won a victory at the 
 Olympic ^aiues, or he singa the praises of Apollo or of Dionysus, 
 the two deitiee eppecially wornhipped Ijy the Dorian people. 
 Again, while the Aeolian song was sung by a single performer 
 to the music of the lyre, the Doric poetry was generally sung 
 and accompanied with the rhythmic movement of a chorus of 
 dancers. 
 
 Alcman, the greatest lyric poet of Sparta, was by birth a 
 native of Sardis. He was brought t(j Laconia as a slave^ but 
 was afterwards emancipated and naturalized as a citizen of 
 Sparta. Most of his poems were composed at the time of thf* 
 Second Messenian War, and the high estimation in which the 
 poet was held may arise from the fact that he lived at a period 
 when his adopted countrymen had learned to devote themselves 
 to the refinements of poetry. He wrote hymns, processional 
 songs* to be sung by maidens,'^ i)aean8"' or songs celebrating 
 the health-giving powers of the gods, nuptial chants,* and 
 love songs.* He is said to have introduced the choral lyric 
 and to have invented the strophe* and antistrophe.* " 
 
 Stesichftrus obtained his name ' marshalkx- of choruses ' from 
 his skill in conducting, or in trainijig choruses. His real name 
 was Tisias. He stands with Alcman m the head of the Dorian 
 school. It is said that he relieved the monotony of the strophe 
 and autistrophe by introducing the epode, which was sung by the 
 chorus v/liile remaining stationary, after executing the move- 
 ments to the right and the left. The subjects of his poema 
 were similar to those of Alcman. 
 
 Arion of Methymna in Lesbos, was the inventor of the 
 dithyramb or chorus in honour of Dionysus. VA'^e know little 
 of his life except the traditional story that Arion went to Sicily 
 to take part in some musical contest and that he won the prize 
 and returned home laden with presents on a Corinthian ship 
 The rude sailors viewed his treasures with co\'etous eyes and 
 meditated murdering b^lu. After in vain begging them to spare 
 his life, he obtained permission to play on the cithara. In festal 
 
 ' n-poffuifiia i! TToptfeVia. ^,raiive<!. * iniBaKdixia. B^p^^Kcd. • o-TooAij, the 
 dance and song from the right to the left : the reverae of this was the ai'THfTfio,},^. 
 
v^fcNari*'^ 
 
 ^^^^um 
 
 ot lus poema 
 
 HISTORY OP OREECB, 91 
 
 array, he placed himself on the prow, played on his instrument, 
 and the song-Iovinc dolphins collected at the sound. He leaped 
 into the sea and was carried on a dolphin's back to TaenAron, 
 a.:d thence to Corinth. 
 
 Pindar, the greatest of the Doric lyric poets, was born at the Pindar 
 village of CynoscophAlae, near Thebes. The art of flute playing "b.T ^^ 
 seems to have been hereditary in the family and the youthful 
 poet, at an early ago, became devoted to the arts of poetry and 
 music. He was sent to Athens, where he received instruction, 
 but returned to T.hebes, probably, before his twentieth year, 
 when he wrote his first extant ode. He afterwards visited the 
 courts of Alexander, king of Maced. ia ; of Hiero,' tyrant of 
 Syracuse ; of Theron, of Agrigenl^um. He is said to have died in 
 the eightieth year of his age. 
 
 The extant works of Pindar are his Epimkian odes, in which Wwks. 
 he celebrated the praises of the victors who gained prizes at the 
 four great national festivals, the Olympic, the Pythian, the 
 Nemean, and the Isthmian. These odes extol the wealth and 
 the skill of the victor, the deeds of the family from the 
 remotest times, and relate the legends connected with his ances- 
 tors and his native city. 
 
 The early philosophers of Greece may be broadly divided into ^/"f^* 
 two classes. Under the first class may be included those philoso- ^ * "^"^ ^' 
 phers who sought to discover the primary essence, substance or 
 basis of ad things in the universe. They asked the question, Of 
 what do all things consist ? They did not, however, attempt any diULn. 
 explanation of the causes of the various phenomena of the 
 universe, such as heat, light, motion, earth, air, water. The 
 different attempts to find an essence or substance gave rise 
 to three schools, the Ionic, the Pythagorean and the Eleatic, 
 which flourished mainly in the sixth century. 
 
 The second class of philosophers, known as the Physicists of Second 
 the fifth century, was the natural outcome of the speculations ""■■■■ 
 of the first. Men could not stop at endeavouring to find out the 
 essence of all things. They were compelled to seek the causes 
 of the various phenomena of the universe. 'How did the 
 ee-sence, the substance of all things give rise to such varied 
 
 division. 
 
92 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 fp- 
 
 ii 
 
 I'. 
 
 phenomena? What is the explanation of growth and decay, 
 of the perpetual changes going on, of the infinite variety of the 
 animal, vegetable and mineral world ?' 
 
 As might be expected, the answers to these questions were 
 often very crude and sometimes absurd ; nevertheless nothing 
 shows the philosophic bent of the Greek mind more clearly 
 than the ingenious speculations and profound observations of 
 the chiefs of the different schools that made an attempt to solve 
 these problems. The Physicists had three main divisions : the 
 school of Heraclitus, of the Atomists, and of Anaxagoras. But 
 Anaxagoras, by introducing thought, design or mind, as an 
 explanation of the universe, made an important and marked 
 advance .1 the speculations of his predecessors. 
 
 ^^^ ^Tchooi. Thales, a native of Miletus, is regarded as the father of Greek 
 philosophy. He did not confine himself to philosophical re- 
 
 rAafe«^640-ggaj,gjj^ but he devoted himself also to mathematics and astron- 
 omy, and was the first to predict a solar eclipse. No doubt his 
 investigations in science gave his mind a bent towards philosophy. 
 As Grote tersely puts it, Thales did not concern himself with 
 the question, 'Who sends rain, thunder and lightning, or earth- 
 quakes?' or, * Why does he send it?,' but with the problem, 
 'What are the antecedent conditions of, rain, thunder and light- 
 ning, or earthquakes?' Homer and the older poets would 
 ascribe such to a personal deity. Thales rejects this, and laid 
 down the dogma that water is the essence out of which all things 
 arose. 
 
 Anaximander, a native of Miletus, was also noted for his 
 astronomical and geographical knowledge. He believed that 
 une original substance out of which all things sprung was not 
 water, but the Infinite mass of matter corresponding to the 
 chaos of Hesiod, i.e., matter not yet developed into any of the 
 forms familiar to us. This Infinite chaos is in eternal motion, 
 and from it are produced the four elements, fire, air, earth and 
 water. 
 
 Anaximenes, also of Miletus, was said to have been a disciple 
 of Anaximander. He agrees with Thales in believin'? that there 
 is a primitive element out of which all things are formed, and 
 
 Anaximari' 
 der 610-5U0 
 B.C. 
 
 Anaximsnea 
 about 6S0 
 B.C. 
 
,^^^.^^4^y^^>'$fM^fS^§'$ 
 
 1 and decay, 
 ariety of the 
 
 cations were 
 less nothing 
 nore clearly 
 lervations of 
 tnpt to solve 
 visions : the 
 kgoras. But 
 nind, as an 
 and marked 
 
 ler of Greek 
 sophical re- 
 and astron- 
 Jo doubt his 
 philosophy, 
 limself with 
 ig, or earth- 
 lie problem, 
 iv and light- 
 joets' would 
 lis, and laid 
 ;h all things 
 
 •ted for his 
 ilieved that 
 mg was not 
 ling to the 
 3 any of the 
 nal motion, 
 r, earth and 
 
 n a disciple 
 ormed, and 
 
 
 HlBTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 with Anaximander that the essential qualities of this essence are 
 Infinity and unceasing motion. Air was this essence -infinite 
 in extent and eternal in duration. 
 
 Pythagfiras was a native of Samos. In early life he travelled 
 widely, chiefly in Egypt, where no doubt he obtained many of 
 his doctrines. He finally settled in Crotona, in Magna Gmecia, 
 and established there a school of ascetics, kxiown as the Italic or 
 Pythagorean school. They lived under the strictest rule, had 
 goods in common, abstained from flesh diet and woollen apparel, 
 and were sworn to inviolable secrecy with regard to their order. 
 They cultivated mathematics and illustrated their doctrines by 
 means of numbers. Three things may be noted about their 
 society : their high idea of friendship, the admission of female 
 associates into their society, and the unquestioning sub- 
 mission of his disciples to the words of the master, whose ipse 
 dixit^ put an end to all controversy. After establishing this 
 brotherhood at Crotona, he soon spread his doctrines to other 
 cities, where similar societies were established. Pythagoras was 
 finally banished from Crotona and took refuge in Metapontum, 
 where he died. 
 
 Pythagdras sought the basis of the universe, not in substance, 
 but in numbers and proportion. The key of the universe is, 
 according to him, the law of development, which determines the 
 nature of all things that exist. Number is the basis of the 
 harmonies of music, the due proportion of sculpture and archi- 
 tecture, and the movement of the heavenly bodies. Hence, 
 number is connected with form, substance and quality. All 
 numbers are odd or even ; the former limited, the latter un- 
 limited. One represented the point ; two, the line ; three, the 
 plane ; four, the square. Again, one represented the Central 
 Fire, the throne of Zeus, around which the ten spheres revolve 
 in regular order. As the sum of the first four digits make up 
 the number ten, so ten was the number of categories, or list of 
 contraries given by Pythagoras : limited and unlimited, odd and 
 even, one and many, right and left, male and female, rest and 
 motion, straight and crooked, light and darkness, good and bad, 
 square anu ouiong. 
 
 > avTot i^a. 
 
 93 
 
 (2) School of 
 Pythagoras, 
 about 520 
 B.C. 
 
 Doctrine of 
 numbers 
 according to 
 Pythagoras. 
 
 ii <i\ 
 
94 
 
 inSTOttY OK OHKKCK. 
 
 I u 
 
 Theolojiy of 
 Pilthayoras, 
 
 M 
 
 ik 
 
 m 
 
 11 
 
 (S) Elfafic 
 Hchool. 
 
 Xeiwtihi'nieti 
 abtiut t'tlfO 
 B.C. 
 
 Pannenides 
 about /tSO 
 B.C. 
 
 U) The 
 
 Phi^sicisis 
 of thf Fifth 
 Century. 
 
 (a) Hera- 
 eiitun. 
 
 According to PytlmgomH, thoro is ono (lod, otorual and un- 
 changojiblo, ruling all things, uiiholding all things. Ho taught 
 tlmt tho Boul was a 'harmony, ' the body was its prison, in 
 which it was ])»iniHhcd for tho Hins of tho past lifo and preparod 
 for tho lifo aftor death. 
 
 Tho tliird school of Philosophy that arose was tho Eleatic, so 
 oallod bocauso its homo was in Eloa or Velia, of Itjily, though tho 
 founder of it was XonophJlnes, of Coloi)hon, who omigratod to 
 Eloa. In his poom 'On Nature ' ho rejected tho j)opular notions 
 of tho gods as represented in the poems of Homer and Hosiod. 
 According to him (Jod is One, ' all eye, all ear, all understand- 
 ing ; unmovablo, unchangeable, a vast all-embracing Sphere.' 
 Whether ho meant by this that all nature was God or whether 
 ho wished to express that God was perfect and omnii)resont is a 
 matter of disi)ute. 
 
 Though Xenophjinos was tho founder of the school, the chief 
 representative of it was ParmenTdes. He ascribed to Being the 
 attributes his predecessor had ascribed to God. According to him 
 ' only Being is, non-Being is not and cannot be thought ; all 
 that exists has existed, and will exist the same for ever. 
 Change and multiplicity are illusory. It is only by thought that 
 we can become ct)nscious of the really existent ; being and 
 thought are the same things, and the senses which show us a 
 number of things as t)rigin, decay and change are the cause of all 
 our erroi's.' Everything, he taught, exists from opposites, as 
 Light and Darkness, Good and Bad, and so on. Under Zeno and 
 Melissus this school flourished, and the doctrines taught were 
 nearly the same. 
 
 The chief of the tirst school of Physicists was Heraclitus, of 
 Ephesus, who belonged to the age of Parmenldes, He agrees 
 with the chief thinkers of the Eleatic school by insisting on the 
 unity and eternity of nature. While the Eleatics believed in 
 the continuance of matter and said that the universe has existed 
 and will exist for ever, and that it is only change and multiplicity 
 that are illusory, Heraclitus, on the other hand, held that all is 
 change and motion, and that the appearance of fixity is only 
 illusory, that everything is constantly passing over from some- 
 

 
 111 and un- 
 :lu taught 
 [U'iHoii, in 
 I proparod 
 
 Sleutic, so 
 hough tho 
 ligratod to 
 ar notions 
 id Hosiod. 
 idor.stand- 
 5 Sphere.' 
 r whether 
 resent is a 
 
 the chief 
 Being the 
 ing to him 
 )ught ; all 
 for over. 
 )ught that 
 )eing and 
 show us a 
 ause of all 
 )osites, as 
 • Zeno and 
 ught were 
 
 •aclitus, of 
 He agrees 
 ing on the 
 elieved in 
 las existed 
 lultiplicity 
 that all is 
 >y is only 
 om some- 
 
 
 HISTORY OF OREECK. 95 
 
 thing to something else, that all death \h birth into a new form, 
 and all birth the doulh of a previous one ; that all things are in 
 a state of flux. The (.nly thing permanent, according to him, is 
 ZuUH, the all-pervading mind of the world. His theories were 
 afterwards enlarged upon by Emi)edoclos, of Agrigentum. 
 
 The nominal founder of the Atomistic school was Leucipi)U8, (h) The 
 but the real founder was Democrttus, of Abdera. His views have SM^'" 
 an interest to us in coiniection with ujodern science. According Demointus 
 to him, all the visible universe is composed of atoms, indivisible, ^'^' '*''^' 
 solid and incomi)ressil)le, without any secondary (pialities^ 
 dittering only in size and weight, in figure, proportion and 
 arrangement. Through their ccmibination the visible world was 
 formed. Theso atoms were so minute as not to be seen or felt. 
 
 The List of the pre-Socratic philosoi)hers that we shall mention (c) Anaxa- 
 IS Anaxigrtras of Clazomenae, of Ionia. Ho taught that all-^;^^;;."-^" 
 material phenomena was full of design, and he attributed the """»«« ^^ 
 plan tt) the work of a being or essence, rational and alnughty, ^'^' 
 to which he gave the name of Mind {vovg.) In other words, he 
 distinguished Mind and Matter. This Mind communicated to 
 the inert mass of Matter a rotatory impulse by which the cognate 
 particles were brought together. Mind is the soul of the world, 
 dwells in all living things, even plants, as their principle of life. 
 
 We have already seen that poetry and philosophy had their 
 birth in Ionia. The same is true with respect to history. Here 
 lived the earliest historians, called logographi, or 'writers of 
 prose.' The works of these early historians may be divided Histarieal 
 nito two classes : comi)ilations of ancient myths 01 lagends of (ToT"*"' 
 Greece, and especially of the genealogies of the noble families ; *" ' 
 and narratives of rude history intermingled with geography 
 and personal travel. 
 
 Cadmus, of Miletus, is usually mentioned as the earliest oi Cadmus 
 these writers. According to traditions, he was the author of an fT ^'^ 
 historical work, ' On the taking of Miletus and the colonization 
 of Ionia,' m four books. We know little about his mode of 
 treating his subject, for the work that went under his name in 
 the Augustan age is generally regarded as a forgery. 
 
W'li 
 
 iH 
 
 U,J>^ 
 
 96 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 Acusildus Acusilaiis, though of Argos, was so imbued with Ionic tastes 
 
 B.C. and culture that he wrote in the Ionic dialect. The little we 
 
 know of him proves that his work (three books of genealogies) 
 
 were for the most part translations of Ilesiod into prose. 
 
 Hecataeus Hecataeus, of Miletus, is often quoted by Herodotus. He 
 
 B.C. lived in the troublous times of the Persian wars. When Aris- 
 
 tagoras was endeavouring to persuade his countrymen to revolt, 
 
 Hecataeus tried to dissuade them from the attempt. Again he 
 
 induced Aristagoras on the invasion of Asia Minor by the Persians 
 
 to occupy and fortify the island of Leros. His works were an 
 
 "Itinerary" and "Genealogies" or "Histories." This work 
 
 contains a description of Europe, Asia, Egypt and Libya, and 
 
 the latter contains, in four books, poetical fables or traditions 
 
 of the Greeks. Herodotus knew the work of Hecataeus well 
 
 and often combats his views. 
 
 
L Ionic tastes 
 The little we 
 if genealogies) 
 prose. 
 
 irodotus. He 
 When Aris- 
 len to revolt, 
 t. Again he 
 y the Persians 
 orks were an 
 " This work 
 d Libya, and 
 1 or traditions 
 [ecataeus well 
 
 
i-li 
 
 m 
 
 Longitude i'pii of Greer 
 
 &NUMAVID IXPReSSLEV FOR HimTOnV OF GnUCC AND RoMe. 
 
48 , , Lpngitude 
 
 { :ii 
 
!■ .I)) I 
 
 
1 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 THE LYDIAX AND I-KRhIaX MONARCHIES. 
 
 Hitherto Che history of (h-eece lm.s been confined to fch^ 
 
 u^etC-' "' ''''''''' ^^""'^'""^^- ^""^'^ had :i ;t 
 
 unite them in a common r'iii«M a , ^ 
 
 Persia Z"Zr- '° ^"'^ " ''™' '""'"'" "' "■« •-'" y°" 
 Persia from the beguu.mg down to the time when tlie Greeks 
 
 glance .it the var,o„s empires on the ruins of which the Persia,! 
 empire was foumled. '" 
 
 differeZ'torel'";! '" "'rr?' ""' "» '™^* oharacteristic .,>.„,.. 
 
 of WeX'L.llTthtV:^^^^^^^^^ T'Tf "^ °' '^"'"P" andS-- 
 n»,„ ^ • V , manner in wliicli tlie nations of the two «'"' ^'««<»<' 
 
 countries have developed In Vuvr.r.^ i „ , ""^ ^^" "a</oH». 
 
 connnnrntieshavehad^mauX"^^^^^^^^ 
 
 oped their u.stilntions and nationalities, and thns have hv 
 
 en^jires -denj;:rr;::r,'rs::;i^^^^^^^^^^^ - r 
 
 they sank into sensS; ^'i^t Jd f if '^ ""' ■"""' 
 some nation, often obscure whir ' . J """^ P'^^ '° 
 anotlier hardier race! ' ' '" '"""' '•^°™^ ^ ™'"" '<> 
 
 onthen„rth,„dcariaontheso,.th:::n:t::sph';;i:o?th: 
 
 '^1 
 
98 
 
 niSTOKY OF GRKECE. 
 
 i< 
 
 'Wiii 
 
 ?)■' 
 
 east und the Aegean (,n tlie west. The TiuoIuh range of moun- 
 tains divides the country into two plains of une<iual extent ; 
 the southern, th-j smaller, is watered by the Ciiyster, and the 
 northern, the larger, by the Hernius. The fertility of the 
 land, and the salubrious climate, as well as the variegated 
 scenery, made this district one of the most favoured regions of 
 the world, and contributed in no small degree to foster the 
 effeminacy of the Lydian character. Tradition states that there 
 were three dynasties of Lydian kings, but actual history con- 
 
 nidfe!'"" ''"'"'* '^""^^^ ''■'^'' ^^'^ ^^'^^ ""^y' '"^»« Mennnadae.i Under this 
 
 71H-5W B.C. tlynasty, Sardis, the capital, became the centre of a connnercial 
 
 and civilized nation, and from its proximity to the Greek states, 
 
 the effects of its civilization had an important influence on the 
 
 character of the (Jreeks who inhabited the cities of Western 
 
 Asia. 
 
 1 
 
 During the reigns of the kings of the Mermnadae, the Lydians 
 became highly civilized and wealthy. They developed their 
 manufactures and agriculture, and carried on an extensive com- 
 merce with the Greeks on the sea-coast, who, as enterprising 
 merchants, disseminated the products of Lydia to the different 
 parts of the Mediterranean. The river Pactolus, on the banks of 
 which their capital, Sardis, was built, abounded in sands of gold 
 and, it is said, the Lydians were the first to coin money. The 
 Greeks of Ionia learned from them the useful and ornamental 
 arts of weaving and dyeing the finest fabrics, and the extraction 
 of metal from the ore ; but, unfortunately, they also learned from 
 them luxury and effeminacy. Combined with this high civiliza- 
 tion, the Lydians had a lax morality, which made them an easy 
 prey to the hardy Persian warriors under Cyrus. 
 
 Further to the east was the great empire of Assyria, which, at 
 the time of its greatest prosperity, extended over the south' of 
 Asia from the Indus on the east to the Mediterranean on the 
 west. We know little of its history, but the greatness of Nine- 
 veh, its capital, is attested by writers of sacred and profane 
 
 Develop- 
 ment of 
 Lydia. 
 
 Assyria. 
 
 liiiiiii 
 mmk 
 
 
 » According to Herodotus, the kings of the Mermnadae were: Gvees 716-678 
 ^■Lan^n'^^^-^^^^-^-' S^^attes, 629-617 E.G. ; Alyattes. 617-560 B.C ; Croesus. 
 
 \ 
 
e of moun- 
 iial extent ; 
 er, mid the 
 lity of the 
 
 variegated 
 i regions of 
 
 foster the 
 8 tliat there 
 listory con- 
 Under this 
 connnercial 
 reek states, 
 nee on the 
 >f Western 
 
 he Lydians 
 loped tlieir 
 jnaive com- 
 nterprising 
 ie different 
 le banks of 
 rids of gold 
 )ney. The 
 jrnaniental 
 extraction 
 arned from 
 gh civiliza- 
 Jiii an easy 
 
 », which, at 
 le south of 
 ean on the 
 3S of Nine- 
 id profane 
 
 J.Vges, 716-678 
 t.C; Croesus, 
 
 HISTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 eres, a P„rs„.„ pn... revolted, a,t«c../.„., Ue^^Ud N!„e™l," "'"■ 
 
 Egypt, and from Armenia to fh« .loo •■ r. ,. ^^"'^'"*^^ '^^ '"'««'•, w-4 
 o^r- -n-imenia to the deserts of Arabia TIih limm f>03 B.C. 
 
 n,.meu ,„on.,.ch. Tlie country occupied the great table-land of 
 Irun, between Ar.uenia to the north and nortt-west SuJto on 
 deLr of'" """""T- ^^'^'-^ "" "- -""■, and r; ea^ 
 
 excoedinslv tJT > • ' '''■"' "'""'"'y P«°P'«1 ™<1 
 
 inhabited by a number of independent Aryan tribes mrtlv 
 
 ™r:ur:K;r ■••'' -i ■■ "^^ '°' "^-^^ ^'"'"'-"^ 
 
 ^np^ fi , ^ preserved intact so long as thev con 
 
 si s' rtif :h^; rr r r r '"^- ^o-^'-'-re:. 
 
 Dlainest of f a u ''""'"' "* "'<' <=>««« lived on the 
 
 Perl!n,obr';MTP'^'^'''«'^^Horod8tusasthesonc,. . 
 
 . _____j;^^^;ei^^ ^^ Lydia, these 
 
 , wjr»Aere8, tW6.595 B.C. ; Astyages, 695-560 B.C. 
 
 99 
 
 'ii . 
 
100 
 
 History of aniiKca. 
 
 m>' 
 
 Kinffqf 
 Ptrtia, 669 
 
 £0. 
 
 Battle of 
 Pteria, 51,6 
 B.C. 
 
 Ionian cities 
 subdued and 
 Babylon 
 taken, 5S8 
 B.C. 
 
 Slain in 
 6S9 B.C. 
 
 Cambyses, 
 6S9-6S3 B.C. 
 
 fierce warriors swooped down from their mountftin faHtnesses, 
 •lefoatod the Medos in battle, took Astyages prisoner an< I estab* 
 lished Cyrus on the throne. Though comiuered, the Medes 
 reraained so closely associated with the Persians in nationality 
 that the terms Medos and Persians wore with tlie Greeks syn- 
 onymous. It was but natural that Croesus, the rich king of 
 Lydia, shoula attempt to take vengeance on the bold conqueror 
 who had dethroned his brother-in-law. Cyrus invited the Greek 
 cities on the coast of the Aegean to join his forces against those 
 of Croesus, but they declined the offer, probably thinking that 
 the Lydian king Mas stronger than the Persian. The armies 
 advanced against each other and fought a bloody, })ut undecisive 
 battle near Pteria, a city of Cappadocia. After this Croosus 
 returned to Sardis and disbanded his army, but gave his soldiers 
 orders to re-assemble in the following spring. Suddenly, how- 
 ever, Cyrus appeared before the walls of his capital and a decisive 
 battle was fought between the remnant of the army of Croesus 
 and the Persian troops. The city was taken and the Lydian 
 monarch fell into the hands of Cyrus, to whom he for many 
 years wau a faithful counseiior. By Harpftgus, the general of 
 Cyrus, the Greek cities on the coast were reduced to sub- 
 mission, while Cyrus himself led his army against Babylon. He 
 defeated the Babylonians in battle, and, after various vain 
 attempts to take the city, at last succeeded by diverting the 
 course of the Euphrates, which flowed through the city, 
 so that his soldiers entered by the bed of the river. He sub- 
 sequently crossed the Araxes to subdue the Massagfitae, a 
 Scythian tribe, but was defeated in battle and slain, 
 
 Cambyses, his son, succeeded. He extended tho -i-nlr- of 
 his father; conquered Egypt, but lost in the sands ui one Libyan 
 desert an army which he led in person against the Ammonians. 
 Another army which he led against the Ethiopians was com- 
 pelled to return for want of provisions. He subdued Phoenicia 
 and Cyp..u: -aid the Greek colonies of Cyrene and Barca. On 
 his TQh-rn ;.> Mcuiphis, he treated the Egyptians with great 
 heartle",;;u»ijs and openly insulted their religion. He was cruel and 
 
 
 .--^ 
 
HI8T0HY OP OKEKCK. 
 
 fiiHtnesses, 
 r Hud ostab- 
 the Medea 
 nationality 
 rreeka syn- 
 ich king of 
 I conqueror 
 I the Greek 
 ;ainst those 
 inking that 
 rhe armies 
 imdeciHive 
 lis Croesus 
 his soldiers 
 ienly, how- 
 i a decisive 
 of Croesua 
 he Lydian 
 e for many 
 general of 
 id to sub- 
 ►ylon. He 
 rious vain 
 erting the 
 
 the city, 
 
 He sub- 
 
 saggtae, a 
 
 er,;'!;—* of 
 [/lie Libyan 
 nmonians. 
 
 was corn- 
 Phoenicia 
 iarca. On 
 mth. great 
 i cruel and 
 
 101 
 
 reckless for he slew his brother Bardea' with his own hand, and 
 wasted h,s soldiers on wiM and fruitless campaigns. While 
 absent zn Egypt a pret^ender named Smerdis by the Greeks, pre-^,^^,^ 
 tending that he wru, Bardes, appeared, and Cambyses at once 
 marched against him, but died of a wound at EcbatAna The 
 reign of Smerdis, who was a Mede, and belonged to the magi or 
 priests of Persia, was short lived. After a reigr. of seven months, 
 the impostor was slain by a number of Persian nobles who 
 placed one of their own number, Darius Hystaspes, on the 
 ♦^^hrone. 
 
 This king was the most liberal and energetic of all the Per- n • 
 sian mr.narchs. The two preceding kings, Cyrus and Cambyses ZZpe.. 
 had been too much engaged in conquests to regulate the affairs '''■''"' ^•''• 
 of the empire. It was left to Darius to organize the immense con- 
 quests of his predecessors into a well regulated empire When 
 he ascended the throne, he found the conquered countries a 
 mass of disintegrated nations; when he died, he left them a highlv 
 organized empire. He divided his kingdom into twenty satrapies 
 or provinces, each governed by a satrap or civil governor, a mili- 
 tary governor and a royal secretary. These officers were directly 
 responsible to « the Great King ' for the disposition of troops 
 m their own satrapy as well as for the annual tribute which 
 they had to pay into the royal treasury, and for the soldiers 
 that were required for tl >e royal army. Had his successors 
 been men of the same energy as Darius, no doubt the system 
 inaugurated by him would have been successful; but as often 
 happened, the subsequent kings were either too indolent to 
 administer affairs, or too weak in resolution or judgment, and 
 as a natural consequence, the power of the satraps often became 
 a dangerous rival to that of the king, and thus the Persian 
 empire fell by its own weight. 
 
 '•'4 
 
 ' Called by the Greeks Smerdis. 
 
I!' '' 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Scythian 
 expedition, 
 B.C. 512. 
 
 t. 
 
 Ilk' 
 
 THE PERSIAN WAK8. 
 
 Cauiea of We shall now explain in what way the Persians and the Gre'^''i8 
 wars. '"^*"*" came into direct conflict. Hitherto the ambition of the Persian 
 king had found vent in extending his empire eastward and south- 
 ward. But when Darius had organized his empire, and restored 
 order and good government, he began to think of adding 
 new dominions to his already great possessions. Instead, how- 
 ever, of proceeding westward across the Aegean sea, and con- 
 quering Greece, he turned his attention to the Scythians, 
 who roamed over the great plains of Southern Russia, tending 
 their flocks. Crossing the Bosp6rus with a large army, Darius 
 received the submission of the Greek towns of the coast, and of 
 the Thracian tribes of the Hebrus valley. He then marched 
 north to the Danube, his fleet, made up largely of Greek ships 
 from the Ionian towns, sailing along the coast and keeping the 
 army company. When he arrived at the Danube, he formed a 
 bridge of boats, and led the army across into the country of the 
 Scythians. The latter, aware of the approach of Darius, drove 
 their herds into the interior, and by their skilful horsemanship 
 easily evaded every effort made by the Persians to bring them 
 to battle. After more than two months of vain efforts to accom- 
 plish anything definite, Darius was forced to retreat, followed by 
 the Scythian horsemen who cut off" the stragglers and the sick 
 of his army. He was glad to reach the Danube without having 
 suffered any great disaster, and to find his bridge of boats 
 intact. Fortune favoured Darius more than he knew, for, during 
 his long absence in the Scythian country, the scheme was hatched 
 in the subtle mind of Miltiades the Athenian, the tyranu of the 
 Thracian Chersonesus, and one of the captains of the Greek fleet, 
 to draw off the ships, thus destroying the bridge of boats, and 
 to leave Darius to his fate. This step was seriously discussed 
 and probably would have been carried out, liad not Histiaeus, the 
 tyrant of Miletus, persuaded the other tyrants of the Ionian 
 
 [ 102 1 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 towns of Asia Minor to remain. He pointed out that the death 
 of Danus and the destruction of Persian rule would lead to a 
 democratic revolt in every Greek town of Asia Minor. So 
 when Darius returned from his fruitless expedition in Scythia, 
 
 ta rt d . ': '' '^^'^ '^^''"^^ ^""^' -^' b^ ^t« "--- 
 
 wa. enabled to return to Thrace. The king was grateful to 
 Histiaeus for the service he had rendered, and gave him a 
 
 IhrwV''"''"^i'l '" '"^'' ^' «"bsequently became afraid 
 that Histiaeus would prove dangerous in his new domain, and 
 summoned him to his capital, Susa, on the plea of desiring 
 his advice and companionship in the royal cc ncil. In the 
 meantime, Miletus was ruled by Aristag6r.s, the cousin and 
 son-m-law of Histiaeus. When Darius returned from Thrace 
 to his own capital, he left behind him an army under the 
 command of Megabazus to extend his domains in Thrace, 
 Macedonia, and elsewhere to the west. Megabazus succeeded 
 m reducmg the Greek towns on the coast, and advanced to 
 the froiitier of Macedonia, whose king made a formal submission 
 to the Persian monarch by sending him earth and water, the 
 customary tokens of homage. 
 
 Darius seems to have been satisfied with his conquests west- 
 ward, or else other projects arose, for GvoP.e proper was now left 
 unmolested for several years. How long the Persians would 
 have refrained from further interference with Greek affairs it is 
 difficult to say, had not a good ground for a quarrel been furnished 
 by the Athenians. The story is as follows : The island of Naxos 
 the .argest wealthiest, and most populous of the Cyclades, was 
 distracted by internal strife and social anarchy. The condition 
 of the island tempted Aristagoras, tyrant of Miletus, to conquer ^JS.? "" 
 It for the Persian king. He therefore obtained permission Lm 
 Darius to make the attempt, and for that purpose was given the 
 command of two hundred vessels. But Artaphernes, satrap of 
 Lydia, who disliked Aristagoras, sent along with him on the 
 expedition a Persian noble, who soon managed to quarrel with 
 Aristagoras, and, to revenge himself on his enemy sent secret 
 information to the Naxians of the approach of the fleet. It 
 onereiore happened that when Aristagoras reached Naxos he 
 found the people of the island so well prepared to receive him 
 
 103 
 
 
 '.if 
 
 Ml 
 
 
104 
 
 Plots of 
 Histiaeus 
 and 
 Aristagoraa 
 
 Sack of 
 Sardis. 
 
 m 
 
 'i! 
 
 Anger of 
 Darius. 
 
 HiSTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 tliat he could accomplish nothing. Aristagoraa now found him- 
 self on the verge of nun. Everything had been staked on the 
 success of the expedition, and heavy debts had been incurred in 
 equipping the fleet. He dreaded the wrath of Darius, and cast 
 about him for some escape from his peril. Just at this juncture 
 he received a message from Histiaeus, from Susa, who implored 
 him to devise some scheme by which he could be restored to his 
 own people : Histiaeus even gt)ing so far as to suggest the raising 
 of a revolt among the Ionian towns in Asia Minor. The su«y- 
 gestion came at an opportune time, and was seized upon by the 
 desperate Aristagoras. Resigning his own position as tyrant of 
 Miletus, he headed a revolt of the Greek to^w^ns along the Ionian 
 coast against the Persian power. Town after town banished or 
 slew its tyrant, until nearly all the towns from Byzantium to 
 Lycia had declared for ireedom from Persian rule. Not only 
 was there a general revolt among the Greeks of Asia Minor, but 
 Aristagoras succeeded, after a vain effort to win over Sparta, in 
 getting the aid of men and ships from Athens, and from Eretria 
 in Euboea. The Athenians sympathized with their Ionian kins- 
 men in their struggle for freedom, while the Eretrians had a 
 friendship of long standing with the people of Miletus. 
 
 The expedition that left Athens and Eretria sailed for Ephe- 
 sus, Avhere it was joined by the levies of neighbouring towns. An 
 attack was then made on Sardis, the ca})ital of Lydia. The 
 Persian satrap was driven into the citadel, and the Greeks fool- 
 ishly sacked and burned the city. This enraged the inhabitants, 
 and the Athenians were forced to retreat to the coast, pursued 
 by the infuriated populace of the surrounding country, who 
 inflicted serious loss upon the invaders. Thus ended the attempt 
 of Athens and Eretria to assist their friends in Ionia. 
 
 The eflect of the attack on Sardis was two-fold. At first, as 
 the story of the sack spread, it gave an impetus to the revolt. 
 Towns that had hitherto remained quiet, now openly threw off 
 the yoke of Persia. On the other hand, Darius was deeply 
 incensed at the insult off'ered by what he deemed an insignifi- 
 cant Greek city. He vowed revenge, and only waited for the 
 suppression of the revolt in Asia Minor to turn his arms against 
 Greece, and, particularly, against Athens. 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE, 
 
 105 
 
 In the meantime the Persians were fully employed putting • 
 down the msurrection, which now had spread to the people of Caria 
 and Cyprus For six years the struggle went on with varying 
 fortunes. At last Miletu. fell before a force under Artaphernes! 
 the satrap of Lydia, and, with its fall, all hope of a successful 
 resistance was ended. Town after town acknowledged Per-£K^c 
 sian supremacy, and was made to feel with greate? or less^^ 
 se.^erity the wrath of the Persian king. Miletus, as the chief 
 offender, suffered the most severely. Her inhabitants were sold 
 into slavery, and her greatness was never fully restored Of the 
 instigators of the revolt the end was equally tragic. Histiaeus 
 had been sent by Darius to Sardis three years after the war ' 
 began. There he was accused by Artaphernes of participation 
 m the revolt, and thinking his life in danger, fled to Chios. 
 The Chians distrusted him, and Miletus refused him admission. 
 With eight ships from Lesbos he sailed to Byzantium, where 
 he engaged m piracy. Finally he fell into the hands of 
 Artaphernes who promptly impaled him, greatly to the regret 
 of Barms, whom he had once befriended. Aristagoras fled to 
 
 moZns ''■''" ''^''' ^' ^^" '^"''^ ^^ ^ '"^"^^ '''^'' *h^ 
 
 The Ionian revolt was happily ended. Darius spent a year in First 
 preparation, and then, b.c. 492, set forth to punish the Greeks ««'-^'^'* 
 for their interference in the affairs of the Persian empire. Under S^n. 
 the command of Mardonius, an able general, a Persian army 
 crossed the Hellespont and marched round the north shore of 
 the Aegean, accompanied along the coast by a fleet. When 
 rounding the promontory of Mount Athos, a terrific storm 
 destroyed three hundred of the Persian galleys. A few days 
 later the Persian land army was so roughly handled by the wild 
 and fierce Thracian tribes that Mardonius thought it prudent 
 to return to Asia Thus the winds and waves fou" 
 Greece, and for a time the wrath of the Persian king was foiled 
 
 JLighteen months were spent by Darius in preparing another and <? . 
 greater expedition against Greece. Six 'hundred' sh^s were ^S. 
 furnished by the Phoenicians and lonians, while an army was^'^a"' 
 
 ^ ^■■"tj---wiauuiis mhabiLmg the land between the 
 
 Aegean sea and Eastern Tartary. One hundred thousand foot- 
 
In I 
 
 106 
 
 inrii! 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 soldiora and ten thousand liorse are mid to have been mustered 
 for this invaaioi.. Greek exiles went along with the expedition 
 as guides, most noticeable among whom was Hippias, the aged 
 tyrant of Atliens, who hoped at last to be restored to his lost 
 power. It was late in the summer when the Persians set forth 
 to subdue those Greek states that had not sent Darius earth and 
 water. The previous expedition had suffered shipwreck off 
 Mount Athos, and to avoid a repetition of this disaster, the 
 Persians sailed directly across tlie Aegean, through the Cyclades. 
 Landing in Euboea, the city of Eretria was attacked. The 
 Athenian colony of Chalcis in Euboea sought to give assistance, 
 but the gates of the city were closed, and the Eretrians did not 
 dare to come out to give battle. After a siege of six days the 
 city was betrayed into the hands of the Persians, and the in- 
 habitants, bound in chains, were placed on board the Persian 
 ships, which now were directed to the plains of Marathon, on 
 the north-east coast of Attica. Here the Persians landed. It 
 is uncertain whether they intended to march straight on Athens 
 from this point, or, having drawn the Athenian army away from 
 the city, to send the Persian fleet to attack Athens while 
 undefended. Hippias had been promised by his friends in 
 Athens that a bright sliield would be raised on Mount Pentell- 
 cus, as a signal wlien a suitable time for attack should occur. 
 
 Athens \. as greatly alarmed at the fall of Eretria, and imme- 
 diately sent for help to Sparta. But the Spartans were just 
 beginning a great festival, and their superstition forbade them 
 setting forth until full moon should come. Thus live days 
 were wasted, during which time Athens almost alone had 
 upheld the freedom of the Greek people. 
 
 When news reached Athens that the Persians had landed, the 
 chief couunander, or polemarch, Callimachus, called a council 
 of war to decide whether tlie Athenian army should remain 
 within the walls of the city, or march out to give battle to the 
 enemy. Of the ten generals, or strategi, in command of the 
 Athenian forces, Miltiades was the most experienced and 
 renowned. His advice on a former occasion to the Greeks to 
 abaiubiu Dariu.s to his fate in the land of tlic Scythians, had 
 rendered it necessary that he should leave his tyranny in the 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 107 
 
 CherHonesus and seek safety in Athens. Although an aristocrat 
 and an ex-tyrant, his ability had put him in the fore front of the 
 state m tins cnsxs It was fortunate for Athens that he was one 
 of the strategi at this time. It was through his influence and 
 
 InZr ^'^'f ""-'-« '-^^'^' ^" ^ive blttle to the Perli^' 
 and not to wait for an attack upon Athens. 
 
 j^ltZf '^T^'T' ^^"' *'^ '^"^^ *^«^ P^-^' i« -bout BaUle of 
 8 X miles long and two broad, and lies between Mount Pentelicus ^^'h^ 
 
 could b?" \ T' ' '^'^^ '^^' "^^^^ ^^^ Persian ships ' ' 
 could be nioored or drawn up on shore. On either side of the 
 
 Plam running from the hills to the sea, is a marsh, so that the 
 Persians were encamped between two marshes and between the 
 mountain and the sea. 
 
 bi L ol'r "" "" ™'^ '™ *''™^"'l h-vy-arn.ed men, 
 tentho„,Tl T """"*'' •"light-armed troops. Of the 
 
 Tnd aatV ^"""''' '''"y "»■"'' *» AthoM for protection 
 
 ^IZtr, "T' "'"' ''"'"'"'^ "' "- Boeotian league. 
 * our or five days the opposing armies stood face to face, the 
 
108 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 mi 
 
 * ' 
 
 w 
 
 
 m 
 
 Athenians expecting to be attacked by the Persians. On the 
 morning of the battle, Miltiades, not Callimachus, commanded. 
 Tired of the delay, the Athenian general arranged his men 
 in order of battle, with Callimachus on the right, Aristeides 
 in the centre, and the Plataeans on the left. At the word 
 of command, the Greeks started down the hill at a running 
 pace for the camp of the Persians, which was a mile distant. 
 The Persians were not expecting an attack at this time, 
 and so were somewhat unprepared. The two wings of the 
 Greek army broke easily through the ranks of the enemy, 
 but their centre was withstood by the Persians until help 
 came from the victorious wings on the right and left. The 
 Persians hurriedly sought their boats, fiercely pursued along 
 the beach by the Athenians, who endeavoured to prevent their 
 embarkation. In this they were only partially successful, as 
 nearly all the Persian vessels managed to escape. At the 
 moment of defeat the bright shield was raised on Mount Pente- 
 licus by the friends of Hippias in Athens. The Persians made 
 another attempt to retrieve the losses of the day. Sailing round 
 the southern point of Attica they sought to attack Athens from 
 the bay of Phalerum ; but the Athenians had anticipated this 
 new attack, and when the Persians reached the destined land- 
 ing-place, they found the Athenian army drawn up in order of 
 battle ready to 3ceive them. Despairing of success, the Per- 
 sian commanders set sail for Asia Minor. Thus, through the 
 valor of the little army of Athens, and the patriotism of her citi- 
 zens, Greece, and through her, Europe, was saved from the 
 apparently resistless tide of Asiatic barbarism. 
 W^i.^-^ '^* '^^^ moral effect of the victory of Marathon was very great. 
 It is true not many fell on either side ; six thousand four 
 hundred Persians and one hundred and ninety-two Greeks were 
 slain. But the lesson was learned that the Persians were not 
 irresistible, and that the fear whxch had hitherto been inspired 
 by them was based upon a false view of their skill and prowess. 
 Ten thousand Greeks had defeated with ease one hundred 
 thousand Persians, and it was but natural that the Athenians 
 
 should ffifil crrfiatlv nlAfnil <>vpr f.lioir viofor" T^V.^ j. 
 
 j^ T.-J _. — .!v,t.i.ij, Aiiicc gx'caii 
 
 mounds, or tumuli, were raised over the bodies of the slain 
 
 victory 
 
 «it' 
 
i^m^h 
 
 HISTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 109 
 
 Greeks, on the largest of which were erected ten pillars, one for 
 each of the ten tribes of Attica. 
 
 The Spartans, it has been mentioned, delayed sendina any 
 assistance to Athens until the time of full moon. Then 
 two thousand Spartans set forth, accompanied by the usual 
 nurnber of helots and Perioeci. When they reached the 
 field of Marathon, the battle had already been fought and won 
 and nothing was left for the Spartans but to return home' 
 reflectmg on the fortune that had raised Athens to the position 
 of one of the foremost states of Greece. The hero of the battle ArHval of 
 was, undoubtedly, Miltiades. His success gave him unbounded ^'^''^^«'-<«'" 
 popularity at Athens-a popularity which he abused. The 
 following year he obtained permission from the Athenian 
 people to lead forth an expedition of seventy ships, which, he 
 alleged, would be used in acquiring wealth and renown for the 
 Athenian state. The armament was employed against the people 
 of the island of Paros, with whom the Athenian people had no 
 quarrel, to gratify a personal grudge of Miltiades. He demanded Sf "" 
 one hundred talents from the Parians for submitting to the^'*''"*- 
 Persians. The demand was refused, and Miltiades laid siege to the 
 town of Paros. The siege failed, and Miltiades, wounded accident- 
 ally in the thigh, returned to Athens, only to meet with a charge 
 of wasting the public funds and abusing the public confidence. 
 He was brought into court on a litter in a dying condition, his 
 wound through neglect, having gangrened. Xanthippus pro- 
 secuted and demanded the death penalty. But the Athenians 
 remembered Marathon, and contented themselves with inflicting „ ,, , 
 a fine of fifty talents, which Miltiades did not live to pay. His ^maH. 
 son, Cimon, afterwards paid the debt, to clear the memory of his 
 lather from reproach 
 
 The fate of the second invasion of Greece did not deter Darius 
 
 from making further attempts. The failure at Marathon he 
 
 ascribed to the employment of inadequate means. The next Events be, 
 
 effort would be one worthy of the greatness of the Persian Sf/J^ 
 
 empire and would crush all opposition. Thus he reasoned *¥rdPer- 
 
 But an insurrection broke out in Ec.vr.f po 48*7 „„^ t>„-..-.- 'S'"'"*- 
 
 lound tull emnlovnifinf. fr^r. i,Jo .„_ .-„ ^.i ^^ „ , . . 
 
 country. 
 
 P' ■ 
 
 head of his army he set out for Egypt, b.c. 486, only to die 
 
 on 
 
ij 
 
 i^^' 
 
 no 
 
 Death of the 
 Durum, and 
 accesnion of monarch 
 XerxeH. 
 
 HISTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 way. 
 
 TJiemixto- 
 cles and 
 Arwteideg. 
 
 Ekile of 
 Aristeides, 
 B.C. WJ. 
 
 Constitu- 
 tional 
 changes. 
 
 He was Hucoeeded by his favourite son, Xerxes, a 
 whose love of luxury, weakness of character, and 
 capriciousness of temper, totally unfitted him for carrying out 
 his father's great designs. 
 
 The Egyptian war, and the death of Darius, gave Greece a re- 
 spite of ten years from Persian attack. In the interval Athens was 
 engaged in a scruggle with Aegina, which led to a great increase 
 in naval strength of the former. Athens was at this time divided 
 in her allegiance between two leaders, Themistocles, and Aris- 
 teides, surnamed the Just. The former favoured a policy of naval 
 construction and maritime enterprise. The latter thought a naval 
 force too uncertain as a defence of the city, and placed greater 
 reliance on the heavy-armed foot-soldier, or hoplite. It so 
 happened at this time that the silver mines of Laurion produced 
 a surplus of revenue over expenditure. Instead of dividing this 
 surplus among the citizens, as had been the custom, Themis- 
 tocles persuaded the Athenians to use it in constructing two 
 hundred triremes, thus making the naval strength of Athens as 
 great as tliat of Aegina and Corinth combined. This policy was 
 opposed by Aristeides, who feared the growth of public corrup- 
 tion by the influx of a foreign population at the sea-ports, and by 
 the free expenditure of public money. The f ..-urs of Aristeides were 
 not groundless, for his watchful care over the public expenditure 
 residted in discovering instances of embezzlement, extending 
 even to Themistocles himself. The result of this contest 
 between the two leaders and the two policies was that Aristeides 
 was sent into honourable exile by ostracism. 
 
 Another event worthy of notice during this interval was a 
 change of the practice of electing the chief magistrates or archons. 
 Henceforth they wei'e chosen by lot, but the choice was at first 
 made from the wealthy candidates of good character who pre- 
 sented themselves. The effect of this change was to lessen the 
 esteem in which the archons were held, and to increase the 
 power of the strategi, or military leaders, who still continued to 
 be elected by the popular assembly. The strategi, in fact, gradu- 
 ally became a kind of ministry, who managed the chief depart- 
 ments of state, under the supervision of the assembly. 
 
 The banishment of Aristeides left Themistocles free to carry 
 
HISTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 Ill 
 
 Xerxes, a 
 kcter, and 
 Tying out 
 
 'eece a re- 
 ithenswas 
 it increase 
 le divided 
 and Aris- 
 !y of naval 
 ;ht a naval 
 id greater 
 te. It so 
 produced 
 iding this 
 I, Themis- 
 cting two 
 Athens as 
 policy was 
 ic corrup- 
 ts, and by 
 sides were 
 penditure 
 extending 
 s contest 
 i^risteides 
 
 ral was a 
 r archons. 
 as at first 
 who pre- 
 essen the 
 rease the 
 itinued to 
 ct, gradu- 
 )i depart- 
 
 j to carry 
 
 out his naval policy. Tlio I 
 
 einiouH became an important 
 
 sea- 
 
 popuk^iou hold umiy, with a strong 
 
 Xerxes. 
 
 port, where a democratic 
 
 dislike for aristocratic 
 
 • c P t'"'"^B'-''» «*""»" equally stroau feelinir 
 
 in fav.,ur of an aggressive foreign policy. ^ 
 
 It WHS well that the naval policy of Themistocles prevailed 
 The two hundred triremes were scarcely built before alarming 
 news came of the designs and preparations of the young despot r u- 
 of Persia. Xerxes had succee<led in crushing tL rfvo t'h "^^^^'^ 
 Egypt, and was now turning his face westward Ambition and'"'"'' ''- 
 vanity ahke urged hiru to take up his father's scheme of con- 
 .quering Greece, and of avenging the insult of the Athenian inva- 
 sion and the burning of Sardis. Nor was Xerxes without inciters 
 and piomp ers fr.>m unpatriotic Greeks, who flocked to his court 
 
 states True, his father, Darius, hud been unsuccessf ,il at Mara- 
 thon, but that defeat was due to the comparative smallness of the 
 force employed. Now Greece should learn the real strength of 
 the Persian empire. So, in 481 b.o., all the nations and tribes Pre^ara- 
 over which Xerxes ruled were called upon for men and supplies. |""^ 
 From the far East to the Greek cities of Asia Minor, contribu- 
 tioiis were exacted. Maritime cities furnished ships and sailors • 
 from Thrace and the Hellespont came provisions. The inland 
 na ions had each to supply its <iuota of soldiers, with such mar- 
 tial equipment as they could furnish. 
 
 Xerxes now sent heralds into Greece demanding the usual 
 tokens of submission, earth and water. Sparta and Athens 
 alone received no summons to submit. The treatment to wh^ch 
 the Persian heralds are said to have been subjected, ten years 
 oefore, was an offence which placed the guilty states beyond the 
 reach of pardon. For, according to a tradition that grew and 
 gained credence, the Athenians threw the heralds of Darius into 
 a pit where the bodies of criminals were wont to be cast, while 
 the Spartans flung them into a well. 
 
 The certainty of an invasion by a multitude of Asiatics led 
 the i^rincipal Greek states to take united action in self-defence. 
 Sparta was already the leading Greek state in thp P«ln....o.„„ 
 and her influence was sufficient to secure the aid of most of the 
 states south of the gulf of Corinth. Athens, on the other hand 
 
 ■1:^ 
 
 
i'll 
 
 
 112 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 «^!l 
 
 Greeks. 
 
 had no allien, but was, instead, engaged in a war with Aegina. 
 The threatened destruction of their independence l)rought uljout 
 a congress of Greek representatives which mot at the isthnuis of 
 Corinth, b.c. 481, under the presidency of Sparta, vlost of the 
 Greek states were represented, but Argos actuated by hatred of 
 timm by the Sparta, and Thebes, of Athens, refused tu take any part ; other- 
 wise there was a remarkable response to the appeal for concerted 
 action against the barbarian enemy. 
 
 The congress first of all wisely determined to end the dissen- 
 sions between the various Greek states. Athens and Aoglna 
 dropped their quarrel. Then an earnest appeal to outlying (ireek 
 colonies was made, with, however, little success. Gelo, the 
 tyrant of Syracuse, offered aid, provided ho were made com- 
 mander-in-chief of the Greek army. This condition, of course, 
 was not complied with, Sparta being unwilling to yield her time- 
 honoured supremacy in Greek affairs. Thus the confederates 
 were thrown upon their own resources. Altliough great dread 
 of the Persians was felt by many of the states, a bold front was 
 shown to the world. A proclamation was sent forth that any 
 Greek state submitting to Xerxes, without being compelled 
 thereto, would be punished by the confederates, and one-tenth of 
 the booty obtained from it would be dedicated to Apollo. 
 
 The congress was held late in the summer, and the Persian 
 attack, it was evident, would not take place until the following 
 spring. The interval was a trying one. The oracle at Delphi 
 was besieged with inquiries regarding the impending invasion, 
 and the best means of averting calamity. It is evident that the 
 oracle had been tampered with in the interests of Persia. 
 Gloomy indeed were the answers received by Sparta and Athens. 
 Sparta was told that ' either Sparta or a Spartan king should 
 perish.' Athens was told in the ambiguous language so 
 frequently employed by the priestess, that 'safety should be 
 found in the wooden wall, and divim Salamis should destroy 
 the children of men.' This prophecy, it is supposed, was 
 inspired by the bribes of Themistocles, who saw in the navy of 
 Athens her sole chance of success. What use was made of this 
 prophecy by the crafty Athenian will appear in the next chapter. 
 
CIIAPTP]R XIV. 
 
 THK PKKSTAN Wxm-Continued 
 
 -kins, ca..ryi„« bow, , „ de^i T ^''"7"''' "''"' "' 1-'I«"'<1 
 
 men tliere were wifli n,. >,o^f , scone. Hor.se- 
 
 Tl.« T 1 *'"''''' ^^''U^ons thnn a lasso and a k,nf». ^''« ""'«^ 
 
 Ihe Libyans came armed witli stav,.« xvi. T ' ^/"' '""^ 
 
 ent'.l }.v il.« « m, ; ^ wliose pomts were hard- ^'•'•»ian 
 
 tntd by tJie fire. TJie best of tlie kiiur'« f.. ww«,'o»., 
 
 found amonK the Persians th/Tr ! .^'"^' ,*''^'^P« ^^'^'e t'> be /?.C. /....' 
 
 and Aradus furnished three liundred vessels ThP F^,' . ' 
 
 mCI 'mT'-^"' ^"^^'^^^^^^^« "^ th^teelf e^iS^^^r; 
 dr r. r, :;^ -- ;--« --, «« that f miy twelve W 
 -'il fTi T ' ''"^'•'" transports and tenders .^t 
 
 ® [113] 
 
 iri. 
 
 i II 
 
- 
 
 
 I< 
 
 
 
 
 If 
 
 i 
 1 
 
 :H 
 
 
 liiil 
 
 114 HI8T0KY OF OKRECR. 
 
 Twelve yearw before the vohsoIh <»f Darius hud suffered ahip- 
 wreck off the pnumtntory of Mount Athow. Warned by this 
 disaHter, Xerxes had a canal dug across the peninsula of Acto, 
 through which his fleet could securely pass. Another enterprise 
 of a still more costly character was undertaken. To convey 
 his army acroas the Hellespont he had constructed a bridge of 
 boats, the vessels being lashe<l together with strong cables, and 
 covered with a flooring of planks and earth. His first bridge 
 broke to pieces under the stress of a storm, and Xerxes, it is 
 said, inflicted three hundred lashes on the turbulent waters of 
 the Hellespont, and cast in chains to reduce them to submission. 
 
 Having crossed the Hellespont into Europe, Xerxes led his 
 army, accompanied by his fleet, along the coast of Thrace. 
 From Thrace he passed into Macedonia, where he was joined by 
 Alexander, the king of that state, with its whole army. As 
 the luige army slowly wended its way southward through the 
 hilly regions of Pangaea, his fleet passed in safety through the 
 canal at Mount Athos, round the jx'uinsuliia on the coast of 
 Chalcidice, and joined the army at the town which wah fter- 
 wards called Thessalonlca. From this point the march was into 
 the plains of Thessaly through the mountain pass at Mount 
 Olympus. To guard the vale of Tempe a large force of Spartans, 
 Athenians, Thessalians, and other Greeks were sent. But Alex- 
 ander of Macedon sent word to the Greeks that Xerxes intended 
 to use the upland passes which led from Macedonia into north- 
 western Thessaly. Thereupon the Greek allies made haste to 
 abandon the pass of Tempe, fearing to be entrapped by the 
 Persian army. Deserted by their allies, the Thessalians sent 
 emblems of submission to Xerxes, and the great and fertile 
 plains of Thessaly passed into his possession. 
 
 It was now necessary for the confederate Greeks to take 
 immediate action if all Greece was not to be speedily subdued. 
 From Thessaly Xerxes would have no opposition till he reached 
 the plains of Boeotia, unless a stand were taken by the Greeks 
 at the pass of Thermopylae. It was well known that Thebes, 
 through hatred and jealousy of Ather. ^ was prepared to cast in 
 her lot w'Ui the Persians, and therefore would offer no hind- 
 rance to their movements on Attica and Athens. If Athens 
 

 mSTORY OP OHEECE. 
 
 Il/J 
 
 ffered ship- 
 lod by this 
 il;i of Acto, 
 i" outerpriso 
 To convoy 
 a bridge of 
 cables, and 
 first bridge 
 Corxos, it is 
 it waters of 
 submi&sion. 
 rxes led his 
 of Tlirace. 
 IS joined by 
 army. As 
 through the 
 through the 
 ;ho coast of 
 h waK fter- 
 :"ch was into 
 i at Mount 
 ii Spartans, 
 But Alex- 
 ma intended 
 into north- 
 ide haste to 
 )ped by the 
 salians sent 
 and fertile 
 
 bIcs to take 
 ily subdued. 
 I he reat^lied 
 the Greeks 
 ;hat Thebes, 
 3d to cast in 
 'er no hind- 
 If Athens 
 
 » .n«n of little ability Td „ „ 1 rT,' "'"'"'"' '^'"•J'''i'^''''». 
 
 bus, :z:z, ^uLizr'"' "'-"'"""-- ""- -'" •=»•■' 
 
 ■ — — '">"'w/ii''m'm !i 
 
 Le!^l;tst thr»™:tT„r''Tr' '"^ '^^^^ '^™^- — • 
 
 forced Thebes to give a. contingent of four hundred, 
 
 r«fi; 
 
 31 
 
 "r'! 
 
 
 ,|-^t 
 
116 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 ■ 
 
 Kl< ' 
 
 i. 
 
 1^! 
 
 who were carried along as hostages for ThebfMi fidelity to the 
 Oreek cause. Tliespiao gladly gave seven hundred men to swell 
 the ranks of the little army, and at the pass he was joined by 
 a force of Phocians and Locrians. 
 
 Leonidas The pass of Thermopylae is admirably adapted for ijurposes of 
 
 paxso/Ther-''^^^^^^'^^^^- I^ ^^ a narrow strip of ground between a spur of 
 mopyiae. Mount Oeta and the sea, and opens westward into the plain of 
 Malis. At its narrowest point it is only a few feet wide, its total 
 length being about two miles. In the middle of the pass are the 
 hot springs from which it derives its name. Near the springs 
 were the ruins of an old wall, used at one time by the Phocians 
 to keep back the Thessalian invaders. The camp of Leonidas 
 was pitched near this wall, with the Maliac gulf on its right and 
 a steep precipice, eight hundred feet high, on its left. So steep 
 was this precipice that no road, save through the pass, was 
 available to the invader except a circuitous route over the ridge 
 Anopaea, from Trachis on the Malian side to Alpeni in the rear 
 of the Greeks. To guard the latter route Leonidas placed his 
 Phocian troops on the ridge, the remainder were kept by him- 
 self to defend the pass. 
 
 It was foreseen that the Persians might turn the position of 
 Leonidas by using their fleet to land men in the rear of his army. 
 To prevent such action, Eurybiades, the commander of the con- 
 federate Greek fleet, stationed his ships ofl" the, promontory of 
 Artemisium, somewhat to the north of Thermopylae, to intercept 
 any movement the Persian fleet might make southward. But their 
 fleet was not pushed forward to explore the way for the army 
 and when, after considerable delay, it began its onward voyage, 
 it was overtaken by a terrible storm off Cape Sepias which 
 strewed the shore with wrecks. The Greek fleet, taking advantage 
 of the distress of the enemy, attacked them vigorously. A 
 day's fighting ensued, when another storm arose which proved as 
 destructive as the first. Two more days' fighting followed, in 
 AHemikum which the Greeks held their oym against the still numerous Per- 
 sians. On the fourth day, a s\i^ift row-boat was seen hastening 
 from the south, it b-ought news of so serious a nature that the 
 Greeks abandoned ail intention of defending the strait between 
 
 A80 B.C. 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 Euboea and the mainlanrl t>^^ 
 
 the., and immedir^tta.^urar" "^ °"'^ """« "^^ "> 
 
 appeared The Persian Hn„7l ' ""f,,™'"'" ""e army of Xerxes 
 
 s»an force oecr.p^rtL'X^d L^ ffi:" ^^^'r^- *^ 
 him news of the carelessness -.n^ """'" •"'<»'8'" 
 
 Spartans and, laughh ^7* .;™ fo7""f ""'"^''™-- "« ">« 
 body of troop^ to brin!°the 'id I T^ ''""'"'y- ■>» »ent a 
 
 Meantime Leon.d,^ tatdrvat'r '"™^'"- "^P"™- 
 from the Peloponnesus and, ? " '"'™ton»e promised 
 
 than ton thouUrme; mtrsln: w " "*"^ ""^^ »' '- 
 the whole Persian force InthT \ ■•"■""' "' "■« '"*'«^'' »* 
 did not fail him. He reso.vrtoWd^f'^ '''"'"" "'''"''«^ 
 extremity. Dividing his for •„ * '" P"^' *" the Jast 
 
 difierent'detachn.1 : Z. 'ZZT' """"'^ "^ ^^'" '"^ 
 pa.s, the place most easily defn led bntT""' ""'' °' ""^ 
 onset of the Persians must be met ^'"''l'' P"'"' "'»'■■« the 
 prevented his :ittle army from hpinJl' i,^ ' f arrangement he 
 The command of XeL 7 a7trr: "' ""^^""^^^''• 
 ™on found, could not bTiXd o^t T 7'l P™""'"' '' ™ 
 fliet which took place betwe™ the Wbtl " '^."d-to.hand con- 
 n.ail-clad SpartaL, the destruct onff teT ''t"" ^"^ *" 
 was terrible. Force after force 2.7 f ""' ''"'^' "'""P^ ™ 
 
 •sent a,„i„3, ^,„„.,^_ ^^^/^ rp^rprT ^''™^''' ™^ ^''-^i^' 
 m that narrow space to overnower th ^' , "' ""P^-^iWe 
 and at the end of two days itZ T *'}\,'^'^^ hy numbers, 
 of Xerxes would coun7f ,rt,^„t''' "'f '!'''" ™' Preparations 
 expedition utterly fail, frust^t X^ htldfr'^d^'''™"^'' 
 Spartan warriors. Despondency reiJntd in 1 P '^!'*''"'™e<' 
 when a base Greek named Fnhlu * '"" Persian camp, 
 
 for a lar.e amount o" g" d fo'^uMrtrp '^'^"^ """^ <"f«ed 
 W'K by a winding^th%„ tCe^^fr'r™/''^^^"-'' 
 
 ct„r brv?fi.r;^- - --' ''-i:tfrLp:-r. 
 --«»e;ntv-.eT;;:t'xriX\:i^^^^^^ 
 
 117 
 
 ii 
 
 u 
 
118 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 udii 
 
 this route kept a careless watch, and at the noise of the approach 
 of the Persian army hastily prepared for an attack, leaving the 
 passage unguarded. TJie Persians p«id no heed to the Phocians, 
 but pressed on to surround the Greeks under Leonidas. Tlie third 
 morning the Greeks saw the Persian columns descending to take 
 them in tlie rear. 
 
 Leonidas did not hesitate as to his course of action. A Spart,an 
 king and a Spartan soldier, he would hold the pass even unto 
 death. His band of Spartan followers determined to die with 
 their leader, but the Arcadians and Corinthians were allowed to 
 save themselves. The Thebans were forced to remain as hos- 
 tages ; the Thespians volunteered to share the deadly peril. 
 Altogether, Leonidas had about four thousand men in the last 
 struggle against the foe. The conflict that followed was one of 
 desperate courage. Determined to die rather than surrender, 
 the little band of Greeks neither gave nor accepted quarter. 
 Thousands of Persians fell before their fierce onslaught, and not 
 until their swords were blunted, their armour hacked and hewn, 
 their strength exhausted and their leader slain, did the enemy 
 prevail. Retiring to a hillock, the Greeks made the final stand. 
 There, under a shower of javelins and arrows, they fell before 
 of Leonidas ''^ ^^^ that feared to come to close quarters. So ended the 
 immortal struggle at the pass of Thermopylae. Xerxes was 
 victorious, but he had lost twenty thousand of his best troops. 
 The loss of men was little felt, but the fear of Greek strength 
 and courage had entered into the hearts of his soldiers. To 
 them henceforth every Greek soldier was a hero, prodigal of 
 life, and endowed with almost superhuman strength and valour. 
 To the Greeks the disaster at Thermopylae seemed irrepar- 
 able. Nothing now prevented the Persian army from pouring 
 down with overwhelming numbers into the plains of Boeoiia 
 and Attica. The fleet had to retreat from the straits of Euboea, 
 and for a time confusion and despair prevailed among the Greek 
 confederates. 
 
 The delay of the Peloponnesians in sending reinforcements 
 to Leonidas at Thermopylae brought Hie war close to their own 
 doors. If Thermopylae could not be defended, it was a hopeless 
 task to stem the tide of invasion in Boeotia, where the most of 
 
 and hin 
 Spartans 
 
HISTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 119 
 
 )he approach 
 , leaving the 
 le Phocians, 
 s. Tlie third 
 ding to take 
 
 A Spartan 
 3 even unto 
 to die with 
 e allowed to 
 lain as hos- 
 eadly peril. 
 ti in the last 
 I was one of 
 1 surrender, 
 ;ed quarter, 
 ^ht, and not 
 i and hewn, 
 1 the enemy 
 final stand. 
 Y fell before 
 » ended the 
 Xerxes was 
 best troops, 
 ek strength 
 (Idiers. To 
 prodigal of 
 and valour, 
 led irrepar- 
 )m pouring 
 of Boeotia 
 of Euboea, 
 ; the Greek 
 
 iforcements 
 y their own 
 1 a hopeless 
 bhe most of 
 
 the cities were prepared to espouse the Persian cause. It was 
 evident the sole chance of successfully witlistanding the Persian 
 and army would be to fortify the istlimus of Corinth with all 
 the force the Peloponnesians could muster. As the isthmus 
 was narrow, it would be impossible for the Persians to turn the 
 position of the Greeks unless the ships of Xerxes could land a 
 sufficient number of men on the Peloponnesian coast and ^hus 
 take the Greeks in the rear. To prevent such action on the part 
 of the Persians, Themistocles saw tluit it was necessary to collect 
 Wie wliole Greek fleet in the waters between Attica and the 
 Peloponnesian coast, and there give the Persians battle. 
 
 But before describing the policy pursued by the Greek 
 allies, It is desirable to sketch the progress of the war after t\,^^ZToftke 
 aeatn ot Leonidas and his heroic band. The Greek fleet as ^''■*'«"*- 
 stated, retreated down the Eurlpus, and rounding Sunium cime 
 to ancnor in the bay of Salimis. Meanwhile tlie army of Xerxes 
 leisurely pushed southward and westward. Passing tlirouuh the 
 country of the Phocians into tlie Boeotian plain, Xerxes received 
 the submission of most of the Boeotian towns ; Thespiae, Plataea 
 and Hahartus alone remaining true to the Greek cause. Hali- The Per 
 artus was destroyed ; the Thespians took refuge at Corinth ^AT.*?* 
 while the Plataeans souglit the protection of their old allies the 
 Athenians. Perhaps the most notable incident of the Persian 
 onward march was the attack made by tliem on tlie shrine of 
 Apollo at Delplii. This famous shrine was riglitly reputed to 
 possess a vast treasure, the gifts of the thousands that from all 
 parts of Greece, Asia Minor and the isles of Mediterranean, went 
 to consult the oracle. Tempted, probably, by the tales of its 
 wealth, and also by the desire to destroy the chief Greek 
 sanctuary, a detachment of Persians marched to seize the 
 coveted shrine. The story comes down to us that the Delphiaiis 
 left Apo o to protect his own shrine, and fled incontinently. 
 But Apollo proved to be an able champion of his own interests, 
 tor, as the Persians marclied through the defiles of Parnassus 
 massive pieces of rock came tumbling down on them, destroying 
 many and filhng with a great fear the others. A panic sei^Pd 
 the sacrilegious invaders, and they fled back, pursued now by 
 tlie Delphiana, to the plains of Boeotia. 
 
 it 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
1:1 i: 
 
 120 
 
 Public 
 opinion at 
 Athens. 
 
 Athenians 
 abandon 
 their city. 
 
 Return of 
 Aristeides. 
 
 Persians 
 
 enter 
 
 Athens. 
 
 HISTORY OF (iKEECK. 
 
 ^ MeHiiwhile consternation and confusion reigned in Athens 
 Throe proposals were made, and each proposal found supporters. 
 A few of the more base and cowardly counselled submissi.m to 
 Xerxes; but the orator that gave this advice was stoned on the 
 spot. Another, and a more numerous, party Avished to defend the 
 city against a Persian siege. This proposal was, through tlie 
 persuasive eloquence or Tliemistocles, overruled. He pointed 
 out the impossibility of a successful defence against the Persian 
 host, and reminded the Athenians of the counsel of the Delphic 
 oracle that 'safety should be found in the wooden wall, ' which he 
 interpreted to mean the Athenian navy, so sedulously encour- 
 aged and developed by himself. The advice of Tliemistocles 
 was taken by all, save a few who obstinately refused to leave 
 Athens, and determined to defend the Acropolis to the last 
 extremity. The great mass of the Athenian population, how- 
 ever, abandoned their homes. The aged, the women, and the 
 children were placed in safety, while the able-bodied manned 
 the vessels that were to defend Attic waters against the 
 Persian fleet. Most of the exiled Greeks found a temporary 
 home in Troezen, although some went to Aegina and Salamis. 
 Before Athens was abandoned, an act of indemnity was passed, 
 in this the hour of danger, recalling all exiles. Of the many 
 that returned at their country's call, the most famous was Aris- 
 teides, who had been living for four years in the Peloponnesus. 
 His return was most opportune, and his advice and leadership 
 were once more eagerly sought. 
 
 The Athenians abandoned their city none too soon. The Per- 
 sians entered it to And it deserted, save by the few heroic but 
 infatuated defenders of the Acropolis. Xerxes marked his anger 
 against the Athenians by ordering the destruction of their homes, 
 and by the levelling of their sacred buildings. The Acropo- 
 lis was taken by assault after a brief and brave defence, and the 
 little garrison put to the sword. All this took place almost 
 under the eyes of the Athenian fleet, for the flames of the 
 burning homes were clearly visible. In tlie meantime the 
 Greek fleet had received accessions until it numbered three 
 hundred and sixty-six vessels, of ^vhich two hundred, or more 
 than one-half, belonged to Athens. Eurybiades was still 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 121 
 
 the nominal commander, although the soul of the armament ' 
 was Theunstocles. Unfortunately, the Greek admirals were 
 not agreed as to the proper course to pursue. The Corin- 
 thians and the majority of the Peloponnesians wished to retire 
 to he Isthmus and act in close concert with the army, which 
 had begun to build a wall across the narrow neck of land joining 
 the Peloponnesus to the main-land. On the other hand. Them 
 istocles and the admirals of Aegina and Megaris wished to 
 remain in Attic waters, and there withstand the Persian fleet. 
 Both parties were actuated by motives more or less selfish, the 
 one wishing to protect the Peloponnesus; the other, Salamis, 
 Aegina, and Megaris. It was soon evident that some decision 
 must be reached, for the Persian fleet rounded Cape Sunium 
 and appeared in the harbour of Phalerum. With difliculty 
 Themistocles secured a final meeting of the admirals at midnigiit 
 when a hot and excited discussion took place. Amid the 
 reproaches and taunts of the Corinthian admiral, Themistocles 
 resolutely urged that battle should be given to the Persians in 
 the strait of Salamis, and backed up his arguments by vowing 
 that If the allies retreated to the Peloponnesus the Athenian 
 contingent would take on board the Athenian families, and sail ^,t4^"{ 
 away to build a home in Italy. The threat had the desired '"^* ""'^^ 
 effect, and Eurybiades, throwing his influence on tho side of"''"" 
 Theunstocles, decided to remain in the strait of Salamis and 
 there give the Persians battle. 
 
 The Greek fleet lay in the harbour of Salamis, while the Battle of 
 Persians were moored oflf Phalerum. By this arrangement the Tc^'Z 
 eas^tern passage of the strait was blocked % the Persian fleet, ' 
 although the Greeks could, if they so desired, retreat through 
 the western entrance towards Megaris and Corinth. Themis- 
 tocles fearing that the allies might change their minds, resolved 
 to hasten the inevitable contest. With his usual craft and 
 unscrupulousness, he sent a confidential slave to the camp of 
 Xerxes, with a letter to the king, stating that he, Themistocles, 
 was in sympathy with the Persians, and informing Xerxes that 
 
 trip nroQl^o i..4-^»-.J„J .._i_ ■• ■. . .. . - 
 
 
 
 the Greeks intended retreating durincr ih^ niMif t^r-" 
 
 ,11/yVi 4-V>^ 
 
 11 Vilc 
 
 western exit. He pointed out to Xerxes that if the Greeks were 
 
 • 7 " f 
 
 i- 4 
 
ill' 
 
 122 
 
 iil: 
 
 
 
 III ■(■ 
 
 
 
 1 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1' ^ 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 HISTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 thus allowed to escape the war would be uselessly prolonged 
 whereas, if botu entrances to the Bay of Eleusis were seized tiie 
 Greek fleet could be crushed at one bhm. The stratagem 
 succeeded. Xerxes gave orders tliat tlie western entrance should 
 be occupied at once. Soon the Persian fleet was in motion and 
 troops were landed on tlie island of Psyttaleia to seize anv a>-eek 
 vessels that might run ashore at tV -,. '^t. Whatever inclina- 
 tions the Peloponnesians might K, o retreat were soon 
 
 rendered impossible of accomplishment by the gradual closing in 
 of the Persian fleet. At niglitfall of the day after the decision 
 to fight was reached, Aristeides appeared with the information 
 that the blockade was nearly complete, and the arrival of 
 deserters confirmed the news. It was determined to give the 
 Persians battle the following morning. 
 
 The Persian fleet, in spite of its numerous disasters, was still 
 a thousand strong, and had nearly three times the number of 
 vessels possessed by the Greeks. Added to tliis strength, was 
 he stimulus afforded by fighting under the direct observati:>n of 
 their king for Xerxes had ordered a throne to be built on the 
 slope ox ivlount Aegaleus, and thus was able to see how well his 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 123 
 
 mariners fought his battles. The names of those that might 
 diHtinguisli themselves by brave deeds were to be taken down by 
 the royal scribes, and the reward of merit was sure to follow. 
 The Greeks went into the engagement feeling that escape was 
 impossible, and that for them it was victory or death. Every- 
 thing possible was done by their commanders to excite hope and 
 courage. Prophecies and oracles of an encouraging nature were 
 recited ; the brave deeds of their ancestors when Greece besieged 
 Troy, and Europe conquered Asia, were told. Better, however, 
 than proi)hecies and oracles were the circumstances under which 
 the Greeks fought. The narrow space, the numerous reefs, 
 the islands and promontories, were all in favour of the skilled 
 mariner accustomed to these waters. When tlie opposing 
 armaments were drawn up in the order of battle, it was found 
 that the Athenian contingent held the left wing ; the Euboeans 
 and Aeginetans, tlie centre ; and the Corinthians and Pelopon- 
 nesians, the right. Opposed to the Athenians, on the right 
 of the Persian fleet, were the Phoenicians ; the Cilicians 
 and Pamphylians occupied the centre ; the lonians and the 
 Egyptians, the left. The wind was from tlie south-west, and so 
 against the Persians. The battle that followed was deter- 
 mined by the personal skill, strength, and courage of the 
 combriants, for of strategy there was but little. For hours 
 the conflict raged, apparently with little success to either 
 side. At last, the king saw that some of his ships were 
 retreating, while others were disabled and drifting ashore. 
 Soon the Persian armament became a confused and huddled 
 mass, and any fighting it did was on the defensive. Then as 
 the sun began to sink, the great fleet, broken and di.°ordered, 
 sought the Attic shore to obtain the protection and help of the 
 Persian land army. To add to the day's victory, Aristeides 
 landed some hoplites on the island of Psyttaleia, and slaughtered 
 the Persian soldiers isolated there by the retreat of their fleet. 
 The battle of Salamis cost the Persians about two hundred 
 vessels, and the Greeks, forty. Had the Persians been disposed 
 to renew the conflict they still were strong enough to retrieve 
 their defeat. But all hope of success had abandoned the 
 dispirited Asiatics. The fleet simply sought safety in flight. 
 
 <M 
 
 
124 
 
 III8T0UY OF GREECE. 
 
 If' t 
 
 Retreat of 
 Xerxes. 
 
 m 
 
 Rebuilding 
 Athens. 
 
 Ill< : 
 
 Xerxes was e.iually (liscouraged. Tie foresaw tliat liis own return 
 might i...s,s.blyl,e intereoptcl, if his hvidgo u{ boats across the 
 Hellesi...nt was not well guarc'ed by his fleet. On the other 
 hand, tJie Greeks, especially the Athenians, were greatly elated 
 over their almost miexpected success. To the Athenian^ and 
 above all to Themistocles, was the victory due, although the 
 prize of valour was awarded to an Aeginetan, and a wreath of 
 honour was given to Eurybiades. 
 
 Though defeated at Salamis, Xerxes was still in possession of 
 Athensand the adjoining districts, and he held his ground for 
 some days after the retreat of his fleet. Then, under Mie 
 advice of Mardonius, he began a retreat to his capital, Susa 
 leaving with Mardonius three hundred thousand of his choicest 
 troops to conquer Greece. It is said that Themistocles hastened 
 the king's retreat by sending him word that the Greek admirals 
 intended to destroy his bridge of boats across the Hellespont. 
 As a matter of fact, the Persian fleet was allowed to retrace its 
 course unmolested and unpursued by the Greeks, and Xerxes 
 when he reached Abydos found his passage into Asia undisnuted. 
 Th3 retreat, however, of Xerxes to the Hellespont was not 
 accomplished without severe losses and privations. The lateness 
 of the season, the lack of food and supplies, and the severity of the 
 weather all told heavily on his dispirited army. 
 
 The Greek vessels, as stated before, made no serious effort to 
 pursue their enemies, but contented themselves with punishing 
 the inhabitants of some of the islands of the Cyclades for 
 their submission to Persia. The people of the island of Andros 
 made resistance and their land was ravaged ; the other islanders 
 made their peace with the confederates by sending large bribes 
 to Themistocles. Then the allies met at the Isthmus, and, from 
 the booty taken at Salamis, made costly off-eriugs to the national 
 deities. After that the various contingents of the Greek fleet 
 returned home to their own cities. 
 
 Mardonius and his army spent the winter of b.c. 480-479 in 
 Thessaly, and this gave the Athenians an opportunity to return, 
 and begin the rebuilding of their city. Operations had not, 
 however, been long carried on when Alexander, king of 
 
 m 
 
HISTORY OF fJREEOR. 
 
 125 
 
 MucedcniH, {ipi)c;irt'd tit, Atluuis, bringing a nicsHuge from the 
 Porsiiiu cumniaudor. Marclonius had bocoine convinced of tlie 
 importance of detaching Atliens from the Greek confederacy, 
 and to that end oftered to allow her to remain entirely inde- 
 pendent, and, in addition, to annex to her territory as much of 
 the land of her neighbours as she desired, provided she with- 
 drew from the alliance and permitted the Persians to conquer, 
 unopposed, the rest of Greec-. The offer was, certainly, a 
 tempting one, and a great compliment to the military and naval 
 prowess of Athens. Nevertheless it was indignantly refused, 
 and word was sent back to Mardonius that Athens would never 
 desert the Greek cause, or become the ally of Persia. For this 
 courage and constancy Athens had soon to pay a heavy penalty. 
 Spring brought with it the army of Mardonius, which, unopposed, 
 swept down on Attica. The Athenians had trusted that the 
 Peloponnesians would come to their aid, and enr.ble them to 
 hold the passes of Cithaeron. In this they were sorely Mardonius 
 disappointed, and once more they were coi-pelled to abandon '■^'".*'''* '" 
 their homes to the enemy and take refuge at Salaniis and 
 Troezen, for the Spartans, with their usual selfishness, had 
 thought more of their own interests than of those of their allies. 
 To them it was sufficient to guard the Isthmus of Corinth, 
 and, by so doing, protect the Peloponnesus from invasion. 
 Tliis policy, they found, could not well be carried out, for the 
 Athenians sent ambassadors to Sparta, who, after upbraiding the 
 Spartans for their selfishness, threatened, unless help was at 
 once forthcoming, to accept the terms brought by Alexander 
 of Macedon. The threat accomplished its purpose. The 
 Spartans, after some little delay, sent Pausanias, the cousin of 
 Leonidas, with five thousand heavy-armed men. Five thousand 
 more quickly followed, and soon all the states that acknowledged 
 the leadership of Sparta had their contingents on the march 
 towards Corinth. At Eleusis, the Peloponnesians were joined 
 by eight thousand Athenian hoplites. 
 
 The allies expected to encounter Mardonius in Attica, near 
 Athens. But Mardonius, after destroying the recently erected 
 buildings in Athens and doing as much harm as he could to 
 
 
 -I 
 
126 
 
 HISTORY OP GREECR, 
 
 Battle of 
 Plataea, 
 iB.C. S79. 
 
 vyhut romained of tlio tem|)lo.s uikI walls, Iwul retired into 
 Southern Boeotiii, nnd pitclied liis cfiiiii) in h valley near the 
 river Asopus. Here he entrenched himself by building around 
 hia camp an earthen rampart, ten furlongs s(pn,re. The (Jreeka 
 took their position on the neighbouring hillsides, fearing to 
 descend into the plain on account of the presence of a large 
 body of Persian cavalry. So, almost face to face, tlie two armies 
 awaited each the attack of the other. Mardonius would not 
 begin hostilities so long as the Greeks held the hills, and Pau- 
 sanias, whose military judgment and tactical skill were not of 
 the best, hesitated to rush into the fray. The Greek army was 
 now increased to fully one hundred thousand men, of whom 
 forty thousand were well equipped and clad in br .zen armour. 
 Such an army had never before been put in the finkl by the 
 Greeks. On the other hand, the Persians mustered nearly three 
 liundred thousand men, including Greek allies. The struggle 
 began by Mardonius sending out detachments of cavalry to 
 harass and worry the Greeks, and erJice them to leave their 
 vantage ground on the slopes of the hills. In one of these pre- 
 liminary skirmishes the Persian commander of cavalry was slain, 
 and the Greeks overcame their dread of the Persians' hero. 
 Pausanias now changed his ground, and took up a position 
 further west, some two miles aiid a half in front of the little town 
 of Plataea, his army being drawn up on a line of hillocks. For 
 ten days more the situation remained unchanged. At last, as the 
 Persian cavalry still continued to annoy the Greeks, stopping up 
 the fountain whence they obtained their supply of watev, Pausanias 
 determined to fall back still uoarer Plataea, to a position where 
 the supply of water would be more abundant, and the exposure to 
 cavalry attacks less serious. The Grp- 'c army began the retreat at 
 night, and soon confusion reigned in its ranks. The Peloponne- 
 sians left hurriedly and went too far, the Spartanr did not begin 
 to move till daylight, while the Athenians delayed their retreat 
 until they saw that the Spartans were beginning to retire. In the 
 morning the Persian commander saw that the centre of the Greek 
 army was missing, and that the wings were retreating towards 
 Plataea. His opportunity for striking a decisive blow had come. 
 To overwhelm the Greeks, while in this condition of disorder. 
 
mSTOUY OF (JKIilKCB. 
 
 WHH liiw policy, Hiid at once horse aiid foot were hurried forward 
 to the attack. PausaniaH, in this hoar of peril, proved equal to 
 the occjision. Bringing liia S[»arbins, Laconians, and attendant 
 hulots to a halt, he boldly faced the oncoming Persians. Send- 
 ing word to the Athenians that he had resolved to fight, he 
 rushed forward against the disordered ranks of the pursuing 
 
 127 
 
 BATTLE 
 PLATAEA 
 
 lp-#ifci||4% 
 
 S^p A First PoBi'tion 
 B SKond Positio.- 
 C Thifd Po&ition 
 
 Persians. The latter were brave soldiers, and did not yield 
 without a struggle. But their shields of wicker-work proved of 
 little avail against the fierce assault of the heavy-armed Greeks, 
 and after a short and determined resistance they fell back 
 towards their entrenchments. Mardonius was struck down, and 
 
 f .1 , 
 
 J- 
 
 11 
 
 iMll 
 
 I 
 
;>/ 
 
 128 
 
 if 
 
 i 
 
 'I ; 
 
 'm 
 
 
 HISTORY OF (»RKECE. 
 
 Slavghte 
 
 « H M.onH.lu,a tl.o c„nf„sio„ nnu.ny tl.u AHiatics. ArUha.us, 
 
 r^ 1 1 r VTTT'^ "^ "'" "'"''•' ^"^ '"^ ^••^•'^>' t'">"«'"'«^ men i. 
 rn >ul thght to the north, while the rust of the Persmns Hou^ht 
 
 HHfoty behind tlie earthen nuupartn .>f tlieir camp. 
 
 Meanwhile the Athenian, ha.l been hotly engaged with the 
 .,.,„< ^<>--t,an alhea of the Persians. The contest raged until the 
 - /.... oeotuu. saw t,.t the Persians were defeated, when thly t 
 
 fell back. The Athenians did not follow then, but pressed for! 
 w|trd to ynn their allies in the assault on the Persian camp. 
 The Peloponnesmna had by this time arrived on the scene, and 
 the whole Creek army, now united, broke through the Persian 
 defences when a ruthless and indiscriminate slaughter took 
 place. The Asiatics offered little resistance to the .lea.lly blows 
 
 dmg blood the Greeks desisted. A great booty rewarded the 
 victors ; vessels of silver and gold, costly armour and inlaid 
 weapons, numerous slaves, rich cloths, silks, and other stuffs, 
 no to mention great numbers of horses, mules, and camels 
 Thus ended the last Persian invasion of Greece. 
 
 The remnant of the Persian army was hastily retreating north- 
 ward, and from it nothing was to be feared. So the allies 
 turned their attention to the perfidious Greeks who had helped 
 the Persians against their own countrymen. Thebes was com- 
 pelled to surrender, her leadership in Boeotian affairs was taken 
 away, and her chief oligarchs were executed. 
 
 On the same day that the battle of Plataea was fought, the 
 Greeks and Asiatics met in a decisive engagement on the ^oast 
 of Asia Minor. A Greek fleet of one hundred and ten vessels, 
 under the command of the Sparbm Leotychldes, and :.he Athen- 
 ian Xanthippus, had been despatched to the Asiatic coast to 
 watch the remnant of the Persian fleet, and to encourage any 
 signs of disaffection that might appear in Ionia against Persian 
 rule. Messengers from Samos met the Greeks at Delos promis- 
 ing assistance. Encouraged by the news, the Greeks resolved to 
 press forward in search of the Persian fleet. This they found 
 drawn ashore at the promontory of Mycale, and near it a large land 
 
 force of Persians from Sardis was enr^^tmna^ Tb- ^-^-i- 
 
 .-™. iitu ^^gjjjj^y never 
 
 Battle of 
 Mycale, 
 B.C. U79. 
 
Artiilmzus, 
 isiiiid mun in 
 rsiaus H(>u>,'hfc 
 
 ?ed with the 
 od until the 
 un they, too, 
 pressed for- 
 irsjjin camp, 
 e scene, and 
 the Porsinu 
 ughter took 
 eswlly blows 
 with shed- 
 iwarded the 
 ' and inlaid 
 •thur stuffs, 
 md camels. 
 
 iting north- 
 • the allies 
 had helped 
 js was com- 
 5 was taken 
 
 Fought, the 
 n the coast 
 en vessels, 
 I/he Athen- 
 ic coast to 
 )urage any 
 st Persian 
 js, promis- 
 esolved to 
 hey found 
 large land 
 isks never 
 
 HISTORY op OKKKCK. 
 
 hesitated, but pusliing their vessels ash<.,e, landrd and l)egan a 
 
 herce attack on the Persians who oaiue out to nu^et them ^The 
 
 result was nmch the same as at Plataea. The P<3rsians were soon 
 
 routed and, fleeing to their camp, were followed so closely by 
 
 the Greeks that i)urHUed and ptu'suers entered its gates almost 
 
 flimulbuieously. A terrible slaughter followed, the (Jreeks also 
 
 losing heavily. What was left of the Persian aruiy fled to the 
 
 hills, the passes of which were beset by hostile Milesians, 
 
 vho slew many of the unfortunate fugitives. The booty of the 
 
 Persian camp and three hundred vessels fell to the coiupierors. 
 
 Still more serious for Xerxes was a general revolt against 
 
 Persian rule in Ionia, which now threw ofl* its allegiance to the 
 
 Persian king. 
 
 129 
 
 i* 
 
 9 
 

 I- 
 
 
 
 ^^^m^- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^^^B ^ 
 
 
 
 
 i' ' 
 
 Paumnia 
 becomes a 
 
 
 si * 
 
 
 traitor. 
 
 ^^^^^^B 
 
 ^^H 
 
 ffiv 
 
 Kl< 
 
 1 -• , 
 
 ^Hn' 
 
 
 
 ^^^^H' 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 GEOWTH OF THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 The battle of Mycale ended all thought on the part of the 
 Persians of conquering Greece. So far as Persia was concerned, 
 the Greek states might 'go to play.' The Athenians, however, 
 were not content with hurling back the barbarians : they wished 
 to wrest from their power the cities along the Hellespont, where 
 Persian garrisons were stationed. Of these, Sestos made a 
 stubborn resistance. Its garrison finally managed to escape to 
 tlie Thracian hills, only to be slaughtered by the natives. This 
 occurred in 479 b. c. The following year the fleet of confederates, 
 under the command of Pausanias, the victor of Plataea, set sail 
 for the coast of Asia Minor. The chief stiength of the 
 expedition was the Athenian contin»ent, which was under 
 the command of Aristeides, and Cimon, son of Miltiades. The 
 cities of Cyprus were ^.ssisted to throw oflF the yoke of Persia, 
 and then the fleet sailed north and laid siege to Byzantium. 
 This important town, after a gallant resistance, surrendered, 
 and the fleet wintered in its harbour. It was now that 
 the effect of his successes began to make itself manifest in the 
 conduct of Pausanias. The victory at Plataea was claimed as 
 wholly due to him, and his pride, arrogance, and love of luxury 
 soon became intolerable. The simple, frugal life of the Spartan 
 was abandoned, and soon to the love of luxury were added 
 dreams of treasonable ambition. Secretly releasing some of the 
 prisoners taken at Byzantium, he sent them to Xerxes with 
 letters in which he offered to conquer Greece and hold it as a 
 vassal of the Persian king, in return for the hand of the king's 
 daughter. Xerxes was delighted at receiving such an otter, and 
 promptly promised to place at the disposal of the traitor all 
 necessary resources. Elated by the success of his intrigues, 
 Pausanias began to affect royal state, surrounding himself with 
 mercenaries, and carrying himself with so much haughtiness 
 and insolence towards the allies as to render 'is leadership 
 
 [130] 
 
i>«i^ifis-i^.s^«*i«ii*a'i«<a 
 
 
 3art of the 
 concerned, 
 }, however, 
 hey wished 
 )ont, where 
 3S made a 
 3 escape to 
 ives. This 
 nfederates, 
 lea, set sail 
 th of the 
 ivas under 
 ades. The 
 
 of Persia, 
 Byzantium, 
 irrendered, 
 
 now that 
 ifest in the 
 claimed as 
 5 of luxury 
 he Spartan 
 ere added 
 ame of the 
 erxes with 
 lold it as a 
 
 the king's 
 I otter, and 
 traitor all 
 
 intrigues, 
 mself with 
 ansfhtiness 
 
 C7 ^ - - _ 
 
 leadership 
 
 HISTORY OP GREECE. joi 
 
 Offensive and insufferable. The result was the fleet revolted 
 
 and placed Ansteides, the Athenian commander, in the position 
 
 of admiral of the allies. Pausanias was recalled by the ImZn 
 
 ephors, but not before his foolish conduct had causL rhetrT 
 
 feparta of her time-honoured leadership in Greek affairs. Athens 
 
 now became not only the real, but the recognized head of the l"-''""'^^ 
 
 confederacy. Her ships were more numerous, and her .sailo^ ^-^/L'" 
 
 more skilful than those of any other state. The victories at sea """' 
 
 had been due mainly to her prowess, and now, through the wise 
 
 and unselfish conduct of Aristeides, she was chosen to fill the 
 
 place she had so gallantly earned. 
 
 In the meantime the Athenians were rebuilding their citv An 
 now twice reduced to ruins. Very wisely its limits were cons J ^^^^ 
 erably extended, and its fortifications greatly strengthened Sf ^ '" 
 These necessary precautions to meet future growth and attack 
 alarmed the Spartans, who had no desire to see a rival power 
 grow up north of the Peloponnesus. Sparta, therefore, sent an 
 embassy to Athens to urge the inexpediency and needlessness of 
 incurring so much labour and expense. The Peloponnesus 
 said the embassy, was always open as a refuge to the Athenians 
 in the event of invasion and attack. The Athenians, at the 
 time, were not in a position to speak out boldly against this inter- 
 ference with their undoubted riglits, for the walls of Athens 
 were but half-finished, and, for the present, could offer onlv slight 
 protection. In this crisis the subtle craft of Themistocles came 
 to the rescue. The Athenian assembly was advised to tell the 
 Spartans that an embassy would at once proceed to Sparta to 
 settle the matter in dispute. Themistocles and two others were 
 appon-ted for this purpose, and Themistocles set out imxaedi- 
 ately. By a previous arrangement his colleagues delayed their 
 journey, and whenever the Spartan ephors sought to complete 
 the negotiations, Themistocles had the matter deferred until 
 his colleagiies could arrive. Meanwhile, the Athenians by the 
 greatest diligence and exertions completed their walls, using the 
 abundam; material available from tlio ruins of the citv and 
 workinor niorlif ar^A ^„„ o_ _ v ., ,. . . •^' 
 
 1^... ....fi aay. «u, wneu the iingering ambassadors 
 
 reached Sparta, the walls were well on the way to completion 
 By one excuse or another the Spartans were kept quiet and 
 
ft 
 
 ,4 
 
 "V 
 
 I 
 
 Hi 
 
 Sparta 
 withdraws 
 from the 
 allies. 
 
 ^32 HISTORY OF OREEOE. 
 
 thuir ,siis[)ici<>n.s liilltsd, until tlie walk wero fmislied, and then 
 Thoiuistoclcs holdly proclainietl the fact. It was now too late 
 for Sparta to offer further ojiposition ; Athens had asserted her 
 indepeudenje and right to manage her own affixirs. Hence- 
 forth nothing but coldness and ill-concealed jealousy were mani- 
 fested towards Athens by her former ally, and when the 
 news of the deposition of her admiral from the command of the 
 allies reached Sparta, she withdrew from the general ccmfed- 
 eracy, and headed one of her own, formed of her allies in the 
 Pelo2)onnesus. 
 
 When tlie fortifications of their city Avere completed the 
 Athenians, acting under the advice of Themistocles, proceeded 
 to build strong walls around the harbours of Peiraeus. By 
 this wise policy Peiraeus soon became a flourishing port, 
 where not only commercial and seafaring citizens resided, 
 but also a large colony of aliens, attracted thither by the 
 special trading facilities of the town. As has been stated, 
 the folly of Pausanias led to the deposition of Sparta from the 
 command of the fleet of the confederates, and the election of 
 Aristeides, the Atlienian leader, to the position of admiral. This 
 was followed by the organization of a powerful Ionian league, 
 Confederacy known as the Confederacy of Deh^s. The object in view 
 was the defence of Greece from Persian attacks, and the release 
 of the Ionian cities in Asia Minor from Persian control. The 
 terms of the treaty that was entered into, briefly, were as follows : 
 The states or cities were to furnish shijjs, men, and money for 
 the further prosecution of the war against Persia, and no state 
 was to withdraw from the alliance without permission from the 
 whole body of the confederates. The amount required annu- 
 ally for the war was fixed by Aristeides at four hundred and sixty 
 talents, and to him was assigned the task of fixing the contribu- 
 tion of each state, these contrib.- ions to be partly ships, and 
 partly money. The Confederacy \%,is to have its treasury on 
 the island of Delos, and thither once a year delegates from the 
 various states assembled to decide ujjon the needs of the war. 
 Athens was given the leadership of the Confederacy, and to 
 her was entrusted the execution of its decrees, and the coUoc- 
 tion of the q^'ota assigned each state. 
 

 HISTOJIY OF GREECE. 
 
 The Confederacy was composed of states and cities scattered 
 over a wide area, from Euboea on the west to Byzantium on the 
 east It included, among others, the Cyclades, the colonies of 
 Chalcidice, the Ionian and Aeolian towns of Asia Minor, and the 
 freed towns of the Hellespont. Its object was purely military ; 
 the end anned at being the defence of Greece, and the expulsion 
 of the Persians from Europe and from the Greek towns of Asia 
 Minor. In carrying out this design, the Confederacy was very 
 successful. The Persian garrisons on the Thracian coast were 
 driven out, but the heroic defence of Eion on the Strymon by 
 the Persian commander Boges is worthy of remark. When 
 food failed the garrison, Boges gathered his family and treasures 
 on a great funeral pyre, and setting fire to the combustible 
 material, he and his dearest possessions were consumed. This siege of 
 siege is also memorable for the part played in it by a risin'. ^''"»- 
 Athenian general, Cimon, the sou of Miltiades, the' victor of 
 Marathon. The expulsion of the Persians was followed by the 
 extension of the Confederacy, through the admission of the 
 liberated towns. 
 
 We have already noticed the intrigues of Pausanias with the 
 Persian court while at Byzantium. On his recall to Sparta he 
 was tried for treason, but the evidence was not conclusive and 
 he was acquitted. Distrusted and avoided at Sparta, he sailed to 
 the East, and was soon, again, secretly engaged in intrigues with 
 the Persian governors. Expelled from Byzantium by the Athen- 
 ians, he went to the Troad, and as his nefarious scheming did not 
 stop, he Avas once more recalled by the Spartans to stand his trial, yali of 
 As no one seemed to have sufficient courage to become his accuser, ^(^umnias. 
 he was allowed to go free, although under the ban of public 
 opinion. A social and political outcast, he began to plan an 
 insurrection of the helots, a class so oppressed that it was always 
 willing to rise against its oppressors the Spartan oligarchy. 
 Tlie designs of Pausanias were frustrated by a discovery made 
 by his confidential slave. This slave had been entrusted with 
 a letter to the satrap Artabazus, but noticing that none of the 
 messengers of Pausanias to Asia had ever returned, he became 
 suspicious and opened the letter. To his horror, he found that 
 Artabazus was expected to put the bearer to death, thus ensuring 
 
 133 
 
 'I'S 
 
134 
 
 HISTORY OF CJRKECE. 
 
 Death of 
 Pausanias 
 m B.C. 
 
 Fall of 
 Themistocles 
 
 t'l' 
 
 I' 'I 
 
 the secrecy of his intrigues. The slave at once placed the letter 
 in the hands of the Spartan authorities, who arranged to secure 
 the necessary evidence of the guilt of Pausanias by secreting two 
 of the Ephors within hearing of a conversation between him 
 and his slave. As Pausanias was passing by the temple of 
 Athena he noticed the Ephors with a body of attendants 
 approaching him, and, fearing arrest, he fled to the sanctuary for 
 protection. The Ephors left him there, but ordered the doors to 
 be built up, so that he might die by starvation. A few days after, 
 fearing that his death within the sacred walls would pollute the 
 temple, the Ephors had it opened, and the dying general carried 
 out. He expired, it is said, almost on the threshold of the 
 sacred inclosure. 
 
 The fall of Pausanias involved the ruin of Themistocles. 
 The latter, after the close of the Persian wars, had lost much 
 of his influence and popularity. Great and stirring events no 
 longer gave him an opportunity to exhibit his marvellous powers, 
 or served to conceal his baseness and venality. His old rival, 
 Aristeides, had recovered his popularity, and his parity was in 
 strong contrast to the corruption of Themistocles. The strife of 
 political parties that followed ended in the ostracism of Themis- 
 tocles, who took refuge at Argos. There he was approached by 
 Pausanias, who sought to enlist him in his treasonable projects, 
 but apparently without success. Nevertheless, when Pausanias 
 perished and his papers were opened, the Spartans found some 
 traces of a correspondence between the two men, and tlie bitter 
 malignity of the Spartans towards the man who had outwitted 
 them, induced them to charge him with complicity in the treason 
 of Pausanias. The Athenians sent for him to stand his trial ; 
 but he, fearing the fate of Pausanias, and knowing the fickle- 
 ness of his countrymen, refused. He fled to Corcyra ; but find- 
 ing that he was safe in no part of Greece, with great difficulty 
 made his way to the court of the king of Persia. Xerxes 
 was dead, having been murdered in a family conspiracy, and his 
 successor was his young scm, Artaxerxes. The yoiuig king was 
 overjoyed to secure the services of the renowned Athenian 
 and having listened to his plans for the subjugation of Greece, 
 gave him, it is said, the tyranny of Magnesia, with an ample 
 
mtM^^I^^M 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 allowance for himself and his attendants. His friends at Athens 
 managed to transmit to him the greater portion of his large, but 
 Ill-gotten fortune. Surrounded by the members of his family 
 
 ivmg ni almost ostentatious luxury, served by a princely retinue 
 he spent the few remaining years of his life, the dependent of the' 
 power he had done so much to humble. We do not hear of his 
 rnaking any attempt to injure his own country, notwithstandin^r 
 the brilliant prospects he had placed before the young king" 
 Vain, extravagant, corrupt, and unprincipled, he certainly was • 
 nevertheless he seems to have been loyal to his native city, and 
 thus, not through want of opportunity, but of inclination, we 
 hnd no attempt made by Themistocles to strike a blow at her 
 power and prosperity. 
 
 In 468 B.C. Athens was called upon to mourn the death of 
 her unselfish patriot, Aristeides. His removal left Cimon the 
 son of Miltiades, the most important personage in Athenian 
 attairs. Cimon belonged to the aristocratic element in the city 
 though he sought to win the favour of the masses by lavish gifts 
 and an unbounded hospitality. He had shewn a keen sense of 
 honour and integrity by paying the fine imposed by the state on 
 his father. He had been a prominent supporter of Aristeides in 
 organizing the Confederacy of Delos, and he had distinguished 
 himself in the campaign by which the Persian garrisons were 
 expelled from Thrace. 
 
 These services and qualities were not, however, suflicient to 
 wm for Cimon the full confidence of the Athenian democracy 
 This was due to Cimon's aristocratic tastes and sentiments and 
 to his pronounced admiration for Sparta and her policy. For a 
 leader and statesman whose great anxiety was to be a useful 
 ally of Sparta, the average Athenian could entertain no profound 
 regard. Cimon's policy was to extend the maritime power of 
 Athens, leavmg to Sparta the supremacy on land. Persia was 
 to be made the object of persistent attack ; friendly relaticms, in 
 the meantime, were to be cultivated with the Spartans. This 
 generous policy, as time showed, met with a cold response from 
 the selfish Lacedaemonians. 
 
 Under Cimon's leadership numerous maritime expeditions 
 took place. In 470 B.C., the island of Scyros was seized and 
 
 135 
 
 Exile of 
 
 TUemisto- 
 
 cles. 
 
 Death oj 
 Aristeides, 
 
 B.C. m. 
 
 Cimon 
 
 
 Cimon's 
 policy. 
 
136 
 
 ,1 II!. 
 
 i 
 
 
 Battle of 
 Enrymedon 
 
 m B.C. 
 
 Difflcultiea 
 of main- 
 taininff the 
 Confederacy 
 
 Naxos 
 endeavours 
 to secede, 
 B.C. U66. 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 occupied. A few years later, Cimon set sail with a large fleet to 
 free the Greek cities of Lycia and PampJiylia from the control 
 of the Persians. Near the mouth of the river Eurymgdon he 
 encountered a Persian fleet supported on the banks of the 
 stream by a large land army. Tlie Persian fleet was waiting for 
 reinforcements from Plioenicia, and, to avoid a battle, retreated' 
 up the river. Cimon followed, and in a narrow, confined space, 
 forced an action which resulted in a complete victory. The 
 defeated Persians sought the protection of their land army, but 
 Cimon threw his hoplites ashore and won another victory. 
 Putting out to sea, Cimon was fortunate enough to meet eighty 
 Phoenician vessels coming to join the Persian fleet, and these 
 he almost completely destroyed off the coast of Cyprus. As the 
 result of this three-fold victory the naval power of Persia was 
 crippled, and the Greek cities of Asia Minor freed. 
 
 The main object of the Confederacy of Delos had now been 
 accomplished. The danger of a Persian invasion no longer 
 existed. Naturally, many of the members of the Confederacy 
 began to think no good reason remained for the continuance of 
 a heavy expenditure of men and money in the support of an 
 alliance which had accomplished its purpose. Besides, the 
 maintenance of the Confederacy gave Athens the power of tax- 
 ing her allies, and using them for the furtherance of her own 
 ends. The Greek states desired, above all things, independence 
 of outside control, that is 'autonomy.' The Confederacy was 
 in opposition to this desire, and it was endured only as the least 
 of two evils. 
 
 The first state that declared its intention of seceding from the 
 Confederacy was Naxos, one of the wealtliiest and most power- 
 ful islands of the Cyclades. This occurred in the year 46G B.C. 
 Athens, the defender and upholder, hitherto, of Greek freedoni 
 and independence, now refused to allow her former ally the 
 right to choose her own line of action. She saw that if one ally 
 was permitted to secede, the others would speedily follow the 
 example, and the Confederacy of Delos would dissolve and be a 
 thing of the past. This did not suit tlie views and ambitions of 
 the Athenian people, whose power and glory were closely 
 
l^^^^teiM^ 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 137 
 
 irge fleet to 
 the control 
 y^mgdon lie 
 tiks of the 
 waiting for 
 !, retreated 
 ined space, 
 tory. The 
 
 army, but 
 ir victory, 
 leet eighty 
 
 and these 
 s. As the 
 Persia was 
 
 now been 
 no longer 
 ^nfederacy 
 inuance of 
 •port of an 
 sides, the 
 ver of tax- 
 )f her own 
 ependence 
 eracy was 
 s the least 
 
 f from the 
 )st power- 
 V 46G B.C. 
 : freedom 
 ally the 
 f one ally 
 'ollow the 
 and be a 
 bitioHK of 
 i closely 
 
 connected with their maritime supremacy and leadership in 
 Greek affairs. So Naxos was blockaded by an Athenian fleet, 
 and, after a considerable time, forced to surrender. The walls 
 of the city were demolished, its warships forfeited, and a heavy 
 fine imposed. 
 
 The fate of Naxos made it manifest that the nature of the Con- chau.e in 
 tederacy had undergone an important change. It was now seen "*•" ""'"'"^ 
 that Athens was not merely one of many allies ; she had hecoxnJederJy^' 
 nustress and tyrant of her confederates. The change had been 
 a gradual one. The smaller states had grown weary of contri- 
 butnig their contingent of ships and men, and had compounded 
 by paying to Athens, as leader of the Confederacy, a large annual 
 C(mtribution of money. This money was used by Athens in 
 equipping- a larger fleet of her own. Thus while the maritime 
 power of the smaller states was allowed to decline, that of 
 Athens was increased at their expense. Consequently, Athens 
 became in a few years not only the leader of the Confederacy, 
 but also the collector of a tribute from her former allies. 
 
 The fate of Naxos did not deter the people of the island o^Thasos 
 Ihasos from making an attempt to secede from the Confederacy «»''''«"«ws 
 The Athenians, after the capture of Eion, began the task of making '" ""'" 
 that port an important commercial centre in Thrace This led 
 to a war with the Thracians, in which the Athenians suffered 
 severe defeats. The Thasians had a deep interest in this struggle 
 for the wealth of Thasos was largely drawn from the rich gold 
 mines of Mt. Pangaeus, and from her trade in the valley of the 
 Stryinon. This trade was threatened by the growth of Athenian 
 influence in Thrace, so when the Athenian armies were defeated 
 by the Thracians, Thasos thought it a good opportunity to 
 secede and protect her rights. In the war that followed 
 Thasos was aided by the Thracians and Macedonians, and 
 probably would have been, by the Spartans also, had not Sparta 
 when on the point of declaring war, been forced to withdraw 
 by her own calamities. Left alone, Thasos had to stand a sie<.e 
 m which the whole force of Athens was employed. For two Thasos 
 years she held out against the a-.ny of Cimon, when she was 2Sr^'^ 
 compelled to surrender. Her warships were taken from her 
 
 ■ 
 
138 
 
 niSTOKY OF GREECE. 
 
 W 
 
 |l 
 
 iH.i 
 
 and her f<.rtificati.jn,s destroyed, in addition to Imvii-r to 
 pay a heavy tine. Her trade, too, in Thrace passed into the 
 hands of the Athenians. 
 
 Turning no^v to the affairs of Sparta we find thatjn 468 b.c. she 
 had to face the hostility of Argos, and, of inany of the Arcadian 
 states m alliance with that city. Two sharp encounters took 
 place U) which the Spartans were successful, and Argos was forced 
 back to her old condition of inferiority and dependency. This 
 war was just ended when the trouble began between Athens and 
 1 hasos, and the Spartans were preparing to respond to the appeal 
 frorMesof of the Thasians when the great earthquake of 4G4 B.C. occurred. 
 This was the most terrible and disastrous that the Peloponnesus 
 had ever experienced Great chasms were opened in the earth, 
 and nearly every house in «parta was thrown down. To add to 
 the horrors of loss of property and life, the cruelly oppressed 
 helots rose in revolt. The people of Messenia, and the 
 slaves of Laconia joined in this rising, and took as their base of 
 operations the old Messenian citadel of Mount Ithome. The 
 Spartans, aided by the Perioeci, with their usual indomitable 
 fortitude, struggled desperately to master the rebels. It was 
 while engaged in this conflict for their old supremacy that the 
 war with Thasos came to an end. Cimon, forgetful of the base 
 enmity of Sparta, sought to persuade the Athenians to send 
 help to their old ally in the Persian wars. This gener.ms but 
 foolish policy was opposed by Pericles and Ephialtes, the leaders 
 of the democratic party at Athens. Cimon, however, with the 
 strength due to his recent successes, prevailed, and an army of 
 four thousand Athenians was sent to aid the Spartans in their 
 siege of the rebels at Mount Ithome. The Athenians were no 
 Athens "^«/e successful than the Spartans had been in their operations 
 sZrta ^'' "^ conse(pience, the Spartans suspected them of duplicity. 
 
 ^«'' «• lUideness and discourtesy followed, ending in the Spartans send- 
 ing the Athenian army home without a word of thanks. The 
 failure of Cimon's generous plans, and the rude and insulting 
 conduct of the Spartans, helped materially to strengthen the 
 anti-Spartan party at Athens, of which Ephialtes and Pericles 
 were the leaders. 
 
.4»ww.«««W^ 
 
 
 IIIKTOBV OK OREEOE. 
 
 139 
 
 of the Im mis of C.mon, mto those of the lendois of the de.no- 
 crufe party. Of Ephi.ltes we know little, as hk career I, 
 brought to an early clo,e. He seems to have been a thor„rh 
 demoerat, one whose object was t„ lessen the power of the 
 nob,hty. and open wide the doors of office to all classes of 
 Athenian c.t,zens. Of Pericles, however, we know mnoh He p.w u. 
 
 man m the course of her history. His birth alone entitled 
 
 o xl°H T "'"' '''''"° '" P''"'" '""• He was the son 
 
 o Xantluppus, the accuser of Miltiades, while his mother was 
 o tl e blood of the A.cnaeonidae. Related in this way to 
 Cle,sthenes, and his house opposed to that of Cin.on he 
 naturally espoused the democratic cause. His foreign p„ icy 
 
 etrnsioTof tt "'/'r'^'""'"^' ™^ P»P"'- I* r,.Z^lt.us^ 
 extension of the Athenian maritime empire, regardless of '"««''■ 
 Spartan jealousies. He had none of Ciinon's admiration f" 
 Sparta; nevertheless, while disposed to exalt the power and 
 unportance of Athens, he was never moved to indulge in a 
 policy of irritation of her rival. Pericles had naturally a 
 grave and dignified presence. He was reserved in his habits 
 ajid manners ; m fact, he was the very reverse of the pop,aar 
 Idea of a successful demagogue. To these qualities he' adld 
 an impressive and cultivated oratoiy. He took especial pains 
 to master the difficult art of effective public speak ngo 
 swaying by his eloquence tlie critical and often caprfc'iou ■ 
 
 audiences that assembled in the Athenian Ecclesia. P„S 
 were with h.m a passion, and the knowled<,e of his £010^ 
 citizens, with their prejudices and aspirations, I plui d t "dT 
 bu cess was not won in his case by being on familiar and easj 
 terms with all cla.sses of the community, for he kept himseTf 
 secluded from the ordinary everyday intercourse of life, and he 
 seldom spoke in the great public gatherings, save when impor! 
 tant issues were to the front. This reserve, taken in connection 
 » ith his abihties as an orator, heightened the popular admiration 
 or him. His policy was, moreover, one that commended itself 
 M the masses. „'o mu.st bear in mind, however, that none but 
 Athenian citizens exercised the franchise, and thkt the electorate 
 
 11? ii 
 
140 
 
 IIISTORY OF ORKKCK. 
 
 I * 
 
 
 It. 
 
 f 
 
 at Athens w,i8 a very select one, cnip-ired with the electorate of 
 H largo city in a mod re|)ul)lic. 
 
 ^'J»o Areopajrus was tlio one political institution whose mem- 
 bers hehl ofHce for life, an.l this venerable body now became 
 ThepovH'r tlie ooject of attack of Ei)hialteH and Pericles. While Cimcm 
 P«,.': /.';;"■ ^';« ^^^'«^"fc '^««i«^'i»g the Spartans against the revolted helots 
 ened. a decree was forced through the Ecdesia by which the Areopa- 
 
 gus was deprived of its ,,ower of censorship, and its authority 
 reduced to that of trying cases of homicide. Its ancient 
 functions of censorship, and guardi ^ the constitution against 
 Uie encroaclunentH of the Ecclesia, were now transferred to the 
 Bule, the Ecclesia, and the law courts. 
 
 When Cimon returned homo from the Peloponnesus, he was 
 very nid.gnant at the changes made in his absence, and 
 endeavoured to have the decree reversed. This brought on a 
 struggle between the two factions, which ended in the ostracism 
 
 ^^•-"•""^ Cnuli'r'nVF"; "!;"': 'n"'' "' '''" —ination of Ephialtes. 
 Pende, and *-"""" """^ i^.plualtes both removed, Pericles was left as the sole 
 Cunan. and undisputed leader of the Athenian assembly. The policy 
 of Pericles brought Athens into foreign difhculties. He formed 
 all.;uices with Argos and Thessaly, both enemies of Sparta. He 
 offended Corinth by forming an alliance with Megara, and he 
 encourage<1 the democratic faction in Boeotia to gel rid of the 
 oligarchies which ruled in most of its cities. The result of 
 these alliances and intrigues was a war with Corinth and Aegina 
 m 4o8 B.C. The war was entered into at a time when Athens 
 was supposed to be weakened by having sent a iieet of 
 two hundr. d vessels to aid Inftrus of Egypt in his struggle to 
 
 Af, ■ iT^ ''f . ' ^''™' y"^^- ^"'"'"« ^'-^^ tl^« king of some 
 tlll^rin^y''^ ^''^''' i" the west of Egypt, and had succeeded in 
 
 SSr rT"°. ^^'*; ^"^^'^'-"^^^ "^f ^^'^ greater part of that country, when 
 the Persian king s.nt a large army against him. Inarus appealed 
 to the Athenians for help, and a fleet of two hundred ships 
 ying off Cyprus, was dispatched to his aid. This fleet sailed up 
 the Nile and besieged Memphis, which held a Persian garrison 
 It was while engaged in this siege that the war with Corinth 
 ana Aegina began. 
 
octorato of 
 
 ,^mmm0^md^,m^>>'vi^ffm^lUi 
 
 OHO mom- 
 w bocamo 
 ilo Cinion 
 0(1 helots, 
 o Aroopa- 
 authority 
 3 ancient 
 in against 
 ed to the 
 
 s, he was 
 Hce, and 
 ight on a 
 ( (stracism 
 Kphialtes. 
 s the sole 
 he policy 
 [e formed 
 u-ta. He 
 , and he 
 id of the 
 
 result of 
 id Aegina 
 n Athens 
 
 iieet of 
 ruggle to 
 
 of some 
 eeded in 
 ry, when 
 appealed 
 ^d ships, 
 sailed up 
 garrison. 
 
 Corinth 
 
 CHAPTER XVr. 
 
 THE ZKNITH OF ATHKNIAN OHKATNEHM. 
 
 The beginning of tlio war with Corinth was m.ukwl l)y a very 
 nuportant st.oi), vi/,.,the ronioval of the troa.sury of the Con- 
 federacy of Delosfrom the sacred island of Delos to Athens. 
 This Ktei) was a precauti.)n;.,ry one. It was thought that the 
 treasury wo.dd be safer at Athens than on an island expose.l to InZu!"!; "^' 
 the assaults of an enemy. The treasury being established at ^:':(;;i!Z^'" 
 Athens, It soon began to be felt that the latter was exacting t ril)ute 
 from hor allies. This was the real state of alDiirs, for, Tro long, 
 Pericles and his party did not hesitate to use the contributions 
 of the leagu(! for Athenian puri)osos, excusing the breacli of 
 trust on the ground of the services rendered to the Confederacy 
 by Athens. Another important step was the commencement 
 of the building of the 'hmg walls' of Athens. These 
 walls were abijut four miles long, and connected Atliens '''""'""•'^ "/ 
 with hor Koa-ports, Phalerum and Peiraous. The building oiofVli^f!', 
 those Avails placed Athens and her two sea-ports at the angles of '^■^'* '''''"• 
 a triangular fortification, which enclosed a large space "which 
 could be used as a place of refuge for the people of Attica, with 
 their flocks and herds. A second wall to the Peiraous was 
 erected later on, thus making still more secure the conuimnica- 
 tion of Athens with her chief sea-port.^ 
 
 The war with Corinth and iiegina })egan with two naval 
 engagements in which Athens was victorious, in spite of the ^^ . 
 f'lct that two hundred of her vessels wore absent in E.^ypt Corinth 
 Aegina was now besieged by the Athenians. The Corinthians, '^''^''""• 
 to relieve Aegina, attacked Megara, but Myronldes, the Athen- 
 ian general, raised an army of old men and boys, and in two 
 engagements inflicted crusliing defeats on the Corinthians. 
 
 The war between Athens and Corinth was not the only 
 struggle that was going on at this time. Phocis had atUicked 
 the n>habitants of the little district of Doris, and the Dorians liad 
 
 and 
 
 s 1 r 
 
 'See page 122. 
 
 [141] 
 
142 
 
 HISTORV OF OREErP!. 
 
 hi 
 
 
 la 
 
 !■ 
 
 War in 
 Boeotia i67 
 B.C. 
 
 Battle of 
 Tanagra, 
 I457 B.C. 
 
 Battle of 
 
 Oenophyta, 
 
 U56B.C 
 
 appeukxl t„ tlieir kin<l,ed, the SparUns, f..r help. SpHrta 
 nlthough the iuHurrecticu of the helotn whs n„t yet ended, sent 
 un Hnn3| of Peh.ponnesinns, eleven thousand i„ number, across 
 Jie (.ulf of Corinth into Boeotia. Joined by the Thebans, the 
 I'hoci.-.nH were defeated and driven out of Doris. On their 
 return to tlu. Peloponnesus, the Spartans and thoir allies had to 
 pass through ]Vie^-.,ra, but when they reached the frontier of 
 that state a passage was refused them. The Athenians felt 
 their interests were inv.;lved in supporting Megara, and they 
 determined to cut off the return of the Peloponnesians. 
 Hastily collecting an army of Argive hoplites and Thessalian 
 cavalry, which was aided by levies from Athena, Megara and 
 Pktaea, they gave battle in front of the passes that led from 
 Boeotia towards the Isthmus. Before the battle was joined 
 Cinion, then iij exile, appeared and asked permissi(,n to fi-dit 
 m the ranks. He was refused the privilege ; and he retired, call- 
 ing on his friends to show their devotion and loyalty to the 
 Athenian cause. The armies met near Tanagra, and owing to 
 the treachery of the Thessalian horse, which deserted the allies 
 at a critical moment, the Spartans won the victory. The friends 
 ot Cimon, it is said, fought in the forefront of the battle, and 
 their courage was shown by the number of their slain The 
 Peloponnesians now returned t.> the Isthmus unmolested 
 without making much use of their victory. ' 
 
 Athens had now added Sparta and Boeotia co the list of her 
 foes. At a time so critical, domestic quarrels were not in order 
 and we find Pericles personally proposing in the Ecclesia the 
 recall of las great rival, Cimon. Domestic faction, for the time 
 bemg hushed, Athens put forth all her .strength to strike a vigorous 
 blow before her enemies could unite and crush her. Winter 
 had not ended when Myronides invaded Boeotia with a strong 
 force, and meeting the Thebans and their allies at Oenophyta 
 in the valley of the Asopus, won a .ignal victory over them' 
 The victory was followed by the expulsion of the oligarchs 
 from the different towns and cities of Boeotia, and by the 
 establishment of democratic institutions in every state. Tlie 
 Boeotian TiPafifiKi -nraa a\cc^,a,,^j „- j 1 . . , 
 
 """ => ' -"''°"^vcct Cilia each state became inde- 
 
 pendent of the controlling influence of Thebes. The influence 
 
^m^m^mmm^. 
 
 HISTORY OP ORKKCR. 
 
 143 
 
 Sparta, 
 tlod, sent 
 3r, across 
 bans, the 
 f)n tlieir 
 es had to 
 ontier of 
 liana felt 
 and they 
 inesians. 
 hessalian 
 ;jara and 
 led from 
 i joined, 
 to fight 
 red, call- 
 y to the 
 jwing to 
 lie allies 
 a friends 
 btle, and 
 n. The 
 lolested, 
 
 it of her 
 n order, 
 lesia the 
 he time, 
 i^igorous 
 
 Winter 
 a strong 
 ophyta, 
 T them, 
 ligarchs 
 
 by the 
 3. Tlie 
 e inde- 
 ifluence 
 
 of Athens was now lolt throughout Boeotia, as the new demo- 
 rratie instituti(»ns couhl he uiainUvined only thiough Athenian 
 sui)])ort and sympathy. 
 
 The fall of Aegina was now close at hand. The long l)lockado 
 had brought the garrison to tlie verge of famine, and it was 
 forced to s-urrender on the conditions that the Aeginetans^„;/„. 
 should destroy their walls, give up their warships, and enter -1 "/""«• 
 the DulifMi Confederacy as payers of tribute. In the Pelopon- 
 nesus, the long struggle of Sp^.rta against the helots came to an 
 end in 455 n.c. Ithomo was given up to the Hi.artans, its 
 brave defenders being permitted to depart from tlie Pelojjon. 
 nesus. They were taken on board an Athenian Heet and landed 
 atNaupactus, where they found a permanent home, repaying 
 the Athenians for their kindness by proving faithful allies. 
 The work (»f subjugating tlieir helots left the Spartans for a 
 time comparatively powerless to resent the aggressions of the 
 Athenians, whoso good fortune seemed to know no check. In 
 the year 454 b.c, however, their career of success was suddenly 
 arrested. It has been mentioned that au Athenian expedition 
 went to the assistance of Inarus of Egypt, and laid siege to 
 Memi>his. The siege lasted five years, when another Athenian 
 fleet of two hundred vessels was sent out. The Persians, how- 
 ever, sent a very strong force, and managed to surround the 
 Atheniaiis on a small island in the Nile. A desperate conHict Drsaster on 
 ensued, in which most of the Athenians were slain and their '*" ^^''■^"• 
 ships burnt. The effect of this disaster was to make the Athen- 
 ians more inclined to think of peace, and, as Sparta was also 
 wearied with her long struggle against the helots, a five years' 
 peace was arranged in 451 B.C. The truce found Athens 
 with her influence predominant in Megaris, Boeotia, Locris, 
 Phocis, Achaia, and Troezen, while nearly every city in the 
 Aegean and Propontis recognized her supremacy and leadership. 
 The truce with Sparta left Athens free to avenge her defeat 
 m Egypt by the Persians. Cimon, once more popular, was sent 
 with a fleet against the enemy. He laid siege to Citium in the 
 island of Cyprus, but wan stricken dowrx by disease, and carried 
 off in the prime of his manhood. Although successful in their 
 
 's 1 
 
 i ,1,. 
 
 ."Jl 
 
 i 
 
U4 
 
 HISTORY OF GREROE. 
 
 V'i 
 
 tifdli 
 
 lievolfs in 
 Euboea. 
 
 Death of operations, tlie Athenians returned lionio after tlie death of 
 A/,9B.C <^iinon, and made no further attacks on Persia. 
 
 Scarcely had the Athenian land enii)ire been won before it 
 was lost. Boeotia led in the revolt, and an Athenian force of one 
 thousand hoplites sent to aid Boeotian democrats was defeated 
 at Coi-onela. The result of this defeat was tlie withdrawal of 
 Athens from interference in Boeotian affairs, and the restoration 
 of oligarchy and the inHuence of Thebes in the Boeotian cities. 
 Locris followed the example of Boeotia and withdrew from the 
 Athenian alliance. 
 
 Still nii^re serious was the revolt of the cities of Euboea. So 
 dangerous was this revolt considered that Pericles himself took 
 command of live thousand men and crossed over to tlie island to 
 subdue it. He was almost innuediately recalled to meet a 
 rising in Megara, where an Athenian garrison had been 
 massacred. To add to the troubles of Athens, when the five 
 years' truce with Sparta was ended, it was found that Sparta 
 was preparing a formidable force for the invasion of Attica. In 
 the year 446 B.C. the young Spartan king and his guardian led 
 a large army into the Megarid ; but, for some unexplained cause, 
 it almost innuediately returned. It was more than suspected 
 that Pericles had bri])ed the Spartan generals, who were 
 notorious for their venality. Relieved of the Spartan invasion, 
 Pericles pushed the war vigorously against the Euboean cities.' 
 Soon the whole island was reconquered, and a second Athenian 
 military colony was esta})lished on the lands taken from the 
 oligarchs of Ifistiaea. 
 
 Athens now recognized the hoi)eleasness of retaining her land 
 empire, and Callias was sent to Sparta to negotiate a peace. 
 Thirtn '^'^^^ ^"^'''^"^^ **^ ^^^"^^^ negotiations was The Thirty Years' Peace 
 
 YeagPeace by which the hegemony of Sparta in the Peloponnesus was 
 recognized, while the supremacy of Athens in the Confederacy 
 of Delos was left undistu/bed. In brief, Atliens renounced her 
 land empire, retaining, however, her naval supremacy. 
 
 The war with Persia, also, came to an end about this time. 
 No treaty seems to have been made, but an understanding was 
 reached with the Persian satraps by whirh tlie Greek cities on 
 
 1 
 
 t 
 t 
 c 
 
 II 
 
 SI 
 
 ci 
 it 
 
.! (le.-itli of 
 
 <. 
 
 1 l)ef()re it 
 orce of one 
 IS defeated 
 lidrawfil of 
 restoration 
 bian cities. 
 '^ from the 
 
 iboea. So 
 nself took 
 e island to 
 bo meet a 
 had been 
 i\\ the five 
 lat Sparta 
 ttiea. In 
 ardian led 
 ned cause, 
 suspected 
 vho were 
 invasion, 
 !an cities. 
 Athenian 
 from the 
 
 : her land 
 a peace, 
 irs' Peace 
 lesus was 
 iifederacy 
 need her 
 
 his time, 
 iding was 
 cities on 
 
 UlSTOitY OF GREECK. 
 
 Pe:!L,f :'" ""^ ^"'^^ '«'^^™'<' '-' '"'"- -stacks on 
 
 = y , ■""' '^e^'srely censured. It may be describe,! «"'''!"'/ 
 
 S^,r"'"^"^ T'""^'"8 ^'"»- institutions : It"'"*'- 
 
 of tiirirrr,b^fi r"V"""r °' "'" ^"'^™^' "'«'"^'- 
 
 Tf ^v..« * ' ""'"^ ^'''* *^'® exercise of the franchise 
 
 It was a 'government by plebiscite ' Tl,^ a "^iiicmse. 
 
 iftus Athens became the soif ^f ti. J»^ueiis. 
 
 Dolian Confederacv TU^ t "'P''"™ '=™''' °^ ">« 
 
 tl,» /"""'''"^'^*<=y- Under those cn-cumstances, tlie duties of 
 
 o be m \" r""™ ""'t """^ ^° "-^^^ and o„nti„: : a 
 
 :;:S;s ■":« ^^r ■"'-'"■-' the'^:rer„s:;'^;rnr: 
 
 145 
 
 
'I! 
 
 146 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 rf 
 
 equal to that of a heavy-armed soldier. A class of professional 
 jurymen now grew up, who spent their whole time in the law 
 courts. Pericles has been charged, also, with introducing the 
 vicious system of paying the citizens for attending the Ecclesia, 
 or public assembly. This step was not taken, however, till 
 some forty years later, although it may be said that the policy of 
 Pericles logically led to it. No doubt this policy made the aver- 
 age Athenian familiar with the ordinary processes of the law courts 
 and with current politics, and must have had a greater or less 
 educational effect. Nevertheless, the evil results seem to have 
 over-balanced the good. It taught the Athenian to render 
 public services, not as a duty he owed to the state, but as a 
 hireling of that state. Besides, it flooded Athens with a talk- 
 ative, idle, and oft.en corrupt class of professional politicians, 
 A still more serious invasion of the domain of public morality 
 was the introduction by Pericles of the practice of paying small 
 doles to the poor on the occasion of public festivals, so tliat they 
 might witness state pageants, and buy themselves Avine and 
 meat on occasions of public rejoicing. To make matters worse, 
 the money that was thus squandered was often taken from the 
 treasury of the Confederacy. It is said Pericles was led to 
 propose this system of wholesale bribery by his financial inability 
 to cope with Cimon's profuse expenditure of money on the masses, 
 Cimon, however, spent his own money ; whereas Pericles 
 plundered the treasury of the Athenian allies for what may 
 be rightly considered personal ends. 
 
 More excusable, perhaps, Avas the expenditure made for the 
 idornment *^<^'^^""^"*^ ^^ Atliens, in the construction of magnificent temples 
 ofAthensby and public buildings, Moiicy, too, Avas spent in building a second, 
 the southern, long Avail from the upper ci y to the Peiraeus. 
 Temples, outside of Athens, Avere begun, and great buildings Avere 
 erected in the Peiraeus for purposes of trade and exchange. The 
 most magnificent and famous, however, of the works completed by 
 Pericles were the Propylaea, or entrance halls to the Acropolis, 
 aiid the Parthenon, the world-famous temple to Athene. The 
 Propylaea was situated on the western slope of the Acropolis, 
 and consisted of a flight of marble steps seventy feet broad, 
 
BH 
 
 HISTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 world T1,P fLi ! ! ' , 'nasterpiece of tlie ancient 
 
 ment of trust money, his reply was that Athens kept Gret" 
 expended. All that Athens did, however, in the interests of the 
 
 about SIX hundred talents, or ^700,000 • so tJv.f if / 
 possible for the Athpn,-nn« f^ 'S"^,iuu, so that it became 
 
 and stren^thenL^rr-tT, iryi't r:/ " tf 
 thousand talents beina accumulitoH ;„ m . ^ 
 
 Acropolis. accumulated in the treasury in the 
 
 The tributaries of Athens were very numerous at thu r. 
 oonsMin, of two hundred and fortyine si e :^X Hf 
 wuch,Samos, Lesbos, and Chios, had refused toe mpou d ,r" 
 
 ttirxn ':::tfch':r:he ™' "■"" ^'r™ "-^ """-'^-^ 
 
 147 
 
 
 I 
 
 ili 
 lis 
 
148 
 
 HfSTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 ii?' 
 
 M 
 
 Colonien 
 founilfd. 
 
 Samos 
 revolts, 
 MO B.C. 
 
 Samoa 
 surrenders, 
 US9 B.C. 
 
 the amount and manner of the assessment would not have been 
 deemed ojjpressive ov unjust. 
 
 The policy of Athens at this time looked forward to the estab- 
 lishment of colonies at impcrtant outposts. Of the many 
 colonies founded during these years, Amphipolis on the Strymon, 
 and Thurii in Southern Italy, are the most noted. The latter 
 had among its founders such famous men as Herodotus, the 
 historian, ProtagOras, the sophist and Lysias, the orator. 
 
 Only one war of importance marks these fourteen years of 
 peace. This resulted from the revolt of Samos in 440 b.c. 
 Samos and Miletus disputed about some territory on the main- 
 land of Asia Minor, and Athens, to whom the dispute was 
 referred, decided in favour of Miletus. But the oligarchical 
 government of Samos refused to surrender the territory, until 
 Athens sent a fleet find entered her harbour. Pericles, who was 
 in command, deposed the oligarchic government of Samos, 
 established a democracy, and carried off one hundred hostages 
 for safe keeping to the island of Lemnos. Aided by the Persian 
 satrap, Pissuthnes, the remaining oligarchs at Samos upset the 
 democratic government established by Pericles, and boldly 
 renounced their alliance with Athens. Samos now called upon 
 the other members of the Confederacy to throw off the Athenian 
 yoke, bit Byzantium alone responded to the appeal. The war 
 that followed lasted less than a year. Although the Samians had 
 a brief success in a naval engagement, their city was soon 
 blockaded by the Athenians under Pericles and other generals. 
 For nine months the besieged held out, hoping for relief 
 from Sparta, or from other quarters. The Spartans did think 
 seriously of attacking Athens, but were dissuaded by Corinth. 
 Despairing of outside help, Samos surrendered, and was pun- 
 ished in the usual manner. Her warships had to be given up, 
 her fortifications were destroyed, and a fine of a thousand 
 talents exacted. Byzantium surrendered as soon as the fate of 
 Samos was known. 
 
CHAPTER XVIT. 
 
 CAUSES OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 
 
 Fourteen years of peace had enabled the Spartans to fully 
 recover from their desperate struggle with their helots and the 
 Messenians. A new generation of warriors had grown up, that 
 knew little of the miseries and misfortunes of the previous' war, 
 and as the whole tenor of Spartan customs and laws was to make 
 a nation of soldiers, the young men were anxious to measure 
 their strength with the forces of Athens. There was a deep- faum. 
 rooted antagonism between Sparta and Athens, based on the 
 difference of their institutions, tastes, and ambitions. To this 
 natural antipathy was added one arising out of the marvellous 
 growth of the Athenian power, and the consequent lessening of 
 the influence of Sparta in Grecian affairs. A war, then, between 
 these two rival states was almost a matter of necessity. But 
 Sparta was always slow to move, and to Athens herself must be 
 assigned the blame for precipitating a conflict which ended for 
 her so disastrously. 
 
 The story of the events that led to the declaration of war be- 
 tween Sparta and Athens is a somewhat involved one. Among 
 other things that paved the way was the harsh treatment of 
 Megara by Athens. Megara had joined the Peloponnesian 
 alliance, and Athens had not forgotten her massacre of the 
 Athenian garrison in 446 B.C. Picking a quarrel with Megara 
 about an alleged act of sacrilege of that state in tilling some land 
 belonging to Demeter, Athens not only closed her own ports to 
 the trade of Megarian merchants, but compelled her allies to 
 do the same. The result was ruin to the trade and prosperity 
 of Megara, and Spf. ta was frequently ai)pealed to for redress. 
 
 Aegina, too, had her grievance. Forced by Athens to become 
 a member of the Delian Confederacy, she wa- no longer her 
 rival and equal ; she was merely a tribute-payer to her more 
 fortunate and successful 
 
 neigh 
 
 [149] 
 
150 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 K. 
 
 k: I 
 
 betmen '^^^ quarrel between Corinth and Corcyra was, however, the 
 
 Corinth and immediate cause of the Peloponnesian war. The story of this 
 orcyra. quarrel is as follows : Corcyra, an island on tlie west coast of 
 Greece, was colonized by Corinth. This colony w:),8 only one of 
 many colonies founded by Corinth on the western coast, and it 
 was the only one that refused to pay proper respect to the 
 mother city. Unlike Ambracia, Leucas, and other colonies, she 
 had renounced all allegiance to Corinth, and, in matters of trade 
 with Southern Italy, had become her enemy and rival. Corcyra, 
 in turn, became the founder of colonies, and established one on 
 the Illyrian shore, known as Epidamnus, or later on, in Roman 
 times, as Dyrrhachium. In 435 B.C., Epidamnus was the scene 
 of a bitter struggle between the democratic and oligarchic fac- 
 tions within its walls, in the course of which the oligarchs were 
 expelled. The exiled oligarchs sought the aid of a neighbouring 
 Illyrian tribe, and begun the siege of the city. The democratic 
 faction, in its extremity, appealed for assistance to Corcyra, the 
 mother city, but the appeal was disregarded. Being in des- 
 perate straits, the democrats turned to Corinth for support, 
 the ruler, or chief man of Epidamnus, being a Corinthian. 
 The opportunity of injuring Corcyra, and obtaining a valuable 
 ally on the western coast was so tempting, that the Corinthians 
 readily promised to send assistance to Epidamnus. A small fleet 
 was despatched to strengthen the garrison, and through the 
 help thus given Epidamnus was able to prolong its resist- 
 ance. The news of Corinth's interference aroused the wrath 
 of the Corcyraeans, who sent a fleet of forty ships to blockade 
 Epidamnus from the sea, and to form an alliance with the 
 oligarchs and Illyrians already besieging the city from the land. 
 Corinth now sent a large exi)edition to aid the besieged, but 
 hor vessels wore met off the promontory of Actium by an 
 equally large Corcyraean fleet, which succeeded in defeating 
 them. The same day Epidamnus fell, and the Corinthian 
 garrison was made prisoners of war. War Avas now fully 
 declared between Corcyra and Corinth. The latter city made 
 great preparations to avenge her defeat, and in 434 B.C. sent out a 
 fleet so strong that Corcyi;'. unaided, could not hope to cope with 
 it. Under these ci-^mnstances it was decided by the Corcyraeans 
 
HISTORY OP OREECB. 
 
 151 
 
 to apply to Athens to admit them to the Delian alliance, thus 
 preferring to sacrifice their independence rather than sub'nit to 
 the rule of Corinth. Envoys were acco'-lingly sent, in the spring 
 of 433 B.C., to Athens, to ask lor admission to the alliance. 
 Corinth having heard of this move on tlie part of her opponents 
 also sent ambassadors to Athens. The two embassies appeared 
 before the Ecclesia on the same day, and made their appeals to 
 the Athenian people. The Corcyraeans appealed to the self- 
 interest of the Athenians, pointing out the importance of 
 having an ally on tne we f tern coast with a large fleet, which 
 might be used, in the event of a war witli the Peloponnesians, 
 against Corinth and her .illies. War, they declared, must occur 
 sooner or later, will' Sparta and Corinth, and instead of the 
 alliance with Corcyiu hastening it, the increased strength Athens 
 would obtain on the west noast would tend to deter her 
 enemies. The Corinthians, on the other hand, pointed out that 
 Corinth had prevented an invas'on of Attica by the PeIoi)on- 
 nesians when Athens was engaged in suppressing the revolt of 
 Samos, and had also befriended Athens in other ways. If 
 Athens joined in an alliance with Corey ra, it would furnish a 
 precedent for the interference of the Peloponnesians in Athenian 
 afiairs when the next revolt broke out in the Delian Confederacy. 
 As to the danger of a war occurring between Athens and the 
 Peloponnesians, that would depend on the actions of Athens, 
 the majority of the Peloponnesians being opposed to the 
 renewal of hostilities. 
 
 The whole matter was fully discussed by the Athenian orators ; jthens 
 but it Avas the speech of Pericles which decided the vote of ^"***"*"""'° 
 
 the assembly. 
 
 ^ . , . , . , (in aUiaiicc 
 
 Convuiced m his own mnid that war must come, «"'/* 
 
 he concluded that the wiser policy was to secure the alliance of "^'•'^"' 
 Corcyra. Tb'- \,Jn\g also the opinion of the Ecclesia, a defen- 
 sive alliance was entered into, in which Athens promised to help 
 the Corcyraeans in the event of their being attacked. In 
 pursuance of this policy, a small fleet of ten ships was sent to 
 cruise in Corcyraean waters. Although Corinth realized the full 
 import of this acti(m of the Athenians, she determined to push 
 the war against Corcyra. With a fleet of one hundred and fifty 
 vessels she met the Corcyraean fleet of one hundred and ten 
 
 .• ! 
 
152 
 
 HISTORY OF GREBCK. 
 
 i 
 
 1 j 
 
 1 \ 
 
 ^ i 
 
 ^m t 
 
 i:. 
 
 
 
 mi 
 
 ": V 
 
 Battle of 
 Sybota, USt 
 B.C. 
 
 Revolt of 
 Potidaea, 
 iSiB.C. 
 
 vewels at the islands of Syb6ta, r,ff the coast of Epirus The 
 Corcyraeans were accompanied by the small Athenian fleet, which 
 had lustnictions not to fight m/ass compelled by circumstances. 
 In the battle that followed the Corinthians were successful, and 
 one half of the fleet of their opponents was taken or destroyed 
 1 he Athenian vessels now interfered to protect the retreat of her 
 allies. The Corinthians, after a pause, were preparing to renew 
 the conflict when they suddenly halted at the si-ht of the 
 approach of twenty Athenian ships, which had been sent to 
 reinforce their first fleet. The Corinthians mistook this small 
 force as the mere vanguard of a larger fleet, and hesitated to 
 advance further. Instead of that, the Corinthian admiral sent 
 an officer to the Athenian commander charging him with break- 
 ing the peace between Corinth and Athens. The Athenian replied 
 that he mtended to protect Corcyra in the event of an attack. 
 Thereupon the Corinthians returned home, determined to bring 
 the matter before the Peloponnesian allies. The same year 
 saw the revolt of Potidaea, a town of Chalcidice, which though 
 belonging to the Delian Confederacy, was of Corinthian origin 
 and received her magistrates from Corinth. This revolt was 
 caused by the intrigues of Perdiccas, the king of Macedonia 
 and by secret promises of assistance from Corinth, who wished 
 to avenge herself on Athens. Two thousand men were secretly 
 sent from Corinth to Potidaea, and on the arrival of this force 
 the Potidaeans openly threw ofl" their allegiauco. An Athenian 
 force which was operating against Perdicc.-is now turned its 
 attention to Potidaea, and meeting the rebels before the walls 
 of the town won a victory over them. The town was besieged 
 but owing to the Potidaeans having a large supply of provisions 
 the siege was long and tedious. 
 
 This condition of aff-airs, in which war was actually being 
 carried on while peace was nominally continued, could not long 
 exist. In the year 432 bo. Sparta summoned the Apella, or 
 public assembly of her citizens, and Corinth, Megara, and other 
 states having grievances against Athens, appeared by their 
 representatives to state their wrongs. The chief complaint 
 
 n the autonomy of the 
 
 Sparta lis- 
 tent to the 
 grievances — g„, 
 
 'stal^. ^*** against Athens was her cc.astant attacks 
 vyeaker states of Greece 
 
 charge \ ' rch the chan 
 
 ge in the 
 
HISTORY or GREECE. ] 53 
 
 character of the Dolian Confederacy amply proved. Athens was 
 spiritedly defended bef(,re the Apella by some ambasHadors who 
 happened to be at Sparta on other business ; but although the 
 Spartan king, Archidamus, was opposed to a declaration of war 
 at that time, the assembly by a large majority voted in favour 
 of immediate hostilities. A congress of the Peloponnesian 
 allies was held to ratify this decision of Sparta. No opposition 
 worth mentioning seems to have been made to Sparta's action 
 Before hostilities actually commenced, some diplomatic negotia- 
 tions between the leaders of the two leagues took place. Sparta 
 demanded that the Megarians should be restored to her formor 
 trade privileges, that Aegina should be granted her independ- 
 ence, and that the blockade of Poti.hiea should be raised 
 These demands Athens refused. A little later came another 
 demand from Sparta, that Athens ' should restore their autono- 
 my to the states of Greece.' It was expected this demand 
 would be indignantly rejected by Athens. Instead of that, it 
 led to an important and prolonged debate in the Ecclesia. The 
 reason of this was the temporary unpopularity of Pericles the 
 leader of the war-party at Athens. Pericles was made to'feol 
 the resentment of all the various classes opposed to v/ar. Hep"S"" 
 was attacked through his friends, who were accused of various ''"'''" 
 oftences against the state. Anaxagftras, the famous philosopher 
 was accused of impiety and forced to leave Athens. Pheidias] 
 the master sculptor, was charged with embezzling some of the 
 gold set aside for the statue of Athene Parthgnos, a charcre he 
 was able to disprove by weighing the gold used. Nevertheless, 
 he did not escape. He was imprisoned for introducing his own 
 portrait and that of Pericles among those of the ancient heroes 
 ni the sculpture of the Parthenon. Before he could be brought 
 to his second trial he died in prison. 
 
 A blow was struck at Pericles in a still more sensitive place 
 It was well known at Athens that Pericles had formed an illecri- 
 timate connection with a beautiful and accomplished woman 
 named Aspasia, a native of Miletus. Aspasia, who belonged to 
 a class only too numerous at Athens, had intellectual and social 
 charms of the highest order. Her home was the meeting-place 
 of the choicest intellects of Athens, and there Pericles found 
 
 Hi " 
 
154 
 
 HISTORY OP OR EEC K. 
 
 rJi 
 
 i 
 
 that h mpafchy, advice, and encouragement which went so far to 
 make liis cireer auccessful. This lady was now accused oi im- 
 piety and evil-hving. Wl.-ti she was brought before the magis- 
 trates to answer 1u r ac -UN.'rs, Pericles ap[)eured as her counsel. 
 He was so greatly moved, it is said, th.t he sliod tears, and liis 
 impassioned appeal in her behalf, secured lier acquittal. 
 
 It was at this time that the Spartan ambassadors pla -ed the 
 ultimatum of the allies before the Athenian people. 'he dis- 
 cussion that took place was ended by a speech of 1 oricles, 
 wherein he succeeded in convincing the people thav', it was their 
 duty to refuse the Spartan demands. A short time later, in the 
 year 431 B.C., the famous Peloponnecian war began. 
 
 It- 1 
 
 
 ^nmii! 
 
 t. -i 
 
 If I 
 
 i 
 

 it so far to 
 ised oi im- 
 the magis- 
 sr counsel, 
 rs, and his 
 U. 
 
 placed the 
 The dis- 
 ' Pericles, 
 ; was their 
 ter, in the 
 
 CHAPTER XV ill. 
 
 THE PELOPc JVB8IAN WAR TO THE DKATli OF PEHTCLKS. 
 
 In the war upon which CJreece now en^ red, ueariy every state ^^^^ 
 was involved. The wbolo Peloponnesus, with the exception of ^ ''"''"'«"'< 
 Argos and Achaia. v iiich remained neutral, was allied with '^^'^' '"' 
 Sparta. So, too, were Megara, the Boeotian League, Phocis, 
 Locri8,aud the Coriathian colonies «] jug the c isL .f Acarnania, 
 Athens, on the other houd, had few allies ou the main land. 
 Platnea, her always trusty friend, the Messenians of NuuiK.otus, 
 and (he Acamanians, comprised the whole of these supporters. 
 Sparta A^as strong in her Ian army, which muster d, whun the 
 contingents from her allies were drawn t, one hundred 
 thousaii infantry and two thousand cavuny. Athens had 
 a land army ot thirty thousand men, of whom fourteen 
 thousand were lit tc take the field, the remainder being service- 
 able for garrison duty only. If Athens, however, was relatively 
 much inferioi- to her opjionents on land, she was greatly their 
 superior on the se, . The allies of Sparta, save Corinth and 
 Sicyon, had few vessels, whereas Athens had a fleet of three 
 hundred, thoroughly equipped. Not only were the Peloponne- 
 sians inftsrior to the Athenians in the tuimber ot shi])8, but they 
 A\ -re decidedly inferior in the knowledge of na\ il ta ties. The 
 Athenians had adopted new and improved meth. >us of naval war- 
 fare, when as their opponents were content to follow the .-Id and 
 beaten paths. T'he Athenians had adopted the artifice of • ram- 
 ming' the vesst of their opponents, that i. driving the sharp 
 beuks of their own ship uito the sideo of their antag( mists, and so 
 sinking or <lisabling them. The Peloponnesi mis still adhered to 
 the old plan of placing their ships alongside i iiose of the enemy, 
 and then making the conflict one of a hand-to-hand struggle be- 
 tween the soldiers and marines on board. The Athenian tactics 
 puzzled and disheartened their enesnies, -and for years the Pelo. 
 ponnesians did not dare to encounter ov the seas the Athenians, 
 
 r 1 '>5 ! 
 
 I 
 
156 
 
 i 
 
 
 !l 
 
 IIISTOUV OF r.KKKOK. 
 
 Relative 
 Ktrength of 
 AthertH and 
 Sparta. 
 
 un OSS greatly superior to them in numbers. Tl.e Atheni,um 
 luul another great ,ulvanfcage in this stniggle. The Spartans 
 were hickuig in the financial Htre..gth necessary to carry <,n a 
 long war. They could put a hirge army in the field, but their 
 poverty prevented them from maintaining it there more than a few 
 weeks or months. Athens, on the contrary, Imd a full treasury, 
 thanks to the tribute she levied from her allies, the members 
 of the Dehan Confederacy. In spite of the lavish expenditure 
 that had taken place on public buildings, an.l the e.nnpment of 
 H magnihcent fleet, there still rema ed in the treasury six 
 thousand talents, while her annual revenue was estimated 
 at one thousand. The public opinion, however, of Greece 
 was with Sparta in this conflict. The encroachments Athens 
 had been making gradually on the autonomy of the smaller 
 states had excited a general alarm and distrust throughout 
 Greece. The Athenian allies felt that in the conflict whi.h had 
 been precipitated they had nothing to gain from victory, as the 
 result would be to strengthen their mistress and rivet their own 
 chains. Fear alone kept them faithful to the cause of Athens 
 and they were ready to secede if it chanced the fortunes of war 
 proved favourable to the Peloponnesians. 
 
 The war began with an act of base treachery, which was pun- 
 Lshed by an e<iually blamable act of perjury and cruelty The 
 declaration of war had not actually taken place when the The- 
 bans made an effort to surprise and seize Plataea, the faithful 
 a ly of Athens. A plot was formed with the oligarchic minority 
 ot riataea, to admit on the evening of a festival a The})an force 
 into the city, and thus take the citizens by surprise. On a stormy 
 night in March, an advance guard of three hundred Thebans 
 Surprise of ''*'" "^^"^^^^^ admitted by the Plataean traitors. Taking posses- 
 Plataea,m>^um of the market-place, the Thebiuis boldlv called upon the 
 people of the city to take up arms and join them. At first the 
 Plataeans we.-, disposed to submit quietly, not knowing how 
 many their enemies were. They were, besides, somewhat con- 
 fused by the sudden attack in the middle of the night. After 
 the temporary consternation had passed away, the loyal inhabi- 
 tants recognized that their enemie.s were few. and steps were 
 taken to cut off their retreat, and to prevent their being 
 
 y 
 
^m&^mm^M 
 
 AtheniuiiH 
 10 Spartjum 
 
 carry on n 
 I, but their 
 J tliHii a few 
 li treasury, 
 e uieinbers 
 xpenditure 
 ui[)ment of 
 •easury six 
 
 estimated 
 of Greece 
 its Athens 
 he smaller 
 'hr<yughout 
 which had 
 :)ry, as the 
 
 their own 
 [)f Athens, 
 nes of war 
 
 i was pun- 
 
 3lty. The 
 1 the The- 
 le faithful 
 i minority 
 iban force 
 1 a stormy 
 Thebans 
 ig posses- 
 upon the 
 t first the 
 ving how 
 IV' hat con- 
 t. After 
 il inhabi- 
 eps were 
 >ir being 
 
 HfSTOKY OP OREECE. 1^7 
 
 j(.ined l)y Theimn reinforcements from without. The gates were 
 •luu'kiy closed, and the enemy surrounded in the market-place. 
 A fierce street fight followed, in which numy of the invaders 
 were killed, and most of the survivors forced to surren- 
 der. Some hours afterward the main portion of the Thel)&n 
 army appeared before the walls of l»lataea, its advance liaving 
 l)een delaye.i by the rise of the river Asopus. Fearing for the 
 safety of the entrapped Thebans, Hieir friends without seized 
 the inhabitants of the surrounding country, and held them as 
 hostages. The Plataeans sent out word that, unless the Thebans Masmcre 6/ 
 released their hostages and abandoned Plataoan soil, every Theban ?'w™« 
 prison- .' would be put to death. Moved by this threat, the 
 Tliel)an army freed those in their possession and returned homo. 
 The Plataeiuis now drove all their cattle into Attica, brought all 
 their mova])le property into the city, and then, despite the 
 warnings and advice of the Athenians, slew* their prisoners. 
 The Athenians were much annoyed at this unwise act, for they 
 knew they could bring pressure to bear on Thebes so long as 
 they held Tlujban citizens in their possession. The war had 
 now connnenced in earnest, and precautions were at once taken 
 to put the Hocks and herds of Attica out of danger. Accord- 
 ingly they were taken across the water to Salamis and Euboea. 
 The inhabitants, too, of Attica were warned to be in readiness 
 to take refuge within the walls of the city, and all the women 
 and children of Plataea were brought to Athens, leaving a 
 garrison of four hundred and eighty soldiers behind. 
 
 The first invasion took place in June, 4.31 B.C., when nearly 7n«a«ion of 
 the whole strength of the Peloptmnesian allies, under the leader- ^i'/t'a """ 
 ship of Archidamus, the Spartan king, marched northward, 
 where it was joined by the Boeotian contingents. On the 
 approach of this formidable army of seventy or eighty thousand 
 men, the Athenian land owners, with their families, slaves, and 
 movable property abandoned their homesteads, and retreated to 
 the safe shelter of the Athenian walls. The invadin<r host 
 descended into the plain of Eleusis and, it being near th°e time 
 of hurvest, destroyed the standing grain, cut down the orchards 
 and olive groves, and burned the deserted farui houses. Sweep- 
 ing down into the plain of Attica, the same work of destruction 
 
 
158 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 Ul 
 
 Ms ' 
 
 i 
 
 was carried on within the siglifc of tlie injured proprietors, who 
 looked on from the walls of Atliens. It was with difficulty that 
 the excited and indignant sufferers were prevailed upon to refrain 
 from rushing out of the gates, and meeting the despoilers in des- 
 perate and avenging conHict. Pericles, instead, sent out thirty 
 triremes to ravage the coast of Boeotia and Locris, and one hun- 
 dred more to coast along the sea-board of the Pelopoiinesus, and 
 to do all possible injury to the inhabitants of Laconia, Messenia, 
 and Elis. The latter expedition was later on joined by fifty 
 galleys from Corcyra, when the Corinthian colonies on the coast 
 of Acarnania were harried. The result of this western expedi- 
 tion was to bring over the cities of Cephallenia into the Athenian 
 alliance. Having spent forty days in Attica, .Archidamus with- 
 drew the allies to the Peloponnesus. It was now the turn of the 
 Athenians to ravage and destroy. Thii-teen. thousand Athenians 
 marched into Megara, carrying desolation to the homesteads of 
 the inhabitants. Year after year, for eleven years, were these 
 visits made. 
 
 It was now seen that the war i)romised to be one of long con- 
 tinuance. Neither party could strike a fatal blow at the other. 
 The Peloponnesians could not carry on an effective siege of 
 Athens. Her walls were too strong, her circuit too great, and 
 her navy could always keep the road to the sea, and therefore 
 to ample supplies, open. On the other hand, Atliens could 
 inflict no serious hurt on her chief antagonist, Sparta, by 
 her ravaging expeditions along the sea-board of the Pelopon- 
 nesus. It was the policy of Pericles thus to prolong the war 
 and weary Sparta into making terms of peace. He persuaded 
 the Athenians to set aside one thousand talents as a reserve 
 fund in the event of any emergency. The same cautious spirit 
 actuated him in keeping one hundred triremes, fully manned, in 
 home waters. 
 
 f/fhl^Aeli- ^" apparently harsh, but perhaps necessary step was taken 
 7ietans, B.C. in the first year of the war, when the Aeginetans were expelled 
 ^^^- from their city. This act was the result of the fear due to the 
 
 known hostility of the inhabitants of Aegina towards Athens, 
 and to their secret intrigues with Sparta. A Ithough these unfor- 
 tunate people had noi. committed any act of open revolt, 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 159 
 
 3tors, who 
 culty that 
 
 to refi'ain 
 3r.s ill des- 
 out thirty 
 
 one hun- 
 lesus, and 
 Me.sHeiiia, 
 1 by fifty 
 
 tlie coast 
 n expedi- 
 Atlienian 
 nus with- 
 irn of the 
 Athenians 
 )steads of 
 ere these 
 
 long con- 
 he other, 
 siege of 
 reat, and 
 therefore 
 ns could 
 artii, by 
 Pelopon- 
 f the war 
 ersuaded 
 . reserve 
 ns spirit 
 iHned, in 
 
 IS taken 
 expelled 
 le to the 
 Atlions, 
 e uiifor- 
 revolt, 
 
 the close proximity of Aegina to the chief port of Athens 
 made her a dangerous neighbour. The act has its parallel in 
 our own history, when the Acadians were expelled from Nova 
 Scotia. The homeless people found a refuge in Thyreatis, near 
 Argolis— this land being granted them by the Spartans. 
 
 The campaign of the year 431 B.C. was brought to its close by 
 a noble oration of Pericles, on the occasion of a solemn funeral 
 festival in memory of those who had fallen during the year in 
 defence of the state. Not only was a lofty panegyric of the 
 dead given, but the social and political life of Athens came in 
 for the highest praise, in a speech which has been accounted the 
 masterpiece of the orator. 
 
 The year that followed was marked by the outbreak of the ^„^„^g . 
 plague at Atliens. The Spartan army had scarcely begun its ^'^^^''^•^^•" 
 second invasion of Attica, when this fearful pestilence b °gan its 
 deadly ravages. It is said to have originated in Egypt, and thence 
 to have been carried to Asia, from which it was brought to Atliens 
 by trading merchants. The sanitary condition of Atliens at this 
 time v'.-.s such as to furnish the best possible means for the 
 spread of the plague. The city, the spaces between the long 
 Willis, every available nook, were crowded with those that had 
 fled from the approach of the Peloponuesian armies. They 
 dwelt in camps, booths, even in tubs, and cleanliness was out of 
 the question. The hot se ison of the year was also favourable to 
 the pestilence, which spread with fearful rapidity. It is esti- 
 mated that one-fourth of the people died during that terrible 
 season. Crime and debauchery abounded, for desperation 
 drove the wretched people to all miniuer of excess. The p;„ „, 
 dead were so numerous that the living cnild scarcely dispose of ^thmt. "* 
 their bodies, and corpses were found lying on the streets, and in 
 the alleys. The plague was not confined to Athens alone, for 
 we find that two expeditions sent out by Pericles to relieve 
 overcrowded Athens, were affected seriously by it. One of these 
 was sent to assist the army still besieging Potidaea, and its 
 arrival was snflicient to infect the soldiers before its walls. 
 Fifteen hundred heavy-armed men are said to have died in the 
 Athenian camp. 
 
 The calamities of this year made it possible for the Pelopon- 
 
 1 !;. ' 
 
160 
 
 HISTORY. OP GREECE. 
 
 Hl< 
 
 pi s , 
 
 i I' 
 
 I ' 
 
 ii '■' 
 
 ll : 
 
 I 
 
 nesmus u. narry Attica witliout molestation. They also made 
 flT tf ,^ ^'""^ unpopular, and gave rise to a demand, 
 from the Ecclesia, that envoys should be sent to secure terms of 
 peace from the Peloponnesian.. The request was refused, and the 
 supremacy of Pericles in Athenian affairs was gradually restored. 
 
 llie same year the Peloponnesians made a feeble and timid 
 attack on Zacynthus, and then returned home with their fleet. 
 Money was the great need of Sparta and her allies. To secure 
 this Aristeus, a leading Corinthian, and five others started out 
 for Asm to secure the aid of the Persian king. Proceeding by 
 land they fell mto the hands of Sitalkes, king of Thrace, and 
 by Inm were sent to Athens, where they were immediately 
 put to death, without a trial, by the enraged Athenians. 
 
 Aristeus was personally objectionable to the Athenians, as he 
 
 Surrender had been lar^elv instmmpnfil i« ..o., i.1 1. ,. T 
 
 of Potidaea, m, • .^ ^ i"^ ' ""^^ntal in cauM iig the revolt of Potidaea. 
 
 mB.c. This city managed to hold out till November, 430 B c when 
 obtaining no help from the IMoponnesiam, and being 'on the 
 verge of famine, it surrendered on very favourable terms. The 
 Athenians were angry at their generals thus los .ng the fruits of 
 a desperate siege of over two years, for the Potidaeans and their 
 auxiLaries were allowed to depart wliither they chose. The 
 Athenians hoped that the sale of their prisoners, as slaves, would 
 compensate them for the two thousand talents that had been 
 expended on the siege. 
 
 The third year of the war was important on account of the 
 death of Pericles by the plague. His last days had been dark- 
 ened by the loss, also through the plague, of his sons, his sister, 
 and his intimate friends. When his younger legitimate son died 
 the heart of Pericles seemed to break. It was with difficulty he 
 could control himself when called upon to place the funeral 
 wreath on the head of his child. After this he seemed to lose 
 all interest m public affairs, although the Athenians gave him a 
 marked tribute of their affection and esteem by legitimatizing 
 Pericles, his son by his favourite companion, Aspasia. When the 
 end came, it found Pericles calm and resigned. His death marks 
 a turning point in the war. Henceforth, Athens failed to produce 
 a man equal to the gravity of the occasion, or one whose control 
 over the Athenian people was equally strong and beneficial 
 
 Death of 
 Pericles, u£9 
 B.C. 
 
and 
 
 CHAPTER XTX. 
 
 FROM THE DEATH OF PERICLES TO THE SURRENDER OF THE 
 SPARTANS AT SPHACTERIA. 
 
 The death of Pericles left Athens without a strong hand and 
 a cool head to control and advise her. His policy of wearing 
 out the Spartans and their allies by refusing to be drawn 
 into a land battle, and by retaliating on their unprotected coasts 
 with the Athenian fleet, was one which required great patience 
 and self-control. For a time after the death of Pericles his policy 
 was continued, and then the Athenians grew weary of such a 
 simple and conservative plan of campaign. The year 429 B.C. 
 saw Attica free from the invaders. Perhaps, the plague had some- 
 thing to do witli this. At any rate, Archidamus passed by 
 Attica, and turned his attention to Plataea. This town had a 
 small garrison of nearly five hundred men, of whom about eighty 
 were Atlienians. The object sought by the allies was to dislodge 
 rtie garrison of this Athenian outpost, a thing greatly desired by 
 the Boeotians. The Plataeans remonstrated with Archidamus, 
 remi*>ding him of the promise of Pausanias, that in consideration 
 of the .services rendered by Plataea during the Persian war, 
 her tern-, .ry nliould be held sacred. The Spartans offered to 
 leave them unmolested if they would join the allies, or 
 remain neutral. The Plataeans pointed out that they could not 
 decide the matter without permission of Athens, who held 
 their families and possessions in her safe-keeping. Accordingly 
 messengers were sent to Athens to obtain her permission \o 
 accept tlie mild terms offered by Sparta ; but Athens refused to 
 release her ally,, promising that the necessfiry assistance would 
 be sent to her rdief. The siege then began, and lasted till the 
 summer of 427 B.C. The handful of n.ta^^nn and Athenians 
 forming the garrison made a galU«t defence, but it was of no 
 avail. For some reason or other H^ Athtmifim made no attempt 
 to raise the siege, or relieve their distressed friends. Failing to 
 
 11 
 
 [16 
 
 1 1 
 
Fall of 
 fiataea, 
 
 B.C. m. 
 
 
 
 ml 
 
 f! 
 
 I 
 
 fitaaJlilll:! 
 
 162 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 take the town by assault, the Peloponnesians had recourse to a 
 blockade, hoping to starve the garrison into a surrender. 
 Towards the close of the winter of 428-427 B.C., nearly one half of 
 the gallant band succeeded in escaping through the lines of 
 circurnvallation, and reached Athens. Those that remained 
 were finally forced to surrender through famine, and as a reward 
 for their bravery were put to death, after going through the 
 mockery of a trial. The w alls of the historic little town were 
 razed to the ground, and nothing left to mark its site, save a 
 temple of lera, and a vast .'nn for strangers, built with the 
 stones of the ruined dwellings. 
 
 Beyond beghuiing tlie siege of Plataea, the Peloponnesians 
 did nothing of note in 429 B.C. True, a naval expedition set 
 out from Corinth to attack Naupaccus, the ally of Athens, and 
 a land army was ^ent to operate against the A.carnanians. But 
 both expeditions proved sad failures, the fleet being disgracefully 
 defeated by the Athenian admiral Phormio, with a much smaller 
 number of vessels ; while the land army was badly led, and easily 
 defeated in an attack on Stratus. Brasldas, a young Spartan 
 officer, wh3 was to win great renown later on, alone distinguished 
 himself by a daring and sudden attack on Salamis, with a number 
 of men carried over from Megara, in forty old and leaky vessels. 
 Before the Athenians could rally, Brasidas succeeded in destroy- 
 ing considerable Athenian property, in carrying off many persons 
 and much spoil, for the Athenians, as stated before, had driven 
 their cattle to tliis island, thinking it perfectly secure. 
 lasB.C. The following year there was the usual invasion of Attica, 
 
 with the usual fruitless result. Before the season closed, 
 however, a new and startling danger to Athens appeared. 
 Lesbos was one of the two islands in the Aegean which main- 
 tained a navy, and paid no tribute to Athens. The island had 
 been treated with exceptional favour by Athens, and was 
 thought to be thoroughly loyal to the Confederacy. Mitylene, 
 the chief of the five towns of the island, was a city of consider- 
 able wealth and resources. It was governed by an oligarchy, 
 which, like all oligarchies, bort. no love to Athenian rule and 
 institutions, ^liis oligarchy began secretly to make prepara- 
 tions for revo t, accumulating stores, and engaging foreign 
 
 Brasidag 
 maken a 
 raid on 
 Salamis. 
 
History of greece. 
 
 163 
 
 mercenaries. But, before the pkns of the conspirators were 
 complete, information of their designs was conveyed to Athens 
 by their neighbours of Tenedos and Methymna. At first, the 
 Athenians tried to pacify Mitylene, but their overtures were of 
 no avail. The whole island of Lesbos, save Methymna, where a 
 democracy was in power, joined Mitylene, and applied to Sparta 
 for aid. Negotiations having proved useless, the Atlienians 
 determined to push the war, with vigour, against tlie rebels. A Revolt of 
 fleet of forty ships was dispatched, which succeeded in forcing ^'*^'"- 
 back the Lesbian fleet into the harbour of Mitylene. The 
 Lesbians now Fought, by carrying on insincere neg )tiations 
 for surrender, to gain time, while their envoys were urging 
 their claims before the Peloponnesian representatives assembled 
 at Olympia. The Peloponnesians weie delighted at the i)rospect 
 of a revolt among the Athenian allies, and read.Uy enough pro- 
 mised assistance. Meanwhile, the siege of Mitylene was begun 
 with vigour and determination. Athens soon proved to her 
 enemies that the strain of the war, and the plague, had not 
 exhausted her. Not only was Mitylene closely blockaded, but 
 a powerful fleet cruised through the Aegean to intercept any 
 supplies being conveyed to the city, while another sciuadron 
 harried tlie shores of the Peloponnesus with unwonted ferocity. 
 The effect of this vigorous campaigning was soon seen. The 
 Peloponnesians found themselves unable to send any assistance 
 by sea, and their land army was compelled to stay at home to 
 protect their own shores, and save their harvests. The sole aid 
 that Sparta was able to give was to send a Spartan officer to 
 Mitylene to take command of the garrison. 
 
 All through the winter the siege continued, although the un- 
 usual effort called for considerable sacrifices on the part of the 
 Athenians. They levied a special tax on the.r»selves, and called 
 for an extra contribution from their allies. When spring came 
 the Spartans, ash^vmeji .f their inactivity, determined to send aid 
 to Lesbos. A floei was despatched, but so fearful was the 
 admiral of encountering the Athenians that he took a circuitous 
 course, and when he reached Ionia, he found that Mitylene had 
 surrendered a week before. 
 
 ir-*^ 
 
! 
 
 164 
 
 Fall of 
 Mitylene, 
 1,27 B.C. 
 
 I! 
 
 if 
 
 m- 
 
 Cleon. 
 
 Ill '. 
 
 It 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 The surrender took place under somewhat unusual circum- 
 stances. The growing .scarcity of i)r()visions induced the com- 
 mander of the garrison to arm the lower class of citizens, in the 
 hope of being able to make a sally, and break through the Athen- 
 ian lines. When, however, these citizens got arms in their 
 hands, they threatened to hand the city over to the Athenians 
 unless the provisions of the town were placed in their possession. 
 Rather than do this, the magistrabea asked the Athenians for 
 terms of surrender. The Athenian general, Paches, stipulated 
 that no one sliould be put to death until the Athenian assembly 
 had decided on the case. The Mitylenians accepted these terms. 
 The oligarchical leaders were put in bonds, and a garrison 
 was placed in the city, the rest of the citizens being left, for the 
 tune being, uiuii3tur})ed. 
 
 The question of wJiat should be done with the Lesbians was 
 made the subject of a f;vmou.s debate. Indignant at the ingrati- 
 tude of a favoured ally, and alarmed at tlie prospect of a 
 general revolt in Ionia and Aeolis, the Ecclesia decided to slay 
 every adult male in Mitylene, and to sell their women and children 
 as slaves. The adviser of this policy was one Cleon, a leather 
 merchant, who during the latter days of the rule of Pericles had 
 proved himself a dangerous demagogue, and who now was, 
 perhaps, the most influential leader at Athens. Of Cleon's true 
 character we cannot well judge, as it is painted for us by his 
 enemies, Thucydldes, the historian, and Avistoplutnes, the comic 
 dramatist. If their descriptiontj are correct, he was a coarse, 
 ignorant, boisterous demagtjgue, whose patriotism was of 
 the narrowest and most selfish type. He seems to have had 
 the power ^of swaying the Ecclesia to an unusual extent, and 
 must, therefore, have been a man of more than ordinary ability 
 as an orator. He has been charged with cruelty, cowardice, and 
 utter lack of principle. Nevertheless, he seems not to have 
 been afraid to speak his mind, <i,nd to oppose the popular wish. 
 
 Messengers were forthwith despacched to Paches to hiform 
 him of the decision of the Ecclesia. The next morning, however, 
 the Athenians were in a different mood. Their feelings revolted 
 at the thought of such wholesale massacre, and a meeting of the 
 Ecclesia being hastily summoned, the decree of the previous day, 
 

 HISTORY OF GUEEOK. 
 
 165 
 
 ,1 
 
 in spite of the opposition of Cleon, was rescinded. Another 
 galley was immediately despatched to prevent the slaughter of the altainsT'" 
 Mitylenians, and, by extraordinary exertions, the rowers were abk Snrf"d 
 to reach Lesbos before the first decree could be carried into efiect. "*"" 
 Nevertheless, not less than a thousand of the leading citizens 
 were put to death ; the land of the Lesbians was divided into 
 three thousand lots, one-terith of which was dedicated to the 
 gods, the remainder being divided among Athenian cohmists, 
 who rented it out to tho original owners. An episode, character- 
 istic of the Athenians, marks the end of these dramatic events. 
 Paches, the victorious general, was charged with offering violence 
 to two ladies of Mitylene, whose husbands he had killed. So 
 indignant were the Athenian people at tins outrage, and so otit- 
 spoken in their anger, that Paches fell on his sword in the 
 presence oi his judges, without waiting for a formal sentence. 
 
 Other incidents of this year were the intrusion of Athens into m B.C. 
 the affairs of Sicily, where a struggle was going on between 
 Syracuse and her allies, on the one side, and the three Ionian 
 cities of Naxos, Catftna and Leontini, joined with Camarlna and 
 Rheglum on the other ; and a fierce strife in Corcyra between 
 the two factions, aristocratic and democratic. Athens sent a 
 small fleet to Rhegium, which accomplished nothing against 
 Syracuse ; and the rishig in Corcyra ended in a bloody victory 
 for the democrats, the allies of Athens. 
 
 The next year saw a still further departure from the cautious ^^g ^ g 
 and conservative policy of Pericles. Demosthenes, a general in 
 command of the fleet in the Corinthian Gulf, was induced by 
 the Messenians of Naupactus to attack the rude Aetolians who 
 had maintained their neutrality in this strife. The attack was 
 most unsuccessful, the Athenians being driven back with heavy 
 loss. A few months later, Demostlienes redeemed his reputation ofOiUe, 
 by winning a victory over the Corinthians and Ambraciots at'^^^^"^" 
 Olpae in Acarnania. 
 
 Hitherto the war had practically accomplished nothing in 
 settling .he superiority of the combatants. But the year 425 B.C. 
 changed materially the relative position of the rivals for 
 supremacy. It v/ould seem that chance had as much to do with 
 what occurred as design. The Athenians sent out a fleet of 
 
i 
 
 V, 
 
 if!'' 
 
 i 
 
 !:i.' 
 
 166 HISTORY OF GRKEOE. 
 
 forty ships under Euryniedon to continue the war in Sicily. 
 Accompanying this fleet was Demosthenes, who was returning to 
 his coumiand in the vicinity of Acarnania, after a visit to Athens. 
 Rounding Cape Taena,rum, the fleet was compelled by a storm 
 to put into the harbour of Pylos, on the Messenian coast, where 
 it was delayed several days. The sailors went ashore, and while 
 there, to protect themselves from attack, threw up a slight 
 
 fortification on a rocky headland which forms the northern point, 
 or horn of tlie bay of Pylos. The position was so strong, natur- 
 ally, and so easy o.t defence, both landward and seaward (see 
 map), that Demosthenes formed the plan of strengthening the 
 fortifications, placing a few Atlienian hoplites there, and making 
 it a base of operations against the western Peloponnesians. The 
 position could not 'v\ithout great difficulty be assailed from land ; 
 and, on the side of the sea, the steep cliffs permitted approach 
 
HISTORY OK GREECE. 
 
 167 
 
 
 at Olio narrow landing-place only. Besidea, the fort was 
 situated in a district where the helota were numerous, and 
 generally disaffected. The Athenians went to work ' with 
 such vigour that the position was made almost impregnable 
 before the Spartans were aware of tlie importance of the action 
 taken. Then Eurymedon set sail for Sicily with thirty-five 
 vessels, leaving Demosthenes, with the remaining five, to hold 
 the position. 
 
 The Spartans soon became alarmed at this landing and occu- 
 pation ; and the strength of tlie Athenian force being much 
 exaggerated by report, the ephors thought it wise to recall the 
 Peloponnesian army which had started for the annual invasion 
 of Attica. The Peloponnesian fleet, also, was sent t( blockade 
 Pylos. Demosthenes was just able to send out two vessels to 
 tell Eurymedon the state of affairs, when he found himself shut 
 in by land and by sea. 
 
 By referring to the accompanying map, it will be seen that 
 fronting the bay of Pylos is the island of Sphacteria, which lies g ^^cteria 
 about one hundred yards from tlie shore. It is a rocky strip ^ "" *"'*' 
 about two miles long, and covered with underwood and thickets. 
 This island the Spartans seized to prevent any Athenian force 
 coming to the relief of the besieged, and making it a base of 
 operations. Over four hundred hoplites, with their accompany- 
 ing helots, were landed on the island ; and the narrow inlets, to 
 its north and south, it was proposed to close by a line of vessels 
 moored across the entrances. 
 
 The garrison had now to endure from both land and sea the 
 combined assault of the Spartans. The attack from land was 
 repulsed without any serious difficulty, but a prolonged and 
 desperate conflict took place on the narrow beach to prevent the 
 Peloponnesians from gaining a foothold. The intention of the 
 Spartans to close the inlets to the north and south of the island 
 of Sphacteria was not carr'ed out, and, in consequence, before 
 anything could be accomplished against the Athenian garrison, 
 Eurymedon, who had returned on receipt of the message from 
 Demosthenes, was able to enter the biiy between the island 
 and the mainland, with fifty galleys. The Spartan fleet was 
 
 ii , 
 
168 
 
 HISTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 Attempts 
 to secure 
 peace. 
 
 w 
 
 V 
 
 easily defeated, tho vessels not taken or destroyed beii; ,' 
 forced to go ashore to obtain the protection of tho land army. 
 This left the Spartan hoplites on the island completely cut olF 
 from their friends. They wore of the best blood of Sparta, and 
 their fate was a matter of tiie utmost concern to their fellow- 
 citizens. Provisions could ncjt be obtained on the island itself, 
 and the supply they had on hand would last them but a few 
 days at most. This alarming state of affairs forced the Spartan 
 ephors to ask for an armistice, during which an embassy could 
 be sent to Athens to treat for terms of peace. The Athenian 
 commanders consented to a cessation of hostilities, provided 
 the Spartans gave up their vessels as security. In the meantime, 
 the blockaded Spartans were to be given a daily ration of food. 
 Ambassadors were now sent with all haste to Athens to arrange 
 for an honourable pnding of the war. It was, indeed, a favour- 
 able op])ortunity for Athens to bring a costly and uncertain 
 conflict to a satisfactory termination. Sparta was willing to give 
 Athens all the rights she possessed at the time of the outbreak 
 of hostilities, and to arrange for a permanent peace. Had 
 Pericles been at the head of Athenian affairs his influence would 
 probably have ended the war there and then. But, unfortunately, 
 Athens had Cleon, instead of Pericles, to sway her assembly ; 
 and this blatant demagogue used his influence to tho utmost in 
 demanding terms of peace from Sparta which she could not 
 concede. Cleon's proposals went so far as to ask that the 
 Athenian land empire of twenty years l)efore should be restored. 
 These terms the Spartans refused, and when they asked that 
 coiumissioners should be appointed by the Athenians to treat 
 Avith them, so as not to leave such a grave matter to be decided 
 by an excited popular assembly, Cleon took advantage of the 
 request to denounce the Spartan envoys for being unwilling to 
 declare their intentions publicly. The Spartan ambassadors, full 
 of regret, were forced to v/ithdraw from Athens without having 
 accomplished the object of their mission. Hostilities were again 
 renewed at Sphacteria, and it seemed a matter of a few days 
 only Avhen the unfortunate Spartan hoplites would have to sur- 
 render through famine. That this did not take place immediately 
 was due to the desperate exertions made by their friends to keep 
 
^».«HHMMMi^^l^^^l 
 
 HISTOKY OP UREECE. 
 
 169 
 
 tlu;m su J plied with food. In spito of the close vvutch k<'pt Hy 
 thi VI .ieniun vessels. S;partan boats, or svviiniuers, siiccoeded w 
 daj r stormy niglits in el Uing tlio vigiknce of the Athenian 
 gua , and conveye , to t^ > ini! led hoplites sacks of flour, 
 
 or skins til wine and hou i.^ manner, two months wore 
 
 tw, / wiOioub anythiiiiT beu,^' n cmplished. Autumn, with its 
 storms, w;is apprMachiiig, and the Athenians at liome began to 
 grow both uigr id anxious. Many regretted tliut the offers of 
 Sparta for peace were not accepted, and Cleon was blamed for 
 the failure of the negotiations. Cleon retorted that the blame 
 was with the generals at Pylos, who lacked the courage and energy 
 necessary to bring the blocknde to a successful conclusion. He 
 went so far as to say that h. he been in command Sphacteria 
 would have been taken. Tins rash speech was too good an 
 opportunity to be lost by Cleon's enemi<--^. Nicias, a leading 
 and wealthy citizen, and one of the strati. gi, at once proposed 
 that Cleon should be sent out to Pylos. Tt was intended for a 
 grim joke at the expense of the loud-mouthed tanner, and he 
 saw the trap into which he had fallen. He, in vain, refused 
 to accept the honour ; hut his tormentors were relentless. 
 Finally, what was brought forward as a jest was taken up in 
 earnest. Cleon's friends urged his fitness, and when Nicias would cieon sent to 
 have withdrawn his proposal ho found it too late. Cleon now ^f^'^'^^^^^' 
 put on a bold face, consented to go, and promised to take the 
 Spartans captive in twenty days. He made very moderate 
 demands for assistance, taking with him only four hundred 
 archers, a few hoplites, and some Thracian light infantry, Thus 
 accompanied, he sailed for Pylos, leaving his enemies to exult 
 that some good must come out of this expedition. 'Either Cleon 
 would fail,' they said, * which was likely, and thus be politically 
 extinguished forever, or he would succeed, and a heavy b' w 
 be inflicted on Sparta.' 
 
 Cleon was, however, not so rash in his plans as his opponents 
 supposed. Although knowing little of actual warfare, he saw 
 that it was quite possible to capture or destroy the small 
 number of Spartans on the island, by sheer force of numbers. 
 In fact some such plan, it is said, was in process of being 
 carried out by Demosthenes when Cleon arrived at IVlos. 
 
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 f/j 
 
170 
 
 HISTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 Wisely distrusting his own military skill, Cleon placed the execu- 
 tion of his plans in the hands of Demosthenes. A lire having 
 swept over the island, which destroyed the woods, the number 
 and manoeuvres of the Spartans could be more easily observed 
 Surrertder ^'^^^^ hundred hoplites were landed by night on the southern 
 o/Spartan,. part of the island, and an outpost of thirty Spartans was cut 
 off. Against this force, the Spartans brought up the rest of their 
 men, some three hundred and fifty. In the meantime a larc^e 
 force of bowmen, light troops, and men from the ships Imd 
 landed. The Spartans found themselves attacked on all sides 
 by slmgers and bowmen, and, failing to bring the foe to close 
 quarters, retreated to an old fort at the north end of the island 
 But their position was found to bo such that they could be 
 picked off at the pleasure of their enemies, and when an offer 
 of surrender was made th.nn, to the surprise of the Athenian 
 commander, they lowered their shields and became prisoners 
 Of the original force, numbering four hundred and twenty two 
 hundred and ninety-two surrendered, and of these one hundred 
 and twenty were of the best families of Sparta. 
 
 The success of Cleon was a great surprise to all Greece, and an 
 equally great humilip.tion to Sparta. The immediate effect was 
 to make Sparta still aiore anxious for peace, and Cleon still more 
 puffed up and exacting. In consequence, when a Spartan 
 embassy reached Athens to treat for the restoration of their 
 prisoners, they found the Athenians too much elated with their 
 recent success to concede any but the most humiliating terms 
 The Spartans were forced to return home, having failed to secure 
 the restoration of their friends, and the Athenians lost an 
 opportunity, never to occur again, of obtaining « peace with 
 honour.' 
 
 Ill 
 
CHAPTER XX. 
 
 PEACE Oi NICIAS. 
 
 Their success at Sphacteria encouraged the Athenians to 
 undertake other land enterprises. The Corinthians were defeat- 
 ed in a pitched battle at Solygeia, on the Isthmus, and a second 
 sedition at Corcyra was cruelly suppressed. Under the malign 
 influence of the now powerful Cleon, the tribute of the allies 
 was doubled, and good grounds given for future disaffection. 
 
 The year 424 B.C. furnished further instances of Athenian 
 success, although it ended with a most disastrous defeat. Early 
 in the year, the island of Cythera, near Cape Malea, was seized by cythera 
 the Athenians, much to the annoyance of Sparta who now was *'**'*^- 
 constantly exposed to raids from its harbours. Sparta had 
 reached the very lowest point of her fortunes at this time. 
 Many of her leading citizens were prisoners ; she could obtain no 
 honourable terms of peace and her shores were constantly 
 subject to the predatory incursions of her foes. At any time 
 her helots might rise in revolt; and the distrust felt was so 
 great, that her secret police was put to work to lessen the 
 danger by treacherously and stealthily assassinating these 
 unfortunate slaves. Some two thousand, it is said, were thus 
 quietly removed. 
 
 Under these discouraging circumstances, Sparta consented to 
 Brasldas undertaking what was looked upon as a risky enter- 
 prise against the power of Athens. Brj„sidas was a young officer, 
 who had already highly distinguished himself at Aegina and 
 Sphacteria. He seems to have been possessed of qualities very 
 uncommon among Spartans : tact, kindliness, and courtesy of r . ,-^ 
 manner, together with an unusual spirit of venture and daring. 
 His project, now, was to lead an army of volunteers northwards 
 througli Tliessaly, Macedonia, and Thrace, and attack the Athenian 
 allies on the peninsula of Chalcidice, and on the coast of Thrace. 
 
 There still exishnrl in fVinf. r.noT.foi. af*-"r +^" f"V -i* T)„i-:j 
 
 [171] 
 
172 
 
 lr«i 
 
 HISTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 some .smouldering disaffection towards Athens, and tliis discon- 
 tent Brasidas hoi,ed to turn to good account. Tlie difficulty 
 that i-resented itself to Sparta was how to reach Thrace with an 
 army, owing to the friendliness of the Thessalian towns towards 
 Atliens. Brasidas recognized the perilous nature of his enterprise, 
 aiid therefore asked for volunteers only to carry out his designs. 
 Helots, who were promised their freedom, formed the nucleus 
 of the expediti(^n ; and seventeen hundred men, altogether, were 
 gathered on the Isthmus to start northwards, when work nearer 
 home called for their assistance. The Athenians, in their new- 
 born zeal for land expeditions, had, in concert with a discontented 
 democratic minority of Megara, succeeded in making their way 
 withm the 'long walls' connecting Megara with its port 
 Nisaea, ajid had captured the latter. Megara itself would 
 probably have f^^llen, had not Brasidas with an army marched 
 to Its relief. Athens contented herself with the capture of 
 Nisaea, and with planning another expedition of a more difficult 
 and comprehensive nature. This new expedition, or rather 
 expeditions, had for its object the recovery of the territory lost 
 m Boeotia in 456 b.c, and the campaign was to be carried on 
 somewhat late in the season, when aid from the Peloponnesus 
 would be unavailable. Demosthenes was to lead a force from 
 the Corinthian Qiili to attack Boeotia on its western side, while 
 Hippocrates was to attack simultaneously at Tanagra, on the 
 east. Chaeronea was to be seized by a body of Boeotian exiles 
 of the democratic party. But the Athenian plans miscarried. 
 Demosthenes moved too soon, or Hippocrates moved too late, 
 and the project to seize Chaeronea was divulged by an 
 informer. Demosthenes drew out against him the full force of 
 the Boeotian army, and finding that the army under Hippo- 
 crates had failed to advance and make the necessary diversion in 
 his favour, he retreated to his ships. Two days later Hippo- 
 crates appeared in the territory of Tanagra, and fortified himself 
 at Delrum, waiting in the meantime for news of Demosthenes. 
 After four days, hearing nothing, he started to return honie^ 
 only to encounter the Boeotian army returning from its march 
 on Demosthenes. The two armies were both large, and nearly 
 equal in numbers, each hav^ing about eight thousand hoplites, 
 
 
 I 
 
HISTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 173 
 
 
 I 
 
 besides several thousand light-armed men. The Boeotians had Battle c ' 
 however, a thousnud eavahy, a branch of the service in which the j^lT^' 
 Atlienians were very deficient. At first the Boeotians hesitated 
 to attack, but the objections of their leaders were overborne by 
 the Theban Pagondas. The battle that followed was at first 
 fiercely contested, both sides winning a partial victory. The 
 Boeotian cavalry, however, decided the issue by a successful 
 charge. The Athenian army wavered, broke, and fled, havinc. 
 lost one thousand hoplites, the Boeotians escaping with the loss 
 of one half that number. The battle of Delium was a serious blow 
 to the nnhtary strength of Athens, as so niuny of her best 
 soldiers fell. For a time, it checked the growing disposition 
 of the Athenians to undertake land expeditions, and it marked 
 the beginning of her v/aning fortunes. 
 
 Trouble was brewing for Athens in other directions at this 
 time. Sicily had brought her useless wars to a close by a 
 general peace at Gela, and the Athenian armament had been 
 compelled to return home. In Asia Minor there were symptoms 
 of revolt and disaffection. But it Wivs in the north that the 
 most serious trouble began. Brasidas had succeeded, by 
 pretended negotiations, in getting past the Thessalian envoys .,„,,.„, •„ 
 who had met him at their frontiers and had forbidden him a^'™ 
 passage through their territory. By three forced marches he 
 crossed the Thessalian plain and reached Macedonia, where he 
 entered into an alliance with Perdiccas, its king, who facilitated 
 Jus entry into Chalcidice. An active campaign was now begun 
 against the allies of Athens in that district, l^.iasidas met with 
 but little opposition in his operations. His kindness and 
 generosity made hosts of friends for the Spartans, and few 
 places seemed anxious to retain the Athenian alliance. Acan- 
 thus, Stagira, and even Amphipolis on the Strymon, were 
 taken with little eff^ort, the last mentioned being the key to 
 the road that led eastward to the cities on the Thracian coast 
 So sudden was the fall of Amphipolis that; Tluu-ydides, who 
 commanded a small Athenian fleet at Tlmsos, only a day's sail 
 distant, was unable to save it. He had to be c<.ntent with 
 preserving Ei<m, the port at the mouth of the Strymon. For 
 this stroke of ill luck Thncydides liad to bear the brunt of the 
 
 4 
 
174 
 
 HISTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 Eriie of wrath of Cleon, who secured from the Athenian populace a 
 decree sending the hickless commander, but great historian, into 
 exile. 
 
 The disloyalty, or indifFerence, of the Athenian allies in 
 Chalcidice, aided by the tact and fine qualities of Brasidas, soon 
 brought about the loss of nearly all the towns in Chalcidice, and 
 Athenian influence in all that region was threatened with almost 
 complete annihilation. These accumulated misfortunes in the 
 north brought Athens to a more reasonable state of mind. So 
 when, in 42S B.C., Sparta once more made advances to secure 
 peace, her overtures were received with less haughtiness, and a 
 Tnice, /tSS desire to negotiate was evident. A truce for a year was agreed 
 ^•^- upon, during which the terms of a permanent peace could be 
 
 discussed. Short as was this breathing spell, it was a boon to 
 both Athenian^ and Peloponnesians. The desired peace was 
 not, however, attaiaed. The trace required that each party 
 should retain the pkces it had taken, and the refusal of Sparta 
 to compel Brasidas to restore to Athens Scidue and Mende, 
 important towns in Chalcidice, that had opened their gates 
 to Brasidas while negotiations were pending, caused the war to 
 continue in the north, while the truce was observed in the 
 soutli. Wlien the year had expired, hostilities were renewed 
 between Athens and her opponents. 
 
 Renewal of Nothing important marks the year 422 b.c, save the campaign 
 the^war, 1^2 {^ Chalcidice against Brasidas. Once more Cleon, who was 
 loud in his complaints against the Athenian generals, was put 
 in command of an Atlienian army. This time he was less 
 fortunate than at Sphacteria. After winning some successes, he 
 undertook to attack Amphipolis, where Brasidas and his army 
 were gathered. By a foolish movement and gross carelessness, 
 he exposed his men to a sudden and fierce attack of the Pelo- 
 ponnesians from the gates of Amphipolis. Cleon was overtaken 
 in flight, and speared by a Thracian peltast. Six hundred 
 Athenians fell in the struggle and rout that followed, the 
 Spartans losing only a handful. Of these, however, one was 
 Brasidas, and his loss more than counterbalanced the brilliant 
 victory over the Athenians. He was sincerely mourned by the 
 
 Death of 
 Brasidas, 
 B.C. ltS2. 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 176 
 
 s memory, and 
 
 people of Ainphipolis, who" built a temple to hi 
 established games in his honour. 
 
 Peace was now possible, forCleonand Brasidas, the leaders of 
 the two parties, were removed. Cleon had always been the 
 chief advocate of war at Athens, and Brasidas, by tlie conHdence 
 and admiration he had inspired at Sparta, had become the 
 liead and front of the party opposed to peace. With his death 
 too, came to an end the spread of Spartan influence in Clialci- 
 dice. Negotiations for peace were now resumed, and tlirouyli 
 the nistrumentality of Niclas, at Athers, and Pleistoftnax, the 
 king, at Sparta, a treaty was made, which provid. i for a fifty p 
 years peace, together with a mutual restoration of prisoners and S«° 4« 
 places captured, Tliebes, however, refused to surrender Plataea ^•''• 
 on the ground that it had capitulated. Athens, tlierefore, on thj 
 same ground, retained Nisaea, Anactorium, and Sollium. Pylos 
 and Cythera were to be given up by Athens in return for tlie 
 surrender of Amphipolis in Chalcidice, and tlie aband.>nment of 
 Thrace by Sparta. As Sparta did not compel the people of 
 Aiuphipohs to admit an Athenian garrison, Atheus retained 
 lylos and Cythera, as compensation. Amphipolis was never 
 recovered by Athens, but Scione fell after a somewhat leugt.y 
 siege. In accordance with a savage decree obtained by Cleon at 
 the time of its revolt, tlie men of the town were slain, and the 
 women Bold as slaves. 
 
 All the allies of Sparta did not ratify the treaty made by 
 their leader. Thebes concluded a temporary armistice only' 
 renewable every ten days ; and the Megarians and Corinthians 
 made no terms whatever, simply refraining from hostilities. 
 
 TTie war had lasted ten years, and despite a great expenditure 
 of blood and treasure, nothing had been accomplished, except 
 to shake the influence of Athens in Thrace. The Confederacy 
 of Delos was left existing, and the maritime power of Athens 
 M'as but little, if at all, lessened. Athens had shown herself to 
 be the 'mistress of the sea,' while Sparta had proved herself to 
 be practically unconquerable by land. 
 
il:! 
 
 mi! 
 
 11 1= 
 
 Hi. 
 
 CHAPTER XXT. 
 
 FKOM THE PEACE OF NICIA8 TO THK SICILIAN EXPEDITION. 
 
 The Peaoe of Nici.-is lasted, noiniiially, six years and ten 
 months. Nominally, because while the Athenians and Lacedae- 
 monians abstained 'from marching a<,'ainst each otlier's territory, 
 they did each other as much harm as possible.' Tlie chief 
 incidents of tliis breatliing spell may be briefly summarized. 
 Sparta had been anxious to conclude a peace with Athens, 
 because a thirty years* truce with Argos, entered into by Sparta 
 in 457 i!.t!., was nearing its end. Slie rightly suspected that 
 Argos would take advantage of lier misfortunes to renew the 
 war, and depose her from her time-honoui-ed leadership in the 
 Peloponnesus. Other states besides Arg(js were unfriendly to 
 Sparta. Corinth was annoyed by tlie sacrifice of her interests 
 in the Peace of Nicias ; the Mantineans had schemes of aggres- 
 sion to carry out ; and the Eleans had a grievance about the 
 border town of Lepreum. The cities of Chalcidice were also 
 supi)osed to be angry, on account of the way they had been 
 al)andoned to the tender mercies of Athens. 
 
 The result of these various dissatisfactions was the formation 
 of an oflensive and defensive alliance by Argos, Elis, Mantinea, 
 and the states of Chalcidice, Corinth refusing to join. Hostil- 
 ities began in 421 n.c, but nothing of importance took 
 place that year, Athens was placed in a delicate position by 
 the outbreak of this war. She had the choice of two policies. 
 She could break the Peace of Nicias, and, aided by Pelopon- 
 nesian allies, strike a crushing blow at the supremacy of Sparta 
 on land ; or she could maintain a strict neutrality, utilizing the 
 Peace to recover the ground she had lost in Chalcidice. Excuses 
 were not wanting for violating the Peace of Nicias, Sparta had 
 not restored Amphipolis, nor had she forced her allies, Corinth 
 and the Boeotian states, to ratify the Peace. Tiiere was at 
 Athens a peace-party and a war-party. The first was headed by 
 
 [170] 
 

 HISTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 177 
 
 the rich, renpectable, and vacillatin<r Nicias • fh« « i u 
 Alczbiades, one of the most renuukrhle 2;. T '• ^y^'"'^-''" 
 
 times. Alcihindp., t),« a ' ",". *''^^ characters of ancient 
 
 imtion, revelry, del«.„cl,ery, L,t„„ di, ro .1 T 
 .lece„oie», o„„„ vio,ati,,u of the C 0™/^^^^^ cc„ve„t,o„al 
 jokes at the expense of hi, neiriZur aI^K f "'^'''»V"~"""' 
 iiized IpiiIb- ^f n ■ 1 , ® """' ^'<"'"«'es was the reoos- 
 
 ^i.""M ...ve^tepped^;::^:^:;:: : p:ir:™^;:;— ^ 
 
 »u influential leader of the Athenian 111 ' t '""",''"^""'« 
 lios in the fact that he was an exce.Tenr^p '^;f tit Ctt": T 
 and the ,™rst in morals of the AtheniansT,ems h- 1 " m' 
 
 orator, a fine sc!nl-)r f.t f., ■ j.- ,, "cmst-nes. A gitted 
 
 of woKlerfnlr n";^ " * "' ''"^''' ™''' "^ ''«'' ''''"'. 
 
 or a Per ir HI t " '"'-«te"'='^d " The„,ist«,le,, 
 
 Lis anta<.oni,m t„ N ? T j 'I «"" "^ ''-''"kr of the aristocrats, 
 
 cause o;t,:'d:,noer!;:""Th Xofcr"^ '1r ""' 
 
 for hia Wder«hi„ IJ """'-f " °' Cleon opened the way 
 
 M.e avow d ohlpiof of r' '','''"'' "'"'" ^"" "^ ^"""8 ""^"^ 
 war-parrv kt tl'T 1 P'"'''"' "'"' *'«> "'""tl'piece of the 
 
 r^^otWe states. bV VI'III^LI ^let r:!!^' 
 •>«=m.j^ .na, they had no power to make or accept definite pr^ 
 
 iil 
 
 
::i| 
 
 r 
 
 
 178 
 
 A llianee 
 of Athene 
 with Argos, 
 UV> B.C. 
 
 War between 
 Arffos and 
 Sparta. 
 
 Battle of 
 Mantinca, 
 B.C. A AS". 
 
 HISTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 posals of alliance. Alcibindus then denounced them in public, 
 as deceivers, they liaving stated only a few days before that they 
 had been given full powers to make terms with the Athenians. 
 Tlietriclc accomplished its purpose : the Spartan overtures were 
 rejected, and Athens ontored into an offensive and defensive 
 alHance with Argos, for one hundred years. Nevertheless, the 
 truce with Sparta was still maintained. 
 
 The war in the Peloponnesus, between Sparta and the Argive 
 alliance, went on for some time with little success on either side. 
 The allies had many advantages and opportunities which they 
 failed to utilize. On the otlior hand, tiie Spartan leader, king 
 Agis, was une(iual to the occasion, and permitted many oppor- 
 tunities of striking a decisive blow to escape him. The benefit 
 of an important victory won at Argos was lost through the 
 shnple-hearted folly of Agia, who agreed to allow tlie Argives 
 to retire, on the promise that Argos would submit her dispute 
 with Sparta to arbitration. Meanwhile Athens, having angered 
 Sparta by joining the Argivo alliance, was doing little or 
 nothing to injure her old foe, or aid her new-found friends. 
 Nor was she able to recover the ground lost in Chalcidice, being 
 forced to ccmsent to a truce, renewable every ten days, with the 
 revolted towns. 
 
 At last the war in the Peloponnesus was brought to an issue. 
 King Agis had been made to feel the anger of the Spartan 
 ephora on account of his folly at Argos, and was burning 
 with a desire to redeem his lost reputation, and to punish 
 the Argives who had deliberately repudiated their promises. 
 He finally succeeded in bringing his opponents to a decisive 
 conflict at Mantinea, B.C. 418. On the Spartan side were their 
 allies, the Tegeans and Heraeans ; while opposed to them were 
 the Argives and Mantineans, aided by a body of thirteen 
 hundred Athenians. The forces of the two armies were nearly 
 equal, and a stubborn fight followed in which little could be 
 gained by military tactics. The battle was won by the Spartans, 
 their enemies losing eleven hundred heavy-armed men, while 
 the Spartans lost only throe hundred. This victory restored 
 the military reputation of Sparta, and compelled Argos to ask 
 for peace. Internal dissensions, however, at Argos, led to a 
 

 
 ^^?^ 
 
 the 
 
 HisTonv or greecr. 
 
 179 
 
 Argivearn,iesatl,„,„e. ^ ^ ".e.nsolves with keeping the 
 against the mother state ),„f „ ! , '""'" '" "'" "'"■• 
 
 Athen,„o.».;ere^t^^r;lT^^^^^^^^^^^ 
 
 her cowardly atfwb tj! , ^'^'^^ ^^^^ olnect of 
 
 an. .ter . C:te.!^Thre4trtt.t^ n^ -"' 
 
 desire to destroy the i.a.Z.ir2\T Zrj^:^-^^. f; 
 perchance, aid her e„e,n, and rival Sparta I^ sll'^ur: t.' 
 
 i ' 
 
I li 
 
 CIlAiTEU XXTT. 
 
 THK SICILIAN EXl'KDITION. 
 
 J 
 Ilk- 
 
 Athens had sufforod nuicli fioin the Pulopoimusiau war. Her 
 C«Hrfit(f)Ho/(»verH()\viiig treaHiiiy was well-Jiigh eiui)ty. Sho liad lost most 
 of Jiur allies in Chalcidico ; Ii(»ootia, Corinth, and Megarv wore 
 unfriendly, and bound by nothiug stronger than a ton days' 
 truce to refrain from hostilities. Sparta was justly angered at 
 the intervention of Athens in the affairs of Argos, and might 
 righteously enough bring the truce to an end at any noment. 
 The fields of Attica were once more beginning to resume their 
 former aspect of cultivation and prosperity. Under these 
 ciroiunstances, prudence should have been tlie watchword of the 
 Athenian people. Unfortunately, the leaders they generally 
 followed were men like Aloibiades, versatile, clever, ambitious, 
 birt also rash, over-confident, and unscrupulous. 
 
 The disposition to embark in great schemes of adventure was 
 just now uppermost at Athens, and a favourable opportunity to 
 gratify it seemed to arise. Sicily, it will bo remembered, had 
 some eight years bef(jie terminated, for a time, her q-arrels by 
 the Peace of Gela. On that occasion the Athenian force operat- 
 ing in Sicily had been compelled to return home, much to the 
 annoyance of the Athenian people. Circumstances now gave 
 the Athenians another chance to interfere in Sicilian affairs, 
 and to carry out their ambitious project of founding a western 
 War brea:.8 enipire. Once more war broke out in Sicily. Syracuse, on the 
 outin Sicily. Q.^fil^ attacked and took Leontini; while Selinus, in the west, 
 pressed hard upon. Egesta. The people of the latter town sent 
 ambassadors to Athens soliciting p.id, and promising large 
 sums of money with which to assist in waging war against their 
 enemies, including, aptiong the latter, the Syracusans, Before 
 Envoys sent, acceding to this request, the Athenians sent out envoys to 
 il6 'B.C. examine into the state of affairs in Sicily, especially in Egesta. 
 It is said that the envoys were deceived, and by a very simple 
 
 [ISO] 
 
 
^. «*,»».«■. ,.t. •»#»*«» SsistaAM* 
 
 I 
 
 HI8T0RV OP OHEECE. |gl 
 
 artifice L„.l t„ bolievo that Egert« w«, „ very ,v,.,.l,hy city The 
 s:lve.-g,lt „f th„ te„„,k.» „,,„ ,„„„„,, off /, ,„„. ' ^,ri;, J ' 
 
 return of the „,J,.,, ami prosperity of Eg„„a, and brought Jith 
 then,, a» an earnest of .hat was to f„lh,;, si.^ talent. The 1 
 flattern,g aecounts excited the cupi,lity as well as the . bith,„ " , ., 
 
 dte^"'r;;':f • '^"^^>-^-l-. "'-y .•ctem.ined to J^^L,. 
 and 8ena out s.xty ga-leys, well mannci, to a,u the Egestan, """■ 
 .ud oar:y on a ea.npaign in Sicily. The decree that pattd Z 
 assen, ,ly was suflieiently indefinite in its tera« t„ We the 
 
 dot: th'f"'"; r r* ^""' ' ^ "-»■ T-e i ntl 
 
 do bt ,,h,.t a,d to Egesla was the sn.allest part of the project 
 
 ^^2^ nT" '■'"' ""■"'";"' f ''^"^ ""^"'^ -"ton,p,,lteT:y 
 
 condil'fH ,'",""" '"""''■' "'""=''• ''■I'™ tl- 'li»t.acted 
 condit on of the island w,« considered. The whole project was 
 
 strongly opposed by Nicias and othe. leade.-s of tl,e a o ratt 
 
 and peace party, but their seasonable warnings were "e 
 
 v..h ehar.acter,stie levity. Tln-ee generals were app trf to 
 
 take charge of the expedition, Nicias, Lan„aehus, and 1 bLdes 
 
 N,c,as we have heard before. He seeu.s to have b en a 
 
 prudent, caut.ous, and somewhat vacillating indiviuual'ritl! 
 
 only verj. mo,lerate abilities. His wealth and gene^'^ eslc 
 
 in„n e..ce we find he was appointed to eonnnand Athenian »•""»"<•'« 
 Zr d'T"" "" " «'""' '""'"''' •"" »- poverty ad t: ""^ ""■ 
 
 theTe s ts ?;;,"=" "'"'''?^"° *"»"«''•■■' "f »l'e war. Never- 
 vlw.d 1 ''"".T^ »»<• "nscrupulousness caused him to be 
 viewed always wi \ more or less distrust. 
 
 i--f-..„ thereby, .o discourage the Athenians, and induce thera 
 
iirr 
 
 182 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 im 
 
 t 
 
 Sicilian 
 expedition, 
 1,15 B.C. 
 
 BugtK of 
 
 Hermes 
 
 disfigured 
 
 and 
 
 destroyed. 
 
 The expedi- 
 tion sails, 
 July, U16 
 B.C. 
 
 to abandon the expedition. His words had, however, .n effect 
 the very opposite to what he intended. If sixty galleys were not 
 enough, he was told, then he could have an hundred. If he was 
 not satisfied with the number of hoplites promised, he >> ould hav^e 
 as many as he chose. Tlius it happened that the size of the 
 fleet and army, originally proposed, was greatly increased, and 
 the most costly and extensive .rmament ever equipped in 
 Athenian ports was sent out. One hundred and thirty-four 
 galleys, five tliousand one hundred hoplites, four hundred and 
 eighty bowmen, and seven hundred slingers, were accompanied 
 by thirty transports and one hundred boats. 
 
 When, however, the fleet was just ready to set sail a 
 mysterious event occurred, which helped materially to lessen 
 its chances of success. The streets and public places of Athens, 
 and even the doors of private houses, were profusely adorned 
 with the busts of the god Hermes. One morning it was 
 discovered, to the dismay of the superstitious citizens, that 
 nearly all of these busts had been mutilated or otherwise 
 disfigured. Who the perpetrators were could only be guessed. 
 The enemies of Alcibiades insinuated that he was the instigator 
 of this sacrilegious deed. His numerous and notorious acts of 
 wanton mischief and injury gave colour to the cliarge. It has 
 been surmised chat the whole affair was a plot devised by *he 
 opponents of the war to injure Alcibiades and frustrate his 
 plans. Great rewards were oft'ered for the discovery of the per- 
 petrators of the deed. Informers were, in consecpxence, numer- 
 ous enough, and those denounced, knowing the uselessness of 
 offering a defence, fled to escape the unreasoning wrath of the 
 excited pe()])le. Nevertheless, they were condemned to death, 
 and their property confiscated. It was not, however, until the 
 expedition had actually sailed that the name of Alcibiades was 
 mentioned as that of the chief culprit. 
 
 The fleet first sailed to Aegina, and thence to Corcyra, where it 
 was to meet the allies. From Corcyra it proceeded to the south 
 of Italy, halting at Rhegium. In the meantime, three vessels had 
 been sent forward to Egesta to make incpiiries and to report. The 
 news tliuy broiiglit uacic was decuiedly discouraging. Egesta 
 was not the wealthy city its gitizens had made the Athenian 
 
HISTORY OF GUEECE. 
 
 ambassadors believe it to be. Tbirty talents were all it could 
 
 necessary that some definite line of -.ction sbould at once be 
 adopted Nicias proposed to attack Selinns, and then 1™ 
 borne. Laniacbns wished to strike a sndden blow at Syrlcu e 
 
 citv i„ t1,„ * adopted. His plan was to seize some "'f'"" 
 
 opeiation in the meantime, the disaffected Sicilian towns >vere 
 o be incited to make common «n,se against their enemy, Sv^a 
 
 seeking allies, and gaming few. Jfaxos and Catana were won 
 
 slaves. " '" ""'""^^' ""■ "^ "'''"'"'""'^ --« -W - 
 
 The operations of the Athenian arni'ament were interrunted 
 
 ITmITiA:''' "T ''"^' '" "-^ Alcibiades horn t 
 stand his trial for the profanation of the Eleusinian mysteries a 
 
 charge which had been brought agauist Alcibiades be o Ihi! 
 
 departure, but which had for a time been allowed to drop 
 
 fh':rhtd":u:ce"d"7 ■""'''''' '™ "''"™' '■"<• "--> -tivcind .««»*. 
 
 they had succeeded m getting a summons issued for his recall '.IZf" 
 
 b ::d" h: s"t"f """••P-"'- *° «>« summons, and went ™''- " 
 board the state galley, accompanied by a few friend.s. At 
 Thuni, however, he quietly left the ship, and, cv,ulii,„ his 
 enemies, finally succeeds in reaching Spartl. hL now tt ., .■ 
 lus lot with his country's enemies, °and^hr.>„gh hrint ma e -^«t 
 k,K.w,cdge of Athenian aflhirs was able to do "a great c^ "''"''"■ 
 
 be tiken'." ' ""^; ""," '""""*" '''""' *°^"--l.ad 
 been tiken as a sign of guilt, and the sentence of death was 
 
 pronounced against him. 
 
 noyvTe"'witt "■^«''="7 -P-^-lit-n. «'e command of which was 
 now left with ^ icias and Lamachus, we find tliat nothim, further 
 was acconip hshed that summer beyond defeating a S™, , a, 
 army o.i a p an, south of the city, „nd tlien returning t^g. ^t" 
 winter quarters at Catana. The eftect of this attack fnd fet^ 
 w.is to induce the Syn.cusaiis to make more strenuous efl-orts in 
 preparation for a siege. 
 
 183 
 
i.,^< 
 
 b: 
 
 184 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 The accompanying map will explain the situation of Syracuse 
 at this time, and her chances of offering an effective resistance 
 to a well-conducted siege. The oldest part of the city was on 
 the peninsula of Ortygia, while the larger and newer portion 
 was built around the heads of the two harbours. Each part had 
 Its own wall, one running across the peninsula, and separatin^r 
 It from the mainland ; the other, forming an outer line of 
 
 SIEGE OF 
 SYRACUSE. 
 
 defence and extending m a direction not clearly defined. 
 Nor h of the city lay the rocky plateau of Epip6lae, which 
 overlooked the sea and the city. It will be seen that a city so 
 situated could easily be blockaded once the heights of Epipolae 
 were seized, and the narrow entrances to the harbours closed 
 To prevent this, the Syracusans took advantage of the inertnes^ 
 

 i 1 
 I I 
 
 m • 
 
 Mm ^' 
 
 
 4 
 
 jHI'i. 
 
 II 
 
 1 
 
 
Ill 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE, 
 
 ,o 
 
 c 
 u 
 (1 
 
 >*, 
 o 
 
 -V) 
 
 
 
 n 
 
 Of the Athenians to build a new line of fortifications across 
 
 Ottered to the attack of an enemy. Hermocrates, their most 
 skilled and experienced general, was put in command of J e Sy f 
 cu^nfc.rcesAllianceswere concluded withfriendlyneighbo^^ 
 at r"" . ' ' ""'''' ^^'^' ^"^ ^P^^*^ --« wealed to"; 
 until Ale blades threw the weight of his influence in the scale 
 agamst his native city. He advised that an experienced gen ral 
 should be sent immediately to Syracuse with some discS 
 troops to give courage and hope to the besieged city He ^so 
 u«ata body of Spartan troops should be sL toLepos s 
 8 ion of Decelea, a stronghold in the heart of Attica, from which 
 
 Iwr^r^"'' ^\T^^^ Beci^awastbe 
 
 used by Sparta against Athens, as Pylos had been used by the 
 
 m both cases. Gylippus, a skilled and experienced officer, was 
 despatched with a small force, and four ships from Corinth 
 were prepared to accompany him. Nevertheless, war was not 
 yet openly declared against Athens by Sparta. 
 
 The siege of Syracuse began, in earnest, in the spring of 
 414 B.c With some reinforcements from Athens, in the shape fcl. 
 of cavalry, and a few hundred horse from friendly Sicilians, ^-^^ ^^^• 
 the Athenian army landed at Leon, a port a few miles north oi 
 Syracuse. Gaming the heights of EpipSlae, the Athenians began, 
 according to the custom of the time, to build a line of circum- 
 va^a tion opposite the new Syracusan wall running across 
 the plateau. The Athenian wall was to extend from the 
 sea on tlie north to the Great Harbour on the south. tn 
 addition, a fort was built at Labdalum, the highest point of 
 J^.pip<.lae, and a circular entrenchment further south The 
 latter was intended to be the central point of the line of circum- 
 val ation Attempts were made by the Syvacusans to put a stop 
 to the Athenian project of encircling th^ u but the cross walls 
 tlirown out for this purpose were taken and destroyed by the 
 Athenians. Unfortunately for the Athenians, their most ex- ^11, 
 pCKcnccd general, Lamachus, was slain in an attack on one of 
 
 186 
 
 i^j 
 
 ■ ' a 
 
186 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 GyHppus 
 arrives at 
 Syracuse. 
 
 I 
 
 If 
 
 |i r' 
 
 these counter-walls, and the army was left with no more com- 
 petent head than the cautious and irresolute Nicias. 
 
 The Athenian fleet was now brought round from Thapsus to 
 the Great Harbour of Syracuse ; the stores were landed, and the 
 ships drawn up on the beach. The southern part of the line of 
 circumvallation was pushed forward and completed, but tlie 
 northern half, across the plateau of Epipolae, was left, for the 
 time, unfinished. No danger was apprehended from that 
 quarter, a mistake in calculation which cost the Athenians dear. 
 
 Syracuse was apparently shut in, both landward and seaward, 
 and her people were becoming disheartened. Some went so far 
 as to talk of asking for terms of peace. On the other hand, the 
 fortunes of Athens being in the ascendant, allies were forthcom- 
 ing frcm both Sicily and Italy. The tide, however, was soon to 
 turn. The Soartan Gylippus, with his four ships, reached the 
 shores of Sicily. Landing at Himera with seven hundred 
 soldiers, he was joined by several thousand men from that city, 
 Selinus, and Gela. With these reinforcements he advanced 
 rapidly towards Syracuse. He easily made his way into the 
 city through the unfinished line of circumvallation on the 
 northern side of Epipolae. Adding the Syracusan army to his 
 own forces, he offered the Athenians battle, an offer which 
 Nicias prudently refused. Gylippus then proceeded to demolish 
 the unfinished northern wall of the Athenians, and, in .spite of 
 all the efforts of Nicias, succeeded in building a cross- wall from 
 the Syracusan lines westward to Euryelus, fortifying it by four 
 strong forts. It now looked as if tlie Athenians, not the Syra- 
 cusans, were to be besieged. To add to the troubles of Nicias, 
 twelve Peloponnesian triremes ran the blockade, and made 
 their way into the small harbour of Syracuse. More ships were 
 to follow, it was said, and the good news and recent successes 
 induced the Syracusans to bring out and refit their small and 
 hitherto unused fleet of forty or fifty vessels. Meanwhile, the 
 Athenian fleet was suffering from lying exposed on the beach. 
 The crews were out of condition, and tlie slaves and others, who 
 manned the oars, were taking advantage of the turn of the tide 
 of fortune to desert. 
 

 HISTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 187 
 
 Alarmed at the successes of Gylippus, Nicias took possession 
 of tlie projecting point of land, called Plenimyriuni, and 
 removed to it a great part of his stores, and a i^rtion of his 
 fleet. Three forts were erected to protect the new position. 
 Had he been wise he would now have returned to Athens ; but 
 he was afraid to face Athenian public opinion by withdrawing 
 from a dangerous situation. Instead, he sent to Atliens asking 
 for immediate assistance, or liberty to return. It was now 
 autumn, and relief from Athens could not well be received 
 before the following spring. In the meantime Atliens had been 
 provoked, by the aid sent to Sicily by Sparta, into making an 
 attack on the Laconian coast. Sparta, in revenge, began to 
 make preparations to invade Attica once more, keeping in mind 
 the advice of Alcibiades to seize and fortify Decelea. Under 
 these circumstaiices one would think that Athens would have 
 hesitated to weaken her forces at home by sending men to help 
 Nicias in Sicily. So great, however, was the Athenian self- 
 confidence, tliat Demosthenes, their most experienced general, t, 
 was despatched as soon as possible to Sicily, with an arma- tfienes tent 
 ment nearly as strong as that which had sailed forth a short '" ^^''"^''' 
 time before under Alcibiades and his colleagues. The new 
 expedition was supposed to be strong enough to bring the siege 
 to a speedy and successful termination. Nicias, meanwhile, was 
 growing weaker as the winter wore away, and his opponents were 
 becoming stronger and more confident. The army of Gylippus 
 was strengthened by recruits from Sicilian cities, and eighty 
 galleys were made ready for immediate service in the Syracusan 
 harbours. When spring arrived, Gylippus made his way to the 
 rear of the Athenian camp, and concealed his forces near the 
 Athenian camp at Plemmyrium. His ships then came out boldly 
 from the harbour, and offered the Athenian squadron battle. The 
 conflict that followed was favourable to the Athenians ; but while 
 their land army was intent upon the sea-fight, Gylippus had 
 stormed the three forts that protected the Athenian cami), and 
 had seized a great quantity of their stores. Matters were in 
 this discouraging condition for the Athenians when news of 
 the expedition under Demosthenes was received. In spite of 
 
 1 ! 
 
 ilr 
 
 u 
 
 jJi 
 
188 
 
 HISTOKY OF GKEECI']. 
 
 Defeat of 
 the Atheri' 
 ian fleet. 
 
 f 
 
 Failure of 
 attack on 
 Epipolae. 
 
 Athenian 
 departure 
 
 the fact that Sparta had seized Decelea and ravaged Attica, the 
 Athenians, with remarkable conHdenco in their own good fortune 
 had sent out seventy-five triremes, four thousand hoplites, and 
 a large body of light-armed men. Sparta, too, despatched a 
 body of two thousand men for the Syracusan war. 
 
 The near ai)proach of Demosthenes induced Gylippus and the 
 Syracusans to attempt to crush Nicias before his reinforcements 
 could arrive. The Athenians were attacked from both land 
 and sea. The land army repulsed the attack on their camp, 
 but the Athenian vessels were so imperfectly manned that, after 
 two days' figliting, they were compelled to seek refuge on shore 
 under the protection of the land array. The Syracusans were 
 greatly elated over this naval victory, while the Athenians 
 were correspondingly depressed. But the arrival of Demos- 
 thenes once more gave the advantage to the Athenians. 
 The new general, as soon as he had landed his men, began to 
 assume the offensive. The Syracusan counter-wall across the 
 plateau of Epipolae vms made the object of an inunediate attack. 
 Repulsed in an effort to storm the works, Demostlienes 
 under cover of nigiit led his army inland, and around the most 
 western point of Epipolae, where the wall terminated. He 
 succeeded in getting to the rear of the enemy, and took them 
 by surprise. For a time all went well, and then for some 
 unexplained reason, his men becani" confused and fell into 
 disorder. The enemy rallied and, after a desperate conflict 
 in the dark, turned the confusion of the Athenians into a hopeless 
 rout. The disordered nia^s fled down the steep slopes and 
 clifls, losing more men by falling from the precipices than by 
 the swords of their enemies. This unexpected defeat was so 
 discouraging that Demosthenes decided that nothing remained 
 but immediate retreat from the scene of so many misfortunes. 
 For a time Nicias opposed this policy, but the arrival of rein- 
 forcements for Gylippus from Sparta, and the wasting effects 
 of marsh fever, compelled him to recognize the wisdom of this 
 step. Once more, however, the timidity and irresolution of 
 Nicias, stood in the way of escape. An eclipse of the moon 
 occurred, and the soothsayers said that the retreat must be 
 delayed tlirico nine days, and the superstitious Nicias agreed to 
 
 '■V 
 

 HJSTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 189 
 
 
 postpone the embarkution for tlmt time. The Syracusans liad 
 noticed tlie preparations for departure, and at once began a series 
 of attacks, with the evident intention of making tlie position of 
 the Atlienians unendurable. The Atlienian fleet was agahi 
 defeated and its connnander, Eurymedon, shiin. Emboldened by 
 success, Gylippus now laid his plans to prevent the escape of the 
 enemy, aiming at nothing less than their destructicm. To this end, 
 the narrow mouth of tho Great Harbour w^s blocked by moor- 
 mg merchantmen across the channel between Ortygia and Plem- 
 myrium. The design of this was so obvious, and the menace to 
 the escape of tlie Athenians so alarming, that Nicias was at last 
 aroused to a sense of tlieir great peril. It was decided that the 
 blockade nmst be raised at all costs. Every seaworthy vessel 
 was launched, and manned with both heavy-armed and light- 
 armed men from the land forces. One hundred and ten galleys 
 were sent out under the command of Demosthenes to break 
 through the barrier at tlie harbour's m<juth. Nicias himself 
 stayed on shore to guard the camp. The Syracusans with 
 eighty vessels put out to meet Demosthenes, when a life and 
 death struggle began. To the Athenians, breaking through the 
 boom meant escape from imminent danger, and they fought with 
 desperation. On the other hand, the Syracusans were resolved 
 not to allow their enemies to escape, and fought with equal 
 determination. The struggle ended with the Athenians being 
 beaten back, and compelled to return to their camp. The loss Escape by 
 had been heavy on both sides, and Demosthenes pleaded with '*« "'*' <'■^• 
 his men to renew the conflict, pointing out the weakened con- 
 dition of the Syracusan fleet. All his commands and entreat- 
 ies, however, were in vain, and the thoroughly cowed and 
 disheart- .d Athenians refused to try again on the sea the 
 fortunes of war. 
 
 There was now only one course for the Athenians to follow, 
 and that was to break up their camp, destroy their boats, and 
 by a march inland, endeavour to reach Catana. The distance to feuZ?'" 
 be traversed was forty miles, and the road lay through the ^"'«"'^- 
 defiles of a hilly and rocky country. The fatal march was 
 delayed for two days by the slow-moving Nicias, and thus amnie 
 time was given the Syracusans to seize the difficult passes, \o 
 
 '•m 
 
190 
 
 HISTORY OP aRERCE. 
 
 throw up barricadas at the fords, and break down the bridges. 
 At last, the rotreaL began. Thousands of wounded soldiers 
 were left bc'liind, in spite or lieartronding appeals for help. 
 But tlie army was now no longer an army ; it was little better 
 tlian a mass of fugitives, every man intent on securing his own 
 escape. Nicias led the van, while Demosthenes connuandtd the 
 rear. Space will not permit to tell the full story of the horrors 
 of this retreat. At every step the unfortunate Athenians were 
 harassed by the vindictive enemy. Desertions were of daily 
 occurrence, tliousands taking to the hills in the hope of finding 
 their way to a place of safety. Passes were blocked by the 
 Syracusans, and the Athenians were thus forced out of their v/ay 
 Horrcri) of towards the interior. Day ])y day saw the wretched army wasting 
 the rjrea't. away under the attacks of the enemy, and through desertion. 
 In an effort to ; escape from their pursuers, Nicias, with the 
 smaller part of the army, got separated from Demosthenes, who 
 was bringing up the n;ir. The latter was overtaken by the 
 Syracusans as he was endeavouring to make his way through a 
 narrow pass. A brief struggle took place, and then the A thenian 
 army of six thousand men surrendered on condition of their 
 lives being spared. Demosthenes fell on his sword, but the 
 wound was not fatal, and he was borne back to Syracuse. In 
 the meantime, Nicias, unconscious of the fate of Demosthenes, 
 had made some progress southward. Elated by their success, the 
 Syracusans again took up the pursuit. Nicias was soon over- 
 taken, surrounded, and forced to surrender. To the unfortu- 
 nate Athenians whose lives were spared in battle a terrible 
 punishment was meted out. Nicias and Demosthenes were 
 executed, although they had been promised their lives. Their 
 followers were shut up in the quarries on tlie hill-sides of 
 Epipolae, without any protection from the weather. They were 
 given barely enough food to keep them alive. The cruel 
 treatment, added to the hardships they had already undergone 
 told heavily on their ranks when the unhealthy autumn season 
 began. The corpses of the dead were left unburied among the 
 living prisoners, and tlie stench was so great that, by a righteous 
 judgment, an infectious fever si)read to the city of Syracuse. 
 After seventy days, the bulk of the prisoners were sold as slaves, 
 
HISTORY OF ORKKCK. 
 
 the native Athenians and tlieir Sicilian allies being left for eight 
 •or 118 more in the (luarries, > : ere death came of^en to lelieve 
 the unhappy inmates of their miseries. At the end of that 
 time the few survivors were also sold into slavery. Of these, 
 It 18 said, several were ultimately given their freedom. 
 
 *Thu;. ended' says Thucydides, 'the greatest adventure 
 that the Greeks entered into during this war, and in my opinion 
 the greatest in which Greeks were ever concerned ; the one 
 most splendid for the conquerors, and most disastrous f<,r the 
 conquered ; for they snfTered no common defoat, but were 
 absolutely annihilated-land anriy, fleet, and all ; and of many 
 thousands only a handful ever luturned home.' 
 
 191 
 
 i 
 
 •I 
 
CHAPTKR XXITT. 
 
 1 1' 
 
 ,- 
 
 FALL OF Al'HKNH, AM» KNI) (»K HKLOPONW KHUN WAK. 
 
 The newn of 1'l»e news of tlio terrible disaster that Imd befallen their armie.* 
 ins/cuT'' '" ^^^^^y ^^■*^*' «^ l^'"y time 11. reaching tlie people of Athens. It 
 AtSJ '" '"* '"''*^' ^'^ ^'l«<^^*"'cl^ that the first tidings came from a sea-faring 
 sh-anger who entered a barl)er's sliop at the Peiraeus, and while 
 there casually mentioned it ua a fact wall known. The barber 
 immediately iiastened to Athens with the tidings. When asked 
 by the magistrates whence ho obtained his facts, he was unable 
 to prove the truth of his statements, his informant having in the 
 meantime disap[jeared. The poor man was then put on the 
 wheel as a l)eai-er of false tales, and had been enduring the 
 torture some tiuie before a few soldiers, who had escaped prior to 
 the final surrender, appeared to corroborate his story. Even 
 then to the Athenians it seemed incredible that so great and 
 powerful an expedition should suffer so terrible a fate. 
 
 It might have been expected that a disaster so overwhelming 
 would have caused the utmost despondency in Athens. But 
 these wonderful people soon rallied from the first shock caused 
 by the bad news, and bogan to make the best of their circum- 
 Sw.''" "■'' sfc'in«tis- Their navy had been almost blotted out by the Sicilian 
 expedition, nearly two hundred ships having been destroyed. 
 There still remained a small fleet of twenty-seven vessels at 
 Naupactus, and thirty or forty in the neighbourhood of the 
 Atlienian ports. Out of a total of ten or eleven thousand men 
 available for foreign service, three thousand Peven hundred had 
 perished. The treasury, too, of the slate had been nearly ex 
 hausted in equipping the second Sicilian force. There still 
 remained, however, one thousand talents in the Acropolis, which 
 had been set aside by Pericles to bo used only in the event of 
 Athens being attacked by an enemy's fleet. To increase their 
 troubles, the Spartan?? :\<-^,hi^ w ler the advice of Alcibiades, had 
 fortified and taken pc- .; r. .n ji Decelea, in Attica. The near- 
 ness of this Spartan force was a direct incentive to the slaves 
 
 [192] 
 
 pn 
 
HlSTOHY OF ORKKCE. 
 
 193 
 
 of the Athciimns to desert their masters, which they did by 
 the thousand. 
 
 At thin tiino the Spartans mij,dit en My have ended tlie war liy 
 the ca{)turo of Athens, had energetic action at once been taken. 
 -Hut, true to their manner of waging war, the Spartan.s delayed 
 their attack so long, and spent so much time in making elaborate 
 preparations for the final struggle, that Athens was ablo to 
 recover somewhat from the aim. t mortal blow that had been 
 dealt hi- in Sicily. The news of ship-building at Corinth, 
 Gythium and other ports of the Spartan Confederacy, Hinxi)\y The A then. 
 nerved the Athenians to put on the stocks, and e.iuip as raimWypdr'/Hr' 
 as possible, another fleet. The thousand talents were now used «'«/''"''«• 
 to provide a new fleet, and the resources of their allies, in the 
 shape of money and ship-timber, were drawn on for the same 
 puri)ose. Expenses were cut down that the money saved might 
 be used in the defence of the city. The Sicilian disaster 
 occurred in September, 41,'} B.C., and by the next summer it 
 was estimated that a fleet of one hundred vessels would be 
 ready for service. 
 
 A greater danger than an attack upon their city now threatened 
 the Athenians. Their allies of the Confederacy of Delos began 
 to realize tliat their leader and mistress had received a serious 
 blow ; and that her greatness was on the wane. The aristocratic 
 faction, that existed in each city of the Confederacy, was always 
 favourably dispo.^ed to Si)arta. The weakening of Athens en- 
 couraged this faction to propose a revolt from her rule, to be Disaffection 
 aided by the Spartans and their allies. On the other hand, the 2;,^''^'"'*" 
 democratic party, which had hitherto supported Athenian rule, 
 had become lukewarm in its assistance. Athenian ride now 
 meun^ increased burdens, in the shape of heavy taxes, to prop 
 the falling fortunes of the once redoubtable city. So we find 
 that the leading states of Ionia began to send secretly to Sparta 
 and Thebes for helf), promising to rise and throw off the 
 Athenian yoke as soon as a Pcloponnesian force appeared on the 
 coast of Asia Minor. The people of Chios, Lesbos, and Euboea, 
 along with Pharnabazus, the satrap of the Hellespont, and Tissa- 
 phernes, the satrap of Lydia, were among those that appealed 
 to Sparta for aid and co-operation. 
 13 
 
 je«. 
 
 !'■■ 'j 
 
 1 
 
194 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 Revolt of 
 Chios and 
 other cities. 
 
 iHi , , 
 
 l>'"' 
 
 m. 
 
 These advances were gratifying to the Spartans, who resolved 
 to send aid first of all to Chios, this city being the most powerful 
 of the disaffected Athenian allies, and therefore the most likely 
 to succeed in a revolt. The Kj)artans unwisely, however, sent 
 out small detachments of vessels at a time, and it therefore 
 happened that the first contingent of twenty vessels was inter- 
 cepted by the Athenian fleet. Five vessels at length escaped 
 the watchful eye of the Athenians, and, with Alcibiades on board, 
 succeeded in reaching Chios. The city at once revolted, and 
 placed her fleet of thirty ships at the disposal of the Spartans. 
 This revolt was soon followed by that of Clazomenae, Erythrae, 
 and Teos, which took place in spite of the efforts of the Athen- 
 ians to bring vessels to the disaffected district. The naval war 
 that now followed on the Asiatic coast was one of varying 
 fortunes. Sometimes the Athenians were successful, sometimes 
 
 - ^ , the Spartans and the rebelling loniaiis. The balance, however, 
 Sparta seeks . ° 
 
 aid from was in the favour of the latter. As the autumn approached the 
 Pe 'sia ... , 
 
 Sicilian fleet appeared to aid the revolt, revenge being sought 
 
 for the Athenian invasion of Sicily. The Spartans had, besides, 
 
 other allies of a different description. They did not disdain to 
 
 ask aid from the Persian satraps in the neighbourhood of Ionia. 
 
 They actually entered into an agreement with Tissaphernes, 
 
 which practically pledged the Spartans to look on while the 
 
 Persians asserted once more their power over the Greek cities of 
 
 Asia Minor. The price paid for this disgraceful surrender of 
 
 Greek independence was money from the Persian treasury. 
 
 The Athenians, during the remaining period of the war, made 
 Samos the base of their operations. The democratic faction of 
 that island had, a short time before, risen and massacred many 
 of the oligarchs. Fear of vengeance at the hands of their enemies, 
 should the oligarchical form of government be restored by the 
 Spartans, bound the democrats to the Athenian alliance. The 
 situation of Samos was peculiarly favourable for the operation of 
 the Athenian armies, lying, as it did, ^-^'j remote from Athens, 
 and midway between the two centres of revolt, Chios and 
 Miletus. 
 
 The year 411 B.C. marked a new disaster to Athenian innu- 
 Bhodes. ence. The island of Rhodes revolted, and when the Athenian 
 
HISTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 fleet sailed from Samos to restore thp ln«f 
 
 keep a lar,e fleet in constat i^y'^^^'p!!' ""'» '"" 1>"»- '<> 
 to be forthc ;.,ing her H^mL i , " '"""*>' '^'''««1 
 
 power toa.n.:.ttt;rtrLt:teri^^^^ 
 
 a change in the noliVv of f 1, -d • •'^ *^"- ^^ tJus juncture, 
 
 pw. THe .7;!'eTtt' inr ^^sttTj-rr r 
 
 treasury wore now suddenly reduced. The c J e "f , ■ '^"'■'"" 
 ently strange conduct is said tn l '';" """^ "f tins appar- ^(riti,*, 
 41oihi«,1.. Ti- !f ""* ''«en the influence „f»''™»«"M 
 
 Aicidiades. This versatile traitor had ,n«,l<. i,- "'""ence ot.5y„„ 
 
 of Asia Minor to assist in snreld^,t tt T """' "" "'^^ 
 this time he had n>hn„ 1, ■ "*f.'""g *he Ionian revolt. By 
 
 had rewarded If ho,r,r C^T- "" "'" ''«''"-' -<' 
 
 King Agis. This dilC Ltsfd rfu T" 1'"- :' "''" 
 
 Alcibiades was forced to leave Zt ! ' " '"'«'" "'»' 
 betook himself to the court of T ? " """P' «" *'"• 
 ceeued in winning Lou H^r?' "'"' -'>""' he suc- 
 and Spartan <^sZZTrtilrfy::^^Zu T ■^*^""'" 
 now began to point out to Ti.,saphernes he fol T""""'- ^^ 
 Peloponnesians to conquer and cr"s the A tLni.r '^' B* "^ 
 
 hethem„chmorL,^c:L^:li^-::;''«^«p;-nwo„ld 
 
 o pursue, he pointed out, would be to aZ he two 0^ " " 
 federaces to so weaken each other that pJJ T? """' 
 
 -p the fruit c: their struggles b; ^i^^Z ::^:^: """ 
 
 ^ept the SparLtSe^hn:!;,- il'rr-nr- ""'^" 
 Phoeuicianfleetwhich never .rrivedrK" '" "'"^ "' " 
 made by the command»r, T , ' "* *'"'" "Complaints were 
 
 now tllght :arth;tme''hT *T '•^''""«^- ^ 'oi blades ,?Sr,."« 
 Tissapben'es could be t », ed t ""'; "'"" *■" "''"™- with "••«*'""'• 
 hunself an honourabi: '^ I ^^^^^1^::^'^ '^' 
 Athens were many, and not to be easily f;r:i;et ' Hrh'T 
 smce ,us exde, used his ability and hi. kno'wled^e of'thetc„m: 
 
 195 
 
i^ 
 
 i-i 
 
 196 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 i'jn 
 
 stances of his native city with fatal effect. His advice to the 
 
 Spartans to establish themselves at Decelea, was a blow so serious 
 
 to Athenian power that Alcibiades might well seek to render her 
 
 some great service before he could ho[)e for pardon. That 
 
 4, •. • J service he thought was now within his reach. He hoped to 
 Alcibiades • a • 
 
 jirepares the so influence Tissaphernes that the Persians would drop the 
 
 return to Spartan alliance, and throw their weight into the Athenian 
 
 Athens. scale. Persian money was what supported the Peloponnesian 
 
 fleet, and Persian money was what the impoverished city of 
 
 Athens most needed. 
 
 To carry out his plan, Alcibiades began to sound the army at 
 Samos. Taking advantage of the fact that the war was un- 
 popular with the wealthier classes at Athens, which had been 
 well-nigh ruined by the burden of taxation and that the demo- 
 cratic party had; been blamed for undertaking the disastrous 
 Sicilian expedition, he suggested that if the democratic consti- 
 tution of Athens were overturned, and an oligarchic government 
 established instead, the Persian satrap would cast in his lot Avith 
 the Athenians. The dislike of Tissaphernes to democracies, it 
 was urged, was so great that his assistance could be obtained 
 only on the condition of the overthrow of the Athenian demo- 
 cratic government. 
 
 The poison so subtly instilled soon made itself felt. Many 
 ofticers of the army at Samos welcomed the base proposal, and, 
 headed by Peisander, a deputation sailed to Athens to carry out 
 the scheme. One general of prominence, however, Phrynichus, 
 opposed the plan ; while the rank and file took no action at first, 
 not fully understanding the scheme, and yet gladly welcoming 
 any aid the Persians could give. 
 
 When Peisander and his colleagues arrived at Athens, they 
 at once began to urge the acceptance of the proposals of 
 
 To every objection urged aeainst the recall of the 
 
 iancomtitu- traitor, and the destruction of their cherished form of govern- 
 
 ^^^' ment, Peisander replied by calling attention to the helpless 
 
 and impoverished condition of Athens, and the advantages of a 
 
 Persian allianciri, A noisy and lengthened debate was ended by 
 
 the people voting to send Peisander and ten delegates to Asia, 
 
 Peisander 
 
 advises the 
 
 overthrow 0/ Alcibiades 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 197 
 
 with power to treat with Alcibiades and Tissaphernes, and • 
 to make the best terms possible. 
 
 The commissioners started on their errand, but wlien they 
 reached Asia they found that Alcibiades had over-estimated his 
 influence with Tissaphernes, who refused jjo join the Athenian 
 alliance, contenting himself with paralyzing Spartan activity 
 by refusing their fleet the supplies necessary to carry on an 
 aggressive war. After some abortive attempts at making a 
 treaty of alliance, the Athenian ambassadors were forced to 
 return to Samos, having accomplished nothing. 
 
 The failure of the negotiations with Alcibiades and Tissa- 
 phernes did not deter the oligarchic party at Athens from 
 carrymg on an active intrigue against the democratic govern- 
 ment of the city. Of these traitors the orator Antiphon was, 
 perhaps, the most skilful wire-puller. The various politicid Oligarchic 
 clubs with anti-democratic leanings were stirred into vigorous TCf 
 life, and when the leaders of the democratic party opposed "'"^^''^'"*- 
 changes having for their object th. lessening of the power of 
 the Ecclesia, and the transfer of the management of the war to 
 a less unwieldy body, they were promptly slain by oligarchic 
 assassins. The efi^ect was to deter the people for further 
 opposition, and the plot went on. 
 
 It was now decided to have a simultaneous rising at Athens and 
 bamos. But the conspirators miscalculated their stren^rth with 
 the army and fleet at Samos, and, after slaying a few of the 
 democratic party, they were easily crushed by the Athenians on 
 board the fleet, and the Samian democracy. The state galley 
 Paralus was immediately despatched to Athens by the victors 
 to tell the good news. 
 
 The conspiracy was, however, more successful at Athens than 
 at Samos. Peisander, Antiphon, and Phrynichus (who had been 
 won over to the oligarchic faction) brought forward a motion 
 that tea commissioners should be appointed to prepare a new 
 constitution to be submitted to the people. The motion carried, 
 and the commissioners wf re chosen from the oligarchs. A fen- 
 days after, the Ecclesia was summoned to meet^'at Colonus, in 
 the suburbs of the city, and not on the Pnyx, the usual place 
 
 li 
 
 I' 'I 
 
198 
 
 A new con 
 
 Htitution 
 
 adopted. 
 
 Action of 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 of assembly. The meeting was but scantily attended, as the 
 people feared a plot, and perchance an attack from the Spartan 
 garrison at Decelea. Thi , gave the oligarchs a chance to con- 
 summate their plot. The gatliering at Colonus was composed 
 of the friends of the conspirators, and speedily voted that five 
 men should be elected, who again should choose a hundred, and 
 each of these hundred three more, and the whole body of 
 four hundred thus chosen should assume the government of the 
 state. The Four Hundred then chose five thousand citizens to be 
 given the franchise, the rest of the Athenians being practically 
 disfranchised. The Four Hundred, aided by a body of hoplites, 
 then dispersed the senate, giving each senator his pay as he 
 passed out, and assumed the reins of gcjvernment. Thus, 
 apparently without any opposition, the noble constitution of 
 Cleisthenes and ^olon, was swept out of existence. 
 
 The Four Hundred inaugurated its rule by sending envoys to 
 the Spartans at Decelea, and asking for terms of peace. The 
 Spartans endeavoured to take Athens by surprise, thinking the 
 city was given over to civic strife ; but the attempt failed. They 
 then sent the oligarch envoys to Sparta to treat with the 
 Ephors. 
 
 It was under these circumstances that the state galley from 
 Samos, bringing the news of the suppression of the oligarchic 
 conspiracy on that island, reached Athens. The captain of the 
 vessel succeeded in effecting his return to Samos, and told the 
 story ( f the oligarchic revolution to the army there. The 
 
 fml%THat soldiers, at least, were loyal to the old constitution. They at 
 
 Samos. 
 
 once deposed every oflicer of oligarchic syuipathies, and put in 
 coumiand Thrasybulus and Thrasyllus, two officers of undoubted 
 loyalty. The soldiers then, in solemn assembly, swore ' to hold 
 to the democracy, to live in concord, to zealously prosecute the 
 war with Sparta, and to be foes to the F<mr Hundred, and have 
 no intercourse with them.' The whole Athenian fleet was in 
 the hands of the army at Samos, and by its instrumentality it 
 was hoped that Athens could be rescued from the conspirators. 
 In the event of failure, however, it was proposed to make Samos, 
 not Athens, the capital of tlie empire. 
 
 Thrasybulus and Thrasyllus, anxious to secure the aid of 
 
HISTORY OF (aiKECK. 
 
 199 
 
 Tissaphernes, now proposed to the army tliat Alcibiades 
 
 should be recalled. Consent was given, and after four years 
 
 of exile Alcibiades appeared once more among his own yfg<,j„j ^y 
 
 people. He was profuse in his promises to bring the Persians "^ ''■*^''«''*« 
 ,,,.,,. , , , ° to Samoa. 
 
 over to the Athenian cause, and he succeeded so well in 
 
 impressing the army with a sense of his influence that he was 
 
 elected as the colleague of Thrasybulus and Thrasyllus, and 
 
 given full power to treat with Tissaphernes. 
 
 In the meantime, Tissaphernes had thought it prudent to allay 
 the wrathful feelings of the Spartans by, at last, bringing up to 
 their aid the Phoenician fleet. The t^eet, more than a hundred 
 strong, was lying at Aspendus when Alcibiades arrived there to 
 begin his negotiations with Tissaphernes. Alcibiades succeeded 
 in getting the satrap to send the ships away, to the great indigna- 
 tion of the Spartans, and to the corresponding joy of the Athen- 
 ians at Samos. 
 
 Turning now to Athens, we find that the rule of the Four 
 Hundred was but of short duration. The action of the army at 
 Samos, and dissensions among the oligarchs themselves, both 
 tended to weaken tlie power of the usurpers. The more 
 extreme faction, headed by Phrynichus and Antiphon, proposed 
 to call in the Spartans, and took steps to carry out the treason- 
 able project. These designs were opposed by Theramenes, one Overthrow 
 of the more crafty and moderate oligarchs. The civil strife tiiat Tlimdfed!'^ 
 now began to prevail, encouraged a Spartan admiral to attempt 
 the seizure of the Peiraeus, hoping to find an easy entry into the 
 city through the treachery of Phrynichus, But Phrynichus 
 had been slain by a young soldier, and there was no one to carry 
 out his plans. The Spartan fleet Hien set sail for Euboea, 
 where disafl'ection against Athenian rule was rife. A small 
 Athenian fleet was hastily manned and started in pursuit. Ofi" 
 Eretria, the Spartans wore overtaken, but the ill-equipped Athen- 
 ian fleet was easily defeated, and nearly destroyed. The 
 result of the battle was the loss of all Euboea, save Histiaea, 
 and the connection of the island with the mainland by a bridge 
 opposite Ohalcis. The loss was both serious and disheartening' 
 to the Athenians. It had been the custom of the people of 
 Attica, in times of peril, to keep their flocks and herds on 
 
 I 
 
 m ii 
 
200 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 • i 
 
 |j4f.lik;'' 
 
 ,li 
 
 that island. In fact, it was the convenient storehouse of Athens. 
 The defeat, too, liad occurred sf) near tlieir own doors, that tl»e 
 sense of deadly peril was brought home to every Athenian. 
 The one good result of the defeat a* Eretr? i, was the immediate 
 downfall of the Four Hundred. The i)eople gathered once more 
 at their (.Id meeting place, the Pnyx, and deposed the usurpers. 
 The old constitution was practically restored, Alcibiades' recall 
 was authorized, and the action of tlie army at Samos endorsed. 
 Peisander and many of his colleagues made their way to the 
 .Spartan garrison at Decelea. Some of the more notable con- 
 spirators, liowever, paid for their treason with their lives. Of 
 these, Antii)hon made a most eloquent speech in his own 
 defence ; but h. failed to secure an accpiittal, and met a well- 
 deserved deatli. 
 
 The civil strife at Athens furnished the Spartans with an 
 excellent opportunity to bring the war to a successful close. 
 The usual slowness, caution, and incai)acity for decisive action 
 were, however, displayed by the Spartan authorities. Instead 
 of blockading tlie Peiraeus after his victory at Eretria, a matter 
 Avhich could easily have been accomplished at that time, the 
 Spartan admiral sailed away to Asia Minor to reinforce the 
 Peloponnesian fleet on that coast. The respite to Athens was a 
 welcome and timely one. IFer fleet at Samos, which had 
 intended to go to Athens and assist in driving out the Four 
 Hundred, was dissuaded f an the project by Alcibiades, who 
 counselled leaving the people of Athens to settle their own 
 (lifficulties, the fleet in the meanwhile l)eing used to operate in 
 Ionia against the enemies of the empire. The seat of active 
 warfare was now shifted to the region of the Hellespont. The 
 different cities in that district were ripe for revolt, and Pharna- 
 bazus, the Persian satrap of northern Asia Minor, was ready and 
 eager to aid the Spartans against the Athenians. Accordingly 
 Mindarus, the Spartan admiral, sailed northwards to the Helles- 
 pont with seventy-three vessels. His intention was to block the 
 straits against the Athenian corn-ships from the Euxine, and 
 seize the cities along the shores. But the Athenian generals, 
 . hrasy.-sulus and Thrasyllua, were in close pursuit, and overtaking 
 Mindarus in the narrow stretch of water between Sestos and 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 201 
 
 Abydos, inflicted at Cynossema a severe defeat on the Spartan 
 fleet. This check upon tlie Spartans did not prevent several 
 cities on the Propontis from revolting from Athens. Mindarus, 
 too, encouraged by reinforcements from Rliodes, gave })attle 
 again to the Athenians. This time Alcibiades, wlio had just 
 arrived with a small fleet, was able to turn the tide of battle /JfiS?,. 
 aganist the Spartans. In spite of the aid given by Pharnabazus, i^f ' ''^^^ 
 the Athenians were successful in capturing thirty Spartan ships, 
 leaving Mindarus, for the time being, crippled and helpless. 
 
 Winter was now close at hand, and hostilities were temporarily 
 suspended. Alcibiades made a visit to his old friend and ally 
 Tissaphernes, but instead of a hearty welcome found chains and 
 imprisonment awaiting him. Jle was sent to Sardis, whence he 
 succeeded in making his escape a month later, and joined once 
 more the Athenian fleet. 
 
 The spring of 410 b.c. saw a renewal of the war. Mindarus 
 had managed to collect a fleet of sixty vessels, and with these he 
 put out to sea. As he lay ofi" Cyzicus, the Athenian fleet, under 
 Alcibiades, Thrasybulus and Theram6nes, surprised him during a 
 day of storm and rain. He endeavoured to run his ships ashore, 
 and seei;. .safety and support from the army of Plmrnabazus, 
 which w. . near at hand. In this attempt he was only partially 
 successful, many of his vessels being out off and captured before 
 they reached the shore. The Athenians did not rest with the 
 victory so far obtained, for Alcibiades landed and inflicted a 
 signal defeat on the combined forces of the Peloponnesians and Battle of 
 Persians. Mindarus was slain, and every vessel was taken orgfj'^' 
 destroyed, save a few Syracusan ships. This was the most 
 complete victory that had fallen to Athens during the war, 
 and the glory of it was freely bestowed on Alcibiades. 
 
 The battle of Cyzicus had destroyed the main fleet of the 
 Peloponnesians, and had opened up the Hellespont to the 
 unimpeded passage of Athenian trade-ships. It also relieved 
 Athens of any immediate danger of attack, besides promising 
 the early subjection of her revolted allies in Asia Minor. So 
 discouraged were the Spartans at the turn affairs had taken that 
 they proposed terms of peace, which the Athenians, had they 
 been wise, would have accepted. Rhodes, Chios, Miletus, and 
 
 ti 
 
 ■1 
 
i\ 
 
 202 
 
 Peace 
 
 proposed by 
 Sparta. 
 
 Recovery of 
 gome of the 
 revolting 
 cities. 
 
 A Icifnades 
 returns to 
 A them, W8 
 B.C. 
 
 HISTORY OF GREKCR. 
 
 the Eiiboeans were to remain independent, Sparta was to with- 
 draw lier garrison from Decelea, and those mem'yers of the Con- 
 federacy of Delos which had remained true to the Athenian 
 alliance were to be left in tlieir present relations. But the 
 Athenians, always easily elated by any temporary success, and 
 influenced by blatant demagogues, refused any terms of peace 
 which would leave their revolted allies their independence. 
 
 It was very soon evident that the confidence of the Athenians 
 in their power to reassert their authority over their allies had 
 very little foundation. For more than a year they were left 
 free to carry on the war of subjugation, the Spartan fleet having 
 been almost entirely destroyed, and great difficulty being 
 experienced in buikUng new ships. The Athenian generals, 
 Alcibiades and Thrasyllus, were men of genius and energy, 
 whereas the menisent by Sparta to Asia Minor were lacking in 
 both ability and vigor. Nevertheless, all that the Athenians 
 were able to accomplish was the recovery of the cities on the 
 Hellespont and Propontis which had thrown off" the Athenian 
 yoke.. Perinthus and Selymbria were taken in the autumn of 
 410 B.C.; the island of Thasos came back to the Athenian 
 alliance during the following winter ; and Chalcedon was besieged 
 in 409 B.C., and taken in the spring of 408 b.c. When, 
 however, the Athenian arms were turned against the cities of 
 Ionia, Colophon, alone, was recovered. Byzantium, after a long 
 siege, was starved into surrender, and this left the passage of 
 the Bosporus, Hellespcmt and Propontis free to the Athenian 
 corn-ships from the Euxine. Almost as important to Athens 
 was the off"er of PharnabazUiS to retire from the Spartan alliance 
 and make peace. 
 
 Alcibiades now thought that the services he had rendered his 
 native city were such as to warrant him a friendly reception by 
 his fellow-citizens. He, therefore, with some hesitation, set sail 
 for the Peiraeus, and after seven years of absence, once more 
 set foot on the soil of Attica. Whatever fear he may have left 
 of the wrath of his fellow-countrymen, was speedily dissipated 
 by the kindness of his reception. After a hearing before the 
 Senate and Ecclesia, the sentence pronounced against him was 
 revoked, and his civil rights were restored. Besides being 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 203 
 
 continued in his office as general, he was given the sole command 
 of one hundred ships, and fifteen hundred hoplites, to be used 
 as he thought best. His first use of his new power was to 
 escort, by the Sacred Way, the annual piocession that went 
 from Athens to Eleuais. Tiiis was followed b/ an unsuccessful 
 attempt to recover the island of Andros, after which he 
 returned to Asia Minor. 
 
 la the meantime an important change had taken place in the 
 aspect of affidrs on the Asiatic coast. Sparta had at last wakened 
 up to the necessity of sending an able man to take charcre of her 
 fleet. The man chosen for the office of High Adnliral was 
 Lysander one of the two great men produced by Sparta during j^^^^nd^ 
 this war, Brasidas being the other. Unlike Brasi.las, however 
 Lysander was haughty and self-seekuig, unscrupulous, cruel, and 
 treacherous. In ability he was not the inferior of Brasidas, 
 and his energy is illustrated by the fact that he had forced his 
 way to the very front from a position of obscurity and poverty. 
 The cause of Sparta was now to find a new and important ally. 
 Tissaphernes had been recalled from Ionia, and his position 
 given to Cyrus, the second son of the Persian king, Darius II. ^ , 
 Cyrus was to be ruler of Lydia, and to have, in addition, a general ^' 
 supervision over other satrapies. He was an ambitious and 
 energetic prince, with a strong desire to avenge on Athens the 
 defeats suffered by Persia at Marathon and Salamis. Ho at 
 once put a stop to the peace negotiations of Pharnabazus with 
 Athens, and summoned Lysander to a conference at Sardis. He 
 then promised him all the money necessary to equip a new fleet 
 and engaged to pay the seamen four obols a day, a greater sum' 
 than the Athenians were able to give. Very soon Lysander 
 found himself at the head of a fleet of ninety vessels, twenty-five 
 from Syracuse having joined him. He took his station at 
 Ephesus, where he was watched closely by Alcibiades, with a 
 fleet of one hundred ships at Notium. After a time, however, 
 Alcibiades left the fleet in the command of one of liis subordin- 
 ates and boon companions, while he sailed away to levy contri- 
 butions from the cities of AeOlis. During his absence, his 
 substitute in command rashly began an engagement with 
 Lysander, in which the Athenians were defeated with the loss of 
 
 i/ru«. 
 
 
 :S^ 
 
til 
 
 204 
 
 Battle of 
 Notium, 
 m B.C. 
 
 Alcibiadet 
 deposed. 
 
 Lynander 
 superseded. 
 
 Conon 
 
 defeated by 
 Callicrati- 
 das. 
 
 I ' 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 fifteen vessels. After his victory Lysander went back to his 
 post at EplieHus, refusing to risk a second battle with Alcibiades 
 after his return from Aeolis, where he had aroused much indigna- 
 tionbyhm highhanded and unjust attempts to levy c<.ntribu. 
 tions. The people of Athens, when the news of the proceedings 
 of Alcibiades were received, blamed him severely for his conduct 
 Ht Notmm. By the vote of the Ecclesia he was dei ,ed from 
 his command, which was put in the hands of ten generals or 
 strategi. Alcibiades then retired to the Thracian Chersonesus 
 where ho owned an estate, and took no further part in the war.' 
 The fleet at Samos was given to the care of Conon, an officer 
 who for a time played a prominent part in naval affairs. 
 
 Changes were made also in the command f>f the army 
 Thrasyllus and Pericles, the son of the great Pericles by Aspasia,' 
 being among the mew leaders. Sparta, too, appointed a new 
 admiral, Lysander's year of office having expired ; the rule 
 being that the office of high admiral should not be held by the 
 same person twice. The successor to Lysander was Callicratldas, 
 an able officer, capable of carrying on the war energetically and 
 succeijsfuliy. He was, however, hampered in his movements 
 and thwarted in his plans by Lysander, whose influence with 
 Cyrus was used to make the task of his successor a3 difficult as 
 possible. Callicratidas found an empty military chest, the 
 8ea.ien urgently demanding their pay, and Cyrus cold and 
 indifferent. To his appeal for a subsidy Cyrus lent a deaf ear, 
 and Callicratidas cursed the necessities of the Spartans which 
 forced them to apply to a barbarian for money. He finally 
 succeeded in raising money enough to pay his seamen in part, 
 and he got his fleet in motion. Collecting all the scattered 
 forces of the Spartans, he sailed with one hundred and seventy 
 ships to Lesbos, where he took the town of Methymna. Conon, 
 coming up with seventy galleys, and unaware of the strength of 
 his opponent, was drawn into an action in which he lost half of 
 his vesseL. The remainder were with difficulty saved by draw- 
 ing them up on shore under the walls of Mitylene. There 
 Callicratidas blockaded them, confidently anticipating an easy 
 
 victorv and an parW cnrronripT. p..f n ,_ -,^^ i . ■, 
 
 ^ .. - — J „i.! . .,..!u ,. i>uu v,uuOu irtaiuiged CO send 
 
 out a swift galley, with the news of his distress and danger, to 
 
HISTORY OP GHBEf!E. 
 
 205 
 
 Athens. The Hppeal for help was answered by the Athenians 
 
 hastily equii.ping a fleet out of vessels underj^oiiig repairs or in 
 
 the process of construction. One hundred and ten ships were 
 
 made ready, and manned with all the available men tht; city could 
 
 furnish. F<.r the first time, it is said, the knights were sent to 
 
 sea. This raw and ill-e(iuipi)ed fleet was put under the connnand 
 
 of eight of the ten generals, and innnediately set sail to relieve 
 
 Conon. Picking up on the way fifty shiiw from Samos anil 
 
 Ionia, the Athenian counuanders met Cullicratidas near the 
 
 aouthernrm)st point of Lesbos, off the Arginusae islands. Calli- 
 
 cratidas had left fifty galleys to maintain the blockade of Conon 
 
 at Mitylene, and with the remainder of his vessels had gone 
 
 out to intercept the Athenian fleet. The Athenians were so 
 
 new and inexperienced in mival warfare, that their generals 
 
 were forced to go into battle with their ships drawn up in an 
 
 unbroken line. The Spartans came on in open order, hoping 
 
 to turn the flank of the Athenians, or break their line. But Kufe. 
 
 the Athenians were numerically superior to their opponents, '^'"'' '^•^• 
 
 and ir spite of their want of skill and experience, succeeded in 
 
 wnniing a most decisive victory. Callicratidas himself was slain, 
 
 and seventy of his vessels destroyed or taken. The remaining 
 
 fifty escaped to Chios. Of the Athenian fleet fifteen were sunk ; 
 
 while a dozen were left water-logged, and in a helpless condition.' . 
 
 The want of discipline in the fleet, and the rawness of the 
 seamen, caused the Athenians to lose much of the legitimate 
 fruits of the victory. The generals had resolve.l to follow up It.remlU,. 
 their success by pushing on to Mitylene to prevent the escape 
 of the Spartan S(piadron there, when a storm arose which com- 
 pelled the Athenian ships to seek the safety of the shore. This 
 timidity led to two serious results: the Spartan fleet at 
 Mitylene escaped to sea, and several Athenian ships went down 
 in the gale with all their crews aboard. 
 
 The successful Athenian generals naturally expected n.^thing 
 but praise for a victory won under such disadvantageous cir- 
 cumstances. But when the news of the loss of the crews 
 reached Athens, a loud clamour was raised against the generals 
 for their neglect in allowing some hundreds of Athenian seamen 
 
200 
 
 HIHTOKY OF OKKECR. 
 
 to periHh, without nn effort being put forth to sjive them. The 
 
 fatal don 
 
 iide itHulf 
 
 Execution 
 of fhf 
 yeneraU. 
 
 niHgogio niMuenuo once more 
 generalH were at (mico doposoil, and when six of tliuni returned 
 to Athens to juHtify tlieir conduct, an iniquitous decree 
 was passed at tlie instigution of one Callixenus, wliich con- 
 demned the generals to death. Tlie deciuo was both unjust 
 and illegal, as it condemned the generals en bloc, instead of one 
 at a time ; and as such it w la strongly opposed by all the better 
 class of citizens. Socrates, the Athenian philosopher, on this 
 occasion, as on several others, remained firm and fearless in his 
 re.si«tanco to the nuidness of the Athenian mol). But it was all 
 in vain ; those who had stood out against the popular passion 
 were terrorized into silence, and rho decree was carried into 
 instant effect. Among those who thus unrighteously suffered 
 was Thrasyllus, the victor of Cyzic.is, an.l Pericles, the son of 
 Pericles the stateshian. When too lute, the impulsive people of 
 Athens rei)onted of their madness, and ordered the impeachment 
 of Callixenus and his abettors. The impeachment was eventually 
 dropped, but Callixenus remained an object of universal detesta- 
 tion, and died at last of hunger in the streets. 
 
 The victory of Arginusae had tiie effect of inducnig Sparta 
 once more to offer terms of peace, on the basis of each state 
 retaining its actual possessions at the time. Once more, too, 
 
 _„ demagogic influence defeated the proposals, and the war was 
 
 maJaofZ ^•'^n^^^'^'i ^it'i Lysander again in connnand of the Spartan fleet. 
 Spartan Lysander gathered together the remains of the fleet of Callicra- 
 tidas, and to these added all he could obtain from his Asiatic 
 allies. Cyrus, now that his friend Lysander was at the head of 
 the Spartan armament, was willing to open the Persian purse 
 freely to aid him. By this means a large fleet was built at Antan- 
 drus. Still Lysander did not think himself strong enough to 
 risk an engagement with Cc.non, the Athenian commander, and 
 therefore sailed away to the Hellespont to block the passage there 
 of the Athenian corn-ships. Conon was soon in pursuit with a 
 fleet of one hundred and eighty galleys. He found Lysander at 
 Liimps^cus, which place he had taken by storm. For four days 
 he offered him battle, but Lysander prudently refused. The 
 x\thenian admiral then took his post just opposit. Lamp- 
 
 Lymnder 
 
 fleet. 
 
 
HI8T0RY OF QREECK. 
 
 207 
 
 
 Hacns, on the coast of Thmciiin CherHoneHo, and waited for 
 his opponont to move. The Atiionian position was at Aegonp,,- 
 tftnii, a banun place, two mill's from Sustos, from which town 
 all tho HU[)i.lios f(»r the Huot had to bo drawn. As day aftur day 
 passed without Lysander stirring, the Athenians grow careless. 
 The men would leave their ships, and disperse throughout the 
 neighbourhood in search of food. Alcibiades, who was living 
 in the near vicinity, observing the danger, warned the Athenian 
 generals, and advised them to remove their fleet to Sestos. The 
 Hdvice was received with insolence, and Alcibiades withdrew. 
 
 The wisdom of this advice - w very soon to be made manifest, Battle of 
 for tho next day Lysander, who had been patiently biding Ids ''':'';;*f;'l% 
 ti.ne, came across che strait, and caught the Athenian fleet with ""' ''" " " 
 their seamen scattered abroad on the Chersonese. A n eftort was 
 made by the men to reach their vessels, but it was t.K. late. 
 Lysander with his fleet had fallen upon the half-manned Athen- 
 ian ships, and the work of destructi(m hegan. It was not a 
 battle, for resistance was out of the question. Most of the 
 Athenians escaped to shore, leaving one hundred and seventy 
 ships in the hands of the Spartans. Conon, with a few vessels, 
 managed to make his e, .;ai)e, and fled to Cyprus, where he took 
 service under the king of Saianus. Four thousand prisoners 
 fell into the hands of the Spartans, and were ordered to execu- 
 tion the day after the battle, by the cruel Lysander. Conon had 
 taken the precaution to send home the state-galley, the Paralus, 
 with the news of the crowning disaster at Aegospotami. The 
 tidings reached the Peiraeus at the close of the day. and soon 
 the sound of wailing was heard all up the Long Walls into the 
 city. None slept that night, all being fili d with dreadful fore- 
 bodings of a terril^le fate. For Athens was helpless. Her sole 
 fleet was destroyed, her treasury empty, her arsenals bare. Her 
 very supply of food was cut oft; ^he Spartans holding the key 
 of the Euxine and Hellespont. 
 
 Lysander knew well enough the helpless condition of Athens, 
 and ho acted accordingly. Step by step he took possession of the 
 cities and towns along the Hellespont and the coast of Thrace 
 that held Athenian anrria/v>io af.,wii,.f» ,> :„ „_:.i -.i 
 
 - D -J "t lilting, IE la said, LliC gaiTlSOns 
 
 m 
 ■\t\ 
 

 id: 
 
 u * 
 
 r M 
 
 208 
 
 HISTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 Sieae of 
 Athens, 
 
 Terms of 
 
 home to add to the starving population of Athens. Soon all 
 the cities and towns of Asia Minor held by Athens, save Samos 
 were in the hands of tlie Spartans. Lysander then .«ailed with 
 two hundred ships to the gulf of Aegina and blockaded the 
 Peiraeus. At the same time a large Spartan army moved down 
 from Decelea and closed in the doomed city landwards. In this 
 dire extremity the courage of the Athenians did not desert them. 
 The most strenuous efforts were put forth to hold the city 
 against the besiegers. B-t where force failed, hunger succeeded. 
 After months of siege the starving city sought for terms. The 
 Peloponnesians held a conference, and in spite of the protests 
 
 - ,„ ''^ Corinth and Thebes, who would have utterly destroyed 
 
 7S;'/;(f ^''^""«' '^ ^^^« de^i^^d to spare a city which had in times past- 
 B.C. done good service to the Greek cause. Athens was, however, 
 
 to be reduced to a condition in which she could do no further 
 harm to the allies,. With that object in view the demand was 
 made that her long walls and fortifications should be demolished ; 
 her fleet, with the exception of twelve ships, given up ; and that 
 she should become the subject-ally of Sparta. Also, her oligar- 
 chic exiles were to be recalled. 
 
 The conditicms were hard and humiliating, but tlioy were 
 better than the Athenians expected. So great was the famine 
 in the city that when Theramenes, the negotiator of the treaty, 
 announced the terms, they were greeted with shouts of joy, and 
 promptly agreed to by the Ecclesia. The gates were then 
 thrown open and the enemy admitted. Lysander landed at the 
 Peiraeus, and soon the whole city was in his hands. With 
 accompaninxents of music and choric dances the Long Walls were 
 broken down, and a great shout went up from the Peloponnesian 
 army at the downfall of what they considered the tyrant of 
 Greece, and the destroyer of the autonomy of the smaller towns 
 and cities. 
 
 Thus ended the Peloponnesian war, in the year 404 B.C., 
 having lasted twenty-seven years. 
 
 ill 
 
 .^ 
 
mm 
 
 CHAPTER XXIY. 
 
 IJTERATITRE AND PHILOSOPHY OF (JHKECK, FROM THE PERSIAN TO 
 THE END OF THE PELOPONNHSIAN WAR. 
 
 We have seen that epic and lyrical poetry were early developed 
 among the lonums of Asia Minor, while choral poetry of a reli- On.in of 
 gious nature was brought to perfection among the Dorian states. '''^^'•«'"«- 
 It was from these two elements, epic and clioral poetry, that the 
 Greek drama arose. The language of the two essential parts of 
 a Greek tragedy-the dialogue and the chorus-shows that the 
 former abounds in Ionic forms of dialect ; the latter, in Doric. 
 
 The Greek drama arose out of the Dionysia, or festivals of 
 Dionysus or Bacclms. Of all the deities, none appeared to the 
 t^reeks so closely connected with man as Dionysus, the god of Tragedy 
 iertihty and of wine, the giver of g„od cheer, merriment aiull'^L'^oTtt' 
 nappniess. At his festivals, boisterous and extravagant merri- 'f>fr''1^ip 
 ment manifested itself and took possession of the whole people 
 In the proces3ions in his honour, his followers, adorned with 
 ivy leaves and bearing the sacred thyrsris in their hands, sung 
 around the blazing altar the sacred odes in praise of the wine- 
 god From this rude ditliyranibic song, detailing the adventures 
 of tlie god, arose the germs of Tr.igedy and Comedy. A second 
 step was reached when some one in the chorus, actin^^ as leader' 
 assumed the character of the god himself, and from the steps of 
 the altar recited the deeds of the god or held a dialogue with 
 the chorus, or with some one member of the chorus who was 
 called the answerer^ afterwards the ordinary w.)rd for an actor. 
 There were four festivals of Dionysus ; the oldest was the 
 Lesser or Mnral Dionyda, held throughout the country town- 
 ships^ of Attica in December, when the grapes were gathered • 
 the Lenaea\ held in January, when the wine-press was hn^x'-T^T^' ""^ 
 the Anthesterla or ' feast of flowers, ' in Fe],ruary, wlien the cask 
 of last year's win. was opened, and the City or Greater Dionysia, 
 held in March. 
 
Arion, 600 
 B.C 
 
 II 
 
 210 HISTORY OP GRKECE. 
 
 Tragedy was exhibited at all these festivals, except at the 
 Anthesteria, but the exliibition of new tragedies took place at 
 the Lenaea or at the greater Dionysia. From the dithyrambic 
 odes and phallic song sprung Tragedy* and Comedy. « The 
 former meant originally 'the goat song,' because a goat was 
 offered up to Dionysus before the choral ode was sung ; while 
 the latter meant 'the village song,' and from it sprung the rude 
 jests and scurrilous jokes that were characteristic of the rural 
 Dionysia. At first the chorus was of a rude kind— nothing 
 more than a band of revellers led by a flute-player. Arion is 
 said to have given the dithyramb a regular form. He organized 
 a trained band of fifty persons, arranged around the altar of 
 Dionysus, and hence called by the name Cyclic or Circular 
 chorus. 
 
 Thespig, r,sr, Though the Athenians brought tragedy to its perfection 
 ^•^- among the Creelts, it did not originate with them. The rep oed 
 
 father of tragedy was Thespis, of Icaria, one of the townships 
 of Attica. He is said to have introducea an actor to give rest 
 to the chorus, and to have invented the mask. The immediate 
 successor of Thespis, Phrynlchus, still employed one actor, but 
 fl^S^RC. he improved the organization of the chorus by sub-dividing it 
 ■ • into separate groups, representing different sets of characters, 
 according to the theme of the ode sung. For example, in the 
 Phoenissae, in which he celebrates the deeds of the Athenians, 
 one group of the chorus represents Phoenician women who had 
 been sent to the Persian court, and another group, Persian 
 elders. We are told tliat he moved the Athenians to tears by 
 representing to them ' The Taking of Milekts.' 
 
 ?iT??"js'c '^^ Choerllus or to Prattnas is ascribed the invention of the 
 • Satyric drama. There can be no doubt that from the time of 
 Thespis, the subjects of tragedy had less and less to do with 
 events connected with the life and sufferings of Bacchus, and 
 that the accompanying satyrs would hardly })e suitable to a 
 tragedy celebrating the deeds of heroes. Pratinas, accordingly, 
 reserved the satyric chorus for the after piece, called the satyric 
 
 'Tpayojfiio, from Tpdyo:;, ' a yoat' ; ^S^, 'a song.' 
 '^Kut/j.ri, 'a village'; ^Sij, 'a song.' 
 
 Pratinas, 
 about .WO 
 B.C. 
 
HISTORV OF OREEOE. 
 
 211 
 
 play which usually ended the tetralogy, or ,et of four plays 
 namely, the tragic trilogy and the satyric play. After tC 
 
 t«: t:fei"tr' *° '"^ t'-' •^^'^"^ 4—" ■:; z 
 
 »nTl ; I, ^^' ""'" <'""™n«<l by the boisterous mirth 
 
 and laughable scenes of the satyric play or farce. 
 
 The real father, however, of Attic traoedv was A»„.hvl,.. 
 nafve of Eleu.is. At the age of U,^C Z^^:jS^:c. 
 ?hr UM u7h """ ''«»"'^' .P-'--- «-gh «fto,.t success 
 his careei. He fought along with his two brothers Ameinias 
 and Cy„aeg.rus at Marathon, and also at Salamis and PlI a 
 He was defeated by Sophocles in 468 B.C., and is said In conse 
 
 Hirw^nt''::^ ' ^"■'"r- '° "-^^-^totherrro; 
 
 The innovations that Aeschylus introduced into the drama 
 would justly entitle him to be called th. P„H„. ^ ■ „ 1 """' ^''"«»«K«n<i 
 
 much like? ^, ." '"""■"'^ *=""■'="'■' '■« '<""«' tragedy very 
 much hU a sacred oratorio is with us, the choral element nre 
 
 ir": ■:'dt:f ■"'t';""''' t™"'"'"^ -^ "- --tatTon of':: 
 
 actor, or a dialogue between the actor and the chorus. By add 
 ing a second actor, he made the dialogue independent of 1." 
 
 L^^it tftir'-di'r"^" T""'' pa' ts, whir^etdf s:t 
 
 servient to the dialogue. He is also said to have introduced 
 scenic p,unt,iig furnished his actors with appropriat dresses 
 and masks and paid due regard to the ohoS dances W t, 
 
 gioups of threes, each play complete in itself, but all three 
 
 hat called by the name of Oresteia, and embraces the Agamem 
 non, ChoephOri and EumSnIdes. ^gamem- 
 
 wiu, the gieater Dionysia ; to the king arohon, if the Lenaea. If 
 tlearchon approved of the phu , he granted a chorus, or rath" 
 ..e assigned to each dramatist a clun-e,,,^, th-ee actors, a teacher 
 of the chorus or choir-master, and a flute-player. The choregi 
 
 I) 
 
ii 
 
 
 
 f I >' 
 
 
 ! I 
 
 H I 
 
 i 
 
 il 
 
 d 
 
 212 
 
 
 Parts of a 
 
 Greek 
 theatre. 
 
 HISTORY OF OREECE. 
 
 were wealtliy clthouH, one chosen from each tribe, who under- 
 took to defray the expenses attending a dramatic representation. 
 They liad to collect the cliorus, pay for the teacher and flute- 
 player, find a place for them to practice, and defray all expenses 
 ccMinected with rehearsals and the performance. Often these 
 performances cost very much,— a trugic ch(n'us usually about six 
 hundred dollars, eipial to many times that sum now ; still, so 
 public-spirited were the Athenians that wealthy men vied with 
 each other in the magnificence of their choruses. The c/wregus 
 who had the best cliorus obtained a prize of a tripod, and a 
 street of Athens was filled with tripods of the successful choregi. 
 The lessee of the theatre provided the costumes of the actors, 
 the scenery and assistants needed. A selected number of persons 
 acted as judges and awarded the prize to the successful poet. 
 The admission fee was probably about six cents of our money,' 
 and this in the days of Pericles was supplied to the poorer classes 
 <jut of the public funds. 
 
 Before the time of Aeschylus, the Athenians had only a 
 temporary wooden theatre. It is said that at the first contest 
 between Aeschylus and Pratinas the scaftblding fell, and the 
 handsome stone theatre of Dionysus was begun, 500 b.c. It, 
 was situated on the s.e. descent of the acropolis in a place' 
 called Lenaea, and could hold thirty thousand spectators. 
 
 The essential parts of a Greek theatre were: the part 
 occupied by the spectators,' the dancing floor ^ for the evolutions 
 of the chorus, and the stage.* The part occupied by the specta- 
 tors consisted of rows of parts of concentric circles cut in the 
 solid rock, rising tier upon tier, with broad passages running 
 round the tiers and stairs, radiating from the orchestra. The 
 entrance was by two doors in front of the stage The orchestra 
 was a level space extending in front of the stage and somewhat 
 below the level of the lowest benches of the audience. It was 
 not completely circular, as one segment was wanting. In it, 
 the chorus performed its evolutions and dances, and in the 
 centre was the altar of Bacchus.* The stage was connected by 
 steps with the orchestra, and was higher than the nmbpsfra 
 
 'Otarpoi'. -opxrioTpa. •Uoyeioi'. *evp.f\r]. 
 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 213 
 
 probably on a level with the altar of Bacchus. The back ground 
 usually represented scenery suitable to the play exhibited. 
 
 The old dithyranibic chorus consisted of fifty pevfovmevs. The chorus. 
 Aeschylus broke up the chorus and assigned twelve to each play 
 of a tetralogy. Afterwards, in the time of Sophocles, this 
 chorus was increased to fifteen. 
 
 GREEK THEATRE. 
 
 Plan of Greek Theatre. 
 A, seats of the spectators ; b, jiassage between concentric rows of seats ; c, steps • 
 D, altar of Bacchus ; k, k, », entrances for the actors ; h, stage ; i entran'ce'for the 
 people and chorus. 
 
 While plays with us are exhibited at all seasons of the year, Differences 
 and generally at night, the Greeks confined their dramatic Sl'l" 
 representations to the seasoiHi of the Dionysia and to the day- *^" i^nglish 
 time. They did not, as with us, e^kibit single plays, but dramas ^^"^' 
 
 - I 
 
 
 • 8^H 
 
 
 1 
 
 ! 
 
 1 
 
 i'', ^ 
 
 ■ 
 

 214 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 fl 
 
 i m 
 
 m 
 
 (J).„»W.. m tetralogies ; that is, three tragedies (composing a trilogy) and 
 a satyno drama, or faroe. As we have said, the ?hree tr!gedts 
 ually formed a connected story. Again, these tetralogies were 
 placed m compefhon by rival poets for the tragic pri^e. The 
 theatre also, d.d not hold a few hundred spectators, but often 
 many thousands. The play of emotion expressed b^ facial e, 
 pressm,, so nnporUnt a matter to a modern actor, was unknown 
 to the Greeks, as all the actors wore raaskr 
 
 The Greek drama was essentially religion ..round the 
 %«.feoratarot Bacchus, the movements of the chorus were 
 
 (2) m -(«,.■. .t.t'J ■.■,!.'""■ "'? ^™'' ^"^"^ ''"»" »"'* *°™^ connected 
 S """"-Z^mT^, . '"^'''"'"S'""! PoriH a"d as the actors in the 
 
 atte hed i >f r ""'? ''*""• «"'''' "' '"'■'"=''> " ""^dness 
 attached tself to every character. With the main features of 
 
 ,^.rj? .,'" '^'"'^ ™^ *''" acquainted, and in this he 
 a fTered from he modem spectator, who knows little or nothing 
 
 „f h. f f Shakespeare says in Hamlet, that the object 
 
 of the drama, both at the first and now, was and is, to hoW as 
 
 twere the mirror up to n- re ; to show virtue her o™ feature 
 
 corn her own m,age, and the very age and body of the time hi 
 
 tltag'eXnT' ^ '^"""^"^ "^^"^"^ '° '^'^ '^-^ "' «» 
 
 ■idel^Atf'' " """^ "^ °*'"''' * ™''"* °f ^'hens, was an 
 Ideal Athenian, m„tmg m himself beauty and gracefulness of 
 
 nlaTfr t! *''"™ °' """•'• ^" *''^ P""- '-J-^-'-g "-t took 
 place aer he victory of Salamis, the youthful poet was selected 
 
 Gam, fira ."" *"* ''""^'"' of » "''"s™ chorus of youths who «ang the 
 ^.^e,m tmvmoT song of victory to the aecompanimeut of iis lyre 
 At the age of twenty-seven he gained his first victory over 
 
 monarch of the tragic stage. We know nothing of the next 
 twenty-five years of his life. In 440 b.o. he was appoi"ted 
 
 «»,«5*c. revolted. He died in the year of the battle of AegospotSmi. 
 
 Though Aeschylus excels all other Greek tragedians in the lofty 
 fliglus oi genius, aophocles possesses in his characters more dra 
 
 Sophocles, 
 U95-lt05 B.C. 
 
...^mm^m^mmm 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 215 
 
 t 
 
 matic truthfulness and more human interest. The persons in the 
 dramas of the former are too awful, and too superhuman to appeal 
 directly to the sympathies of mankind. Sophocles, on the other 
 hand, is a master in depicting the primary emotions of our 
 nature, in the construction of his plots, and in the finish and 
 polish of his language. He also maintains the moral tone that 
 is essentially characteristic of the plays of Aeschylus. 
 
 Euripides was born in the year of the battle of Salamis. Euripides, 
 Though removed by only fifteen years from Sophocles, he ^'*- ■^'' ^•^'• 
 represents a wholly new order of things. In early life he tried 
 painting, and under the sopliists Prodlcus, and philosopher 
 Anaxagoras, he received instruction in rhetoric and philosophy. 
 No doubt, to tliese he owed his taste for disputation, which is 
 manifest everywliere in his plays, and whicli was so severely 
 censured by his great critic, the comic poet Aristophanes, who 
 lashed him with unsparing severity as an atheist, a quibbler&w* to Ma- 
 and a bad artist. He left Atliens in disgust and took refuge ^^'J?"*"- -^^^ 
 with Archelaus, king of Macedonia, at whose court he died. 
 No Greek poet has suff'ered so much from detraction as 
 Euripides, and this detraction was mainly at the hands of the 
 comic poet Aristophanes. No doubt the poet was ascetic in 
 nature, imbued with the philosophical spirit of the age, and 
 looked witli favour on the new ideas propounded by the sophists, 
 to all of which Aristophflnes was opposed. No doubt, too, his 
 choral odes had less connection with the dialogue than those of 
 Sophocles ; no doubt, too, he represents his characters as argu- 
 ing like sophists or reasoning like atheists ; still, no tragic poet 
 made his dramas conform more to the Shakesperian idea of the 
 design of the drama. His heroes are not the heroes of Homer, 
 Aeschylus and Sophocles. They are the Athenians whom he 
 saw every day discussing politics in the Ecclesia, wrangling in 
 the schools of philosophy, or arguing in the law court of Athens. 
 
 Nothing strikes the modern writer more than the number ProUfic 
 of dramas composed by the Greek poets. Out of seventy dramas, grfetdr/ 
 seven of Aeschylus remain ; seven also of Sophocles survive out »»«<i»<» 
 of upwards a hundred ; while Euripides left seventeen out of 
 ninety -two. 
 
 !■ tl 
 
 •f* 
 
i' 
 
 Hi! 
 
 ■ I 
 
 216 
 
 Comedy. 
 
 Suaarion, 
 about 080 
 B.C. 
 
 Ejncharnnis 
 5W B.C. 
 
 Old Attic 
 Corned ji, 
 character- 
 istics of. 
 
 itlSTORY OK (JRKECK. 
 
 Comedy, like tragedy, arose out of tlie festivals of Bacchus 
 which the vdlage pec.ple of Attica celebrated with boisterous 
 revelry at the time of the vintage. At such celebrations lude 
 bitmg jests, humorous and boisterous soMgs, accomimnied with 
 appropriate jestures and broad jokes, delighted the admirin.r 
 crowd. " 
 
 Susarion, a native of Megara, is said to have been the 
 inventor of comedy. Tradition states that he conveyed his 
 company of strolling players in carts from one place to another 
 llie faces of his players were nof, covered with masks, as was the 
 case with the actors of tragedy, but with the lees of wine. Com- 
 edy in his day is said to have l^een extemi)orary eflfusions. 
 
 Epicharmus, a Sicilian of Megara, is supposd to have been the 
 earliest writer of Greek comedy. Little, however, is known of 
 him. 
 
 Attic comedy began with Crate., Cratinus, and Eupolis 
 These were the forerunners of Aristoplutnes, the chief exponent 
 of Attic comedy among the Greeks. Along with Aristophanes, 
 these belong to the old Attic comedy. The characteristics of this 
 school of comedy were : the presence of p chorus and the repre- 
 sentation of real characters un.ler real names. The peculiarity of 
 the comic chorus was t\^& parahasis, which was an address of the 
 poet through the mouth of the chorus, and so called because they 
 passed from the position they occupied previously, to one in front 
 of the audience. The comic chorus was twenty-four In the 
 hands of the comic poet, the play was to the people of Athens 
 what the newspa])er, review, satire, pamphlet, and comic paper is 
 to the people of the present day. Nothing was safe from the ridi- 
 cule of the comic poet. Not only were public men attacked with 
 merciless scurrility, but political institutions, often venerable for 
 their age, were assailed, and the whole administration of educa 
 tion, law, finance, held up to ridicule and scorn. The comic 
 poet thought that he had a right to direct his shafts against 
 any abuse whatever, and he even invaded the sanctity of the 
 home, and ridiculed the private life of not a few of the leading 
 statesmen of the day. ° 
 
 -4ristopliaues was born near Athens. We know little about 
 
HISTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 217 
 
 lu8 personal liistory, and this seems strange in the case of Hn Ari.to,>h. 
 public a man. With unsparing severity he lashed in hisW^^"'"^' 
 come<hes the abuses of the day. The system of education intro- ' ' 
 duced by tlie sopliists, statesmen like Pericles and Cleon 
 Socrates, the rights of w(nnen, the Utopian ideas of Plato, and 
 especially the poet Euripides, were all ridiculed and held up to 
 public derision in his comedies. 
 
 When Sparta had reduced Athens and established an aristo- Middle 
 cratic despotism, the liberty of the comic poets was restrained ; ^il'/'^'M'^^^ 
 personal satire was discarded, or if the characters were real, 
 which sometimes was the case, their names were fictitious. 
 According to Schlegel, the distinguishing characteristics were : 
 absence of personal satire, introduction of real characters under 
 fictitious names, or purely fictitious characters, and the dismissal 
 of the chorus. 
 
 New Comedy sprung up at the accession of Alexander iv«!. Corned?, 
 the Grejit. It discarded the personal satire we find in the^''^"^*^ ^•^• 
 Old Comedy, and resembled more the society-play. Coarse 
 jests gave way to refined hmnour, and typical, rather than 
 individual, characters were brought on the stage, while the 
 prologue was substituted for the parabasis. 
 
 Herodotus is the earliest Greek historian whose works have Historiam 
 come down to our own day. He was born at Halicarnassus, a 
 Dorian city of Caria, but having a large Ionian element ariK^iK^ 
 Its peojDle. He left Halicarnassus to escape the tyranny oim-STc. 
 Lygd.^ lis, and went to Samos, where he probably met with 
 Sophoclec and Pericles. He assisted his countrymen in expell- y...^ 
 ing Lygdamis, and afterwards went to Athens. Subsequently AtheL. 
 he joined a colony to Thurii, where he died. 
 
 In early life Herodotus travelled far and wide. From Ecl)a- 
 tana, Susa, and Babylon in the east, to Magna Graeela in the JflZd^-^ 
 west, and from the northern shores of the Euxine to the first "" " "*" 
 cataract of the Nile, he explored the vast region. His greatest 
 work was his History of the great struggle between the East and ui^tory of 
 the West, between Asia and Europe. This h(^stility was first /.I'"'*'*" 
 manifested in historical times by Croesus, of Lydia. Thus he " '"" 
 describes the history of Lydia, But Lydia was conquered by 
 
 1^' 
 
2^^ HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 Cyrus, the great king of Persia, who after conquering the Medes, 
 overthrow the Babylonian and Assyrian monarchies. The 
 expedition against Egypt uncUa- Canihyses, and that of Darius 
 against Scythia, suggests the history of these countries. In tliis 
 way the history of Herodotus involves tlie liistory of Persia, 
 Media, Babylonia, Assyria, Lydia, Egypt. 
 
 vtefic' ^^''""°'' Herodotus is called the Father of History, Thucydldes 
 may be said Uy be the first philosophic liistorian. He was an 
 Athenian, and a younger cousin of the statesman Cimon. In the 
 year 424 B.o. he was in command of an Athenian fleet on the 
 t:rnr.i m !^'"'^^f "^ "''•^«^- ^^'^ '"^ ^^^^'M "eglect of duty, a charge was 
 Uosn.c. ' brought against liiin by Cleon and he was exiled, and lived 
 during that period either at Sparta or in places under Spartvn 
 power. 
 
 Workx 
 
 
 I 
 
 Greek 
 philosophy. 
 
 His great work was the history of the Peloponnesian War or 
 rather the part of it that preceded 411 B.C. From personal 
 knowledge he relates many of the events. In fact he often 
 describes many of the scenes as an eye-witness weighs the 
 testimony direct and indirect in cases on which he cannot 
 get information, and exhibits great care and accuracy in chrono- 
 logical events. He is brief and concise, and consequently is 
 often obscure. lEis speeches are political essays, especially the 
 celebrated funeral oration of Pericles over those who di..d of 
 the plague in the second year of the Peloponnesian war. 
 
 In a previous chapter* a brief account was given of tlie earlier 
 Greek philosophy, and its exponents. The sketch closed with the 
 views of Anaxagoras, who introduced into his explanation of 
 the universe the idea of thought, of mmd, of intellupnce. Mere 
 physical causes were not deemed sufhcient for the explanation 
 of the phenomena of the universe ; and so the /ery important 
 step m advance was taken of recognizing that only iiitelli<rence 
 operating on or through matter could give rise to the harmrny 
 and variety existing in the world. The philosophy of Heraclitus 
 and the logic of the Eleatics, gave good grounds for the doctrine' 
 that things have no reality apart from the perceiving mind and 
 that our knowl edge's m^asured^by our feelings, emotions, and 
 ♦Chapter XI. ' 
 
HISTORY OF GUEECK, 
 
 219 
 
 ideas. In brief, the opinion that * man is the measure of all 
 thmgs' began to be tauglit. We can be sure of nothing, said 
 these thinkers, beyond our sensations and emotions? An 
 external reality beyond ourselves, and independent of ourselves, 
 cannot be proven. To men of this way of thinking, the name' 
 'sophist' was applied. The word 'sophist,' or "wise man,' 
 was at first u.sed as a term of honour, to designate men like the ^^""^f"'"''- 
 ' seven sages,' but, in process of time, it became a term of 
 reproach. It is jasy to understand wliy it should be so. To 
 challenge the reality of knowledge soon led men to (piestion all 
 the time-honoured beliefs of the people. The S(,i)]iist developed 
 into the free-thinker of his day. No belief, no superstition, 
 was too sacred for hh merciless satire. The age in which the 
 sophists flourished was pre-emintuiMy an age oi self-seeking, and 
 of self-indulgence. Authority in the state, as well as in philo- 
 sophy, was held in little respect. Men were taught that to 
 acquire wealth, enjoy sensual pleasures, gain notoriety among 
 their fellows, were among the principal objects in life. But to 
 attain success in these pursuits, a certain training was essential. 
 Nothing so much promoted the intei-ests of the individual as 
 skill in public speaking. A brilliant oration in the Ecclesia 
 before the assembled Greek citizens often brought glory, honour, 
 power, and eventually wealth. Hence it was natural that 
 teachers of rhetoric should be in high esteem, and be well 
 rewarded. The instructor who could teach his pupil to fence 
 skilfully in words, to be ready in debate, to employ successful 
 and specious arguments to make the ' worse appear the better 
 part,' was in great demand. In this line of instruction the 
 sophists ac(piired great renown. Their schools were thronged 
 with the youth of the rich and the ambitious. They had ail the 
 arts of eloquence at their connnand, and were masters of the 
 theory and practice of rhetoric. 
 
 But the sophists were more than free-thinkers, scoffers, and 
 venal instructors of youth. While it has been charged against 
 them that they were unscrupulous, and taught others to 
 disregard the distinction between right and wrong, it is also 
 true that many of them rendered great service to tlie state. If 
 they denied the absolute character of knowledge, they taught a 
 
 M 
 
220 
 
 m> 
 
 Socrates. 
 
 HISTORY OF OUKKCK. 
 
 valuable truth wheu fcl.ey called attention to the relative chnrac 
 er of our idous. They Hcoffed at tinie-hon. ured beliefH, 
 but they taugiit u.en to apply the touch8t<.ne of reason to all 
 thn.gH. Before their time elo,p,eiKe was an unknown art, and 
 to great teachers like Isocrfttes we nuiy ascribe the foun.ling of 
 a school of oratoiy that has made Greece famous. Many of the 
 sophists were learned men ; son.e ac,,uired a just fame in the 
 realn.K of letters, philosophy, and rhetoric. G..rgiaH, l>rodicu8 
 and Hippias were employed as ambassadors. Protag(,ra8 taught 
 morals ; Pro.lKMia was a grammarian a .d etymologist. Others 
 taught mditary exercises and the art of war. In short, * the 
 sophists made general culture universal.' They were not only 
 founders of eloquence, but the founders of Attic prose ; and the 
 attention they gave to style in literature produced the happiest 
 results. 
 
 The first so-called sophist was Protagoras, of Abdgra, who 
 flourished about 440 b.o. Among the most celebrated of those 
 who followed him may be mentioned Gorgias, who came to 
 Athens from Leontini in Sicily; Crittas, Polus, Thrasymachus 
 Hippias of Elis, and Prodicus of Ceos. Of these it may be 
 remarked that the early sophists were of a higher character and 
 more cautious in their statements, than their successors. ' For 
 mstance, Prot.-igoras and Gorgias were less audacious in their 
 speculations and utterances than Critias, Thrasymachua and 
 Hij)pias. 
 
 Confounded with the sophists by Aristophanes, but wholly 
 different from, if not antagonistic to them, was Socrates the 
 greatest of Greek teachers and, perhaps, the most enlightened of 
 the heathen world. Born near Athens, 4(59 b.c, his station in 
 life was humble, but respectable. His father, Sophroniscus, was 
 a statuary, and Socrates himself is said to have worked at the 
 trade with marked success. He, however, soon abandoned this 
 occupation, for he is found, while a comparatively young man 
 spending his whole time in the gymnasia, market-places, public 
 walks and schools, engaged in conversation with the people he 
 met, or engaged in teaching in his own peculiar fashion such 
 youths as felt drawn to him. Unlike the sophists, he taught 
 without fee, his sole desire being to lead others to see and 
 
III8T0HY OF «HKKCK. 221 
 
 ackiiowlodg., what was true hii.1 ii«ht. Ht> sol.lcm left Athens, 
 fllth.,.l^.h he Hervecl will. .listiiioti..ii, hh an hnplite, iit I^otiduea,' 
 Dolium, and Aiiiphipdis. Mis phyHinil cmtitnti.,!! was «f 
 tho best. Uo HoeuhKl wholly iiidittbiunt to c.ld or h::at, aiul 
 was cai)al.lo of endnriiijr great ImrdHhips. Clad, summer or 
 winter, in tho Himplest and mont Hparinir of garments, barefoot 
 in all weather, with a faeo remarkable for its uglinesH, he was 
 soon a cou8j)icuouH figure at Athens, and kn.,wn to every one. 
 He is Huid to liavo po.s.ses.sed a l)road, l)eMt, upturned nose, 
 thick 111.., and i)r..truding eyes, and was frecpiently compared 
 in appearance to tlio god Slleniis. Socrates, himself, was 
 indiHerent ♦.» his personal appearance, although to a (ireok 
 ugliness was almost synonymous with wickedness. 
 
 Like the typical Athenian of his day, Socrates was fond of the 
 society of his fellows, nrbane and good-humoured. His own 
 family, as was the fashion with tho men of his class, was almost 
 wholly neglected while ho was busy in the work of instructing 
 the youths of other men. Hence, it is not surprising to tind 
 that his domestic relations were decidedly uni)leasant, his wife, 
 Xantippe, being often goaded to violent displays of temper by 
 her philosophic husband's neglect of his home duties. 
 
 It is impossible to separate tho '-aching of Socrates from his * 
 daily lifo and practice. He never wrote anything, nor did he 
 attemi)t to fornuilate any scheme of philosophy. He was pre- 
 ennnently a te n-licr of morals. Early disgusted with the fruit- TheSocratic 
 less and unfounded speculations in physics of his j.redecessors, ""''""^" 
 he abandoned the study for an investigation of the nature of 
 virtue. His method, known as the Socratic, was that of interro- 
 gating his associates and pupils, with a view to exhibiting to 
 them, by the nature of their replies, their ignorance and errors. • 
 Pretending to know nothing himself of the question under 
 consideration, he generally succeeded by a skilful cross-exami- 
 nation in making the (luestioned contradict himself so hoi)eless1y 
 that he was fain to admit tho error of his oj)inions. This was 
 not done through any desire of fame as an expert logician, but 
 solely as a means of reaching the truth, and convincing others 
 of the unsoundness of tJieir opinions. Such a system, while it 
 had its attractions for the sincere and earnest seeker after the 
 
 ! : 
 
 i. ' 
 
 ■ 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 ^^H 
 
 •> 
 
 ^^H 
 
 k.. ill 
 
 ^^1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
222 
 
 iiillii 
 
 Ir^ r' 
 
 Socratei 
 ' demon. ' 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 ^uth, could not fail to irritate many who little relished being 
 put t V shame ana confusion before their associates. So cease 
 lessly was feocrates engaged in his eager and public pursuit of 
 knowledge and so ready was ^he always to enter into conversa- 
 tion with all comers on his favourite themes, that he became 
 one of the best known, if not tlie most disliked, citizen of his 
 tune. Hence Aristophanes, who disliked innovations, satirized 
 iinn m his Clouds in a most shameless manner. 
 
 A remarkable feature in the career of Socrates was his constant 
 avowal of tlie possession of an inner voice or 'demon,' which 
 warned him against certain actions, and thus regulated and con- 
 rolled Ins conduct. Socrates was a believer in the gods, and was 
 taithful m his religious duties and sacrifices ; nevertheless he 
 seems to have rise.i above the prevalent belief in many gods to 
 tlie conception of a Supreme Being who governs the universe 
 Perhaps^ it was his frequent mention of his guiding voice or 
 demon, and his broader teachings of the nature of the g. ds 
 and of truth that led to his being accused, in his seventieth 
 year, of instilhng, l,y his teacliing, contempt for the gods, intro- 
 ducing new deities and corruptiucr the youth of Athens His 
 accusers were men of little note, and doubtless were moved by 
 political dislike to attack him. His manner of life, his contempt 
 for popular follies, his justness of conduct, were constant re- 
 proaches to the venal and fickle citizens of Athens. When 
 charged witlx tiieso offences, he made his defence, but refused to 
 ask for mercy. He boldly told tlie Athenians that he deserved 
 to be supported at the expense of the city, as a public benefactor, 
 instead of suffering any penalty. The members of the iury or 
 dicasts, were irritated by such language, and the vote being 
 taken, a small majority decided against him and he was con 
 demned co die. His sentence could not be carried out for thirty 
 days and this time he spent with his friends and disciples, 
 calmly conversing on the prol,Iems of life and the immortality 
 of the soul. His friends made provision for his escape, but he 
 refused to accept it. Surrounded by his sorrowing disciples, he 
 calmly drank the deadly hemlock, in the year 399 B.C. 
 
 His character has been well summarized by Xeno],hon, one 
 of Ins devoted disciples : ' He was so pious that he did nothir-^ 
 
 M 
 
'ttata 
 
 wmmtmm 
 
 HISTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 Without the sanction of the gods ; so just that he never wronged 
 any one m the least degree ; so much master of liimself that he 
 never preferred the agreeable to the good ; so wise, that in 
 deciding on the better and the worse he never failed ' 'He 
 was the best and happiest man that could possibly exist.' 
 
 The teaching of Socrates was so many-sided that his dis- 
 ciples were able to empliasize its various aspects, and, hence, 
 there arose different schools of philosophy, all based on tlie 
 Socratic Ideas. As already stated, Socrates himself founded 
 no school, but in his teaching were the germs of many scliools 
 But the consideration of these -the Cynic, Cyrenaic, and Me- 
 garic schools-must be deferred until a later period oi the 
 history. 
 
 223 
 
 iUK j 
 
liitJ 
 
 Spartan 
 
 nupreniacy 
 
 restored. 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 THK SPARTAN SUrREMACY. 
 
 The tragic close of the Pelopoimesian war ended the Confed- 
 eracy of Delo.s, and the Athenian sui)remacy. An opportunity 
 had been furnislied the Atlienians to prove their capacity for 
 leadersliip, and to bring about the unification of Greece under 
 that leadership. Tlie result showed that Athens was alike unfit 
 for, and unequal to the tusk. Her rule had degenerated into one 
 characterized by narrow selfishness. The interests of her allies 
 were made subordinate to her own. Their money was spent on 
 enterprises having in view the benefit of Athens alone. Their 
 citizens were dragged into wars which served merely to gratify 
 the lust for conquest and gain of the Athenian people. True, 
 their rule was comparatively mild ; nevertheless it was the rule 
 of a tyrant, and sometimes that of a tyrant none too merciful. 
 The love of their autonony, or independence, m as the most 
 profound sentiment of the Greek states, small or great. It was 
 this sentiment which really destroyed the leadership of Athens, 
 and shattered the Confederacy of Delos. The result of the 
 Peloponnesian war was to show that Greece was not yet 
 pre])ared to be a nation. The idea of a united Greece was 
 apparently as far oflf as ever. 
 
 For a short time, however, Sparta was now to exercise the 
 chief inrtueiice, and, in a certain sense, to dominate over the 
 Greek states. The allies had rejoiced over the downfall of 
 Athens, seemingly unaware that they had thrown off the mild 
 yoke of Athens, only to take upon themselves the hard one of 
 Sparta. 
 
 At the outset, Lysander did a few things to . nciliate Grecian 
 public opinion. He restored the Aeginetans and Melians to 
 their island homes, although there were few to take advantage 
 of the long-delayed act of justice. The Messenians were 
 expelled from Naupactus, and forced to take refucre 
 
 [224] 
 
 Libya. 
 
HISTOKY OP GKKKCE. 
 
 225 
 
 The Locriana were then brought back to Naupactus, from which 
 they had been driven by the Athenians. Spartan governors, 
 or Harmods, each with a body of Spartan soldiers under him, 
 were placed in the cities of Ionia and the Hellespont. Sup- 
 ported by committees chosen from tlie most pronounced Spar- 
 tan sympathizers in each city, they exercised the power of gSrfei 
 despots. It was expected that after the downfall of Athens, all 
 danger from that quarter having disappeared, these Harmosts, 
 with their troops, would be recalled. But such was not the 
 policy of Lysander. He seems to have followed, to some extent, 
 in the fatal footsteps of Pausanias, and like him to have been 
 carried away by his military successes, and the fulsome flatteries 
 of his servile followers. The Harmosts were retained in the 
 personal interests of Lysauder himself, and were chosen from 
 his own followers. They were used by the oligarchs in each city 
 to prevent the constitutional magistrates from discharging their 
 duties, and soon the free democratic government of the cfties in 
 Asia became a shadow. The power passed into the hands of 
 the oligarchs, and the Spartan garrison. The oligarchs in return 
 for the support of the Harmost in repressing democratic senti- 
 ment, allowed him to plunder the people and steal the public 
 money. Very soon the cities of Asia learned to regret that 
 they had listened to the specious prcmiises of Sparta, and had 
 thrown off their allegiance to Athens. 
 
 Spartan tyranny and misgovernment were not the sole evils 
 that resulted from the overthrow of the Athenian empire in 
 Asia. Persian encroachments soon followed. It was by the 
 aid of Persia that Sparta had triumphed, so when Cyrus and 
 Pharnabazus began to threaten the liberties of the ("xreek towns 
 on the coast, Lysander and his Spartans stood idly by, umvilling 
 to oppose the aggressive action of the Persians. In this wayt 
 by the tacit consent of Sparta, many Greek towns were relegated 
 to Persian slavery, although they had been free for seventy 
 years. 
 
 The personal rule of Lysander in the Aegean soon became so 
 pronounced, and his vaulting ambition so apparent, that the 
 ephors in alarm summoned him to return to Sparta. He 
 obeyed, and being confronted with many charges of misgovern- 
 
 
 
226 
 
 HlSrORY OF GKEECE. 
 
 El:«J 
 
 W' 
 
 m 
 I' M 
 
 
 h- "i 
 
 li ' ? 
 k I' fi 
 fill'" ' 
 f ' * 
 
 I*, I 
 
 frti ! 
 
 «iit 
 
 , 
 
 Lysander 
 called to 
 accowit. 
 
 Oli/jarchic 
 flovernmeiU 
 at Athens. 
 
 The Thirty 
 Tyrants. 
 
 ment and insubordination, was told to defend himself. Instead 
 of so doing, he left the city and went to Libya. After a short 
 stay there he came back to Sparta, and assuming the position 
 of a private citizen was left unmolested. 
 
 Perhaps, however, no city felt more keenly the evil results of 
 Spartan sui)remacy than Athens. When the gates were opened to 
 the forces of Lysander, there came with the Spartans the oligarclis 
 belonging to the Four Hundred, who had, during their "exile, 
 taken refuge in the Spartan camp. Their return was signalled by 
 the appointment of a committee of thirty oligarchs to revise the 
 Athenian constitution. When opposition wad offered to tliis 
 flagrant attack upon the liberties of the people, Lysander 
 appeared in the Ecclesia, and by his threats silenced the demo- 
 cratic leaders. The committee thus appointed had for its 
 chief members Critia^, a former member of tlie Four Hundred, 
 and Theramenes, 'the ' Turncoat,' who ouce more had joined the 
 oligarchs, their fortunes being now in the ascendant. 
 
 The members of this committee of thirty soon became known 
 as the 'Thirty Tyrants.' Having revised the constitution 
 so as to destroy every vestige of popular government, they 
 showed no signs of resigning their office. The Dicasteries and 
 the Ecclesia were abolished, all power being left in tlie hands of 
 the Bale, every member of which v as an oligarch. Not con- 
 tent with this destruction of the time-honoured, free constitution 
 of Athens, the 'Thirty' asked for a Spartan garrison, by whose 
 aid they could retain their ill-gotten power. Lysander sent 
 them seven hundred soldiers, under -the command o^ a Spartan 
 harmost, who took possession of the citadel. 
 
 Firmly entrenched in power, as they thought themselves, the 
 'Thirty' proceeded to work tlieir will at the expense of the 
 wealthy and prominent democrats of Athens. Some were put to 
 death on frivolous charges ; others, like Thrasybulus, were sent 
 into exile. The motives that led to the perpetration of these 
 dastardly deeds were fear of revolt and greed of gain. Covetous 
 eyes were cast on the property of every wealthy man not belong- 
 ing to the party of the 'Thirty.' Alci})iades, although living 
 far distant from Athens, was an object of dread and suspicion ; 
 
a^»i^ 
 
 I 
 
 HISTORY OF tillEECK. 
 
 227 
 
 and, through their machinations, he was murdered as he passed 
 -hrongh Phrygia to the court of the Persian king at Susa. 
 
 So numerous and wanton were the murders of prominent 
 men, that the more moderate members of tlie ' Thirtv ' protested 
 fearmg that tlie Athenians, through sheer desperkon, would 
 me against their oppressors. Tlxeramenes, in particular, ur^ed 
 upon his colleagues the necessity of greater moderation and 
 caution. But Critias would brook no advice. He, however 
 took the precaution to disarm the Athenian populace, leaving 
 weapons in the hands of the friends of the oligarchs only, a bodJ 
 of men three thousand strong. After this, feeling themselves 
 secure, the misdeeds and atrocities of the ' Tyrants' were more 
 frequent and hideous than ever. Plunder, and murder for 
 plunder s sake, became the order of the day. It socm became 
 apparent to every one, except Critias and his immediate follow- 
 ers, that tins state of things was too terrible to last Ther-i- 
 menes, th..roughly alarmed, became so emphatic in his protests 
 that Critias began to suspect that he was meditating another of 
 his periodical political somersaults. He now resolved to rid 
 himself of a troublesome and, perhaps, perfidious colleague 
 Arming a number of his friends and followers, he entered with 
 them into the Senate and forced that body to pass a decree con- S!J^C„.. 
 demning Tlieramenes to death. The sentence was at once 
 carried out, and Tlieramenes partially atoned for his political 
 instability by the courage with which he drank the fatal hemlock. 
 As Theramenes foresaw, the liigh-handed tyranny of Critias 
 and his colleagues brought about tlieir downfall. The story of 
 the destruction of their power is as follows : 
 
 Thrasybulus, the exiled general, took refuge, along with many nou^rall of 
 others, at Ihebes. Encouraged by the disaffection at Athens he i'," '^^'''^v 
 gathered together a body of one hundred men, who resolved to "'"'"*" 
 make an attempt to free Athens. Armed and provisioned by 
 tlie Boeotians, the little band crossed the Attic frontier and took 
 possession of the fort at Phyle. The 'Thirty,' after a time 
 sent an armed force to take the fort, but the attempt failed A 
 second and stronger expedition was .sent, which vhs equally 
 unsuccessful, as the force of Thrasybulus, by this time, had 
 
 
228 
 
 HISTORY OF OHEEOIi. 
 
 i! 
 
 11 ' 
 
 m 
 
 incre.i.secl to seven hundred men. Eiicournged by their success, 
 the patriotic exiles seized the Peiraeus, and ranging themselves 
 on the slope of the hill Munychia, awaited the attack of their 
 enemies. Very soon Critias appeared on the scene with the 
 three thousand, and the Peloponnesian garrison of seven hundred 
 men. A fierce struggle took place in the narrow streets, which 
 ended in tlie exiles, in spite of tlieir deficiency in weapons and 
 armour, re])ulsini,' their opponents with heavy loss. Among the 
 slain was Critias and seventy of his followers. 
 
 Anarchy now sot in at Athens. The people rose against their 
 oppressors ; and, finding themselves in the minority, the remain- 
 ing members of the 'Thirty' fled to Eleusis. From this point 
 they sent urgent messages to Sparta for hel[). Fortunately 
 for Athens, Lysander, who wished to restore the oligarchs, was 
 at this time in bad odour with the ephors. His advice was not 
 heeded ; the ephors instead sent Pausanias, the king, to take 
 command of the army in Attica. Pausanias was a man of more 
 than oi-dinary liberality and moderation, and he sym])athized 
 with the afflicted peojile «)f Athens. His energies were now 
 bent to restfiring -leace and order to the troubled city ; and 
 he succeeded. The oligarchs were deposed, and replaced by 
 elected strategi ; and the exiles were giv( n back their property 
 and rights of citizenship. A solemn thanksgiving was held to 
 of the old ni''^i*k the close of the period of anarchy, and new archons 
 sll't.'m'^' ^^''^ chosen. The old constitution was restored sixteen months 
 BC. after the city had fallen into the hands of Lysander. 
 
 The disturbances at Athens being satisfactorily settled, Sparta 
 turned her attention to Elis. An old grudge, revived by some 
 new grievances, led Sparta to invade her neighbour's territory. 
 The Eleans were completely defeated in two campaigns, and 
 their subject districts given their independence. 
 
 The year 401 B.C. was an imi)ortant year in the history of 
 both Greece and Persia. Three years before, King Darius II. of 
 Persia had died, and, much to the disappointment of his younger 
 son, Cyrus, left his throne to his eldest son, Artaxerxes II. 
 Cyrus was not to be deprived thus easily of the royal power. 
 He levied a large body of native troops in his satrapy, 
 
 
HISTOKY OF GREECE. 
 
 229 
 
 i 
 
 and to these he added thirteen thousand Greek mercenaries, 
 under the command of Clearchus, tlie Spartan harmost of Byzan- 
 tium, and other leaders. It was a mixed throng that enlisted 
 in the service of Cyrus. Spartan and Athenian were equally 
 ready to serve a master who gave good pay, and who challenged 
 their admiration by his daring aiid ability. Cyrus, however, ^JLuhf 
 knownig the dread the average Greek felt in penetrating into ^'^^^^" 
 the heart of the Persian empire, did not at first tell his 
 followers the object of his expeditiim. They were led to believe 
 that they were expected to operate against some tribes in 
 Southern Asia Minor. But when they had gone eastwards as 
 far as the Euphrates, and retreat was difficult, he told* them 
 that their enemy was the king of Persia himself. Great rewards 
 were promised in the event of Gyrus proving successful in 
 dethroning his brother, and the expedition went boldly on 
 towards Susa. When within a few days' march of Babylon, 
 the Persian king and his army were encountered. 
 
 Although greatly outnumbered, Cyrus' little army of Greeks 
 and natives would have won the day had not Cyrus, in a rash 
 attempt to reach his brother and slay him, been killed himself. 
 The death of Cyrus caused his native troops to scatter, and the 
 Greeks were left stranded in the heart of the Persian empire. 
 Their leader being dead, they had no cause for which to fight. 
 They were without guides lamiliar with the country, and they 
 were hundreds of miles from the nearest sea. To add to their 
 distress and embarrassment, their leaders, Clearchus and others, The Ten 
 were drawn into a conference with Tissaphernes, the satrap, and "" 
 then treacherously assassinated. * Perplexed, but not cast 
 down,' they elected other officers— of whom Xenophon, the 
 Athenian and historian, was one— and began their march north- 
 wards, through the mountains of Armenia, in hopes of reaching 
 the sea. The story of this journey is told by Xenophon in the 
 Anabasis. In spite of the inclemency of the seasfm, of roads 
 blocked by snow, of attacks by the hostile and warlike tribes of 
 the hilly regions, tlie heroic band, ten thcnisand strong, suc- 
 ceeded in reaching the Euxine, after a year (,>f wandering and o? 
 deadly peril. Even then, their troubles were not at an end. 
 Looked upon with suspicion by the Greek cities in the north of 
 
 Thousand. 
 
230 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 Jt- 
 
 r I'l-S! 
 
 U, h. 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 ; 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 ff 
 
 Lesson 
 tauijht by 
 the expedi- 
 tion of the 
 Ten Thou, 
 sand. 
 
 Asia Minor, they were sent first on one expedition, then on 
 another, until tliey wore left desperate and starving in Thrace. 
 But war broke out between Persia and Sparta, and tlie services 
 of the Ten Thousand were gladly accepted by the Spartan 
 general, Thimbron, 399 b.c. 
 
 The expedition of the Ten Thousand, as this little army was 
 called, taught the Greeks a very important lesson. A small 
 Greek army, disciplined and well oflicered, had passed through 
 the heart of the Persian empire practically unscathed. The 
 result proved conclusively that the great Asiatic monarchy was 
 at the mercy of the Greeks whenever the latter chose to settle 
 their internal disputes, and to combine against the common 
 enemy. Soon after this a far-seeing Spartan general and king 
 attempted to carry out the project of destroying the Persian 
 monarchy; but the time had not yet arrived for tlie (^reek states 
 to cease their fratricidal strife, and to act unitedly in any great 
 enterprise for the connnon good. 
 
 Warhetween A war between Sparta and Persia grew out of the assistance 
 
 bparta and ^ • ■% r^ t ,-, ^. „ 
 
 Pe,-8ia. promised Cyrus by the Spartans. Tissaphernes was sent to 
 
 Asia Minor to rule in the place of the ambitious Cyrus, and he 
 began the task of subduing the Greek towns on the Ionian and 
 Aeolian coast. Sparta at once declared war and sent a small 
 army to Asia Minor under Thimbron, who stjcceedod, as pre- 
 viously mentioned, in enlisting what was left of the Ten Thou- 
 sand. Under Thimbron the war was feebly conducted, and little 
 success attended the Spartan arms. But Thimbron was removed, 
 and Dercyllidas, a more energetic officer, placed in command. 
 Before the new conn.iander many cities in the Troad and Aeolis 
 fell ; and later on, Avhen Dercyllidas nu^ved against Tissaphernes, 
 in Lydia and Cuia, he found the Persian satrap more disposed 
 to negotiate than to fight. 
 
 The course of Greek history was now to be seriously influenced 
 
 by the appearance on the scene of a remarkable personage in 
 
 Spartan political life. Tliis was Agesilaus, the brother of King 
 
 Agesilaus ^gis* ana his successor on the throne. Agis dying, the throne 
 
 iTspanlT' ''^''^ claimed by Leotychides, his nominal son. It was, however, 
 
 399 £,C, sfcron-ly P.v.Hpcctc^l tliat Leotychides was the son of Aicibiades, 
 
 who had seduced the yoiuig wife of Agis during his residence at 
 
HISTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 231 
 
 Sparta. Tho doubtful parentage of Leotychides led the Apella, 
 under the influenee of Lys.inder, to choose Agesilaus as the 
 successor of King A<^is. 
 
 Agesilaus had reached the age of forty wlien ho attained this Chay-aeterof 
 dignity. Hitlierto he liad shown no marked ability, nor given ^i'^-^''«««- 
 any indication of the energy and decision of character for wliich 
 he was soon to become famous. He was small of stature, insigni- 
 ficant in appearance, and lame or one foot. He had been tlie 
 friend and companion of Lysander, and it was under his auspices, 
 and through his influence, that he was chosen king. Ly.sander 
 thought he had secured a ready tool to carry out his projects ; 
 he was very soon to realize that he had furnished himself with 
 a master. 
 
 It was the policy of Agesilaus, encouraged by the success oi E impolicy. 
 the expedition of the Ten Thousand, to wage a vigorous campaign 
 against the Persians in Asia Minor, with the hope and expecta- 
 tion of driving them out of that province. In tliis policy 
 Lysander agreed. Dercyllidas was in consequence removed 
 from his connnand in Asia, and Agesilaus appointed Ins successor. 
 The new commander was given a council of thirty Spartans to 
 guide him in tlie war, and in tliis council Lysander held the 
 chief place. Two thousand Laconians and six thousand allies 
 were to be taken, on the expedition against Persia ; but Thebes, 
 Corinth, and Athens, discontented with Spartan supremacy, 
 refused to furnish their contingents, pleading various reasons 
 for their refusal. Thebes, not content, with an open refusal to 
 contribute, actually prevented Agesilaus from completing a 
 sacrifice he v/as off'ering to the gods at Aulis, prior to his 
 departure on his eventful exi)editi<)n. The insult sank deep Afjesiiaiii> 
 into the heart of the Spartan king. When Agesilaus reached A^Mi^wr. 
 Asia Minor, Tissaphernes, frightened at the great accession to 
 the strength of the Spartan army, entered into negotiations with 
 him to bring about a truce. Agesilaus at first listened to the wily 
 satrap's proposals, but discovering that he was treacherous and 
 faithless he set to work to subdue Lydia and Mysia. He now 
 found himself hampered by livsander an.d his followers, wh.o 
 thought to use the king for their own purposes. Agesilaus soon 
 
 
 -} 
 
Ti 
 
 232 
 
 HISTORY OF onEECK. 
 
 If,' . 
 it.. 
 
 ^f| 
 
 
 I J 
 
 gave Lysfinder to unilerstaud that lie expected to be obeyed and 
 treated with proi)er respect, and told him not to presume too 
 much on his past services. Tlu "osulfc of the breach was that 
 Lysander A\-as gl.id to take ser.. 3 on the Hellespont, far 
 removed from the main Spartan army, so that his humiliation 
 and lt)ss of presti^^^o might not be too evident. Relieved from 
 the officiousness and presumption of Lysander, Agesilaus began 
 to exhibit his hitherto hidden qualities as connuaiider and states- 
 man. In the course of a few months ho drove Pharnabazus out 
 of his satrapy, and defeated the armies of Tissaphernes in several 
 conflicts. 80 rapid was the progress of the Spa. -m leader that 
 King Artaxerxes came to the coiiclusion that Tissaphernes was 
 faithless, and had him beheaded. But the new satrap, Tithr-^ustes, 
 was no more successful tliau the old ; and the troojjs of Sparta 
 continued to force their way inland. Success begets success. 
 The Greeks of loiiia, encouraged by the progress of Spartan arms, 
 began to take an interest in the campaign. They went so far as 
 to contribute money, and furnish a strong body of cavalry. 
 Agesilaus, however, hoped to use their new-found zeal in another 
 and better way. Ho asked for a fleet of one hundred and 
 twenty sliips from the Ionian and Carian cities. At the head of 
 this fleet he placed his brother-in-law Peisander with instruc- 
 tions to attack Southern Asia Minor ; while he himself, with an 
 army now twenty thousand strong, hoped to conquer the central 
 portion. 
 
 The Persian empire was, apparently, in great danger. Alarmed 
 at the rapid advances of Agesilaus, the Persian king had recourse 
 to a weapon of defence seldom powerless wlun Greeks were the 
 attacking parties. This was the employment of money to stir 
 Persia «P strife among his enemies. Tlie venal character of the Greeks, 
 peek^Ms'"'^^^'''^ ^« ^^^« well-known disaffection felt by Athens, Thebes,' 
 ' and other states to S})artan supremacy, offered an encouraging 
 
 field for intrigue and bribery. So Tithraustes sent a Rhodian 
 named Timocrates, with fifty talents of .silver, to bribe the lead- 
 ing men of the disaffected states to stir up opposition to Sparta. 
 The fifty talents did their work well, and tJie conquest of Persia 
 by Greek arms was put off for I.alf a century. 
 
 b^oremost among the states ready to throw off the Spartan 
 
 to rise 
 
 a'iain«t 
 
 Sparta. 
 
HISTOKV OF ORKKCE. 
 
 23: 
 
 supremacy were Thebes and Atlions. The former wa« held in 
 check by Sparta in lior various efforts to dominate tlio smalka- 
 cities of Boeotia. The latter could not well forgot her former 
 greatness and glory, and writhed under the yoke of her conqueror. 
 The Thebans were the first to move. Isnxenias, a jM.pular leader 
 among them, put himself in connnunicatiou with the disaffected 
 of Argos and Connth, and later on with the Athenians. An 
 occasion for war was soon found or made. The Locrians of ^<<'- »'» C«»- 
 Opus were induced to make a raid upon the laml of tlie Phocians, "'"' ^''""'' 
 a people thoroughly loyal to the Spartan rule. The injured 
 Phocians appealed to the Spartans for aid, and King Pausanias 
 and Lysander proceeded northwards with two armies to the 
 relief of their allies. 
 
 Athens was now drawn into the struggle. PJver since the 
 downfall of the Thirty Tyrants Athens had been suffering from 
 petty civil strife, and excessive political bitterness. Sometimes 
 it happened that the innocent and worthy fell victims to the 
 party enmity and foolish prejudices that so extensively prevailed. 
 Of these victims the most illustricms was Socrates. Tlie friend 
 and tu or of many of the worst oligarclis, like Critias and 
 Theramenes, he fell under the suspicion of the democrats. His 
 love of disputation, and his boldness in cliallenging"and criticiz- 
 ing every opinion, whether religious, philosopirical, or political, 
 had made him many enemies among the timid and conservative. 
 This long-cherislied dislike and enmity was at last to find ex- 
 pression. Charged with irreverence and unbelief in the gods, 
 and with 'corrupting the youth and practising impiety,' he 
 made no effort to save his life, contenting himself with vindicat- 
 ing his conduct and actions. Condemned by his judges to die, ctSl.j 
 he refused to listen to the solicitations of his friends to effect his ^,^9'" 
 escape, and calmly drank the fatal hemlock. -B-C ' ' ' 
 
 The continuous political strife that prevailed at Athens, it was 
 thought, would be hushed by a foreign war. Theramenes, too, 
 in grateful recollection of the aid given by Thebes against the ^^^ 
 * Thu'ty,' wished to make some return for her kindness. So, ill- 
 prepared as she was, without a navy, and her Long Walls in 
 ruins, Athens once more took uj) arms against the Spartans. 
 
 In the year 395 B.C. Lysander made his way into Boeotia ; 
 
 '■enx rice-1 
 (iijainut 
 Sparta. 
 
 '§ 
 
 M f 
 
234 
 
 HISTORY OF (JRKECE. 
 
 
 nf;i 
 
 ;in 
 
 
 if 
 
 Lyxandi'r 
 ulain, JUfi 
 B.C. 
 
 General 
 revolt 
 ar/ahuif 
 Sparta. 
 
 Battle, of 
 Corinth, SO/, 
 B.C. 
 
 and oxpocting to ofFecfc h junction with Kiufr PausatiiuH at a 
 spociUud time, ho marched to the attack of Haliaitus. But 
 PaTiHaaiaH did not appear until too hite to i)rovent a disastrous 
 defeat of the f.^rces of Lysander. The people of Haliartus niude 
 an unexptr^ted sortie on the besiegers ; and the Thebans came 
 up on their rear, at the same time, with a large army. Lysander 
 was slain, and liis body was found the next day, by Pausanias, 
 lyuig unburied by the wall. Before the privilege of burial was 
 conceded, I'ausanias had to cons-nt to withdraw his tr-.ops from 
 Boeotia. On his return to Spart.j he was impeached for his 
 (lilatoriness and want of vigour and courage. He fled from 
 Sparta, but was condennied and deposed in his absence. 
 
 The death of Lysander removed one of the greatest, if not the 
 greatest, of the Spartan generals. His death was not seriously 
 deplored at hyiue or abroad, for the nian's ambitious and 
 despc.tic temper made him many enemies in Sparta and through- 
 out (Jreece. The ephors felt more at ease now that his com- 
 manding genius no longer threatened to upset their plans. 
 Henceforth they could travel in the old paths, undisturbed. 
 
 Tiie defeat at Haliartus brought more friend^ to the cause of 
 Thebes and Athens. Argos, Corinth, Acarnania, Euboea, and 
 many Thessalian cities joined in the revolt against tlie power of 
 Sparta. Her supremacy in the Peloponnesus was threatened, 
 as well as her leadership in general Greek affairs. It was under 
 these circinnstances that Agesilaus was r.;called from his vic- 
 torious career in Asia Minor, to aid in reasserting the power of 
 his own state over her enemies. The year 394 B.C. oi)ened with 
 an invasion of the Peloponnesus hy the combined forces of the 
 allies. They had an army twenty thousand strong when they 
 reached Corinth, and they were preparing for a direct attack on 
 Sparta, when they were brought to a halt by a Spartan army 
 under the command of the regent Aristodemus. With forces 
 of nearly equal strength, a fierce battle was fought at Nemea, 
 near Corinth, in which both armies lost heavily, the allies suffer- 
 ing the most. Three thousand of their number were slain, the 
 survivors escaping to the protection of the strong walls of 
 Corinth. 
 
HISTORY OF (;RKECI': 
 
 236 
 
 : 
 
 Agosilaus, with u heavy heart, n(jw bug.m liin liomuvvard march. 
 He cfjmplaine.l that lie had been driven out of Asia by Persian 
 gohl, which had incited Thebe« and Argos to w/ir. Leaving 
 Peisander in coininaud of a fleet, aini another officer, with four 
 thousand men, to carry on the war against Titliraustes, he crossed 
 the Hellespoiit, an.l to..k his way soutliward by tiie cmstMv.ml ^,S„f 
 tlu'ough Thrace and i\race(h)nia. A month after tJie battle of-^'"'" ^'"■«- 
 Corinth wm fought lie was in Phocis among friends, with a 
 strong, well-disciplined and devoted army at his back. Joined 
 by the Phocians and other allies, he advanced along the valley 
 of the Cephissus, until he came to Coroneia. Here he found 
 his way barred by the enemy. Thebau., Argives, and Athenians Unttie or 
 made their stand under the walls of the town. The ])at tie that m'sP 
 ensued was one of the most desperate i-. n\] the annals of Greece. 
 The Thebans vied with the Spartans in their determination to 
 coufpier or die. The result was a barren victory for Agesilaus, 
 for he lost as heavily as his opponents. Ho made no further 
 attempt to force his way through lioeotia, ]>nt after otferiiK' to 
 the oracle at Delphi costly gifts from his Asiatic spoils, he ulade 
 his way to the Peloponnesus by sea. 
 
 Agesilaus was now to realize how futile had been all his 
 efforts to establish a Spartan supremacy in Asia. Scarcely had 
 he left Asia when the Persian satrai)s ])ut at the disposal of the 
 Athenian Conon a considerable fleet of I'hoenician vessels. 
 Conon set forth at once to attack the Spartan fleet under the 
 command of Peisander. Peisander was encountered off Cnidus, 
 and although greatly outnumbered did no: hesitate to give p . 
 battle. His captains and sailors, however, offered but little ^S"?'' 
 resistance ; Peisander was slain, and half of his ships were taken Sbc"' 
 or destroyed. Conon now sailed along the coast of Asia Minor, 
 inciting the Greek cities to throw off the Spartan rule, an invi- 
 tation very readily accepted. Soon all the important Greek 
 towns and cities, with the excepticm of Abydos, had expelled 
 their S})artan garrisons and opened their gates to Conon, and 
 Spartan rule in Asia was at an end. 
 
 The following year Conon with his fleet crossed the Aegean 
 Sea, and sailed hito the Gulf of Aegina. With the permission .^.9;* />>.C. 
 of the Persian satrap, he employed his seamen in rebuilding the 
 
 ^■Jltf , 
 
 .'B* / 
 
Pi 
 
 
 ! 
 
 I' f 1 5 
 
 236 
 
 LoHff Walls 
 0/ Athens 
 rebuilt by 
 Conon, S9S 
 £.C. 
 
 Iphicrates 
 introduces 
 new tactics, 
 
 Persia and 
 
 Sparta 
 
 negotiate. 
 
 HISTORV OF GKEKCE. 
 
 fortifications of the Peiraeus, and in restoring the Long Walls 
 A^'luch had lain in ruins since their destruction by Lysander in 
 404 B.c Once more the work of building war-ships was begun 
 in the Athenian docks ; and soon a small fleet of ten vessels was 
 ready to sail. Two years after, Thrasybulus was able to put to 
 sea with forty vessels, and Athens was again in a position to 
 take an active part in the war against her ancient enemy. 
 
 The most noteworthy event of the war that follows was the 
 introduction of new and improved military tactics by the Athen- 
 ian general, Iphicivltes. He sought to make the light- armed 
 men or peltasts, as elfective for tlie generrl purposes of war as 
 the heavily-armed hoplites, who, weighted down with their 
 armoui^ found rapid movement iuipossible. Arming his peltasts 
 with a loug sword and pike, he gave them, for defensive armour 
 a linen corslet and a small shield, instead of metal breastplates 
 and large bucklers. Beginning with attacks upon small bodies 
 of heavily-armed infantry, he gradually accustomed his men to 
 victory. At last he ventured to attack a Spartan battalion of 
 four hundred men, and so harassed them by his rapid and 
 dexterous assaults, that he brought them to a stand-still on a 
 hillock. Here they were surrounded by the peltasts, and a force 
 of Athenian hoplites coming on the scene, the Spartan ranks 
 were broken, and some two hundred and fifty of them 
 slam The victory had the effect of bringing the light-armed 
 infantry into greater prominence, and of casting a shadow on 
 the reputation of the Spartans for stubborn courage It re 
 nrnined however, for Alexander the Great to realize ''the benefit 
 ot employing light-armed men in conjunction with ' oplites 
 
 Another of those rapid changes of front, with which Grecian 
 histcny abounds, now took place. Sparta having lost everything 
 in Asia Minor, began, through an ofiicer named Antalcidas, to 
 make approaches to the Persians. Antalcidas was sent to Saudis 
 to interview the satrap of Lydia, one Tiribazus. The satrap 
 was made to believe that the Persian king in aiding Athens was 
 building up a power which would prove antagonistic to his 
 interests. In consequence, Conon was recalled and thrown in 
 pnscm, and the Persian fleet was, sonic time afier, placed under 
 the command of Antalcidas, to act in conjunction with the 
 
iltSTORY OF' GREECE. 237 
 
 fepartans. Tiribazns went to Susa to convince the king that it 
 was des: able to enter into an alliance with Sparta. Tlfe nego- 
 tiations were pwlonged three years, during which time Sparta 
 recovered Ephesus, and part of Lesbos. The Athenians had a 
 small fleet under Tlirasybulus in the Aegean, and they suc- 
 ceeded in forming an alliance with the Byzantines, Rliodians, 
 and Chalcedonians. But Thrasybulus was slain at Aspendus, and 
 the war in the Aegean was undecisive until the return of Tiri- 
 bazus from Susa in 888 b. c. The king had given him permission 
 to conclude an alliance with Sparta, and immediately the 
 Persian fleet was put at the disposal of Antalcidas, who now was 
 able to sweep the Aegean, and drive the Athenian fleet back to • 
 the Peiraeus. 
 
 All parties were now anxious for peace, and Tiribazns taking 
 advantage of this feeling, had, in conjunction with Antalcidas, a 
 treaty drawn up which he invited the Greek states to sign. A 
 congress of deputies was called at Sardis, and when the repre- 
 sentatives of the various cities met, what is known as the Treaty 
 or Peace of Antalcidas was put before them. The tevms Peace of 
 demanded the surrender of all the Greek cities in Asia to Kin<' ^ »«a'«''rfa«. 
 Artaxerxes, with the islands of Clazomenae and Cyprus. All the 
 other Greek cities, small and great, were to be independent, 
 with the exception of Lemnos, Imbros, and Scyros, wliich' 
 were to belong, as of old, to Athens. If any state or states 
 refused to sign tliis treaty the Persian king, aided by those 
 accepting it, would make war upon it or them. All the states 
 accepted the terms, being tired of war and afraid of the united 
 strength of Sparta and Persia, although Thebes for a time held 
 out against tlie surrender of her supremacy over Boeotia. 
 
 So ended the ' Corinthian War ' in a peace which left Sparta End of the 
 supreme in the Peloponnesus, the other Greek states weak and fZ-"^'"'''" 
 divided, and the Greek cities in Asia Minor, which had been 
 free since 480 B.C., the subjects of the Persian king. The 
 disgrace of thus destroying the freedom of these Greek communi- 
 ties lies at the door of Sparta, whose selfishness once more had 
 led her to sacrifice the best interests of the Hellenic raoe= 
 
CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 ffii 
 
 m 
 
 i^^' 
 
 frit f 
 
 b « 
 
 THE RISK OF THEBES. 
 
 E%t of^^ ^^; l"""^^ «^ Antalcidas served well the purpose of its authors. 
 
 AntaicMa,. U Mt hparta in undisputed control of the Peloponnesus, and it 
 divided and weakened her enemies, especially Thebes. Sparta's 
 control over the Peloponnesian states was due to separate 
 treaties made with them, whereas Thebes had dominated Boeotia 
 as the head of a confederacy. The Boeotian towns now became 
 ree and independent,' and nearly all of them cast off the 
 Inehan supremacy. 
 
 The terms of the Peace of Antalcidas did not, however, pre- 
 vent Sparta, under the leadership of Agesilaus, from encroach- 
 mg on the rights of her neighbours, Mantinea and Phlius. 
 Ihe spnit of aggression was as manifest in Sparta as ever ; a 
 notable illustration of which is the attitude assumed by that 
 state towards the Chalcidian League. In the year 302 b c a 
 number of cities in Chaloidice, headed by Olynthus, formed 
 themselves into a Confederacy. Soon the League became 
 powerful and was able to put in the field eight thousand hoplites 
 and one thousand horse. Its growth was so rapid that two 
 cities, Acanthus and Apollonia, which had not entered into the 
 League, became alarmed and applied to Sparta for help in 
 retaining their independence. Sparta had no ground for ir.ter- 
 terence, except to gratify the unscrupulous ambition of Agesilaus 
 and hi. party. There was another party at Sparta headed by 
 the other king, Agesipolis, which was opposed to the policy of 
 aggression ; but Agesilaus was too strong for it, and succeeded 
 m gettnig the vote of the popular assembly in favour of a war 
 against the Clulcidian League. An army of ton thousand men 
 was to ),e raised for service ; the main body of which was to 
 s.art tlie following spring. It was, however, thouoht advisable 
 to despatch immediately two officers, Eudamidas and Phoebidas, 
 vvith two thousand men, to garrison Acanthus and Apollonia. 
 i he march of this force was throu-rh Bo " 
 
 Chalcidian 
 League. 
 
 [238 J 
 
 oenti,",., and close by the 
 
HISTORY OF OREECE. 
 
 239 
 
 walls of Thebes. As Phoebidas camped near Thebes he was 
 visited by Leontiades, one of the two poleniarchs of the city. 
 This Leontiades was a strong and violent partizan of the oli^ar- 
 cliy, and was engaged at the time in a political struggle with'^his 
 fellow-polemarch, Ismenias, who had espoused the popular, or 
 democratic cau^e. Determined to crush his opponent at all costs, 
 Leontiades invited the Spartan leader to take possession of the 
 Cadmeia, or citadel of Thebes, with the understanding that the 
 Spartan force was to be used in his fa^•our against the democrats. 
 It happened that the festival of Thesmophoria was being cele- 
 brated at that time, and in accordance with the usual custom, Treacherous 
 the citadel was put in the hands of tlie women of Thebes for a »ccupatZT 
 few hours. Leontiades, too, as one of the polemarchs, was in 'iU^!JZ 
 charge of the gates of the city, so that everything favoured the 
 treacherous scheme. The conspiracy succeeded. The gates 
 were opened to Leontiades, and the Spartans entering during tlie 
 noontide heat, when the streets were deserted, w° re soo°n in 
 possession of the citadel, with a large number of women as 
 prisoners and hostages. Leontiades now announced to the 
 senate that the city was in the hands of the Spartans, and 
 taking advantage of the terror and surprise of the people he 
 seized and imprisoned Ismenias his rival. Cowed by this 
 sudden attack a packed assembly voted submission to Spartan 
 rule. Several hundred of the prominent men in the democratic 
 party fled the city and took refuge in Athens. Ismenias was 
 sent to Sparta wliere he was tried for ' Medism ' and executed, 
 he having invoked the aid of Persia some years before against 
 Spartan tyranny. The Spartan people administered a°mild 
 rebuke to Phoebidas for acting without orders, but they sliowed 
 no unwillinjrness to take advantage of his treachery. 
 
 For three years Sparta maintained her hold upon Thebes, 
 Spartan harmosts being sent to conuuand the garrison which con- 
 trolled the city. In Chalcidice, too, she was successful. After 
 a brave struggle, Torone and Olynthus were captured, the Chal- ;,.,„, „^ 
 cidian League was dissolved, and its members were enrolled ^''«^'''^f''«" 
 separately as subject-allies of Sparta. The destruction of this ^'"^"'* 
 League proved eventually to be a very serious matter for Greece. 
 
 .1 
 
 ! ; wi 
 
 : , !' 
 
 i 'f 
 

 iif '^v 
 
 .r , 
 
 I*' II 
 
 r: 
 
 
 240 
 
 HISTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 The wrongs of Thebes had appealed strongly to the other 
 Greek cities, and to none with greater effect than to Athens. 
 As the years passed by, and the Spartan hold showed no signs 
 of relaxing, the more daring and patriotic Theban exiles grew 
 desi)erate. They entered into correspondence with their friends 
 in the city, and arranged a scheme for the assassination of 
 Leontiades and the two polemarohs who were oppressing their 
 fellow-citizens, through the aid given by the Spartan garrison. 
 The tyrants dead, the exiles hoped to arouse the citizens, and by 
 an assault capture the citadel and expel the Spartans. Accord- 
 ingly seven exiles, headed by Pelopldas and Melon, undertook 
 the risk of slaying the oppressors. They were promised a safe 
 hiding-place in Thel)es while the secretary of the polemarchs 
 arranged a wine-supper for his masters, to which Pelopidas and 
 his friends wei-e to come dressed as women. Every detail of the 
 j)lot was successful. The polemarchs, attracted by the promise 
 of meeting t)ie most beautiful women in Thebes, willingly and 
 eagerly accepted the invitation to the supper. At a pre-arranged 
 Pelopidas '^^g^'*''! Pelopidas and his companions entered tlie room, arrayed 
 frepn TiH'iiet. and di.'jguised in female robes. Rushing on their amorous and 
 half-drunken victims, they speedily despatched them by well- 
 aimed blows. They then sought out Leontiades at his home, 
 and after a hand-to-hand fight cut him down. The public prison 
 was now atta ;ked, the jailer killed, and one hundred and fifty 
 prisoners released and armed. The conspirators appeared openly 
 in the streets, proclaimed the death of the tyrants, and called 
 upon the citizens to rise and recover their freedom. The 
 Spartan governor of the citadel now grew alarmed, and shut 
 himself up in the Cadmeia. Soon thousands of angry and in- 
 furiated Thebans, aided by exiles and a small Athenian volunteer 
 force, were making fierce assaults on the citadel, where one 
 thousand five hundred Spartans stood on the defensive. At last 
 the garrison surrendered the stronghold and ms^iohed out, leav- 
 ing the Theban oligarchs to their fate. The Spartan force on 
 its retreat met, at Megara, a large Peloponnesian army under 
 King Cleombrotus, coming to its rescue. It was, however, too 
 late, and Spartan anger found vent in putting two of the har- 
 mosts to death, and sending the third into exile. 
 
 ■Hi 
 
HISTORV' OF GREECR. 
 
 241 
 
 ThebeH had mnde a bold stroke for freedom ; l,ut few thou-ht 
 that, unaided, she would be able to long withstand the full 
 strength of Sparta. Nuverthelesn she resolved to fight to the 
 bitter end, rather than submit to the rule of her enemy 
 Fortunately, Thebes had within her walls two able generals and 
 unse fash patriotic statesmen, Pelopidas and Epaminondas. ^iS^^ 
 i-eloi^idas, tlie Iea<ler in the rising against the Theban tyrants *""'"'«'• 
 was an excellent cavaby officer, full of dash and daring. He 
 deserved and possessed the entire confidence of his men who 
 were prepared to follow him anywhere. His unselfishness and 
 devotion to his city were as conspicuous as his courage. Epam- 
 inondas was the close friend of Pelopidas, and like him patriotic 
 and unselfish in the highest degree. But his abilities as a general 
 and statesman far surpassed those of Pelopidas. As a general he 
 revo utionized the art of war, introducing tactics which in his 
 hands were invariably successful. As a statasman, his breadth 
 ot view and honesty of purpose and action placed him high above 
 the most illustrious of the Greeks. He excelled Pericles as a 
 general; while, unlike Pericles, his patriotism and statesmanship 
 were not confined to his own city, but took into consideration 
 the best interests of the Hellenic race. Modest and unassuming 
 to a remarkable degree, he never allowed personal nds and 
 mubitions to affect his conduct. There was no rivalry between 
 ium and Pelopidas ; on the contrary, there was the closest friend- 
 ship and the most implicit confidence. Epaminondas had taken no 
 par in the conspiracy to slay the Theban tyrants, being restrained 
 by his almost too chivalrous sense of honour. But after the 
 deed had been done, Epaminondas was among the first to come 
 forward as a volunteer in the Theban cause, and his remarkable 
 military qualities soon led to hisbeing recognized as theundisputed 
 leader in the war against Sparta. He is credited with introduc- ;. . 
 mg a new system of attack on the field of battle. The Greeks were ?- ~-"" 
 wont to draw up their armies on the eve of conflict in a straight 'SS* 
 bne, twelve ranks deep, with the cavalry on the wings or flanks. ''''''''' 
 The different parts of the army generally moved forward at the 
 .une moment, and struck at the enemy almost simultaneous. v 
 
 attack. His plan was to put his best troops in one of the 
 
T I 
 
 y 1 
 
 242 
 
 HISTOliY OP OllEECR. 
 
 'I 
 
 'n '• 
 
 wings of his army, and hurl these in cohxmns fifty deep, at the 
 strongest point in tlie ()pi)()Hing force. By this method first one 
 wing, then the centre, and last of all, the remaining wing came 
 into action, in order of succession. If the first attack was 
 successful, the enemy found little chance of retrieving the day 
 elsewhere, and the battle was usually won. 
 
 Against such leaders as these Sparta had no general worthy 
 of the name, save Agesilaus, to place in the field. Agesilaus, 
 too, was growing old, and was not always able to take connuand 
 of the Spartan anny. The war began l)y King Cleombrotus lead- 
 ing an army into Boeotia in the depth of winter. Finding the 
 Thebans in possession of their citadel he returned home, leaving an 
 army several thousand blicng at Thespiae under the command of 
 one Sphodrlas. The latter, encouraged by the example of Phoebl- 
 das, sought to cArry out at \thens the policy which had been so 
 successful at Thebes. He formed the scheme of surprising 
 Attempt to Athens by night, but daylight found hhn on the Thriasian plain, 
 Athem. ten miles from the city. Atliens had been making friendly 
 advances to Si)arta, fearing that the part taken by a few of her 
 citizens in assisting to expel the Spartans from Thebes would 
 Athetis joins \^^.^■^■^ down on her the wrath of that city. The treacherous 
 
 ThchfS 
 
 against conduct of Sphodrias caused a complete revulsion of feeling at 
 
 parta. j^thens, and war was declared at once against Sparta. In this 
 
 way Thebes wt)n an important ally. 
 Boeotia In the year 378 B.C. the old general, Agesilaus, took the com- 
 
 invaded by ^^^.^^^r^^ ^f the Pelopounesian army, and made his way into the 
 heart of Boeotia. But beyond destroying fruit trees, burning 
 hamlets, blocking wells, and committing kindred barbarous acts, 
 he accomplished nothing. The Thebans declined fighting in the 
 open field, and Agesilaus was not able to besiege Thebes. Dur- 
 ing two campaigns this policy of invasion and destruction was 
 pursued ; but it was of no avail. After this Agesilaus met with 
 a serious accident at Megara, and he was not able to lead the 
 Spartan armies for some years. Cleombrotus now took charge 
 of the invading army, but being a general of little skill he was 
 not able to even enter Boeotia. 
 
 The Athenians, in th*^ meantime, were showing somethmg of 
 
 ■ ii 
 
HISTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 their old-time vigour on the sea. 
 
 243 
 
 Bvzantiui), liu. i° 7.i •'" "'.7 """" ^ ""^^''^^ league, in ^^hich^yamu 
 
 2Tf \ . ' '^'' ^^^"^''' ^titylene and otlier stat-s took n-^rt '"'""% 
 
 was formed to frf^o fho A-. re part, agauixt 
 
 P.mf.i Aegean of Spartan vessels. This new^^«''«- 
 
 confederacy never reached any great strmcH i I 
 
 fearino-flinf Afi i . "^ ^ stiMigtl;, its members 
 
 te mng that Athens, as durmg the Confederacy of Delos mi.dit 
 prove too strong. While it U«fo,l h J' ^ -l^^^s, might 
 
 The Smrt.n fl f ^^ ,^' ^""^'^^r, it did good service, 
 
 i K. biMrtan fleet was comi,letely defeated off Naxos bv the 
 Athenian Chabrias, the result of tins brilliant victory beinf that 
 the Aegean was cleared of Snartan shi,.. Ti k 17 ^ 
 ^..o .ueee.ful on the ...JIT^Z t^Le^:^Z:Z 
 
 !C^ fill" "''"'"""' '" * ''""'•"*"'• ™d p"i^o o,", L 
 
 s3 1 *-■' ™"' T'^ '"'8» '» veer arou.ul in fav,.ur o 
 Sparto and agarn^t Thebe.. --his ,v„. due t„ the aoZn o 
 
 Che Peace ot A„,,ia. freidT:Lw:' ^r^^^^^^^^^^^^ Kf 
 
 cemed T,/"' "'" T!"* " ^"'''"'^ ' "'' '^■- "' Sparta „as con- 
 cemtd, and as s,g„, „f disaffection were appearin.. in the Pelo 
 ponnesus «he n.ade an abortive effort to bring ab." a pl^e" 
 The basis of this peace was to be tl,„ T,., * ""- -i peace. p„.„ ,^„„ 
 
 and this nearly aU tl «..tes l^ ;r^ .,J raclt"^^^"' -"" 
 ah^ne refused, and declined U, surrender he coZd ov^r the 
 Boeotian towns. Tlie war now narrowed down t! 1 r, f 
 eath struggle between Thebes and S^rta, Zl%\^tZt 
 a brief and uniinpoitant conflict on the western oo^rhT 
 the Spartans and the Athenians under tC Inn, of IT 
 crates. A treaty framed in .371 .c. brought IhilTrlol^^d" 
 The renewal of hostiUties between Sparta .and Thebes wa^ 
 
 r h^d''^fr.art;r it: ^f ^^---X »: 
 
 .oute Which brought espeXowt^^^^^^^^^ 
 
 e^irrd-:'r;v'S!trb.r^^^^^^^^^^ 
 
 'i ii 
 
244 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 
 11 
 
 ) 1 
 
 Thel)us. The two armies faced each other on the sh>pes of Mt. 
 Helicon (see map), and awaited tlic signal to engage in a ctuitest 
 which was to be fraught with the most momentous consequences. 
 The Spartans, apparently, had nuich in their favour. They con- 
 siderably exceeded their opponents in numbers ; and many of 
 the soldiers in the Theban army were supposed to be disallected 
 towards Thel)es, and therefore not to be relied upon. This was 
 known to the Boeotian generals, who were, ui consequence, some- 
 
 what unwilling to engage in battle. But Epaminondas felt confi- 
 dent of the soundness of his new military tactics, and was anxious 
 to put them to the test. Like Themistocles, before Salamis, he 
 had to become an interpreter of the oracles. He recalled to the 
 memory of the Boeotians the })rophecy that ' the Spartans should 
 be defeated at the tombs of the maidens,' and pointed out that 
 they were drawn up near the graves of two virgins who had 
 suffered outrage at the hands of Spartan soldiers. This was 
 decisive, and it was resolved to give the eneii y brittle immediately. 
 
I 
 
 k 
 
 HISTORY OF ORKECK. 
 
 It remained now for Epaininondas to bring liis new tactics into 
 succesHful operati<jn. He resolved to mass his best soldiers, the 
 Thebans, fifty dee^) against tlie right wing of the Lacedaemonian 
 army, where he knew the picked men of Sparta were placed. He 
 hoped by hurling his troops at this point to break the Spartan 
 ranks, and then lie expected the rest of the Lacedaemonian 
 army would waver and scatter, having seen their accustomed 
 leaders routed. The Spartan king was also anxious to fight, as 
 his want of success, hitherto, had l)een fre(iueutly ascribed to 
 his incapacity. He took his stand in the middle of the right 
 wing of his army, surrounded by seven hundred native Spartans, 
 and flanked by Lacedaemonian Perioeci. Battle was begun in the 
 afternoon, and at once Epaminondas flung his left wing against 
 the right of the Lacedaemonians, bearing down immediatdy^upon 
 the point where the Spartan king stood. The struggle was brief 
 and desperate, the Spartans upholding their well-earned renown 
 for steadiness and unyielding courage. But the weight of the 
 solid Theban column was more than the Spartan line could with- 
 stand, and soon it was rent in twain, and rolled up to the right 
 and to the left. In this deadly hand-to-hand conflict four hun- 
 dred Spartans out of the seven hundred fell, and these included 
 the king and most of the ofticers. Epaminondas' anticipations of 
 the result of defeating the Spartan contingent of the Lacedae- 
 monian army were fully met. The rank and file of the 
 centre and left wing refused to continue the struggle, and 
 retired before they could be attacked by the centre and right 
 of the Tlieban army. The Spartan officers wished to renew the 
 battle, but their mea refused to follow them. The defeat of 
 the Spartans by an inferior force had to be acknowledged, and 
 heralds were sent to Epaminondas to ask permission to bury the 
 Spartan dead. 
 
 The battle of Leuctra was decisive of Spartan rule in Greek 
 affairs. It also led to the downfall of the old military tactics, 
 for the theory of attack adopted by Epaminondas had been 
 amply proved to be sound by his remarkable success. 
 
 246 
 
Effertu of 
 the Theban 
 victory. 
 
 
 i 
 
 
 Spartam 
 retreat to 
 the Pelopon 
 nesus. 
 
 ■1 "") J 
 
 ? 
 
 Jason of 
 Pherae. 
 
 
 1 
 
 ii 
 
 1 
 
 ml --Md . 
 
 11; 
 
 '! 
 
 i 
 
 OHAPTET^ yXVII. 
 
 THE TH R i ; A N K ' ' F i! I , i\I ACY . 
 
 For nine years (371-3r)2'ii.t'.) Thebes, imder the wise leader- 
 ship of E{)aininc)nda8, was the recognized head of tlie Greek 
 states. The battle of Leuctra opened the eyes of tlie other 
 cities to the fact that a new power had apj eaicd in (»reece, and 
 that, henceforth, a new policy was to be pursned. The decisive 
 victory of the Thebans brought to their side the neighbouring 
 states of Phocis, Locris, Euboea, Aetolia and Acarnania, but 
 it rei)elled the Athenians, who were annoyed that the balance of 
 power had passed out of their hands, through the genius of 
 Epaniinondas. Hence when Thebes sent anibassadt)rB to Athens 
 they were refused a friendly reception. 
 
 The Spartans were greatly weakened by their defeat, although 
 with true Spartan seif -control they gave itterance to no wailings 
 and complaints. An expedition was immediately sent to 
 Boeotia to secure the safe retreat of the renniant of the Spartan 
 army, which had taken refuge in an entrenched camp. But 
 the expedition was unnecessary, for Epamiuondas had refused 
 to follow up his attack on the Spartans, feeling well-assured that 
 the demoralization existing among them would so(m compel 
 them to make a retreat. And so it happened. The Spartan 
 officers were unable to control their allies, and were forced to 
 submit to the humiliation of asking Epamiuondas for permission 
 to retire to the Peloponnesus. Permission was readily granted, 
 and the Spartans crept away durnig the night, meeting on their 
 retreat their friends coming to their relief. So weak had Sparta 
 become that the defeated soldiers were, c utrary to usage, 
 permitted to retain their citizenship. 
 
 About the time of the battle of Leuctra, a new danger to the 
 central states of Greece loomed up in the north. Jason of 
 Pherae was a man of great ability and of ecpially great ambition. 
 He had succeeded in reducing nearly all Thcssaly under his 
 
 [2461 
 
 s 
 
IIISTOUY OF GRKKCK. 247 
 
 control and had reorgnniml the TheHHaliun League, of which he 
 was made the leader or coiuinaader-in-chief. S. . just and strong 
 was bin rule tluu the factions of Theasaly were for the time being 
 stilled, and Thes-saly gave indications of hei- ■uiing the most ])owor- 
 ful state in Greece. Thebes had watched ai. iou.sly for some sign 
 of Jason's attitude towards herself and Sparta, and con.siflerable 
 relief waH felt when Jason declared in favour of Thebe ,. He 
 marched southwards to join Epaminondas, buth j arrived too late 
 to take apart in the battle of Leuctra. i\ifcer the battle he 
 hovered in its vicuuty f( ■• some time, and tluu reti rned to 
 Thessaly, seizing on his return mar^h an important fortress near 
 the pass of Tiiermoinlae. 
 
 The next year (370 uc.) was an important yea: in Grecian 
 history. Jason of I»herae, in the spring, greatly t(, the alarm 
 of Northei-n and Cenfial Greece, announced his intention oi 
 visiting Delphi, to ottbr costly sicrifices t(i Apollo. Kot only 
 victnns for the altar, but a large .u-my also, were to be brought. 
 The alarm proved needless, for Jason w.s nun-d. 1 at Therae Sf,."-^ 
 by Ktven young men who appeared before him ni che guise of 
 petitii iiers. IT is successors wrw. men of little f(jrce of character, 
 and the fear of Thessalian aggression [i.'issed away. 
 
 One effect of «he overthrow of Spartan leadership and control C/*//>.tet<; 
 was the outbreak <.f disorder and an;irchy in the Pelot)onnesus, "*^''fl"'«- 
 the most noticea))k oven beuig a dreadful massacre, at Argos, of 
 the oligarchic party by tlu ir political opponent^ the democrats. 
 It is said that twelve hundred men perished at the h.-rnds of the 
 mob. 
 
 So weak was Sparta that slio made little or n< tempt to 
 lasert her control over her former allies. Mantinea, which had 
 rel)uilt her walls, alon(> was attacked by the Spartans under the 
 command of Agesii ; and he was content \^ ith driving the 
 Mantineans within their fortifications. 
 
 Still more threatening to Spartan inlluence was the federation 
 of the towns of Arcadia for the avowed purpose i maintaining y,^^ 
 their independence. Old feuds and animosities were forgotten. Arcadian 
 and the new Federation b. :an the building of a 'great city, vJK'a"'^ 
 Megalopolis, to be the future capital of the united trfbes. This 
 
■I . 
 
 •4 f 
 i 
 
 m 
 h 
 
 !' 
 
 
 ?f 
 
 If 
 
 ! I 
 
 248 
 
 HISTOUV OF (IKKFX'E. 
 
 city, which WHH (leHtiiiod to hnve l)ut h brief career, was located 
 in the fertile valley of the Holi.s.soii, a tributary of the AlphruH 
 Settlors from all parts of Arcadia wee invited to take up their 
 residence there. The federation was to be gov 'rned by a body 
 compcsed of numerous delegations from the diiierent towns and 
 cities, and which were to meet at stated times at Megalopolis. 
 A federal army was to bo maintained out of a federal revenue, 
 iivo thousand hoplites being the number of men chosen. But 
 the law-making Imdy was too large a.id nnwieldy ; and the 
 expense of supporting such a large standing army proved too 
 great a drain on the resources of the confederacy. 
 Epaiuinon- The year 370 u.o. is also remarkable for the first nivasicjii by 
 rA/;>"S;,!.Ep'^»»n''»<l'W of the Peloponnesus with a large and mixed army 
 nem,. „f Thel)ans, Locrians, Phocians, and otlior allies. He was 
 
 joined at once l)y the Arcadians, Kleans, and Argives. The 
 Achaians remained neutral, while the C.rinthians and the people 
 of Sicyon, Ei)idaurus, Hermiono and Phlius maintained their 
 loyalty to Sparta. EpamiiKJiidas was sc^oii at the head of an 
 marked 6, *^""^ '*^ seventy thousand men, and with this, (,lio of the largest 
 Epaminon. ^"^008 ever gathered together in Greece, he determined on the 
 ^«»- attack of Sparta itself. Si)arta was a long and stmiewhat scat- 
 
 tered city or town, without any walls or defences save such as 
 the surrounding hills afforded. When the news of the approach 
 of Epaminondas was brought to the city, there were loud cries 
 of lamentation from the women, ' who had never yet seen the 
 smoke of an enemy's camp fire.' Deserted by, or cut off from, 
 lier allies, Sparta had only two thousand citizens to place in the 
 field. Her Perioeci were not to be fully trusted, yet to them 
 and the helots the Spartans had to look for assistance. A bold 
 front was, however, maintained towards the enemy. Agesilaus 
 was once more given the command, and told to do his best 
 under the circumstances. He promised freedom to every 
 helot who would fight for Sparta, and by this means was able to 
 raise six thousand men. Small reinforcements, too, came in 
 from Corinth and Orchoraenus. Barricades were erected at the 
 passes leading into the town, and every precaution taken against 
 surprise. In vain Epaminondas sought to find an unguarded 
 place, and when he attempted to force his way into the city he 
 
HISTORY OF ORKKCE. 249 
 
 wa8 repulsed with heavy Iohh. At hwt liu ahaiulonud any attempt 
 at a general attack, and contented himself with destroying the 
 villages of the Perioeci, and the naval arsenal at Gythlum. 
 He now turned westward, crossed Mount 'J'aygetus, and 
 entered Messenia. His entry marked the restoration of tlie 
 ancient independence of the long-oppressed Messenians. Tfe merl^her 
 descendants of the exiles in Sicily, and those driven from Nau- e"oe'""'''" 
 pactus l)y Lysande?, were invited to assist in laying the foiuula- 
 tions of a city on the southern slope of their old stronghold. 
 Mount Ithome. The helots, availing themselves of the presence 
 of the Tlieban army, rose and threw off, once for all, the rule of 
 the Spartans. 
 
 This year, so fruitful of great changes in the Pelopon- 
 nesus, was also marked by an exhibition of the jieculiar 
 fickleness of the Athenians. Athens, as already noticed, was 
 dissatisfied with the pronounced victory of Thebes at Leuctra, 
 and this dissatisfaction became so stn^ng that the Ecclesia 
 received an embassy from Sparta pleading for help. Mora Athem join$ 
 generous than wise, the populace voted to enter the Spartan '^^'^'■"'• 
 alliance, and Iphicrates was instructed to lead an Athenian army 
 into the Peloponnesus, to aid the distressed Spartans. By the 
 terms of this alliance the combined forces of Sparta and Athens 
 were to be commanded alternately by Spartan and Athenian 
 officers. 
 
 The value of this alliance was soon to be tested, for Epamin- ^^econd 
 ondas the next year (369 B.C.) again invaded the Pelopcmnesus. P'faji 
 The allied armies of Sparta and Athens tried to check his </«" pSc»- 
 advance by rebuilding the old line of defences across the isthmus rc'.^' '^^^ 
 of Corinth. Behind this they took their stand ; but Epaminon- 
 das broke through the Spartan ranks, and made his way into the 
 Peloponnesus, where he was joined once more by his former 
 allies. Sicyon fell before his attack ; but Epidaurus and Cornith 
 made a successful resistance. This second invasion thus accom- 
 plished little beyond the capture of Sicyon, and the opportunity 
 it gave the Arcadians and Messenians to build tlie walls of their 
 cities, Megalopolis and Messene. This comparative failure of 
 the great Theban led to his being refused election the next year 
 to the office of Boeotarch, or commander of the Theban armies. 
 
 bf SH 
 
 m 
 
r.p 
 
 If 'I 'im f 
 
 I: 
 
 aJL 
 
 i i 
 
 b 
 
 •■:4* 
 
 250 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 Pelopidas 
 invades 
 TheKnalt,, 
 368 B.C. 
 
 Trouble in Thessaly now prevented Tliebes for a time from 
 actively continuing the war in tiie Peloponnesus. A new tyrant, 
 Alex.'inder, had bagun to rule over Pherae and the confederacy 
 of which it was the head. Alexander's violence and recklessness 
 soon shattered the league formed by Jason and one of the towns 
 of Thessaly, Larissa, invited to its aid the Macedonians. Other 
 towns called in Pelopidas and his Theban army. He soon 
 comi)elled the Macedonians to retire from Thessaly, and forced 
 Alexander to recognize the independence of the other cities 
 of the league. Pelopidas then marched into Macedonia and 
 dictated terms of peace to the Macedonian king. The latter 
 had to give, as hostages, thirty youths of the noblest families, 
 of whom Philip, the king's brother, was one. 
 The Tearless ^^^ ^^^^ meantime the Arcadians and Eleans had begun to 
 Battle, S6S quarrel about the allegiance of the Tryphylians. The conse- 
 quence of this senseless wrangling was that when the Arcadian 
 general led an army against the Spartans, at Midea, he met a 
 severe defeat, in which it is said no I, a Spartan perished. Hence 
 the name given to this engagement, ' The Tearless Battle.' 
 
 The part played by Pelopidas in Thessaly was not to be easily 
 forgiven by Alexander, the tyrant of Pherae. He bided his time 
 to take his revenge. Shortly afterwards, Pelopidas was returning 
 home through Thessaly, when he was captured by Alexander and 
 thrown into jjrison. Theljes at once sent an army of seven, 
 thousand men to rescue Pelopidas ; but this force would probably 
 have been destroyed had not Ei)aminondas, who was serving 
 as a soldier in the ranks, taken the command and rescued 
 the imi)erilled army. The result was that Epaminondas was 
 restored to his old position as Bc^tarch by the Theban people. 
 In a short time the etiect of this change of commanders was 
 seen. Alexander was soon reduced to su^h straits tliat he was 
 glad to surrender Pelopidas, and accept su?h terms of jjeace as 
 he could secure. 
 
 The Spartans, after the 'Tearless Battle,' felt somewhat en- 
 couraged, and their hopes were raised still higher by promises 
 of assistance from the Persian monarch. This hope, however, 
 of Persian aid proved fruitless, for Pelopidas went to Susa, 
 and induced the Persian knig tv withdraw from the Spartan 
 
 Pelopidas 
 
 taken 
 
 prisoner. 
 
HISTORY OF CJHEECE. 
 
 251 
 
 alliance, and give his support to the Theban cause. The king, 
 with an air of authority, which under the circumstances was 
 ludicrous, commanded the Spartans to acknowledge the inde- 
 pendence of Messene, and tha Athenians to call in their war- 
 ships. The command was, of course, unheeded. Although 
 the Persians were weak and far away, the Thebans were not. 
 They were once more ready and eager to invade the Pelopon- rphird inm- 
 nesus, under the leadership of their ever-victorious general, «''^" "/ ^^«^"- 
 Epaminondas. The year 367 b.c. saw the Theban army again in ^67 £.c!^' 
 motion. The Isthmus was passed in spite of oppcjsition from 
 Corinth ; and the towns ol Achaia were induced to join the The- 
 ban alliance, on condition of their political constitution and 
 internal affairs being left untouched. This condition, however 
 was openly violated by Thebes, which sent garrisons to take 
 possession of the Achaian cities. The result was that the 
 Achaians, indignant at Theban treachery (for which Epaminon- 
 das was not responsible), withdrew from their alliance, and 
 joined that of Sparta. This desertion of the Theban cause by 
 the Acliaians seriously affected the success of the campaign. 
 Nothing of any importance was accomplished this year, save the 
 seizure of Oropus, a frontier town of Attica, long a sul)ject of 
 dispute with the Athenians. The following year Corinth, 
 Epidaurus, and Phlius entered into a treaty of neutrality with 
 Thebes. This acticm on the part of Corinth was caused by her 
 fear of Athens, who had creacherously endeavoured to seize the 
 Ct)rinthian Acropolis, in revenge for the refusal of the Pelopon- 
 nesians to assist Athens in recovering Oro})iis. 
 
 Although Sparta had lost her ally, Corinth, she was stronger 
 than before. This was due to the fact that Elis, having quar- 
 relled with Arcadia about their frontiers, decided to cast in her 
 lot with Sparta. The strength of the parties in the Pelopon- 
 nesus was now nearly eiiual. Argos, Arcadia, and P,Iessene 
 were pitted against Sparta, Elis, and Achaia. The Arcadians 
 for a time showed nuich activity and strength. In the year 
 364 B.C. they marched into the Ali)heus valley and seized 
 Olympia, proclaiming their right to preside over the 01ymi)ic 
 games. The Eleans and Achaians cauie t<j tlie rescue, and a 
 battle was fought at Olympia while the festival was in progress. 
 

 HISTOUY OF r.UKECE. 
 
 I»!: 
 
 
 Battle of 
 Olympia, 
 S6U B.C. 
 
 Death of 
 Pelofiidas, 
 361, B.C. 
 
 The Htruggle eiul^d in the repulse of the Eleans, and the Arcadi- 
 ans were left in possession of the control of the games. This state 
 of affairs did not last long. Public opinion was against Arcadia, 
 as Elis was the proper guardian of the sanctuary. Arcadia was 
 compelled by her financial necessities to seize the treasure in 
 the temple at Olympia, and when Mantinea, among other towns, 
 refused to approve of the act, her magistrates were ordered to 
 be imprisoned by the Arcadian Council. The gates of Mantinea 
 were then closed ag.-iinst tlie troops of the Arcadian League. So 
 pronounced, however, was public opinion against these high- 
 handed actions of the Arcadians, that peace had to be made with 
 Elis, and the guardianship of Olympia restored to her, 363 B.C. 
 ^ Thebes was not consulted in making this new peace, and 
 Epaminondas was indignant at what he considered an act of 
 treachery. It hai)pened that a number of prominent men of 
 Mantinea were at that time visiting Tegea. A Theban officer, 
 aided by the magistrates of Tegea, had tlws^e MantineauH ;*rrested 
 and thro^vn into prison. Tliey were n<A, detained very long ; 
 but the act could not be forgiven. Mantinea showed her 
 resentment by leaving the Arcadian League, and making peace 
 with Sparta. 
 
 In the meantime Thebes had lost her old general and deliv- 
 erer, Peloi)idas. Alexander of Pherae had renewed hostilities, 
 and Pelopidas, eager to avenge his imprisonment in 368 
 B.C., started to lead an army against the tyrant. An eclipse 
 occurred at the moment of starting, and the soothsayers 
 counselled delay. Pelopidas, as impetuous as of old, paid no 
 attention to the advice, but jjushed on with a few followers. 
 Entering Thessaly, he soon roused the subjects of Alexander to 
 revolt. Having collected a few thousand men he marched 
 against Pherae. He met Alexander at Cynoscephalae, with a 
 large army of mercenaries. In spite of numbers, Pelopidas 
 broke the ranks of his enemies, and was pressing forward 
 to cut down Alexander with his own hand, when he was sur- 
 rounded and slain before his followers could rescue him. He 
 was buried amid the lamentations of the Tiiessalians on the 
 field of victory. Alexander was soon afterwards murdered by 
 his near relatives, having lost all his possessions except Pherae. 
 
 i 
 
HISTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 253 
 
 For tlie fourth and, as it ])roveil, thu last time, Ei)amiiioiulas 
 led an army into tho Pelo{)onneHUs. His force was composed of 
 Boeotians, Thessalians, and Euboeans. Later on he was joined 
 by Aigives, Arcadians and Messenians, until his army reached 
 the number of thirty thousand. He then took a |)ositi(m ])etween 
 S})arta and Mantinea, so as to se[)arate their forces. But the S])ar- 
 tans resolved to send Agesiluus to the aid of Mantinea, and with 
 him went nearly the whole of the Spartan army. As soon as 
 Epaminondas became aware of the march of Agesilaua he set out 
 for Sparoa, hoping to take the city by surprise while undefended. 
 His ruse very nearly succeeded. That it did not was due 
 to the treachery of a Theban, who secretly informed Agesilaus 
 of his leader's intentions. Agesilaus iunnediately set out for 
 Sparta, and by great exertions managed to reach the city in 
 tin»e to occu{)y its inlets before Epaminondas arrived. A 
 general attack followed, and tlie Theban general succeeded in 
 forcing a body of his troops into the market-place, but the defeat 
 iff the other attacking forces comi)elled him to abandon the 
 ad\ ant^e he had gained. 
 
 Foiltsd in his plan to take Sparta by surprise, he suddenly 
 changed h'm tactics and marched against Mantinea. Here 
 iigain he failed to take his enemies unawares. As it happened, 
 the Atheniar*8 were sending a reinforcement to Mantinea of 
 six thousand m«ai, >t.n<\ the cavalry of this body had just entered 
 tlie gates of 'Mum^H-^-.-'A, when that of Epamiiumdas arrived. 
 Wearied though the Athenians were, with a hmg day's march, 
 they charged the Theban force and drove it back to Tegea. 
 
 The Spartans now arrived on the scene, and succeeded in 
 effecting a junction with the Mantineans and Athenians. A 
 force from Elis and Achaia also ar/ived, and the army of Sparta 
 and her allies now numbered twenty thousaJKl infantry and 
 two thousand cavalry. The Theban army was still nearly one- 
 third more numerous thai' the Spartans; novertheleHS, the latter 
 resolved to fight, urged, it is said, by the Mawrin^Hns who 
 wished to save their country from plnriKler. Kj)awiiiiondas 
 moved forward from Tegea, and drew up hi* ar-py in accordance 
 with his usual military tactics. 
 
 Fourthinva- 
 sion by Epa- 
 minondas, 
 :iHi n.c. 
 
 Second 
 attack on 
 S/iarta fails 
 S02 B.C. 
 
 Rattle of 
 Mantinea, 
 3G2 B.C. 
 
 ■ 
 
 »> 
 
254 
 
 'lii 
 
 
 IS 
 
 h 
 
 HISTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 The right wing of the S[)artans and their allies rested on 
 Mantinea, their left on a wooded height to the south. The 
 accompanying map explains the relative position of the Mantin- 
 eans and Spartans, Eleans and Achaians, and Athenians. It 
 also explains the relative positions and mode of attack of the 
 Thebans and their allies, Epaminondas arrived somewhat late 
 in the day, and he apparently showed no eagerness to begin the 
 battle. His enemies thought he ini'^nded to defer his attack until 
 
 1 
 
 BATTLE OF^ 
 
 mantinea; 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 the next day, and their ranks became in consequence somewhat 
 disordered and liroken. As soon as Epaminondas saw the con- 
 dition of his opponents, he hurled his forces at them with great 
 impetuosity. The order of attack was the same as at Leuctra, 
 and the results were much the same. His cavalry put the 
 Spartan horse to rout, and his massive Boeotian cokuun broke 
 through the Spartan "auks 'as a war-galley ploughs throuidi 
 the waves with its bejk.' But in the moment of victor" the 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 great leader was slain. A Spartan .soldier .seeing Epaniinondas 
 approaching, in sheer desperation, thrust hiiu through the 
 breast with his pike. Soon the news spread that tli° loved 
 general had fallen, and the pursuit of the victorious troops was 
 checked. Ei)aniinondas was carried to a rising ground in the 
 rear, the broken spear still in his breast. Casting his eyes over 
 the battle-field, he asked if his shield was safe. He then sent 
 for the two officers next in connnand, but was told that they 
 were dead. 'Then,' said he, 'you had better make peace.' 
 He bade them draw out the si)ear-head, a rush of blood followed, 
 and death quickly ended his sufferings. 
 
 With ET)aminondas, one of the greatest of Greeks, ended the 
 supremacy of Thebes. Conscious of their weakness, now that 
 the great leader was gone, the riiebans made peace before the 
 summer was over. All the contending parties were content to 
 sign the agreement except Sparta, her ephors refusing to 
 acknowledge the independence of Messenia. 
 
 255 
 
 1 i I 
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 W 
 
 1 
 
 Death of 
 Ageailaiis, 
 361 B.C. 
 
 Revival of 
 tyrannies. 
 
 CHAPTER XXYTII. 
 
 KISE OF THE MAOBDONIAI^ POWEH. 
 
 The supremacy <.f Thebes was wholly due to the genius and 
 patriotism of Pelopidas and Epammondas. The latter had 
 never sought to establish an .mpire for his native city, as Athens 
 did for herself after the victory of Salami.s. Nor did he seek to 
 give Ihebes the position of leadership in Greece that Sparta .o 
 long enjoyed nx the Poloponnes.s. Thebes, with liirn, was to be 
 one of many equals, although, doubtless, he sought to make her 
 the hrst among these equals. So ^vif h the death of Epaminondas 
 came a period wlien no one state enjoyed an acknowledged 
 supremacy. ° 
 
 Sparta, too, lost her la.t great general, Agesilaus, very shortly 
 after he death of the Theban leader. Agesilaus, although a 
 very old man (eighty-four years of age, it is said), had gone to 
 Egypt to assist an Egyptian prince in a revolt against Persia, 
 his object beuig the procuring of subsidies to aid Sparta in her 
 war against Messene. He, however, quarrelled with his em- 
 ployer, deposed him, and placed another i,rince on the throne 
 obtaining for his services two hundred and thirty talents! 
 While conveying this money homo, Agesilaus took ill and died 
 on the coast of Libya. 
 
 ^ The Arcadian League had also its share of misfortunes. The 
 ^ Great City, founded with such high hopes, soon became a 
 great desert. Systematically weakened by the older cities it 
 was captured by the Spartans, but restored to independence 
 through the agency of a Theban army. Henceforth its history 
 was one of rapid doclhie in numbers and influence, until it 
 practically ceased to exist. 
 
 A peculiar feature of this time was the attempt at a revival 
 of tyrannies in the Peloponnesus. Probably the success of 
 tyrants at Syracuse and Pherae encouraged other ambitious men 
 to aim at supreme power in tlieir native cities. Sicyon and 
 
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 CVn-inth wei both troubled vvitli would-l.o tynints, but hapjuly 
 wore ai ' ,1 thom.selveM of tho enemies of their liberties, 
 
 la Eul H.wovor, tyra- uiea were e.stabliHhecl in iiiany towns. 
 
 Tlie w HI which Theb.'s won ho great renown was less hurt- 
 ful to Ai as than to niobi of ' • of ,roek states. She was 
 abl< to add U, her poasossK .-,, , oral cities and towns in 
 Thrace Had Mace. Ionia, including Py,]i»a and Potidaea. Sanios, 
 also, was wrest^td fr i Persia, and made the hoaie of a large 
 body of the p. .rer izens of Athens. Fortunately for the 
 latter, she was the only state tliat had a navy, and tliis gave her 
 great uifluence in tho Aegean. The meniory of her former 
 imperial position among her allies was still strong, and it appears 
 that Athens beg.in to nourish ' opes of re-establishing onco 
 more an empire. Pier allies Vsia Mim.r soon recognized 
 the dispositioj) of Athens to destroy their indepeiK^-nce ; but it 
 was not until 357 B.C. that Chios, Byzantiu i, Rhodes, Cos, 
 and other cities took up arms to assert their freedom. Athens Social War, 
 was not slew to answer tlie challenge and n\ade an attack on^"^""^'^^" 
 Cliios. An expedition of sixty vessels, led by Chal^rias, entered 
 the Chian harbour, and an attempt was made to land. Cha- 
 brias was slain, and his forco retired with considerable loss. 
 Encouraged by this success, the allies turned their attention 
 to Samos, where Athens had established a cleruchy. To relieve 
 Samos, Athens sent Iphicrates and Timotheua with another 
 fleet, which, h»)wever, proved insufficient f<n- the task, and 
 retreated. This prudent action of the generals brought on them 
 the wrath of the Ecclesia. Iphicrates was deprived of his 
 command, and Tiniotlieus heavily fined. The conduct of the 
 war was then put in the hands of Chares, a general of some 
 ability, ivhose character was of the Alcibiadian type. He, too, 
 failed to accomplish anything, and finding himself in need of 
 money, sold the services of himself and his soldiers to the satrap 
 of the Hellesj)ont, who was rebelling against his master, Ochus, 
 the Persian njonarch. The Athenian troops won many victories 
 over the Persians, and by so doing brought down on Athens the 
 wrath of Ochus. He began to fit out three hundred Phoenician 
 ships to assist the allies. News of this action brought Athens to 
 her senses. Chares was dismissed, the kina*s narrlon was 
 
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 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
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 besought, and the revolting allies of Athens were allowed to 
 withdraw from the League. Athens, however, still retained 
 Samos and the cities she had gained on the coasts of Thrace 
 and Macedonia. 
 
 Greek history was now to assume another and important 
 phase. The struggles for supremacy, the victories and the 
 defeats, the various treaties and leagues which have been out- 
 Macedonia lined, were incidents occurring among the states of Central and 
 Southern Greece. Macedonia had hitherto played no important 
 part in Grecian history, although mention has frequently been 
 made of its people and its kings. Its population was of a mixed 
 character, although the language employed resembled Aeolic 
 Greek. Probably the inhabitants of Macedon were a fusion 
 of Greek and native races. One thing seems clear, and that 
 is that the kings of Macedon were recognized as of Hellenic 
 blood, but their subjects were regarded and treated as foreigners 
 by the Greeks proper. 
 
 The Macedonians were a wild, semi-barbarous people, until 
 brought into contact with Greek civilization through the Greek 
 colonies established along their coast. The ruder of the inhabi- 
 tants dwelt in the highlands, but those living in the plains were 
 more or less accustomed to city life, and some important towns, 
 such as Pella, had been founded by them. The upper classes 
 were quick to learn Greek manners and customs, as well as the 
 Greek language. Greek names for their nobility and their gods 
 became common as time passed. The form of government was 
 a monarchy, limited by the power of the nobles, and 'tempered 
 by assassination. '' In material resources, extent of territory, and 
 population, and physical courage, the Macedonians possessed 
 advantages sufficiently great to have made them feared and 
 respected by the other Greek states. For centuries, however, 
 the disorder which ensued from misrule, the lack of civilization 
 and enlightenment of the people, the turbulence and violence of 
 the nobility, the frequent assassinations of kings and claimants 
 for the crown, kept Macedon weak and made her the pre> of 
 her neighbours. Greek colonies had been founded along her 
 coasts to such an extent as to tlueaten Macedon with being 
 deprived of a sea-port. Invasions from Thessaly and lUyria were 
 
 The Mac 
 donians. 
 
&ISTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 259 
 
 of frequent occurrence, and at times it seemed a;s if the nation 
 must succumb to the hostilities of its neighbours, and the faction ' 
 lights of Us kings and nobles. 
 
 The kings of Macedon were like the Czars of Russia, move character of 
 enlightened and ambitious than their subjects. Like the Cz-irs ^SS 
 too theysough.^ to introduce into their realm the civilization""'"- 
 and learnnig of older nations. Alexander of Macedon, for 
 instance, was a friend and imitator of the Greeks ; while his 
 grandson Archelaus, entertained at his court Greek poets 
 employed Greek sculptors and painters, and souglit to secure 
 the^services of Socrates as the instructor of tlie Macedonian 
 
 But civil strife and th6 hostility of the Illyrians and the 
 Chalcidian League had well nigh ruined Macedon, when the 
 Spartans saved the kingdom by destroying the League. This 
 was in the time of Aniyntas, father of the renowned Philip. 
 
 It has already been mentioned that in the time of the Thebnn 
 supremacy the Macedonians invaded Thessaly and were driven 
 fi! ^{.^^^^P^^^^« ^1»« compelled Amyn^as to give, among 
 others, his third son, Philip, as a hostage. Philip was taken to P^Hip of 
 Ihebes, where he spent many years in honourable captivity "*'"'''""• 
 The importance of his residence at Thebes cannot well be over^ 
 estimated. Although a mere lad when he ent^ red the city his 
 powers of observation and reflection were already very great 
 He mastered the Greek language and philosophy, and became 
 one of the greatest orators of his day. He studied also, closely 
 and, as subsequent events proved, successfully, the Greek char' 
 acter At that time Epaminondas was the great master of the 
 art of war, and, young though he was, Philip seems to have 
 obtained a clear insight into his tactics and methods. 
 
 Three or four years were spent in Thebes, and then domes- 
 tic troubles caused Philip to return to Macedon. His elder 
 brothers had both died, the one by assassination, the other in 
 battle with the Illyrians. The latter, Perdiccas, left a son, but 
 he was too young to rule alone, and Philip was appointed his 
 guardian. At this time Philip was twenty-three years of age. 
 It was a heavy task which fell to the lot of the young regent. 
 
 ill. 
 
In 
 
 
 U 
 
 ^60 
 
 Hia 
 
 character. 
 
 HISTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 Tlio Tllyrians were forcing tlieir way into Macodon, and two 
 royal pretenders were claiming the crown. But Philip was <iuite 
 fitted to grapple with even greater difficulties. Perhaps, few 
 rulers and generals have shown greater genius for statecraft and 
 war than he. Gifted with all needful physical acconiplishnients, 
 he was peculiarly adapted to win the regard of men who valued 
 great physical courage and skill in arms. He is said to have 
 been an excellent horseman, a strong swimmer, and a keen 
 hunter. He was erpially worthy of admiraticni, in the eyes of tlie 
 m^n of his day, for his feats at the wine tables, and for his suc- 
 cessful gallantries. It was not, ho-vever, by physical accomplish- 
 ments tliat Philip won his renown. Intellectually, he towered 
 head and shoidders above the kings and statesmen of his genera- 
 tion. His mind was the subtlest, his power of dissimulation the 
 greatest of all the Greeks, a people that stood pre-eminent among 
 other nations for subtlety and dissinuilation. With liim ' tlie 
 end justified the means.' He relished keenly outwitting an 
 opponent. Consider? t^ions of truth and honesty ne/er caused 
 him any trouble, for he would, with the utmost cojiness and in- 
 difiereuce, break the most solemn oaths and promises. He had 
 while in Thebes, made a thorough study of the Greek character, 
 and was quite familiar with its weaknesses. He knew how 
 venal, false, and corrupt the politicians of the Greek cities were. 
 Acting on this knowledge, he made it his policy to bribe the 
 leaders of the factions in the cities of his enemies. He was 
 wont to say that 'No town is impregnable, if once I can get a 
 mule-load of silver passed within its gates.' 
 
 To outward appearance, Philip was aflfable, courteous, and 
 frank. He masked his deep-laid schemes behind a manner 
 charmingly pleasant and good-natured. And, in truth, he was 
 not by nature cruel, although against him, as against other 
 ambitious and unscrupulous men, cruel deeds, where an end was 
 to be gained, could sometimes be truthfully charged. He was a 
 warm friend of education, and valued highly the Greek culture 
 and civilization. 
 
 The difficulties that surrounded Philip when he assumed the 
 regency were soon removed. The pretendei-s were crushed, 
 and the Illyrians were driven out. Philip then deposed his 
 
- "i-l 
 
 HISTOKY OF GREECK. 
 
 261 
 
 nephew, and assumed the crown cf Macedon, 358 b.c. His next PhWp he- 
 task was to introduce order and good government into his king- TMacXn 
 dom. The army was little bettor than a mob, and Philip under- 
 took its thorough organization. His refractory nobles were 
 induced to join his own horse-guard, and were soothed and 
 honoured with Wxo name of the 'King's Companions.' The 
 best men of the tribes were formed into regiments of light 
 and heavy armed infantry. F<,llowing the example of Epam^ 
 mondas, he arranged his choicest soldiers in deep columns, and fhalanx. 
 armed them with very long spears, three times the length, it is 
 said, of the ordinary Greek lance. This arrangement, which is 
 known as the Macedonian phalanx, seldom failed to win the 
 day, the mere weight of the attacking body often proving suffi- 
 cient to break through the ranks of the enemy. 
 
 The Macedonians had long felt the need of a sea-port, and 
 Philip turned his attention to its n'^quisition. He knew the 
 Athenians were anxious to recover .imphipolis, which they had 
 lost in the time of Brasidas. He now proposed to seize Amphi- 
 polis and give it into the possession of Athens, in consideration 
 of Pydna being hand )d over to him. The bargain was struck, 
 and Philip marched against Amphipolis. In a short time it fell 
 into his hands, and then he demanded the surrender of Pydna. Amphipolis 
 It was given him ; but as soon as he was in possession he refused *""^'''^- 
 to carry out his bargain regarding Amphipolis, and kept it for 
 himself. This breach of faith, he was aware, would involve him 
 m a war with Athens. He immediately attacked Potidaea, an 
 important Athenian city, and captured it before assistance could 
 arrive. He then handed it over to the Olynthians, hoping in 
 this way to involve them in a war with Athens. 
 
 Athens was not, however, in a position just then to punish 
 Philip for his perfidy, the Social War having begun. Philip used ^^^^'p 
 the respite to invade Thrace, and build a city, called Philippi ToKJn, 
 after himself, in the heart of the gold-producing district of Mt. faem. ^^ 
 Pangaeus. So productive were the mines of this region that the 
 Macedonian king was soon in the receipt of a thousand talents 
 a year from them. The gold was coined into staters,^ which soon 
 
 ^A Macedonian atater was worth 25 shillings Stirling, or about |6. 
 
 
 Iv , , 
 
 
CauBe of 
 ' Sacred 
 War.' 
 
 I '' 
 
 -'"^ HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 became the gold currency of Greece, and the most potent of all 
 Philip's weapons against his enemies. 
 
 Turning now to Thebes, we find that state, after the death of 
 Epaminondas, involved in a strife with Phocis, her old-time 
 enemy. Phocis had been con)pelled, during the time of the 
 Theban supremacy, to join the Theban alliance ; but had shown 
 .her real feelings towards her ally by neglecting to send a con- 
 tingent of soldiers to the army at Mantinea. This excited the 
 wrath of the Thebans, who bided their time to take a fitting 
 revenge. The opportunity soo.n arrived, for the Delphians 
 accused certain Phocians of tilling some waste land sacred to 
 Apollo. The matter was brought to the notice of the Amphicty- 
 onic Council, a veneral)le, but now somewhat effete, assembly. 
 The, niembers of this council were the tools of Thebes, and 
 readily prondunced the Phocians guilty of sacrilege. A heavy 
 fine was imposed on the culprits ; but the council had no 
 power to enforce the sentence, and the fine was not paid. 
 Exasperated at the contempt shown for its authority, the council 
 doubled the fine, and threatened the Phocians with the loss of 
 their lands, unless prompt reparation was made. 
 
 The Phocians reply to this demand was quick and expressive. 
 Two of their leaders, Onomarchus and Philomelus, organized 
 secretly an expediticm wi:ich, taking advantage of the° night, 
 seized the temple at Delphi. The accusers of Phr^cis were cap- 
 tured and slain, and the priests were forced oo r ke the oracle 
 pronounce a benediction, instead of a curse, upon the invaders. 
 The Locrians of Amphissa then came to the relief of Delphi, but 
 their force was defeated with heavy loss by Philomelus. 
 
 The Phocians were aware that their resources were not suffi- 
 
 ._^^^"*^ ^o support a war waged against them by Thebes and Thes- 
 
 War,' 355 saly ; and such a war they saw was now a certainty. Recogniz- 
 ing that 'money is the sinews of war,' they promptly seized 
 the treasures of the Delphic temple, amounting in value, it is 
 said, to $12,000,000. With this vast sum at their disposal, no 
 difficulty was experienced in obtaining soldiers. Good pay was 
 offered heavy-armed men who would join the Phocian army. A 
 strong force was soon collected which, under the generals 
 
 ' The Sacred 
 

 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 263 
 
 Onomarchus and Philomelua, undertook the defence of Phocis 
 against the Thebans, Thessalians, and Locrians. Sparta was 
 in no mood for taking part in the struggle, and Athens had 
 troubles enough of her own to keep her out of the fray. 
 
 The Phocians and their mercenaries proved themselves more 
 than a match for the Thebans and their allies. The Thebans 
 were defeated, and although Philomelus was slain in battle in 
 the tirst year of the war, Onomarchus took his troops into the 
 lands of the Locrians, Dorians and Oetaeans, and destroyed 
 their homesteads by fire. Pher^^, too, was induced by bribes 
 to abandon the Thessalian League, and cast in her lot with the 
 Phocians. 
 
 Defeated and discouraged, what proved to be a fatal step for Philip of 
 Grecian freedom was taken by the Thessalians. Pliilip of ^"|fg^°" „j^ 
 Macedon was invited to come to the assistance of the allies (^''eeee. 
 against Phocis. The invitation was one specially agreeable to 
 Philip, as it gave him a long looked for opportunity to interfere 
 in Greek affairs. He had prospered greatly since the seizure of 
 Amphipolis and Potidaea. Taking advantage of the exluiustion 
 of Athens since the Social War, he had sei/:,ed Methone, her last 
 port in Macedonia, although the siege cost Philip the loss of one 
 of his eyes by an arrow. He now increased his army, and com- 
 menced to build a fleet, a matter hitherto impossible to Macedon, 
 as her ports were in the possession of foreigners. Not least of 
 his successes, in Philip's estimation, was his victory in the 
 chariot race at the Olympian games. 
 
 Crossing Mount Olympus, the Macedonian king advanced 
 against Pherae. He was first met by Phayllus, the brother of 
 Onomarchus ; but this opposition he overcame. Onomarchus 
 then arrived on the scene with his Phocian army. He defeated Philip 
 Philip in two engagements and drove him back into Macedonia. '^•^^"*^'^- 
 Following up his success, the Theban leader took Coroneia by 
 storm, and persuaded Orchomenus to leave the Theban league 
 and declare itself independent. 
 
 Philip was not discouraged by his first repulse, and invaded 
 Thessaly again in 352 b.c. Once more Onomarchus met him in 
 battle ; biit this time the fortunes of war were adverse to the 
 
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 II 
 
 lit 
 
 264 
 
 Battle of 
 Pafiame, 
 S5g B.C. 
 
 Philip 
 checked at 
 Thermopy- 
 lae. 
 
 HISTORY OF GUEECE. 
 
 Pliocian general. The Macedonian phalanx broke through the 
 ranks of the Phociann. Onomarchus was slain, and with him 
 fell six thousand of liia army. Plierao was forced to expel her 
 tyrants, and the city was declared free and self-governing. 
 Philip, however, put garrisons in the city of Pagasae and othlr 
 strongholds of Thessaly, thus making himself master of the 
 strategical points of that district. 
 
 The Grecian states, not involved in this self -destructive strife, 
 saw with great alarm and indignation the advance of Philip 
 southward. That a barbarian king should presume to invade 
 Grecian territory was not to be borne. Hence, when Philip 
 moved onwards against Phocis, he found to his surprise the 
 straits of Thermopylae held by an Athenian army and fleet. 
 Spartan and Achaian troops, too, joined the remnant of the 
 army of Onoiparchus, now led by Phayllus. The temple 
 treasures were not yet exhausted, and Phocis was soon able to 
 put another large army, in the field. Philip saw that he could 
 not hope to force a passage through Thermopylae, and with his 
 usual prudence and foresight made the best of the situation and 
 retreated. He left the Sacred War to take care of itself, while 
 he bent his energies to other conquests nearer to his hand. 
 
 I1 1 
 
CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 DOWNFALL OF GREECE. 
 
 Philip of Macedon now turned his attention to Thrace, and 
 for five years left the Greeks to themselves. The Sacred War 
 still lingered on, Thebes persisting in her efforts to wear out her 
 enemy, and Phocis, under the leadership of Phalaecus the son 
 of Onomarchus, managing by means of the aid procured through 
 the temple-treasure to hold her opponents at bay. 
 
 In tlie meantime, Philip pushed his conquests north of the p,,. . 
 Aegean eastward, until he reached the Euxine. The city of moveVnts. 
 Aenus marks, however, the limits of his authority in that 
 direction. So far he had not touched the Athenian cities in the 
 Ihracian Chersonese, and the free cities on the Prcpontis. 
 He then marched westward into Illyria and Epirus, building 
 forts ni the former district and compelling the Epirots to 
 acknowledge his supremacy. 
 
 ^ These extensive conquests left the Greek cities of Chalcidice 
 isolated and unsupported ; and Philip had been careful not to 
 mterfere with their freedom, from some cause best known to him- 
 self. 1 his immunity from attack did not however, prevent Olyn- 
 thus from becoming alarmed. The fate of Amphipolis, Potidaea, 
 and Pagasae was ever before the Olynthians ; and their anxiety 
 soon showed itself in their concluding a peace with Athens, and 
 m giving shelter to a step-brother of Philip, who had fled from 
 Macedon. 
 
 These straws showed Philip how the wind blew from Chalci- o,,„,a„, 
 dice, and he began to gather his forces on its frontier «^«"-'^- 
 ihoroughly frightened, the Olynthians sent ambassadors to 
 .Athens t^ ask for aid, regardless of the fact that they were 
 holding Potidaea, the gift of Philip, from Athens, its rightful 
 possessor. The Athenians had paid little attention to Philip's 
 successes in the north, preferring to wage a useless and expen- 
 sive war against the tyrants of Chalcis and Oreus in Euboea, 
 
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 illHTORV OF GREECK. 
 
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 The embassy from Olynthus recalled Athens to a sense of th* 
 
 necessity of taking a dotinito position in the great struggle that 
 
 was impending. As was usual at Athens, the people were 
 
 divided in their opinions. The leaders of one section advocated 
 
 a policy of inditteronco or neutrality ; while those of the other, 
 
 pronounced in favour of a vigorous campaign against Philip. In 
 
 the struggle that followed for Grecian freedom, no name stands 
 
 J5ewo«^/ten« out more prominently than that of Demosthenes, the Athenian 
 the Orator. , ^^. ^. ■ ^, .,. „ 
 
 orator. His orations aganist Philip, for force, clearness, and all 
 
 the other ((ualities that tend to move and sway the masses, and 
 
 mould i>ul)lic opinion, have never been excelled. These orations 
 
 are an almost perfect expression of thought. The language 
 
 is chaste to the point of severity, the selection of words and 
 
 images simple and easily understood. Vigorous, animated and 
 
 graceful in expression and gesture, his name is synonymous with 
 
 all that is highest and best in the annals of the forum. 
 
 Demosthenes belonged to a wealthy family of the middle 
 class. His father dying, he was left to the care of guardians 
 who proceeded to waste and mismanage his property. When 
 old enough to act for himself, he began a lawsuit against his 
 guardians to recover his inheritance. It was while pressing his 
 suit that he acquired a taste for public speaking. He had ideas in 
 abundance, but he found that he could not give them satisfactory 
 expression. His manner was awkward, his gestures uncouth, 
 and his delivery too rapid and indistinct. These defects pre- 
 vented him from getthig a favourable hearing in the Ecclesia, 
 and he proceeded in the most thorough and painstaking manner 
 to overcome his faults. It is said that he declaimed on the sea- 
 shore with his mouth full of pebbles, to accustom himself to the 
 noise of a tumultuous popular assembly, and to acquire the art 
 of a clear, distinct utterance. His efforts at self -improvement 
 were crowned with complete success, and the critical audiences 
 at Athens which had laughed and scoffed at his early speeches, 
 soon learned to listen with breathless interest to his impassioned 
 orations. 
 
 Unfortunately for Demosthenes he was born too late. His 
 ideas were those of the time of Pericl«^s, when Athens was the 
 
HISTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 mistress of a naval empire and tlie first (.f Greek cities. He 
 had read the story of Athenian greatness as told by Thneydides 
 and he longed for the day when that greatness should be 
 restored. Hence, we find him, at tlie close of tlie Social War 
 (S54b.(;.), urging the Athenians to increase and organize their 
 navy. Other projects also, all looking towards the revival of 
 the old Athenian policy of interfering in the .nterest of 
 oppressed states, were brought by him l)efore the i>eop]c. He 
 was not a soldier, like Aristeides and Pericles; hence his 
 schemes, from a military 8tandp(;int, were often impracticable. 
 
 Demosthenes had watched with ever-increasing interest and 
 alarm the gradual growth of the power of Macedon, under the 
 subtle and able policy of Philip. His feelings, at last, found 
 vent m the 'First Philippic,' an orati<m on the state of the Sw 
 Athenian army and navy. Froni that time onward Demosthenes ''^ ^■^• 
 made Philip and his designs the burden of his speeches, his aim 
 bemg to arouse his fellow-citizens to a sense of the danger 
 threatening Greek liberties. 
 
 When the envoys from Olynthus arrived at Athens to plead 
 for help, Demosthenes urged that a strong force of Athenian 
 hophtes should bo at once sent to attack Macedon. In accord- 
 ance with his advice an alliance was made with Olynthus ; but 
 the army of Athenian citizens that it was advised to 'send 
 dwindled down to a small fleet of thirty-eight vessels under 
 Charts, and four thousand peltasts, mercenaries, led by Chari- 
 demus, an Euboean, whose fidelity was none of the truest 
 Such a force was powerless to accomplish anything against 
 Philip, who captured, one by one, the Chalcidian towns. At 
 last Olynthus was left to bear alone the brunt of Philip's 
 wrath. Twice defeated in open battle, the Olynthians took 'X'"/; 
 refuge behind their walls. But -Macedonian gold gave Philip an ^'^' 
 easy entrance into Olynthus. A traitor opened the gates of the 
 city, which Philip caused to be burned. Many of its inhabit- 
 ants were sold into slavery as a punishment for theii- ingratitude 
 to their former fr:end and ally. 
 
 The fate of Olynthus does not seem to have greatly worried 
 the majority of the Athenian people. Some were indifferent to 
 
 267 
 
 'IC. 
 
268 
 
 Phecion 
 
 I i'ii 
 
 Pi: 
 
 
 .i : 
 
 |i' ' 
 
 Peace of 
 Philocrates, 
 sue B.C. 
 
 HI8T0HY OK OHEECK. 
 
 everything huh the material prosperity of tlio city, its trade and 
 commerce. Otliers thought Athens too weak to engage in a 
 struggle single-handed against Plulip, and saw no good reason 
 why she should sacriHcy herself for th') benefit of GIreece. The 
 leader of the i)aity of this way of thinking was Phocion, a 
 general of considerate ability, an Hristuciat who despised the 
 masses, neverthele.-ss a prudent, brave and honest man. Phocion 
 found himself in jJuiost constant antagonism to Demosthenes, 
 whose fiery speeches and impracticable proposals filled him with 
 disgust. 
 
 Plulip's control of Chalcidico placed the Athenian possessions 
 in Thrace in great j)eril. It was confidently expected that they 
 would be the next to be attacked. S ine fear was also felt th; 
 the Macedonians, having gained a good sea-board, would put 
 foi'th vessels to prey on the Atlienian merchantmen. But 
 Philip did not make any immediate attempt to molest Athenian 
 commerce or interfere with her possessions in the north. These 
 indications of peaceful inclinations induced the Athenians to 
 send an embassy t)f ten members to Pella to negotiate a treaty 
 with Philip. The embassy was a proposal of Philocriltes, and 
 he was sent as one of the ten. With him went, also, Demosthenes 
 and iiis great orator rival, Aescliines. As was his wont Philip 
 received the Athenians courteously, but did not fail to bribe 
 several of the members of the delegation. The result was that 
 the embassy returned to Athens without accomplisliing anything 
 definite. Philip took advantage of the respite to go on - tiother 
 expedition into Thrace, when he completed the conquest of that 
 district. His ambas'^adors at Athens, in the meantime, were 
 pretending to negotiate a treaty, and to cause delay were raising 
 all manner of objections to the terms. The Thracian war ended, 
 Philip stated the conditions of peace. Athens was to leave in 
 the possession of Macedon all she had hjst to the latter, and 
 was to rest content with what still remained in her hands. The 
 pacification was to include all the Athenian allies except Phocis. 
 The exclusion of this state was agreed to on the representations 
 of Philocrates and Ae.schines that Philip had no intention of 
 attacking it. The gold of the Macedonian king had once more 
 
HiaTouy OF akEECR. 
 
 269 
 
 <l()uu its w<.rk ertectivoly, for Philocmtus and AeschinoH wero 
 tlio paiil tools of Philip. 
 
 The Atlienimi Hi^sombly agreed to these humiliating conditions, 
 and sent again the ten ambassador-s to Philip at Pella, to <,I)tain 
 his solemn ratificatioii of the treaty. But the embassy, the most 
 of whose members were in Philip's pay, purposely lingered on 
 the way, in spite of the expostulations of Demosthenes. Delay 
 followed delay, and the oath was administered to I'hilip only 
 when he had reached Pherae, and was on the threshold of 
 Greece, In a few days the pass of Thermopylae was seized, and 
 Phocis was at his mercy. The Phoci;.n leader, Phalaecus, got 
 permission to leave the cc intry, md took with him eight thou- 
 sand mercenary troops. Deserted by their leader and arm ;, 
 the Phocian towns surrendered, accepting such terms as Philip 
 chose to give them. 
 
 Having summoned the Ampliictyonic Council to meet at 
 Delphi, Philip brought before it the question of punishing 
 Phocis for her sacrilegious actions. The members of the council 
 were prepared to take a terrible revenge ; but Philip projjosed 
 milder measures. T!'e sentence was that the towns of Phocis 
 were to have their walls torn down, and the inhabitants were to 
 be scattered, so that not more than fifty families could dwell in 
 the same village. The people were to be disarmed, and were to 
 pay fifty talents a year until the temple-treasure of Delphi was 
 restored. On this basis, it is estimated that it would take two 
 hundred years to pay the debt. 
 
 But the punishment meted out fco the Phocians was of little 
 moment compared to the next step taken by the Amphictyonic 
 Council. Phocis had been represented in the council by two 
 votes. These votes were now transferred to Philip, thus recog- 
 nizing formally his right to take part in Greek affiiir.s. This 
 recognition of Pnilip as a Greek was an honour he highly prized : 
 besides it gave him the right to interfere in Greek politics, a 
 r' ;ht he was not likely to hold in abeyance. 
 
 While the Delphians were rejoicing over their success, and in 
 conjuncti.)n with the Thebans and Thessalians were celebrating 
 the Pythian games, Athens was indulging in helpL 
 
 Philip seiiet 
 the pa»s of 
 Thermoiiif- 
 lae, ana en- 
 ten J^hocig. 
 
 Phocig 
 punished. 
 
 Philip ad- 
 mitted to the 
 Amphicty- 
 onic Council 
 
 wraJ 
 
i 
 
 III 
 ■!!i 
 
 li ';!■ 
 
 I '.I 
 
 
 I' 
 
 270 
 
 Thessalian 
 fortK seized 
 bti Philip. 
 
 Philip in 
 the Pelo- 
 ponnesus. 
 
 Second 
 Philippic, 
 3U B.C. 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 The treachery of their junbas.sndors was now evident enough. 
 Philocrates was inipeaclied, but fled from tlie city. Aeschinea 
 made a most eloquent and skilful defence, and barely succeeded 
 in averting a verdict of guilty. 
 
 The Thessalians hoped that now the Sacred War was ended 
 Philip would leave their country and return to Macedon. In- 
 stead of that, however, he seized the citadels of Pherae and 
 other cities, and placed them under the control of liis frier.ds. 
 In this way Thessaly so(m became, virtually, a Macedonian 
 possession. 
 
 We next hear of Philip gaining a foothold in the Peloponnesus. 
 This he was enabled to do through the fatal selfisliness and 
 narrow patriotism of tlie Greeks of Elis, Argos and Messene. 
 The oligc; jhs of Elis were the first to invite Philip's interfer- 
 ence. Pressed by their political enemies, an exiled democratic 
 party, they ask'ed aid from Macedon, and concluded an alliance 
 with its king. Then Argos and Messene, which were engaged 
 in a war with Sparta, called for Macedonian help. Aided°by 
 Philip's troops, the Spartans were driven back into their valley. 
 Ever watchful of Philip's movements, Demosthenes saw the 
 danger of permitting him to get a foothold in the Peloponnesus. 
 Crossing over to Argos and Messene, Demosthenes earnestly 
 warned their leading statesmen of the probable results of 
 Philip's intrigues and professed friendship. But to all his 
 pleadings and warnings the infatuated Peloponnesians turned a 
 deaf ear. The Greek states were ripe for conquest and slavery, 
 and the ' man of destiny ' had already arrived. 
 
 Some time now elapsed before Athens and Philip came again 
 into direct collision. Philip, although angry at the interference 
 of Demosthenes in the affairs of the Peloponnesus, did not care 
 just then to engage in hostilities with Athens. His arms ^vare, 
 instead, turned against Epirus, whose king he dethroned in the 
 interests of Alexander, the brother of his wife Olympias, who 
 was herself an Epirot. It was the policy of Atliens at this 
 time, under the guidance of Demosthenes, to harass and check 
 Philip in everj way possible, without engagmg in open war. 
 
 _-^^_c._„a — „.!„ W-..K -.„i.i^(x nivii Liuups wiiiui threatened. 
 
 by Philip, and emissaries were sent into Thessaly to stir up 
 
HISTORY OP GREECE. 271 
 
 rebellion against his authority. Philip's operations in the west 
 of Greece were brought to an end by the news from Thessaly. 
 He nmnediately crossed Mount Pindns, and marching into 
 Thessaly placed its discontented towns under a ricrid super- 
 vision and control. ° 
 
 The patience o| the Macedonian king with Athens seems 
 difficult to explain, except on the ground of a strong desire to 
 be on friendly terms with her. He offered to surrender to the 
 Athenians the island of Halonesus ; and he was repaid by the 
 Athenian general Diopeithes, then commanding in the Thracian 
 Chersonese, invading Macedon for purposes of pilla.ro and 
 securing prisoners to be sold as slaves. Philip's wrath at this 
 news was great, and instant reparation was demanded from 
 Athens. To enforce his claim he began to move his army 
 towards Thrace. *^ 
 
 The cross-roads had now been reached, and the Athenians 
 were asked to make a choice. Phocion and his party, those 
 engaged ui trade and commerce, and Philip's purchased friends 
 
 ed by Aeschines, were all for peace. But Demosthenes in 
 two great speeches (of which one was tlie 'Third Philippic') Third 
 carried the Ecclesia with him, in favour of a policv of check- ISW 
 mating Philip. 'Let Athens,' he said, 'keep the peace in ' ' 
 name, but imitate the king by prosecuting a vigorous war in 
 reality. He advised the formation of a strong and enduring 
 . ihance against the common enemy, and suggested a heavy 
 property tax, as a menus of raising money to support a perma- 
 nent army. The party of peace was defeated, and althou-^h 
 war was not for a time openly declared, it was actually becnm 
 Demosthenes sailed to Byzantium, and succeeded in secuHng , , 
 the alliance of that city. The Chalcidians of Euboea, aUnnedCZZn 
 a the growth of Philip's influence in that island, also joined ^JS^ 
 the Athenian alliance. Later on in the year, Achaia, Acarnania ^'"■'^^• 
 and Leucas were, through the magic elocpience of Demosthenes 
 induced to cast in their lot against Philip. Still more important 
 to the alliance was the adhesion of Corinth and Megara. 
 
 The downfall of Ath.ns at the dose of the Pcloponnesian war 
 was hastened by Lysander blocking the Hellespont aganist the 
 
N 
 
 hi 
 
 272 
 
 Perinthii3 
 and 
 
 Byzantium 
 besieged. 
 
 Siege of 
 
 Byzantium 
 
 raised. 
 
 HISTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 passage of the Athenian grain vessels from the Euxine. Philip 
 now endeavoured to carry out the same tactica, and to that end 
 lie marched againsst Perinthus and Byzantium. If he could 
 seize these strategic points he would be able to command the 
 straits, and have Athenian commerce at his mercy. Perinthus 
 was the first city to be besieged ; but so vigorous was the 
 defence made under the guidance of an Athenian general, and 
 so much assistance camo to tlie beleaguered city from Byzantium 
 and the Persian satraps of Asia Minor, that Philip suddenly 
 abandoned the siege, and marched against Byzantium, hoping 
 to take it by surprise. Here again Philip was foiled, for the 
 citizens of Byzantium were found prepared to repel his attacks. 
 Siege operations were begun by the king, and his fleet was 
 brought from the Aegean to blockade the city from the sea. An 
 attempt to scale the walls on a dark night was defeated by the 
 sudden appearance of a bright light in the uky, supposed to have 
 been the Aurora Borealis. 
 
 While these things were occurring in the north-east, Athens 
 and her allies were expelling the troops of Philip from Euboea. 
 Pagasae, in Thessaly, was taken by storm, and many of the 
 king's merchant vessels captured. The news of the siege of 
 Byzantium caused Athens to declare war against Philip, and 
 Phocion, the best of the Athenian generals, was sent with one 
 hundred and twenty triremes, and a large force, to relieve the 
 city. Phocion's expedition was entirely successful, for Philip, 
 despairing of accomplishing anything with his greatly reduced 
 army, raised the siege and struck into the heart of Thrace. 
 
 The Athenian successes in Euboea and along the Hellespont 
 raised the spirits and hopes of that volatile people to a high 
 pitch. ^Demosthenes was the hero of the hour. His suggestions 
 had now the force of law, and whatever he proposed to the 
 people received at once their hearty endorsation. He was voted 
 a golden crown for his services as a citizen. His influence was 
 so great that he was able to persuade the pleasure -loving 
 Athenians to devote the Theoric fund (a sum put aside for 
 public festivals) to war purposes. Important reforn^s in the 
 navy were also carried out, and so succossfi 
 
 not a single vessel was lost during the war. 
 
 tuiiy 
 
HISTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 273 
 
 In the meantime Philip was engaged in a severe struggle with 
 the Scythians for the maintenance of his northern frontier. Philip re- 
 Returning from his campaign in the inland, he was fiercely Kacf""* 
 attacked by the Triballi and lost many men, he himself being 
 dangerously wounded. His long a])sence of nine months led 
 his enemies to believe that all danger of further attacks from 
 him was over. The Byzantines disbanded their forces and 
 declared for neutrality. The Athenians took no steps to 
 weaken seriously Philip at home, contenting themselves with 
 making petty invasions on the Macedonian coast line. 
 
 The sense of security that prevailed among Philip's antagon- 
 ists was destined to be of short duration. A plot was being 
 hatched by tlxe crafty Macedonian, by means of which his inter- 
 ference in the affairs of Central Greece could be excused. A 
 ready and clever tool was found in Aeschhies, the Athenian 
 orator, who had succeeded in having himself appointed an 
 Athenian delegate to the Amphictyonic Council, which met in 
 339 B.C. Pretending to get angry at the deputies from Am- LocWan« 0/ 
 phissa, in Locris, he charged the Locrians with having com- 1'"^''^".,^ 
 mitted sacrilege aganist Apollo, as waste lands dedicated to the sacrilege. 
 god had been utilized by the Locrians for the sites of houses, 
 barns, and potters' kilns. Excited by tlie vehement eloquence 
 of the orator the Delphians, accompanied by many of the 
 Amphictyonic deputies, made a raid upon the forbidden struc- 
 tures and destroyed them. News of the attack was carried to 
 the Locrians of Amphissa, who armed themselves, and marching 
 on the mob drove it back to Delphi. A special meeting of the 
 Amphictyonic assembly was now called to consider what action 
 should be taken against the sacrilegious Locrians. The farcical 
 nature of the proceedings was so apparent that Athens withdrew 
 her delegates, and the Theban representatives declined to take 
 any part. The remaining delegates were mainly from Thessaly 
 and other states under Philip's influence. The council resolved 
 to declare war against the Locrians, and appointed Philip the 
 commander-in-chief of the forces, which he was himself expected 
 to provide. 
 
 Philip had now an excuse for marching his army into Central 
 
 Greece. In a short time he had reached and passed Thermo- 
 18 
 
274 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 Philip tji 
 
 Central 
 
 Greece, 
 
 A the 118 
 Uf/ainut 
 Philip. 
 
 V 
 
 i "i 
 
 pylae. Soon tlie news was brought to Athens that he had reached 
 Elateia, a Phocian fortress on tlie frontier of Boeotia. A painful 
 uncertainty prevailed at Athens as to Philip's intentions. Did 
 he intend to attack Aniphissa, or had he in view the invasion of 
 Attica? Consternation prevailed when it was known that 
 Elateia had been seized, for it was feared that Thebes had given 
 Philip permission to march through Boeotia. Demosthenes, 
 almost alone, was found prepared to face the danger, and his 
 bold and undaunted attitude rallied the drooping courage of his 
 fellow-citizens. The Ecclesia was summoned before daybreak, 
 and Demosthenes- mounted the platform. He pointed out the 
 necessity of looking well to the fortifications of Athens, in the 
 event of a siege. But he also volunteered to go to Thebes to 
 Thebes joins use his powers of persuasion against tlie Thebans giving Philip 
 ])ermission t(^ pass through their territory, and in favour of the 
 Thebans joining the Athenian alliance. His mission to Thebes 
 was crowned with success, in spite of the bribes openly offered 
 by the Macedonian ambassadors, and in spite of the ill-will that 
 had long existed between Thebes and Athens. The Thebans 
 refused Philip a passage through Boeotia, and entered into an 
 offensive and defensive alliance with the Athenians. 
 
 It was recognized on all hands that a crisis had arrived in 
 Greek affairs, Philip was on the Boeotian frontier with an 
 army of about thirty thousand men, and was seeking to advance 
 southward. He found the two main routes into Central Greece 
 guar .1, one by the Locrians and an army of mercenaries hired 
 by Athens ; the other by the citizen-soldiers of Thebes and 
 Athens. Fighting began along the frontier, but nothing 
 decisive occurred for some months. The allies were subse- 
 quently joined by the forces of Corinth, Megara, Achaia and 
 other states, until their army numbered over thirty thousand. 
 PhUip expected reinforcements from the Peloponnesus, and from 
 the Eleans and Argives, but his expectations were disappointed. 
 Some skirmishes took place before the battle was joined, and in 
 these the allies were successful. At last, on the 2nd August, 
 338 B.C., the army of Philip found itself face to face with its 
 foes, in front of Ciiaeroneia, and the decisive struggle began. 
 The incidents of the battle which was to determine whether 
 
 The Crisis. 
 
ii^emmi^ 
 
 HISTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 275 
 
 Greece should continue to consist of a number of small and 
 independent states, or be united under the rule of a semi 
 barbarian, are not very well known. 
 
 When the allies were drawn up in order of battle, it was 
 found that the Athenians were on the left, tlie Thebar.s on the 
 right, and the Corinthians with the other allies in the centre 
 
 the Ithr'^'^^tw.^'"^ "' ''" Macedonian army opposing ^„.«. of 
 he Athenians, while the command of the Macedonian phalanx^ a%T^. 
 the main strength of the force, was entrusted to Alexander 
 Philip s son, then a yo mg man of eighteen years of age. The 
 phalanx was pitted against the Thebans, whose prowess since 
 the days of Epammondas was greatly feared. At the outset 
 the allies were ma measure successful, for the Athenians 
 drove Phihp back. But the Thebans, despite their courage and 
 steadiness, could not withstand the furious charges of youna 
 Alexander with the almost invincible phalanx, whose long pikes 
 proved entirely too much for the short spears of the Thebans 
 There was no lack of courage on the part of the latter ; they 
 cou d not have fought better had Epaminondas himself been 
 eading them. Their general, Theagenes, was slain, and 
 the three hundred picked men known as the 'Sacred Band' 
 were killed to a man. The work of destruction and demoraliza- 
 tion was completed by a charge from the Macedonian cavalry 
 The defeat of the Thebans left the centre of the allied army 
 exposed, and it was soon compelled to retreat with heavy loss 
 Ihe Athenians had now to bear the whole weight of the Mace- 
 donian attack, and although successful in their own part of the 
 held, could not hope to withstand the combined forces of Philip 
 rhey therefore, toolc refuge in flight, but not before they had 
 ost three thousand men, one thousand being slain, and two 
 thousand taken prisoners. 
 
 Philip had won the victory, and its full significance was 
 apparent to him. He was now the master of Greece. Hi. After tke 
 years of planning, plottin^v %Hbing, and lying had brought forth '«"'^- 
 the desired result. Semi- barbarian that he was, liis exultation 
 
 displayed itself in a drunken narnnao nffor. i-\.f. v„f j.i„ tt . . , 
 , , , , " I'tij tjaiiie. xioissaid 
 
 to have gone to the battle-field and danced among the corpses 
 singing as a song the preamble of one of the decrees of Demos- 
 

 i 
 
 276 HISTORY OF GREECB. 
 
 thenes. His drunken bout over, his usual good sense and 
 moderation were sliown, Harsli turuis were expected by the 
 defeated, so tliat it was with some surprise they learned that 
 Philip was disposed to exact so little. Thebes had to admit a 
 Macedoniaii garrison within her citadel, accept the Macedonian 
 alliance, and grant the smaller cities of Boeotia their inde- 
 pendence. Athens prepared for a stubborn resistance, and 
 Philip recognizing the difficulty of besieging a city so capable of 
 a long defence, thought it the wiser policy to disarm opposition 
 by offering extremely favouruble terms. The Athenian prisoners 
 were returned without ransom, and peace was promised on 
 condition of Athens assenting to the leadership of Macedon in 
 Greek affairs, and to the surrender of her possessions in the 
 Thracian Chersonese. A treaty embodying tliese conditions was 
 signed by Athens, and then Philip gave her as a pledge of his 
 good intentions, the town of Oropus, wliich had been, wrested 
 from her by the Boeotians thirty years before. 
 
 The submission of Megara and Corinth, which soon followed 
 that of Athens, enabled Philip to summon a congress of Greek 
 states on tlie Isthmus. All the cities responded save Sparta, 
 who in spite of her weakness, refused to bow the knee to the 
 Macedonian king. With the courage and calmness that was 
 exhibited in her palmy days, Sparta sent out her little army 
 under king Agis III., grandson of Agesilaus, to meet the over- 
 whelming force of Philip. Defeat was a matter of course, and 
 Sparta was punished by having part of )ier territory taken from 
 her and given to the Argives and Arcadians. 
 
 Congress at The congress at Corinth met under tlie presidency of Philip, 
 b!c!^ ' who now revealed the ultimate object of his ambition. Partly 
 to occupy the attention of the Greek states with foreign enter- 
 prises, and thus prevent them from realizing too keenly the loss 
 of their freedom ; and partly to gratify an apparently boundless 
 desire for dominion, Philii) laid before the congress a scheme 
 for the contpiest of Asia by the Greek armies. It is true the 
 feasibility of such an enterprise had long ago impressed itself on 
 the minds of Cimon and Agesilaus ; but not until now had the 
 Greek states been sufficiently under a common control to carry 
 the project into execution. Philip, however, had accomplished 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. £77 
 
 the unity of Greece. At the congress he placed before the 
 delegates a political constitution for Greece, which while 
 apparently leaving each state 'free and independent really 
 bound It to the chariot wheels of Macedon. The hegemony or 
 supremacy of Macedon was to be recognized by all the n.embers 
 ot the Greek federation. A federal council was to aid Philip in 
 governmg the new Greek nation, and the Amphictyonic Council 
 was to be a supreme board of arbitration between the different 
 states. Macedonian garrisons were, however, placed in Thebes 
 Corinth, Chalcis and Ambracia, and Philip was appointed 
 commander-in-cliief of the army of the confederacy, with 
 power to compel each state to furnish its contingent of troops 
 and supplies. ^ 
 
 Preparations were immediately begun for gathering an ade- 
 quate force to undertake the mighty project of conquering 
 Persia. Two hundred thousand men were to be raised, and the 
 invasion was to take place in 336 b.c. But ' n.an proposes and 
 God disposes.' The year 336 b.c. came, and the vanguard of 
 the Greek army had crossed into Asia, when Philip was cut 
 down by the hand of an assassin. He fell for no good cause 
 Unlike the Creeks, Philip was polygamous ; but his chief wife 
 and recognized queen was an Epirot princess, Olympias, the l^eatho/ 
 mother of his son Alexander. Fickle in his affections, the fsfS'c 
 king had divorced Olympias and sent her back to Epirus, and 
 had taken in her place Cleopatra, the niece of his general 
 Attalus. The insult to his mother roused the young Alexander 
 to fury and to projects of revenge. Olympias and her friends 
 were not less disposed to resent her wrongs, and a fitting 
 mstrument was soon found. A young Macedonian noble, 
 Pausanias, had a wrong of his own to avenge, and he had in 
 vam endeavoured to move the king to grant him justice. Dis- 
 appomced and angry, he was found only too willing to carry out 
 the designs of the friends of Olympias. The opportunity erne 
 when Phihp was walking unprotected in a procession which was 
 part of a festival given in honour of the marriage of the king's 
 daughter. Clad in white and crowned, his own imago along 
 with those of the great gods of Olympus borne before him, he 
 was proudly proclaiming to his assembled subjects his confi- 
 
 !M 
 
 I I 
 
i!l|l' 
 
 IH 
 
 
 278 HISTORY OF ORKECE. 
 
 dence in their good-will, when Pausftnias rushed from the 
 throng and ran him through the body with a short sword. The 
 death of the king was immediate ; and the assassin was slain 
 in his efforts to escape. So died king Philip of Macedon in his 
 forty-seventh year, having reigned twenty-three years. He had 
 reached the age when great things are expected of men. What 
 his career would have "been had his life been spared it is difficult 
 to conjecture. His son, Alexander the Great, conquered Asia 
 with comparative ease, and few historians are to be found who 
 do not place Philip on an equality with Alexander with respect 
 to genius for war, diplomacy, and statesmanship. His unex- 
 pected death was good news to most of the recently-enslaved 
 Greek states, and they rejoiced in the quick recovery of their 
 freedom. But their rejoicings were premature ; for in Alex- 
 ander they found a more ruthless conqueror and a sterner 
 master than in the subtle and diplomatic Philip. 
 
CHAPTER XXX. 
 
 LATER PHILOSOPHY. 
 
 In a previous chapter the life and teacliings of Socrates were 
 briefly discussed. It was also pointed out that while Socrates 
 himself founded no school, his many-sided character and philos- 
 ophy gave rise to several schools, each of which emphasized or ^«<'"" G"-««* 
 exaggerated some particular doctrine of the great master. ''^'^'''°^^y- 
 The founders of these schools were personal disciples of Socrates 
 who failed to grasp his philosophy as a whole, and seizing upon 
 one or more of its aspects proceeded to develop, sometimes 
 iUogically, their meaning and im[)ort. These 'incomplete 
 Socratics ' as they have been called, are the schools founded by 
 Aristippus of Gyrene, Antisthenes of Athens, and Euclldes of 
 Megara, and are known as the Cyrenaic, the Cynic, and the 
 Megaric. 
 
 Socrates had taught that virtue and happiness were the main 
 objects of life, and that to be virtuous was to be happy. 
 Aristippus of Cyrene proceeded to enlarge and exaggerate this ^^^^^ 
 doctrine, and taught that to attain happiness was the sole object ofCynZ^. 
 of life. He may be said to have reversed the Socratic theory 
 of life, making happiness the test of virtue. What he taught he 
 practiced, for he was widely known by his contemporaries as 
 one who made it his aim in life to enjoy himself to the utmost, 
 regardless of moral considerations. He, however, recognized 
 the value of prudence, self-control, and moderation, as requisites 
 of the highest enjoyment. The followers of Aristippus agreed 
 with him in the pursuit of ple.-xsure ; but they held different 
 opinions as to what pleasures were the highest and most worthy 
 of pursuit, some placing stress on mental, others on bodily 
 enjoyments. 
 
 All through his life Socrates had shown a great disregard for 
 luxuiy, dress and physical comfort. He had taught constantly 
 the value of limiting your desires and wants, and thus mi 
 
 
 5 « < 
 
 iliA 
 
 [279] 
 
 ig 
 
iil 
 
 ii! 
 
 280 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 Euclid of 
 Megara. 
 
 Plato. 
 
 iji 
 
 AntUthe,iea your happiness independont of your circumstances. Antisthein 
 aeoniH to have been greatly impressed witli tliis porti(<^ of the 
 teaching of Socrates, for lie founded a school which had ft)r its 
 principal tenet the necessity of freeing oneself from all physical, 
 mental, or moral desires. The moral life alone was suflicient 
 for happiness. Virtue with the Cynic was a nejjdtice thitig, and 
 consisted mainly in avoiding evil, Tlie wise man is indifferent 
 to family, riches, honour, power, and pleasure. This philosophy 
 carried into practice was exemplified by Diogenes of Sinope, 
 who not cimtent with living the life of a beggar and e schewing 
 all the comforts of life, openly and shanielessly outraged 
 public and private decency. The story of this philosopher 
 and his tub are among the common-places of history. To the 
 Cynic the ideal life was the life of nature, meaning by that the 
 life of the br^itj creation. After the death of Antiathenes his 
 school held their meetings in the Cynost»rges, the gymnasium of 
 those wht) were not full-blooded Athenians. Hence the name 
 Cynw, although some have ascribed the term to tho mode of 
 life of these philosoj)hers. 
 
 A third school was established by Euclid or Euclides of Megara, 
 another of the pupils of Socrates. The tenets of this school are 
 so metaphysical that anything in the nature of a pojjular explana- 
 tion is impossible. It seems, however, that Euclid went back to 
 the doctrine of Being held by the Eleatics, and combined it with 
 the doctrine of the Good, held by Socrates, With Socrates virtue 
 ccmsists of knowledge, insight, understanding, and so Euclid 
 taught that there is but one good, and one virtue, which is the 
 knowledge of this good. Such a philosophy could have very 
 little application to the practical side of life, and hence we find 
 that it soon ceased to spread and exercise any influence. 
 
 The best exponent of the Socratic philosophy was Plato, the 
 son of Ariston. He not orly developed fully the ideas of his 
 teacher, but went far beyond him in working out a complete 
 system of philosophy. Born (427 B.C.) of parents belonging to 
 the old nobility, he had all the social, political, and educational 
 advantages available in his day. His artistic tastes were early 
 shown by his poetical effusions. When twenty yujus of age he 
 came under the instruction of Socrates, with whom he remained 
 
HISTOllY OK GRKECE. 
 
 281 
 
 eight years. A'/hough not directly Htated by himself, it in Sketch <if 
 evident that Phto was admitted to a close intimacy with the*"^^'" 
 great teacher. The impression that Socrates left on fiia pupil 
 was very profound. It is Socrates he makes the centre of his 
 dialogues ; and St)crate8 is the mouthpiece of hia most cherished 
 opinions. Pluto also made himself familiar with the philosoph- 
 ical opinions of his predecessors, and it was this thorough and 
 wide knowledge of all *;hat had been thought and written before 
 him that fitted him so well for the task of developing r. complete 
 philosophical system. 
 
 After the deatli of Socrates (399 B.C.), to escape persecution, 
 ho went to Megara, where his fellow-disciple Euclid lived and 
 taught. His somewhat brief stay there was not without con- 
 siderable eifect on his views ; for we can trace distinctly the 
 impress made by the Megaric school of thinkers. From 
 Megara he travelled to Egypt and Cyrene. Returning to 
 Athens, he spent eight years in writing and teaching. Then he 
 went to Magna Graecia and Sicily, and visited the court of 
 Dionysius the Elder, tyrant of Syracuse. Falling under the 
 tyrant's wrath he was sold as a slave in the market of Aegina, 
 from which condition he was ransomed by a friend. Once 
 more we find him at Athens, conducting a school in the^Uemy 
 Gymnasium of the Academy, and afterwards in his own 
 gardens, which were close at hand. His teaching was not 
 confined to philosophy, for mathematics claimed much of his 
 attention. He also instructed in the art of conversation. He 
 seems for many years of his career to have abandoned politics, 
 which at that time were so corrupt as to repel honest men.' 
 Evidently he considered that Athens had gone too far on the 
 downward grade to be saved by the exertion of any individual. 
 Later on, he seems to have had an interest ir politics awakened 
 m him, ior he again visited Syracuse to instruct its young mler 
 in the arts of government. We also find him discus^ .; 
 
 relation of the state to philosophy, and, it is said, he dx - 
 constitutions for several states at their solicitation. On his 
 return from Syracuse, where he had but little success with his 
 pupil, he went again to Athens where he died (347 B.C.), in his 
 
 ■ 
 
 Ji 
 
282 
 
 Author»hip. 
 
 Ethie.K and 
 Religion. 
 
 V 
 
 
 \M 
 
 IliarOUV OF v'HEKCE. 
 
 eightieth year, venerated iMid beloved by a largo circle of pupMs 
 and friends. 
 
 Plat<) was an industrious and voluminous autlior, his work 
 extending over fifty years. Thirfy-five dialogues, a collection 
 of definitions, and thirteen letters are ascribed to him. Among 
 his best known works are his 'Republic,' t'lo 'Phaodo,' and 
 the 'Ai. ^ogy.' The first sketches his ideal comm<mwealth ; 
 the second discusses the immortality of the soul ; while the 
 third gives an apocryphal account of Hocrates' defence before 
 his judges. 
 
 To attempt giving anything but the most meagre outline of the 
 philosophy of Plato would in this place be absurd, for Plato's 
 investigations covered a very wide field. Physics, Dialectics, 
 Ethics, Politics, came under the survey of his all-embracing mind. 
 He examined the foundations of the diflferent philosophical 
 systems that went before him ; he sought for the * Summum 
 Bonum,' or ' highest good'; he discussed tlie relation between 
 morals and politics ; and he endeavoured to give an explanation 
 of the nature of the universe. Like Socrates, he began with defin- 
 ing virtue as insight, oj knowledge. His examination into the 
 nature of conceptions led him to the belief that instead of ideas 
 being obtained from particular objects, particular objects and 
 the things of sense and perception are but imperfect copies of 
 * ideas ' that are eternal and unchanging. He taught that the 
 ♦highest good' is to free oneself from the dominion of the 
 senses, to rise above the sensual afi'ections to the higher life of 
 the soul, which he held was distinct and separate from tht body, 
 although connected with it during our earthly existence. Death 
 did not end all, for the souls of those that freed tl./miselves from 
 carnal affections and fleshly lusts while in tluj bodv would 
 ascend to the higher world and live for higher objects ;' whereas 
 those that were tainted and held in bondage by the things of 
 sense would undergo punishment in the next world by bein^ 
 compelled to pass into new bodies ; perchance into those of 
 lo'Yer t. \onals. This doctrine of the transmigration of the soul 
 see) . u. hp.-« been borrowed from the Pythagoreans, with 
 
 wlni 
 
 1 :r,o came into close mental contact durintr hif? residence 
 in Magna Graecia. Closely related to /.his theory" was his belief 
 
 ... H!ii 
 1 > ' !;' 
 
IIIHTORY OF QREECR. 
 
 28. 
 
 in the pre-existence of the soul, a theory, it ,nay be remarked, 
 not wholly without 8upp.>rtor8 in modern days. 
 
 Plato'H ideas of the Good and of God were, evidently, th. i,.a of Oo<t 
 same; yet we have no warrant for saying that he believed ^^ ^'"""'' ^'^' 
 personal God He condemned in strong language the n.ytho- 
 logical tales of the Greeks regarding their g<,dH, wh<.se immoral- 
 itio . he considered .' ^grading not only to divine beings but also 
 to men. He was not, however, a scoffer at the Hellenic religion 
 with Its myths ; for he wished to retain it in a purified form in 
 his Ideal republic. He, doubtless, recognized that a belief in 
 some form of religion is essential to save mankind from 
 degradation and anarchy. 
 
 Summing up his Ethical ideas, we find he believed in one 
 .od, one Good, the immortality, pre-existence, and transmigra- 
 tion of the soul, future rewards and punishments, and the 
 divine nature of the soul. 
 
 To a mind so comprehensive in its grasp as Plato's, the Pontic, 
 <luestion of the relation of man to the state could not fail to be 
 of great interest. With him, philosophy was applicable to 
 every department of thought and action. Hence he viewed 
 the state as something more than a means of obtaining security 
 for person and property. It was through the state alone that 
 v^irtue could be maintained in the world, and men's highest 
 happmess secured. The state should aim at the education of 
 the citizen in virtue, .nd it slu.uld bounder the guidance and 
 control of philosophers who alone have mastered the secret of 
 wise government^ The few, the wise few, then, should govern; 
 not the many. Plato was always more in sympathy with the 
 Done system of government than with the Ionian. He favour- 
 ed an aristocracy, that is 'a government by the best ' This 
 government of philosophers required power to execute its will • 
 and this again necessitated an order of warriors. All the other 
 members of the state, the artisans, farmers, labourers, and 
 merchants were to be left without political power, and were to 
 devote their energies to trade, commerce and other material 
 
 pursuits. SlaVtirTT- -tiron ».«^„—„:„_,j ^_. .. - 
 
 " ,.^. , -^ ""^ ^'^vOyii.ied as an essential part of his 
 
 political system. Community of goods and women were also 
 
 IF 
 
 I UL 
 
 Vvj-' ii 
 W-1 ! ■ 
 
 id. If. 
 
 i-ii ill. 
 
284 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 ^M'' 
 
 Aristotle. 
 Sketch of 
 
 nta l^/e. 
 
 prominent features in the ideal republic ; private property and 
 marriage, with all that it implies, being forbidden. It was the 
 duty of the government to consider first the interests of the 
 state, to regulate carefully the education and pursuits of the 
 citizens, to see that feeble or deformed children were removed, 
 and the sick and dying left unattended. Great stress was 
 placed upon gymnastics and music as means for properly 
 educating the governing classes ; and the girls, as well as the 
 boys, were to be carefully instructed. In brief, Plato's ideas 
 regarding men were much the same as those of an intelligent 
 manager of a stock-farm with respect to the animals under his 
 charge. Subsequent, however, to the enunciation of these 
 views, Plato retracted many of his opinions. He recognized the 
 necessity of tlie people having some share in the government, and 
 he conceded the desirability of private property and the mainten- 
 ance of iamilj life. He was always favourable to the principle 
 of one public education for boys and girls, and was strongly 
 opposed to free intercourse with foreign states. 
 
 Little has been said here of Plato's metaphysics, a subject too 
 wide and profound for the general reader. For the same 
 reason his system of physics has been almost entirely passed 
 over. Those wishing fuller information regarding this great 
 thinker's philosophy would do well to study Zeller's or Schwegler's 
 History of Philosophy. 
 
 By this time education had made so much progress in Athens 
 that institutions for higher culture were established, and the 
 work of instruction was carried on systematically. As one 
 teacher passed away, his place in the school was taken by 
 another. The school founded by Plato is known as the * Old 
 Academy,' in contradistinction to one that flourished at a later 
 period, and was called the 'New Academy'. 
 
 Plato had many disciples who essayed to expound their 
 teacher's doctrines ; but 'as Plato was the only true disciple of 
 Socrates, so in turn the only true disciple of Plato was Aristotle.' 
 Aristotle was born at Stagira, a Greek colony in Thrace, in the 
 year 384 b.c. His father, Nicomachus, was a physician, and a 
 friend of the Macedonian king, Amyntas. Both these facts are 
 important ; the one explaining Aristotle's taste for science, and 
 
 rrii 
 
HISTORY OP GREECE. ggg 
 
 the other his residence, at a later time, at the court of Macedon 
 When m his seventeenth year, Aristc.tle went to Athens, and 
 attached hnnself to Ph.to, whose teachings he attended for 
 twenty years. After the deatlx of Plato, Aristotle went to the 
 court of Hermeias, prince of Atarneus, in Mysia, whose sister 
 
 I ' "'^'A'. }"" *^' ^"^' ^^2 ^•^'•' ^^ ^^^« appointed by Philip, 
 k :ng of Macedon, tutor to his son Alexander, a lad of thirteen 
 years of age. In this responsible position he was able to make 
 a 8 rong impress on the plastic mind of the your.g prince. 
 Philip and Alexander both esteemed Aristotle highly, and it 
 was through the kindness and generosity of the latter that the 
 philosopher was placed in a position to pursu his studies and 
 carry on his investigations without being embarrassed by a want 
 ot means. When Alexander started on his expedition against 
 1 ersia, Aristotle returned to Athens and opened a scliool in the 
 Lyceum, where he taught Rhetoric as well as Philosophy It 
 was the teaclier's custom to give instruction while walking 
 tlirough the sliady groves of the Lyceum ; hence the name. 
 Peripatetic given to his school. The friendship between Aris- 
 otle and Alexander the Great suffered considerable diminution 
 by the violent death of Callisthenes, Aristotle's nephew, who 
 was executed by the order of Alexander for alleged treason. 
 When Alexander died, Aristotle found his life in danger at 
 Atliens, as he was charged by his political enemies with blas- 
 phemy. He, thereupon, left Athens, after thirteen years of 
 teaching there, and retired to Chalcis of Euboea, where he died 
 m the year 322 B.C. 
 
 Aristotle wan a most voluminous author, and wrote, it is said, 
 one thousand books, of which probably about one-sixth have 
 come down to us. His versatility and breadth of knowledge jTritin^s 
 aie shown by the wide range of subjects which he discusses ^ 
 From him we have Treatises on Logic, Natural History,, Meta- 
 physics or 'First Philosophy,' Ethics, Politics, and Rhetoric. 
 
 ihe main hues of his philosophy are the same as those of 
 i-iato; but, in many instances, his views are in direct opposition 
 to tlie opinions of his teaclier. He aban.loned and disproved 
 Hares doctnne of ideas. While Plato souglit to explain the 
 tacts of experience by assuming 'Ideas,' Aristotle began with 
 
 U 
 
 M 
 
286 
 
 '^iih 
 
 I 
 
 . 
 
 Man. 
 
 Ethics 
 
 HISTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 the facts of experience and from them deduced ' Ideas.' Plato's 
 system was one of deduction, Aristotle's one of induction. To 
 Aristotle facts are everything, and his love of them explains his 
 unwearied investigations into the realm of nature. Hence he is 
 the founder of several sciences : Logic, Botany, Psychology 
 Natural History, Morals. Unlike Plato, he employed a scien^ 
 tific terminology to express his ideas, and rejected poetic forms 
 and myths m favour of a prose style. In brief, Aristotle's mind 
 was of the scientitic order; he was content to investigate 
 patiently the multitudinous facts of the universe, and from 
 these facts he sought to deduce their natural causes. The 
 supernatural he seems to have almost wholly discarded, although 
 he believed in a One God as the ultimate source of all order and 
 harmony in the Universe. But he did not ascribe the pheno- 
 mena of nature to God as a cause ; he had no belief in a 
 Providences; and he was equally sceptical regarding future 
 rewards and punishments. 
 
 For Aristotle the facts relating to animal nature had a peculiar 
 charm. Hence, we are indebted to him for a multitude of 
 careful observations regarding animals, their habits, structure 
 and functions. Man he considered to be an animal endowed 
 with a spirit {vov^\ which is combined, in life, with the animal 
 soul. The animal soul is born and dies with the body • the 
 spirit is eternal, it has neither beginning nor end. It came 
 from without into the body ; it is incapable of sufferincr and 
 change ; and it is no way affected by the death of the bodyt 
 
 Few Greeks doubted that the end of all our activity is to 
 secure happiness ; and in this respect Aristotle did not differ 
 from his countrymen. But Aristotle did not consider liappiness 
 as mere bodily pleasure or sensual enjoyment. With him it 
 consisted of the perfect employment of all our powers The 
 activity of reason is the highest of all forms of activity and 
 reason acting in harmony witk our mission is virtiie. Whatever 
 tends to further tlie perfect exercise of our powers is good 
 Hence wealth, honours, influence, and all other favouring cir 
 cumstances, are to be prized, although inward worth or excel 
 lence of character, is the main source of happiness. The will 
 with Aristotle, is the seat of virtue, and that will which causes 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 US to choose the proper mean between the extremes of excess 
 and defect is a good will. Virtue, then, consists in choosing the 
 right mean between two extremes. What is the right mlan ? 
 To this Aristotle answers that it depends upon the individual, 
 and the choosing of this mean is the work of insight or 
 knowledge. 
 
 In no realm of investigation is the scientific character of Aris- 
 totle's mind better shown tlian in that of Politics. His habit of 
 studying facts before framing theories led him to th« l)elief that 
 there is no one best form of government ; that form of govern- p rr 
 ment being the best which is most adapted to the people "'''*' 
 governed. Nevertheless, his sympathies were in favour of a 
 republic ruled by an aristocracy, that is, by those best qualified 
 for the duties of citizenship. He defended slavery on the 
 ground that some men are unfitted for any other work besides 
 bodily labour, while others are possessed of the mental and 
 moral qualities which nuirk them out as the rulers of their less 
 fortunate fellow-creatures. He also contended that the neces- 
 sary leisure and opportunity for acquiring the highest excellence 
 demands a population of slaves who would perform all the hard 
 labour connected with the material support of a State. His 
 views of the duty of the State with regard to the education of 
 the citizen coincided closely with those of Plato, but he differed 
 widely from the latter in his opinions of the relation the State 
 should bear to the citizen in some other matters. He argued in 
 favour of marriage and the family, and in favour of the institution 
 of private property. He held that the family precedes the 
 State, the order being : first, the family ; second, villages 
 formed of families ; then village communities ; and, last of all, 
 the State. It is in the State alone that the highest excellence' 
 of human character can be reached ; hence it is the duty of the 
 State to secure the virtue and greatest happiness of the people. 
 To that end the State should not devote its energies to war and 
 conquest, but should cultivate the arts of peace, and promote 
 science and education. Probably no man has exercised a pro- 
 founder infl .ence upon human thought during the oentnries that 
 have elapsed since he taught in the Lyceum at Athens than Aris- 
 totle. During the middle ages his authority was unquestioned hi 
 
 287 
 
 HI ' 
 
288 
 
 HISTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 the schools and universities of Europe, and although the revival of 
 learning dethroned him from his position of intellectual despot, 
 his work ; are yet studied and admired as am<mg the master- 
 pieces of the human intellect. With Aristotle ended the line of 
 great thinkers of Greece. Henceforth, philosophy gains no new 
 ground, the systems which follow being one-sided and partial, 
 and representing faithfully the general decline of Greek life and 
 character that took place when political liberty disappeared with 
 the victory of Philip at Chaeroneia. 
 
 iiji! 
 IP 
 
CHAPTER XXXI. 
 
 ORATORY, ARCHITECTURH AND ART. 
 
 We liave already seen the importance of oratory to an Athen- 
 lan wlxo aspired to any prominence as a political leader or^ , 
 as a pleader in the law courts. It is not to be supposed that 
 eloquence arose with the establishment of the Scclesia of Solon 
 or of the Heliastic court of Cleisthenes. Oratory was a natural 
 gift of a Greek. Eloquence abounds in the speeches of the 
 heroes of Homer, in the dialogues of Plato, the pages of 
 Herodotus, and especially in the set orations of Thucydides. 
 The first professors, however, of oratory as an art, were not 
 Athenians, but foreigners. Protagoras, of Abdera, and Pro- 
 dlcus, of Ceos, two sophists, are said to have been the first who 
 uistructed the Athenians in the technical principles of formal 
 oratory. Again, a school of oratory had lately arisen in Sicily 
 under Corax and Tisias. The most celebrated of the rhetori- '^*'"'^*«» 
 cians of Sicily that had an influence on the oratory of the^'*""^" 
 Greeks was Gorgias, of Leontini, who came to Athens as an 
 ambassador during the early years of the Peloponnesian War. qot ias 
 His oratory is described as being turgid and poetical. It is^^^^^O. 
 certain, however, that his appearance in Athens gave a great 
 impulse to oratory, for amongst his pupils he numbered the 
 historian Thucydides. The Greeks generally regarded the fol- 
 lowing ' Ten Attic Orators' as their chief representatives of this 
 branch of learning. 
 
 Antlphon was rather a writer of speeches and a teacher oi^ntiphon, 
 rhetoric than an orator. His style was practical, searching and ^^'''''' ^•^* 
 argumentative, and directly opposed to the showy and ornate 
 style of the Sophists, but it was deficient in grace and ease of 
 expression. He was put to death in 411 b.c. for the part he 
 took in connection with the revolution of the Four Hundred. 
 _- -;..e ..fteen .speeches of his that remain, twelve are merely 
 rhetorical exercises composed on supposed cases of homicide ; 
 19 [289] 
 
 ■W&-' 
 
290 
 
 I! I 
 
 f I 
 
 Andocides, 
 about Wo 
 B.C. 
 
 m\ 
 
 itiii' 
 
 Lyxias, 
 U58-378 B.C 
 
 
 Isocrates, 
 UiK-SSS B.C. 
 
 
 1 ' 
 
 HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 the other three were written for clients. The style of Antijjhon 
 is said to have influenced that of Thucydides, and, through him, 
 that of Demosthenes. 
 
 Andocides lived in the stormy days of Athenian politics. At 
 first suspected of being implicated witli Alcihiades in the muti- 
 lation of the Hermae he was banished 415 B.C. After two 
 unsuccessful attempts to obtain a repeal of the sentence, he 
 lived a roving merchant's life (410-403 b.c.) in Sicily, Italy, 
 Greece, Ionia and Cyprus, In 402 b.c, in the general amnesty, 
 he returned and defended himself by his speech, still extant, ' Oh 
 the Mysteries; when the old charge on which he was originally 
 banished was brought up against him. After this, during the 
 Corinthian War, he was sent as an ambassador to Sparta and 
 delivered anotlier speech ' On the Peace ivith Lacedoemon; in 
 which he advised the Athenians to accept the terms offered 
 by Sparta. 'His speeches are valuable only for the historical 
 and political information they contain. 
 
 Lysias, though born at Athens, was of Syracusan parentage. 
 He, therefore, had not all the rights of an Athenian citizen, but 
 belonged to the class of metics, or resident aliens. He is said to 
 have been one of the colonists of Thurii, where he remained till 
 411 B.c, when he returned to Athens, Tlie fact that he was a 
 metic prevented him from taking any active part in the assembly 
 or the law courts. 
 
 The language of Lysias was of the purest Attic, and he com- 
 bines in his speech simplicity with dignity and elegance with 
 clearness. He was regarded by the ancients as a model of the 
 plain style of oratory, which aims at being natural and at using 
 the language of every-day life. 
 
 Isocrates was the founder of a style of literary prose which 
 became a model for a subsequent age. He seems to have been 
 the first who took a broad view of the end and object of 
 eloquence. Avoiding poetical language and wordy declamation, 
 he paid especial attention to the rhythm of his periods and the 
 smoothness of his sentences. The most brilliant of all his 
 writings— the Panegyricus (b.c. 380)— is a plea for a united war 
 of the Greek states against Persia. 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 291 
 
 F Antiphon 
 rough him, 
 
 ilitics. At 
 I the iiiuti- 
 After two 
 ntence, he 
 iily, Italy, 
 1 amnesty, 
 5:taut, ' Oh 
 
 originally 
 iuring the 
 parta and 
 lemon,' in 
 lis offered 
 
 historical 
 
 jarentage. 
 tizen, but 
 s is said to 
 i.iined till 
 J he was a 
 •■ assembly 
 
 i he com- 
 mce with 
 lei of the 
 1 at using 
 
 )se which 
 lave been 
 object of 
 lamation, 
 ^ and the 
 f all his 
 lited war 
 
 1 
 p. 
 
 Chalcm or at Athens, and Lis teachers are said to liave beenrc."""*" 
 Lys^as and Isoerates. We have eleven speeches of his left 
 rdatmg o wUI ca,es. These are valuable, as showing Joy 
 important pomts of the Athenian laws of inheritance. 
 
 Demosthsnes was born near Athens. At the age of seven he o. ,. 
 and h.s s;ster, two years younger than hin.self, were lef r^«*« 
 orphans. The father, at his death, had left the property of "• 
 
 tZtwTen n"'" '.': """ «""''""'• ■'"" =° "-W theesLe 
 that when Demosthenes came of age only seventy minm' re- 
 
 .named out of the fourteen talents. After a proLcted su I 
 
 astmg for teee years, the young orator recovered ten talent 
 
 rom Ins dishonest guardians. Naturally of a weak constitution 
 
 with an impediment m his speech, he prepared iiiuLself bj 
 
 .s eady practice to overcome his natural diffidence before tl,; 
 
 r bfe r; '' ,1 ^'i'""- '"'" '•"«™'"- """ he met with in 
 eaily he fostered his determined will and unllinohing purpose 
 m whatever he undertook. What is most to be adnLed ta 
 Demosthenes is his hatred of dishonesty, his unselfish patri Im 
 
 that! ?' "" : """ '•'«''"' '"' consequences, if he believed 
 that right was on his side. He saw clearly that the ambitious 
 
 TxtZL f^' ^rK''"""-™' "■"""* »"^"*'^ '-" *" he 
 extinct on of Greek liberties, and from the day that the orator 
 
 pkaded the cause of the besieged Olynthians till his death, his 
 
 lib rt?tfr '°r! T "" P*^ "' '"« --'^ °* «'-»' 
 iberty. Of his political career, little need be said, for this has „ 
 
 emil t M '^T- '"' ""''" '""'"« "''° *"e hands of Te S.X 
 
 si island ^r " '"/"* P""""'-* diedatCalaureia, a""'^-<'-« 
 small island off the coast of Argolis. 
 
 whT^'h rf™" "^"^"^ "''''''-^'"' °"'"°"' *° Bemosthenes, of 
 which sixty-one remain to us. His most celebrated speech 'on 
 
 h:uire"' ™' f™» ap-posal of Ctesiphon that DemostLenes O?!?" 
 should receive a golden crown in the temple of Dionysus for his '* '""• 
 
 ervices to his country. Naturally this was opposed by Aes h ne 
 his rival and the chief of the Athenian orators^n theside ,"m "' 
 andwho^tt^cke^tl^ whole public caree- of DelfthtS: 
 
 * A mina was about $18. 
 
 
 P !i 
 
•r 
 
 if: 
 
 292 
 
 HISTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 Aeschines, 
 S89-31U B.C 
 
 ■!'«1 
 
 The greatest oration of antiquity was delivered in reply by 
 Demosthenes, with the result ^hat liis rival, not receiving the 
 fifth part of the votes, had to withdraw into exile. 
 
 Demosthenes combined in himself all the requisites of an 
 orator. His chief characteristic is his intense earnestness, his 
 fearless denunciation of what he believed was wrong, his 
 unswerving devotion to the cause of Athens, his honesty ap- 
 proaching even bluntness, and his tenacity of purpose that faced 
 all danger, regardless of consequences. To these moral qualities 
 were added a studied diction and polished style, while he paid 
 the utmost regard to delivery. 
 
 Aeschines was a native of Attica. Of his family we know 
 little or nothing, for we have the contradictory statements of 
 Demosthenes and of Aeschines himself. While Demosthenes 
 states that the fauiily of Aeschines was low-born, that his 
 father was k petty schoolmaster and his mother a dancer, 
 Aeschines, on the other hand, says that his family was of high 
 descent, but lost its property during the Peloponnesian war. 
 Whatever may be said of the family of Aeschines, certain it is 
 that he had a brother avIio was one of the strategi, and another 
 was entrusted with a mission to Persia. At different times of 
 his life, Aeschines was an assistant in the school of his father, a 
 tragic actor and a soldier. To a varied experience in life, he 
 united a natural eloquence, fluent and ornate, which was set off 
 by a handsome person and tine voice, which his stage training 
 had tauglit to effectively modulate. At first he was a democrat, 
 Joins the '"^^ ^" ^^"^^ separate occas,ions he was chosen as an ambassador 
 Macedonian l>etween the Athenians and Philip, who won him over to his 
 ^^^^' Henceforth he was a steady opponent of Demosthenes 
 and his policy. The speech ' against Ctesiphon ' called forth 
 the oration of Demosthenes ' On the Crown.' Aeschines, as we 
 have stated, went into exile and lived for a while at Rhodes, 
 where he established a school of oratory, but finally went to 
 Samos, where he died. 
 
 Superior to Demosthenes in natural gifts, Aeschines was far 
 inferior to his great rival in untiring industry, steadfastness of 
 purpose, patriotic devotion to his native land, and in moral 
 earnestness. We have three speeches of his remaining. 
 
 party, 3/,6 
 B.C. 
 
 Died at 
 
 Samos. 
 
 m 
 
HISTORY OF GREECE. 
 
 Of the four remaining orators, we have only a fev. speeches 
 ^ft, and these have little interest. Two of the.e orators 
 Hypendes and Lycurgns, wc e steady supporters of Demos! 
 thenes, while the othe^two, Dinarchus an<l Dem^ldes favoured 
 the Macedonian party. Demades was not reckoned in tlie 
 canon of Attic orators. 
 
 The city of Athens was situated a little more than three miles 
 
 oZ^ T"l 'Vu" ''"'"'^ ^^^""^ "^ ^''''''^ ^^^"^'^ i« hemmed in 
 on all sides by hills, except on the south, where it is open to the 
 
 sea The most prominent of these hills is Mount Lycabottus 
 
 to the north-east of tlie city and outside the walls built by 
 
 293 
 
 Hi/pen'dea, 
 300 B.C. 
 
 Lycurtnia, 
 SCO B.C. 
 
 Dinarchus, 
 SuOB.C. 
 
 Demadeg, 
 3,10 B.C. 
 
 The city q/ 
 Athens, 
 
 
 ATHENS AND PORTS 
 
 Ihemistocles. Within this wall the chief hills were the 
 AcTopolxs, an irregular, oblong, rugged rock rising to the height 
 of one hundred and fifty feet, about one thousand feet from east 
 to wes , and five hundred from north to south. West of the 
 fcropoUs^s the Areopagus (Mars hill), and to the south-west of 
 this the Pynx hill, on which the assemblies of the people were 
 o ten heR South of the Areopagus was the Agora or market 
 place, where also the people assembled, and south of this was the 
 Museum hill. 
 
294 
 
 HISTORY OP GREECE. 
 
 harbours. 
 
 m 
 
 i'iii: 
 
 It was not till the days of the Poisistratidae, that Athens 
 attained any degree of splendor. Under their rule the founda- 
 tions of the Olympeuni, tlie great temple of Olympian Jove, 
 were laid, which was not ct»nipleted till many oentuiies afterwards. 
 After Athens had been reduced to ashes at the time of the Persian 
 nwf """"' invasion, Themistocles built a wall nround tlic city seven and a 
 half miles i-.i circumference, and also connected the city proper 
 with the sea-port Pei.aeus, four and a half miles distant, which 
 contained three natural harbours, the Peiraeus proper, Zeia, and 
 Munychia. The harbour of Phalerum was also connected with a 
 wall. Soon it was found that the space between the Peiraeic 
 and Ph.'ileric walls was too great to defend, and that the Phaleric 
 harbour was unsuitable for large ships of war. A second wall, 
 the Southern, leading to the Peiraeus, was built. This port, too, 
 was surrounded by a wall of aboi.t the sanie extent as that which 
 surrounded the city. These walls were about fourteen or fifteen 
 feet thick and about sixty feet in height. 
 
 In Athens the private dwellings were in striking contrast to 
 the stately public edifices. None of the private houses had 
 more than one storey, which often projected over the narrow 
 street. Most of these private dwellings were of wood or 
 unburnt brick dried in the sun. The streets were narrow and 
 crooked, few of them paved, unlightedat night, without drainage, 
 and no doubt very dirty. 
 
 The population of Athens has been variously estimated from 
 one hundred and twenty thousand to one hundred and ninety- 
 two thousand. Of the people, probably the majority were 
 slaves, and many of the remainder metics or resident aliens. 
 The citizens probably did not nun)ber more than twenty 
 thousand. 
 
 It was during the period succeeding the Persian wars that 
 statuary and painting were brought to their highest perfection 
 in Greece. Of the sculp+^^ors who preceded Pheidias the most 
 noted was Ageladas, of Argos. It was, however, under Pheidias 
 that sculpture and archictecture were brought to their highest 
 perfection. His great abilities were devoted to the adorning of 
 Athens with the works of art which were executed under the 
 
 Population 
 of Athens. 
 
 Sculptors. 
 
 I i 
 
 ^m ■ 
 
IIISTOUY OF aUEECE. 
 
 295 
 
 administration df Pericles. Besides these, he carved the 
 celebrated statue of (Jlynipian Jovo at Olynipia. On his return 
 to Athens he was condoniiied on a charge of impiety, and died 
 in prison. All his W(.rks combine dignity and sublimity, with- 
 out the stiffness that cliaracterized the artists of the preceding 
 age, or without the effort after gracefulness that marked the 
 degeneracy of sculpture in a subse(iuent period. Contemporary 
 with him were Myron and Polycleitus, who were little inferior to 
 Pheidias as sculptors. 
 
 Painting was soon developed after statuary. The Greek /'oin<m. 
 paintings were either in water colours or in wax, for oil colours 
 seem to have been then unknown. Under Polygnotiis, Apollo- 
 dorus, Zeuxis and Parrhasius, painting reached its highest per- 
 fection. 
 
 The architectural beauty of Athens was due, not merely to 
 the almost limitless amount of fine building material of limestone 
 and marble, but also to the fact that the highest ambition of the 
 Athenians during the patriotic period succeeding the Persian war 
 
29G 
 
 HISTORY OF GHKEC.E. 
 
 was to ornament the city with monuinentH of Hrchitoctuml nklll. 
 Of tho chief })jiilding8 niiiny woio lulornod l)y tho artistH named. 
 Under tho direction of Cinion the toniplo of ' Wingless Victory ' ', 
 the Theseum and the Pdhded J'mrh'^ were erticted. The 
 temple of ' VVinglosH Victory ' whs only twenty-seven feet long 
 and eighteen feet in width, and was built on tho Acropolis to 
 conunemorato the victory of Chuon on tho Eurymedon. Tho 
 Theseum was built on a hoight north of the Areopagus, to 
 receive tho bones of Theseus, tho national hero of Attica. It 
 
 IS said to be one of the best preserved of all the ancient monuments 
 of Athens. It is not the size of the building tliat impresses the 
 spectator, for it is only one hundred and four feet long by forty- 
 five feet wide. Its absolute symmetry is the admiration of all. 
 The Painted Porch ran along one side of the Agora or market 
 place, was a long colonnade formed by columns on one side and 
 a wall on the other, on which were painted the masterpieces of 
 Greek art. 
 
 The crowning glory of Athens was the Acropolis. Before the 
 time o f theJ^crsiHu^vars it was occu^ ; ;d by private dwellings ; 
 
HISTORY OP QREECK. 
 
 "fulflH"'"'," ""' °'',""" '" " «""*« "i'" f"r the t«mpleH 
 
 of stone ,tep«. At the head of tl,u«e .to„.l the P„„, , „" „, 
 
 entmnce to the Acr„,K,IU, consisting of two porticoes, !^^2Z 
 
 six ■„:: f " ""T "■"/;-""'-. -h I-"rtioo consisting 
 
 feet L';,'',''fp '"''/""' "' ^''"■"'"» «'"• twenty-ninf 
 fett Inah. i 1,^ whole i'.r.p!,!™,.,, ha,l » length of one hundred 
 
 Mnesicles, ,„,d the cost upwards of two n.illion of dollars The 
 temple of -Wingless Victory- w„, to the right of tuT.pyZ 
 
 pJ^J/T-""^"'*/'" '"■^W'"""' "'e chief building w,.s the 
 Pa,thMon, the temple of the -Virgin Athena. • It was built 
 during he «.lmmistration of Pericles by Ictlnus „„d Oallicr te 
 under the superintendence of Pheidias. It, like the Pr ' J w' 
 was of Pentehc n.arble. The Parthenon was two hundredand 
 twenty.e,sht feet in length, one hundred and one feet in width 
 and B,xty.„x feet high. It was surrounded by a portico sup 
 ported by forty.3ix columns, and the whole bnildfng was 2rned 
 by ^ulpture, executed under the supervision of Pheidiar The 
 oh,ef wonder of the Parthenon was the colossal figure of I'thcna 
 forty feet ,„ height, executed by the master hand of PheidTa:* 
 
 St L If rfr'.^r'""""*'"" °* ""'y *»•» SOW- Another 
 
 foe . "." "^""""^ "■" "^"""P"'"- I' ™ "bout seventy 
 
 eetlngh and towered high in air above the roofs of the Par^ 
 
 aZ:"- "" ,""' f ^^ •"'^°°' ^'''" "y "- -"- approaching 
 
 ttun, th t "; ""^rf'^^' » «>« AcVopolis was the Erech^ 
 
 ' "" ■ f "' ^■•'"'''*''>"- I' was considered with 
 
 «,.! reverence by tho Athenians, as the hero was connected 
 
 v.th the early traditions of Athens, and was regarded as one of 
 
 the hnest modeh of the I„,nc order of architecture as the 
 
 I'arthenon was a model of tho Koric. 
 
 397 
 
 r I 
 
 ''Afi^vtt i7p<>Mo.;(os, 'Athi»m, the defetuter.' 
 
 J 
 
Ilill: 
 
 M( 
 
 m I i 
 
 f s 
 
 I , I' 
 
a3E»'"T; ' '?3»a 
 
 ^ 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 
 
 i 
 
V' ! 
 
 i. » 
 
^I^j^^j^ 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 GEOGRAPHY OF ITALY. 
 
 As we have said before, three important peninsulas are found p ■ , 
 .n Southern Europe. On the extron.e east of the Mediterranean 'fSt^n 
 we find Greece, on the west, the Iberian peninsula, while X *"'"• 
 central peninsula is Italy, a long tongue of land with the Apen! 
 nines runnnig down the centre. ^ 
 
 The tern, Italia applied in later times to designate the country „ 
 winch we call by the name /W,, had different significations n^'S^ 
 hfferent penods of Roman history. Before the tiufe of Pyrrhus 
 kmgof Epirus (276 B.a), the term n.eant the country south of 
 a h„e drawn from Metapontum, „„ the Sinus TarentLs ((Mf 
 FromT :T'^ 'o P«-tum or Po.,ido„ia, on the Mediterranean 
 From that hme 1. 1 the days of Augustus (b.c. 27), Italia Propria 
 
 the east, and the Macra, on the west, to the Fretum Sicn um 
 
 7aJ„ f/^'n" ■^'^""S"'''' " f™- «allia Transalplna or 
 aau,„„-oss the Alp,, now called Fra,^e. It was not till 27 b c 
 that Itaha was used by the Romans to designate the whole 
 country south of the Alps, I„ using the term Italy h, the ^ 
 equent h.sto,y, we shall mean the country south of'^the Rubicon 
 and the Macra, unless mention is made to the contrary 
 
 .o^m'wI"? wdest signification, extends fron, 37° 30' to id" W B^entcf 
 north latitude and from 6° 36' to 18» 35' east longitude. The "'" 
 extreme length from the Alps to tho Straits „f Mestu.a is seven 
 hundred miles, and the width varies from three hundred and 
 
 [301] 
 
 1 ' 
 
 ' ^1 
 
 
 m 
 
 t 
 
 1 '' 
 
 i^^^i 
 
 1; 
 
 1 
 
 1". 
 pl if 
 
II I'' 
 
 n id 
 
 H HI 
 
 302 
 
 1. 
 
 !*' : 
 
 ilil 
 
 !ii: 
 
 ' 
 
 
 m 
 
 li 
 
 fi 
 ill 
 
 St 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 (2) Apen- 
 nhies. 
 
 fifty miles at the north to an average of one hundred miles at 
 the south. The total area is 92,640 s(iuare miles.^ 
 
 The mountain system of Italy is less complex than that of 
 Greece. On the north and northwest, separating Italy from 
 Mountain,. Gallia Transalplna (T^ranoe), Helvetia and U^eti^ {Switzerland) 
 (1) A ips. «ire the Alps.^* This range had different names in different places' 
 ManUme, Cottian, Gmlwn, Fewnme, Raetiau, Tridentine, west 
 and north of Gallia Cisalpina, and the Garnic and Julian Alps 
 north of Venetia. ' 
 
 The Apennines are a continuation of the Maritime Alps 
 They begin a little west of Gentia (Geitoa), and after skirt- 
 ing the Smus Ligustlcus (G,df of Genoa), they form the 
 southern boundary of the valley of the Padus (Po). From lati- 
 tude 44° to 42° they run nearly parallel to the coast, leaving a 
 district about forty miles in width between them and the Adri- 
 atic, while the distance between them and the Mediterranean 
 withm these same parallels is nearly twice that extent. At 
 nearly 41° they branch into two ranges, one running south to 
 the promontory of Leucopetra (Capo delV Armi) and the other 
 to the southeast, terminating in the promontory of lapygium 
 (Leuca). The Apennines are not so high as the Alps, generally 
 ranging from 3000 to 7000 feet high, while several peaks of 
 the Alps reach twice the latter height. Of single mountains the 
 chief are Mt. Garganus on the Adriatic and Mt. Vesuvius near 
 the bay of Naples. 
 
 The rivers of Italy may be divided into three groups : those 
 m the great plain of Northern Italy between the Alps and the 
 Apennines ; those on the west of the Apennines flowing into the 
 Mediterranean, and those on the east of the Apennines flowing 
 into the Adriatic. 
 
 The largest river of Italy is the Padus (Po), which rises in 
 
 (Din Nor. ?!!'• ^'f^'l ^^'"'^ ^"*i ^'<^«^ ^ ««»^-«« of four hundred and 
 them Italy, titty^nil es, flowing nearly due east, it falls by several mouths 
 
 110,65™;' „£.'"''" "' Continental Italy. If we includeTh^^lands'il^e'a're^ 
 ? From Keltic Alp or Alb, ' a height ' : cp. Albion, Albania. 
 
 Rivers. 
 
aim 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 (AM,) draining lake Lr,u^ (C^Tll^^^'Z-''^'. *''" ^''"■"' 
 draining lake Benacns (GaZ) O l^ ," ^"°'"'' '*""'») 
 
 AthWs (4*,.), Med„«cus (iJaJto) Ravi. J T "T """ 
 Ar.ia (4,.,,,), the eastern boundarv oVZ ^ "?' "'"' "'° 
 Illyrioun,, all en,ptyi„« into the Idriatil' ™ "" '"' "' 
 
 Etr.n.ia; the Arnf ;2:Vrr»i„Th:A '"" '^'^'"™' """"-""■ 
 
 in Sa.„„i„„. and'flowi,;^ thr^r^h r;!.,,:! """^ ""' "^ '"""^ 
 
 areteSir;^:X1he w';^ r/"'" '""' "'^ Adriatic,..,.,., 
 
 and Un,.,ria , tL Met; ^^"S^^^ 
 
 (Pe«„™) in San,ni.nn and thet «!'] ('^ 'irC^f ''™"' 
 
 ome lakes in the district «r.st .nentS' dife t ^ 't^^t 
 he other districts. While the lakes of Gallia CisalZ a e fed 
 by monnt™ strean.s and have their waters drained by Lrs the 
 lakes in Etruna and Campania have often no visibi 2ll 
 ..Jet, and are supposed to be the .-aters of extinctv'wt 
 
 ;n length a.,r^ rt-in:!:rrLat:f,n:tt« ^-v-"- ""■ 
 
 Ihehrst IS connected with the Paflii>.h,.fK rv - ^ , ^^"^^''^• 
 also with the Padus bv tL\dd^ "'^ U^V^-^ " "'""'' 
 the Padus by the Hindus. ' ' *^"^ ^''^'^^«^' "^^'^ 
 
 303 
 
 Mi 
 
 \m 
 
 11 i 
 
It 
 
 I • 
 
 Hi f IE 
 
 I . 
 
 (2) Jn Etru 
 ria. 
 
 (3) In Sam 
 nhiin. 
 
 (4) In Cam- 
 pania. 
 
 Promon- 
 tories. 
 
 I 'I 
 
 304 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 In Etruria the largesb lake is Traslmenus (Periujin'), sur- 
 rouiuled on all sides by mountains. Besides this, wo find 
 Volsiniensis (Bulsena) and Sabatlnus {Broccunio). 
 
 In Saninium is lake Fucinus (Celano) about thirty miles in 
 circumference without any visible outlet, and in Campania, 
 near Cumae, lacus Avernus (Averno). 
 
 The chief promontories of j ; . -j on the west and south. 
 On the Adriatic the only one .^ant Garganus (Gargano). 
 
 On the west coast, near the middle of tho Etrurian coast, opposite 
 the island of Ilva {Elba), was Populonium (Campania) ; on the 
 coast of Latium near Circeii was Mons Circaeus (Circello) : also 
 on the coast of Latium near Formiae was Caieta (Gata) ; on the 
 coast of Campania at the northern end of the bay of Naples was 
 Misenum (Miseno) while at the southern extremity of the same 
 bay was pn ihontorium Minervae or Surrentinum (Minerva) ; on 
 the coast of Lucania was Palinurum or Palinurus (Palin aro). On 
 the south of Ilhegium are Leucojjetra (Capo delV Armi) and 
 Herculis promontorium (Spartavento) ; Lacinium (C<(po delle 
 Colonne) c of Brutium. Off the coast of Apulia is lapygium 
 promontorium. 
 
 Minerals. Iron is found in Gallia Cisalpina, near Conmm, and in the 
 islands of Ilva and Sardinia. In various parts zinc, copper, 
 lead, and silver abound. Marble is plentiful especially in 
 Northern Etruria. 
 
 Productions ^^'^^y ^^^ regarded by the ancient Romans as abounding in 
 everything needed for the support of man and beast. Grain, 
 hemp, wool were produced in great abundance, and everywhere 
 the raising of oxen, horses, sheep and goats was carried on 
 extensively. The wines of the Falerninn district, of Alba, and of 
 Surrentum were famous ; while the honey of Tarentum, the olives 
 of Venafrum, and the figs of Tusculum were often extolled by 
 the Roman poets. 
 
 Climate. The climate of Italy varies from the cold of the Alpine districts 
 
 on the north to the warm and sunny air of the south, or from the 
 extreme rigor of the highlands of the Apennines to the genial 
 temperature of the districts along the coast. In the north the 
 
"'^^^'^'f'' 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 3( 
 
 Climate is temperate and healthy, though severe in winter • in the 
 central chstnets it is n.ore gonial, while in the south ti 
 
 ;" it: T" '''''f'' ^''''''''' '' ''^ "'- -'^ ^'- -Id 
 
 Zm \ "f '"«""t.un and plain set o£F the landscape wit), 
 brdhant eflect. The chief drawbacks are the cold piercin 
 
 «outh, and the malaria that prevails at certain seasons of the 
 yar especially ni Latium. It is generally supposed that le 
 wmtei m ancient tnnes was severer than at present. 
 
 In regard to the character of her co-ist linp Tf.i,, ■ 
 different from Greece. The coast line Tit- ^ '' jery Coast line. 
 
 f„... ^.^ , ., • -^"« coast line ct Italy measures about 
 
 o thousand ,„,le,, „r not «o much ,.s that of Greece, though 
 My |s about four a„<l a half times Urgor than Greece. On the 
 
 rdn T "' m" '"'■"■''"""• "" ''""' "'""8 "- --t being lo 
 except where Mount Garganu. jut, out into the Adriatic On 
 
 AwT, 1" "r"' "" """' '■' "'"■" '»-'*™ >'yi"dontations 
 Along the .Smu» L,gu„ticus (G,df of Ge,wa}, from the point where 
 
 o the Amu., the c,«st ,s lofty and precipitous. From 
 the „,outh of the Arnus to the head of the bay of Nap e" 
 the coast .s low and swampy without any good har'bonr. pim 
 the bay of Naples to Tarentun, the c,«st is rugged and rocky 
 The people on the eastern side of Italy did not .^^ulily take to 
 .."v,gat,on, and had little intercourse with the Gre L of the 
 oppo„,te co,.t ; but on the west and south the lUlinn, Ll Lore 
 cou„nun,cat.„„ with the neighbouring nations. ' 
 
 of Offerer tn "' '^""""' " '""""S""'""" ■■««, though composed ™. ra... ./ 
 o Uflfe.ent trd«s possessing diflerent characteristics, we „,eet '"""■ 
 
 tali:: :::;"'' f "T '■■ "^ ''"'^'■™' •«=°>"- ">at'ini>ab ::, 
 
 find a1 1 ' fi r'V ''""" *° -^''» '° "« «'""'»" *""«, we 
 re"tio, 7 ,""' ""'"'' ''"^'^""S '■■»■» «"* "the in 
 
 ^elS'LrlZr' ""'""" "'^'''""™'' »" "' -'»"'""- 'or 
 
 strio I'r, ™1'T r' *' ''■"''" "''" ""^ «"'» ^ « "« n-row 
 
 we 1 ll "'"™" * -t "P^"™"-^^ »^ *'-• «"« ol Genoa 
 
 If Etr ri H r ■ °° "■" ""'" "f ""^ Apennines in the plain 
 
 Etr.ma, the Etruscans, in the centre of Italy, the oL„, 
 
J 
 
 11 
 
 306 
 
 (1) The 
 Oault. 
 
 i 
 
 '1 i|:i 
 
 ^1 
 
 l]li -■ 
 
 (2) The 
 Liguriang. 
 
 (3) Tfte 
 Etrugcans. 
 
 HiSTORy OP HOME. 
 
 Umbro-Latin, and Sabellian tribes, while on the south, in the 
 district of Magna Graecia, were the Greeks and Pelasgijins. 
 
 The Gauls were a Keltic race, of the same stock as the Welsh, 
 the Erse or Kelts of Ireland, and the Highlanders of Scotland, 
 The Alps on the side of France and Switzerland are easier of 
 ascent than on the side of Italy. Migrations of the Gauls probably 
 came from the north and settled in the valley of the I*mUis from 
 which thoy expelled the Etruscans, about the sixth century B.C. 
 When the Romans became acquainted with them they were in a 
 primitive state of civilization. They are described as a tall, blue- 
 eyed, fair-haired race, who were nomadic in their habits, pastur- 
 ing their herds and flocks, and paying little heed to agriculture. 
 They dwelt in open villages or collections of primitive huts with- 
 out fortifications. They were divided into clans, each governed 
 by I chief, alnd never got beyond this form of government. 
 According to Mommsen, they have shaken all states, but 
 founded none. Though individually a match for the Romans in 
 physical strength, personal courage and daring, they had not 
 those qualities which ena' led them to endure a campaign, or 
 make any permanent use of their conquests. According to Cato, 
 the Elder, they cared for little else than for war and wit. The 
 influence of the chief depended on his fame as a warrior, or on 
 his skill as an orator in rousing his unruly clansmen to battle, and 
 on his power in keeping them under proper control. They lived 
 by plundering each other or their common enemies. They ex- 
 celled, however, in horsemanship, were active warriors, but better 
 fitted for aggressive than for defensive warfare, loved poetry and 
 speech-making. They could win a battle, but not a campaign. 
 
 Who the Ligurians were is still a matter of conjecture. They 
 certainly were neither Kelts nor Latins. From time immemorial 
 they have occupied the narrow strip of land between the Apen- 
 nines and the sea, from Nicaea to Luca. Some have supposed 
 them to be a pre-Aryan race akin to the Basques, on the Bay of 
 Biscay. 
 
 Who the Etruscans were is still a greater mystery. Some 
 have supposed them to be of l^elasgic origin ; others say they 
 came from Lydia, in Asia Minor ; while others say they reached 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 Italy througl, the Raetian Alps. Tlievc-illp,! H. , t> 
 
 While their nlpluthet resembles tl e rv t r^x,' '"' ^^"''"""• 
 iHiigUKre of this ,...onl. 1 i ""^ ''"'^ ^""''-"^ «^>11 the 
 
 they were exuelled l)v H.« r< it '"^"'^' ^^""'n wliioh 
 
 twelve cities at the head of which wa<fv, ^ ■■ , "''"'^"^ "^^ 
 
 n.«e^rt: i-rt rc,::rf '?, "t •"■''"■"' -'».., .,,«,™. 
 
 to H,e Adriatic, and included ti.e Aenui H„ cT "1 v",''""" 
 Latium. The Un.bro-Latins were Z k h H ' """'.J"'^'" "' 
 of Central Italy, ehiefly i„ U.nbria ^t^^J^ "^I "b T 
 nation comprised a number of tribes in Ce !> I ?"'"'»""• 
 I.^-.e .abini, Samnite. .^ ^:::t ^^-^^ 
 
 eJe^ledl'llroCan t'ht^ *™r °' '" «^^''-' ^^'-"0"^™ 
 over the tltTL fir no^th '=™"'™^°° ">= Mediterranean, ™«r? 
 
 Channelandt e F.-i^ „rF„rtrI^° Z""'^' '" "^^ ""^^-s— "■ 
 
 «.is vast empire were n.al/pt leTdiffet; It?; ^T, '" 
 
 cmh...t.„„, science, art, literaLe and rdi! o, WW '' 
 
 valuable in the institutions and arts of thelrliff'; . f ™' 
 
 was the ndssion of the Komans to a:s . ,t: an "ndT '' 
 
 to Tjo'^fprif" ^vi r» r T "i-c aiiu 10 nana onwn 
 
 i-'i^reruj.. r'Vhun Kome fell under hpr ha,.!.., • 
 
 i^ was the treasure of ancient W^ilirstd™' ITS 
 
 307 
 
 ■ 
 
I: ' 
 
 t ■ 
 
 iiiir^ 
 
 I i 
 
 ■all 
 
 308 HISTORY OP HOME. 
 
 guided the footsteps of tlie modern nations of Europe to new 
 
 forms of civilized life. The language of Rome still survives in 
 
 a modiHed form in the languages of Portugal, Spain, France 
 
 and Italy. The Latin was in former days tlie language of 
 
 diplomacy, of law, of government, and is still the language of 
 
 the ritual of the Roman Catholic Church. It was not, however, 
 
 so much in the sphere of literature that the Romans excelled, 
 
 for in tliis respect they were far distanced by the Greeks. In 
 
 civil law and in the art of governuient, however, they were 
 
 the teacliers of modern nations, for all the civil law of modern 
 
 states is based on that of Rome. The greatness of Rome 
 
 was not due so much to the bravery of her foldiers, or to the 
 
 ability of her legislators, but as to the respect she usually 
 
 evinced for established right and order. Though changes were 
 
 made froni tijne to time according to the needs of the growing 
 
 republic, the Romans were not revolutionists, but closely 
 
 resembled the English in making the constitution an adaptation 
 
 to the wants of the state, in which ^ erythiiig new was merely a 
 
 development of what was old. 
 
 The humble origin of Rome is in striking contrast to its great- 
 ness under the Imperial Caesars. When we consider the causes 
 of its predominating power we find that this was not due to any 
 advantage Rome possessed in excellency of soil, salubrity of 
 climate, or superiority of race. The soil of Latium is compara- 
 tively sterile ; the climate, especially at certain seasons of the 
 year, unhealthy; and the Latins could not boast ;.t:y preponder- 
 ating excellence in race over the other peoples of Central Italy. 
 Again, it was not due to the fact that Rome possessed a succes- 
 sion of distinguished men, for ^ \en such men as Marius, Sulla 
 and Ciiesar appeared on the scene the best days of Republican 
 Rome were at an end. While other nations have risen through 
 the commanding genius of an individual as Frederick the Great 
 or Count Cavour, Rome on the other hand could make no such 
 boast. 
 
 if'^e^^ra-^^ The advantages that gave Rome preponderance over the other 
 
 KhicJ r-MHi. towTia of Latium were due to her geographical situation. While 
 
 neighbouring towns, as Praeneste, possessed a stronger position 
 
 Disadvaii' 
 tages of 
 Rome. 
 
 h': 
 
s 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 than , my single hill of Rome, we find nowhere in Italy a grout, 
 of hills so close to each otlier with tho advantages of posi- 
 tion that Rome possessed. The proximity of these hills fostered 
 pr. itical union among the people, and tendod to bind the in- 
 habitants into one political community. With Rome as a centre 
 the neighbouring tribes were gradually amalgamated into one 
 body politic by peaceful union or by coiKjuest, until she had 
 acqmred dominion over the whole peninsula. Another advant- 
 r.g. was the sterility of the soil. The early wars of Rome were 
 aggressive, undertaken rather for the purposes of aggrandise- 
 ment than for self defence. The unhealthy climate, especially' at 
 certain seasons of the year, may also have been a protection 
 against foreign foes, while its distance from the sea, and the 
 unnavigable character of the Tiber for war galleys saved it from 
 the attack of the Etruscan corsairs that scoured the Mediter- 
 ranean. Finally, her position in the centre of the Peninsula of 
 Ita y, on the borderland of Etruria and the nations of Central 
 Italy enabled her to 'divide and conquer' her enemies on the 
 north and the south. When once Rome gained a supremacy in 
 Latmm over the tribes of Central Italy, she became the 
 recognized head of the Italian states, and the acknowledged 
 defender of their liberty against the Etruscans, Gauls Tnd 
 Carthaginians. 
 
 309 
 
 !l 
 
 I; 
 
 H 
 
 i 
 
 \n.< 
 
 ' I 
 
 1' ,i 
 
 I tU'l 
 
!,vJ 
 
 r 
 
 i ;| 
 
 i?i' 
 
 ii 
 
 1 
 
 Leijend of 
 AfiwuH the 
 Trojan. 
 
 CHAPTER IT. 
 
 LKOENDAKY AND KEOAL ROME. 
 
 For the firHt four centuries the liistory c.f R„nie is nminly 
 legunchiry, th..ugh some of the legends have undoubtedly Home 
 foundation. 
 
 The RoniauH were fond of tracing their descent, especially in 
 the days of Augustus, frou) the ancient kings of Troy. According 
 to the legend, when Troy was taken and burned by the CJreeks, 
 Aeneas with his father, A.ichlses, and his s.>n Ascanius (also called 
 lulus, from whom the Jidian line of the Caesars traced their 
 descent) with a band of followers escai^ed from the l)urning 
 city. After' in vain seeking a homo in T'.;race and Sicily, 
 Aeneas, under the guidance of hoaven, at last reached the Italiail 
 shore, near Laurentuni, a few miles south of the mouth of 
 the river Tiber. Here he found a people ruled over by King 
 Latlnus. The king mustered his followers and atteujpted to 
 repel the invaders, but was worsted in the field and came to 
 terms with the new-comers. To Aeneas he gave his daughter 
 Lavinia in marriage, and land <m which to found a city, which 
 Aeneas called Lavinium in honour of his wife. But Lavini.-i. 
 had been previously betrothed to Turnus, king of the Ruttili, of 
 Ardea. Turnus collected his followers and attacked th • trangers 
 but was slain by the hand of Aeneas. Three years after this 
 the Trojan hero disappeared amid the waters of the river 
 Numicit!s, and was afterwards worshii)ped under the name of 
 Jupiter Indiges, or ' god of the country. ' 
 
 Aeneas was succeeded by his son Ascanius (or lulus) who 
 xmt of transferred the seat of empire to Alba Lonya or ' the Ioul' 
 .4/taio»i;a. white city. A line of kings for three hundred years reigned 
 at Alba Longa, till the time of Procas. He left two sons, 
 Numitor and Amulius. The younger brother, Amulius, dispos- 
 sessed the elder, Numitor, of power, slew his son and made his 
 daughter, Rea Silvia, a Vestal Virgin, which meant that she was 
 
 [310] 
 
 A scaniiix 
 tmnnfers his 
 
HISTORY OF KOMK. 
 
 311 
 
 devoted to the services of VostH, and wjih compelled to live and 
 die luiwedcUid. But the virgin hud by Mars twin sons, 
 Roniul'.'s and Rennis, and in conHe<iuence of having broken her 
 vows wan doomed to be buried alive — a punishment which 
 was carried out, Tlie twins were ordered to be thrown into the 
 river Tiber. It so happened that the river at that time had over- Homuhii 
 Howed its banks, and formed shallow pools. The basket in which ""'' '^'"""*' 
 they were laid floated to the foot of the Palatine hill near the cave 
 of the god Lupercus and was caught in the brandies of a fig tree. 
 When tlio waters subsided the twins were left on dry land. A 
 wolf attracted by their cry came out of the cave and suckled them. 
 Here they were found by a shejiherd, Faustulus, who t(jok them 
 home to his wife, and she brought them U]) as her own chil- 
 dren and gave them the names Romulus and Remus. It 
 clianced one day that the herdsmen of Amulius, who fed their 
 flocks on the Palatine, had a diHjjute witli the herdsmen 
 of Numitor, wlio fed theirs on the Aventine. Remus was 
 taken prisoner and was brought before Amulius to answer 
 the charge of having plundered tlie lands of his grandfather 
 Numitor. Then Faustulus told Romulus the story of his origin, 
 of the wicked designs of Amulius and of his miraculous escape. 
 Romulus raised a 'vmd, forced his way into the town of 
 Alba L(mga, set free his brother Remus and put his grand- 
 father, Numitor, on the throne. 
 
 The twins were not content to remain at Alba Longa, bat 
 longed to found a city near the spot where they had been miracu- 
 lously preserved. But the new city had to have a site and a 
 name. Romulus wished to build the city on the Palatine; 
 Remus, on the Aventine. To end the dispute they agreed to 
 leave the matter to the will of heaven as expressed by augury. 
 Each took up his position on his chosen hill and watched for 
 omens. Remus was the first to observe the flight of birds, for six 
 vultures appeared on his hill, but at the moment of the announce- 
 ment of this, twelve appeared to Romulus. It was now a yj^„ 
 difficult matter to decide the question, for though Remus was/o^wderf,. 
 the first to see a sign of birds, double the immber had been UsB.T^' 
 
 sighted by Roniulus. The Palatine was, hon 
 
 vvcvur, selected as the 
 
 111! 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 , !■ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ' , 
 
 i 
 
 } 
 
 ^ 
 
 JJ 
 

 1M 
 
 312 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 central hill of tlio city, which was called Rome after the name 
 of Romulus, who at once marked out tlie boundaries of the new 
 city by drcvvving a furrow around the Palatine Hill. According 
 to traditiim Rome was founded on the 21st April, 753 B.C., a 
 day ctjlel)ruted by tlie Romans as the festival of Pales, the 
 goddess of shepherds. 
 
 7^rmB.C. ..^^'^^«" Romulus had marked out the ])oundarle8 of the new 
 city, he built a wall and dug a trench around it. But Remus in 
 derision leaped over the wall and tlie trench to show how 
 easily the city could be taken. Then Romulus in anger slew 
 his brother sayiiig, ' Thus perish every one who may attempt to 
 cross these walls.' 
 
 [, IfRomuZ. Afterwards Ronudus opened an m^jhim or place of refuge for 
 
 I '] ^^^ w'lo had been compelled to flee from their enemies or through 
 
 I J ^^''^^ of tlie law in their own states. Soon all kinds of criminals 
 
 flocked to the asylum from the surrounding nations and all were 
 
 welcomed and made citizens of Rome. 
 
 Sabin? *^^ ^"^ *^*^ citizens of Rome lacked wives, and the neighbounng 
 virgins. tribes were unwilling that their daughters should mingle with 
 I the reckless outlaws of Romulus. He sent messengers to them 
 
 asking that his people should be admitted into a league with 
 them so as to give his citizens the right of intermarriage, but 
 his proposals were rejected. Then Ronmlus determined to 
 accomplish by foul, what he could not obtain by fair means. 
 So he sent a proclamation saying that he was going to hold 
 games in honour of the god Conms. When tli£ people were 
 assembled from the neighbouring Sabine districts, and were 
 intently watching the games, a number of Roman youths rushed 
 in and carried off the Sabine women. At this the [.arents of the 
 women were angry, and hurried away from Rome uttering curses 
 on the faithless city tliat had so deceitfully dcme them wnmg. 
 They collected an army and put Titus Tatius their king in com- 
 mand. When they reached the Capitoline Hill they laid siege 
 to it. Now the hill was in charge of Tarpeius, who had a 
 daughter Tarpeia. When the Sabines were unable to take the 
 Capitoline Hill, they carried out their object by means of 
 Tarpeiaj who promised to open iho gates of the pairimn if they 
 
HISTORY OF ROME, 
 
 he Cap tohne H,ll, frequent frays took place between the two 
 
 1, T ■ "™ '"•■'™""' "'" '*""'"™ >"«■•'' "-""'S driven iu flight 
 hen R„„,„ us raised his hands to heaven and vowed a teu,^ 
 to J„p,ter Stator, or 'Jupiter Sb>yer of the Flight,' if he wo ,ld 
 help the Ro,„ans in their need. Then, as the story goes the 
 R„,nans wheeled and drove back the Habines. When L battle 
 as at the turnmg po„,t, the Sabine women rushed in between 
 
 n\r h'^r^^T' "" "■" ""» ''■™" "'«- i.-bands :,d 
 
 «^ unit ^''"V"'™ "f "'<' ne,ghbouring Sabine, and Ron.ans 
 were united nito one' people, and Romulus and Titus Tatius 
 .■e.gned ,„,ntly as kin,. As the «abines cnne from C^rlZ 
 the united people ever after took the name of 'the Roman 
 people and the Quirites.' A short time after the union of X 
 t- peoples Titus Tatius was killed and Romulus beele si 
 ruler over the united people. 
 
 To Romulus were ascribed the foundation of the ancient 
 political mstituti.msand the organization of the citizens The 
 people were divided into nobles or patricians (.atre^) and 
 lents or dependents (.dVo.te). The patricians alone formjd 
 be sovereign people ; they alone had political rights All 
 e patricians were e„ual among themselves, and e!.li father 
 ot a annly governed his own liousehold-bis wife ehihlren 
 and slaves-over whom he had the power of life ,',d d lu 
 Several families united together and formed h. 1 w h 
 sauetuai-ies, laws and customs in common. The client, hd 
 ..o civil or political rights, but were dependents o^ tie 
 ricians. who for loyal service proteeted L rights of t 
 
 'protector'"'"' '""""■"" *"■" "'"'" «»""• »»"■•"'' - 
 
 Again, Romulus divided the patricians into three tribes- 
 
 313 
 
 Treachery 
 and death of 
 Tarpeia. 
 
 Temple of 
 Jupiter 
 Stator built. 
 
 Union of the 
 Romans and 
 Sabines. 
 
 Divisions of 
 the people. 
 
3U 
 
 Tribes of 
 Romulus. 
 
 Senatut, 
 
 Army. 
 
 Death of 
 JRomulus. 
 
 fi'.ki v. 
 
 Interreges. 
 
 HISTORY OP ROME. 
 
 Ramnes or the Romans of Romulus, the Titles or Sabines of 
 Titus Tatius, and the Lucere? or Etruscans of Caeles, an Etruscan 
 nobleman who aided Romulus in the war with the Sabines. 
 Each tribe was divided into ten curiae, and each curia into ten 
 gentes. The thirty curiae formed the comitia curiata, the supreme 
 asseuibly of the patricians. This assembly elected a king, naade 
 lav.^s affecting the patrician.s and decided, under the authority of 
 the king, cases affecting the life of a Roman citizen. 
 
 From the patricians, again, Romulus chose a number of elders 
 which he called the Senatns or council of elders. There were 
 originally one hundred, one from each gens of the Ramnes. 
 When the Sabines came into the body politic another hundred 
 were added. The Luceres were not yet represented so that tlie 
 senate on the death of Ronuilus numbered two hundred. 
 
 From eac^ of the three tribes Romulus chose one thousand 
 infantry and one hundred cavalry. Thus the legion (legio^) 
 consisted in his days of three thousand infantry and three hun- 
 dred horse. 
 
 Romulus, after settling the primitive constitution of Rome 
 and regulating the army, governed wisely for many years. He 
 extended the power of Rome beyond the city by capturing 
 Fidenae, an Etruscan town. At length, during a festival on the 
 Held of Mars, there arose a terrific thunderstorm, and when the 
 storm had cleared away Romulus had disappeared and was no 
 where to be found. The people mourned for him. At length he 
 appeared as a god to Julius Proculus and ordered him to tell the 
 people to worship him as Qnirmns and practice valour and virtue 
 by whicli they would acquire dominion over all the nations of 
 the world. Then the Romans erected an altar to him as '^- 
 god Quirinus, the national hero and guardian for ever. 
 
 After the death of Ronui) .n there was an mterregnum for a 
 year. During this time the juators held the royal power in 
 rotation as inter reges or between-kings. The reason for this was 
 that the Romans and" the Sabines were at variance as to the 
 choice of a king. At last an agreement was made that the next 
 
 iFroinkgo, ' I chuouc: 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 315 
 
 As Romulus was the founder of the political and n.ilitary SV^'^- 
 
 According to the legend he was instructed in all things by 
 Egeria, a Muse. Under her direction he surprised the gods Picul 
 and Faunus and kept them in confinement till they taught him 
 a secret spell by which he learned the will of heavL. Jup' r 
 appeared m the form of lightning and pronnsed hin. a public sign 
 of his favour. The next day there fell frcmi heaven the sacrtd 
 shie d ona/e) of Mars Gradlvus, the father of Romulus T. pre 
 vent this bemg stolen Numa ordered eleven others exactly ike 
 
 n iestTM r' '°i '^ ""'^' -^^^'^PI--ted twelve Jn or 
 priests of Mars to guard the sacred shields and to preside over pub- 
 he thanksgivings. To Numa was attributed the building of the 
 temple of Janus, the gates <.f which were open in time of war and ^^li^ious 
 
 temple always remained open from his days till the time of the 
 einperor Augustus, except during a brief period after the First 
 Funic \\ ar He appointed four pontiffs, with the Pontifex Maxi- 
 mK.attheliead,topresideoverallmattersconnectedwiththew,,r. 
 
 a uf the ffi' ?)T: "'"' '" "" ''''' "^ ecclesiastical council, 
 
 and he ofhce was held by tlie most distinguished men at Rome 
 To the worship of Jupiter, xMars, and Quirinus he appointed 
 
 the will of the gods, and chose four vestal virgins who kept 
 ahve the sacred fire brought from Alba Longa. He also Lgh 
 the ceremonies appropriate for funerals, for expiating prodigies 
 and especially he reformed the calendar by adding Januar; 
 and February to the original ten months of Romulus He 
 encouraged agnculture and taught the people to have fixed 
 possessions of land by requiring each man to mark out Ihe 
 boundaries of his land by landmarks (termini), which it was a 
 sacrilege to remove and which were under the guardianship <.f 
 the god Terminus. He also organized trade-guilds and generally 
 encouraged the people in the arts of peace. ^ 
 
316 
 
 IIISTOKY OF UOMK. 
 
 hi.) 
 
 iiu 
 
 Anotlier mterreijiimti followed on the dofitli of Nunia Pompil- 
 
 TullUK 
 
 675-67,/ /?.C J »>«, Hfhir which Mio Romans choso Tullus Hontilius as their 
 king. His reign was as warlike as that of Nunia had been 
 peaceful. The two cliief events in his reign were the establish- 
 ment of the Latins of Alba Longa in Itonje and the appointment 
 of two judges {iinmstoTi's parricidii) to try all matters of life and 
 death in place of tlie king. Those two events arose out of the 
 legends which follow. 
 
 The wars of Tullus Hostilius were directed chiefly again.-,t the 
 Albans, or pe()i)le of Alha Lon-a. It broke out in the following 
 manner. The lands of the Romans and Albans lay contiguous 
 to each other. Predatory incursions, as was natural among rude 
 peoples, often took place. When it was impossible to "settle 
 the difficulties amicably, the two nations liad recourse to war. 
 When the two armies of Rome and Alba lay encamped opposite 
 each other, i;he leader of the Albans proposed that the (piarrel 
 The fight „/ between the two states should be decided by a single combat be- 
 fnJcuHaiii ^^''^''^ *''^ ^^^'""'^^ '""'^^ Romans. Now, it chanced that tliere were 
 three brothers, the Horatii, in the Roman army, 1 orn at one birth, 
 and likewise three, the Curiatii, in the Alban. Tliese were sons of 
 twin sisters and e(pial in age and strength. Therefore they were 
 selected to decide the dispute between the two nations. The 
 leaders with solemn rites of sacrifice had agreed that whichever 
 side should be victorious should rule over the other. Then the 
 fight began, each of the Romans and Albans who viewed the com- 
 bat knowing well that the supremacy of either people depended 
 on the resul<- of the combat. At the first onset two of the Horatii 
 fell, and the three Curiatii were wounded. Then the surviving 
 Horatius took to flight while the three Curiatii pursued him at 
 unequal distances. Suddenly turning round, the remaining 
 Horatius attacked in succession the three Curiatii and slew 
 them one after the other. Then the Romans welcomed Horatius 
 with joy as a concpieror, collected the spoils of the Curiatii and 
 carried them before him in triumph to Rome. 
 
 But their joy was damped by a sad event which cast a gloom 
 over the people of Rome. When the procession was nearing 
 the City, tlie siBter of Horatius went out to meet it. She Jiad 
 
 Horatius 
 kills his 
 sister. 
 
HIBTOKY OK ROMK. 
 
 317 
 
 fee,, l,ol,„eI,„,l to one „t the C„ri,.tii who h,ul bo..„ ,lai„ 
 Who,, «h„ „.„ th., .,h„„,y „„.t „f l,c.r h,ver whicr Loti 
 en,b,-„„l„,.„d with ho,. „„.,. l,a„,K „h„ «„hh„d al,.,,, l„ll » 
 
 . Morat„8 ,„ f,w„,^, tho„i fr,„„ the <Ion,i„ati.„. of the All,.,,, 
 
 to e t„„,l ly two ,„,ls508 ai,i,oi.,ted by the ki,,.,, f„u„d hl„, 
 
 to the people,, who, out of co„,pu.s,io„, wished to «a ve fl,„ 
 man who by hi„ ow,> ha,.d had see,!,.,, thjir lib ty Th ,., d 
 
 d.„,slter had bee,, j„»Hy „|a,„, a,„l that he hi„,»elf wo„ld have 
 I.,„. he., .« 1,„ ha,l the right to do, for ac-eordi,,,- to the , Z 
 aw ,e father o a fnu.ily had the power of life°a,.,I dea h Z 
 
 t ,,",'• "";"" '" *'■" """'"' '"■"•"^'•"■' ""-'■- >-'! "' 
 
 yoke a,,d ofter up exp,ato,y saeriliees to the spirit of l,i, 
 ™.vdered s.stor. The Alba„s then be„a„,e subjects of K ,! 
 lullus, and were co.npelled to aid hi,,, i„ his wars. 
 
 l,.,d 'IZrl "'"' T' ?? "■"' '"'^'"'"' ''"»- Hostilius o„„ .r 
 
 N,u„ a, d T " *'"''• '"■"■■'-■S''"''"'! "- laws of j;:«s„. 
 
 N , a a„ h,ul beeo,ne proud and haughty. A plague, attri- 
 
 peo,,le The k„,g h„„»elf fell ill with a lingeri,,., disease 
 A er the .nanner of N„„,a, he tried to «„d out the will IfTe 
 
 his housf "'"' ""'""' '"'" '""' "»"""'« ""'■ ''-f">'««I 
 
 a Sdl? "" ff'"'''''*""'™ f""""'"'. »fte-- which Ancus Marcius, An„.. 
 a Sab,„e noble, son of a daughter of King Nu.na Pompiliu, '""""■ 
 was chosen kimr Ifi, flp,t „.,„„ , » , '^"■nP'""s. ««.«j(; o.c. 
 
 ,.,.,n,lf„n V I ^"^ '" "="""« *''e laws of his 
 
 i,.,ndfather to be wntten on a white tablet' and set up in the 
 £ Wm or mark e t plac e, so that all ould read the,,,. Following 
 
 j 
 
 '1, 
 
 i 
 
 j 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 .:f 
 
 1 
 
 t ut'i 
 
318 
 
 War with 
 the Latins. 
 
 HISTORY OP ROME. 
 
 in the fo(,t8tei,s of Nmna, Ancus loved peace and all peaceful 
 arts, but he was not always al)le to avoid war. Still even in 
 war, he showed his regard for law and order hy seating a college 
 of priests called Fetlales, wliose duty was to demand in a regular 
 form from the aggressive state reparati(m for injuries, and wlien 
 reparation was refused, to declare war hy hurling a si)ear into 
 the land of the enemy. 
 
 His cliief war was against the Latins who had made raids into 
 the Roman lands. He defeated them and took that part of 
 Latium that lies south of Rome to the sea. The most of the 
 inhabitants of this district were brouglit to Rome and settled on 
 the Aventme. Tliey were not, however, on a political e<iuality 
 with the Romans, as the Sabines and tlie Albans were, but after- 
 wards formed part of the Pkhs or common people of Rome. 
 Ancus is sai^ to have constructed tlie first bridge^ across the 
 Tiber, fortified the hill Janiculus on tlie right bank of the river 
 erected a prison for criminals'^ planted a colony, Ostia, at the 
 mouth of the Tiber, which long continued to be the chief port of 
 Rome. Ancus died peacefully like Numa, after a reign of 
 twenty-four years. 
 
 ' pons sublicius, or tcooden bridge. = Afterwards called Tullianuni robur. 
 
KiilSffinAsEHE 
 
 peaceful 
 . even in 
 
 a college 
 a regular 
 md when 
 )ear into 
 
 aids into 
 part of 
 st of the 
 f3ttled on 
 e(j[uality 
 )ut after- 
 f Rome. 
 ;ross the 
 he river, 
 a, at the 
 f port of 
 reign of 
 
 1 robur. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 KEGAL liOME~Co7Uinne<f. 
 
 ^^tome. and that h,s re.gn marks the beginning of such i cm- 
 
 the'^.tillf^n'r*" '"«" "^ ''"'<!™"' "«> EMer, were with 
 the L,.t„,s, the Sabnies an.l the Etruscans. He captured m-.nv 
 
 :. : JeI: .ia'-'Zt r "" f- '-''- -■>' -"« z 
 
 oi jLcruiia. 13ut it M^1s not so much for his wars tliaf 
 
 Ancus Marcius.wherthTi::iL^:ri!—^^^^^^^^ 
 
 the senate b,^ ", *''""« "'^"' *'"' «P™-ntation in 
 
 n alfl T"'" *" '"'"' *''*■» '" --^ «t^'t«« of equality 
 
 J"P^*"^» »nd oiKMte or patrons and dependents. The for- 
 
 ItusThrT'"'"''"''^ '■""*'"• '"^ '»''- hadnopolttal 
 Tta o7'r '" .r"' *"' '"""••■'' "''" --oiations called 
 
 or chnst,a„ name markmg th. individual, the nornen marking 
 the gens, and the cog,u>n,eu niarking the familj- of the gen.. Thuf 
 
 !;i; 
 
 > I 
 
•'iU 
 
 1.1 1,' 
 
 i 
 
 320 
 
 Roman 
 names. 
 
 Who were 
 the plehs ? 
 
 Public 
 works. 
 
 Servius 
 Tulliun, 
 
 !>78-5Slt B.C. 
 
 
 
 liii 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 Lucius Cornelius Scipio was a person of tlie Scipio family of 
 the Cornelian gens having the name of Lucius. In course of 
 time, a class would naturally arise whicli could be regarded neither 
 as patrons nor clients. They differed from the former in having 
 no i)olitical standing, and from the latter in being personally free. 
 This class might arise either from an intermarriage between a 
 patron and a client, the children of whoni would be neither 
 patricians nor clients ; or again, a i)atron miglit die, leaving a 
 number of clients without a patron ; and lastly the additions from 
 the neighbouring tribes swelled this class to such an extent that 
 they became a power in the state. Tarquin determined to double 
 the number of citizens by raising a number of plebeian families 
 to patrician rank, but in this he was opposed by the old nobility. 
 To each of the old tril)es he added plebeian gentes, so that we 
 find old ami newRanmes^ old and new Titles, old and new 
 Luceres. Thus the chief families of the plebeians were in- 
 corporated with t\\G pntres, and voted in the comitia cunata, but 
 the great body of them still remained without any political 
 standing. 
 
 The reign of this king was especially noted for the great 
 works by which he improved the city. He built the temple of 
 Jupiter on the Capitoline Hill, which was till a late period of 
 the empire one of the most prominent of the great buildings of 
 Rome. The cloacae or great sewers of the lower city remain to 
 this day, still admirable for their workmanship, with not a stone 
 displaced. He laid out the circus Maximus, and instituted 
 the gieat or Roman games. 
 
 The reign of Servius Tullius, who was probably the son of a 
 slave belonging to the household of the last king, is the most 
 noted during the regal period. Like Numa and Ancus he 
 loved peace, and the only war he waged was with the Etrus- 
 cans, whom he compelled to acknowledge the supremacy of 
 Rome. With the Latins he made a treaty to live in peace and 
 friendship for ever. As a sign of this union, by which Rome be- 
 came practically the leading city of the league, the Romans and 
 the Latins built a temple to Diana on the Aventine Mount, 
 
 ' primi et secundi Ramnes . 
 
HISTORY OP iiomh:. 
 
 321 
 
 family of 
 course of 
 ed neither 
 in having 
 lally free, 
 jetween a 
 e neither 
 leaving a 
 ions from 
 J tent that 
 to double 
 1 families 
 
 nobility, 
 o that we 
 and new 
 were in- 
 •iatci, but 
 
 political 
 
 ■he great 
 emple of 
 oeriod of 
 Idings of 
 3main to 
 t a stone 
 istituted 
 
 son of a 
 he most 
 ncus he 
 e Etrus- 
 inacy of 
 iiice and 
 -ome be- 
 ans and 
 
 Mount, 
 
 u'liere they hehl a yearly festivul, at which sacrifices were 
 ottered for Homo and for the whole of Latium. 
 
 But it was not f<n- his wars that Servius Tullius was famous. mis!on, of 
 He was noted for classifying the pe<.ple according to a property '""^"'''^'^• 
 •piahhcation, and according to local tribes. 
 
 The Romans did not vote individually but corporately . Hence Ro,„an 
 he Roman suttrage was not a recognized majority of individuals ZL'^ 
 but a n.ajonty of corporations, i.e., of curiae, centnriae, or tribes. 
 b.aoli citizen cmcurred in whatever the majority of his corj.orate 
 as8em[,ly decided on any c,uestion. For instance, when the 
 number of the tribes was thirty-five, the votes of the eighteen 
 would outweigh the votes of the seventeen, though numerically 
 the individuals in the seventeen might be far greater in number 
 than in the eighteen. 
 
 Originally the Romans were divided into three tribes, Ramnes, Comitia 
 imes JUKI Luceres ; each member of these tribes was a patrician <^"''"'«- 
 Ihe ruling b(Kly was, therefore, an aristocracy of birtii, for the 
 dwnt.s had no share in the government. Each of these tribes 
 was divided nito ten curiae and each curia, into ten yentes An 
 assembly called for the purpose of voting was called coviitia, and 
 the amiha cnriata meant tlie patrician assembly of the cnrine of 
 the original tribes. This assembly during the regal period met to 
 conter the mvperlmn on the king and to decide questions of 
 war and peace, but after the expulsion of the king it merely had 
 the riglit to confer the imperinm on the consuls and praetors 
 nnd was gradually superseded by the comitia centuriata. 
 
 The comitia centuriata was an assembly in which the people, Comitia 
 both patricians and plebeians, were summoned by divisions^'"'"""'"- 
 of classes or centurim, according to property qualification, as 
 they were arrayed on the field of battle and as tl:ey voted in the 
 assembly of citizens. For tliis purpose the people were divided 
 mto e<^ui(es or cavalry, consisting of eighteen centuries, and 
 hve classes of pedites or infantry. The first class consisted of 
 all citizens wlio had property worth 100,000 asses-i and upwards, 
 and was com posed of forty centuries of older men {seniores) or 
 
 Engu4pS.' ''' "'"'^ °""'"''"^ ^ ^"""^^ pound of copper, or nearly } of an 
 21 
 
 '\\\ 
 
11 . 
 
 iff 
 
 1 
 
 m' 
 
 ,f 
 
 ii ' 
 
 322 
 
 HISTORY OP ROME. 
 
 men from forty-five to sixty years of age, and foity centuries of 
 younger men (ianioreit) or young men from eigliteen to forty-five 
 yearn old, the forim. .ein<( employed in the defence of the city 
 and the latter for active duty in the field. The second, third and 
 fourth classes he divided into twenty centuries each, ten of older 
 men and ten of younger men. The fifth class he made stronger 
 and gave it thirty centuries, fifteen of older men and fifteen of 
 younger men. All whose property fell l)el()\v 11,000 asses of copper 
 he classed together as proletarU. Besides these there were two 
 centuries of carpenters and smiths (/a/^ri tignarii et aerarii) for 
 engineering purposes and two of t\ . apeters and horn-blowers. 
 The total number of centuries was 193. The table » given below 
 will make tliis division phiin. 
 
 The assessment of property (census) was made solely with 
 regard to land and no account was taken of slaves, cattle, money 
 or furniture.' The object of this census was twofold ; first to 
 
 CLASSIPICATION ok SeRVIUS Tl'LLIlH. 
 
 CLA88R8. 
 
 First 
 
 Second 
 
 Third 
 
 Fourth 
 
 Fifth 
 
 CKNsrs. 
 
 CKNXrRIES. 
 
 Equites 
 
 All having 100,- 
 
 000 asses and 
 
 upwards , 
 FabrlorWrights 2 of Fabri 
 
 18, of Knights 
 40ofseniore8and 
 40 of iiiniores 
 
 1 
 
 Vl(H) 
 
 Arms. 
 
 DEK'iNSIVE. 
 
 Ofkensive 
 
 Hehnet, shield, greaves 
 and cuirass 
 
 All having 75,- 
 000 asses and 
 upwards 
 
 All having 50. 
 000 assck' and 
 upwards 
 
 All having 2",- 
 000 asses and 
 upwards 
 
 Cornicines or 
 Trumpeters 
 
 All having 11, 
 
 000 sisser. 
 upwards 
 Proletarii 
 
 uid 
 
 10 seniores and | „^ Helmet, shield and 
 10 iuniores j | greaves 
 
 10 seniores and "| 
 10 iuniores / 
 
 10 seniores and^j 
 10 iuniores ( 
 
 2 centuries 
 cornicines 
 
 20 Helmet and shield 
 
 1.') seniores and 
 
 15 iuniores 
 1 century 
 
 0,J 
 
 I 
 
 22 
 
 Helmet 
 
 31 None 
 
 Sword and 
 spear 
 
 Sword and 
 spear 
 
 Sword and 
 spear 
 
 Spear and 
 javelin 
 
 Slings, 
 bows, 
 etc. 
 
IIISTOBY OF BOMK. 
 
 OFKENSIVB 
 
 raise the trilnUnm or t»i f.,i. i>,:i;«„ 
 
 '.a e»,Uy see T;;!',™''"'''^ '"'•'■""""''' I'"!--- I' will 
 
 necessarily fewer in , „„,1 ? " WenlHiy, wl„, y,,,^^^ 
 
 193 oentnries T Z T, ' """"'""'' "*" ""' •" *''" '"« 
 ".ebnlkof the . s 1 r:,?' ""\ ''"^ '"" "'"'''y I-'l 
 .-.«o.« w,« the sane as 2t f T "■' "'° ^"'""""'' "' 
 
 ...;--.ip of the wrs:fCth:;;:z oirtr 
 wa^ wi.„y .hoiishea so !„„« a^Ko j;riu.r;f::;,r-^' 
 
 Theseassennjiesafterdevll , L^ ''- ,™' "" ^''■*"""">- ""• - 
 mainly c„n,,,o»e<l of pleMZ Vl" ''"T""*" '"'""« "'"l w»re 
 
 —a down to the Si^es'lfr nor -J""- 
 
 323 
 
 from the Vin.inal to the Z'Ze .,'•'*' °' "''-'"K "« *"-- 
 W the other hills of the tl! T I r'''.""""'"" ."'^ ^»'l'""- i^S? ' " 
 
 W the other hills of th wTr ^ Z^'r^'" ^»'"""- 
 -vould now include the seven h lis lib """f'"'' "' "" "''^ 
 were afterwards increased in he da! „f a '?" "' "" ""^ 
 (270-282 A.n.). ^ Aurelian and Probus 
 
 Servius had two daughters, the elder Tullia rT,.m ■ , 
 - yo„n«er Tullia ^Mia '«,.„,, ./^^^f^ff-^'-^and 
 
 larqmntheKIder, Lucius and Anms T^Tf . *"'' °^ 
 .laughters was directly opposite Of tT I "*' "^ ">" '"° 
 An,ns was noted fo^ gS , oThtr T,r"' ":^''""'' 
 disposition, while Lucius wn« fi gentleness of 
 
 :::^;lf:d-rte::t~^^ = -:, ::: 
 
324 
 
 ' 
 
 ; i 1 
 
 HISTORY OF ROMB. 
 
 his elder brother would diH{)()H8esH him of the kingdom, resolved to 
 murder hor husband and fatlior. Soon shu instilled into the head 
 of Lucius the fiendish phm of getting rid of his wife. After the 
 gentle TuHia and the (luiet Aruna had l)()th been killed, the 
 gj.ilty pair straightway nuirried. Tarfjuin then formed a con- 
 spiracy u-niong tiie patricians who were angry at the reforms of 
 
 Servius. Arrayed in purple robes, Lucius appeared in the 
 forum, seated himself in the royal chair in Hie senate, and bade 
 the people obey him as king. When Servius heard this he 
 hastened to the senate house, but was seized by Tarquin and 
 flung dowii the stone steps. Hastening home, the aged Lmg was 
 overtaken by the servants of Lucius and killed. When the 
 
 fif^': 
 
HISTOKY OF KOMK. 
 
 Wicked Tullia heard <,f this she went to the senate house to greet 
 her husba,ul hh king The transports of joy that she exhibited 
 disgusted even Lnor.iM, wlio ordered lior lu,me. As slie was on 
 her way she ordered her charioteer to drive over the corpse of 
 hor fa hur whose bh,<,d Hpattered the wheels of her chariot. 
 From that day the street bore the name of the Svicked street.' 
 Lucius Taniuinius, surnamed Superbx,^^ or Proud, had gai.iea 
 us power by viohmce, and l;y the same unconstitutional means 
 l.ad to maintain it. One of his first acts was to abolish the 
 nghts that the Plebeians had gained by the laws of Servius 
 After the manner of the Greek tyrants, he surrounded himself 
 withab(,dy guard. He oppressed both rich and poor The 
 rich who opposed his rule, or whose wealth excited his avarice 
 on false accusations he punished with exile or death, while 
 the poor were compelled to work on macjnificent public build- 
 ings at mjserable wages. He increased, however, the power 
 of Rome by alliances ami by conquest. To commemorate the 
 union with Latium he established the festival of the Latin 
 games, which were solemnized every year on the Alban hill at 
 the temple of Jupiter Latiaris. 
 
 A f ter being strengthened by the alliance with Latium, Tarquin 
 began war agamst the Volscians, who lived in the south of 
 Latium. With the spoils of their chief town, Suessa Pometia, 
 he completed the great temple of Jupiter on the Capitoliue hill 
 which Ins father had begun. This he dedicated to the trinity of 
 the Etruscan and Latin religions-Jupiter, Juno, Minerva. 
 
 When at the height of his power, one day, a Sibyl, or pro- 
 phetess, from Cumae, came to him with nine books of divine 
 prophesies which she offered for sale. As she demanded an 
 exorbitant price, the king lauglied at her, whereupon she went 
 away and burned three of the books. Returning with ^he re- 
 maining SIX, she demanded the same price, but the king looked 
 upon her ..s mad and still refused to buy the books. Again she 
 went away and burned other three. A third time she came 
 witl, the last three and demanded the same price. By this time 
 
 the king began to reflect serionslv nprl fo ^\.\r.\. n,„i. 4.1,, ._ 
 
 , ~ '■ - — ' ^""- tiiau Ciie woman 
 
 was sent by the gods and he purchased the books. These books, 
 
 335 
 
 Death of 
 Serviui, 
 
 Tarquin the 
 Proud, fiSi- 
 510 B.C. 
 
 Forms an 
 alliance 
 with the 
 Latins. 
 
 Legend o_f 
 the Sihylline 
 hooks. 
 
326 
 
 M> 
 
 m"' ^ 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 written in Greek, were supposed to contain prophesies of the 
 destiny of Rome. They were deposited in the vault of the 
 temple on the Capitol and were consulted in time of danger, or 
 dearth or pestilence. 
 
 Expulsion 
 of the 
 Tarquhvi, 
 609 kC. 
 
 In the last year of the reign of Tarquin, the Romans were 
 t, engaged in besieging Ardea, a town of the Rutulians. One 
 evening when the king's sons and their cousin, Tarquinius 
 Collatinus, who lived at Collatia, were supping together, a 
 dispute arose as to the excellence and thriftiness of their wives. 
 They agreed to return home and see which of the ladies deserved 
 the highest praise. Mounting their horses they soon reached 
 Rome. Here they found the daughters-in-law of the king hold- 
 ing a feast, but at Collatia they found Lucretia, the wife of 
 Collatinus spinning with her handmaids, though it was late in 
 the night. Lucretia, therefore, was judged worthy of the high- 
 est praise. But Sextus came away filled with unholy desires. 
 One evening he went back alone to Collatia, where he was 
 hospitably entertained by Lucretia, as a kinsman of her husband. 
 In the silence of the night, he went to the chamber of Lucretia 
 and insulted her. After she refused to yield to him, he declared 
 he would kill her and place a murdered slave by her side 
 and tell her husband that he had found her in adultery. 
 Then Lucretia yielded and in the morning Sextus rode to 
 Ardea. Lucretia sent for her father and her husband, who 
 came accompanied by L. Junius Brutus, nephew of the kinc^, 
 and Publius Valerius Poplicola. They found Lucretia clotheli 
 in mourning and plunged in the deei )st sorrow. She told them 
 of the deed of Sextus, and made them swear to avenge her 
 dishonour. When she had ended her words she drew a 
 knife and stabbed herself to the heart. Brutus addressed the 
 assembled people around the body of Lucretia in the market- 
 place of Collatia, and exhorted them to expel the tyrant. The 
 army at Ardea renounced its allegiance to the king, who fled 
 with his two sons Titus and Aruns to Caere in Etruria. Thus 
 Tarquin, the Proud, was expelled from Rome. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 FROM THE EXPULSION OF TH^ KINOS TO THE BATTLE OF LAKE " 
 
 REGILLU8. 
 
 aecermined to abolish the kingly power forever. In place of a *'»^^y 
 king they chose annually two men who at first had the name of '""^^• 
 praetors or 'leaders,' but afterwards of consuls or 'deliberators.' 
 The charge of the state treasury was assigned to two quaestors, 
 while the priestly functions of the king were performed by L 
 king of sacrifices (rex sacrorum ) appoiniea by the chief pontifi" 
 (pontrfe. ma.^nus). The two consuls were elected by the 
 corn^t^a centurrata, and confirmed by the comitia curiata 
 which alone had the right of conferring the i,^,eri.m^ o ,- , 
 highest executive authority on all magistrates. The laws and -1^1 
 ordmances of the state still remained intact. The first two 
 
 Collatmus. The exiled king, however, still had a large number 
 of followers in Rome, especially among the young patricians. 
 He sent messengers to Rome to ask the Romans to restore to 
 Inm his private property. The people and the senate were 
 inclined to accede to this request, which was looked upon as just, 
 bu they soon discovered that the envoys of the king were hatchinc; 
 a plot to restore the royal family. The conspiracy was detected and 
 the guilty plotters were seized and cast into prison. Amoncr the 
 conspirators were the two sons of the consul Brutus. With°tru9 
 Roman spmt the consul showed no mercy to his guilty children. 
 Ordering the hctors to scourge and behead them, he exhibited to 
 th n'ir ?, ^/r.'"^"'^^J«- «f —try was even greater 
 agu nst the Tarquins than ever, and the senat e gave orders that 
 
 Within the city it was^lmLd W l^rH^^o^ap^^'*^^^^^^^ °'. *"« horse! 
 
 'Hir not noiu the dift.itnr tr\ th.'^ «„™-i" -i- ajij- ,;,! i jjvovuvat iv J irom me consuls. 
 
 «enen.l in the f^'^^:ii^S^^::^^:^^^ wielded b, the 
 
 [327] 
 
 'hi 
 
I', 
 
 ■ I t 1 
 
 Si 
 
 328 
 
 Exile of 
 
 Tarijuinius 
 
 Collatimis. 
 
 First 
 
 attempt to 
 restore the 
 Tarquing. 
 
 Valerivn 
 Poplicola. 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 the goods of the exiled family should be divided among the* 
 people and that the land belonging to them (Campm Martim) 
 should become the property of the state. Not merely were the 
 innnediate followers of the king banished, but the senate and 
 people decreed that all of the name of Tarcpiin should be 
 banishe.1 forever. Thereupon Tarquinius Collatinus, the consul, 
 though a friend to the people and an enemy to the kinff, was 
 exiled because he was of the lineage and bore the name of the 
 Tarciuins. He, therefore, laid down his office, and went into 
 exile and Publius Valerius was cliosen consul in his stead. 
 
 Tanpiin, shice cunning and fraud had failed, had recourse 
 to arms. He sought aid from the Etruscans of Tanpiinii and 
 ^/eii, who readily granted it. In tlie battle that ensued, it 
 happened that Aruns, the son of the king, who was in the front 
 of the Etruscan line espied the consul BrutTis, who was at tne 
 head of the lloman van. Tlie exiled Tarquin desired to take 
 vengeance on the man who had driven his family into exile, and 
 spurring on his horse, made an attack on the consul. Brutus 
 did not shrink from the combat, and both, pierced by each 
 other's spears, fell from their horses. Both sides claimed a vic- 
 tory when night closed on either army. The Etruscans, however, 
 fled, and the surviving consul Valerius carried the body of the 
 dead Brutus to Rome. The Roman matrons mourned him 
 for a year l)ecause he had avenged the wrongs of Lucretia. This 
 was the lirst attempt to restore the family of the Tanjuins. 
 
 By the death of Brutus, Valerius was left without a colleaaue 
 He began to build a house on the hill, Velia, which locked down 
 npon the forum and soon suspicions spread among the people 
 that he was aiming at kingly power. Not only did Valerius pull 
 his house down, but he ordered the lictors to lower their fasces 
 or rods of office before the people as an acknowledgment of the 
 supremacy of the power of the people. He also brought forward 
 a law enacting that any citizen that had been condemned by a 
 magistrate had a right of appeal to the people. This privUecre 
 however, had been recognized as a right of a Roman citizen, for 
 It will be remembered that the surviving Horatius who murdered 
 his sister appealed from the decision of the two judges to the 
 people. In consequence of his defence of popular rights, Valerius 
 
HISTORY OF HOME. 
 
 Bruta. °™"'" ™ »<"'""™«1 to olect a ,«cce.,u,. to 
 
 I« the second year of tl.e Republic a xecoml attempt was ,„a,le 
 
 to restore the exUed Tar,p,i„,. The .,a„ishe,l kin. „ ., J t 
 
 gam over La„ Porsonna, a powerful Etru«can o! Clusiu,,, a" 
 that tuuo the chief city of the Etru.,can lea„„„ Wit,' 
 "Ppos^tMH the Etruscan anuy u.arched a, far aT te hill Jan 
 
 fled across the nver l,y the wooden bridge fr-«,» ,„,«,„,, .J 
 the ,ty would have been taken hud it not been the good fortune 
 -f the R,,,nan state to have had on that meu.oraWe day ad"! 
 fender „, the person of Horalius Cocks. With two other vJilnt 
 Romans, Horatius undertook the defence of the entrance „ 1 
 br,dge connecting the Janiculan Hill and the Capitol, but lav„ 
 n.structK,ns to hi., countryn.en to cut down the bridget the 
 rear. When only a few timbers remained, the conofni ,n, of 
 
 the batt e. Horabus stood till the cracks of the fallin.. tin,, 
 bers and the shouts of hi, countrymen tola him that he 
 bndge was tottermg. Uttering a prayer to the river god, Tibe 
 he plm,ged n.to the strean, and .wam unhurt to the Rm,™ m!. 
 of the nver am.d the arrows of the enen.y and the cheers of hi! 
 countrymen. ^^o ui las, 
 
 ressed by famine. A young Roman, Mucins, detemined to 
 
 wenn 1 T"'^ "" ""™^' ""= ''"'« "f "-Etruscans. H 
 went to the Etruscan camp, but, not k„owh,g the kin- slew 
 
 mstead the royal secretary, who sat near the king and was7,av Z 
 
 out money to the soldiers. At once seized by the guard mS 
 
 was threatened with torture. To show how littk he e^^S 
 
 Tan a l"™' "^ "f "™' """ ""^ "'""" "' "^« «- "-^"K 
 on an a t,ar, and without flinching kept it there till it was 
 
 completely charred. Amazed at the cour.age of the ^ouZ 
 
 the Etruscan k„,g, revealed to him the fact that three hundred 
 noble youths had sworn to take the life of the ki„„ ,„., .1 .! , 
 was the first to whom the lot i 
 
 329 
 
 Second 
 attnmpt to 
 rextore the 
 Tarqnins, 
 
 MSJi.C. 
 
 Ler/end of 
 
 Mucins 
 
 ScaeviUa. 
 
 fallen. From thir circumstance 
 
I 
 
 I'll 
 
 It 
 
 aro 
 
 Third 
 attempt to 
 restore the 
 Tarquins. 
 
 Firnt dicta- 
 tor, 1,99 B.C. 
 
 Battle of 
 Lake 
 Iteffilbm, 
 1,97 B.C. 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 Mucins received the npme of Scaev6la or 'left-handed.' Por- 
 senna, through fear of being assassinated, made peace with the 
 Romans, 
 
 When Tarquin found that he could expect no further aid 
 from Porsenna to enable him to regain his lost power, he went 
 to live with his son-in-law, Octavius Mamilius, chief of Tusculum, 
 then the chief of the thirty towns of the Latin league. Dreading 
 the combined power of the Latin towns, which had made 
 Octavius their leader, and afraid that the jealous feeling of the 
 two consuls would bring disaster to the campaign, the Romans 
 had recourse to the appointment of a single magistrate, called a 
 dictator. This magistrate had supreme power, both in and out 
 of the city. From his decisions there was no appeal. He, 
 however, could not hold power longer than six months. As 
 he had no colleague to interfere with him, and no accusa- 
 tion to dread after his term of office had expired, he was 
 free to act according to his own judgment, for all other magis- 
 trates, even the consuls, ceased to have any power when once 
 a dictator was named. He appointed a Master of the Horse 
 who commanded the cavalry. Tlien Titus Lartius was chosen as 
 dictator and Spurius Cassius as master of the horse. But the 
 Latins did nt)t declare war for two years. Again the consuls 
 named a dictator, Aulus Postumius, and he named Titus 
 Aebutius master of the horse. A fierce battle was fought 
 between the Romans and the Latins at Lake Regillus in which 
 the Romans were nearly worsted. Almost all the chiefs on 
 either side lay dead or wounded. When the Romans were on 
 the point of giving way, the dictator ofiered a prayer to the 
 heavenly twins. Castor and Pollux, vowing to them a temi)le if 
 tliey would aid the Romans. At once there appeared on his 
 right two horsemen, taller and fairer than the sons of men, on 
 wiiite chargers. At the head of the Roman horse they led the 
 charge against the enemy. The Romans when they saw that they 
 were the sacred twins took courage and defeated the Latins. 
 Peace was now made with the Latin towns on the condition 
 that they would give no harbour to the Tanpiins. The aged 
 king went into exile to Cumae, on the bay of Naples, where he 
 died. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 FROM THE BATTLE OF LAKE KEGILLUS, 498 B.<^. TO THE 
 DECEMVIRATE, 451 B.C. 
 
 death of Tarcuin to th. . /.? ^''''""•"'»- ^^'"" the "'""''■ 
 
 whe„ the p;;::;;;:ffl'e^,':r;: L'a Ticvr"^"-"' 
 
 Plebeians alike there w»« « T. Pntncians and 
 
 order, of the peo' e Th , t"" ,' ,"'""' ^''"""' *■>" '"" 
 
 a atead, deterS „„ IXtTalf °"*' "f "'"r" '^'"'---/-^ 
 noble self Pnnfv^i J paities, was yet marked hyal^^oaU 
 
 Hnrl fill ^-l 1 X . ^ Jwmans, for seldom do wp 
 
 evex, that the patncmns and plebeians alike were llwa^s 
 g to unite their fam^. o„o.-,.„^ „ . ! always 
 
 willing to unite their forces ^ainst 7 : ^' ' 
 
 wp.t«.,i.„ .K„ T, ''-''' ""^^''^^^ ^ common foe. 
 
 eiarw. 
 
 weakenincr fi.. p , "a-ui^.. a common toe. Instead of 
 
 i::!::;et:;t::r:;x:::::r'" -"« «-- — >^ 
 
 afl'\h?f^t^;\he\£3*'Tt,^"^ '■'■''"« '''^ ''-^"''--» 
 ,.t n, 1 , Ss resembled very much the atitp "/ '*« 
 
 the lower classes of Attica before the days of Solon Most o?"'"" 
 
 wh Cer eC "' """ """'"=""'' *" '1"" "«- '"n„s 
 tt care ^ '^'r"""'." «"1»'8" ''"gan, and to leave them to 
 
 H».ion, was in ^.^.r^':^ tr-:^:;L:x":::,:i 
 
 [331 J 
 
 11 
 
 III 
 
w-^ 
 
 
 1 
 
 ifiii 
 
 
 s J 
 
 'I '' 
 
 
 332 
 
 f S!^ •' 
 
 Condition 
 of the 
 Patricians, 
 
 What was 
 Roman 
 citizenship f 
 
 Late of 
 Debt. ' 
 
 HISTORY OF ROMK. 
 
 to the plebeians and paid a mere nominal quit-rent to the 
 state fur its use. Lastly, the lower classes were practically 
 excluded from all offices, for though they were incorporated 
 with the patricians by Servius Tullius, yet the wealthy centuries 
 so outnumbered the others that the decision of everything 
 depended on the patricians. 
 
 The patricians, on the other hand, dwelt chiefly within the 
 city. If land they had, it was usually tilled by their clients and 
 slaves, and generally consisted of extensive pastures on which 
 they fed their flocks and herds, which could be easily removed 
 to a place of security in case of an invasion, and thus their lands 
 were not so much at the mercy of a marauding enemy as the 
 farms of the plebeians with their standing crops. The patricians 
 had also the advantage of profiting by the wealth which their 
 clients acquirt'l by practising trades or crafts, which were 
 exclusively in the hands of the latter. The offices of state 
 were entirely in their hands and under their direction. 
 
 We thus see that there were two distinct classes of citizens 
 possessing certain rights and burdens in common, but diff'er- 
 ing in other respects. In later times full Roman citizenship^ 
 consisted of two classes of rights : (1) public ; the right of 
 voting 2, the right of holding office s, the right of appeal* from 
 the decision of a magistrate ; (2) private ; the right of trading*, 
 the right of contracting a religious marriage*. Of these rights 
 the plebeians during this period had the right of voting, though, 
 as we have said, their votes went for little ; the right of an 
 appeal, and the right of trading. They had not the right of 
 holding office, or the right of contracting a religious marriage. 
 A patrician had the full rights. 
 
 Though it was hard for the men who bore the brunt of the 
 battles in defence of their native land to be deprived of some of 
 the rights of citizenship, it was far harder for these same men to 
 be reduced to the position of debtor and slave. The Roman 
 law of debt was very severe and proceeded on the principle that 
 anything pledged as security for debt jjassed completely into the 
 
 ^c-ivitm. -iua mfragii. 'ius honorum. *ius provccationis. ^ ius cummercii 
 ^ius conubii. 
 
IIISTOKY Of ROME. 
 
 333 
 
 wars that were „„w constantly waged, c„„,j,ulled the nlw«ian8 
 to borrow n.oney fron. the ,»t.-ici-.„„. ^^,,en the ,„-o„erty oftl 
 bor o,ver was not »u.Hcie„t to i«y ottthe loan, the ,, ..o,! o the 
 debtor passed con,,,letoly into the hands of the redit r wZ 
 
 certan, tune to sell hun as a slave. The position of the 
 
 hard and the discontent arising fron. thi.s st.ate of aflair. na-ur- 
 ally became for.nidable. ■.■he strif,. that arose was of a twolTd 
 
 ^:s """ "■" -'* "'" """'• -"' ''«'-- ""- »d 
 
 ubnnt „ such treatment, especially since, as we have saicl 
 before the very land they were tilling and were purchasb » 
 from he patricians had been won by then- valour and by S 
 gratuitous serv ce. Besides the t.,v„. u ; , ^ ■ 
 
 carrv n,i tl,„ „ .• , "'■■^' ""- ''«'=■'' (t"but',m) recjuired to 
 carry on the continual wars were doubtless heavy. 
 
 At length the plebeians, after a campaign against the Vol ^ ■ 
 scians, instead of retiiniiii.r t.. n,... „ '^ " ^ " "«. »oi- .,;,„,„. 
 
 a 1,111 beyond the Auio, about two miles from Rome There """'"'^-'^ 
 they determined to found a new town and leave Rome to the 
 patricnms and their clients. The patricians became alarmed 
 
 trom the city. In their extremity they seut the aijed Mene 
 nius Agrippa, who IukI great influence with the plebeia" to 
 induce hem to return to Rome. He is said to have ^ 'ded 
 by rela ing to the seceding plebeians the well-known frbleo 
 the Belly and the Menibere. 
 
 The negoto^i,., ended in a compromise. The plebeians were 
 to have all debts cancelled, all debtors in bondage were to blre 
 
 their rights, the plebeians were to have the right of annuallv 
 pointing, at the assembly of the tribes held in the forZ t "o 
 magistrates called tribunes of the ,^,le. The jurisdi™:,' I^^*.™..., 
 these ofhcers was exercised within the city and for one mile"*""'* 
 from Its walls. Consequently it could be exercised agllt « 
 
 I I 
 

 1 ! 
 
 PI*' ^-' 
 
 Ml 
 
 'if 
 
 1 
 
 
 IH 
 
 I 
 
 '^ t 
 
 ^^^^b^bs 
 
 t 
 { 
 
 1 
 
 j 
 
 ? :^ 
 
 
 334 
 
 Power of the 
 Tnbunen. 
 
 Ulected by 
 the Comiiia 
 Tributa. 
 
 No. of 
 Tribunes. 
 
 Pleheiaii 
 AeUiles. 
 
 Agrarian 
 bill of Spu- 
 rius Cassius, 
 B.C. US6. 
 
 H18T0KY OF ROME. 
 
 consul while acting in tho city, or when holding a levy or election 
 in tho Campus Martins, but not when ho was abroad in tho Held. 
 Their {jersons were doclarcJ sacred and inviolate, which meant 
 that any person obstructing them in the discharge of their duty 
 or offering them violence would be accursed in the eyes of the 
 law. They were never to leave the city during their term of 
 office ; and their houses were opeii night and day to all who 
 needed their aid. 
 
 The power of tlie tribunes was purely negative ; they could 
 stay proceedings. Their veto or riglit of intercession stopped 
 any legal or administrative proceedings directed against the 
 plebeians by a magistrate, but this power gradually extended to 
 otlier public business. In after times, when they had, however, 
 the right of addressing and summoning the people, they could 
 initiate legislation. It is doubtful whetlier at first they were 
 elected by the comitia centuriata, comitia tributa ov comitia 
 curiata, but after 471 B.C. they were elected by the comitia tributa, 
 which was composed mainly of plebeians. Their numbers were 
 at first two, then five, and afterwards ten. 
 
 By the secession to Mons Sacer, the plebeians obtained also 
 the privilege of electing two anl'des. These were both police 
 commissioners and connnissioners of public works, and their 
 duties consisted in preserving order in the streets, and of looking 
 after roads and buildings. 
 
 The power that the plebeians had suddenly acquired seemed 
 likely to be increased by the espousal of their cause by a patri- 
 cian of high rank, Spurius Cassius. He had already formed a 
 league comprising the Romans, Latins and Hernicans, and in his 
 third consulship he brought forwaru an agrarian bill by which the 
 public land was to be divided among the ])lebeians. As we have 
 before mentioned, the crown lands belonged to the state and 
 was rented to the patricians at a mere nominal rate, who sub- 
 rented it to the i>lebeians. Often large tracts were held by the 
 patricians on which they kept their extensive herds and flocks. 
 This land Cassius-proposed to divide among the needy plebeians. 
 In spite of the opposition of the patricians, the bill was passed 
 but was never carried into effect. In the following year Cassius 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. gg^ 
 
 mth ha. „„i«,b„u.-th. Latu„ .,a the .o„f,, tlJi:;':::; "- "''""• 
 
 *ta.k „f these wa™ „e have little real inf,™,„ti„„ It fa 
 Lowever oerta.n that the E„„,a„. .ere hard pressed and ,1 a 
 cons,derabIe number of towns thev had pr„!;..,.,., J '" , 
 There are three important legends -conneoL with ^hrperii;^ 
 
 •lii 
 
u\ 
 
 336 
 
 HISTOKY OF ROMK. 
 
 I' 
 
 I*!' 
 
 tMh 
 
 I 1 
 
 i , 
 i| Si 
 
 1:1 
 
 ■f ' - ■; 
 
 V 1; 
 
 whiol we shall notice ; that of Coriolrinus, of thu Fabian c/eua, 
 and of Cii.jinuatus. ^ 
 
 ConulaniL, ^''""^ Marciu . ,'. . ].r.n\ of a high patrician family. His 
 n.c. ifis. mother, Yohtiiuna, w.i... . typical Roman matron of the old school 
 — nohlo and gtmeroiia, proud and Htcrn, implacahlo towariLs 
 an enomy, and unforgiving of the faults of a friend. It was 
 her greatest joy to hear of the warlike deeds of her son^ for 
 he had won a civic crown of oak nt tlm ])attlo of Lake legilhis, 
 for saving the life of a Roman citizen, and had gained tae name 
 of Coriolainis for recapturing the city of Corioli from the Vol- 
 scians. 
 
 The Romans had been greatly distressed for want of corn, 
 and a great deartlv arose in conse(iuence of their lands being 
 devastated by war. In their extremity, Gelon, the Greek 
 tyrant t>f Syracuse, had sent some c-rn shi[)s to lelieve their 
 distress. Some were for giving it to the poor; others were for 
 selling it at a hnv i)rice ; ^liile Coriolanus, enraged at the con- 
 cessi)i'..s granted to the iilebeians anil angry at the thought 
 that they were protected by the new ofticers, advised the senate 
 not to relieve the people till they had given up their tribunes. 
 His insolent language aroused the plebeians to such a pitch of 
 fury that they would have torn him in pieces, but the tribunes 
 advised them to offer no violence. They, however, sunnnoned 
 him to appear ])efore them and to stand his trial before the 
 assembly of the tribes. Then Coriolanus breathing threaten- 
 ings and vengeance against his ungrateful countrymen turned 
 his steps to Autium, which was then the capital of the 
 Volscians, ^vnd made an offer to their king to lead them against 
 the thankless Romans. The proposal was at once accepted. 
 Coriolanus led the Volscians against Rome, ravaging and 
 destroy iii{; the lands of the p -beians, but leaving those of 
 the patricifins unmolested. This naturally fanned the flame of 
 jealousy between the two orders, and the consuls found it im- 
 possible to raise an army to meet the Volscians. Coriolanus had 
 now advanced to within live miles of the city. In despair and 
 fear numerous suppliants thronged to the temple, praying the 
 gods for aid against the ever-victorious general. At lengtli 
 
HISTORY OK UOMR. 
 
 fc'on.r,.! „f ti.e VnLi- n, .', """" """ ''« "»» 
 
 w..ul,l „sr.e, wo ,';„•'; "", ""K """'" "> -'"-1' he 
 
 -i- ,u^ t,,;. ,,.,,1 Ji:,": j: ;n^„;:r v ,'"" ^•"- 
 
 » len!,'U0 ith R„,„„ ,„. , "" '' "'" Vr.l«cm„N to 
 
 R".",:. „on.t rffZl ;« T" 7 "'"' "'° ^'""'- T'^ 
 
 pontiff,, aJla'd'a" 2 ";,''"""'*' f"" ''" '"'■""'- ''"- 
 muuteh,.s,.,„|,t,,i ';'";="'' ""■"'^f ""l-»- priestly v„,t- 
 
 former Jeui.a,,.!, VV, J t H ■ *''"' '" "" '•"^Pe'^' ''is 
 
 Valeria, .h„ ..tl. o v2r' 1 plir,'" /""V", '"™ «"-• 
 
 t" "itlistaml thu sti.n, .-ul.ni ,'"-'" 't-'niula.ius. I'lub e 
 
 ' o ...y ithe, t„:„ ;:,i ':' n ;„ : tu„:rr, ''™ """ -■•'• 
 
 '."■"e- his steps away f™,. Rom a;a t "nt ^ 'i '" 
 
 the Vf.Lscians. ^ "^^^^^ among 
 
 opposition to ti,eagr,;,S„WllTs, "■'"■'•■ "'"■^■.'<"'""S "' their i,,,,„, ./ 
 
 engrossed tl,e consulship to th L I," o ..'"T""^ ''"' 
 P.ll.ii.s had been one .,f the inlV ^ ■ "'" ^""'"y- ^'""''' 
 
 l-io" of Spurins Cali ^° I " rt" ' ,1" ^ ™;'f ."\-"-- 
 ;e showed an altered spirit, and ro,;,:: tit 'T"'' 
 tlio injusfice of his course ),« . r »"/ "t,cau.se Jiu had s.^en 
 the b II he ,] '' r ; "" ^'''^'''^"^^ ^^^ ^'^^' -Iminpion of 
 
 ^ "ill ac (I so Struiurly 01>l)0Sed Tl.o , 4- • ■ i " Oi 
 
 J"-s n.easure, and tl. .hoUldnl i P^^^^'^^^^^"^'^ rejected 
 
 to the nn.nber of three h Irld Ifsirrr^r^ '^ ^^^^^ ^^-- 
 wives and children and Toll '"^' "^""' ^^^^^ *^^«"' 
 
 city of ve., aS r^i^ :^;L^.rtrr ^'^^ '^^■"^^^" 
 
 tl^-mostdeternnn.lrivalsof iX 4 ^"f ""« ^^ 
 
 on the river Cren.gra and forf ^ ''"^ "^ *'^^" ^^'"P 
 
 the city. A(Jt^i:^^ti;Z^TV^^''''''''^'''-^'^^ 
 
 ^Hslodge them they wLTlldltl k" """ '"^"""P^-^ *« 
 
 6 ^_^ ney ^vere led into an mbuscade and all slain. 
 
 337 
 
 if' 
 
 14 i! ' 
 
 't(! 
 
ill 
 
 [' '• . f 
 
 i.i 
 
 I; 
 
 "''Hiiii-: 
 
 
 338 HISTOKV OP ROMR. 
 
 None survived but one young Fabius who had been loft at Rome 
 while the rest of the (ffun went to camp on the river Creni6ra. 
 He was the father of the Fabii who were afterwards so famous in 
 the history of Rome. 
 
 Legend 0/ A peace had been concluded with the Ae<iuianH but was soon 
 /^n B.C. l>»'oken by their invasion of Roman territory. The Aequian 
 army occupied Mount Algidus, from whicli they ravaged tho 
 Roman lands on every side. When an embassy whs sent to 
 them from Rome demanding satisfacl n and compensation, the 
 commander of the Aeciuiaiis laughed u j the ambassadors. With- 
 out any further delay the consul Miiiucius h-d his army against 
 the foe, but was defeated and his army hemmed in on all sides 
 by the Aequians. The senate met and appointed L. Quinctius 
 Cinciiinatus, a patrician, as dictator, who had long served his 
 country in peace and war as consul and senator. He was 
 found living on a small farm which he tilled with his own hands. 
 He accepted the dictatorship, and next morning he appeared 
 in the forum. He ordered all the Liw courts to be closed till 
 danger was averted, from his native land, and also summoned 
 all the men of military age to meet him in the Camp)is Martius 
 in the evening, with fot)d for five days and twelve stakes apiece. 
 Before sunset he had started for Mount 41gitl"s to relieve the 
 besieged army of Minucius, 
 
 When he drew near the enemy he ordered his soldiers to pile 
 up their baggage in a heap, and at once he began to surround the 
 camp of the Volscians. He then dug a trench, threw up a mound 
 and drove the stakes into the earth on the top of the mound. The 
 Romans raised a war cry which was recognized by the soldiers of 
 the army of Minucius. On every side the Aequians were attacked, 
 and seeing no hope of escape surrendered, and sued for mercy. 
 The conquered Aequians were made to pass under the yoke 
 formed by t.vo spears fastened upright in the ground and a 
 third fastened to these above. Thus Cincinnatus defeated the 
 Aequians and within sixtesn days after he received the dictator- 
 ship resigned his office, crowned with the gratitude and honour of 
 his fellow citizens because he had saved Rome from destruction. 
 
 Th 
 
■miiiwiii 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THK DECKMVIHATE. 
 
 I^'tim. Thi.,l,ill tho„„l, 1 " '"■""••■'"' «"■"»"» and 
 
 Volero that the m1«, Iuh". "", '"""''*'' "'^ l'"Wi'i"» ^ -, 
 ;;;; -vantage ,., the' X^J^'l^^--: ~'"^ f -S^, 
 
 f"ur city tri.,es, ;h e ttlt """"^ '"' "™«"^<' '" "'<> 
 mostly plebeian. Itle I, ', ""'"*''^ '"''"" -'"''1 I'" 
 
 tivo vote, there would tlulrr " '"''"""^ ''^ " -'"""»• 
 patrician, to sixteen! t e sid ZulT, "" "'" '"''^ "^ '"o 
 »i"n granted thns by the PubllL: L : S'^i,- ^ "'r" 
 tlie pleljoians Iiad tlie rislit to ^I„m ■ . -^"*''^"«) was that 
 *™ .•i,.hts and who wt outs^eJ r'""'""""''"^'"-'' 
 that the plebeians in th.AroTlllT^'lT '""""""• ■•""' 
 (,MMt„) which were now bT^di Z^h."™" ,'""' '■"^"'""""•^ 
 
 j«licial .sy.sten,s at Ro„.e ™ hH TT' f "" ''*-'"' »■"• 
 a.ul there was as yet no wriZ, ■""'■' °' "'" Patricians, 
 
 tbeir decisions. Accord ^W "'t '^''-''^''^-P^-^rsover,; 
 
 proposed that a co^S^of ti™. Zl ,^'^''-'.fr ■''■^»' « »/ 
 apiiointed to draw ud law, V ',"'\"^" (trmrnvm) should be W(,,„ 
 
 P"«r of the plrilnT f .' '" """^ ""^ arbitrary i^^^^... 
 
 yoars the strug^re 0" nleb'" '"t ^"^ ^^™™' --essive*"^*''- 
 
 »ame tribunes were Ip'tlT "f '' "' '"'''■'"""^''- ^be 
 
 lawles-sness were offrZe ''""' "''""' °' ™'™- and 
 
 ropn,,,. irequent occurrence. Th^ r>^f^;^:^,,,, , •, 
 
 recourse even to assassination to thwart ^h7 ^'""^-'"^^^^'^ "^^ 
 
 tnwart the success of the 
 [3,39] 
 
 K ' I 
 
 >J<\\' 
 
i *... 
 
 
 ' n- 
 
 % 
 
 1 1 
 
 iff^M'. tit 
 
 i i:l 
 
 340 
 
 Lmv of 
 Terentilius 
 paxsed, 
 ISSB.a. 
 
 FirgtDecem 
 vi.-ats, kol 
 B.C. 
 
 Lawn of the 
 Ten Tables. 
 
 Laws of the 
 
 Ttvelve 
 
 Tables. 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 plebeian measures. It appeared that Rome from internal 
 strife would be torn in pieces, and that she had lost the char- 
 acteristic regard slie had for law and order. Happily, there 
 were among those of both sides men of liberal views who 
 counselled moderation, for they clearly saw that the only hope 
 of Rome was in unity, surrounded, as she was, on all hands 
 by numerous enemies. At length the bill of Terentilius passed, 
 and three commissioners at once set out for Greece to study the 
 laws of Athens and of the other Greek states so that these 
 might be the groundwork of the new code. In the autumn of 
 452 B.C. the triumvirs returned and ten men (decemviri) were 
 appointed who were entrusted with all the functions of govern- 
 ment. During their term of office, all other magistracies, even 
 the tribunate, were suspended. They formed an executive and 
 also a legislative council. They conducted the government, 
 administered justice and connnanded the armies in the field. 
 They were empowered to draw up a code of laws, so that 
 unpartial justice might be meted out to patricians and plebeians 
 alike, and tliat the power of the chief officers might be clearly 
 defined. The decemvirs entered office in the beginning of 451 
 B.C. All were patricians, and at the head of them were Appius 
 Claudius and Titus Genucius, who had been elected consuls for 
 the year. During the first year of their office they discharged 
 their duties faithfully and dispensed justice impartially. As 
 was the case with the interreges or between-kings, they admin- 
 istered the government day by day in succession. At the end of 
 the y. ar they drew up the Laws of the Ten Tables, which 
 received the approbation of the people. They then abdicated 
 office, and were succeeded by another set of decemvirs, of whom 
 Appius Chiudius alone had held office the previous year. The 
 composition of the second set of decemvirs, unlike the first, was 
 of about equal numbers of plebeians and patricians. The 
 decemvirs justified their appointment by producing two addi- 
 tional tables of laws. Appius Claudius had taken care that 
 his colleagues should be men who would be his ready tools 
 to carry out his tyrannical schemes. Instead of having twelve 
 lictors in all, each of the decemvirs was attended by twelve, so 
 that one hundred and twenty lictors were in the city. Appius 
 now became a thorough despot. All freedom of speech and 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 341 
 
 a fundamental principle of iZ T ^'"^ '''"^^'^"^ 
 
 ^ffi ^ . i"'"^^I^^® ^^^ tne Koman law, whicli reduirprl n» 
 
 oftcert„.e«g„ his nrngUtracy at the expi,4„„ „ , ""n, o ''^•^r'"- 
 
 oftoe. TheydKl „„t eve,, hold the seJuano. of an ele„ti "«'-°"" 
 
 but oo„tu„,ed m p„„, a, ,ho„gh they had heen elected p on °*"-"'"'- 
 
 people to rise and break the fetters tl,.t , ■ 
 
 state with absolute tyranny. ' """ "'''"""8 ""^ 
 
 Such an occasion was not long wantin„ Tl,„ « , ■ 
 t!.» Aequians made an attack against th P ' ™' 
 
 In the army sent a<.ain>,tH,7r ? ■^""""' t<=mK'ries. 
 
 by na„.e. ' ni^^rd itht?::: j^- :"''"™'/"'«'"™^ 
 
 iuto womanhood and betroldto L "S, ^"r Jf"'""" 
 leader. The beauty of Virginia had attract d'th no^ e"" 
 Appms Claudn,s hu„.,elf, who deternuned to get he into^-^'"^ "-^ 
 his possession. To carrv ,,nf l,;. i " fe'^'^ ^lei into Virginia. 
 
 bis clients to lay houi V r j a t"'th "l 7 '"" "'" °' 
 ^ ber school in the forun> JS To L °ht "/s Z sT"' 
 The matter was then broucrht hpf.n. n ^ ^^^''^- 
 
 Ca.u<,i„s himself, who «ave™ ifdU t^U^^llTX tS 
 be handed over to the claimant, who would h.,,v.7 T 
 ber in case f-e alleged father si oukuC te be clir tr' 
 was a decision clearly in oD„o«it,„„ <■ ^'"'' 
 
 decemvir himself, wlfic pZ d d tha^aL T ^"'T".""'"'^ ""> 
 don. should remain frJmtt^t^laT^l '" "'''■ 
 
 p:b^v^::i:^:,-7i-£fBH 
 
 incourtne. moving, and:^,^i;:St«.::'d^-i-.— 
 

 SI ' 
 
 Vifi J 
 
 --r^ 
 
 -'J 
 
 II 
 
 . J ' ' 
 
 I 
 
 342 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 the decemvir said that he would give her up to her claimant. 
 At once two friends set out for the Aequian camp, which 
 they reached the same evening. Early next morning the unhappy 
 centurion and his daughter appeared in the forum with rent gar- 
 ments. Numerous friends attended Virginius. Appius probably 
 fearing a disturbance ordered the lictors to disperse the mob, 
 thus leaving Virginius and his daughter alone before the tri- 
 bunal. In the face of his own law, the lustful Claudius gave 
 his decision that Virginia should be given up till she should 
 be proved free. Seeing it was impossible to obtain justice, 
 Virginius asked permission of Claudius to allow him to ask the 
 maiden whether she was his daijghter or no. louder the 
 pretence of asking her this question, he drew her aside and 
 snatching a knife from one of the butchers' stalls, he plunged it 
 in her breast exclaiming : ' In this way only can I keep thee 
 free. ' Then turning to Aj^ius he said : ' On thee, Appius, and 
 on thy head be this blood.' 
 
 When his comrades heard the tale they at once aban- 
 doned their generals and inarched to Rone, and were soon 
 joined by the Sabine army, to which Iciiius and Numitorius 
 had related the sad news. They were joined by the plebeians, 
 who decided a second time to return to Mons Sacer, where 
 they extorted from the patricians the second great charter of 
 plebeian rights. The decemvirs were compelled to resign by 
 the patricians, who sent two of their number, Valerius and 
 Horatius, to negotiate with the disaffected plebeians. The 
 demands of the plebeians were : 
 
 De7nands of (^) '^^^''^^ *'^e tribuneship should be restored, and that the 
 Utif^^^^' comitia tributa should be recognized. 
 
 (2) That the right of appeal against the supreme magistrat<^ 
 should be secured. 
 
 (3) That full indemnity be granted to the movers and pro- 
 moters of the last secession. 
 
 (4) That the decemvirs should be burnt alive. 
 
 All these demands were not granted, for the senate agreed 
 that the fourth was unworthy of a free people and was 
 in fact an act of tyranny as bad as any that had disgraced 
 the rule of the decemvirs. The firso three demands were. 
 
 
claimant, 
 p, which 
 unhappy 
 rent gar- 
 pro bably 
 bhe mob, 
 •■ the tri- 
 lius gave 
 e should 
 . justice, 
 • ask the 
 ider the 
 dde and 
 unged it 
 3ep thee 
 •ius, and 
 
 e aban- 
 re soon 
 mitorius 
 ebeians, 
 , where 
 arter of 
 sign by 
 •ius and 
 . The 
 
 hat the 
 
 gistratf* 
 
 id pro- 
 
 agreed 
 
 id wn« 
 
 ^graced 
 
 were. 
 
 HISTORY OP ROME. 
 
 however, confirmed. The plebeians now elected for the first 
 tnne ten tribunes, instead of five as formerly, and the 
 number ten remained the number of the tribunes down to 
 the latest times. Of these the chief were Yirginius, Icilius, 
 ^md Numitonus. But the state was without any supreme magis- 
 trate. The conutia centuriata met and elected Valerius and 
 Moratius, who were properly speaking the first consuls. This 
 tenn^ consuls, was used afterwards to designate the chief oflicers of 
 the Republic, for previous to the year 3GG b.c. these officers had 
 the name of praetors. When the new consuls were installed 
 m office, they at once redeemed the pledges given to the 
 plebeians on Mons Sacer, and brought forVard the celebrated KSn 
 Valerio-Horatian Laws. By these laws it was enacted |«(^*'' ^^» 
 
 (1) That every citizen should have the right of appeal to the 
 people against the decision of the supreme magistrate This 
 right was a renewal of the old law of Valerius Poplicola in 
 the first year of the Republic, and had been sanctioned by the 
 ten tables of the decemvirs. A third time it was confirmed 
 B.C. 300, by M. Valerius, the consul. 
 
 (2) That the decisions of the plebeians (plebiscita) in their 
 assembly (comitia tributa) should be as binding over all citizens 
 patricians and plebeians alike, as the laws that were passed at the 
 rxnmim centuriata. Before this the plebiscita had only the force 
 of j*w« over the plebeians. 
 
 (3/ 7lm^ the persons of the tribunes, aediles, and other plebeian 
 magistrates should be sacred, and whoever injured them 
 should be sold as a slave. 
 
 When these laws were passed Virginius, now a tribune, 
 impeached Appius Claudius, who, scorning condemnation, took 
 his own life. The other decemvirg were allowed to go into 
 exile and their property was coijftscate<l to the state. The 
 twelve tables, (,f which only a few fragments remain, were 
 regarded by the Romans as the foundation of their whole 
 judicial system. Perhaps all they did wm to fix in a definite 
 written form the existing law. nnd luA. to leave the decision of 
 many eases to the arbitrary ca/^ice of magistrates. We shall 
 see, hcmever, in the next chapter that the law forbidding all 
 marriaere between fliH nRhrininna a..rl ■ .i^tss^iaj"- ■■— - -^-^-^-i-j 
 
 343 
 
 ■'ii 
 
IJl 
 
 \ I 
 
 If 
 
 't >. 
 
 ^1 
 
 Lec Cann 
 leia, hhCi B. 
 
 Military 
 Tribunes 
 unth Consu 
 lar Power, 
 UUlt B.C. 
 
 Cetis&rg first 
 
 appointed. 
 
 WB.C. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 FROM THE DKCKMVIRATK To TF.K CAI'TrUK OF ROMK BY TIIK 
 
 GAULS (449-.S90 j{.('.). 
 
 From the time of tlie docemvirate to tlie period when the 
 J^icinian Rogations became law (;]<;7 n.v.) constant struggles were 
 7 «';^"|'"^*^tween tlie two orders, the patricians and the plebeians 
 1 he fa. t attempt to raise the social standing of the plebeians 
 was made by Caiufe Can.deius, who brought forward a bill to 
 remove the disability imposed by the eleventh law of the twelve 
 tables, by which it .vas forbidden to a plebeian and a patrician 
 to contract a legal marriage. Of course, this proposal was 
 bitterly opposed by the patricians, who saw clearly that the 
 ultimate object of the bill was to destroy the patricians as a 
 caste and to break down finally all barriers between the tw(. 
 orders It was not till the plebeians seceded and occupied the 
 J^'uiculum that the proposal was granted. The success of the 
 tribune emboldened iiis colleagues, who began to speak of bring- 
 ing forward a measure which should throw the consulship opcm 
 to the plebeians as well as to patricians. This, however, was 
 averted by the patricians agreeing that the supreme power of the 
 sta e shoidd be entrusted to new officers ],earing the name of 
 ..mhtan,TrH>un^ rcith Conmlar Power, who could be elected 
 from both tne patricians and plebeians at the eomltUt cnriata. 
 Their number varied from three to six. They continued to be 
 apponited, with occasional intervals of consuls, from 444 to 307 
 B.C., when the Licinian Rogations, by which one of the consuls 
 had to be a plebeian, became law. This apparently important 
 concession of granting military tribunes to tlie plebeiaiis was 
 practically nullihed by dividing up the duties of the consuls 
 between the censors and the quaestors. It is even doubtful 
 whether any plebeians held the office of military tribune with 
 consular power till the year 400 b.c. 
 
 The censors were appointed to relieve the consuls of part of 
 their dutiea They were always two in number and elected 
 
 [344] 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 345 
 
 Ht tlie comitia centuriata every five yenrs at fir.f f 
 
 -I, ,.,^:,.„..H.'r; .irsLi', - ,e-..;- 
 
 The period immediately followfucr fi,« ^u^r 
 
 the poor a „e. ^mL JJ^;,,'^^:^^;^:'!>^ot 
 Hppomted. He liHf' +K^ .., • ^ ■, Maiket* was 
 
 Ae first w,f J roffice nt "^^' ^' '" '^"^'^'^^ '^^ ^^^-- •^--- 
 have bppn ... ? ' ^^"^"«i"'% 'I putrician, seems to ^'«««'^«. 
 
 iicive been an mdolent and inefficient ma., TJie u^Z '^'-^^ ^-O. 
 were m great need and he madp Utfl .• J'^'^'^^^^'"^^ 
 
 at Jvindy power Thp >Li -i-. V " ^""' ''''*^' '"^»"»fe' 
 
 that there wt lile hf M '''"°'"'' ''" '"' ""^ *"" ""■■"•<* 
 
 lliiu dead Th. ,r T! ° "^ °"'^™'* ^hala struck 
 
 iu ifi Z Tl^e , ; fr '"' ''*'^''"°" "■'" 'he act was 
 
 Ti;::e'ltJtt''H:,r,:!?'!:"-r !-ened to the,ro„„d 
 
 been 
 
 part of tlie 
 
346 
 
 HISTORY OF KOME. 
 
 lk,>r 
 
 'J I 
 
 The Quaes 
 turnhip 
 opened to 
 the pleb- 
 eian?, ItSl 
 B.C. 
 
 War with 
 Veil, UOCf 
 396 B.C. 
 
 M. Fiirivs 
 
 Camillas, 
 
 Dictator, 
 
 plebeians after this act of outrage, though tlie tribunes of the 
 people did not hesitate to stigmatize the act in the severest 
 terms. 
 
 We have already mentioned that the quaestors were officers 
 under the kings. These (luaestors, properly called quaestoren 
 pcD-rlcidii, 'trackers out of murder ', were judges on (piestions 
 involving a matter of life and death, and must be distin- 
 guished from tlie <iua<'stores dassici, * paymasters of the classes', 
 or simply qtutestofes, who were now appointed. The duty of 
 the latter was to act as paymasters to the cht.'isps into which 
 Servius Tulliut; divided the people. Originally two, then four 
 were api)ointed, and of the four two might be plebeians. 
 Subsetpiently their number was increased with the addition of 
 provinci'S to the Roman Empire, for every province had a 
 quaestor attached to the staff of the provincial governor. As 
 the quaest(jr at the expiration of his term of office was eligil)le 
 to a seat in the senate, we can see that plebeians thus gained 
 admission to that body. 
 
 The towns that withstood the advance of the Roman arms 
 most stubbornly were Veil, in Etruria, and Fidenae, a town in 
 Latium, both only a few miles from Rome. But Fidenae 
 was taken in 42G B.C., and at the same time a truce was made with 
 the Veientines for twenty years. At the expiration of this 
 truce tlie Romans accused the Veientines with making inroads 
 on their settlements and declared war. At first the campaign 
 was carried on languidly, for the Romans had on their hands 
 also a war with the Yolscians. When, however, the Volscian 
 war was brought to a close, 403 B.C., the united forces of the 
 Romans turned their arms against Veii. Still the war continued 
 without any success on either side. The length of tlie war was 
 not, however, an unmitigated evil to the Romans, for it developed 
 the professional soldier. Then the Roman spent his winter, for 
 the first time, in the camp instead of returning to his farm 
 or business. As the war lasted ten years the custom of pay- 
 ing the soldiers was introduced. In the fifth year of the 
 war the senate met and appointed M. Furius Camillns dictator, 
 a man who stands out pre-eminent among the heroes of the 
 early republic. 
 
HISTORY OF ROMK. 
 
 347 
 
 After a siege of ten years the city was taken, and the inhabi- Veii taken. 
 tants either Klain or sold into slavery. Camillus celebrated his 
 victory 111 a manner hitherto unprecedented. He asceiuled the 
 Capitol 111 a chariot drawn, like the chariot of the sun, l>y four 
 white horses, and old men predicted that the vengeance of 
 heaven would yet visit Camillus for his pride. 
 
 As Veii was a more beautiful city than Rome, many of 
 the Romans wished to remove thither and make Veii the 
 capital of the state But from this project they were dis- 
 suaded by Camillus. The lands, however, of the con.piered ^^J^'uSed 
 city were distributed among the plebeians, each of whom /'&«/ 
 received seven jngera\ with an additional allowance for his 
 children. The next step was to punish the allies of Veii 
 Capena w.-.s taken and destroyed ; and Falerii, which had als<'. ^FalZTi ""'^ 
 aided Veil m the war, fell an easy prey to the Romans. '"*'"• 
 
 Camillus soon lost his popularity with his fickle country- 
 men. It IS said that flushed with victory he had vowed 
 one tenth of the spoil to the Delphian Apollo without con- 
 sulting the people, and when he wished them to deliver up 
 the spoil wherewith to pay the vow, they regarded his act as 
 tyrannical and arrogant. It is also said that he appropriated 
 to his own use the bronze gates of the captured city. Though 
 his tribesmen were willing to pay the fine that would have been Exile of 
 imposed on him, Camillus took refuge in flight to Ardea, a city ^«"'^'^"«- 
 of the Volsci. Soon, however, h-is countrymen were glad to 
 recall him, for ' the Gaul was at tlie gates ' of Rome. 
 
 The invasion of the Gauls took place with all the suddenness 
 that one would expect from that impetuous race. Headed 
 by the Senonian Gauls, the whole of the clans of Northern 
 Italy laid siege to Clusiuin, then the chief city of the Etrus- 
 can league. The people of Clusium in alarm sent envoys U> '^f"' f^<'^ls 
 Rome to ask the aid of the Romans. The senate saw Sfan. 
 clearly that if Clusium were taken, Rome itself would be in 
 danger. All that the Romans did, however, was to send 
 three Fabii as ambassadors to Clusium, who were instructed 
 to warn the Gauls not to meddle with the affairs of Clusium, for 
 
 'A jas/cnan was 80 yds. l,y 40 y.'s., or 32U0 sq. yds. : about 3 of acre. 
 
 ,[ 
 
 i'i !| 
 
 mil ui 
 
m 
 
 ■Qi' 
 
 'r^f 
 
 ^: 
 
 ll^ 
 
 iii 
 
 348 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 that city was an ally of R.une, But little heed was paid to 
 «uch a warning. It so happened that while the Fabii were at 
 UusiuTn a battle took place, and forgetting their peaceful 
 character as ambassadors, they f,»ught on the side of the 
 Mruscans against the CJauls. Angry at this violation of the law 
 ot nations, the Gauls demanded to be led straight against 
 the Konians. The chiefs, however, dissuaded their impetuous 
 clansmen from this course and persuaded the Gauls to 
 send a deputation to Rome to demand the surrender of the 
 Jabu. The senate immediately rej)lied that so important a 
 matter should be left to the people. The assembly of the 
 Konians answered the demand of the Gauls by electing the 
 three Fabn as military tribunes. At once Brennus broke up his 
 camp at Clusium and marched for Borne. His route was along 
 the Clams which flows into the Tibe. After reaching the latter 
 river they crcrssed near the town of \ olsinii and marched down 
 the left bank till they arrived at the Allia, a small river that flows 
 fnmi the Alban hill into the Tiber nearly opposite the mouth of the 
 Defeat of ^^'^niSra. The Romans drew up their line with the Tiber on their 
 aUkfZi^,^f^^ *^^ ^"^'-^^ ^i"« «^^ tlieir riglit and the Allia in their front. 
 
 m/c"' ""^ ''"'^*^ "^ ^^^ ^^"^'^ ^"^•"'^^^ ^^^ I'igl^t vving of the Romans 
 
 most of whom were slain by the javelins of the enemy while 
 attempting to swim across tlie Tiber. Of the survivors, some 
 were cut down, and others fled to Rome. The Romans never 
 forgot that disaster. For all time tlie day was marked with a 
 black letter and was unpropitious fcjr any undertaking. The 
 dread nispired by this defeat made Gaul a name to be feared till 
 the days of Julius Caesar who finally completed its conquest 
 Such was the loss in the army of the Romans that the men 
 left were not suiMcient to man the walls of thv3 city of Rome 
 It was therefore decided that they sliould retreat to the 
 Capitol with all tlie provisions at hand, and that the priests 
 and the vestal virgins should take refuge at Caere. The a^red 
 senators, men who had grown old in the service of the 
 state, unable to save their native land, resolved to sacrifice 
 themselves for it. As the Gauls approached, they ordered 
 their ivory chairs to be set in the forum before the temple of 
 the gods, and then they took their seats, each clad in his toga 
 p>-aetexta, to await the coming of the barbarians. 
 
HISTORY OP ROME. 
 
 349 
 
 h.L nu T "''''''"" ^"''^^' ^'•^"""^ ^'^t^^rod the city 
 
 by the Cclhne gate. To the great surprise of the Gauls, their .;„«., .n..r 
 
 march wa,s unchecked and the streets were deserted. When tj.ev ^^' 
 
 reached the forum they saw the venerable senators sitting like 
 
 so many guardian gods of their native land. In silent wonder 
 
 the strangers gazed on the aged senators. At length one of the 
 
 ^Mds, more impudent than the rest, ventured to stroke the 
 
 beard of Papinus The luckless barbarian was at once struck 
 
 on the head with the ivory sceptre, and this was a sign for 
 
 a general massacre of the Romans. Fire and slaughter reigned 
 
 supren.e for days The only place not given up wal the Capitol 
 
 whxch was stdl defended by a few heroic souls. For seven months 
 
 the Roman garrison there was the centre of attack. The Gauls 
 
 fortunately for tlie Romans, had invaded Italy at a tin.e when 
 
 fever was prevalent, and their number was gradually thinned out 
 
 by dKsease. Wlnle the Capitol was being besieged a number of 
 
 to appoint Camillus dictator. But to get Canullus appointed, it 
 
 would be necensary to consult the senate, which was blockaded ^r^""-' - 
 
 in the Capitol. A daring youth offered to be the bearer ofc^S'-""" 
 
 anXT tl f%r'"' ''u ^^^P^'^^ ^" '^''^'y^ ^^^--d the 
 sanction of the fathers to the appointment of Camillus and 
 
 returned to Veii. His success, however, was well ni^h de^trTc 
 
 tion to Rome. Next day some of the Gauls observing'the ticks 
 
 The top had been reached by the foremost of the Gauls when 
 some geese, sacred to Juno, which the Romans had with re i^ious 
 veneration refrained from eating, even when hard pressed by 
 f nnne, aroused M. Manlius, the defender of the Capitol, from ' 
 sleep. Manhus hurled down the Gaul who had clamber;d up 
 and gave the alarm to his comrades. The Capitol was saved ar d ^ ., , 
 M. Manlius, the saviour of the Capitol, was regarded in subse- 'S'U 
 quent history as one of the greatest of Ron. an heroes ManlmS. 
 
 doubt botli sides were eager to make a compromise. At length it o/^hfoS. 
 was agreed that the barbarians shoukt quit the Roman territory 
 on paying one thousand pounds of gold. This sum was procured 
 rom the treasures of the temple and the ornaments of Roman 
 
 
 ■Iff 
 
 } 
 
 i 
 
350 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 matrons. When tlio gold was Ixnng paid out to Brennus, and 
 when theRoni.iM coiuniissioner.s were complaining of tlu false 
 weights used by the Gauls, the haughty barbarian threw his 
 sword into tlie scale with the words, ' Woe to the concpiered '. 
 At this moment Cainillus Hi)peared in the forum, declared that 
 the agreement was null and void, because it had been made 
 without the dictator's saiicti(m, drove the Gauls from the 
 forum and out of Roiue. Next day a battle was fought outside 
 the gates of Rome, on the road to Ga))ii, when the (Jauls were 
 defeated and tlieir leader, lirennus, fell uu<ler the sword of Ca- 
 millus, who shouted in the ear of the expirhig (Jaul the haughty 
 words he had used towards the Romans, 'Woe to the con- 
 quered.' Some historians relate that the dei)arture of the 
 Gauls was due to the fact that the VenCti attacked their settle- 
 ments in Northern Italy. Tn whatever way the Gaids departed 
 one thing is curtain ; Rome was reduced to ashes. The people 
 were in despair and loudly asked to be led to Veii, a city with 
 fine streets, magnificent buildings and level site. Camillus, how- 
 ever, dissuaded them and within a year the people saw Rome 
 rise from its ashes. By the invasion, Rome was stripped of 
 nearly all her allies. The league that she had formed with the 
 Latins and Hernicans was dissolved, and her only salvation 
 was that the other nations of Italy had been so weakened 
 by the Gallic invasion that they were unable to assert any 
 supremacy in the affairs of Rome. 
 
 vZl^onhe ^'^'' ''^^^'' attempts were made by the Gauls, and these attacks 
 Gauh, 301 are marked by two of the latest legends in Roman history. It 
 is said that when the Gauls were encamped on the Aiiio, a 
 gigantic Gaul stepped forward and insultingly challenged the 
 Romans. In the Rtnnan army was Titus Manlius, who obtained 
 permission of the general to accept the challenge sent by the 
 Gaul. He slew the giant and stripped from the neck of his foe 
 the twisted chain (torques) which the Gallic chiefs were 
 accustomed to wear. Hence he obtained the name of Torquatus. 
 It is also said that the Gauls had stationed their permanent 
 camp on the Alban hills, and L. Furius Camillus, nephcAv of the 
 great Camillus, was in command of the Romans. A gigantic Gaul, 
 
 B.C. 
 
 Third invO' 
 sion of the 
 Oauls, 31,9 
 B.C. 
 
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HISTORY OP ROME. 
 
 as ^ .,0 first case, had challenged any clKwnpion of the Roman 
 
 army. Among the lloumna was M. Valerius, who s.a«,- u.ero 
 
 rii,linnr con,par<.d to (I... monstrous Oaul. At the l,egin, nu 
 
 . the conflict a crow al,,htod on the crent of the Ronun'! 
 
 h .met and at o. .ry - .f - ,„i ^.^je, the bird flew in his 
 
 face striking at him u l „ i « • , 
 
 Ihw fh n 1 ., ■ . ^ «'4>ping wings. Valerius 
 
 lew the Oaul and thu« ohrained the surname of Corvus or 
 
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CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 PROM THE GALLIC INVASION TO THE ENACTMENT OP THE 
 PUBLILIAN LAWS, 389-339 B.C. 
 
 During the period succeeding the invasion of the Gauls, great 
 poverty and suffering, with the attendant popular discontent 
 existed. The city was in ruins, the small farms of the Roman 
 yeomanry were ravaged, their homes were destroyed, and dearth 
 prevailed everywhere. The first impulse of the Romans was to 
 leave the blackened ruins of tlieir city and take up their abode 
 at Vfcii, but from this they were, as we have seen, dissuaded by 
 Camillus. In their haste, however, to rebuild their city, the 
 streets were laid out irregularly and consequently were crooked 
 and narrow, and what was worse for sanitary reasons they often 
 crossed the lines of the great sewers, so that the drainage was 
 defective. It was not till after the great fire in the days of the 
 Emperor Nero that Rome was built with any regularity. 
 
 The first precaution taken was to relieve the immediate 
 distress that prevailed everywhere. One of the most obnoxious 
 laws at Rome, as we have seen, was the law of debtor and 
 M. Manliug, creditor. Four years after the withdrawal of the Gauls, the 
 \llP^ll'''''fhrr,ve defender of the Capitol, M. Manlius, came forward as 
 beians, 385 the patron of tlie poor. Not only did he from his private means 
 relieve many a plebeian who would have been sold into slavery 
 for his debt, but he accused some of the patricians and senators 
 of keeping possession of the money that had been raised to pay 
 off the Gauls. He became the hero of the hour. In alarm the 
 senate met and named Aulus Cornelius Cossus dictator. Manlius 
 wa3 summoned to make good his charges, and when he failed to 
 do so to the satisfaction of the dictator he was cast into prison. 
 A storm of popular indignation arose and Manlius, who claiuied 
 the right to be tried before the comiUa ceidnriata was released. 
 In spite of the fact that he had been the generous friend of the 
 people and tiie saviour of the Capitol, and that he showed 
 numerous badges given for his bravery in the field, the ungrateful 
 

 p^ 1 
 
 w 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 353 
 
 Roman patricians found lam guilty and caused him to be thrown 
 rom the Tarpeian rock. A bill was passed enacting that his Z,.a*.o/ 
 Jiouse should be destroyed and no one belonging to it hereafter ^«""«'- 
 should bear his pnienomen of Marcus. 
 
 The senate, now that it had got rid of this social reformer 
 began to be more conciliatory. His death, however, was only a 
 check to the popular cauae. The difference that existed between 
 
 he two orders was fast disappearing, for many of the plebeian 
 families were becoming wealthy and influential, while many of the 
 patricians were- lapsing into poverty and obscurity. The ple- 
 beians had already been admitted to the senate, to the offices of 
 quaestor and aedile, .-.d to that of military tribune, by virtue 
 of which they could command the armies in the field The 
 only important offices they were now debarred from were 
 those of consul and censor, and in case of these the objection 
 was purely fictitious, for the patricians urged that no person -*'"^'''«*- 
 could hold these offices save persons of pure patrician blood, 
 since pure patricians alone could take the auspices. These 
 nmpices were supposed to furnish the revealed will of heaven 
 to man. Every man could consult tl^o augurs or gods for 
 his own guidance in any action, but the magistrates alone 
 could employ augurs to take public auspices on behalf of the 
 people. The augur on such an occasion took up his position 
 on some consecrated spot of ground, with his augural staff 
 (Utuus) marked out the heaven into four quarters, and watch-d 
 for the flight of birds sent from Jove. He then according to 
 tlie birds observed, and to the quarter in which they were seen 
 decided whether the signs were favourable or unfavourable. ' 
 
 The bills that finally brought about a union of the two orders The Licm 
 were tJie celebrated Licinian Rogations proposed by Caius *«" ^«'^«- 
 Licinius Stolo and Lucius Sextius, tribunes of the people. Tliese ^R?'" 
 bills had for their object primarily the immediate diminution of 
 the burden of debt with which the plebeians were oppressed • 
 ■secondly, a fair division of the ager publicus, and lastly, the 
 admission of the plebeians to the consulship. The provisions of 
 the bills were 
 
 (1) That on all debts on which interest had been paid, the sum 
 23 
 
 
 
 m 
 
 % -ii 
 
 fclil'lhillM 
 
354 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 Decemviri 
 appointed. 
 
 of the interest paid should be deducted from the principal, and 
 the remainder paid in three successive aiumal instabuents. 
 
 (2) That no citizen should have more than five hundred jugera 
 of public land, nor should feed upon the public pastures more 
 than one hundred head of oxen and five hundred of sheep, 
 under penalty of a heavy fine. 
 
 (3) Tliat henceforth, not military tribunes, but consuls should 
 be elected, and that one of the two consuls must be a plebeian. 
 
 These laws were not passed till after a struggle of ten years. 
 All kinds of opposition were offered by the patricians, who even 
 instigated some of the tribunes to oeto the proposals of their 
 colleagues. But the two defenders of the rights of the plebs 
 turned the engine of the veto now against the patricians. When 
 the time of the elections at the comitia cenUiriata arrived, they 
 exercised t^ieir power of veto by preventing any consuls, military 
 tribunes, censors, or quaestors from being elected, and thus the 
 only magistrates during these years in the state were the tribunes 
 of the plebs and the aedil^^s, who were elected at the comi'Ao tribtita. 
 At the end of these five years, instead of relaxing their demands, 
 they added another, that the care of the Sibylline Books, instead 
 of being given to two men (dnumviri) appointed by the patri- 
 cians, should be given to ten men {decemviri), half of whom must 
 be plebeians. For five years more the struggle lasted but the 
 two tribunes adhered to their policy, and in the year 3G7 
 B.C. the Licinian Rogations became law, and Lucius Sextius 
 became the first plebeian consul. One final effort was made to 
 thwart the will of the plebeians. By the constitution of 
 Rome, the imperium was conferred by the comitia curiata a 
 patrician assembly of the curiae of Romulus. The imperium 
 could thus be refused to the consul. The patricians elected 
 Camillus, the defender of patrician rights, as dictator. But the 
 aged veteran saw clearly that the only honourable thing to do 
 was to accede wisely to the onward march of plebeian rights. 
 A compromise was effbcted, and the imperium was granted to 
 Lucius Sextius, but the judicial duties of the consul were 
 separated from the ofl5ce and given to a magistrate called 
 the praetor. When Camillus had effected the union of the 
 
HISTORY OP ROME. 
 
 355 
 
 two orders he vowed a temple to Concord, but he died before he 
 could dedicate it. 
 
 When the plebeians gained the consulship, it was easily seen 
 that they soon would be successful in obtaining the riglit to hold 
 «ie other off, .es. The first plebeian dictator was C. Marcius,. 
 
 .r^f '' Z'^t^ ^■''•' ^'^' ^v-«^l«o'^l^e first plebeian censor, in^fc?"" 
 dO/ B.C. Ihe hrst plebeian praetor was chosen in 336 b (< and ^^'^'''''"■ 
 hnally the Ogulnian Law (Lex Ogulnkt) was passed in 300 bc 
 by which the pontiffs were increased from four to eight, and 
 the augurs from four to nine, and the provision was made that 
 four of the pontiffs and five of the augurs slu.uld be taken from 
 the plebeians^ Another important reform was passed by the 
 dictator, Q Publilius Philo, which still further curtailed the 
 privileges of the patricians. The provisions of these laws were 
 
 (1) That all resolutions of the plebeians (pZe6e.ate) passed at 
 
 the com. .a tnbuta should have the sa.>. force as laws passed at p„,.,.„„ 
 the conntm centuriata. ^uoiman 
 
 (2) That when a law was brought before the comitia centuriuta 
 the senate should give its formal confirmation to the law before 
 the voting began, not af ^er. 
 
 (3) That one of the censors must be a plebeian. 
 The first was really a confirmation of the Valerio-Horatian 
 
 Law, passed after the expulsion of the decemvirs, which had 
 probably never been carried out. 
 
 Laws, 339 
 B.C. 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 First Sam- 
 nite fVar, 
 S/fS-Sa B.C. 
 
 illiil 
 
 ri 
 
 '* 111' 
 
 FROM THE LICINIAN ROGATIONS TILL THE END OF THE THIRD 
 8AMNITE WAR, 307-290 B.C. 
 
 From the time when the two orders were united by allowing 
 the plebeians to become eligible for the consulship, till the 
 hnal conquest of Italy, nearly a century elapsed. During the 
 whole of this period the history of Rome is occupied with three 
 important wars directed against the Samnites, the Latins and 
 Pyrrhus, king of Epirus. 
 
 The Samnites belonged to the great Sabellian family of nations 
 which oocupifed the highlands of Central Italy between Canr.ania 
 and L'loania. Like most mountaineers they were a pastoral people, 
 and moved about from place to place wherever they could find 
 most convenient pasturage for their flocks and herds. In conse- 
 quence of their predatory habits, and also from a scarcity of pas- 
 ture in their mountain fastnesses, they overran the plains that 
 bordered on their own district, and soon spread themselves over 
 Campania and Lucania where they drove out the Oscan and Pelas- 
 gian settlers. Soon, however, a quarrel arose between the Cam- 
 panian Samnites and those of the interior, in wliich the Romans 
 took sides with the Campanian Samnites, for these ha " cff-ered to 
 hand over to the Romans the city of Capua on the conuition that 
 the Romans would aid them in their wars with the Samnites of the 
 highlands. This oflfer was too tempting to be resisted, for Capua 
 was perhaps the wealthiest of all the Italian cities of that time, 
 and the lands of Campania were the most fertile and the scenery 
 tlie most beautiful of Italy. Two armies were despatched by the 
 Romans, and a battle was fought at Mount Gaurus, near Cumae 
 at the head of the bay of Naples, where the Samnites were 
 defeated witli great loss. Two other defeats followed at Suessula 
 and Saticula. During the winter that followed, the Romans 
 occupied the lands of Campania. The prosecution of the 
 war was delayed for two reasons. The soldiers wintering at 
 
 [3r>G] 
 
HISTORY OP HOME. 357 
 
 Capua, like those of Hannibal in after days, became dis- 
 contented. They compared the rich and beautiful lands of 
 Campania with the barren, dreary region that surrounded 
 their native Rome, and they contrasted the luxurious and easy 
 life of the Campanians with the spare and frugal mode of living 
 practised at home. The poorer classes, too, in the city still 
 oppressed with debt, left Rome and joined the mutineers. 
 Besides this, the Romans were aware that the Latins were on 
 the eve of a revolt, and wished to husband their strength for a 
 struggle which they saw must come sooner or later, and which 
 meant the life or der.th of the Roman state. A treaty of peace 
 and alliance was made with the Samnites, so that the latter 
 aided the Romans in the Latin war. 
 
 The Latins had already formed a league with the Romans in The Latin 
 .i5b B.C., and had aided them against the Etruscans and finally g'"'''^^^-*^ 
 against the Samnites. The growing power of Rome had how- 
 ever, excited their alarm. The Roman senate, too, saw clearly 
 that, had the war with the Samnites continued, the Latins would 
 have claimed an equality of command with the Romans. The 
 conclusion of the treaty of alliance between Pome and the Sam- 
 nites made it plain to the Latins that they must either be 
 subject allies of Rome, or assert their independence in arms or 
 unite together and form one state. Accordingly a number of 
 commissioners from Latium were sent to the Roman senate to 
 consider the terms of union between Rome and Latium. They Provosais of 
 proposed that (1) henceforth Rome and Latium should form one '^' ^'*'*" 
 state ; (2) one of the two consuls should be a Latin ; (3) the sen- '"""''''' 
 ate should be increased to six hundred, of whom three hundred 
 should be Latins. It is also likely, though this is not expressly 
 stated, that the demand was made that the Latin territory 
 was to be divided like the Roman into tribes which would have 
 equal votes with those of Rome at the comitia trihuta. 
 
 These requests were rejected by the senate, and war v^^^ Rejection of 
 declared. Both Latins and Romans knew well that the great itizT' 
 struggle was one on which the supremacy of Italy depended ' 
 
 Luckily for Rome she had for consuls in this war Titus Manlius 
 Torquatus and Publius Decius Mus, consummate warriors and 
 
 M 
 
 I It' 
 
 'I i 
 
 it n 
 
358 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 !l 
 
 Roman vie- 
 tory at Mt. 
 Vesuvius, 
 SUOB.C. 
 
 patriotic citizens, to lead her armies. These at once transferred 
 the seat c»f war to the territory of Campania, v.here tliey could 
 avail themselves of the aid of the neighbouring Samnites. When 
 the two armies took up their position at the foot of Mount 
 Vesuvius, the contest looked like a civil war. The soldiers of 
 both armies spoke the same language ; they had fought side by 
 side under common generals; in arms, discipline and tactics 
 they were the same ; and many of them were well known to each 
 other. Under these circumstances the Roman generals thought 
 it expedient to break off all communication between the two 
 armies. It was, accordingly, strictly forbidden for any Roman 
 to engage in single combat with a Latin on the pain of 
 death. The son of the consul Manlius, however, stung by the 
 taunts of a Latin champion, accepted a challenge, slew his 
 adversary and carried the spoils to his father. But the stern 
 consul, like Brutus of old, would not pardon his son, and 
 ordered him to be beheaded by the consul in presence of the 
 army. 
 
 As the two armies were lying opposite each other, on the 
 night before the battle, each of the two consuls was disturbed 
 by an ominous dream, for both were warned by a vision that on 
 one side a leader and on the other an army would perish. P^ach 
 of the consuls agreed that he whose division should first give 
 way should devote himself to the gods of the lower world. Decius 
 commanded the left and Manlius the right. When the left 
 broke, Decius rushed into the thickest of the fight and was slain. 
 Then victory came to the Romans, for more than three-fourths 
 of the Latin army lay dead on the field. 
 
 By the victory of Vesuvius, the Romans gained not only 
 Campania but also Latium. The war continued two years 
 longer, but the Latin league was completely broken up. All 
 general assemblies of the Latin nation w^ere prohibited, the 
 towns in Latiuia were governed by Roman soldiers, and they 
 were prevented from forming again any union. The cities were 
 kept isolated from each other, since the citizens of one city 
 were forbidden to intermarry or make a legal contract with those 
 of another, and the greater portion of the territory was incor- 
 porated with the republic, 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 359 
 
 ■m- 
 
 During the interval between the Latin War and the Second Caru,e,ofthe 
 Saninite War, the Romans were gradually completing their con- ^te^wt 
 quest of Campania. The immediate cause of the Second Sam- 
 nite War was as follows : Parth6n6pe was an old Greek colony 
 situated at the northern extremity of the bay of Naples. It was 
 also called PalaeopSlis or ' old town,' to distinguish it from Nea- 
 pOlis or ' new town ' further south. These towns were free and 
 independent, though the neighbouring lands were in the hands 
 of the Samnites. The senate alleged that certani piracies had 
 been committed upon the Roman subjects of Campania and 
 demanded satisfaction from Palaeopolis. But the city, trusting to 
 the support of the Samnites and also secretly instigated by the 
 Tarentines, refused to give any redress, and the senate declared The Second 
 war. Under the command of Publius Philo, the Romans ^^"^Jg 
 marched to besiege Palaeopolis, and as the consul did not soTkc. ' 
 succeed in taking the city when the year of his office had expired, 
 he was continued in command under the title of proconsid. 
 Soon after the beginning of the year, Palaeopolis was treacher- 
 ously delivered by two Greek traitors. The senate charged the 
 Samnites with violating the peace and war was declared. 
 
 The Second or Great Samnite War lasted for twenty-two 
 years. The Romans had now to fight not merely with the 
 Samnites, but with the Tarentines and Lucanians, who had 
 leagued themselves with the Samnites, Owing to the gravity of 
 the situation they had appointed Lucius Papirius Cursor as dic- 
 tator, and he named Quintus Fabius Maximus as master of the 
 horse. When the dictator was recalled to Rome through some 
 flaw in the auspices, he left the army in charge of the master of 
 the horse, with strict injunctions not to hazard an engagement 
 with the enemy till his return. Fabius, however, disobeyed the 
 order and defeated the Samnites with great loss. Stung with 
 resentment at this disobedience of his orders, Papirius ordered 
 Fabius to be seized and put to death, but the soldiers rose in 
 defence of the master of the horse, and an unwilling pardon was 
 wrung from the dictator. A short truce followed, after which 
 hostilities were renewed with greater activity than ever. The A tmce, sss 
 Samnites were led by C. Pontius, an able general, who inflicted ^'^■ 
 on the Romans one of the most memorable defeats in history. 
 
 m'' 
 
360 
 
 
 ! I 
 
 Defeat of 
 the Romant 
 at the Can- 
 dine Fork», 
 
 Defeat of 
 the Romans 
 atLautulae, 
 S15B.C., 
 and of the 
 Samnites at 
 Cinna, SlU 
 B.C. 
 
 Etruscans 
 defeated, 309 
 B.C. 
 
 HISTORY OP ROME. 
 
 The consuls considered that the capture of Lucoria, the chief 
 town o Apuhu, was the key .,f the campaign, and detenuined to 
 march thither as .p.ickly an pr.ssible. The shortest route to this 
 town was to strike the road at Caudiinn and march to Beneven- 
 tuin, where the roa.l to Luceria branclied off. Their route hiv 
 hrough a valley calle.l the Ca.uline Forks, a narrow defile in the 
 form of two wedges with the poi.its facing each other and separ 
 ated by a narrow plain. When the Ronia.is atteu.pted to 
 enter the second defile they found the entrance impassable, 
 being barricaded by fortifications and trunks of trees. Thev then 
 retraced their steps but found the first defile occupied by the 
 enemy, fhey now saw that they were entrapped, and surren- 
 dered Pontius promised to dismiss them in safety on condition 
 that they would agree to restore on ecjual terms the alliance 
 between the Samni.es and the Romans, and give up all the 
 places they; had conquered during the war. Though the con- 
 sul and the superior ofticers agreed to this, and the whole 
 
 refZd r'^'rr f^'^^r"^ "" '^''^ ""^-r^tanding, the senate 
 refused to ratify the terms, and voted that the consuls and 
 superior officers should be delivered up to the Samnites as 
 hostages. These were conducted to Caudium by the priest 
 {feUalxs) and when they appeared before the tribunal of C 
 Fontius, Cams Postumius, the consul, struck the priest with 
 his foot, saying that he was now a Samnite citizen and that the 
 Romans could renew a justifiable war, since the sacred envoy of 
 Rome had been insulted by a Samnite. Pontius, however 
 refused to accept the persons so offered, and sent them back to 
 Rome, but retained the six hundred hostages left in the hands 
 ot the Sanmites. 
 
 The Samnites seem to have gained little by this victory. 
 1 hough the Romans were again defeated at Lautulae, this loss 
 was retrieved by the victory at Cinna which is considered the 
 turning point of the campaign. To Q. Fabius Maximus was due 
 the victory, and to him really belong tlie honours of this war 
 Rome was now threatened by another danger, for the Etruscans 
 and Umbnans united their forces to help the Samnites. 
 But Fabms marched boldly into the heart of Etruria and 
 defeated the Etruscans at the battle of Lake Vadimo, and thr 
 
HISTOUY OF ROME. 
 
 rnibriaiiH at ]Vievania. The Samnites wero also defeated in 
 sovoral battles, and after the captnre cf Bovianun, one of their 
 chief towns, they were co.npelled to sue for peace and 
 acknowledge the supremacy of Rome. 
 
 Soon after the concluHioi, of the Second San.nite War, the 
 Aequians and Hemicans rone ngainst R<,me, hut were reduced to 
 submission in a single campaign. They were admitted to the 
 Roman alliance on the same terms as the Latins. The lands of 
 these were formed into two new tribes. Shortly afterwards the 
 Marsi, Pehgni, Marrucini and other nations of Central Italy also 
 were received into alliance. While Rome was gradually reducing 
 tlie nations of Central Italy, a new danger appeared on the 
 North, for the Etruscans, Umbrians and Senonian Gauls-the 
 same who had defeated the Romans at the river Allia— had com- 
 bined against her. Taking advantage of this confederacy, the 
 hamnites renewed the war and joined the forces of the confed- 
 erates in Umbria. Then the great battle of Sentinum was fought 
 m which the forces of the Romans gained a signal victory. After 
 this the Romans completed the conquest of Samnium. This 
 conquest was, however, sullied by the barbar.^as treatment 
 offered to their generous enemy, C. Pontius. After being com- 
 pelled to follow the triumphal car of the Roman general, he was 
 beheaded in the prison beneath the Capitol. The war dragged 
 out its slow length for three years longer when peace was con- 
 cluded, which left the Romans practically masters of Italy from 
 the Rubicon to the straits of Messina. 
 
 361 
 
 I'inhnnns, 
 307 B.C. 
 
 Peace con- 
 eluded, SOIt 
 B.C. 
 
 Third Sam- 
 nite War, 
 t)o-S90 B.C. 
 
 Battle of 
 Sentinum, 
 
 3'Jr> B.C. 
 
 Death of 
 Pontius, 
 293 B.C. 
 
 I ffri 
 
 .;i 
 
 i!'l 
 
 'Hf! 
 
 1 
 
 ll"! 
 1 
 
 '1 
 
 H 
 
 
 ! 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 KHOM THE TfUKI) HAMNITK WAR TO THK 8UBJUOATION OF ITALY 
 
 (290-2(J6 B.C.). 
 
 Succetitiw 
 eonqne$t» of 
 Rome 
 
 Magna 
 Graecia. 
 
 Tarentum. 
 
 Homo Imd now little t.. fear from foes in Italy. The Latin 
 league had been broken up by the defeat at Mount Vesuvius, 
 the Samnites never recovered the reverse at Bovianuni, and the 
 Gauls, Etruscans and Unibrians had been crushed with disas- 
 trous loss at Lake Vadinio, and especially by the battle at 
 Sentinum. 
 
 The only people who were still unsubdued were the Greeks of 
 Magna Gmoxia. Several causes, h-wever, rendered these people 
 less formidable than either the Gauls, Etruscans, Latins or Sam- 
 nites, for the same causes which prevented the Greek commu- 
 nities from uniting in a common object in the days of Greek 
 freedom still operated among the cities of Magna Graecia. In 
 the first place, mutual jealousy was an insuperable barrier to 
 any concerted action, and in the second place, most of the 
 cities were now in a state of decay, due partly to the loss of the 
 ^irit of freedom and partly to the increase of waaltli and luxury, 
 and lastly, the different cities were ruled by irresponsible tyrants' 
 whose interest it was to keep the cities is. lated. The old 
 aristocracy had been everywhere supplanted by a turbulent 
 democracy, and this had been succeeded by tyrants whose object 
 was to retain in their own hands the power they had gained 
 by force or fraud. 
 
 We have already aliuded to Tarentum in the history of 
 Greece as one of the colonies of Lacedaemon. It was situated 
 on the eastern horn of a fine harbour. The city was built in the 
 form of a triancrle, with one aide washed by tlfe open sea the 
 other by the waters of the bay, while the third was connected 
 with the land. The inhabitants were wealthy, and had lost the 
 old Spartan love for independence and war. They had called 
 in at various times several soldiers of fortune to aid them 
 against the neighbouring tribes and cities, and now we find 
 
 [362] 
 
IIISTOHY Ov' ttOMK. 
 
 363 
 
 th«m calling to their assistftnco the (hishi.., hiuI advonturoua 
 king (,f Ki.iruH. The state of affairs throughout all the Greek 
 cities (»f Italy ai'd Sicily shows the woivst fruits of (ireek dem- 
 ocracy. The people were indolent and luxurious, spent their 
 days in the gymnasia, dreamed over political or philosoi)hical 
 theories which they never followed, or filled up tlieir time 
 m attending fojists (,r ban.iuets. They were thus a poor match 
 for the legions of Rome, composed of the hardy ycmanry of 
 Italy whose life had been spent in the wars rdth the Italian 
 nations. 
 
 No doubt tl-.o people of Tarentuin viewed with alarm the 
 progress of Roman conquest. The immediate cause of the war 
 was not, however, a qimr: al wif. Tarentum, but a quarrel 
 })etweeii the Lucanians and the people of Thurii. This town 
 had declared war against the Lucanians and had been besieged 
 When the inhabitnnts called in the aid of the Romans. Not 
 only did the c:)nsul 0. Fabricius defeat the Lucanians and their 
 allies and relieve Thurii, but he placed a garrison in the town. 
 A fleet of ten ship.-^ were sent by the Romans to reconnoitre tho 
 sea coast and it appeared in the harbour of Tarentum. At once 
 a fleet of the Tarentines was despatched against it and gained an 
 easy victory. The Tarentine soldiers then marched to Thurii, 
 took it, and compelled the authorities to dismiss the Roman 
 garrison. 
 
 The senate sent at once an embassy to the Tarentines to 
 formally complain of this violation of the rights of nations and 
 to demand satisfaction, but the chief envoy was wantonly 
 insulted by the Tarentines. War could no k>nger be put off. 
 The Tarentines sent an embassy inviting the help of Pyrrhus, 
 king of Epirus, wlio gladly accepted the offer. 
 
 Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, was thirty-eight years of age when invitation 
 he was invited to Italy to champion the rights of the Greek S/ic'^"** 
 cities against Rome. He hf.d been brought up amid the stormy "^ 
 times that followed the death of Alexander the Great. Driven 
 twi , from the throne, at the age of twenty-two he returned 
 to Epirus, and transferred his seat of government from Passftron 
 to Ambracia. Here he spent seven years in regulating his 
 kingdom and in training his army. The invitation of the Taren- 
 
 f 
 
 1 
 
 i 
 
 7 
 
 Bfc 
 
 ! 
 
 L 
 
 .:.ii 
 
364 
 
 HISTORY OP ROME. 
 
 'ioman» 
 at Heraclea 
 
 s U 
 
 tines filled his romantic mind with visionary dreams of rivalling 
 the successes of his relative, Alexander the Great. The conquest 
 of Italy, Sicily, and Africa would be a match for Alexander's con- 
 quest of Persia. Accordingly he crossed into Italy with a force 
 of twenty thousand foot, three thousand horse, two thousand 
 archers, five hundred slingers and twenty elephants. He had, 
 however, sent in advance his general Milo with a detachment 
 of three thousand men. As soon as he arrived he made the 
 Tarentines feel that they had, instead of an ally, a severe master. 
 He closed at once the gymnasia, the theatre, and the public prom- 
 enades, diminished the number of festivals, and drafted all the 
 citizens of military age into service. The giddy and licentious 
 Greeks no doubt resented this interference with their acknow- 
 ledged pri--leges, and few, except the Tarentines, flocked to his 
 standard. 
 
 paZnTm ^^ *^® ^^^^ campaign, the consul Valerius Laevinus met 
 J^Ae^"-^'"'^^'''"^"^ ^^ Heraclea, on the river Siris. This was the first 
 occasion in which the Macedonian phalanx had been brought face 
 to face with the Roman legion. The tactics of each were wholly 
 difi-erent. In the Macedonian phalanx each man stood close to 
 his comrade, so that his body was covered with his right 
 man's shield. They were drawn up sixteen men deep, armed 
 with long pikes. The Romans were drawn up in three lines so 
 arranged tl at each was free to advance without oeing in the way 
 of the other. When the first line discharged their javelins they 
 retired and the second line advanced, and so with the third. 
 Thus the Macedonian phalanx was suited for level giound, such 
 as existed at Heraclea. No doubt, too, the elephants contri- 
 buted to the defeat of the Romans, who were terrified at the sight 
 of these unusual and ungainly animals. The victory was gained 
 by Pyrrhus, but the loss he sustained was considerable, for all 
 his best officers and troops fell in battle. As Pyrrhus viewed 
 the field of battle he is said to have remarked, 'Another 
 such victory and I shall be ruined.' Again, he was so im- 
 pressed with the valour of the Romans and the sight of the dead 
 bodies with their wounds all in front, that he exclaimed, ' Had 
 
 I been Icinor nf fho Rr..vio»io T o,u„,,ij i _ -. i ., , , , 
 
 --_ .-...„,.,„,., ^ n.iwUiu lutvsj cunquerea tne world . 
 
 The eff-ect of the defeat of Heraclea was disastrous to the Romans, 
 
'^^^^mSm'' 
 
 HISTORY OP ROME. 
 
 365 
 
 •hU8. 
 
 for Pyrrhus gained great accession to his ranks from the Lucanians 
 and Sammtes. The Romans retreated to Capua, which Pyrrhus 
 ^.tempted to take, but failed. He then made his way tlLugh 
 the lands of the conquer<^d Volsci, Hernici and Aequi, to Etruna 
 intending to gam the discontented inhabitants to his side, and 
 attack Rome from the north. He advanced to within twenty- 
 four miles of Rome and sent his minister, Cineas, famed for his 
 persuasive eloquence, to propose terms of peace to the Roman 
 senate The terms that the minister laid before the senate 
 were tjiose of a conqueror. All the Greek cities were to be set 
 free, the cities taken from the Lucanians, Samnltes and Bruttians 
 were to be restored by the Romans, and in return for these 
 Pyrrhus was to give back all the Roman prisoners without a 
 ransom According to one account these terms were indi^nantlv r. 
 rejected, according to another, many of the senators wer^lv er ST"" 
 ing and inclined to treat for peace on these terms till the aged "^'"^ 
 Appius C audius, now old and blind, delivered an impassioned 
 speech which caused the hesitating senators to reject indig- 
 nantly the propoals of Cineas. The answer was sent that if 
 Pyrrhus desired peace he must quit Italy ; if he stayed the 
 Romans would continue the war, though Pyrrhus should defeat 
 a thousand such as Laevinus. 
 
 In the second campaign Pyrrhus gained another victory at , , 
 Asculuni^ This victory was as devoid of results as the previous S^nf .7.^ 
 one at Heraclea. Though the loss on the side of the Romans o/S."'^-^^' 
 w^s nearly double that on the side cf Pyrrhus Rome could ^"'"""^ «« 
 replace her losses with greater ease than the king ^fEpTrus ^""'""• 
 
 Unwilling to hazard another campaign with the Romans in 
 Italy Pyrrhus listened to an invitation of the Sicilian Greeks 
 to aid them against the encroachments of the Carthaginians 
 l^or the space of two hundred years there had been goin. o . 
 on a constant struggle between the Greeks and Carthaginians S?„"' 
 for supremacy in that island. As we have mentioned, the Greek ''"''^■ 
 ciMes had been torn by dissensions among themselves, and had 
 been rulea by one military adventurer after another. The people 
 of Syracuse now invitH. Pyrrhus, who gladly accepted the invi- 
 tation. His object was probably threefold : to restore order 
 m Sicily by putting down tyrants, to drive out the Mamer- 
 
 cam- 
 '9 
 ^eat 
 
366 
 
 HISTORY OP ROME. 
 
 W.\ 
 
 tines, and to keep in check the encroachments of the Cartha- 
 jifinians. But the latter concluded a defensive alliance with the 
 Romans during the same year. Pyrrhus left Milo in command 
 at Tarentum, and late in the summer started for Syracuse. On 
 his arrival he found a complicated state of affairs. The people 
 of that city were divided in their allegiance between two leaders, 
 and a Carthaginian fleet occupied the harbour. After effecting a 
 reconciliation between tlio two parties at Syracuse, he succeeded 
 in driving the Carthaginians to the western end of the island, 
 where they retained possession of their only fortress, Lilybaeum, 
 and also in checking the pt)wer of the Mamertines. It may be 
 said generally that his Sicilian expedition failed, for he left the 
 island in the same position as he found it. Tliir, is still further 
 confirmed by the memorable words he uttered on his departure, 
 'What a fighting ground for Rome and Carthage am I leaving'. 
 After spending two years in Sicily he returned to Italy. 
 
 During the period that Pyrrhus was in Sicily, the Romans 
 were engaged in successful expeditions against the Samnites and 
 Lucanians, who had given assistance to Pyrrhus. 
 
 On his return to Italy, the aspect of affairs had changed. The 
 Samnites and Lucanians, taught by the success of the Roman 
 arms, were unwilling to join the standard of Pyrrhus. The 
 Romans, too, showed less desire to enlist against a king who had 
 so far been successful. In both armies there was a lack of spirit. 
 The Roman army was led by an able general, Curius Dentatus, 
 who saw that the far-famed Macedonian phalanx, which Pyrrhus 
 had employed in all his battles, was unsuited for uneven or rough 
 ground. Advancing to Malventum (afterwards, Beneventum), he 
 Defeat of purposely picked out uneven ground and completely defeated the 
 mivenhnn, ^^^^^^Y- Pyrrhus escaped with a f e w horse to Tarentum, from which 
 N5 B.C. he crossed over to Epirus. This restless monarch could not refrain 
 from war after his defeat, but fell two years later at the siege 
 of Argos by a tile thrown by a woman's hand. By the victory of 
 Malventum the Romans were freed from all fear of any internal 
 enemies. All had now been subdued, and Roman colonies were 
 placed in the conquered districts. Tarentum and Rliegium 
 received Roman garrisons, and their surrender marks the 
 conquest of Italy by the Romans. 
 
 Returns to 
 Italy, 376 
 B.C. 
 
 Death of 
 Pyrrhus, 
 273 B.C. 
 
-J. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 HOW ROME GOVERNED AND WAS GOVERNED. 
 
 We have traced in the preceding pages the conquests by 
 which Rome gradually obtained the sovereignty of Italy. 
 What she thus acquired by conquest, it was her mission now to 
 consolidate into one nation, united to the central authority by 
 various kinds of alliances. 
 
 Though Rome was nominally a republic, she had few of the mfference. 
 characteristics of modern republics. In the first place, tJie SS«t 
 people of Italy were by no means 'free and equal,' and in the ''•^^^''»"' «'"' 
 second place, the government of Rome proceeded on the prin- SX«. 
 ciple that the Roman citizens, composed of the urban and sub- 
 urban tril)es, in the assemblies of the comitia ceiituriata end 
 comitia tributa, which met in tlie city itself, should form the 
 sovereign people. The management of a campaign, of an elec- 
 tion, or of any important business of state could not be properly 
 conducted unless first the auspices had been taken within the 
 sacred precincts inside the walls of the city. It may be that the 
 Romans aimed at the gradual enfranchisement of the conquered 
 races of Italy until all should reach a condition of equality, but 
 sucli equality was not reached till the passage of the Julian'law. p^,,„ 
 The laws of the Romans did provide, however, for the c^radual thVjidian 
 acquisition of political rights by the conquered oeople, but such & "'' 
 acquisition could only be obtained after a period of probation 
 and dependence, during which the allies had an opportunity to 
 show that they were worthy of the franchise. The inhabitants 
 of Italy may be divided into three distinct classes: Roman 
 citizens, Latins, and allies. 
 
 The Roman citizens consisted of those that dwelt at Rome, and Homun 
 in the suburban tribes, who had votes at the comitia cjnturiata ^*<»^«"«- 
 and the comitia tributa. The district occupied- by tl e tribes 
 
 above mentioned m»v ]^« aalii fy% in'^ln'l" ♦^i-- ^^■•••^'■-1- i i ■> ' 
 
 — t — ^ i s!^-iitat? MIC uOuitLij uouiiuuu Dy 
 
 the Ciminian wood, near the city of Veii, in Etruria, and as far 
 
 [367] 
 
 II 
 
 1 
 
 
 f 
 
 
 ; 
 
 B 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 jy 
 
 i 
 
!!f' 
 
 308 
 
 Roman 
 Colonies 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME, 
 
 south as the Litis, the boundary between Latium and Campania. 
 Even in this district, and throughout Italy, were several towns 
 (municipia) to which the Roman franchise was not given. 
 Such municipalities were bound to Rome by treaty or alliance, 
 varying in specific terms, but based on a general principle 
 with respect to burdens and privileges. Such towns agreed to 
 furnish, pay and equip certain contingents for the Roman armies, 
 while the rations were furnished by Rome itself. They were 
 exempt from all other taxes to Rome, and were free to elect 
 iheir own magistrates \ We have mentioned before what the 
 full Roman franchise meant ^ (3nly citizens born of free par- 
 ents, who were either citizens of Rome itself or citizens of the 
 suburban tribes, or citizens in colonies whose inhabitants did 
 not suffer any disability by belonging to such a colony, or 
 who were slaves manumitted by tlieir masters, or who for 
 some other freascm obtained the right of citizenship, had the 
 riglit to vote in the assembly. They alone had the exclusive 
 right of government. They alone made and enacted laws, 
 decided important cases in court, declared war and made treaties, 
 and in fact, exercised the sovereign functions of the government. 
 All Roman citizens, seventeen years of age, were enrolled in the 
 books of the censor, which specified the tribe, class and century 
 to which each belonged. Wherever such a citizen lived, he 
 could exercise his franchise only at Rome. He paid little or no 
 taxes, for the state lands (ager puhlicxis) and the tribute from 
 the con()"<>red districts sufficed for the ordinary expenses of the 
 government. 
 
 A Roman colony was properly a military occupation. It 
 usually consisted of three hundred men of military experience, 
 who went forth witli their families to occupy conquered cities, 
 often of no great importance except as military posts. At this 
 time the chief military colonies were on the seaboard of Latium. 
 The Roman colonists formed a patrician caste, while tlie condi- 
 tion of the old inhabitants was on a level with that of the plel)eians 
 
 • The praefecturae did not, however, have this option. They were governed 
 by a praejectus sent out from the city. In other respects municipia and prae- 
 fecturae were the same. 
 
 = p. 332. 
 
 !: 
 
HISTORY OP ROME. 
 
 at Rome. The members of the colony retained their Roman 
 m^enship and might repair at anytime to Rome to exerX 
 
 was, in fact, Rome in miniature, and had its petty senators 
 (deccnones) with its chief magistrates (d,covi.-i^^L^H) 
 who represented the consuls and praetors of Rome Th Teo^ 
 among whom such a colony was planted might either 'etat 
 
 res^ents of a Roman colony, but irregular marriages with the 
 
 fZZelt:T ^''^^ '^r^^' ''-' ^^^^ «^ distinction tfa 
 separated the Romans from the native population. 
 
 a J^^ ^f ^n« (^^-»^^^^, nomen Latinnm), had no vote at Rome 
 and could hold no office tiiere. They were, therefore Ronmn . • 
 
 citizen of Rome. Whether there was any difference in the in 
 
 Ferhaps the Latins had the right to trade but not the ri.,ht to 
 offi e TlI^ They certainly had not the right to vote or hold 
 tTe f:.li; ""^' '"''""''' ""^'^^ '^'^ ^«™^^ franchise on 
 
 tr h riT'^'""' '' '' ''' ^"' ^^^""- ^ -«i^-t of Rome 
 
 after having held a magistracy in his'native town and having lefl 
 
 a representative of his family in that town. ^ 
 
 The third class of people-the allies-formed the rest of the 
 peninsula with the exception of slaves, who were not at thi! 
 ime numerous. Each of the cities of the allies had a specTfic..- 
 treaty with Rome which limited its rights and defined it^d^ut s '^'• 
 The position of the allied cities varied from nominal independ 
 ence to complete subjection. ^^lepena 
 
 As we have already seen, Rome was at first governed by a 
 king assisted by a senate or council of elders (senatus), summoned 
 a his will, and consulted on all matters on which'ke chose to Po... of 
 ask their advice, though he was not bound to follow the '"' ^"*'"'*- 
 advice so given. But in 509 b.c. the kings were expelled 
 <ind afterwards two consu:. were elected annually. Thev 
 summoned the people to the comitia either to elect ma J 
 
 36J» 
 
 >!!■ 
 
 'p. 332. 
 
 24 
 
 Ml 
 
 Vh 
 
 m ' i til 
 
 II m 
 
 i 
 
 li' .,1 
 
 
 !■ 
 
 ' 
 
 
 i 
 
 jWy^jif '^^^1 
 
370 
 
 Checks on 
 the Consu- 
 lar power, 
 (1) Dual 
 office. 
 
 (2) Annual 
 tenure. 
 
 (3) Laws. 
 
 lif- 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 trates, pass laws or try oflFenders. In the early c^ays of the 
 Republic they alone nominated', summoned and consulted 
 the senate, and like the kings of old could take its advice 
 or not as they chose ; they controlled the exchequer ; were 
 supreme juc^ges in all important legal cases, but could delegate 
 their powers to the comitia. They could compel all citizens to 
 obey their edicts, could enforce their appearance when sum- 
 moned, could arrest them, throw them into prison, bind them, 
 impose fines on them, flog them or even put them to death. 
 They enrolled the citizens for war, enforced discipline, led the 
 army in battle, selected tlie tribunes of the soldiers, and as com- 
 manders in the field- were unlimited in their power (imperinm). 
 The power they legally had was, however, never fully exercised 
 except in times of war and civil tumult. 
 
 The powers of the consul could be checked in various ways. 
 There were two consuls instead of one, so that the one acted as a 
 check on the other. Each of the consuls was supreme and could 
 prohibit the acts of the other, but not render them invalid when 
 done. In the city they discharged the administrative functions 
 a month in turn, the consul for tho time being preceded by 
 lictors and fasces, and the other going without the lictors, or 
 following them without the fasces. 
 
 Again, the office was held only for one year. While in office 
 the consuls could not be impeached, but after their term of 
 office had expired they could be brought to account for illegal or 
 oppressive acts committed during their consulship. They could 
 not escape the consequences of such acts by re-election, for this 
 seldom happened, though extraordinary emergencies justified it, 
 and besides after 341 b. c. such re-election was illegal till ten 
 years after a previous consulship. 
 
 The consulship, further, was held in check by law. All 
 citizens had the right to appeal to the people even in cases of 
 corporal punishment and fines, as well as in cases involving 
 life and death. As these appeals were a source of annoyance to 
 the consuls, these threw the responsibility of the trials on the 
 people at the comitia. 
 
 ' After 350 B.C. the censors had this duty, p. 371. 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 871 
 
 The tnbunes of the peopb were elected after the 8ecession(4> rrfta^. 
 ■ "f "'" P '''«"> Mon, Sacer. Their numbers varied from 
 two to ten. As the«. were always plel,eians, and as their 
 ehief duty was to afford protection to the plebeians against 
 an mfnngement of the rights gained by the secession, we 
 find the tnbuneslup the safeguard of plebeian rights. By this 
 single w„r,l »to, I ^m, they could stay proceedings in any 
 matter in wh.ch they chose to interfere. They hiuLred thi 
 col ecfon of tribute, enlisting of soldiers, eleoLn of nlgis! 
 trates ; they put their veto on decrees of the senate, and by the 
 sacred nature of this office it was a crime to interfere with them 
 n the exerc.se of their prerogative. By postponing the day of 
 
 oS Tr? f '""™"' " '"'""'' ''^'"S " «•••-. -'1 "'"^ they 
 
 Td w e t t '•'"' ""^ *""^ "'^''™"°'' °f "« sentence. The 
 only check on the.r power was to get one or more of their 
 
 nu,„ber o veto the proceedings of the rest, but those who did 
 
 cons"ur::z:;t^. '" Trrtl*':: r'" t; ^ f'f °" '"^ <=>*»- 
 
 frnmfK 1 ,. ' ^^^^^ differed altogether 
 
 ml of r^ ■■" T'""""" "' *'■'' '"•P"''""' particulars : the 
 mode o election, the term of office held by its members, and in 
 Its legislative powers. 
 
 tiJconrs"lrft'" !r' "'""" ''^ "-^ ''"='^> ""-""^^ ''^'-'^-'^^^ 
 
 me consuls, and after the year 350 b. c. by the censor, V.J„ "•«'•»' '» 
 ve ye these latter officers revised the rolls of se,: L, !tZ "' *"'• 
 "goff those who had died during this period, or whose lives 
 
 cnme. They usually filled up the vacancies by appointin" the 
 ex mag.strates first, and if any vacancies remai^d by C 
 
 hut those who had previously received the favour of the neonle 
 
 »er of the latter body would be found on its lists. .4t first no 
 ?^".^^^^y^p«hfic^^U^^ 
 
 ii^i 
 
372 
 
 HISTORY OP UOME. 
 
 (b) term of 
 office of the 
 
 mate. 
 
 \V\ 
 
 wards in the early days of tlie empire this was fixed ^ The 
 number of senators from the time of the kings to the days of 
 Sulla was nominally three hundred. 
 
 Tlie office was for life, unless a person holding the position 
 had by his behaviour rendered himself unworthv of that rank, 
 in wliich case his name was struck oflf the roll. The senate of 
 Rome was thus a standing council of men experienced in public 
 business, that did not vary quickly, and was always capable of a 
 steady, continuous policy. It was not liable to the fluctuations 
 that usually belong to modern parliaments, as the great majority 
 of the men who composed it had served continuously for many 
 years. 
 
 {c) 'powers of It was, however, a mere consultative body, free to give its 
 the Senate. , . , ', „ . , • , 
 
 advice, when asked, on all questions to the magistrates, who 
 
 might adopt or reject the advice so given. Its recommendations 
 
 could not be enforced, but, as it embodied tlie expression of the 
 
 national will, its recommendations were not lightly regarded. It 
 
 had, however, control of the treasury, and, therefore, it had 
 
 practically superintendence of the great public works. Again, 
 
 as Rome gradually acquired sovereignty over Italj', the senate 
 
 ' issued commissions to try all cases of felony and treason in the 
 
 Italian cities, and thus the administrative functions of the 
 
 government fell under its jurisdiction. By it disputes between 
 
 allied towns, the requests of ambassadors of foreign states, 
 
 and questions of war and peace were decided. 
 
 i"^ Dictator. But the power of the senate was especially conspicuous in 
 civil dissensions or dangerous emergencies within the city itself. 
 It could invest the consuls with the power of the solemn decree 
 (decretum ultinimn), * that the consuls should see that the 
 republic should receive no harm. ' This decree gave the consuls 
 absolute power to quell any insurrection, to punish or put to 
 death without a trial any citizen whom they pleased ; to raise 
 forces and carry on war without the order of the people. By 
 the senate, also, a consul could be compelled to name a dictator. 
 This office was no doubt a relict of the kingly power, and, like 
 the office of king, it was irresponsible. It was only resorted to 
 
 ' 400,000 sesterces, or about 88,000. 
 
HISTORY OP ROME. 
 
 373 
 
 when the needs of the republic required an untrammelled 
 executive, in some dangerous emergency, as in a foreign war, in 
 civil strife, or for holding an election when the consul could not 
 be present. Such a dictator had all the ensigns (imiifuia) of 
 royalty, twenty-four lictors with the axes and fasces. He had 
 also the right to name his master of the horse. His term of 
 office was limited to six months, and was often held for a much 
 shorter period than this, till the object for which he had been 
 appointed had been accomplished. 
 
 The power of the consuls was limited in another way, for t\iQil) Duties of 
 duties they originally had were divided among other magis- ^SL% 
 trates. We thus find the quaestors, censors and praetors usurp- o<''^«'"«.^''«"- 
 ing functions that once belonged to the consuls. 
 
 Under the kings were officers called quaestores parricidii, 'track- (a) Quaes- 
 ers out of murder,' who tried capital cases, and whose duties soon '"*■" 
 were merged in other offices. After the establishment of the re- 
 public, 'quaestors of the treasury' (q.iaestores aerarii) were s,^- appointed 
 pointed, whose duty it was to have charge of the treasury. In the '^'^^ ^^^^ 
 days of Pyrrhus they were eight in number : two stayed at home 
 (quaestores urbani), two accompanied the generals in tlie field 
 Hs paymasters of the forces (quaestores militares), while four more 
 (qiiaestores classici) were added to enrol the crews of the fleet 
 and to manage the finances of Italy. They paid out moneys on 
 the order of the consuls o'r senate, and paid into, the treasury 
 taxes, fines, and money received from the spoils of war. 
 
 The censorship was instituted in 443 b.c, when the consulship (b) cemors 
 was divided between the consuls and the military tribunes with 
 consular power. These censors were elected for five years, but 
 really held their office for eighteen months and then abdicated. 
 Their chief duties were to assess the property of each citizen 
 and to draw up registers of tribes, classes and centuries, to 
 prepare lists of the senate, and to manage the finances of the 
 republic. They also gave out contracts for the construction and 
 repair of public works and for the farming of taxes. It will thus 
 appear that the censorship was an office of great power, and was 
 regarded in some respects as the most lesponsible position of 
 the state. At one time only those that had been consuls could 
 
374 
 
 HISTORY OF HOME. 
 
 bo elected to it. By a law imHHud in 265 h.c. no person could I 
 twice censor. \ 
 
 (c)Praetor». The praotcrsliip was detached from the consulship in 366 B.C. 
 Before this time prwtor had been the usual name for tlie consul. 
 After tlie admission of the plebs to the consulship, the praetor 
 was the judge of Rome. He rogulated the legal procedure and 
 expounded the law. Though he did not often actually try a 
 case himself, he sent cases to juries nouiinated by him with 
 instructions on the law applical)le to the case. At first there was 
 only one praetor (praetor urhOnus) but after the end of the First 
 Punic War a new praetor (praetor peregrlnns) was added. The 
 first had charge of all cases between citizens and the second 
 between aliens or between a citizen and an alien. 
 
 (d)Aedilea. The aediles were of two kinds, plebeians and curule. The 
 former were the assistants of the tribunes and guardians of the 
 plebescita. The curule aediles, first elected 366 B.C., were police 
 commissioners, superintendents of public games, and of supplies 
 of provisions. After this date there is little distinction between 
 the duties of the two sets. They had charge of the repairs of 
 buildings or streets, and the regulation of markets and of games. 
 
 Religion. The superintendence in matters of religion was in the hands 
 
 of the pontiffs. The chief pontiff (poniifex maximnti) had under 
 him a King of Sacrifices (rex saQ-orvm) and fifteen priests 
 
 Pontiffs. (Jlamines), devoted to the service of the principal deities 
 worshipped at Rome. He selected tlie vestal virgins, attended 
 religious marriages, kept the calendar and announced on the 
 
 mB^.c!'^^ fi^'s* of each month when the festivals were falling due. He 
 held oflice for life. After 300 B.C. the oflice of pontiff was open 
 to both orders. 
 
 Axigurt. The college of augurs were the hereditary guardians of the 
 
 auspices. As we have said before, nothing of any importance 
 
 could be begun without consulting the gods, and their will was 
 
 supposed to be revealed to man through the augurs. 
 
 The Roman Thus the government of Rome v/as based on the principle of 
 
 a system oj checks and of gradually delegating to different officers a share in 
 
 c ecks. |.|^g central authority. According to Polybius, it Tin-ssessed the 
 
 excellencies of the principles of monarchy, oligarchy and 
 
HIHYOKY OF ROMR. 
 
 376 
 
 (lemocracy. Of ; his whole government the futal fault was that 
 the central authority had not sufficient pcjwer to compel the 
 carrying out of any definite lino of policy. The consul, or for 
 that matter any chief officer, could be checked by the augur ; 
 the policy of any tribune could be vetoed by another tribune ; 
 a quaestor, censor or aedile could be obstructed in carrying out 
 his policy by a consul ; while an election of the officers of the 
 state could be annulled, or the acts of the senate rendered 
 powerless by tlio tribunes of the plebeians. 
 
 In early days all citizens were liable for n.ilitary service at .,, . 
 such times as tiny would be required. Each one had to furnish 
 his own arms and serve without pay. For this reason, service 
 was confined to men who had some property. The rich served 
 as cavalry, and the rest as infantry. We are told that at the 
 siege of Veii, on account of the length of the campaign, pay 
 was first given to the soldiers, and from this the nucleus of 
 a standing army was formed. The subject towns furnished the 
 bulk of the soldiers of the Roman army. 
 
 The army was enrolled in brigades {le,jiones). The number of 
 men in each brigade differed ai. different times. Ab(,ut the 
 middle of the third century B.C. it was composed of three 
 thousand heavy-armod infantry, three hundred cavalry and 
 one thousand two hundred light-armed infantry. The allies 
 were probably equal in the number of the he;ivy-armed infantry 
 and three times greater in the number of the cavalry Thus 
 a legion would be about ten thousand men. The regular 
 number of legions raised for a campaign was two for each consul 
 but the number would vary according to the needs of the times' 
 These were levied at the beginning of the year. On a fixed day 
 all the free men between seventeen and forty-six, who had not 
 served their regular termS were bound to ppear and answer 
 the muster roll. When the list of names of the tribes was ^«.l'pd 
 usually enough of volunteers offered their services to > ,,.. fc 
 unnecessary to compel men to enlist. The first thing to . • , 
 to appoint military tribunes, six for each legion. These we^e 
 nominated by the consuls and elected by the tribes. After the 
 
 'The infantry served twenty years ; the cavalrj-, ten. 
 
 I'll!] 
 
 ■I: 
 t 
 
HISTORY OF :'0».E. 
 
 hvy had boen made by tho oohhuIh, tho mcrnmentnm or inilitnry 
 oath WHH adminiHtured to tho men, one repeating the formula 
 and the otherH mnkhig tho sign of n,s8ont. The men were divided 
 accordnig to their age, wealth and serx ice into hadati, princ-ipes 
 and triarii. This arrangement is said to luive been due to 
 Camilkis who brougjit it into practice at th3 siege of Veii, 
 400 u.c. formerly tho Romans drew up their army in a solid 
 body like the Macedonians (phalanx). The first line was com- 
 posed of young juen, the second of men in the vigour of life, 
 and the third men were the veterans. Euch line contained 
 ten manipidi, arranged in the following fashion :— 
 
 Roman 
 
 roads. 
 
 Each manipulus of each of the three lines contained two cen- 
 turme, each commanded by a centurio, but each manipidns oii\ie 
 triarii had half the number of men the first two lines had. Thus 
 we have : 
 
 H<n tati : 10 manipuli of 120 men each -= 20 centuries = 1200 men. 
 Principes : 10 manipuli of 120 men each -- 20 centuries = 1200 men. 
 Triarii: 10 manipuli of 60 men each == 20 conturies = 600 men. 
 
 80 manipuli. GO centuries. 3000 men. 
 
 To each legion was also added a nuTuber of light-armed troops 
 (velites, rorarii, accensi), and a squadron of cavalry three hundred 
 in number divided into ten divisicms (tnrmae). The pr'ncipes 
 and hastati were armed with the pike (pilnm) ; the triarii with 
 the spear (hasta). As the triarii were originally - -aied with the 
 pilnm, the two first ranks were called antepilani it is dtmbtful 
 how the velites were arranged. This would no doubt depend 
 on circumstances. 
 
 *A11 roads lead to Rome' was a common saying in olden 
 day.!. No sooner had Rome made a conquest than she 
 devek.x;! rhe country by making a military road. At the 
 begb^. ■.:. of the fourth century b.c. Rome began to build 
 one o'. ..;,e most important roads that connocted the city with 
 the moat distant parts of her empire. The Appian Way (Via, 
 
HISTORY OF BOMB. 
 
 Appia) was begun by Appiua Claudius b.o. 313, and at first 
 
 dusu m. It was called tl»e Queeu of Roads (regu.a viarnm) and 
 .8 yet en .re m many places. Like „u>Ht roads built by the 
 Rj>mans, the lowest stratum is of stone and mortar, then gravel 
 while the top is paved with blocks of tlint ' 
 
 3, 
 
 1 
 
 ; 1 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Phoenician 
 
 maritime 
 
 enterprise. 
 
 CARTHAGE. 
 
 Roman history and enterprise have been to. tliis time conrined 
 to Italy. But it was inevitable that the extension of Roman 
 authority beyond the confines of the Italian peninsu\. should 
 sooner or later be attempted. Each increase of territory brought 
 Rome into contact with new tribes and nations. Some of these 
 were able to offer little opposition to the progress of her arms, 
 whilst others stoutly, and for a time successfully, withstood the 
 onward march of her victorious legions. No single power 
 maintained ithe struggle so long, or with such prospects of success 
 as Carthage. In fact, it was long doubtful whether the nations 
 around the Mediterranean were to recognize the sway of Rome 
 with her western civilization, or that of Carthage as the exponent 
 of the energy, thrift, and spirit of adventure of the Semitic 
 races. 
 
 So important was the part Carthage played in the drama of 
 the world's history, that s..methinsr more than a brief mention 
 of her power, resources, civilization, and institutions is necessary. 
 A ^ colony of Tyre, she exhibited all the connnorcial enter- 
 prise and maritime daring for which that ancient Phoeni- 
 cian city was renowned. For the Phoenicians were the 
 explorers, traders and colonists of the Mediterranean long before 
 Greek maritime enterprise began to make itself felt. Nor were 
 the merchant vessels of Tyre and Sidon restricted by the bounds 
 of the Mediterranean, for we find that their daring navigators 
 passed through the Straits of Gibraltar (then called the Pillars of 
 Hercules) into the Atlantic, rounded the Cape of Good Hope, 
 opened up a trade with ^' .■ Scilly islands, and even visited the 
 shores of the Baltic. The riches of all known lands were brought 
 back to these cities on the coast of Syria. Phoenician artizans 
 were equally skilful and famous. It was from. Tyre that 
 Solomon o])tained the men and the material necessary to build 
 his famous temple. Phoenicia supplied the architects that built 
 
 [378] 
 
li: 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 2nl of r ; ^';''"- ^''"''"■"™ "'"V" «- 'he main 
 stll and 1 P«'''»" «»-y- In brief, muA of the ■naritime 
 
 'fwted tf ., '^" """""^ """■"'^ *■>" Mediterranean ex- 
 
 me tholT, -^*.-"'"y. belonged to thi. „>arvellous 
 race, whose sole possessions at first consisted of two or three 
 
 lyie and S.don did not seek for territorial ex,«nsion but 
 were content with their trade and commerce, an^ the wealth 
 which these brought them. This was not the ca'se, however wth 
 one of their colonies, founded on the north coast of Africa, n the 
 e«hth or mnth .entury before the Christian era. CarthL^e as 
 this colony was called by the Eomans, was situated on a p'e nir 
 aula projecting eastward from the Gulf of Tunis, the best har- 
 bour 0.1 the coast of Africa. Her situation ;,« admirably 
 adapted for purposes of trade and commerce, and in process S 
 time the colony not only surpassed in wealth, power and popu- 
 lation her elder sister Utica (on the same coast), but alsoThe 
 mother cities Tyre and Sidon. How great her population was 
 m her palmy days we have no means of estimating exactly. The 
 city and suburbs, we know, covered an area of twenfy-three 
 m^es m circumference, and just before the Third Punio War 
 when her prosperity had been greatly diminished, the population 
 was estimated at 700,000. Unfortunately the people o^ c'rthage 
 have left us no literary works by national historians, orators, or 
 poets ; and beyond the story told by the ruins of her magniBcent 
 temp es, aqueducts, and reservoirs, and by a few Phoenician 
 toblets which have been deciphered, we are dependent almost 
 wholly upon the testimony furnished by the annalists of her 
 deadly enemy, Rome. 
 
 At first Carthage was merely a Phoenician trading post 
 hhe was for a time content to pay ground-rent to the African 
 Berbers, who owned the soil on which the town was built 
 As tmie passed the little factory developed into a great com- 
 mercial city, whose ships contrnlled tlio trade of th-j western 
 part of the Mediterranean. Every island, every point of 
 advantage, w.is eagerly watched and, if possible, seized in 
 
 379 
 
 Situation of 
 Carthage. 
 
 Size and 
 population 
 of Carthage. 
 
 Groivth of 
 Carthaye. 
 
 ' li 
 
 
 !IJ 
 
380 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 I 
 
 the interests of her growing trade. Sardinia, the Aegatian 
 Liparean, and Balearic Islands ; Elba, Malta, and to some 
 extent Corsica, passed under her control. Settlements, too 
 were made in Spain for the purpose of developing valuable' 
 silver mines. In Africa her growing power led her to refuse 
 further payment of ground-rent to the natives whose soil she 
 occupied. Step by step she began to extend her domain around 
 the walls of the city, and from being the humble tenant she became 
 the imperious and exacting mistress. The native tribes were 
 either driven back or forced to pay a heavy tribute to the intruder 
 All the neighbouring Phoenician towns and cities, with the 
 exception of Utica, were forced to recognize the supremacy of 
 this new Queen of the Mediterranean, and had to pull down 
 
 Carthre"' "^"^ ^'''"''''^ """""^^ ^""^ ""^^ "^^^^ ""^"^^ "P°" ^^ 
 
 P&ni.iaru>r t ""^,f»^^ ""^^^ ^^^^ sprang up as the result of marriages 
 between the Phoenicians and the natives, a race which stood 
 midway, as regards social and political privileges, between the 
 Carthagmian citizens and the subject natives. This class, never 
 fully trusted or trusting, had much to do with Carthaginian 
 conquest and colonization. 
 
 Between Carthage and Italy was the beautiful and fertile 
 island of Sicily, an object of desire to all the ambitious and 
 covetous states around the Mediterranean. As has already been 
 pointed out (see Greek History), the coasts of Sicily were 
 extensively colonized by the Greeks. When Xerxes sought to 
 conquer Greece he feared that assistance would be sent from 
 Sicily to the mother land. Aware that tlie Carthaginians 
 looked with longing eyes upon the Greek possessions in Sicily 
 he induced them to send an army of 300,000 men, under 
 Hami car, agamst Syracuse. The expedition was a failure, as 
 Hannlcar was defeated at Himera with a loss of half his army 
 on the same day that the battle of Salamis occurred. 
 
 J^SSr ^'^' "'"^,i *^« designate the form of government at Carthage a 
 
 / Carika^e. ^i,,, yet neither m the modern sense nor in the Greek and 
 
 Roman sense was Carth.ige a republic. Aristotle has praised it as 
 
 ^ •' ^"Pw aaniiAtuiv; ui che aristocratic, oligarchic, and 
 
 Sicily. 
 
 Battle of 
 Hirnera, 
 
 ms.c. 
 
fllSTOaV OF ROME. 
 
 381 
 
 A.egatian, 
 to some 
 ints, too, 
 valuable 
 to refuse 
 soil she 
 n around 
 e became 
 bes were 
 intruder, 
 lyith the 
 emacy of 
 ill down 
 upon by 
 
 larriages 
 3h stood 
 '^een the 
 s, never 
 laginian 
 
 I fertile 
 3us and 
 dy been 
 ly were 
 »ught to 
 it from 
 iginians 
 Sicily, 
 under 
 lure, as 
 s army 
 
 bhage a 
 ek and 
 ed it as 
 ic, and 
 
 democratic elements. Tyre was ruled by kings, and the example 
 and tradition doubtless led to the establishment at Carthage of 
 two supreme magistrates, called Sufifetes by the Romans. The 
 Greeks compared these dignitaries with the two Spartan kings, 
 whilst the Romans saw a resemblance between them and their 
 own consu 3. Under the kings was a council of Ancients, con- 
 sisting of twenty-eight members, over which the suffetes pre- 
 sided. Here again we see a strong resemblance to the Spartan 
 Gerousia of which the kings were members. This counci" 
 possessed great power, so long as it and the suffetes agreed on 
 any hne of action. It could declare war, appoint generals and 
 establish colonies. In the event of a disagreement between the 
 council and the suffetes, the question in dispute was referred to 
 the citizens This was the early constitution of Carthage • but 
 It was greatly changed by the time of the Punic wars. T°hrough 
 some influences not clearly understood, the power of the 
 suffetes became reduced almost to a shadow, and the council or 
 senate allowed their functions to be usurped by an oligarchy 
 known as Jralges, or 'The Hundred '. The people were seldom 
 asked to express an opinion, and that only during a time of great 
 pubhc excitement. Although the 'Hundred' did not as a 
 rule hold the offices of the state themselves, they controlled 
 he appomtment of magistrates and generals, and no digni- 
 tary was so high as not to be subject to their supervision 
 and censure. Carthaginian generals were made to feel that 
 they fought with a halter round their necks ; and woe to the 
 unfortunate leader who failed in the enternrise on which he 
 was sent. Happy was he if he escaped death by crucifixion 
 
 The social life of the Carthaginians is not well known to us for Social life 
 the reasons already assigned. Public baths and public messes 'fCart^je. 
 were m existence ; but special baths were set apart for ^the 
 senate, and the Carthaginian nobles were accustomed to fare too 
 sumptuously to join in the repasts of the common people In 
 fact, luxurious living was carried to the extreme limit by 
 the weal hy land-owners and merchant princes of Carthage 
 Costly robes dyed in purple ; dining-tables of the priceless 
 
 citron-wood : orold and oJlv"- -i--^^ i- -,1 - > i 
 
 ^. ,. ' ■ , ^'' F^"--^ J" abundance; statues, 
 
 paintings, and other works of art taken from the Greek cities ^ 
 
 .. !|l 
 
 a Ml 
 
 Ml I a i 
 
 ,.. ; i 
 
I 
 
 382 
 
 Wealth and 
 Uffriculttire. 
 
 Religion. 
 
 Proper 
 dailies. 
 
 iiil 
 \U 
 ill 
 
 Literature. 
 
 \ HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 of Sicily, told plainly of the wealth and love of luxury that 
 prevailed among the higher classes of this great commercial city. 
 The wealth of Carthage was, no doubt, due mainly to her 
 commerce and trade. Yet we find that commerce and trade 
 were not the occupations of her highest citizens. These pre- 
 ferred the life of the country gentleman, and dwelt on their 
 estates, from which they di-ew inmiense revenues. Farming 
 and mmmg were carried on with great skill and success, the soil 
 and the mines being worked by large gangs of slaves. Cartha- 
 ginian agricultural skill must have reached a high degree of 
 excellence, for at a later time the Romans paid them the compli- 
 ment of translating into Latin an important work on agricul- 
 ture by one of their authors. 
 
 Turning now to the religious features of the Punic civilization 
 we find much that is laudable, but more that is debasin- and 
 horrible. The religion of the Carthaginians was the religion of 
 ^e Canaanites, with its worship of the malevolent deity Baal- 
 Moloch. This god demanded human sacrifices ; sacrifices, too 
 of the best, and the dearest. He was seldom worshipped, except 
 when some great disaster or equally great success called forth a 
 burst of cruel fanaticism from the frenzied people. Tanith, or 
 Astarte, was a female deity, representing sometimes wedded 
 love, war, the chase, and husbandry ; but at other times she was 
 the goddess of lust, and demanded the foulest immorality from 
 her worshippers. One god there was whose worship demanded 
 neither sacrifice nor immorality. This was Melcarth, the god of 
 Tyre. Although magnificent temples were built in his honour 
 at Tyre and Thasos, there was no image of this deity. In 
 Carthage, it is said, he had not even a temple, the whole city 
 being his abode. 
 
 The strong and deep religious feeling at Carthage is shown by 
 their proper names. Hamilcar is one whom Melcarth protects • 
 Hannibal is the grace of Baal ; while names such as Hasdrubal' 
 Bomilcar and Adherbal proclaim the close relationship between 
 the deities and the favoured sons of men. 
 
 Of Carthaginian literature we know little, as the libraries of 
 Carthage after its capture were given to the African ciiiefs, the 
 friends and allies of Rome. Some valuable works on agriculture 
 
HISTORY OP ROME. 
 
 were rescued from the general destruction and carried to R 
 where they were translated into Latin. ' ^^'""' 
 
 But agriculture, politics, commerce -irul lif^ *. / , 
 tl.ey po».es..d, did Lot exhaust 2" ouCZi' ■ "' 
 
 Band of two thousand five hundred citizens of high rank who 
 
 When properly led and properly treated these hardy and half 
 clad horsemen proved invincible wheneve>- broudit f.T. 7 
 on even terms with the foe Bnt fl" .1 ^"^ ^^^^ 
 
 wifl, r^ ■ ^^^ *"® system of waf'inff war 
 
 »f!:Z '": ^;- /l"^'* '\ «'" be seen wherein Uy the ehief 
 strength of Carthage, ar.d wherein her weakness Trade 
 ..nnneree and agriculture made her n,arveIlo„ y we^ 
 Mantune skill gave her the control of the Mediterranean Bn; 
 i'er harsh and cruel treatment of her African suwT.f. f 
 -urroundedbya population wh.ch, if J^ZZ^TX ^Z 
 
 ame r ' 7 '° 'r""^ "" ■•'™^ "' ■>- "'h"" "'- the Lmy 
 
 Cut If 1 ' ^."°""^'' """"' "' "-'""'- -- «>c empw 
 
 "lent of a mercenary instead of a citizen .„l,ll„.„ t^ the JtT 
 
 causes we may attribute her ultimate downfall ■" ' " 
 
 383 
 
 Military 
 spirit. 
 
 The Army. 
 
 Nximidian 
 Cavalry. 
 
 Strength 
 and Weak- 
 ness of 
 Carthage. 
 
 
^ 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 FIRST PUNIC* WAK (264-241 B.c;.). 
 
 Sicily. Separated from Southern Italy by tlie Straits of Messina lies 
 
 the island of Sicily, for many years the battle ground of the 
 Greeks and the Carthaginians. The outcome of this conflict had 
 been to give Carthage the control of the western half of the 
 island, while the power of Syracuse, the head of the Greek 
 colonies, was limited to the south-eastern part. This was the 
 condition of affairs when Agathocles, tyrant of Syracuse, died, 
 leaving behind him a body of mercenary troops, natives of 
 Campania. On their way homeward these hired ruffians, known 
 at Mesmna, ^^ Mamerfcines^ seized the city of Messana, slew the male portion 
 S89B.C. of the population, and then divided the women and children 
 among themselves. This outrage was followed by a course of 
 plundering and harrying the surrounding country. The young 
 king of Syracuse, Hiero, and the Carthaginians both took steps to 
 put an end to these lawless proceedings. The Mamertines were 
 besieged in Messana by Hiero, and recognizing the hopelessness 
 of holding out against their enemies began to look around for 
 allies. A difference of opinion arose among them as to the 
 proper coarsf to pursue. One party wished to call in the 
 Carthaginians to keep out the Syracusans, while the other pre- 
 ferred to ask the Romans for aid against both Carthaginians and 
 Syracusans. This division of opinion led to both Romans and 
 Carthaginians being appealed to. The Carthaginians succeeded 
 in getting possession of the citadel of Messana, and a Cartha- 
 ginian fleet rode at anchor in its harbour. 
 Action of The appeal of the Mamertines to the Roman senate placed 
 l^oplr"" *^^* ^o<iy in a perplexing position. A very short time before 
 this the Romans had treated with the greatest severity a band 
 of lawless marauders who had seized Rhegium as the Mamer- 
 
 ' From Poeni or Puni, a name given to the Phoenicians, and sunoosed to h 
 deri\'&i from the Greek <t>oi,'i^, 'a palm lea/.' ff ■ ■ 
 
 *FromMamer8or Mars, 'god of war.' 
 
 [384] 
 
 
 
essina lies 
 ncl of the 
 :)nflict had 
 alf of the 
 ;he Greek 
 s was the 
 mse, died, 
 natives of 
 lis, known 
 le portion 
 
 I children 
 course of 
 
 ["he young 
 )k step? to 
 dnes were 
 pelessness 
 round for 
 as to the 
 
 II in the 
 )ther pre- 
 nians and 
 mans and 
 succeeded 
 a Cartha- 
 
 te placed 
 (le before 
 ty a band 
 ! Mamer- 
 
 jnnsed to be S 
 
M 
 
 I 
 
 P^~^J 
 
 
 1 
 
 
HISTORY OP ROMK. 
 
 385 
 
 
 tines had seized Messana. To listen, then, to the api,eal of the 
 Maniertmes was to give sanctioTi to a course of conduct which 
 they had just punished with the n.ost extreme penalties. On 
 the other hand, t^ie appeal of the Mainertines was an appeal of 
 Italians agan.st Greeks and Carthaginians, and such an appeal 
 could not well be passed over. The truth was, the Roman 
 people, rulers and ruled, were eager for war and cmMuest, and 
 such an opportunity to get a foothold in so fertile and wellthy 
 an island as Sicily was not to be lost. The senate resolved to 
 Hhirk IS responsibility and referred the question to the people 
 assembled in their comitia for a decision. The consuls, AppL 
 Claudius Caudex and M. Fulvius Flaccus were ambiti;us men 
 and easily persuaded the Roman people to cast their votes in 
 favour of war. It was resolved to send aid to the Maniertines, 
 and he first step was taken in commencing a struggle which did 
 not ernunate until after the lapse of more than a century, and 
 which deternnned whether Rome was to remain contenfwith 
 I aly as her domain, or whether she was to embark on a career 
 ot toreign war and conquest. 
 
 The invasion of Sicily having been determined upon, the;, 
 command of the army was given to the consul Appius Claudius -^"^^^i 
 How to cross the Straits of Messina was the next matter to be "' ^•'■ 
 taken into consideration. Rome had few ships, and Carthage 
 con rolled the sea But C. Claudius, the consul's legate, Z 
 ceeded in reachmg Sicily, and inviting Hanno, the Carthaginian 
 admiral, to a conference, had him seized. The prisoner was 
 flowed his ife and liberty only on condition of surrendering 
 the citadel of Messana. Although Romans occupied the citadel 
 the city was still besieged by the Carthaginians on the north 
 
 cross the Straits with twenty thousand men. How he accom- 
 plished his task in the teeth of a Carthaginian fleet holding 
 possession of the Straits is not explained. The consul soon 
 raised the siege of Messana and then proceeded to attack 
 Syracuse, but the mnlaria from the marshes made it necessary 
 tor^the Roman army to retreat towards the north of the island. 
 
 The first campaign had accomplished much. The Mamertines 
 25 s 
 
 ' i' 
 
 li: 
 
 I ■ it 
 
386 
 
 HISTORY OP ROME. 
 
 •X ! 
 
 Second 
 campaign. 
 
 had been succoured, the Carthaginians had been drivt ii back to 
 tlie north-west of the inland, and tlio Hyracusans to the south - 
 east. There was no retiHon now for tlio further prowecution 
 of war, wive the lust of comjuost. But notliing short of tho 
 complete expulsion of the Carthaginians from Sicily would 
 satisfy the Roman senate and people. The w ir was resumed, 
 and the Roman army in Sicily incrtiased to thirty-five thousand 
 men. Fifty towns, it is mid, fell easily into their hands, 
 and Hiero at last concluded it was his wisest policy to 
 secure Rome for an ally and friend. Peace was made between 
 Syracuse and Rome, and henceforth during a long reign we fii.d 
 Hiero the faithful and trusted ally of the latter. 
 The Cartha- Meanwhile the Carthaginians had been actively enaaged in 
 betieifed at umkuig preparations for tho maintenance of their possessions. 
 ''"^*^*"'"'" Troops were gathered from Africa, Liguria, Spain and Gaul, 
 and supplies were thrown into the city of Agrigentum, where 
 Hannibal, the son of Gisco, prepared to stand a siege. The 
 Romans, undaunted by the smallness of their army, moved to 
 the attack. For several months little was accomplished, and 
 famine and pestilence were doing their work in both armies. 
 At last a Carthaginian force sent to the relief of Hannibal was 
 defeated and the Carthaginian general abandoned all hope of 
 a successful defence of Agrigentum. He managed by a clever 
 ruse to escape with his army through the Roman lines and left 
 Agrigentum the city to its fate. The inhabitants at once surrendered ; never- 
 theless, the city was given up to plunder and twenty-five 
 thousand of its citizens were sold into slavery. 
 
 The capture of Agrigentum left a few towns only in the 
 western part of the island in the hands of the Carthaginians. To 
 drive them entirely out of Sicily was now the Roman policy. 
 But it was a policy that demanded a Roman navy for its accom- 
 plishment ; for the Carthaginians had at last begun to put forth 
 their strength on the sea. Their fleets sailing along the coasts 
 of Sicily and Italy kept the cities and towns on the shore in a 
 state of constant alarm and disc.'ess. Roman arms might 
 hold the interior of Sicily, but so long as the Carthaginians 
 controlled the seas the coast towns were at their mercy. If 
 Roman rule was to be something more than a name on the island, 
 
idmrnmUl^imM, - J^-, 
 
 I buck to 
 lie south - 
 [)Hucution 
 •t of tho 
 ly would 
 resumed, 
 bhouHund 
 • hands, 
 lolioy to 
 between 
 I we fir.d 
 
 jaged in 
 sessions, 
 id Gaul, 
 II, where 
 ;e. Tlie 
 [loved to 
 led, and 
 armies, 
 ibal was 
 hope of 
 a clever 
 and left 
 ; never- 
 jnty-tive 
 
 f in the 
 ans. To 
 L policy. 
 5 accom- 
 ut forch 
 e coasts 
 )re in a 
 1 might 
 iginiaus 
 :cy. If 
 ) island, 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 387 
 
 the s ' T':f '""' '" ^' "*"'"'"^ ^'"^•^' -"^d dispute ^0.,,^,. 
 
 the supremacy of the seas with the Carthagiriians. Ji.it It!. me " """''• 
 was not and never ha.l been a maritin.e p<.wer. She luul few war 
 1 1 %riw .\ ^^^^-^J--^ the quin.fuereme, she had none at 
 alh Stdl further, he Romans were not sailors, so that if ships 
 were for^hcozmng it would be found a difficult matter to uL 
 them. Nevertheless all these difficulties were overcome in a 
 time marvellously «hort. A stranded Carthaginian <,uin,,uereme 
 urnjshed a model for Ron.an slui.builders,''and a fleet of one, ,,,,^,, 
 hundred vessels was built, it is said, in sixty days. While the ^^*'' 
 ships were being constructed men were set to work to practice 
 
 of the shLT'"^ "' ^^^' °" ^'''' ""^ "'^^''' ''''^"^ ^" *^*^ «^"^« 
 
 J'''^'t,'^"'^1?^P''P''''^ «"d imperfectly manned, setB..«.„^ 
 sail B.C. 2(.l under the command of the consul Duilius The^^'.^^o 
 
 coas of feicUy, and thither Duilius directed his course. The 
 Carthagnnan fleet consisted of one hundred and thirty vessels 
 well-buu and well-manned. Duilius, with his ungainly fleet oj 
 
 chance of victory unless by some artifice he could change the 
 aval conflict into what was equivalent to a land battle. To 
 tiiat end he had equipped each of his vessels with a strong 
 grappling hook fastened to a mast on the fore par. of the ship 
 When a vessel of the enemy approached near enough it was Tt 
 once seized by one of these hooks, and the two vessels were held 
 so cU>se together by the iron bond that the Roman soldiers 
 could s.,rm on board the enemy's deck and there and then 
 decide the issue. Partly through the over-confidence and care- 
 essness of the Car.,haginiaiis, and partly through the succesll 
 practice of this new device, Duilius won a decisive victory, his 
 opponents losing fifty ships. 
 
 pondmgly great. Diulius, although a plebeian, was the hero of " ' ' 
 
 cll77^: n r"'' T ''"'*'^ *" ^'' '^""^"^ ^" *»^^ f«rum and 
 called the Columna Rostrata, on account of it bmncr ..loaned 
 with the brazen beaks of the captured Carthaginian velsels ' 
 
 I Rostrata. 
 
 f! 
 
 :■ .:, :J 
 
 i'i^ 
 
 ) 
 
 m 
 
 ] ■ 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 ■ 
 
888 
 
 Battle of 
 Eendmus, 
 9. J B.C. 
 
 
 Invasion of 
 Africa. 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 The battle of Mylae was not allowed to go unimproved by the 
 Ponians. Sardinia and Corsica were attacked with some success, 
 and the Roman army moved on to Egesta, in the western part of 
 Sicily. But llamilcar, the Carthaginian commander at Panor- 
 nuis, [)r(tved so active and capable tluit the Romans, after losing 
 four thousand men near Himera, were compelled to retire from 
 before Pariomuis. The situation now was such as to call forth 
 the greatest efforts of both nations. Rome endeavoured to 
 raise a navy strong enough to enable her to send troops into 
 Africa and there dictate terms to her enemy ; while Carthage 
 sought to wipe out the disgrace of the defeat at Mylae by 
 winning a victory which would fully restore her supremacy on 
 the sea. 
 
 The result of these efforts on both sides was that the Romans 
 set sail from Messana (26G B.C.) with a fleet of three hundred 
 and thirty ships ; while the Carthaginians collected a still larger 
 fleet of three hundred and fifty ships in the harbour of Lily- 
 baeum. It has been estimated that ^he men on board both 
 scjuadrons numbered three hundred thousand. Perhaps no such 
 hosts ever before or since met in naval combat. The Homans 
 were unier the command of M. Atilius Regulus and L. Maniius; 
 the Carthaginian admirals were Hanno and Hamilcar. The 
 two fleets met off EcnSmus, on the southern coast of Sicily, and 
 a fierce engagement ensued in which the Carthaginians were 
 defeated and forced to retreat towards the coast of Africa. This 
 disaster brought the war to the very doors of Carthage, for 
 Rome resolved to send a strong force into Africa, and there 
 compel Carthage to accept such terms of peace as slie should 
 propose. 
 
 Taking only sufficient time to re-victual and repair their 
 vessels, the Roman commanders, Regulus and Maniius, turned 
 their fleet towards the Hermaeum promontory on the north- 
 eastern horn of the Bay of Carthage. Coasting along the 
 African shore, the Roman army landed at Clypea. Carthage 
 had been warned of the coming invasion, but she was almost 
 wholly unprepared for resisting any prompt and energetic 
 attack. Her best armies u-ere in ' 
 
 v» 
 
 J3 . . i. 1 
 
 una uuen 
 
iiamii^i^iattauimmiimim-' 
 
 HISTORY OP ROMK. 
 
 389 
 
 recently defeated. Under these circiimstances, had Reguhw 
 acted promptly and moved forward at once againat Carthage, 
 the great city might have fallen then and there. But the 
 Roman soldiers, entranced by the wealth of the district around 
 Carthage, spent valuable time in plundering the inlja})itant8, 
 and in filling their ships with slaves. Outside of Carthage, 
 little opposition was offered to the Romans by the people 
 of the surrounding towns and villages. One place after another 
 surrendered on the approach of the Roman army, for the 
 Libyans and . umidians were both disaffected towards their 
 hard Carthaginian taskmasters. Manlius and Lis army were 
 now recalled to Rome, taking with them thousands of slave 
 prisoners, and Regulus was left behind with a force of fifteen 
 thousand men to bring the war to a succcscfnl conclusion. For 
 a time all went well, and Carthage was even reduced to ask for 
 terms of peace. But the demands of Regulus were so exorbitant 
 and humiliating that the Carthaginians determined upon resist- 
 ing to the utmost. The city was already threatened yf ith xanthippus 
 famine, when Xanthippus, a Spartan soldier of fortune, arrived «'''■»»'■» «< 
 on the Hoene with a few recrnits. He at once saw that the ^*"""'"^*" 
 cause of the Carthaginian weakness was their lack of discipline 
 and their incapacity to make proper use of their fine cavalry and 
 their elephants. He was entrusted by the Carthaginian rulers 
 with the task of reorganization, and by his own confidence and 
 strict discipline restored the confidence of the desponding Car- 
 thaginian citizens and soldiers. Choosing a favourable time and » , 
 place tor an engagement, he drew the arrogant and boastful /««<«' an«^ 
 Regulus into a battle, out •)f which the Romans escaped with merl/ss" 
 but two thousand men. Regulus and six hundred of his men 
 were taken prisoners, the small remnant of the Roman army 
 that escaped takir-r refuge at Clypea. The Numidian cavalry 
 and the elephants, under the judicious handling of Xanthippus, 
 accomplished ah that the keen military observation of the 
 Spartan expected. Nothing of African soil now remained in 
 Roman hands save Clypea, and the small Roman army there 
 was soon closely besieged. With desperate courage it }fept the 
 enemy at bay untix a Roman flcufc came to its relief. A naval 
 battle followed in which the Romans were successful, tnd the 
 
 B.c: 
 
390 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME, 
 
 ' \ 
 
 Roman fleet 
 wrecked. 
 
 I . 
 
 ! 1 • 
 
 remnant of the Roman army at Clypea was put on board the 
 fleet and sailed for Rome. The unfortunate soldiers, however, 
 were not destined to see their native Italy. The fleet, a large 
 one of three hundred and forty ships, had readied the southern 
 coast of Sicily, and was rounding i*achynus, when a terrific 
 storm, common enough at that season of the year, burst upon 
 the doomed ships. What with foundering in the open sea, and 
 breaking upon the sharp rocks on that shore, only eighty vessels 
 escaped. The disaster was wholly due to the rashness and folly 
 of the Roman admirals, who refused to be guided by the warn- 
 ings and counsels of the pilots. 
 
 Carthage now assumed the aggressive, and sent a general with 
 an army and a fleet to Sicily. He took with him one hundred 
 and forty elephants, and made Lilybaeum his objective point. 
 Landed safely he began the work of ravaging the open coimtry. 
 But Rome, ever undismayed, immediately b<^an the building 
 of another fleet, and within three months had two hundred and 
 twenty ships ready to set sail. Strange to say the Romans were 
 in some respects more successful in their hour of disaster than 
 in their days of prosperity. For the T?oman consuls, gathering 
 together the few vessels that had escaped the storm and the 
 wreck, sailed for Panormus, and captured with ease that strong 
 ff rtress. 
 
 But it seemed as if the winds and the waves still battled for 
 Carthage. The Roman fleet once more made for the African 
 Second Ro- ^oast, and falling into the Syrtis, the ships ran aground. The 
 iif^nfleH ships got ofl" the banks only by throwing overboard a valuable 
 cargo, and then made haste for Panormus. Crossing from 
 Panormus to Italy another storm caught tliem, off Cape 
 Palinurus, and strewed the shores for miles with wreckage and 
 the dead bodies of the unlucky Roman sailors. The last disaster 
 proved too Jnuch for the Roman senate, and for two years no 
 new fleet was equipped. The war was carried on for that time 
 with the land forces, and Carthage was once more Queen of the 
 Sea, 
 
 Events in Sicily for a time brought little solace or satisfaction 
 to the Romans. Hasdrubal, who had been sent with a large 
 
 Panormus 
 captured, 
 i5U B.C. 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 391 
 
 force into Sicily, and his elephants were dreaded, for the 
 story of the havoc wrought by these animals against the 
 army of Regulus in Africa had been widely spread abroad. 
 The Romans were afraid to venture into the level ground, and 
 clung to the hills where the elephants were powerless. Caecilius 
 Metellus was in command of the Roman army at Panormus, 
 while Hasdrubal operated from Selinus. Emboldened by the 
 timidity of the Romans, the Carthaginians carried off the rich 
 harvests of the country under the very eyes of the Roman 
 army. At last the opportunity came for Metellus to strike a 
 blow. Luring the Carthaginians and their elephants to the ^.;gp/,„„^^ 
 very walls of Panormus, he inflicted a serious defeat on them, captured. 
 and succeeded in capturing the latter, which were sent to Rome 
 to grace the triumph of Metellus, and afterwards were 
 slaughtered in tlie circus. 
 
 About this time, it is supposed, Regulus, along with an em- 
 bassy, came to Rome from Carthage, under parole, to negotiate 
 a peace between the two nations. The embassy was unsuc- 
 cessful and Regulus returned to captivity, in which he died. 
 The Roman orators and poets have treated the world to 
 many beautiful and tragic stories about Regulus and his self- 
 sacrificing patriotism ; all intended to paint the Roman char- 
 acter in the brightest, and the Carthaginian in the blackest 
 of colours. But these tales of Carthaginian cruelty to Regulus, 
 after his return to captivity, served a good purpose in excusing 
 the infamous treatment meted out to two Carthaginian 
 prisoners by the wife of Regulus. 
 
 Carthage, after the Roman victory at Panormus, still retained 
 three fortresses, Lilybaeum, Eryx and Drep^nnm, all in the 
 north-western part of the island. Of these Lilybaeum was 
 much the strongest, and if it could be captured it was thought 
 the war in Sicily would speedily come to an end. The siege 
 was a long one, and its story is relieved from tedium by the ap- 
 pjdrance on the scene of a great military genius in the person of 
 Hamilcar Barca, the head of the famous family known as the 
 Barcine. To capture Lilybaeum was now the main object in 
 view with the Romans. This stronghold possessed a fine har- 
 
 Story of 
 Regulus. 
 
 Siege of 
 Lilybaeum, 
 begins, 
 250 B.C. 
 
 JJiiTnilcsT 
 Barca. 
 
 i I 
 
392 
 
 Battle of 
 Drepanum 
 2lt9 B.C. 
 
 Third Ro- 
 man fleet, 
 wrecked 
 
 m B.C. 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 bour, which, however, was difficult to enter, owing to the high 
 winds that ijrevail off its headland, and to the sunken rocks and 
 sandbars lying near its shores. The Rou)ans were not to be 
 deterred by the strength of the place, and they sent five legions 
 and two hundred ships to carry on the siege by land and sea. 
 Little success for many years attended their efibrts. The 
 Carthaginians managed to keep the garrison supplied with 
 provisions in spite of the watchfulness of the Roman fleet. 
 Matters went still worse for the Romans in 249 b.c, when 
 , P. Claudius took the command of the army and the fleet. 
 Rash, over-confident, and grossly incompetent, he made an 
 attack on Drepanum, and was defeated with great loss to his 
 fleet by Adherbal, the Carthaginian general and admiral. This 
 victory raised for a time the siege of Lilybaeum, although the 
 Romans still lingered in its vicinity. Once more tlio Romans 
 trusted themselves to the uncertain fortunes of the sea. A 
 great fleet of vessels laden with food for the army at Lilybaeum, 
 and accompanied by one hundred and twenty ships of war, was 
 sent from Rome. The expedition reached Syracuse in safety ; 
 but subsequently, after rounding Pachynus, was overtaken by a 
 storm and utterly wrecked. This last disaster led the Roman 
 senate to drop for several years all ideas of sending forth another 
 fleet to be made the prey of the relentless waves. The war now 
 lingered. The concul Julius seized Mt. PJryx, a strong mountain 
 fort between Drepanum and Panormus, and made it a thorn in 
 the side of the garrison at Drepanum. On the otlier hand, 
 Hamilcar, with a handful of mercenary troops, seized Mount 
 Ercte, an almost inaccessible fortress, in sight of the Roman 
 camp at Panormus. From this eyrie Hamilcar kept watch on the 
 doings of the Roman army at Panormus, and supported his own 
 little army by successful raids on the country round about. He 
 also kept up a system of continuous raids and attacks on the 
 Italian coasts, harassing and injuring the Romans in every way 
 possible to so small an army and fleet as were at his disposal. 
 For Carthage, with great short-sightedness, was doing little or 
 nothing during these years of Roman exhaustion to support her 
 groat general, and bring the war to a close. Rome, too, was so 
 greatly weakened by her many losses at sea, that she ceased 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 393 
 
 war, was 
 
 for a time to put forth any great effort. At last Hamilcar 
 abandoned his stronghold at Mount Ercte and seized Mount 
 Eryx. Rome, too, awoke to the necessity of making a supreme 
 effort ; but so impoverished was the state that its citizens 
 had to come to the rescue, and out of their own private resources 
 furnish a fleet to bring the war to a close. Two hundred jjoman fleet 
 ships were built, and the consul Lutatius Catulus was put ^'*'" «* ««• 
 in command. Again a Roman fleet rode at anchor in thecSw 
 harbours of Lilybaeum and Drep^num, and Carthage suddenly 
 realized the peril of her armies in Sicily. An expedition was 
 fitted out to relieve Hamilcar, who was in danger of being cut 
 off from all supplies. But the Carthaginian fleet was got ready 
 in too great haste to be Avell equipped, and meeting the Roman 
 squadron off the Aegatian Isles was easily defeated, with the loss ^fTtm 
 of many vessels. The hour had come for Carthage to acknow- ^«'«». ^^i 
 ledge defeat, abandon Sicily, and obtain the best terms possible. ' * 
 Partly through the fear of Hamilcar's genius, and partly through 
 exhaustion, the terms Rome offered were reasonable enough. p„„^.g ^ ,. 
 Carthage abandoned Sicily, restored all prisoners she had taken, ' **». ^-^^ 
 and agreed to pay in ten years two tliousand three hundred ^'^' 
 talents. 
 
 
 I' • , I 
 
 1:1 
 
 X was so 
 
CHAPTER XTY. 
 
 EVENTS BETWEKN THE FIRST AND SECOND PtJNIC WAllS. 
 
 Revolt of tue ^'^^^ close of the war was a welcome relief to the Romans ; but 
 'ianimr^. ^ ^^^ Carthaginians it brought a desperate conflict with their 
 Sff.cf^" "^^^^*^"a^T troops. Hamilcar, when peace with Rome was 
 secured, had handed over the command of his men to one 
 Gisco, who was entrusted with the task of taking them to 
 Africa, and of informing the Carthaginian government that the 
 pay of the troops was heavily in arrears. No attention was 
 given to the just demands of the soldiers, and, in consequence, 
 a mutiny of a serious character broke out. For a time Carthage 
 was brought to the verge of ruin, and was saved only through 
 the desperate exertions of Hamilcar. Afc length the mutiny was 
 suppressed, and the rebels were almost exterminated by the 
 victorious Carthaginians. 
 
 Sardinia The distress of Carthage gave Rome an opportunity to seize 
 ''d^quiret"' Sardinia and Corsica, and when Carthage protested against such 
 a wanton and unjust invasion of her riglits, Rome pretended to 
 take offence, and demanded and received an additional tribute 
 of one thousand two hundred talents. Rome now possessed 
 three islands lying near the shores of Italy. These new 
 possessions, in one sense, belonged to Italy, and it was quite 
 in harmony with the natural growth of her empire that Rome 
 should extend her territory so as to include Sicily, Sardinia and 
 Corsica. 
 
 Twenty-three years of peace between Rome and Carthage now 
 followed, during which time the former was extending her con- 
 quests in the north of Italy, between the Apennines and the 
 Alps. The Gauls of this region were stirred into action by a 
 law passed at Rome, giving lands in Northern Italy to Roman 
 citizens. This was interpreted to mean that the Romans had 
 resolved upon uppropriatini.^ all the land belonging to the Gallic 
 tribes, and the latter rose in arms to defend their rights 
 
 [.394] 
 
 Cisalpine 
 Gaul. 
 
HISTOKY OF ROME. 
 
 )95 
 
 A great army of Gauls seventy thousand strong crossed into 
 
 Etruria, and created something like consternation at Rome. 
 
 Two consular armies advanced from the north and the south 
 
 against the invaders. The Gauls were hemmed in, and after i25--.22 B.C. 
 
 a desperate defence were almost cut to pieces. Another great 
 
 battle, three years later, completed the conquest of the valley 
 
 of the Po, and Roman colonies, Placentia and Cremona, were 
 
 established in the Gallic territory. A military road, the Via 
 
 Flaminia, was carried across the Apennines to Ariminum, 
 
 which was made the centre of the Romrin administration of 
 
 the conquered territory. The Gauls were treated as subjects, 
 
 and not as allies, and for a long time were very restless under 
 
 the Roman yoke. 
 
 The Romans were also during this time making their influence Roman 
 felt to the east of the Adriatic. Illyrian pirates were troubling ^"^f^*^^''* J." 
 the trade of the Greek cities, such as Corcyra and Epidamnus° t^l Tdrif 
 and Rome proceeded to chastise the marauders, greatly to the "'*"' 
 joy of the Greeks, who hailed the Romans as friends and allies. 
 This friendly interference in the affairs of the East was to lead, 
 very soon, to the most momentous consequences. 
 
 Meanwhile Carthage, under the advice and leadership oiHamiicarin 
 Hamilcar, had turned to Spain as -a field where she could is"^ fi.c. 
 more than make good her losses in Sicily, Sardinia and Corsica. 
 Spain held at that time much the same relation to Carthage that 
 Mexico and Peru subsequently bore to Spain. It was a land of 
 apparently inexhaustible mineral wealth, and required only the 
 mining skill and industry of the Carthaginians to develop its 
 great resources. Carthage had already established trading-posts 
 along the southern shores of Spain, and the Spaniards were dis- 
 posed to view with satisfaction the advent of a people who could 
 develop their mines and give employment to their people. Of 
 Carthaginian rule they had as yet no experience, and fortunately 
 for Carthage the rule of Hamilcar and his immediate successors, 
 Hasdrubal and Hannibal was so just, politic and humane as to 
 win the loyalty and affection of the native tribes of Spain, 
 
 Hamilcar, with the permission of the Carthaginian senate, 
 led an army into Spain, where he hoped to build up an empire 
 
 f / , 
 
 u 
 
 1: 
 
 '.i ii 
 
 i .i 111 ■aiJlili 
 
396 
 
 HISTORY OK ROME. 
 
 oath. 
 
 ill 
 
 the resources of wliiclx in men and material would enable him 
 once more to renew the struggle with his enemy, Rome, and to 
 win from his hated foe a long-cherished revenge. He was accom- 
 panied by his son-in-law Hasdrubal, and by his son Hannibal, 
 HannibaPs a lad then nine years of age. Before starting on his mission he 
 took Hannibal to the altar of the god Melcarth and on it had 
 him solemnly swear eternal enmity to Rome. How well 
 Hannibal kept his oath, time >r l . story cf the Second Punic 
 War will tell. 
 
 Of Hamilcar's deeds in Spain we have but a meagre historical 
 record. Landing on the southern coast, he and his successors 
 gradually extended the rule of Carthage until her supremacy was 
 recognized from the south to the rivers Tagus and Ebro. The 
 mines were worked to such advantage that Carthage and the Span- 
 ish tribes alike profited. A flourishing city, Carthago Nova, or New 
 Carthage, was established on the south-east coast, as ^he capital 
 of this new empire. The Spaniards were won over by the concili- 
 atory rule of Hamilcar, and Carthage herself was kept in good 
 humour > the wealth cent to fill her coffers. Fur nine years 
 Hamilcar continued his unwearied efforts to so strengthen him- 
 self in Spain that when the time came to strike a blow at Rome, 
 he might be able to reverse the disasters of the First Punic War, 
 and take a fitting revenge at the gates of Rome itself. But 
 Hamilcar was cut off in battle, dying sword in hand, and his far- 
 sighted policy was left to be carried out by his son-in-law Has- 
 drubal and his son Hannibal. At this time Hannibal was in his 
 nineteenth year, and was considered too young to command the 
 army. 
 
 Hence Hamilcar was succeeded by Hasdrubal, who con- 
 tinued Hamilcar's policy of extending the rule of Carthage in 
 Spain. Soon all Spain from the south to the Ebro, with one 
 exception, was in the hands of Carthage. This exception was 
 the city of Saguntum on the east coast, and lying somewhat 
 south of the Ebro. Saguntum claimed to be a Greek city, a 
 colony of Zacynthus, and was in alliance with Rome. During 
 the steady and rapid advances of Carthage in Spain, Rome had 
 been kept busy by her wars with the Gauls, but she had stipu- 
 
 Death, of 
 Hamilcar. 
 
 Hasdrubal, 
 3^9-221 B.C. 
 
rja^j^!f.wij^iwTi<wf-'^'^?'^^.^'Hfffl^gT ^-^.'P>'Tf;'r^^'?a7:^-^--^' 
 
 HISTORY OP HOME. 
 
 397 
 
 lated that Carthage slioiikl not extend her conquests beyond the 
 Ebro, and, of cour.so, re(|uirod tliat Saguntuui should not be 
 molested. These stipulations were observed during the time of 
 Hasdrubal, but when he was assassinated in the eiglith year of 
 his command, and Hannibal was unanimously chosen to fill his 
 place, the long-planned projects of the new leader and his 
 fatlier seemed ripe for execution. Saguntum, hitherto un- 
 molested, was too important a town to bo left in the heart of 
 Carthaginian territory as an ally and friend of Rome. Prepara- 
 tions were begun lor its siege, and the unhappy Saguntines .Sa^un^m • 
 appealed to Rome for help. Rome demanded of Hannibal that ^^''^'J^'^- 
 her ally, Saguntum, should be exempted from attack, and 
 Hannibal referred the Roman ambassadors to Carthage, mean- 
 while continuing his preparations for the siege. During°the delay 
 involved while Rome was making her demands on Carthage, 
 Saguntum fell into the hands of Hannibal. Its citizens findhig 
 that further resistance was impossible, built a great fire and fe"?'""" 
 flung their valuables along with themselves into the devouring"'^ ^•^• 
 flame. The attack and capture of Saguntum, it was well known 
 to Hannibal, involved war with Rome. Aware that the peace 
 party at Carthage might listen to Roman demands and consent 
 to terms of peace, Hannibal sent home to Carthage from Spain 
 suflicient gold to win over the majority of the Carthaginians to 
 the side of war. Hence when Q. Fabius, the Roman ambassador, 
 appeared before the Carthaginian Senate, and holding up his 
 toga, exclaimed dramatically, ' I carry here peace and war ; 
 choose ye which ye will have' ; tlie answer was, ' Give us which- 
 ever you please. ' ' War, then, ' said Fabius. The decision was 
 greeted with applause, and with a light heart Carthage entered War dedar- 
 upon what is in many respects the greatest war in ancient times. ^^' ^^^ ^•^^ 
 
 m. \m 
 
'■r 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 . i 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 SECOND PUNIC WAR (218-201, B.C.). 
 
 When war was declared between Rome .".nd Carthage, Han- 
 HannibaVs nibal resolved to invade Italy, instead of waiting for the Romans 
 ' ' to attack him in Africa or Spain. It was a bold resolve, but 
 
 one well justified by its brilliant results. With Hannibal to 
 resolve was to act, and he at once began his preparations. He 
 garrisoned Spain with fifteen thousand Libyans, and Libya with 
 Spaniards. He left the command of the troops in Spain to his 
 brother Hasdrubal, and he opened up successful negotiations 
 with the Gallic chiefs of Transalpine and Cisalpine Gaul. It 
 was his policy to enlist the support of the recently conquered 
 Gauls in Northern Italy in the war which he proposed to wage 
 at the gates of Rome itself. He also hoped to secure the aid of 
 the nations of Central ^taly, many of which had been very 
 recently forced to recognize Roman supremacy. For some 
 reason, not very well known, Hannibal determined to invade 
 Italy by a land journey through Spain and Southern Gaul, and 
 thence across the Alps into the plains of Cisalpine Gaul. 
 Starting from New Carthage with ninety thousand infantry, 
 twelve thousand cavalry, and thirty-seven elephants, he crossed 
 the Ebro and defeated some Spanish tribes in alliance with 
 Rome. He left Hanno with ten thousand foot and one 
 thousand horse to hold the newly conquered district, and also 
 sent back ten thousand men who could not be fully trusted. 
 With a greatly reduced army he crossed the Pyrenees, and 
 marched to the Rhone without meeting any opposition. 
 
 Meanwhile the Roman consul, Publius Scipio, was on his 
 way to Spain. When he reached Massilia he was surprised to 
 find that Hannibal was on the march towards Italy, and well on 
 his way through Southern Gaul. Finding himself too late to 
 intercept Haiuiibars passage of the Rhone, Scipio made haste 
 to return to Italy. He sent his brother on to Spain, while he 
 
 [398] 
 
 Hannibal 
 sets out 
 from Spain. 
 
-Jl^'?JW-^ni^'> 
 
 »e, Han- 
 i Romans 
 )lve, but 
 iiiibal to 
 )ns. He 
 bya with 
 in to his 
 otiations 
 raul. It 
 )nquered 
 to wage 
 le aid of 
 Jen very 
 or some 
 ) invade 
 aul, and 
 le Gaul, 
 nfantry, 
 s crossed 
 ice with 
 nd one 
 md also 
 trusted, 
 jes, and 
 
 on his 
 rised to 
 well on 
 
 late to 
 le haste 
 hile he 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 399 
 
 himself took steps to meet Hannibal in Cisalpine Gaul with a 
 large army. The other consul, Sempronius, was at Sicily with 
 a view to tlie invasion of Africa, when he was sunnnoned back 
 to Italy to assist in defending it against Hannibal. 
 
 Hannibal found tliat the Gauls were prepared to dispute his 
 passage of the Rhone, but by a clever stratagem he succeeded in 
 getting his men, horses and elephanti^ across the river with 
 little loss. Marching north for some distance he i)repared to 
 enter on the most difficult and dangerous portion of his enter- 
 prise, the crossing of the Alps. It is not known with any 
 certainty through which of the passes of the Alps Hannihal Hannibal 
 entered Italy. Opinion is divided between the Little St.TijT^''' 
 Bernard and the more southerly one at Mount Cenis. But, 
 whichever route was taken, it was one involving terrible risk 
 for all concerned. Hostile natives rolled dcnvn nrasses of rock 
 on the little army. Horses and men lost their footing and 
 rolled down steep precipices, or fell into concealed crevasses 
 and perished. The sunimit of the pass was at length reached, 
 and from it the promised land, the plains oi Xorthern Italy, could 
 be seen. But the descent was found to be more perilous than 
 the ascent, and was accompanied with great loss of men and 
 beasts. At last the journey was accomplished in fifteen days, 
 and Hannibal, with the remnant of an army, so worn as to look 
 like shadows, emerged into the valley of the Po. Twenty 
 thousand infantry and six thousand cavalry were all that were 
 left after this terrible journey. One half of Hannibal's army 
 had perished in the undertaking. 
 
 It, apparently, did not take long for Hannibal's little army to 
 recruit, for we find it shortly after entering Italy chastising 
 some hostile tribes, capturing the city of Turin, and compelling 
 some of the natives to join the Carthaginian army against the 
 Romans. 
 
 Hannibal now advanced towards the Po, but an excursion 
 against the Taurini gave Scipio, who was waiting with a large 
 army in Cisalpine Gaul to intercept Hannibal, time to cross tlmt Battle of 
 river and build a bridge over the Ticinus, a stream which issuing 'PilTS' 
 from Lake Verbanus flows southward into the Po. Near this 
 
 s ■ i 
 
400 
 
 HISTORY OP ROMK. 
 
 Battle of 
 the Trebia, 
 S18B.C. 
 
 n > ! 
 
 stream the hostile armies mot in an enf»agomcnt which resulted in 
 the defeat of the Roman cavalry and lijrlit infantry by the Car- 
 thaginian cavalry. Scipio himself was wounded severely, and 
 rescued, it is said, through the gallantry of his son, Scipio, the 
 future conciueror of Hannibal at Zama. 
 
 Scipio now retreated across the Po, followed l)y Hannibal, 
 who pitched his camj) near Placentia, under the walls of which 
 Scipio had taken refuge. Meanwhile the Gallic tribes of Cisalpine 
 Gaul were sending in offers of alliance with Hannibal, and this 
 so dismayed Scipio that he determined to retreat to .some higher 
 ground on a spur of the Apennines. Putting the river Trebia 
 between himself and Hannibal, he pitched his cairp and waited 
 for the arrival of his colleague Sempronius The union of the 
 two Roman armies was effected and brought their strength up to 
 forty thousand men. With such an army Sempronius thought 
 success could not be doubtful, and he was eager to engage in 
 battle. 
 
 It was midwinter, and the wact-'s of the Trebia which flowed 
 between Ihe opposing forces were deep, and cold as ice. Near 
 the river, and on the same side as Hannibal's army, was a water- 
 course, overgrown with bulrushes and brambles, and with banks 
 so steep and high as to furnish complete concealment for cavalry. 
 Into this natural ambush Hannibal placed his brother Mago 
 with two thousand foot and horse. At dawn of day, Hannibll 
 sent his cavalry across the river to make a pretended attack and 
 retreat, so as to draw the Ronum soldiery into a puvsuit. Falling 
 back, the Carthaginian cavalry re-crossed t)ie Trebia, followed 
 by the Roman cavalry and foot in hot pursuit. This was what 
 Hannibal anticipated, and for which he made his careful prepara- 
 tions. The Roman soldier.- lad taken no breakfast, and were 
 otherwise imperfectly prepared to stand the chilling effects of 
 the icy waters, the cold winds and the lalling sleet. On the 
 other hand, Hannibal had ordered his men to take their 
 breakfasts by their fires, to oil their bodies, and to stav in their 
 tents until they were needed. The Romans reached the Cartha- 
 ginian side of the river cold and benumbed, and found them- 
 selves at once engaged in battle with the enemy's skirmishers. 
 
resulted in 
 y tlio Car- 
 erely, and 
 Scipio, the 
 
 Hannibal, 
 i of which 
 f Cisalpine 
 J, and this 
 •me higher 
 'er Trebia 
 md waited 
 i(jn of the 
 igth up to 
 IB thought 
 engage in 
 
 ich flowed 
 ce. Near 
 iS a water- 
 'ith banks 
 )r cavalry, 
 her Mago 
 Hannibal 
 .ttack and 
 . Falling 
 , followed 
 was what 
 I prepara- 
 and were 
 effects of 
 On the 
 ike their 
 y in their 
 e Cartha- 
 nd them- 
 rmishers. 
 
 iii 
 
IIISTOKY OF ROME. 
 
 "•'• 
 
 / 
 
 t/) 
 
 u 
 
 401 
 
 Tho ligl.L-arined troops soon foil },aclv. and thou tl.o Romans 
 were brought face to face with tho dreaded Carthaginian 
 cavalry and the main h.uly of Hannibal's infantry. " Tho 
 battle was not long doubtful. The Koniuns fought bravely, 
 but whe.i Mago issuing from his anibusoado fell on their rear, 
 they sought in vain to ro-cros.s tlie river. A body of ten thou- 
 sand Romans with the courage of despair broke through the 
 ranks of their enemies, and made their way to Placentia. Tho 
 remaiiuler of the army was almost completely destroyed by the 
 cavalry and the elephants of the Carthaginians. 
 
 The eftbct of this battle was to bring the (iauls more fully into 
 line with the Carthaginians. In vain did the Roman commander 
 send word home that he had won a partial victory. The truth 
 could not be concealed, and with thc-r waited indomitable 
 courage the Roman senate procecdi-d to hold the elections and. 
 gather reinforcements from far and near. Winter gave the 
 Romans time to make jircparations, f(,r Hannibal could not 
 cross the Apeiuiines till spring arrived. Two Roman armies 
 were sent t.. guard the two usual route.* from the north into 
 Central Italy. Cn. Servilius was stationed at Ariminum on the 
 Adriatic, while the consul Flaminius (the builder of the great ^^«""»^a^ 
 military road known as tlie Flamlnian way) took up his pc.sition^i^^/uu'f/*. 
 at Arretuim in P^truria. But Hannibal chose his own route 
 across the Apennines. He entered Etruria on the western 
 coast, and in spite of the flooded condition of the country 
 between Luca and Faesfilae, duo to the melting snows on the 
 hills in the springtime, he reached Faesulae, having sulfered the 
 Icjss of many of his ( Jallic troops in this ti-ying march. Hannibal 
 himself, it is said, lost an eye from ophthalmia. At Faesulae 
 he found high ground on which to pitch his camp. He also 
 found himself between the Roman consular armies, Servilius 
 being still at Ariminum, and Flaminius at Arretium. Hannibal 
 now he'jan the devastation of the plains of Etruria, and march- 
 ing past the camp of Flaminius took the road towards Rome. 
 This action forced Flaminius to follow closely in Hannibal's 
 footsteps. When the latter reached Trasinienus he found the 
 road led through tw 
 of 
 
 I. > I 
 
 f ' 
 
 P 1 
 
 o nan 
 
 •ow passes, between which lies a plain 
 a circular shape. Concealing his men on the slopes of the 
 
 6 
 
 v.i 
 
Iff 
 
 i 
 
 ! 
 
 •in 
 
 I. pi 
 
 I 
 
 N 
 
 lii 
 
 402 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 hills surrounding this plain, and near the entrance and exit of 
 this natural amphitheatre, he M^aited patiently for the approach 
 of the unsuspecting Roman army of thirty thousand men. It 
 was early morning when the fated victims entered this ' valley 
 of death '. The mists hung heavily over the plain, effectually 
 MttUof concealing the Carthaginian soldiers. When the rear of the 
 Trasimemu Roman army had passed into the valley the signal for the slaughter 
 S17 B.C. ^^g given. No time was allowed for forming into order of 
 battle. The Romans were simply cut to pieces where they stood, 
 with the exception of six thousand men who fought their way, 
 sword in hand, through the narrow exit to a rising ground, where 
 they halted, waiting in dread suspense the issue of the invisible 
 struggle in the valley behind them. The mists arose at the end 
 of three hours to reveal fifteen thousand Roman corpses lying 
 on the ground, or floating on the waters of Lake Trasimenus. 
 Flaminitis himself was slain by a Gaul who recognized him as 
 the man who ravaged the territory of th ) Insubres. The six 
 thousand men who temporarily escaped were forced to surrender 
 the next day, and four thousand cavalry sent by Servilius to the 
 aid of Flaminiup hIso fell into the hands of Hannibal. 
 
 No attempt was made at Rome to conceal the nature of the 
 disaster at Lake Trasimenus. The praetor calmly announced, 
 ' We have been defeated in a great battle,' and the senate forth- 
 with went to work to devise plans for the defence of tlie city. 
 A dictator was appointed in this hour of peril, the choice falling 
 upon Quintus Fabius Maximus, a slow-moving, but prudent and 
 wise patrician general. The first step taken by the dictator was 
 to appease the angry gods with vows and offerings ; the next to 
 repair the walls of the city. Bridges over the rivers were 
 broken down, and tlie country through which Hannibal would 
 likely march on his way to Rome was desolated. 
 
 But Hannibal, who had no love for sieges and was as yet 
 unsupported by any portion of the Italian peoples, did not think 
 it wise to venture an attack upon a city capable of making so 
 strong a defence as Rome. He hoped to arouse among the 
 recently conquered Italian nations a desire for the restoration of 
 their iiidupeudence. Supported by the Italifui peoples he could 
 crush the common enemy witliout running y serious risk, and 
 
 Defensive 
 prepara- 
 tiont at 
 Rome. 
 
HISTORY OP ROME. 
 
 403 
 
 Rome girt about by a ring of foes would be forced to surrender 
 He, therefore turned aside from Rome, and with his small army 
 
 pTnum ^;"'"^' ^.^7^^^^- Apennines again, and .ntevel Hannim 
 Picenum. From tins district Hannibal sent his first messenger ^t^^,, 
 to Carthage with news of his doings since he had left Spain. The 
 tidings of his victories encouraged the Carthaginian people to 
 send remforcements to Hasdrubal in Spain and to Hannibal in 
 Italy. 
 
 Picenum was admirably adapted as a resting-place for Hanni- „„ -, , 
 bal's weary troops and worn-out horses. Bott men and horses ---S 
 soon rallied under the generous diet furnished by this rich 
 district ; and Hannibal employed his spare time in accustoming 
 his Libyan and, perhaps, Spanish soldiers to fight in Roman 
 armour, of which he possessed an abundant supply after his 
 recent victory at Lake Trasimenus. Once thoroughly rested, 
 Hannibal resumed his march through the territories of the 
 Marrucini, Frentani, Marsi, and Peligni, eventually pitching his 
 camp near Arpi in Apulia. 
 
 In the meantime Fabius, the new Roman commander, had y,, ^,,^„ 
 levied our new legions and started out in pursuit of Hannibal S^f ^" 
 His policy was to avoid a general engagement with the dreaded 
 Carthaginian, but to follow him from place to place, never 
 far away, and yet never so close as to be drawn into a battle 
 m which he was almost certain to be worsted. This policy 
 the wisest that could be adopted, earned for Fabius the surname 
 
 bothT'"'-K r ;^j"g--'- It -- H policy which irritated 
 both Hannibal and the Roman., and required for its successful 
 carrying out great firmness and self-control. In vain Hannibal 
 sought, by ravaging the richest districts, and by the frequent 
 shi ting oi his camp, to draw the prudent Fabius into a decisive 
 conflict. Fabius kept to the hills to avoid the Numidian cavalry 
 and seized such opportunities as came to him to cut off the 
 stragglers of Hannib'il's army. 
 
 The policy of Fabius was equally irritating to the Roman 
 army and people. Minucius, the master of the horse, was one 
 of tha foremost in finding fault : bv.t the dictator was proof 
 against all murmurings and complaints. At last, Hannibal 
 wearied of a policy which brought no decisive results, determ- 
 
 ■1 
 
 lii 
 
 1.31 
 
1 
 
 404 
 
 HISTORY OP ROME. 
 
 HannibaPs 
 stratagem. 
 
 S'lSS"'"'"^ *"" '^^''''^ ^"^'^ Campania. Ho passed through Samnium, 
 ravaged Bono vent inn, took Telosia by assault, and entered the 
 beautiful and fertile plains of Campania, The usual work of 
 destruction began in the hope that Fabius would come to the 
 rescue of the fairest portion of Central Ibxiy. Fabius did 
 indeed, follow after Hannibal ; but neither the discontent at 
 Rome, nor the loud complaints of his own army, could induce 
 him to give battle to the Carthaginians. Instead he sought to 
 prevent Hannibal from returning to Apulia to spend the winter, 
 and to that end placed four thousand' men at the head of the 
 pass through which Hannibal nnist inarch on his retreat. But 
 Hannibal was equal to tlie emergency. Taking two thousand of 
 the strongest oxen (part of his booty captured in Campania), he 
 tied faggots of dry brushwood to their horns, and when night 
 fell, set the faggots on fire. Terror-stricken and maddened 
 with pai^, the infuriated animals were driven up the hills to the 
 great alarm and excitement of the Romans, who thought Han- 
 nibal and his army were escaping in that direction. The pass 
 was left unguarded, and during the confusion Hannibal marched 
 his men safely through without encountering any opposition. 
 The easy escape of Hannibal brought upon Fabius the charge of 
 aiding and abetting his foe, a charge to which Hannibal sought 
 to give a semblance of truth by sparing the private property of 
 Fabius, while destroying that of all others in its vicinity. 
 
 Nevertheless, Fabius continued his policy of apparent in- 
 action. But Minucius, his master of the horse, was of a 
 different mind, and taking advantage of tlie temporary absence 
 of Fabius at Rome, he made an attack on Hannibal's foragers 
 and won a slight success. This was hailed as a proof of the 
 wisdom of the generalship of Minucius, and he was forth' [':\ 
 appointed the equal in command with Fabius. To prev6n^ .e 
 disaster almost certain to arise out of a divided command 
 Fabius and Minucius agreec ^hat each should contintie in full 
 control of two legions. Hannil)al, aware of the impetuosity of 
 the temper of Minucius, drew him into an engagement in which 
 he would have suffered severely had not Fabius come to his 
 rescue. It was now eviden.t that the policy of the 'Lingcrof' 
 
 Minucius 
 entrapped. 
 
Samnium, 
 ntered the 
 d work of 
 nie to the 
 abius did, 
 content at 
 uld induce 
 I sought to 
 he winter, 
 uad of the 
 •eat. But 
 lousand of 
 pania), he 
 hen night 
 maddened 
 ills to the 
 ight Han- 
 
 The pass 
 1 marched 
 )positi()n. 
 charge of 
 al sought 
 operty of 
 
 y- 
 
 arent in- 
 (Vas of a 
 absence 
 foragers 
 )f of the 
 orth' [!r\ 
 v6n,. .e 
 'mraand, 
 i in full 
 losity of 
 n which 
 e to his 
 lingerer' 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 405 
 
 was the right one, and Minucius resigned his command to take 
 his old position of master of the horse. 
 
 But the six months' term of office of Fabius was drawing to a 
 close, and he had accomplished, apparently, very little, although 
 in reality he had done much. He had kept Hannibal from the 
 gates of Rome, and had trained the raw levies of the Romans to 
 overcome the dread of Hannibal and his army. Hannibal, too, 
 had been taught the lesson that the Italian cities were not 
 disposed to espouse his cause and throw off the mild yoke of 
 Rome. 
 
 The winter of 217-216 b.c. was a time of considerable 
 activity upon the part of the Romans. Legates were sent to 
 Liguria to ensure their fidelity, and reinforcements were de- 
 spatched to Spain. Arrears of tribute were collected in Illyria 
 and Philip of Macedon was called to account for harbouring one 
 of Rome's enemies. Elections for the consulship were held, Conmls 
 which resulted in L. Aemilius Paullus, a patrician who had*''*"'*"' 
 distinguished himself in the Illyrian war, and P. Terentius 
 Varro, a plebeian, being chosen. Varro has been described by 
 patrician annalists as another Cleon ; but he had already held Varro. 
 high office, and even after the great disaster with which his 
 name is connected, was chosen to lead Roman armies. 
 
 The Romans in the meantime had been encouraged by several 
 small successes in different quarters, and the new consuls were 
 sent forth with instructions to fight Hannibal, and by a decisive 
 blow bring the war in Italy to a close. Fabius ceased to be 
 dictator and returned to Rome ; but the consuls of the previous 
 year were continued in the field to co-operate with Paullus and 
 Varro. Great efforts were put forth to send out a Roman army 
 which would overwhelm Hannibal. Eight legions of five Great 
 thousand foot and three hundred horse each, with allies equal prepam- 
 in number, took the field, so that Hannibal soon found himself ^""^• 
 called upon to face an array of over eighty thousand men, with 
 a force scarcely half that number. 
 
 Meanwhile Hannibal's army was beginning to feel the want 
 of supplies, and he fell back from Gereonium to seize Cannae, a 
 small town on the right bank of the Aufidus, about eight miles 
 
 i ! 
 
 ij. LI 
 
 ^ ! 
 1^1 
 
406 
 
 Cannae 
 seized. 
 
 «:l I 
 
 m 
 
 Battle of 
 Cannae, 
 S 16 B.C. 
 
 HISTORY OP ROME. 
 
 from its mouth, ^vliich contained a Roman magazine. Cannae 
 was token by surprise, and this action spurred the Romans on 
 to attack Hannibal before he could inflict further injuries on 
 them. Hannibal, too, was desirous of a battle, as he could not 
 well retreat or ravage the country for supplies with such a 
 large aymy threatening his movements. According to the 
 Roman version. Paullus was exceedingly anxious to avoid a 
 conflict m the open plain where the Carthaginian cavalry could 
 operate with good eff^ect. But Varro, who commanded alter- 
 nate days with Paullus, knew that Rome was expecting a battle 
 and a victory, and therefore felt compelled to bring matters to 
 a speedy issue. Besides, the support of an army of over eighty 
 thousand men in Apulia was a difficult task, as Hannibal stood 
 between the Romans and the corn-fields (just ripening) of 
 Southern Apulia. Both armies were forced to encamp near the 
 Auhdus ^o obtain the necessary supply of water. The Romans 
 established a camp on each side of the river, an example that 
 was followed by Hannibal. A few days were spent by the 
 hostile armies in manc«uvring before battle was actually joined 
 When Yarro was in command the Romans moved forward 
 towards their enemies, but Paullus preferred a policy of delay 
 Varro, however, placed the Romans in such a position that a 
 conflict was inevitable. On the last day of his command he 
 drew his men up in order of battle, with his right and left wings 
 resting on the north bank of the Aufidus, which at this point 
 forms a loop. 
 
 The Carthaginians crossed the river and took up a position 
 between the Romans and the river, also resting their wings on 
 the Aufidus. The narrow front, forming the chord of a circle 
 made it necessary to draw up the Romans in deep columns. 
 1 hus their great numbers availed them very little. The Cartha- 
 ginians faced the north, so that the rising sun, and the hot dust- 
 bearing winds from the south-east were in their favour The 
 Romans placed their cavalry, all picked men, and two thousand 
 four hundred strong, on their right, where they faced the main 
 body of Carthaginian cavalry under Hasdrubal. On the left 
 wmg were the cavaliy of the Roman allies, against whom was 
 
 * 
 
-+^^«g5^'«l^-«S?Sfl 
 
 m 
 
 • M 
 
 HISTORY OF nOME. 
 
 407 
 
 I. Cannae 
 lomaiia on 
 njiiries on 
 
 could not 
 th such a 
 ig to the 
 io avoid a 
 airy could 
 ied alter- 
 ig a battle 
 natters to 
 ver eighty 
 libal stood 
 lening) of 
 > near the 
 e Romans 
 nple that 
 it by the 
 y joined. 
 
 forward 
 of delay. 
 >n that a 
 niand he 
 eft wings 
 his point 
 
 position 
 wings on 
 
 a circle, 
 columns. 
 ! Cartha- 
 lot dust- 
 ir. The 
 housand 
 he main 
 the left 
 lom was 
 
 pitted the Numidian horse, under Maherbal. The Romans 
 brought about seventy tliousand foot and eight thousand horse 
 into the field ; the Carthaginians thirty thousand foot and ten 
 thousand horse. Hannibal advanced with liis army drawn up so 
 as to form a convex front, the Gauls and Spaniards in the fore- 
 ground, and tlie heavy well-armed African infantry on the flanks 
 and rear. Battle was bLgun by the slingers and light-armed 
 men. Soon the heavy cavalry were engaged on the right of the 
 Roman position, and after a short but desperate conflict the 
 Romans were routed with great slaughter. Hasdrubal followed 
 up his success by riding around the rear of the Roman army, and 
 falling upon the cavalry of the allies, who had been kept busy 
 by the agile Numidians. The whole of the Roman cavalry was 
 thus early in the day defeated with heavy loss. Meanwhile the 
 infantry hftd begun a life and death struggle. The Gauls and 
 Spaniards of Hannibal's army were easily borne back by the 
 solid mass of the Roman columns, which pressed forward like a 
 wedge right into the midst of the Carthaginian army, only to be 
 attacked fiercely on both flanks by the Africans, who wheeled in 
 from the left and right. The Romans were at the san)e time 
 attacked on the rear by Hasdrubal, and in the front by the Gauls 
 and Spaniards, who had returned to the slaughter. What 
 followed was mere butchery. The unfortunate Romans were so 
 closely packed together that effective resistance was impossible. 
 Quarter was neither asked nor given. The helpless victims fell 
 under the relentless blows of the Carthaginians, who never 
 ceased the work of destruction until the whole Roman army was 
 nearly annihilated. Fifty thousand men were slain, and twenty Roman loss. 
 thousand taken prisoners in the pursuit and from those left to 
 guard the Roman camps. Aemilius Paullus was slain, but Varro 
 escaped with seventy horsemen to Venusia. Servilius, the pro- 
 consul, Minucius, the master of the horse, both quaestors, 
 twenty- one military tribunes, sixty senators, and a multitude of 
 knights were among the killed. Hannibal lost but five thousand 
 five hundred infantry, and two hundred cavalry. It is said that 
 as a convincing proof of his great victory Hannibal sent home to 
 
 Car 
 
 Liiayc Liiicu ui 
 
 ishels of gold rings taken from the fingers of the 
 Roman knights slain in battle. In the glow of victory Maherbal 
 
f;:!|. 
 
 ^ 1 
 
 i' :;^ 
 
 i 11 ill 
 
 : rl ;, 
 
 408 
 
 Panic at 
 ■Rome, 
 
 Why Han- 
 nibal 
 refused to 
 march 
 against 
 Rome, 
 
 Peace 
 
 refused bu 
 Home, 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 wished tu pu,h „,. with \m cavahy to R,„„e, aud „ei.„ the city 
 before the c,.n»te„,ati„„ produced hy their terrible defeat had 
 m.b.s,.lcd a,no„g the Ro.nan people. But Haunibal refused 
 greatly to the chagriu of his iuipetuous cavalry leader. 
 
 The uews was not long i„ reaching R,u,e. At first it was 
 U,ought the enfre arn.y had been destroyed, aud the Romans 
 were n. hourly expectation of hearing the advancing hoof-beats 
 of Hannibal s cavalry. Multitudes sought U> escape from the 
 doo„,ed cty, but by the advice of Fabius the gates were closed 
 The senate remained calm and collected, and began to put the 
 cty mto a condition of defence. Slaves and even criminal were 
 armed and the gods were by human sacrifices implored trbe 
 merciful. Then more hopeful tidings reached the mourning city 
 
 tlr^ If T} r"^ "■'" '■'"<="-""™g 'o collect at Canusium 
 the scattered fugitives of the recent grand army. Hannibal 
 too, was ,not on the march towards Rome. These thing., gave 
 he I^mans fi-esh courage, although tidings of loss and defeat 
 soon followed from Sicily and Cisalpine Gaul. 
 
 Why did Hannibal refuse to take advantage of Roman conster- 
 n.,ion to march at once against Rome and capture the city > 
 Great historians and generals have alike condemned him for losiL 
 the best opportunity of his brilliant milit,try career. Rome it 
 has been saul could h.ave been easily captured during the few days 
 that folWed Cannae. But Hannibal evidently thought otll 
 wise. He l,,d no fondness for sieges ; he lacked sie.: en-d les ■ 
 Rome had strong walls, and was defended by the maFaria o'f hei'- 
 surrounding marshes. His victories were due to his matchleL 
 cavalry, which of course was utterly useless for siege operations 
 Besides, Hanmbal now believed that Southern Italy at leas ' 
 would revolt against Rome, and he hoped that at the head of a 
 general rising of the Italian allies he would soon be able to 
 encompass Rome so closely that her surrender would be only a 
 matter of tiine. Such are the reasons that have been assigned 
 for Hannibal s refusal to besiege Rome at this the most crftical 
 period m her history. 
 
 Hannibal not only refused to proceed at onc^ in -Ron^e bnt 
 he even offered to negotiate terms of peace with 'his ' sworn 
 
■ -*»<u«u»!*i«ttfcw«Ma&«- 
 
 HISTORY OP ROME. 
 
 409 
 
 consider any negotiations .so long as the Cartlu.ginian army held 
 
 Hani.;; I" '"'. '"^'"^'^ ^' ^""""= ^'> ^--- -th 
 Hannibal, Rome proceeded to raise fourteen legions to replace ^ 
 
 he army she had lost at Cannae. Varro was kanked by the S.r^^« 
 
 senate bec.uise he had not 'despaired of the Republic'. M. 
 
 Ckuchus Marcdlus, the best remaining Roman general, was 
 
 ether consul or proconsul. Hannibal, however, reaped some 
 
 <^LZt- """"''t '''^ ^^ ^'^^y "^ population, opened itl 
 
 gat^es to hin. on condition of not having to contribute any 
 soldiers to Hannibal's army. In this pleasure-loving and iuxu- 
 nous city the Carthaginians spent the winter following Cannae 
 Hiid some historians contend that the effect upon the toil-worn 
 so diers was to demoralize them and render them less fit for 
 future campaigns. This, however, is uncertain as Hannibal's 
 ittle army ever proved more than a match in the field for 
 their enemies. 
 
 In the year following Cannae fresh difficulties arose before 
 the Roman peoi)le. Their old and faithful ally Hiero, kin., of 
 Syracuse, died and left his throne to his weak and unworthy 
 grandson Hieronymus, who deserted Rome and entered into an 
 
 er^ufp, ""r.- ''T^'' ^^^^ '''''''' "^*" - agree- teS. 
 ment with Philip V., king of Macedon, by which Philip was to£>r 
 
 attack Rome from the East. Sardinia also revolted but the ' 
 
 insurrection was speedily suppressed. In spite of these favour- 
 able events Hannibal found himself unable to make much head- 
 way m Campania. Naples, Cumae, Nola, and other cities were 
 attacked but without effect. Nevertheless, the Romans under 
 l^abius, Marcellus and Gracchus never dared to meet Hannibal's 
 small army m the open field. The old tactics of Fabius were 
 resumed, and Hannibal getting little assistance from Carthac^e T-^r-^'u'tem 
 
 Sre^iTum''*'' ^^^^''''' ""^""^ ^^ "^^'^"'"'^ ^^' ^"""^ city ^llS."' 
 
 The revolt of Syracuse was followed by a general movement in 
 Sicily in favour of the Carthaginians. To quell the insurrection 
 
k 
 
 
 ill 
 
 I! H 
 
 410 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 War in 
 Spain. 
 
 and restore RomHn influence in the island, Marcellus, the 'Sword 
 of Rome', was sent to Sicily with a powerful force. After a siege 
 wliich, through the skill and engineering genius of the great 
 Syr^rL, '"^^^ematician Archimedes, lasted altogether three years, Syra- 
 i'liiii B.C. cuse fell by treacheiy into the hands of Marcellus, and Archi- 
 medes was slain, while engaged in study, by a common Roman 
 soldier. So fell the great city which had resisted successfully in 
 its time the assaults of both Athenian and Carthaginian armies. 
 Its choicest works of art were carried off to Rome to adorn that 
 grasping city, and the savage soldiers of Marcellus were allowed 
 to plunder at their will. 
 
 Let us now turn our attention to Spain, which Hannibal had 
 left under the control and care of liis younger brother Hasdrubal. 
 It will be remembered that Publius Scipio was on his way to 
 Spain with a large force, and had reached Massilia when he 
 learned that Hannibal was on the rapid march through Gaul 
 towards Italy. He at once returned to Rome, but sent 
 the greater part of his army on to Spain, under tlie com- 
 mand of his brother Cneius. But Publius was defeated at 
 the Ticinus and at the Trebia, after which he was despatched 
 to Spain with a naval and land force of considerable 
 strength. Joining his brother Cneius, the two Scipios soon 
 acquired control of all the country north of the Ebro, partly 
 by victories in the field, and partly by the tact and address 
 with which they treated the Spanish tribes. In the year 
 of the battle of Cannae, Hasdrubal was defeated in a great 
 battle near a town called Ibera, just as he was about to 
 start for Italy to aid his brother Hannibal. Step by step the 
 Scipios were w inning over to the Roman allegiance the Spanish 
 people, and Carthage was being threatened with the loss of her 
 Spanish empire, when the Scipios allowed their forces to be 
 divided. In this condition they were attacked by Hasdrubal 
 and Mago (recently sent from Carthage), their armies defeated, 
 and they themselves slain. All that the Romans had won 
 £'i?S'T£«^®"^^^ ^^"^^ *^o have been lost. But Publius Scipio had a son, 
 *M'in ^: ^^^^^li"s S'^ipio, who had already greatly distinguished 
 ^>ain. lUinself at the Tieinus and at Cannae. This young man, only 
 
 Scipios 
 
 s'fiin, 211 
 B.C. 
 
HISTORY OP HOME. 
 
 le * Sword 
 ;er a siege 
 the great 
 irs, Syra- 
 id Archi- 
 ll Roman 
 ssfully in 
 1 armies, 
 dorn that 
 e allowed 
 
 tiibal had 
 asdrubiil. 
 s way to 
 when he 
 igh Gaul 
 3ut sent 
 :he coiu- 
 eated at 
 spatched 
 3iderable 
 »ios soon 
 ), partly 
 
 address 
 ;he year 
 
 a great 
 ibout to 
 step the 
 Spanish 
 IS of her 
 is to be 
 asdrubal 
 efeated, 
 lad won 
 id a son, 
 iguished 
 an, only 
 
 411 
 
 twenty-four years of age at the tiu.e of his father's death, now 
 took the cunmand of the disheartened Roman tr^pp. in Spain 
 as proconsul. Under the wise leadersliip of the younger Scipio, 
 the Roman cause in Spain rapidly gained strength. This was 
 due as nmch to Scipio's treatment of the natives as to his vic- 
 tories over the Carthaginians in the field. Of Scipio many 
 maryeUous and interesting tales are told. That he was the one 
 great Roman general produced by the Punic wars is universally 
 adrmtted. His character, too, seems to have been one seldom 
 found among the Roman people. Kind, generous, true to his 
 word, lovmg literature and the fine arts, he was an unusual pro- 
 
 u1u\^ "''"^ ^^''''^ '^^""^ *^ ^^^« ^^«^" lamentably deficient in 
 all the humane instincts that soften the hardships of war. 
 
 Meanwhile the tide of fortune in Italy was beginning to turn 
 agamst Hannibal. Without adequate support from Carthage 
 he was unable to make headway against the great armies Rome 
 placed ni the field. Capua was now besieged by the Romans, ^ 
 and Hannibal in vain sought to relieve the city. As a last^S. 
 resort he marched rapidly against Rome itself with the hope of 
 inducing the Roman army at Capua to raise the siege and follow 
 him. The ruse failed, for Rome had defenders enough within 
 her walls, and though Hannibal rode up to the Colline gate itself 
 he was ccmipelled to withdraw without accomplishing anything/ 
 At length Capua fell into the hands of the Romans, and the f ^4"^*''**" 
 great ease-loving, luxurious city was made to suffer a severe 
 penalty. Her leading citizens were executed, she was deprived 
 of political rights, and placed under the control of two Roman 
 praefects. Thousands were sold into slavery or dispersed among 
 the Latin colonies. 
 
 The fall of Capua could not have other than a bad eff-ect 
 upon the allegiance of Hannibal's Italian allies. In vain he 
 strove by some brilliant achievement to restore their confidence 
 m his ultimate success. He failed to capture Rhegium, and 
 to drive out the Roman garrison in the citadel of Tarentum. 
 ihe assistance he expected to receive from Philip of Macedon 
 nevfir came, for the Romans had found employment for Philip 
 at home by stirring up the Aetolians against him. Marcellus 
 
 
 -1 1 1 
 
 i) ! 
 
 I 
 
412 
 
 Tarentum 
 captured, 
 e09 B c. 
 
 Marcellna 
 slain. 
 
 Hasdrubal 
 leaves Spain 
 to enter 
 Italy. 
 
 II 
 
 I I 
 
 i 
 
 HISTORY OF UOMB. 
 
 also, flushed with his Sicilian vict,.ries, rc-turned to Italy to 
 help lu the .fcruatrle nguinst Hunnihal. NeverH.elesb, though 
 bammuni and L,. .Ja H,.l,niitto<l in 209 i^.v. to Roman authority 
 and tliroo Ilonmn annie.s were in the field against Iuh small 
 force, Hannibal won two brilliant victories in Apulia and forced 
 Marce lus to bvko refuge in Venusia. The two following years 
 proved that the great Carthaginian was still i.ivincible in the 
 held. But Tarentum fell by tn>achery into the hands of the 
 Komans, and a terrible revenge was taken on its inhabitants. 
 Mavery or death was the fate of i,iany tlunusands, and the valuable 
 h erary work, of this great Gree. oity were carried off to Rome. 
 Ihe next year Hannibal, having moved northwards into Apulia 
 surprised and slew Marcellus, the 'Sword of Rome'. The loss 
 of Marcellu.s was a serious nuitter to Rome ; but not so serious 
 as the disaffection of twelve of the Latin colonies which on 
 ground of lexhaustion refused to furnish their mistress with any 
 more men and money. The Romans listened to and respected 
 the protest, knowing the danger of such disaffection spreading 
 among the remaining eigiiteen Latin colonies. Still more serious 
 was the news that reached them the same year. Hasdrubal, who 
 had been waging for ten years a fierce struggle against the Scipios 
 in Spain, had been able in spite of a defeat at Baecula at the hands 
 of the younger Scipio, to pass into Gaul and begin his march 
 nito Italy, where he expected to join his illustrious brother No 
 greater danger could possibly threaten Rome than the junction 
 of he armies of Hasdrubal and Hannibal. If Hannibal alone 
 and unaided iVom without Italy, could march and counter-march 
 throughout the length and breadth of Italy, defeat the best 
 Roman generals and imperil Rome herself, even when her allies 
 remained true to her cause, what might not be expected when 
 Hasdrubal, moving down from the north with a host of Gauls 
 and Spaniards, joined his forces with those of Hannibal in the 
 heart of Italy ? 
 
 Fortunately for Rome some months elapsed befo.e Hasdrubal 
 thought It wise to leave Gaul and attempt the passage of the 
 Alps. C. Claudius iVero and M. Livius were the consuls of the 
 . _._. .ne tormcx -.vas sent aganist Hannibal in 
 
 Apulia, while the latter was despatched to Cisalpine Gaul 
 
 to 
 
 M 
 
HISTORY OP ROME. 
 
 413 
 
 check the advance (,f Ha8dr,.l,Hl. HnH.lrubal fotuul no difficulty Hannibal 
 m crosH.ng tlio Alps and entering the plains ,>f N..rthorn Italy. Zuh^t^' 
 HiH men were in good ccndition after the passage of the Alps • 
 but instead of proceeding at once southward he lingeivd to 
 besiege Placentia. When he started to march the Ronmns 
 retreated before him until they reached the south si<le of the 
 nver Metaurus, in North-Eastern Italy. From Sena Hasdrubal 
 sent messengers to Hannibal with instructions to meet hini at 
 Narn.a, about thirty miles fron> Ron.e. Rut Hannibal, who was 
 moving rapidly backwards and forwards between Bruttium and 
 Apulia, was not found by the messengers of Hasdrubal, and they ' 
 unfortunately fell into the hands of the Ronmns. The messa-e 
 was read by Claudius Nero, who at onco formed the bold 
 resolution of marching northwards with a portion of his troops «„,^ „,,,,, 
 to join Livius,and by uniting their forces crush Hasdrubal ''/ ««'S 
 before Hannibal was aware of his presence in Italy. Nero took ^"""" 
 with him six thousand foot and one thousand horse, and aided 
 by the inhabitants of Central Italy made a rapid march (.ver the 
 two hundred miles that lay between the two Roman armies 
 Entering at night the camp of Livius so that Hasdrubal might 
 liot be aware of his presence, he distributed his travel-worn 
 troops among the tents already occupied. The following „„,,, ,,, 
 morning Hasdrubal detected the presence of a new army and "'eZ^i^'" 
 fearing his brother had been defeated, began a retreat north- ''''■ '''' 
 wards He was, however, treacherously guided towards a por- 
 tion ()f the Metaurus where there was n., ford, and the Romans 
 coming up he was compelled to draw up his men in order of 
 battle, with a rapid river in his rear. The day was a disastrous 
 one to the Carthaginians. They were defeated with great 
 slaughter, and Hasdrubal was among the slain. Taking the 
 head of Hasdrubal along with him, Nero at once returned to 
 Apulia and rejoined the portion of his army he had left behind 
 betore Hannibal was e%en aware of his absence. With true 
 Roman brutality Nero caused the head of Hasdrubal to be flung 
 within the camp of Hannibal, and this was the first intimation 
 that Hannibal had of his brother's arrival in Italy. 
 
 The battle of the Metaurus practically determined the issue of 
 the Second Punic War. The defeat of Hasdrubal left the Cartha- 
 
 i I ! 
 
 Ml 
 
 
414 
 
 s;t 
 
 ll: 
 
 HISfORY OF ROME. 
 
 Scipio at 
 Rome, 
 
 m%'!c!""' ^''"'""^ powerless in b.iM, Spain and Italy. Scipio in Oie former 
 country wa» able to drive hack gradually the CarthaginianB until 
 nothing was left in their possession except Oades. This tiie first 
 und last stronghold of Carthago in Spain was abandoned 205 B.C. 
 by Mago, the brothur of Hannibal. Mago then crossed over to the 
 Bak.:ric Isles, and subsecpiontly landed on the shores of Liguria, 
 in the hoi"^ of making a diversion favourable to Hannibal. 
 
 When Scipio returned to Rome at the close of the year 206 
 B.C., he was the hero of the hour. Although only thirty years of 
 age, he was elected cousul, but the senate refused him a triumph. 
 He at once began to urge o.i the senate the policy of transferring 
 the war to Africa. To this the senate demurred, remembering 
 the fate of Regulus Hannibal, it was not forgotten, was still 
 Ht large in Italy, and Seii)i() was advised to crush him before 
 undertaking to carry on a war at the dot>rs of Carthage. But 
 Scipio had the poi)u]ar ear, and to save its dignity the senate 
 gave Scipio Sicily as his province, with permission to cross over 
 to Africa if he thought it advisalde. Two legions were assigned 
 hmi, the rest of his army were volunteers who eagerly sought to 
 enlist under his command. The Etrurians found him ships''; tlie 
 Sicilians, horses and provisions. Early in 204 B.C. Scipio crossed 
 over from Sicily to Africa, with a force which has been estii.iated 
 as low as twelve thousand men, and as high as thirty-six thou- 
 sand. The army was not a large one, but it was soon increased 
 by additions from the Afric-.n tribes adjoining Carthage. Why 
 the Carthaginians did not prevent Scipio from landing is not at 
 all clear, as they still held tho command of the seas. Landing 
 at the 'Fair Promontory,' Scipio sought the alliance of two 
 Numidian chieftains, Masinissa, of the Massylians, a tribe to 
 the west of Carthage, and Syphax, of the Massaesylians, a larcrer 
 tribe, nihabiting the district of modern Algeria. Syphax re- 
 mained true to the Carthaginian alliance, and drove Masinissa 
 out of his kingdom, who took refuge in the camp of the Romans. 
 The last i.art of tlie story of the Secord Punic War is vague 
 and unsatisfactory. Many of the events as given us by the 
 Roman historians are extremely improbable. Carthage, we are 
 told, made no op2>osition to tlic Romans landing on their shorTs'^ 
 nor were the Carthaginian land forces in a shape to offer a strong 
 
 Sci/iio 
 itviaden 
 Africa, 
 SOU B.C. 
 
HI8T0KY OP ROME. 
 
 410 
 
 resistance to a disciplined army. Hnsdruhal, tlie son of (Jjsoo 
 was their best general. The viUagc-s and towns around Carth^ 
 age were still unwall.d as in the days of Reguh.s, and the 
 inhabitants fled to Carthago as the invaders advanced. But 
 Scipio, instead of advancing against Carthage itself, undertook 
 the siege of Utica, in wliich he f,.,iled. The year 204 b.o. tlms 
 ended without any definite success. 
 
 The following year the Romans made great efforts, and put in 
 the Held twenty legions. Scipio was continued in command in 
 Africa^ The camp of the Carthaginians under Hasdrubal, and Ro.nans 
 that of the Numidians under Syplmx, were close to the winter SC,,, 
 quarters of Scipio. Tlie huts of the Carthaginians were made of '«" ^'«'«P 
 dry wood, those of the N ..uidians of reeds thatched with straw 
 Scipio, by pretending to negotiate terms of jjeace, maiuige.l 
 through his agents to get an accurate idea of the cam[)s of his 
 enemies. He then caused them to be set on lire, and while the 
 panic lasted, succeeded in slaughtering, it is said, forty thousand 
 of the Africans. Hasdrubal escaped to Carthage, and Syphax to 
 his own capital, Cirta. Followed closely by Masinissa, Syphax 
 was taken prisoner, and his kingdom given to his riv^i. 
 
 Discouraged by their misfortunes, the peace party at Carthage 
 sought to bri.ig the war to a close ; but the terms agreed to by 
 Scipio were rejected by the Roman Senate. It was then resolved 
 to recall Hannibal and Mago from Italy. The former, confined 
 to the southern point of the peninsula, had been holding at bay 
 the Roman armies, which in spite of their numbers were afraid 
 to meet him in the open field. Mago had taken Genoa, and 
 during his two years in Italy had striven to build up a cause 
 among the Ligurians and Gauls. In a battle fought in the n ./. r 
 territory of the Insubres he had been defeated and seriously ^C 
 wounded. Making his way to the coast he found an order to 
 return to Carthage awaiting him. He immediately set sail, but 
 died before his ship touched the shores of his native land. 
 
 With a heavy heart Hannibal left the land where he had spent 
 fifteen years in desperate conflict, and had won so many vic- 
 tories. ' He left,' says Livy, ' the country of his enemies with Hannibal 
 more regret than many an exile has left his own.' Landing at " 
 
 I ! 
 
 leaves Italy, 
 
416 
 
 HISTORY OP ROMK. 
 
 m 
 
 5 il 
 
 Battle of 
 Zama, aoi 
 B.C. 
 
 Leptis (the lesser), he made his way slowly towards the city tl.at 
 he had not seen since he was nine years of age. His very presence 
 on African soil roused the drooping spirits of liis countrymen 
 ^vho now once more became eager for war. Gradually advanc- 
 ing into Nuniidia he won some victories over Masinissa, but 
 was overtaken near Zama by Scipio, who had moved forwards 
 from Tunis. 
 
 For the first and last time Hannibal and Scipio met at the 
 head of their respective armies. The battle that followed was 
 to settle for all time which power was to rule the Mediterranean 
 bea and is adjacent countries. In fact it was to decide once for 
 all the future history of the world. The battle field is supposed 
 to have been somewhat westward of Zama, and the struL^gle to 
 have taken place in Octc.ber. Hannibal's army cmsisted of 
 Ligurians, Gauls, Moors, Carthaginians and their African allies 
 besides hi8 veterans from Southern Italy. lu addition to a bod; 
 of cavalry, he had eighty elephants drawn up in front of his 
 hues. Scipio, like Hannibal, drew his men up in three lines • 
 but he made a departure from the Roman usage in the disposi- 
 tion of his ranks or files. Instead of arranging his men chequer- 
 wise, on the field, he placed the men of the second and third 
 ranks immediately in the rear of those of the first, thus leaving 
 broad lanes through the aru.y. This arrangement was a happy 
 thought, forwnen the elephants attacked they were driven by 
 the lances of the Roman soldiers into these lanes, through which 
 hey rushed harmlessly to the rear. Some, however, were 
 turned aside to the flank of the army, and there they threw the 
 Carthaginian cavalry into confu. .n. Outnumbered and con- 
 fused Hannibal s cavalry, the strong arm of his force, was 
 defeated; and then the Roman cavalry, led by Laelius and 
 Masinissa attacked Hannibal's veterans and Spaniards in the 
 rear. With obstinate ourage these well-tried soldiers held 
 t,hen: ground until they were cut to pieces. Twenty thousand 
 of Hannibal s army were slain and twenty thousand more were 
 taken prisoners Hannibal escaped to Carthage, and recogniz- 
 ing the impossibility of continuing the war with success coun- 
 selled peace. Scipio was not averse to treating, for Carthage 
 
3 city tlmt 
 ^ presence 
 mtrymen, 
 y advanc- 
 tiissa, but 
 forwards 
 
 net at the 
 owed was 
 terraneaii 
 3 once for 
 supposed 
 ruggle to 
 isisted of 
 :an allies, 
 bo a body 
 nt of his 
 ee lines ; 
 3 disposi- 
 chequer- 
 nd tliird 
 s leaving 
 a happy 
 riven by 
 ^di which 
 3r, were 
 irew the 
 aid con- 
 •ce, was 
 ins and 
 s in the 
 jrs held 
 liousand 
 )re wei-e 
 ecogniz- 
 ss coun- 
 /arthage 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 417 
 
 was a strong city, and if the war were further prolonged, the 
 glory <,f Its capture might full to his successor in the consulship. 
 The terms offered l)y Scipio, and accepted by the Carthaginians, 
 were ratxhed by the Roman Senate. Carthage kept her Ifrioan 
 territory mtact, and was allowed to n.ake her own laws. She , , 
 
 had to surrender all her prisoners of war without ransom, and?-T^^i 
 give up all her ships of war except ten. She was to pay ten ^•''• 
 thousan.l talents in fifty years, and was to recognize Masinissa 
 as king of Numidia. Most serious of all, Carthage was not to 
 make war ui Africa without the consent of Rome, nor 
 abroad at all. All her possessi.ms outside of Africa had to be 
 given up. This left Carthage dependent upon Rome so far as 
 her foreign relations were concerned, and at the mercy of her 
 vindictive neighbour Masinissa, who was now enrolled as the 
 friend and ally of Rome. 
 
 27 
 
 \n ,! 
 
Trouble in 
 Spain. 
 
 Hannibal 
 goes into 
 exile.. 
 
 Results oj 
 the Second 
 Punic War 
 in Italy. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 ROMAN CONQUESTS IN THE EAST. 
 
 With C'vrthage liumiliated and boinul to her chariot wheels, 
 Rome had no rival west of Italy to fear. Spain, Sardinia, 
 and Sicily, were under the immediate government of the imperial 
 city, and of these Spain alone gave any trouble. All of Sicily 
 was now placed under the rule of a Roman praetor, and Spain 
 was divided into two provinces, to which were sent two praetors 
 elected for that purpose. But while Sicily made no oppcjsition 
 to Roman rule, Spain gave almost unceasing trouble for many 
 years. The praetors had to be supported by large armies, and 
 sometimes the consuls themselves had to go to Spain to quell 
 the insurrections created by Roman cruelty and treachery. The 
 consul Cato (195 B.C.), and Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, by 
 their just rule a*nd wise concessions, did much to restore order 
 and quiet, and Spain gave no further trouble until 149 b.c. 
 
 Carthage, after the Second Punic War, was for several years 
 under the guidance of Hannibal, whose influence was used to 
 restore good government in the city. Under his honest and 
 careful administration of her finances she was soon in a position 
 to meet the heavy indemnity placed upon her by Rome. But 
 these signs of her reviving power were not welcome to Rome, 
 who demanded that Hannibal, her most dreaded antagonist^ 
 should be given into her hands. Hannibal, however, escaped to 
 Asia, and found for a time a refuge with Antioclius the Great, 
 king of Syria. Here we must leave him for the present. 
 
 In Italy the Second Punic War was followed by many im- 
 portant results. The CJauls were made to pay for the aid they 
 had given Hannibal by having their territories wrested from 
 them, and Roman colonies established in their midst. A(iuileia, 
 in the north-east, and Luna, in the north-west, were established 
 to hold in check the Alpine tribes and tlie Ligurians, respect- 
 
 ivfilv. Tn S<»iifliarn Tfolvr t-ho P^-i.ff^..," — K- i i u ^ 
 
 - -J. — SSI .(,rt.ij ,111^ r>i. utxiana, vviio iiuu Decn true Lu 
 
 [418] 
 
ot wheels, 
 Sardinia, 
 le imperial 
 il of Sicily 
 and Spain 
 'o praetors 
 oppcjsition 
 for many 
 ?mies, and 
 in to quell 
 lery. The 
 .cchus, by 
 tore order 
 
 > B.C. 
 
 eral years 
 vs used to 
 onest and 
 a position 
 me. But 
 to Rome, 
 iitagonist, 
 iscaped to 
 he Great, 
 nt. 
 
 many ini- 
 i aid they 
 ited from 
 Aquileia, 
 tablished 
 respect- 
 n true tu 
 
 
 HISTORY OP nOME. 
 
 Hannibal, had most of their territory confiscated. The Lucan- 
 mns and Apulians were treated somewhat better, but they also 
 suffered sev;erely at the hands of Roman speculators and land- 
 grabbers. Etruria, too, showed a nutrked decline in prosperity 
 decreasing m wealth, population and energy. 
 
 Turning now to the East, we find Rome extending her 
 empire so as to include Greece and Asia Minor. Her inter- 
 course with Egypt had begun in 273 b.c,., when an alliance 
 
 llLl'Z I''. ''"' "^' "' '''' ''''-''' great powers into 
 which Alexander's emi,ire had been divided. Later on 
 as has already been noted, Rome chastised the Illyrian 
 pirates. No further action was taken for several years, until 
 Pln% the ambitious king of Macedon, entered into an alliance 
 with Hannibal, in 214 b.c. This, of course, led to a war with 
 Macedon, which might have proved fatal to Rome, had slie not 
 been able to form against Philip a coalition of Greek states 
 sufticiently strong to keep Pliilip employed in Greece. In 205 
 B.C. Rome and Macedon came to terms, which left matters where 
 they were when the war broke out. 
 
 The Romans, however, cherished a strong feeling of resent- 
 ment against Philip for his share in the Hannibalian stru.c^le 
 and bided their time to take a fitting revenge. Before th^ 
 Second Punic War was wholly ended Philip had joined Anti- 
 6chus, king of Syria, in a plot to rob the young king of E.rypt 
 of his possessions in the eastern Mediterranean. Philip w^^s to 
 seize Egypt's possessions in the Aegean and on the coast of Asia 
 Minor, while Antiochus was to appropriate Coelo-Syria The 
 latter portion of this plan was carried out, but Rome interfered 
 on behalf of Egypt against Macedon. War was declared a.^ainst 
 1 liilip m 200 B.C. on the pretext that he was invading the terri- 
 tory of Athens, Rome's ally. Roman legions were landed in 
 J^^pirus, and Philip soon found that in a disunited Greece, torn 
 with factions and petty jealousies, he could find little support 
 lie met the Roman army at Cynoscephalae, under the command 
 ot 1. t^uinctius Flaminius, and in spite of higli courage and crood 
 generalship, sufiered a disastrous defeat. The Macedonian 
 phalanx was no match for tlie Roman legion. The Achaean 
 
 419 
 
 Borne in the 
 Hast. 
 
 First 
 
 Macedonian 
 War, 213-W5 
 B.C. 
 
 Second 
 Macedonian 
 H'ar, "^00 
 
 no. 
 
 Battle of 
 Ci/nosceph' 
 alae, 197 
 B.C. 
 
 m 
 
 '■•I 
 
 II I 
 
 I , ill 
 
 i if" 
 1 
 
 • li 
 
m 
 
 I? 
 
 i! 
 
 ii 
 
 ■»ll 
 
 
 I 
 
 n 
 
 420 
 
 Terms of 
 Peace. 
 
 Grecian 
 freedom 
 proclaimed 
 by Jionie. 
 
 Antiochvs 
 the Great 
 crosses into 
 Greece, 193 
 B.C. 
 
 a 
 
 HISTORY OP ROME. 
 
 league now joined Rome and captured Corinth. Philip's troops 
 were also defeated in Caria, and he found himself compelled to 
 accept the terms of ,)eace Roman commissioners were authorized 
 to give. Philip was left in possession of his own dominions, but 
 he was stripped of all he had acquired in Greece, Thrace and 
 Asia Minor. He was also forbidden to wage war without the 
 consent of Rome. 
 
 Rome now went througlx the solemn farce of proclaiming the 
 freedom of Greece at the Isthmian games. Two years after 
 (1J4 B.C!.), Flamnnus withdrew his troops from Chalcis and 
 Connth, to the great joy of the light-headed Greeks, who 
 failed to perceive that while rid of Macedon they had assumed 
 the yoke of a more desjjotic ruler, Rome. 
 
 Greece was left nominally free ; but such arrangements were 
 made of its territory as rendered order and good government 
 among a people so embittered by petty feuds, out of the ques- 
 tion. In tlie meantime, Antiochus III., of Syria, wrongly named 
 the Great, had conquered Coelo-Syria, only to find at the close 
 ot his campaign that his ally, Philip of Macedon, had been 
 crushed at Cynoscephalae. As he could do Philip no good, he 
 concluded he would seize his Egyptian possessions in Asia 
 Minor and Thrace. Asia Minor was overrun rapidly and then 
 he crossed into Thrace. In 192 b.c, at the solicitation of the 
 Aetohans, he crossed the Aegean, encouraged to do so by the 
 withdrawal of the Roman troops from Greece. By this time 
 Hannibal had reached his camp, and had Antiochus acted on 
 the advice of the great general, a different story would probably 
 have to be told. Hannibal urged Antiochus to join his forces 
 with those of Philip of Macedon, and push the war with vigor 
 while the Romans were unprepared. But Antiochus was a 
 pleasure-lovnig, irresolute, and altogether frivolous kincr He 
 would not listen to the advice of Hannibal, and he wasted valu- 
 able tune at Chalcis in pleasure, and in attacking small Thessalian 
 towns. Further, he brought with him into Greece a force too 
 small to be of any real service. The Romans, it seems, rather 
 dreaded a conflict with the great eastern king, and sought by 
 negotiations to avoid a war. These proving unavailing, a strong 
 Roman force under Glabrio landed in Greece in 191 b.c , and 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 421 
 
 httle trouble. Antiochus fled across tlie Aegean to Ephesus P^'jA^n 
 eanng the Aetolians to their fate. The Ro^n^ans ret^lveTto ' ''• 
 follow him into Asia Minor to protect their allies there. In 190 
 B.C. L. Scipio the consul, and brotlier of Scipio Africanus, led a 
 Roman anny into Asia Minor. With a force of le,ss than toty 
 ^ousand men the Roman general defeated, at Magnesia near . , ' 
 Mount Sipylus in Lydia, a great host of Isiatics tiXA tt^ll. 
 ochus. It was the story of Greece and Persia over again. '" '''• 
 
 Terms of peace were now agreed upon. Rome sou.dit to n 
 make secure her influence in Asia Minor, and to that end fixed ?^^-'S^ 
 upon the Halys river and Taurus range of mountains as the " 
 boundary eastwards between Rome's allies and the kingdom of 
 Antiochus. The Syrian king was forbidden to cross thi: bound- 
 ary ; nor was he to send ships further west than Cape Sar- 
 pedon in Cilicia. Bithynia and Paphlagonia lay nJar this 
 frontier, and these states were allies of Rome. Pergamus and 
 Rhodes were strengthened so as to not only reward thtir loyalty 
 but to secure their steady support against the Thracians L the 
 north and «- Syrians in the south. The Greek cities along 
 the coast of Asia Minor, save such as wore placed under 
 Pergamus, were declared the independe. h allies of Rome. 
 
 So far Rome's operations in the East had resulted in establish- 
 ing protectorates ; for direct annexation had been avoided 
 But the incessant feu<ls among the Greeks rendered it necessary 
 hat some action should be taken if anarchy was not to be 
 .Uowed to prevad. Philip of Macedon had loyally supported 
 Rome in her war with Antiochus ; yet he found tlL the sole 
 result of his assistance was to have insult and injury inflicted 
 upon him. His position, however, was such as to call for 
 pnuience. He could not afford to rush into a war with Rome 
 without making careful preparations. For ten years (189-179 
 B.C) he husbandc, and developed the resources of Macedon 
 
 son Jr'erseus to continue 1 
 
 Pi.jo 
 
 Thra 
 
 lendly relations wei 
 
 policy. SS^ 
 
 ,11-,, .. . ' ■-' nKicrno: 
 
 e established with the Illyrians and^^'^^-^- 
 
 Clans, while matrimonial alliances brought him into close 
 
422 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 r ( 
 
 
 li 11 
 
 Third Ware- 
 donian War 
 
 Battle of 
 Pi/dva, 
 m B.C. 
 
 Macedon 
 becomes a 
 Roman 
 Province, 
 U6B.C. 
 
 Greek 
 
 hoKtaffes sent 
 to Rome. 
 
 contact with the kings of Syria and Bithynia. The memories of 
 the greatness of Greece in the days of Alexander, the Great, 
 were revived with some effect. Rome, however, was kept in- 
 forined of the intrigues of Perseus, and when a suitable time 
 arrived war was declared against him. The inifortunate Mace- 
 donian king found that all his plans for securing the support of 
 the Greeks, Syrians and Bithynians were unavailing. Some little 
 help was given by the Thracians and Illyrians ; but a great 
 victory won by Aemilius Paullus at Pydna brought the Third 
 Macedonian War to an end. Perseus was carried a prisoner to 
 Rome, where he died, and the Macedonian monarchy was extin- 
 guished. For a time Macedon was not organized into a Roman 
 provl-b^e, although some features of the Roman provincial 
 system were introduced. The peoiJe had to pay taxes, were 
 disarmed, and isolated from each other, but a Roman governor 
 was not' sent to maintain order. F(jur small republics weie 
 established, without the right of inter-marrying or of engaging 
 in trade with each other. No central authority was provided 
 to keep in control the jarring facticms, and harmonize the 
 conflicting interests of those petty states. Finally in 149 b.c. a 
 pretender, Andriscus, who claimed to be the son of Perseus, 
 came forward and endeavoured to revive the Macedonian 
 monarchy. He was easily defeated in 146 B.C., and Macedon 
 was made a definite Roman province with a Roman governor 
 in authority. 
 
 Greece, it will be remembered, had been placed under a Roman 
 protectorate in 189 b.c, and no outward change occurred until 
 after the battle of Pydna in 167 b.c. But the sympathy shown 
 by the Greeks with Perseus gave Rome a convenient excuse for 
 further interference. All Greeks suspected of sympathy with 
 Perseus were renioved to Italy. The Achaeans, the most power- 
 ful of the Greek connuunities, were compelled to send one 
 thousand hostages to Rome. This band was made up of their 
 most distinguished men, and included among others, Polybius, 
 the historian of the Punic Wars. No further action was taken 
 until the Achaeans endeavoured to compel Sparta to submit to 
 their League, Kome then interpose.!, war followed, and the 
 Achaeans were compelled to submit to kucIi terms as Rome 
 
HISTOKY OF ROME. 
 
 423 
 
 emories of 
 the Great, 
 s kept in- 
 table time 
 ate Mace- 
 support of 
 Some little 
 ut a great 
 the Third 
 risoner to 
 was extin- 
 a Roman 
 provincial 
 ixes, were 
 governor 
 )lics weie 
 engaging 
 provided 
 onize the 
 149 B.C. a 
 ' Perseus, 
 acedonian 
 Macedon 
 governor 
 
 dictated. A 'commission of ten,' under L. Mummius, was en- End of 
 trusted with the task of settling he affairs of Greece. jv7/Jom. 
 Corinth was burnt to the ground ; Thebes, Chalcis and all other 
 fortified towns that had fouiih. for Greek freedom had their 
 walls razed. Once more the Roman system of maintaining con- 
 trol over conquered peoples was brought into play. The right 
 of trading with each other was taken away from the different 
 communities, and all the features of Roman provincial rule 
 established, except the ai)poiutmont Df a Roman governor. 
 Instead of a govc lor for each district, the Macedonian prefect 
 was entrusted witli a general supervision of Greek affairs. 
 
 East of the Aegean, the same policy of fostering strife and 
 anarchy was carried on by Rome. When Pergamus and Rhodes, 
 Rome's most faithml allies, sliowotl signs of prosperity, they 
 were humiliated, checked, and reduced to a condition of helpless 
 dependency on their arbitrary mistress. Rome's influence and 
 control were extended to tlie borders of Armenia, and to the 
 Upper Euphrates, by forming alliances with Pontus and Cappa- 
 docia. Syria had to accept a king at Rome's dictation, and 
 Egypt formally acknowledged her supremacy in 1G8 B.C. 
 
 1 1 
 
 iii 
 
 ' a Roman 
 'red until 
 hy shown 
 xcuse for 
 ithy with 
 st power- 
 send one 
 » of their 
 Poly bins, 
 vas taken 
 iubm.it to 
 and the 
 tis Rome 
 
 !Mi 
 
rHAPTER XVTT. 
 
 TTinU) IMNU; WAIl (I4!>-14() B.C.). 
 
 i|i: 
 
 u 
 
 i f- 
 
 Death of 
 Uantiibal, 
 183 B.C. 
 
 Death of 
 ticipio 
 Africanun, 
 183 B.C. 
 
 The yeiir of tho (h^stnictioii of Corinth (140 b.o.) wjis also the 
 year of t.lio (lestnicMon of Homo's hati'd rival, Carthago. It has 
 alivady 1h>«-u rolateil that llaiinlhal had hoen forcod by the petty 
 iiialignity of Konie to hnd a rofngo with Aiitiochua of Syria. 
 Aftor that monarch had heon conipollod to accept terms of 
 peace at the hands of his conipieror, Hannibal was through 
 Roman inihience forcod to leave tho Syrian dominions, for one 
 of the terms exacted from Antiochns by the Romans was that 
 IFannibal should l)e placed in tlu>ir hands. Rather than submit 
 to this fate, Hannibal fliul to Crete, whence he returned to Asia, 
 and after some wanderings found a resting-place at the court 
 of Prusias, king of Bithynia. But Roman malice followed him 
 to this remote corner of Asia Minor. Prusias was forbidden to 
 harbour tho illustrious guest, and Hannibal determiiied to 
 escape further persecution by taking poison, which, it is said, 
 he always carried with him in a hollow ring. At Libyssa, in the 
 year 183 B.C., tho tragedy of a marvellous career closed, and the 
 greatest of warriors found a grave among stranf^yi's. His great 
 rival, Scipio Africanus, was but little more fortunate in the 
 treatment he received from his fellow-citizens. After Zama he 
 entered the domain of Roman politics, but his somewhat over- 
 bearing and haughty conduct, added to his contemptuous dis- 
 regard of constitutional forms and rules, soon made him many 
 enemies. He was finally compelled to abandon the prditical 
 lield to more popular men, and he retired to Liternum, where 
 he spent the few remaining years of his life in literary pursuit. 
 He died the same year as Hannibal. 
 
 When Rome by the peace of Zama compelled Carthage to 
 undertake no war without Rome's consent, she well tmderstood 
 that she had the means at her disposal of almost constantly 
 humiliating and irritatin- her defeated, yet still dreaded rival. 
 
 [424] 
 
 i. i- 
 
ni8TOI{Y OF ROMK. 
 
 426 
 
 .» also the 
 J. It lias 
 tlie petty 
 of Syria, 
 terms of 
 1 through 
 s, for one 
 was tliat 
 m submit 
 I to Asia, 
 fclio court 
 3wcd him 
 bidden to 
 iiiued to 
 b is said, 
 sa, in the 
 , and the 
 lis great 
 e in the 
 Zama he 
 hat over- 
 lous dis- 
 im many 
 political 
 n, where 
 pursuit. 
 
 bhage to 
 derstood 
 instantly 
 ed rival. 
 
 The chief instrument in this policy of irritation, annoyance nud ManinUia 
 humiliation was Rome's ally and friend, Masinissa, king nicaHhaffe. 
 Numidia and possessor of the forfeitcnl lands of Syphax. To 
 Masinissa it was a deliglit to carry on a system of encroachniont 
 on the Carthaginian territory in Africa. Jn so doing he was 
 well aware that he had the cordial support of Rome, who, when 
 ap})ealed to by Carthago for protection, invariably refused to 
 interfere with MasiiiisHa, no uiatter how wanton his provoca- 
 tions. End)oldened by the security of his ijositicjii, Masinissa 
 began to encroach on Emporia, the richest portion of Cartha- 
 ginian territory and her undoubted i)ossossion for over three 
 hundred years. The remonstrances of Carthage to the Roman 
 senate failed to produce any satisfactory results, and Masinissa 
 went still further in his policy of encroachment. At last, her 
 patience exhausted l)y contiinious insult and injury, Carthage 
 took up arms against her malignant tormentor. The longed-for 
 opportmiity to make an end of Carthage had now arrived, and 
 the preliminary steps were taken at Rome. Prior to this, how- 
 ever, the Roman people had been led to believe that Rome's 
 greatness and safety w(»uld never be secure until Carthage was Ca^^ t/te 
 destroyed. Among those who wielded a great influence at Rome 
 in the hiterval between the First and Second Punic Wars 
 was a remarkable man, a survival of the type of the early Roman 
 citizen. This was Cato the Elder, whose hatred of luxury and 
 modern manners was only ecjualled by his burning desire to blot 
 out of the map of the world the great conuuercial city of the 
 Mediterranean. Among the commissions sent to Africa to 
 encpiire into the complaints of Carthage was one in which Cato 
 had a prominent place. He was greatly surprised and dismayed 
 at the strength, population and resources of the supposed 
 thoroughly weakened Phoenician city. He took note of the 
 fertility of the surrounding country, with its magnificent fruits 
 and cereals. Returning to Rome with s])ecimens of its figs, he 
 showed them to the Roman senate, and told them these grew at 
 a distance of only three days' sail from Rome. From this time 
 forth the refrain of every speech that Cato made in the senate, , „ ^^,,„„^ 
 no matter what the subject nught be, was, Carthayo delenda est must be ' 
 ('Carthage must be destroyed'). A 'constant dropping of 
 
 destroyed,' 
 
 1 i ! 
 
 ! n 
 
 .:<l 
 

 426 
 
 HrSTORY OF UOME. 
 
 w ter luillows a, st< 
 
 (I th 
 
 >nstHnt rupotition of these 
 mem(>i..l»le words produced at lengtJi its effect at Rome. It 
 became the poJiey of Rome to Heize tlie first favourable 
 opportunity (,0 uK.,k<'. war on Cartilage and utterly destroy her. 
 Rome was as perfidious as she was resolute. The Cartha- 
 
 nindurt of - — . .^..vy ^..tunc*- 
 
 (J,eJiomam.i;muinH iwula every effort to turn aHide the wrath of their 
 
 Roman 
 demands. 
 
 ^^^BKB 
 
 Siege of 
 
 ^^^^^H^Sl > 
 
 Carthag 
 
 ^^^^H^P. 
 
 bei/ins, 
 
 ^^IHff ' 
 
 W.I B.C. 
 
 I^hK 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 ^^^^^11 
 
 % 
 
 ^^^^M''^ 
 
 ii 
 
 m^s^ > 
 
 ! 
 1 
 
 enemy, and at the demand of Rome sent three huii'lied of their 
 noblest citizens to Lilybaeum as }M>stageH. War, h. wevrr, was 
 not declared against tlie uoomed city, until eij^hty tlh.usand' luuii 
 were on their way to Africa. In the meantime Utica had 
 surrendered to Rome, and this enabled the Roman expedition 
 to land at a point not more tiian ten miles from Carthage, 
 without meeting any opfmsition. Once on African soil the 
 Roman consuls made known the full demands of their .s-ji.ate. 
 But prior to doing this the Carthaginians were told to give up all 
 their arms and engines of war, on the grcund that Carthage now 
 being under the protection of R„me, no longer needed to defend 
 herself. With this den nd the Carthaginians complied, leaving 
 their city apparently defenceless. Then came the iinal and most 
 crushing terms, ihe Carthaginians were to abandon their city, 
 which was to be destroyed, and were to be allowed to build 
 another city, not less than ten miles from the sea-coast. The 
 terms were received at Carthage with a terrible outburst of 
 grief and indignation. In spite of the surrender of their arms 
 and military engines ; in spite of the fact that by remaini;!g 
 loyal to tlieir treaty they were without vessels of war, they 
 resolved on defending their city to the utmost extremity. The 
 gates were closed, the walls were strengthened, and the city 
 was turned into one great workshoi) for the manufacture of 
 engines of war. Women gave their long hair to make ropes for 
 the catapults ; lead was torn fi-om the roofs and iron from the 
 walls. The Romans, little thinking of what the energy of despair 
 was accomplishing, waited for some time to see the city surren- 
 dered. When they approached its walls they found the gates 
 cl()sed, and the Carthaginians r^jady to receive their attack. In 
 vain did the besiegers seek to force an entrance through the 
 strong walls that girt Carthage landward and seaward. The 
 Romans were beaten back at all points. The year 149 B.C. 
 
ni8TOHY OF ROME. 
 
 427 
 
 camo to its clf)He, luul Cartlmj^e w.i.s still imtaken. More than 
 oiRo the consuls wore in grwit danger, and wore rescued, it Ih 
 said, by the skill antl daring of P. Cornelius ScIi}io, the 8on of 
 Aenulius Paullus. the concjm or of Macedonia. Scipio h d 
 been adopted into the family of Soipio Africanus, and was now 
 serving n the Roman army in tho c tpacit;; ( i a military tribune. 
 
 The year 148 B.C. brought new 'onuraiidcrs from Rome to the 
 siege, but the results were eq\ MJy nnsatis' ctoiy : Carthage still 
 held out. At length Scipio, in sj/ito of his youth, was api)owitud 
 cons'. 1 and the siege ^vas begun in earnest. Step by step the 
 Carthaginians wore cut off from their friends without until they 
 were left with nothing but what the v dls of their fortifications 
 contained. I'he only means Carthage now i)os8<;s'<od of obtain- 
 ing food sup[)lies was through her blockade rujiners, which 
 sped in and out of i e narrow entrance to ''ur har'iours. Sci[)io 
 endt ivourcil t bh'ck the mouth of these liarbours by building 
 <i mole of great stones across it. ^ while ricipio was doing 
 this the ^ "arthaginians were silently making their way t . the sea 
 by excavating ani ther channel, and when Scipio fondly thought 
 he had closed the harbours' mouths, he was surprised to see a 
 flci't of Carthaginian vessels sailing out, apparently through the 
 dry land, into the open sea. Another winter passed, and the 
 desperate garrison still held the city against all the furious 
 assaults of tue Romans. The ho'ir was, however, close at han*^ 
 when successful resistance was no longt '' possible. The Roman 
 forced their way into the harbours, an I tlience into the market 
 place. The Byrsa or citadel was still dt ended, and the Romans 
 pushed on through the narrow streets with their high-walled 
 houses to the final assault. But before reaching the citadel they Carthoiie 
 were J oed to engage in a desperate struggle with the citizen'^, ^J^eltroyed, 
 who turned tl ir houses in^o castles from which they flung down ^' -^•^• 
 on the heads of the ]i,oman soldiers missiles of all av 'ilable 
 kinds. The houses had to be st med, and for six daj the 
 work of massacre went on. At length opposition was at end, 
 and the quit of death reigned.. The city was fired, and those 
 who had sought concealment from the Roman sword were 
 burned, or met tb ir fate in the falling buildini,'s. The citadel 
 in which the remnant of the < 'arthaginian population had taken 
 
 Mi ! 
 
 ; 1 ^ 
 
 
 liil 
 
I = 
 
 Ml 
 
 428 
 
 ITI8T0RY OP ROME. 
 
 retiigo WHS now uttackisd. At tliu pitiahle ploadiiig of the 
 unfdrtuimto peoplo fifty thdiisaiid nion, women and children 
 were allowod to go fortli iinli.iniicd. There Htill remained a 
 Hmull gjinison of nine Imndred men, deserters from tljo Roman 
 army, and for these there Avas no mercy. The Carthaginian 
 general, Ilasdruhal, basely begged iov liia life, and in contempt 
 it was granted him. But his wife, who with the gai-rison had 
 taken refuge in the temple of Aesculapius, the highest })oint of 
 the citadel, came out upon its roof, and before the eyes of the 
 Romans slew her two sons. Tht 'emple was fired, and thp 
 patriotic mother flung herself, along with the dead bodies of her 
 children, into the flames and there perished. So died one 
 worthy of the race that produced a Hannlcar and a Hannibal. 
 
 The city was plundered of its ornaments to grace the triumph 
 of Scipio, henceforth to be known as Africanus the Younger. 
 Overjoyed at the destruction of her most dangerous rival, yet 
 still revengeful, the senate ordered that what was left of the city 
 should be levelled to the ground. A plough was driven over its 
 site, and Scipio pronounced a solenni curse on any one who 
 should ever attemi)t to rebuild it. So ended the history of the 
 greatest of the great commercial cities of ancient times, after a 
 brilliant career of over seven hundred years. 
 
 Ji 
 
CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 THR ROMAN HTATK AND I'EOl'LE AT THK CLOSE OF THE PUNIC 
 
 WARS. 
 
 Roiiio came out of her victorious wars in the West and East 
 with serious cliangcs in her polity and morals. Outwardly there 
 seemed to be little change in her constitution ; but a gradual 
 widening of the gap between its theory and j)ractice had gone 
 steadily on. The senate, which in the early period of the ro{)ub- 
 lic was subordinate to the magistrates and the people, was now 
 really the sovereign power in the state. This had l)een brought 
 about by the necessities of the war, which demanded a stronger 
 executive than could be furnished by the assembly of the jjeople, 
 or by magistrates elected frecjuently. Thus it came to pass that 
 while a magistrate could propose any measure to the people 
 for their sanction, the senate acquired the power of withholding 
 from them all proposals except those that had first received its 
 approval. This gave the senate the right to initiate legislation. 
 The decrees of the senate, also, gradually accpnred the force of 
 law, and through them the extension of the command of a magis- 
 trate took place. The senate, too, settled terms of peace, and 
 gave hearings to foreign ambassadors. The formation of alliances, 
 the raising of troops, the annexation of provinces with their 
 government, the control of supplies, all came to be exercised by 
 this almost sovereign body. Its ranks were still filled by the 
 magistrate, but his choice was limited to those who had held 
 any curule* magistracy, had been tribunes of the plebeians, aediles 
 or quaestors, and to those who had won renown in war. Such a 
 system of selection filled the senate with an official class, magis- 
 trates and ex-magistrates. 
 
 The growth of the power of the senate was closely related to 
 the changes that had taken place in the power of the consuls. 
 The right of appeal had taken away their power of inflicting 
 capital punishment within the city ; and the appointment of tri- 
 
 The seriate. 
 
 \\\ 
 
 k^- 
 
 Consuls. 
 
 ■i' 
 
 Bee p. 371. 
 
 [429] 
 
i '\ 
 
 ^30 HISTORY OP ROME. 
 
 bunes by the i)lebeians had subjected their authority to frequent 
 checks. Then, again, the appointment of censors, who were 
 clothed with some of tlie powers of the consuls, lessened the 
 importance of the office of the latter. Later on tlie tribunes 
 obtained the power to initiate legislation in the assembly of the 
 tribes, and to this was added, still later, the authority to convene 
 and consult the senate. Another cause of the lessened authority 
 and prestige of the magistrates was the rapid increase in tlieir 
 number, made necessary by the sudden expansion of the Roman 
 empire. In 34G B.C. a city praetor (jvaefor nrhanns) was ai)i)()inted, 
 to whom was entrusted juiisdiction over the civil affairs of the 
 citizens. In 246 b. c. another praetor was elected to take charge 
 of cases in which aliens were concerned. Then came Rome's con- 
 quests outside of Italy. Sicily, Spain and Sardinia required four 
 praetors for the administration of their affairs, tluis making the 
 total nui^iber of magistrates invested with the imperiam^, eight, 
 whereas at iirst there had been only two. So many magistrates, 
 each permitted to '-xercise all the powers of tlie impvnum, 
 necessarily led to some confusion and a conflict of authority. 
 The system would have been unworkable had nob certain rules 
 of precedence been established which gave a priority to the two 
 original praetors, who were now known as ' consuls ', the remain- 
 ing six bearing the name of 'praetors'. The rule was also 
 established that the praetor ' who prohibits is stronger than he 
 who commands'. Nevertheless, some central authority was 
 required to maintain harmony, and this authority was found in 
 the senate. 
 
 In the early days of the republic the ' nobility ' was not to be 
 The iwhiUty distinguished from the patrician order ; but this was now entirely 
 changed. The nobility of the period which we are considering 
 was no longer wholly patrician. In fact the majority of the 
 'nobiles' were of plebeian birth. The term ' nobiles ' was 
 by custom a})plied to those families one or more of whose 
 members had held a curule magistracy 2, and in consccpience were 
 privileged to put in their halls and exhibit at their funeral pro- 
 cessions the masks {imacjines) of their ancestors. Sucli an ances- 
 
 Seep. 327. ^Seep. 371. 
 
 i 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 431 
 
 tor was said to 'found a family'. Numerous 'families' were 
 ' founded ' in this way during the first three quarters of a 
 century of this period, such as tlie Caecilii, Metelli, the Flaminii 
 and the Calpurrii. But this new nobility soon became more 
 exclusive and aristocratic than the old patricians, and sought to 
 confine all the important offices of the state to their families. 
 A sort of Family Compact was organized to keep exclusive 
 possession of these recently won honours and offices, and their 
 eflforts were generally successful. This 'nobility' threw its 
 whole influence into the scale of the senate, whose hiterests 
 were bound v.p with theirs. 
 
 It was during this period that Rome laid the foundations of Thr Provin 
 her provnicial system of government, which soon necessitated *""' *^2/««"«- 
 a new class of otticials known as ' proconsuls '. The new depend- 
 encies of Rome outside of Italy were not governed, as a rule, 
 in the same Avay as her colonies and allies in Italy. The chief 
 points of diff"erence were, tluit, while her allies in Italy were not 
 disarmed, taxed, or placed under a resident Roman magistrate 
 the 'provinces' were subject to all these restrictions. In fact' • 
 It was the grouping of a number of comnmnities under a resi- 
 dent Roman magistrate which constituted the formation of p, 
 province. The principles on which a province was to be gov- 
 erned were settled by the senate ; and its organization was 
 entrusted to a commission chosen from the members of that 
 body. The rights and duties of the province, as well as of its 
 governor, were both laid down in a provincial constitution 
 which the governor was expecced to observe. These constitu- 
 tmns were not harsh, .and had they been faithfully observed by 
 the Roman governors the provinces would have had little cause 
 tor complaint. Existing political divisions were generally re- 
 spected in grouping communities into a province, and a large 
 measure ol local self-government was permitted. Tlie practice 
 that Rome had adopted in her early conquests of denying inter- 
 marriage and interstate commerce was now abandoned. Per- 
 liaps the chief source of oppressive government was the way the 
 taxes were collected. The governor had too much latitude in 
 determining the amount of the taxes, as well as in the method 
 of their collection. It was the rule that existing local systems 
 
 
 I 1 
 
 »i 
 
 i-l 
 
 i 
 
 ^1 
 
 1 
 
 ri i 
 
 1 
 
4 
 
 43!i 
 
 HISTORY OF liOMK, 
 
 •U 
 
 of faxation should not be disturbed, and that the amount of 
 tribute to ])e paid to Rome sliould l)e raised as the local authori- 
 ties might determine. It is said that the amounts imi)osed were 
 not usually excessive, and grievances in this respect were largely 
 due to the dishonesty and extortion of almost irresponsible 
 Roman officials. For Rome seldom benefited by the extortion 
 and fraud of her provincial officials. 
 
 Unfortunately the Roman governor was hi the exercise of ins 
 powers almost entirely free from any efficient control. Living 
 thtfy'u'L. '^^'^<^'"^ lie had no colleague to hold him in check. There was 
 no api)eal from his decisions, no tribnnician veto in the interests 
 of tlie oppressed provincials. The supplies whicli R(.me voted 
 him, and the taxes his subjects paid were alike at liis absolute 
 control. He could tax tlie provincials to meet his honest or 
 dishonest needs without fear of opposition. The body of officials 
 who accompanied him b) his province were entirely under his 
 control ; even the quae«fcc,r. generally a /oung man, was expected 
 to submit implicitly to his will. The governors were also verv 
 frequently inexperienced men, who knew little or nothing of 
 the provinces they were called upon to administer. The short 
 term of their office, usually one year, made them often extremely 
 anxious to ' make hay while the sun shone '. 
 
 The frequent abuses of authority by the Roman officials in the 
 provinces led to the establishment of a special court at Rt)me to 
 try cases of magisterial extortion. Buc the remedy was a very 
 imperfect one. The court was held at Rome, and this alone 
 made it difficult for a j)rovincial to obtain redress. It was com- 
 posed of senators ; that is, of a class whose members had been, 
 or hoped to be, governors of provinces. Their sympathies 
 were, therefore, generally on the side of the accused. And, as 
 no proceedings could be taken luitil the governor's term of 
 office expired, the relief usually came too late to be of anj 
 service to the sufferer. 
 
 The practical irresponsiliility of the governors of provinces 
 
 The Procon- ^'*^^ '^ source of constant trouble and confusion at Rome itself. 
 
 mlate. bringing discredit upon Roman authority, and weakening that 
 
 of her magistrates at home. These results were aggravated by 
 
 Lex Calpnr 
 nia, 1/,HB.C 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 433 
 
 amount of 
 ;al authori- 
 I)()sed were 
 ere largely 
 fesponsible 
 B extortion 
 
 rcise of hm 
 
 >\. Living 
 
 There was 
 
 e interests 
 
 onie voted 
 
 is absolute 
 
 honest or 
 
 of officials 
 
 under his 
 
 3 expected 
 
 also very 
 
 lothing of 
 
 The short 
 
 extremely 
 
 ials in the 
 
 : Rome to 
 
 viiH a very 
 
 ;his alone 
 
 was coni- 
 
 lad been, 
 
 anpathies 
 
 And, as 
 
 term of 
 
 '6 of an} 
 
 provinces 
 me itself, 
 iiing that 
 vated by 
 
 the custom, that towards the end of this period began to prevail, 
 of sending proconsules, or substitutes for the consuls, to the 
 provinces as governors. After 146 ba;. jmietors were never sent 
 abroad to rule, and the consuls only in the time of war. To send 
 a pro-magistrate required at first a vote of the people ; but during 
 the Second Punic War, when pro-magistrates were frequently 
 employed, their authority rested solely on a decree of the senate. 
 The people were thus left without any direct control over their 
 conduct, and the proconsul or propraetor soon became inde- 
 pendent of the consul or praetor he was supposed to represent. 
 The privileges and power of the })roconsul abroad greatly ex- 
 ceeded that of the ccmsul at home, and hence the consulate itself 
 l)ecame in time to be valued as a mere stepping-stone to the 
 inferior office, the proconsulate. 
 
 If the ac(piisition of territory outside of Italy led to important /Joman life. 
 political changes at Rome, much more did the same cause affect 
 the social life of tlie people. The great wealth of Africa, Spain, 
 Greece and Asia Minor now beyan to pour into Rome through 
 the agency of her victorious generals and soldiers. Rome, too, 
 became possessed of valuable jmblic lands by her coiupxest of 
 C.'arthage, Spain, and Macedonia. The tributes from tlie pro- 
 vinces together with the revenues from her mines and public 
 hmla, rendered it unnecessary to further tax the Roman people, 
 or hvy the trlbutmn from her allies in Italy. The great revenue 
 fchw ^^Md at the disposal of the state was, however, but an 
 insignificant i)art of the wealth that was brought to Rome by her 
 victorious legions. The plunder of conquered cities and peoples 
 was a feature of every successful campaign. The rapacity of the 
 Komans knew no bounds. Gold and silver, ornaments of the 
 l)i'eciou8 metals, Htatu'!s and bronxes from Greek cities, anything 
 and everything portable and valuaMe were brouglit to Italy to 
 maintain and a<k)rn the costly villas of the Roman generals. 
 Nor did the Romans depend U(.<>n tlie time of war to reap a 
 golden harvest. Peace brought to fche f»iiquered provincial no 
 freedom from extorticm. The Koiwtn £S«>uey-lenders, grain- 
 l)rokers, speculators and con( ract .r« (puhUcani) who collected 
 the custom duties and developed the i»t,ate mines, were like a 
 swarm of lircu.'sts that destroyed ever/' green thirig. Some of 
 
 M 
 
 •(i ■■; hf 
 
 iU 
 
Illfi 
 
 (I 
 
 434 
 
 
 HISrORY OF ROME. 
 
 this ill-gotten wealth found its way among the lower classes of 
 the Roman peoi)le, in the shai)e of a free distribution of wheat 
 and money, and in the furnishing of magnificent shows for their 
 pleasure, A sudden and alarming passion for luxury in every 
 form took hold of all classes. Roman ladies became so extrava- 
 gant in their expenditure on jewellery, dresses and carriages 
 that a law was made to restrain their excesses. Cato, the censor, 
 could find time between his denunciations of Carthage, to de- 
 claim against the luxury and greed that prevailed on all sides. 
 . ut Cato in spite of the strenuous resistance he offered, could 
 make no impression on his fellow-citizens, and the law against 
 female extravagance was soon repealed. Slaves, too, were im- 
 ported in great numbers from the provinces and the slave marts 
 of Deios, and it soon became the correct thing for every well- 
 equipped Roman household and Roman estate to have a full 
 complement of competent slaves. The numerous foreign wars, 
 the importation of slaves to till the land, the large quantities of 
 grain sent from abroad into Italy, made farming no longer profit- 
 able, and that sturdy class of small farmers to which so many of 
 the greatest men at Rome belonged, began to disappear. 
 Serving abroad in the army, or exploiting a province as a money- 
 lender, contractor or speculator were much easier ways to 
 acquire wealth than the patient tilling of the soil. The nobles 
 came back front the provinces with their enormous fortunes, to 
 build magnificent villas which they furnished with every luxury. 
 Surrounded by a host of slaves and attendants, they lived the 
 lives of princes ; nf)t of plain Roman citizens. Below this class 
 another was developing, composed of the pnhlicani and men of 
 business, whose wealth was also acquired in the provinces, or 
 from contracts with the state. Subsequently this class was 
 known as the * Ecpxestrian Order '. A still lower order, com- 
 posed of the artisans and dealers, farmers and peasants who 
 had left the rural districts for the city, and the freed slaves, 
 was beginning to make its malign influence felt. Possessed of 
 the franchise, their votes were easily secured by the bribes of 
 ambitious politicuxns. Tlie new wealth of Roman citizens was 
 freely used in this direction, and that system of political corrup- 
 tion and demoralization which ended in tjie ruin of the Roman 
 republic, gained a sure footing. 
 
HISTOUY OP ROME. 
 
 435 
 
 ' classes of 
 1 of wheat 
 VH for their 
 •y ill every 
 so extrava- 
 :l carriages 
 the censor, 
 lage, to de- 
 i all sides, 
 jred, could 
 [aw against 
 ), were im- 
 ilave marts 
 ivery well- 
 lave a full 
 eign wars, 
 lantities of 
 iger profit- 
 ^o many of 
 disappear. 
 3 a money- 
 ' ways to 
 riie nobles 
 )rtunes, to 
 ry luxury. 
 f lived the 
 '■ this class 
 id men of 
 )vinces, or 
 class was 
 •der, coui- 
 ijants who 
 sed slaves, 
 ssessed of 
 bribes of 
 tizens was 
 al corrup- 
 le Rf)ma!i 
 
 Lastly, we must notice an effect caused by Rome's close re- The Neu, 
 lations with the East. Tlie concpibst of Greece and Asia Minor ^,^2 C^'^ 
 brought the Romans under the direct influence of the Greek "o'««- "* 
 learning and civilization. It is true that in Magna Graecia Rome 
 first came into contact with the Greek civilizatior.. But it was 
 not until after the Second Punic War tliat a close and constant 
 intercourse began between tlie Greeks and Romans. This inter- 
 course aroused at Rome a deep and strong admiration' f<,r the 
 Greek language, art and phih.sophy. This admiration, was at first 
 almost wholly healthy, and the influence which Greece exercised 
 upon Rome was of a beneficial character. Man, of the best 
 minds of Greece were employed in the Roman service ; of such 
 was that of Polybius, the historian. The best intellects at Rome 
 were attracted by Greek literature, and devoted much time to 
 Its study. Roman literature itself had really no existence until 
 called into being by the stimulus of Greek models. Soon it came 
 to pass that no man was deemed properly educated unless he 
 had mastered the Greek language and literature. Greek rhetori- 
 cians taught the Romans the art of oratory, and the precepts of 
 Greek philosophy were on the lij.s, if not in the brains, of 
 budding statesmen. 
 
 But the introduction of such a tide of new ideas could not fail 
 to afiect the old manners and customs of the Roman people. 
 The old Roman discipline and austerity of life began to be 
 relaxed, and from this relaxation most serious consequences 
 followed. That strong sense of duty, which made the Roman 
 submit to so many sacrifices for his city, was weakened, and to 
 live as one likes' became the principle of action of only too 
 many. Men became eager in their desire for honours and 
 dignities, whether earned or not. A fondness for titles and 
 vulgar display marked the growing deterioration of the Roman 
 character. The women at Rome were no longer content to live 
 a quiet dou.estio life, but claimed and practised an unlimited 
 freedom m tht .r lives and manners. These changes did not take 
 place without an attempt being made by the conservative ele- 
 ment to stem the tide. Cato, as censor, exercised his authority 
 rigorously. K3 endeavoured to prevent the introduction of the 
 
 « : ■ • I 1 1 
 hi 
 
 1 t. I 
 
436 
 
 HISTORY OP HOME. 
 
 Greek laiiguago, hiuI to tliat end thoCJreek teachers, among whom 
 was Carnoados, were exi)ellecl frcni ll„nie. He wrote works on 
 agriculture for the Ro.uau youth, liopinq in that way to turn their 
 attention to inore].n.(ital)le, if not to more interesting studies 
 But It was all in vain. The ti<le had set in too strongly to he 
 turned hack hy any human power, and (Jato himself in his oUl 
 .•ige was comi,ell(.Ml to l)egin the study of Greek, to keep in touch 
 with the learning of his times. 
 
 
i! ! ■ I 1 
 
 ng whom 
 works on 
 urn tlieir 
 f stmlieH. 
 gly to he 
 II liis oUl 
 in touch 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 INSURKKCTIONS IN SPAIN AND SICILY. 
 
 In no province were tlie evil effects of Romfin misrule more 
 keenly felt than in Spain. The Carthuginiuns had extended Mi^ile in 
 then- sway over the south-eastern half of the peninsula, })ut the ^^'''"' 
 Romans advanced beyond the Carthaginian boundaries both 
 westwards and northwards. The successors of Scipio Africanus 
 iu Spain were, with few exceptions, faithless, cruel and exacting. 
 Heavy taxes, together with tlie plunder of their gold and silver 
 mines, drove the Spaniards time after time to desperate efforts 
 to recover their liberties and proi)erty. Mention has been made 
 of an attempt to quiet the Spaniards in 179 u.c, when a treaty 
 was signed that exempted theni fi;om all obligations to Rome, 
 save the non-fortification of their cities. To Sempronius Grac- 
 chus is due this i)eace-restoring measure. 
 
 After this treaty there was a period of quiet, which was 
 broken by a rising of the Lusitanian sheiiherds, under the lead- 
 ership of Viriathus, one of their number. Viriathus was more 
 than a shepherd and guerilla chief ; he was a leader who could 
 conuuand armies and defeat the Roman legions. Homan Viriathus. 
 treachery in the form of a covjirdly massacre of the Lusitanians 
 led to a formidable revolt, in which Viriathus scmn distinguished 
 himself by nearly destroying a Roman army, and by forcing the 
 proconsul Servilianus to recognize the Lusitanians as the allies of 
 Rome. Caepio, the successor of Servilianus, with true Roman 
 faithlessness broke this treaty, and despairing of conquering 
 the gallant Lusitanian in fair fight, bribed some of his friends 
 to assassinate him in his tent, 140 B.C. Deprived of their leader, 
 the LusitaniMis were soon compelled to submit to their perfidi- 
 ous concpierors. 
 
 In the meantime the Celtiberians, a hardy race living in Cas- 
 tile, had taken up arms. Their strongest city was Numantia, on Numantia. 
 the river Douro. Situated on a steep crag, and defendfid r.n 
 
 [4?>1] 
 
 1 1 
 
 \ ' 
 
m-- 
 
 438 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 WT.„v„« 
 
 
 5 1 
 
 ' ill 
 
 three sides by thick wc.ods, it nmde a prolonged resistance to the 
 Roman arnues. One Roman general after another was forcc>d to 
 admit failure, a.id Mancinus was so completely surrounded by 
 Numantians that he had to beg for the lives of his men In 
 his army was a young quaestor, Tiberius Gracchus, the son of 
 the Gracchus previously mentioned. Distrusting the Roman 
 commander the Numantians would accept no terms not signed 
 by the son of the old friend of the Spaniards. The Rcmian 
 senate refused to be bound by the terms of their general and 
 the war was renewed. Scipio Africanus the younger, the 
 destroyer of Carthage, was eventually chosen to conmiand the 
 Roman aru,y besieging Numantia. Beginning with a rigorous 
 discipline in Ins army, he soon drew the lines around Num- 
 antia so closely tliat the brave garrison found it impossible to 
 get supplies or relief from wi • ut their w.lls. Famine now 
 came in:to do its work. After suffering all manner of torture 
 iTSrl ^^•''"^,^""«^'^-' <^'^« brave Ntnaantians were compelled to surren- 
 133 B.C. der their stronghold, and the Celtiberian rising came to an end 
 All Spam was now practically under Roman supremacy, for her 
 arms had m the meantime been carried to the Bay of Biscay 
 
 SS?""-'. ^r^"" "^T^^ ^'"^ ""^ *^" ™"«*^ ^"^"bl« kind. Sicily and 
 .laves. S""thern and Central Italy were full of gaunt, half-starved and 
 
 half-clad benigs who during the day tilled the soil under cruel 
 task-masters or herded the cattle and sheep of their owners 
 Purposely ill-fed and clad, they were encouraged to rob the 
 unfortunate travellers who passed by their way. The day 
 brought them nothing but hard toil and harder blows ; the night 
 found thein hxiged in a great gloomy jail partly underground 
 and dimb. lighted through a few narrow and barred loop holes 
 The slightest opposition to their cruel treatment brought with it 
 the severest punishment, not excepting death by torture. It is 
 not hen a rnatter of surprise that in sheer despair attempts 
 should be made to throw off such an unbearable yoke, and that 
 Roman slave-owners lived in hourly danger of t, servile insurrec 
 
 2:^^^::^^,:^-'^? ^^^"- - «-%^ -d was 
 
 - - ««u jjiiiid, III i;^ 
 
 brought about by the brutality of a slave-owner 
 
 i«sivt uiS vVllC. 
 
HISTORY OF ROMK. 
 
 439 
 
 r . I H 
 
 ;ance to the 
 IS forced to 
 ['ouiuled by 
 3 men. In 
 the son of 
 he Roman 
 n(jt signed 
 he Roman 
 eneral and 
 iiiger, the 
 iimand the 
 a rigorous 
 iiid Num- 
 jo.snible to 
 mine now 
 of torture 
 to surren- 
 o an end. 
 y, for her 
 of Biscay 
 
 Sicily and 
 
 irved and 
 
 der cruel 
 owners, 
 rob the 
 
 rhe day 
 
 he night 
 
 [•ground 
 
 )p holes. 
 
 t with it 
 
 e. It is 
 
 ttempts 
 
 md that 
 
 isurrec- 
 
 ind was 
 
 IS wnu. 
 
 The slaves took as their leader Euuus, a Syrian -C} reek, who \>y Servile war 
 some juggling made it to appear that he could spout fire frcjin "* '^*''*'^" 
 his mouth. He led a body of slaves against Enna, and slew all 
 the men except the armourers, who were set to work to forge 
 arms. Eunus was now chosen king, and took the title of Antio- 
 chus. He was joined by one Cleon with five thousand slaves, 
 and soon liad an army of ten thousand. The Roman forces sent 
 against them were defeated, and the insurrection S})read with 
 such rapidity that it is estimated that two hundred thousand 
 slaves were soon in arms, and nearly the whole island was in 
 their hands. But Rome put forth her strength, and the insurrec- 
 tion was crushed. Calpuruius Piso took Messana, butcliering 
 and crucifying the slaves by the thousand. RupiHus captured 
 their two strongholds, Tauromenium and Enna, through the 
 treachery of some of their inmates. All the prisoners at Tauro- 133 B.C. 
 uienium were tortured, and then hurled from the rocks. Cleon t«j« u n 
 died of wounds received in battle, and Eunus perislied in prison 
 of a loathsome disease. Twenty thousand slaves were crucified 
 by Rupilius alone ; so with an inhumanity even greater than that 
 wliich provoked the insurrection, the fires of revolt were stamped 
 out. 
 
 The kings of Pergamus were the steady and servile henchmen 
 of Rome. By their obsequiousness they managed for a time to 
 hold their possessions under Roman auspices. At length At- Pergamus. 
 tftlus III. came to the throne, a man whose cruelty had led 
 him to murder his friends, and whose folly or insanity in- 
 duced him to leave his kingdom and his treasures to the 
 Roman state. Attains died in 133 B.C., and his tlirone was at 
 once claimed by Aristonicus, the son of a j)revious king. Rome, 
 on the strength of the will of Attains, made war upon Aristoni- 
 cus, and after suffering some defeats subdued him, and took him 
 to Rome where he was strangled in prison. The kingdom of 
 Pergamus was then brouglit to an end. Part of it, Phrygia, was 
 given to Mithridates V., king of Pontus ; part was joined to 
 Macedonia ; but the greater portion of what remained was 
 erected into the province of Asia, thus forming the nucleus of 
 what was intended to be an extensive Roman possession in the 
 East. 
 
CHAPTER XX. 
 
 41 
 
 Social and 
 Political 
 Condition 
 of Rome. 
 
 THE GRACCHI. 
 
 In a prerions cliapter the gn.wMi of tl.e power of the senate 
 at the expense of the nmj,M.stracy and tlie asse.nl.ly was brioHy 
 outhned. The time had now anivod when a vigorous effort was 
 to be made to recover for the people the rights which had been 
 held so long in abeyance, and to cliock the growing pauperism 
 of the many, brought about by the accumulation of enormous 
 fortunes in the hands of the few. The senate and the nobles, or 
 optunates, were in a close league to maintain and increase their 
 power and wealth, and to monopolize all the high offices of the 
 state, as well as the greater portion of the public domain. At 
 the other end of the political and social scale was the great mass 
 of the people of R(mie, dependent upon the bounty and largesses 
 of the wealthy, and ready to vote or engage in a faction fight at 
 the bidding of their masters. Rome was full of ' broken nu-n,' 
 cast adrift at the end of her wars, and of those who had 
 abandoned their small farms to lead an idle and restless life in 
 the great metropolis. Tlie very exisirnce of such an element 
 was a danger to the state, and when coupled with a generally 
 low moral tone among the ruling classes, who were always ready 
 to buy political support by the lavisli distribution of ill-gotten 
 wealth, the danger became a menace. Slavery was rapidFy dis- 
 placing free labour in tlie cultivation of the soil, and foreign 
 produce freely imported was making farming in Italy unprofit- 
 able. The small farmer or yeoman was becoming a person of 
 the past, to the serious injury of the state which had fought its 
 greatest battles and won its most brilliant victories with armies 
 composed of yeomen. 
 
 The growing pauperism at Rome and the rapid disappearance 
 of the small farmer class, together with the spread of a most 
 cruel and degrading form of slavery, did not pass unnoticed by 
 patriotic Romans. Yet no one seems to have made any serious 
 
 [ 440 ] 
 
* of the senate 
 l)ly WHS brioHy 
 roua effort was 
 ^hich had been 
 ing pauperism 
 I of enorinou.s 
 the nobles, or 
 increase their 
 I offices of the 
 ; domain. At 
 :he great mass 
 ^and hirgesses 
 action fight at 
 broken men,' 
 ose who had 
 t-estless life in 
 1 an element 
 h a generally 
 always ready 
 of ill-gotten 
 .s rapidly dis- 
 , and foreign 
 taly unprofit- 
 : a person of 
 ad fought its 
 i with armies 
 
 isappearance 
 id of a most 
 jnnoticed by 
 3 any serious 
 
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 IN 134. B.C. 
 
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HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 441 
 
 attempt to introduce a remedy until Tiberius Senpronius Grac- 
 chus came to the front as a champion of the poor. Tiberius 
 Gracchus was the son of that Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus^-, • 
 who had won honourable distinction by framing a just treaty S-XU 
 with the Spaniards in 179 b.c. His mother, Cornelia, was^'""'"" 
 the daughter of the elder Scipio Africanus, and was one of 
 the most remarkable women in history. Gracchus belonged to 
 a distinguished aristocratic family, although his ancestry was 
 plebeian. His friends were of the highest rank. He himself 
 was married to a daughter of the house of Claudius, his sister 
 Semproma to Africanus the Younger, and his brother Caius, to 
 the daughter o Mucianus. The most gifted orators and most 
 cultivated scholars of Rome were ranked among his intimates. 
 Tiberius Gracchus, although a young man when he undertook to 
 redress the economic evils of his time, had already made an 
 honourable name for himself. He served under Scipio at 
 Carthage with marked ability and . .urage, and subsequently, as 
 already noted, saved a Roman army in Spain from destruction 
 by negotiating a treaty with the successful Numantines. 
 
 The character of Tiberius Gracchus has been painted by his- 
 torians m contradictory colours. He is described by some as a 
 demagogue of the most dangerous type, while others see nothing 
 m nis career but the most self-sacrificing patriotism. Gifted 
 and highly educated he undoubtedly was, and he had nothing to 
 gain but everything to lose in engaging in a struggle with the 
 senate and the optimates. 
 
 Unfortunately his legislation and his attempts at introducing 
 reforms are not very well understood. At first he seems toSSS^.^. 
 have aimed at the reduction of the growing pauperism of the 
 people, and at the spread of slave labour, which was rapidly 
 displacing free labour on the farms and estates of Italy 
 What he proposed to do was nothing very novel. It consisted 
 TlT if i^T re-enactment of the Lioinian Rogations 
 
 which had become a dead letter in Roman law. The Licinian 
 .'i/l'?/"^ ^' remembered, had provided that no person 
 should hold more than five hundred acres of the public lands 
 nor pasture more than one hundred cattle, or five hundred 
 
 ■ i i 
 
 .|: .' 
 
 
 -. 
 
 ''IH 
 
 1 ^^M 
 
 ;■ i 
 
 ] 
 
442 
 
 Gracchus 
 
 trilmne, 
 
 ISSB.C. 
 
 Gracchus 
 
 and 
 
 Octavius. 
 
 ..,., 
 
 i 
 
 iriSTOHY 0¥ KOMK. 
 
 «l.e.i, „„ the i,ublic domain. ,>„„ehu, „„„ y,„^ 
 
 remedy f„r tl,„ „x,sth,g ,„.„,,eri»,„ wa„ t„ take „„,„ fr,„„ e 
 
 fully .,cc„p,ed, boy„„d live hundred acres. There was, howeve" 
 a l.rov,».„n that eaeh gr„wn «,„ of the occupier cud 1,01"™ 
 ..d.hho„altw„h„ndredaud fifty acres, the to'tal an.oun „ "^ 
 
 Und tl.us al.eu away fro„, the rich hmd-owners and gr,«iers was 
 o ba d,v,ded „,to lots of thirty acres, and distribLd a, .r^ 
 he Ro„,a„, Lat.n and Italian poor. A., however, the po„? 
 "«.t be forced or cajoled into the sale of their holding te 
 
 XSro, '"Tr"^ ■"" *""'"'™'""- '"'"•""••^' '° «--^^ 
 
 cinyn.g out of hm projects, a permanent board of three men 
 was ,vppo„.ted to superintend the ta.k of .naking the allot- 
 
 Tiberias brought forwani these proposals in his character of 
 ti.bune. He very soon found that while his reforms nmde him 
 
 1 e wealthy occyners of pnblie land n.a.le connnon cause against 
 the mnoyator To n,a„y it semned little short of confiscati.m and 
 robbery that land which 1,,.. been in the possession of a f™Uy 
 
 or n«„y years, perhaps for generations, should be wrested from 
 
 purchase from a prev,„„s holder, and there were also n.any 
 whose ftles, .f not absolutely good, were of such a nature L 
 deserved recogmtion and respect. By all sue), Tiberius Giac 
 chus would be looked upon as a robber and : .turber of The 
 
 to aff^I'n '"''""?, ^"' f'"^'""'' " ''■•°"8 position from which 
 senate Bf^'T *''" '™'"'^ ''"'^ their friends of the 
 suia e But the oH,c„ was only for one year, at the end of 
 winch fme .ts holder was expected to retire. What was to te 
 done had therefore to be done quickly. But, unfortunately fo^ 
 Gracchus, Ins fnend and colleague in the tribunate, Octavius 
 was opposed to Ins reforms, and threatened to place his Jtoon 
 the,n^ prevent their being read to the people forapproval. 1 
 
 bm „! T •>"""'' ""'■''""^ '° "'""^'■" Ws veto and let the 
 biU pass. Fadnig n. that, Gracchus used his power to suspend 
 
tlie <jnly 
 r from the 
 loyunlaw- 
 
 how'over, 
 !d liold an 
 lint to be 
 i-es. Th(3 
 iziers was 
 ed among 
 the poor 
 lingH, the 
 usure the 
 iree men 
 ;he allot- 
 
 racter of 
 lade him 
 nate and 
 3 against 
 ition and 
 a family 
 ted from 
 faith by 
 io many 
 ature as 
 J8 Grac- 
 ' of the 
 
 n which 
 
 of the 
 
 end of 
 IS to be 
 tely for 
 Jtavius, 
 •veto on 
 al. In 
 let the 
 nspend 
 
 irrsTORY OP ROMR. 
 
 public busincHH and «(,.,, payment of the pnblic n.onev An 
 Ijpeal was n.ade to the senate by (i.aeohu.s Jithont a I'' Ilel 
 
 ed desperate by the obstacles plac.l in his way he c 1 
 ><>n Octavnas o resign, but this he refused to do (iracchu 
 
 rttnc after this hostile vote, Gracchus had him dragged away 
 from the rostra by one of his freedmen. ^^ ^ 
 
 vi J!l!.m'of tt" "' ""^M"" "'■" '"'^^^ "P^- - - -^-''te'l 
 
 l" ittr He , ""ft-'""' ""' r^^^^^^ ^'--^-« - - ^'^I- 
 
 "e he mid f " '"''"^' '" ""'^^"^'^^ I— ^ but the 
 
 puce he paid for success was too great. Tlie senate w-ts 
 
 reforms? ,' r^'"'' '"""* °" ^^« ^••^>^' '"'^1 ''^dded to his 
 
 PeZlVr .. '"'"' ''^ '^^^^"^^« ^'^ ^*^-^-' J^-^' of 
 l.!d h ' r;"*;?.'^^ "^^ ^^^^^^^^ ^^ that district; fcr Attains 
 h.xd bequcatlied his kingdom and his treasures to Rome 1 bt 
 
 rom thfr . J .^^ttlement of Pergamus should be taken 
 
 .Unger .„ which he stood, but he does not seem to ^ , , It'a 
 
 term ot oHice for their reahzation, and he put himself fo,„,rd 
 
 custom. The president of the tribunes, after two trilies had 
 voted for Gracchus, refused to let the voting proceed and the 
 election was adjourned uutil the next day." Tiber „: put on 
 mourning and committed his son to tlie protection of he pe, pie 
 hus appealing to their fears and their affections at the same 
 bme. The next day Gracchus went to the Capitol, where a r^ 
 mstlgated by the senate took place. P. s'ipio Na! ca the 
 
 him, and took up a position in the Capitol above the reformer 
 Armed with clubs and the legs of benches, a furious «Z4t 
 was nuide on the friends of Gracchus. Gracchus liim dft 
 over he bodies of his friends, and while lying he" "less w 
 despatched by a blow from, it is said, one of 1 f^Uow Sbur 
 
 443 
 
 Fi-dinrf at 
 liu)nc. 
 
 Tiberius 
 Gracchut 
 slain, ISi 
 B.C. 
 
 f 11 
 
•f i 
 
 Death of 
 Scipio the 
 younijer 
 A/ricanus. 
 
 ij 
 
 11 ■ 
 
 St 
 
 I 
 
 4i4 
 
 HISTORY OK KOMB. 
 
 le», than f,„. y y„„„ „f ^,^ ^,|^_,^.^ t 
 
 w«r,l career of Rome w,.s s.uutliered in b!„od. 
 
 Tl,„„gh Tiberius Gracchus had fallen, hi. schemes were not 
 »ll<.wed to he wholly abandoned. The allotment „f pnlhc !a" d 
 went on under the supervision of the oommis.sioner» of w ,om 
 
 death of T,benuB Gracchus put hi, brother-in-law, Scinio, in the 
 fi place au,ong Ko„,an citizens. Scipio was o,u Jwh . of 
 
 ntercts of the Italian land-owners were at stake, Scipio who 
 .v=.s suspected of favouring the Italians, brought down 1 his 
 head he w.,.th of the partisans of Tib;rius. He wa" fou?,d 
 
 S' t': Td^' v™r ■'""r' """^"""'^ '''^ "'■«'» °"--ct 
 
 lie uitenUed to make, lying beside his pillow. 
 
 h,J^tr„d"T!'bIr""' f"'"' "'" "■•• ^'*''°»8h "--»»" 
 ft^ crushed T berius Gracchus. Fulvius Flaccns brought for- 
 
 . ward a proposal to give the Italian allies the franchi.se but t 
 
 Semprcniu. "" f "■'""iidate for the tribuneship. Caius w.as a more hi<,hlv 
 «™.*„, g fted man than his brother Tiberius. He was the most fina.ed 
 orator of his day, and possessed of wide and comprehensive vws 
 of public policy. He had served on the commission sZeTrv 
 his brother for the allotment of the public lands, and had been 
 appointed qaaestor in Sardinia. That he was a m, n to be fea ed 
 s shown by the fact that the consul under whom he se„Xd 
 his command prolonged in Sardinia for the purpose of k^l' 
 Caius Gracchus abroad. He returned home in m so and wa! 
 
 rdej,:i:rr'''-'pp-' '""'"' "» — ■ toberTbu::; 
 
 and ex,«l ed from the senate. He silenced his opponents bv a 
 vigorous defence, and showed that he had served moreTa^^;: 
 
HISTORY OF HOME. 
 
 445 
 
 liood, being 
 8 followers 
 : the down- 
 
 } wei'e not 
 jublic land 
 . of whom 
 "le. The 
 [no, in the 
 wliat of a 
 which the 
 o'ipio, wlio 
 wn on his 
 (^as found 
 • a speech 
 
 he senate 
 'light for- 
 se, but it 
 in colony 
 out with 
 3 an inci- 
 , and the 
 3r by the 
 riberius, 
 e highly 
 finished 
 ve views 
 iured by 
 ad been 
 e feared 
 ved had 
 keeninsf 
 md was 
 •ebuked 
 its by a 
 .'oars in 
 
 the army and as <iuaoHt(.r than llio law demanded. In 123 b c 
 he was electe,! tribune by a Jargu vote, and at once took up the 
 obtuse for which his brotlier ha.l died. His speeches were full of 
 l)ittcr complaints at the way his brother had been done to 
 death, liut he did not rest content with reproaches. He 
 struck ut the i,ower of the senate, and souglit to restore to Caijfr^ 
 the people and the magistrates the rights wliich during the ^''•«^'^'""- 
 Pmnc wars they had lost. The n^ercantile class was to be 
 -iven the chief exec.itive power, while tlie legislative power 
 was to be placed under the control of the country voters 
 ihe assembly under his guidance placed restrictions upon the 
 senate's power to assign provinces. The provinces which were 
 to have magistrates were now t(. be chosen after the elections of 
 the consuls instead of before, as fornmrly was the case. The 
 taxation of the provinces of i\sia was now regulated by the 
 assembly, which also changed the conditions of military service 
 He W(m the support of tlie non-senatorial wealthy class, the 
 e(juites, by placing the court for the trial of magistrates guilty 
 of abuse of their powers when in the provinces, under its con- 
 trol. Tiberius Gracchus had relied to(j much on the support of 
 the poorer classes in Home and througliout Italy. Caius saw 
 his brother's mistake and sought to enlist popular support of all 
 Kinds. The wealthy Latins and Italians had resented the 
 agrarian schemes of Tiberius Gracchus, which gave them no 
 share in the allotments, yet despoiled them of land they right- 
 fully acquired. The Latins and Italians were now to share in 
 the schemes of colonization which he set afoot in Italy and at 
 Carthage. Further, the much coveted boon of the franchise 
 was to be granted to them. The latter was a most important 
 concession, but one which was bitterly opposed by nearly all 
 classes at Rtmie. A more doubtful measure was his Lex Fru- 
 mentaria, which fixed a nominal price for wheat bought by the 
 Roman citizens; the difierence between this price and the 
 market price being made good by the public treasury. The 
 demoralizing influence of such a law can well be imagined. To 
 conciliate the host of contractors, money-lenders, and men of 
 business, who exploited the provinces, he granted them the 
 privilege of collecting the tithes in the provinces of Asia. He 
 
 m 
 
 • I- 
 
 M i 
 
 ■mtim 
 
 i 
 
446 
 
 HISTORY OP ROME. 
 
 new o,„„.t f.,r tl,e tvM of ,„„«i„t,,.t.». but .1.,. ,,„ l„>vo nu' h! 
 .«lmn„.st,,a...n „f jusMco i„ civil ,.„„« i„ u.eir l„.„,ir T 3 
 »on,.t.„. l,,„,„„e, „„,„ „.„.,„ ^„ f^^, ^,^^^^ ^,^_^.^ co„de,„„atio, 
 or^ac,„„tt,.I w,.sc.c„e„..o„t upon ««a or i„o« of the o,uil;" 
 
 cS'S;." **";'' '" '-ri-'f outline was what Caius Oraochns accomnliahed 
 .*.„. or s ,.ove to „cco„,pli,h. Hi» caroor as a rufomer and in! 
 
 novator „a, a short one. He aroused, i„ it, „,„,t 71Z 
 ■ ;.nu the hostdily of the senate and its friends. '^Z 
 
 C...CC, us had to overcome the opposition of his own colIeaTue 
 
 o ?st :;m r: T " '""""■'"'"'-. ^ivlus Drus„s, a„ anC 
 o. .St st.Il more da..gcrous and subtle than Oolavius The 
 
 " "'! '" '""' »'^'"''"»'"'«1 w-e expected to pay a small 
 
 poLcy St. 1 n.ore in favour of the poor .„a,.. Most of the 
 colon,es started by Caius Gracchus were ....successful a,ul L 
 
 din!:;,"'! R°' ''"■"r ''' ™''™"'' *» *- »"i--'^i 
 
 tee mgs of the Ro..,ans, who re.,.embered the solen.n curse pro- 
 nounced aga..,st a,.y o,.e who should atteu.pt to l,.,ild again on^^ ts 
 
 o secl"'fo? r Tr" ""."'r"^ '" '^■■■""- ''y endeavouring 
 to secu.e for the Latn.s and Italians the tra..chise, .0 that hi^ 
 
 g ea p„p„lar.ty began to wa,.e. This wasshown by'the dec io^ 
 of o..e Op.m,„s, ,»s consul, a man km.wn to be hostile to 
 M„„ur.f G'-'^l'iis an<I his scl.en.es. Caius was now ontnffl Tk 
 raim ovicship, which he hul I,.l,l f . "' the tnbune- 
 
 chm. m , P' """" "* "■"* "oM two years in succession, and his life 
 n.c. was no lo..ger sacred. To provoke him to commi soue act of 
 
 violence was now thepolicyof hisencinies. Opimius Zrefore 
 proposed among other things, that che law auth;"he' 
 coloniz..tion of Carthage sho.,ld be annidled. The day ^ame or 
 
 p"s" A f:: "'""""' r ^"-"-^ "••'^ *™"8«'» ^^^ 
 
 Gracch s atltef 7""^ *'"■""«'' ""^ °*"°' ^suited Caius 
 
 tirrefor,;,! It r ™' ''^''''"^ ^^ ""' <>' "« '"""'•^ of 
 the reformer. Adva..tage at once was taken of the incident bv 
 
 he enem.es of Gracchus. Ophnius obtained a senatZl I ^e 
 sanction...g his destruction as a p..blic enemv Thl T 
 and their friends and slaves were Imed.^rnZt J^'s^r 
 
titrol of the 
 avo puf, the 
 iiiids. Tha 
 ideinnation 
 the equites 
 
 oraplished, 
 er and in- 
 
 'st intense 
 Tiberius 
 colleague, 
 , an antag- 
 ius. The 
 *y a small 
 )()sed that 
 rse, was a 
 usfc of the 
 1, and the 
 )er.stitious 
 curse pro- 
 :ain on its 
 savouring 
 
 that his 
 e election 
 lostile to 
 
 i tribune- 
 d his life 
 ine act of 
 herefore, 
 izing the 
 cauie for 
 
 1 excited 
 ed Cains 
 •ienda of 
 ident by 
 .1 decree 
 senators 
 iexx that 
 
 HI8T0HV OP ROMK. 
 
 the life of Oraechus was i,i innuinont peril. fFis home was 
 watched that night by a band of faithful friendH. The f<.llowing 
 day Gracchus went to the Aventino, unarmed, nlthou-di his 
 friend Flaccus had gone bef(,re him with a l,ody of pa.iisans 
 beanng weapons. A conliict ahnost iuunediately tor.k place 
 between the two parties, and the followers of Gracchus were 
 scattered. Flaccus was killed, and (Jracchus nuvde haste across 
 the Subhcian bri.lge to the Grove of the Furies. His retreat 
 was covered by two heroic friends who phiyed the part of 
 Horatn.8 Codes over again. Gracchus was accompanied by a 
 trusty slave, who on the conunand of his master slew him, and 
 then took his own life. The head of Gracchus was severed from 
 the body am. carried to his enemies, who gave tlie soldier who 
 brought It to theui its weight in gold. His body was thrown 
 into the Tiber, along with those of hundreds of his followers 
 Another martyr in the cause of degenerating Ron.e had fallen ': 
 but Jier cup of ini'niity was not yet full. 
 
 447 
 
CTTAPTKK XXT. 
 
 THE .Tir(jrilTHINK WAB~THK ClMIUtl AM) TKUTONKH. 
 
 Tho clt'Hth (.f CiiiuH r.mcchus ])r<)iii,'ht agrurJin reform to an 
 ?aws7/ "-^ ''"'^' '"'*^ rest.,re.l inucii ,.f fcl.o powc-r ,.f tho ^onuto. Nevortlio- 
 Cauu loHH, thero were son.o thi-iga which that l.o.ly could not, or (hire 
 
 '' "• 2i.>t, reverse. In 119 b.(^ the Lex Maria whs passedhy Cuius 
 Maruis. It proposed to protect voters from tho Sv.licitation 
 of candidates, thus making tlio btiHofc effective. Tlie oo.-n law 
 of Gains (h-acchus was not interfered with, and tho etnites 
 remanied for several years Llio jurors .»r inUires of tho courts. 
 But tlio power and disposition of tho senate were shown in tlie 
 rapid sweeping away of tho agrarian legislation of tho Gracchi. 
 The colonies established by Cuius in Italy were annulled .mrI 
 broken up. Occupiers of state lands wyro given permission to 
 sell, a privilege which soon put the pniblic lands once more in 
 the hands of tho wealthy. A further distribution of public 
 lands was forbidden by one of tho tribunes ; and finally a law 
 ^vas passed which allowec) those holding public lands to do so 
 without paying any rent to the state. Tliis practicully changed 
 the public h.nds into private land.s, and ])ut an end forever to 
 further attempts in the direction of colonization. Henceforth 
 the increase of slave labour and slave discontent was rapid. 
 Large farming grew apace, the population diminished, and wealth 
 became more and more concentrated in the hands of a few 
 favoured families. The high offices of state were held by tlu 
 nobles, and were passed on from hand to hand within a charmed 
 pobtical circle. Misrule at home and dishonour abroad now 
 characterized the history of the next twenty years, imtil a strong 
 and rude hand v as put forth to scourge the aristocracy. 
 Jugurtha. How deep-seated and wide-spread corruption and bribery 
 had become at Rome was fully illustrated by the war against 
 Jugurtha. Jugurtha was the illegitimate son of a brother of 
 Micipsa, the son ard successor of Masinissa, king of Numidia. 
 
 [448] 
 
orin to an 
 Novortlie- 
 )t, or (liire 
 I l)y Cuius 
 k'licitation 
 3 corn law 
 10 o<; rites 
 he courts, 
 vvti in tlie 
 a Gr.'icchi. 
 tilled inid 
 mission to 
 
 more in 
 of public 
 >il\y a lnw 
 
 1 to do so 
 r changed 
 :orever to 
 enceforth 
 as rapid, 
 id wealth 
 of a few 
 d by thj 
 charmed 
 oad now 
 
 a strong 
 
 bribery 
 
 [• against 
 'other of 
 ^umidia. 
 
 IIISTOUV OF UOMK. 
 
 Mio.psa had left his i<in<r Km. to his t « sons, Adherbal and 
 Uien.psal, and hin nephew Jugurtha. The latt.T was a bravo 
 but ci uel and treacherous prince. He had served with distinc- 
 tion in the Var against Nu.nantia, and had won the hearts of 
 .18 countrymen by his during .p.alities and handsome martial 
 .gure. His association with tlie Roman officers and lemlers had 
 left hnn with an accurate and profound imi.ression of Roman 
 venality and greed. When, then, he found himself the sharer in 
 us uncle 8 dominions he began to plot for the dethronon.ent of 
 his cousins, trusting to the power of gold to overcome any 
 oppositio... the Romans might feel disposed to offer. He be-an 
 aperatmns by murdering Iliempsal, and then proceeded to expel 
 Adherbal from his domir ons. This unfortunate prince fled to 
 itoine to get a.,1 against his enemy ; },ut the envoys and the grM 
 <»t Jugurtha followed close behind. The eff^ect of judicious 
 bnbery was at once seen. Ten commisMoners were sent to 
 Africa to arrange a division of the Numidian territory between 
 the rival claimants. The commissioners were in tiieir turn 
 bribed, and they gave to Adherbal the eastern half of the king- 
 dom, containing Cirta the capital. This section was mainly 
 barran sands. What fell to Jugurtha were the fertile lands of 
 the west. The commissioners hud scarcely le;t Numidia when 
 Jugm-tha took up arms against Adherbal and besieged him in 
 his capital. Commissi«mors were twice more sent out to Africa 
 to interfere in Adherbal's behalf ; but in each case they were 
 bribed to do nothing. Cirta was captured, Adher],al was mur- 
 dered, and the garrison containing some Italians was put to the 
 sword. There was an outburst of indignation at Rome when 
 the news reached the city, and Cuius Memmius forced the 
 unwilling senate to take action. Once more a batch of envovs 
 was sent to Africa, ai.d once more the gold of Jugurtha did its 
 work among the ambassadors and generals sent against him 
 Hostilities ceased after Jugurtha made a formal submission 
 and the consul went home to attend the coming elections' 
 Again Meminius came forward, and in burning words upbraided 
 -le Romans for their baseness. He so far prevailed that 
 Jugurtha was ordered to come to Rome to defend himself. The 
 crafty Numidian came in the guise of a suppliant and found 
 29 
 
 440 
 
 :ti I' 
 
 11' N 
 
 ;■ '!; 
 
»■! 
 
 450 
 
 hi 
 
 HISTORY OP ROME. 
 
 ■t i 
 
 \4^. I 
 
 that his bribes were equally effective with tlie tribunes them- 
 selves, for a tribune, one Baebius, interposed his veto when 
 Jugurtha was being cross-questioned by Menimius. But Jugur- 
 tha in his audacity went too far. Massiva, a grandson of 
 Maninissa, was put forward at Rome as a claimant of the Numi- 
 dian crown, only to be immediately assassinated by an emissary 
 of Jugurtha. Even Roman venality had to give way before 
 such an outrage. Jugurtha was ordered to leave Rome, which 
 he did forthwith. Roman generals were sent against him, but 
 with little or no result, the natural explanation being that they, 
 too, were bribed. The war lingered on many years, and once the 
 Roman army was forced to submit to the humiliation of passincr 
 
 f''SL ""'^^'' *''^ ^''^®' ^^ ^^^^S^K in 109 B.C., Q. Caecilius Metellus 
 Commander "^'^ ' appointed Consul and sent out to Numidia. A proud, stern 
 109B.C. nian, of the order of the nobility, although of plebeian origin, 
 he possessed all the hauglitiness of his class. Nevertheless he was 
 resolved to restore discipline in the army and conduct the war 
 with energy. Along with him went Caius Marius, a rude, 
 unlettered man, who had already won high distinction in 
 Spain and elsewhere. Jugurtha now sought terms of peace, 
 but in vain. It became henceforth a life and death struggle 
 with the Numidian king, and he fought gallantly for*his 
 kingdom. Defeated by Metellus and Marius in a great 
 batt^, he had resort to guerilla warfare. On the other Imnd, 
 Metellus endeavoured to win over his intimate friends, and, if 
 possible, to assassinate him. The war was still pushed with 
 vigour by Metellus, and Jugurtha fled to his father-in-law 
 Bocchus, king of Mauritania, who now espoused his cause. In 
 the meantime Marius had g(jne to Rome to stand for the consul- 
 ship, which he secured by the votes of the common people. 
 The news o'f the triumph of his subordinate ^vas gall and worm- 
 wood to Metellus, and he refused to })rosecute further a war the 
 glory of ending which would probably fall to his successor 
 Marius. 
 
 Marius was compelled to fill the ranks of his army with the 
 lowest orders at Rome, as the war promised neither glory nor 
 profit to those engaged. The campaign was now resumed with 
 ruthless energy. Towns were captured and plundered, the male 
 
 
 3farrtix 
 Consul, 
 107 B.C. 
 
HISTOPT Oy ROME. 
 
 ribunes them- 
 liis veto when 
 . But Jugur- 
 . grandson of 
 ; of the Numi- 
 >y an emissary 
 ve way before 
 
 Rome, which 
 linst liim, but 
 ;ing that they, 
 !, and once the 
 ion of passing 
 lilius Metelkis 
 ^ proud, stern 
 lebeian origin, 
 'theless lie was 
 nduct the war 
 ^rius, a rude, 
 distinction in 
 ■ms of peace, 
 eath struggle 
 antly for his 
 in a great 
 e other hand, 
 iends, and, if 
 
 pushed with 
 father-in-law 
 lis cause. In 
 or the consul- 
 mi on people, 
 ill and wonu- 
 her a war the 
 his successor 
 
 'my with the 
 ler glory n(»r 
 resumed with 
 red, the male 
 
 inhabitants slain, and the rpsf «r.7ri ;,.*. i 
 
 noted that mucr„f ;h iti :;m1 " " t"""" '* '^ "> •>« 
 
 exploit, of Sulla and hi: "ivS 1 1' '° '"" "'""'"'»' 
 ments were tou^jht, until at ]"tBL," """''"' ""S"^"' 
 to make peace ;ith Rol '"1^"'=°' "'' ^"^ ^"'^ over oy bribe, 
 who visited B„cch st^ 1^'" °""""" """'I'-ringof Sulla, 
 of Jugurtha into ' haSr fTt"*' '^'u ""^ ^"™""- 
 Rome, and led through the street alo 1";. "° ™ '"''"' '" ■'"'«'>« 
 Marius. The greatnL „f Zt^.Zut Tf ^' ""' °' ^'^' 
 
 insane. The trinn,nl,.,l „„i i ""*"''■'" " '« said drove him 
 
 The Jugurthine War, which ended in 105 p p .» -. 
 
 close none too soon for Rome's s.fetv F ' '^ '*^' 
 
 northern fronaer of It-ilv TT^ f "■ "'^'"^ ^^''^^^ ^^^ 
 
 tion of the Ciml/antTeut^nes^^^^ '^ ^" -up-S^*--^' 
 
 search for homes. Who ths r,-.>,l, ■ Europe m 
 
 Son,e think that theybel ! -edTo [LT" " ""' "'^" '^"°"- 
 a people that lived in the wr't er ° a, t X ?" "^ "" ^^■""> 
 l^mgnage near akin to the G>e c T^h ,""'"' "'"^ ^''"''^ '' 
 
 Kelts were found amo^! em ar^of'tl """f"« '"'' 
 
 were a Teutonic race. They were a 11°"'"'""^ S'"" ""^ 
 -ee; strong in body and bnje rbule t/ " """'^"^ 
 Iielmets, and fought with l„n^ 1 ] . ^ "'°''° ^PP*" 
 Son,etimes they wt^t on tl 3 of b:;!:',,""?" ''"^"'^• 
 through the belts of those in the frot rink" ThrT"r'"= 
 were undeniably Tctonic tribes ■ but how t.; ^ T^ 
 
 join their forces with those of th^ Ch 'briTs K^km "'"""';' '" 
 
 451 
 
452 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 105 B.C. 
 
 Cimbri appeared on the north-eastern frontier of Italy in the 
 year 113 b.c, when they were attacked at Noreia by Carbo the 
 consul. The Romans suffered a severe defeat, and Northern 
 Italy was in great danger. But the Cimbri instead of invading 
 Italy moved westwards, and in the year 109 B.C. they are found 
 in Southern Gaul, inflicting a defeat on another Roman army. 
 Still later, in 105 B.C., they met the Roman conmianders 
 M^axhnm Maximus and Caepio at Arausio (Orange) on the Rhone, and 
 TtArau^o ^"^*^®^ ^^^^^ ^^'"^y ^ith terrible slaughter. Eighty tliousand 
 Romans are said to have been destroyed on this eventful day. 
 Meanwhile, Marius was carrying on the war with Jugurtha, and 
 Rome was awaiting anxiously his return. 
 
 The danger that threatened Italy was so great that Marius 
 was re-elected consul for the second time, in defiance of law and 
 custom. Fortunately for Rome the Cimbri did not invade Italy 
 after their great victory, but turned instead to Spain, which they 
 speedily over-ran. The Celtiberians made, however, so determ- 
 ined a resistance to the invaders that they were glad to return 
 to Gaul, where they were joined by the Teutones. At length 
 in 103 B.C. the invasion of Italy was resolved upon, and the bar- 
 barians divided their forces for that purpose. In the meantime 
 Marius had returned to Rome, and had begun his preparations 
 for meeting the dreaded northern hordes. He had to organijie 
 a new army out of the raw materials furnished him, and to that 
 end spent two years in drilling his recruits. He then moved 
 into Gaul and took up a strong position at the junction of the 
 Isara and the Rhone, where he could guard the two roads lead- 
 ing into Italy. The Cimbri had in the meantime moved east- 
 ward around the nortliem frontier of Italy, with the intention 
 of entering Italy by the north-eastern passes. Tlie Teutones 
 moved down the Rhone to reach the road on the sea-coast, and 
 as they passed the Roman army jeered and taunted it. Marius 
 followed them closely, avoiding an engagement and watching 
 carefully against being taken by surprise. When the Teutones 
 reached the wells of Aquae Sextiae (Aix), an engagement was 
 brought on by the Romans seeking to obtain water. The battle 
 was at first between the light-armed troops of tlie Roinans and 
 the Ambrones, a tribe that was accompanying the Teutones. 
 
 Marius pre 
 pares to 
 meet the 
 invaders. 
 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 453 
 
 taly in the 
 Carbo the 
 
 Northern 
 f invading 
 are found 
 man army, 
 inmianders 
 Jione, and 
 
 thousand 
 mtful day. 
 urtha, and 
 
 iat Marius 
 3f law and 
 vade Italy 
 vhich they 
 so determ- 
 to return 
 At length 
 d the bar- 
 meantime 
 3parations 
 ^ organijie 
 ad to that 
 en moved 
 on of the 
 :)ads lead- 
 ved east- 
 intention 
 Teutones 
 ioast, and 
 Marius 
 watching 
 Teutonss 
 tnent was 
 he battle 
 iians cind 
 'eutones. 
 
 
 iontT r '^" '^''' ' ^""T^ engagement took place, the Teu- Battle of 
 tones havmg come to the rescue of their friends Bv a^*"**^^"*- 
 stratagem of the sau.e kind as that employed by Hannibal at ^.a' ''' 
 Trebia, the Teutones, when the battle was the hottest, were 
 thrown into a panic by an attack on their rear from a body of 
 Komans who had been placed in ambuscade. The struggle had 
 lasted many hours, and the great heat of the noonday sun had 
 told heavily on the northern hosts, when the sudden and unex- 
 pected assault of the men in ambush took place. The slaughter 
 ot the Teutones was something terrible, most of those escaping 
 the Romans being slain by the Gauls. 
 
 Meanwhile the Cimbri had gone eastward to enter Italy by 
 the Tyrolese Alps, and Catulus, the colleague of Marius, was 
 sent to the Adige to intercept the expected host. The next 
 year, 101 b c., the Cimbri began to descend the Alps, sliding 
 down the glaciers on their long and narrow shields. They met 
 the Ronians at the Adige and easily pushed them aside. Catulus 
 retreated to the Po, and took up a strong position, where he was 
 
 ir^l. ^'^r^'' '" '^" '"""""' "^ ^^^ ^''- Marvellous tales ^a«,«o, 
 
 are told of the extent of the Cimbric encampment, and of the S*^"^??- .., 
 
 size of their army. They asked Marius for homes and lands i"^"""' ''' 
 
 but met with no friendly response. A battle was now decide^' 
 
 upon, and the great host of the Cimbri was drawn up in a 
 
 square, the front ranks of which had a chain running through 
 
 their belts to keep the line unbroken. In spite of their courage 
 
 and deeds of reckless daring, the Cimbri were driven back on 
 
 tlieir waggons, which formed the walls of their encampment. 
 
 The women of the Cimbri now took a part in the conflict and 
 
 fought with the utmost desperation. It was of no avail for 
 
 Koman discipline once more proved invincible. Tlie slaughter 
 
 like that at Aquae Sextiae, was very great, the unfortunate Chn- 
 
 bri being almost exterminated. The great cloud that had • 
 
 threatened to break upon the plains of Italy had now been dlssi- 
 
 pcited, and to Marius was given the credit of the deliverance. 
 
 He had been elected consul again in 104 b.c, and so ^reat was 
 
 the sense of the danger at Rome that he was elected annually 
 
 ii 
 
 1 
 
 fi' 
 
 u 
 
 f 1 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 i 
 
 consulship until the year 100 
 
 B.C. 
 
454 
 
 HISTORY OF HOME. 
 
 In the meantime Sicily was again the scene of an insurrection 
 
 Servile 
 
 SrU"w5. '^'^^''S *^'^« «^''^'« population. A Jloman praetor had Husponded 
 101 &lc. *"^ decree of the senate liberating some persims kept unlaw- 
 fully in slavery, and the smouldering tires of revolt broke out 
 into a tierce flame. The story of the rising is much the same as 
 that of the First Servile War. A brief success of the slaves was 
 followed by a bloody suppression of the revolt. A number of 
 slaves were brought to Rome to fight in the arena for the pleas- 
 ure of their brutal masters ; but the victims slew one another at 
 the altars, the last surviving man falling on his sword. 
 
 as 
 
CHAPTER XXTI. 
 
 
 SOCIAL AND FOREKJN WARM. 
 
 Hitherto little has been said as to the early life and mental 
 and moral characteristics of two men whose influence for evil was 
 now to be iolt for all time at Rome. Marius was of very ilfanu.. 
 humble birth, and had during his youth served as a day labourer 
 He was a native of Arplnum, his father being a client of one of 
 the noble families of that district. Subsequently he served in a 
 humble capacity in the army besieging Numantia, and by a 
 faithful discharge of his duties won the respect and admiration 
 of the younger Scipio Africanus. His abilities won for him 
 promotion in the anny ; but it is doubtful if he would 
 have been allowed to fill the higher offices of the army and state 
 had he not been fortunate enough to marry Julia, the aunt of 
 Cams Juhus Caesar, a lady of wealth and high rank This 
 marriage opened up a career for the ambitious soldier, and hence- 
 forth we find him filling with acceptance such important offices 
 as that of i.raetor and legate to Metellus in the war against 
 .lugurtha. He was also the author of a bill which secured for 
 the Roman people the free use of the ballot at elections ; and 
 became -.veil-known as a pronounced opponent of the ' nobiles ' 
 or • optimates', whose culture and refinement he heartily de- 
 spised. For Marias in spite of his great abilitv as a soldier and 
 general was a rude, unlettered man, who found his chief social 
 pleasures in the company of the lower orders to which he 
 properly belonged. Until the Jugurthine War little but good 
 can be said of his conduct ; but the insolence with which 
 Metellus treated his request to be allowed to return to Rome to 
 stand for the consulship,'^ roused all the latent evil of his boorish 
 nature. In spite of the ., -position put in his way by Metellus 
 he was elected consul by an overwhelming majority of the 
 -Oman peoj)le, the lower classes looking upon him as a champion 
 of their order. His distinguished services in Africa and the 
 
 [455] 
 
 . 'I 
 
 
456 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 Sulla. 
 
 Saturninus 
 and Glaucia 
 
 consequent reward in the shape of a re-elecdon to the consul- 
 ship ha,ve already been noted. But his cup of joy and satisfac- 
 tion had two bitter ingredients. It was Metellus that got the 
 title Nuniidicus for his share in the Jugurthine war, and it was 
 Sulla who claimed and received the applause of the Roman 
 world for his skilful and daring caj^ture of Jugurtha. To Marius 
 has been given the credit of the organization of the Roman 
 army on an improved basis. The system of drawing up 
 the army in three lines was abandoned, and new weapons were 
 put in the soldiers' hands. All civil and social distinctions in 
 the army were abolished, and voluntary enlistment took the 
 place of the compulsory levy. This made the army no longer a 
 body of citizens, but one of professional soldiers. 
 
 Sulla was in most respects the very antipodes of Marius, and 
 was also many years his junior. Marius was of the lower classes; 
 Sulla' belonged to the patricians. Marius was uncultured and 
 unlearned ; Sulla was both cultured and learned. Both men 
 were brilliant soldiers and great generals. Both men were 
 capable of acts of great cruelty ; but with Marius such acts were 
 the result of strong passions .md a rankling sense of injustice 
 and wrong. On the other hand Sulla was cold-blooded, cynical, 
 and deliberately cruel. Moreover, he was a most shameless 
 debauchee, his vices being written unmistakably upon his 
 pimpled and blotched countenance. Sulla although of the 
 patrician class began life poor, and his rapid rise was due very 
 largely to his wonderful ability as a cavalry officer, and later on, 
 as a general of large armies. He served with Marius in Numidia, 
 and was a veritable thorn in his side, undermining and lessening 
 the influence of his superior officer. He was also with Marius 
 in Gaul, against the Teutones and Cimbri, for Marius was aware 
 of his ability, and the times were too perilous to allow private 
 grudges to affect the efficiency of the army. 
 
 The great victory over the Cimbri in 101 B.C. gave Marius his 
 sixth consulship, besides a notable triumph through the streets 
 of Rome. His good fortune had, however, turned his head, and 
 from this time forth his career is marked by weakness and crime. 
 Marius was no politician ; but his popularity with the Roman 
 people made him a useful tool in the hands of abler and more 
 
he consul- 
 d satisfac- 
 at got the 
 and it was 
 le Roman 
 To Marius 
 lie Roman 
 awing up 
 pons were 
 notions in 
 took the 
 ) longer a 
 
 arius, and 
 er classes; 
 tured and 
 Both men 
 nen were 
 acts were 
 injustice 
 1, cynical, 
 shameless 
 upon his 
 h of the 
 I due very 
 [ later on, 
 Numidia, 
 lessening 
 h Marius 
 vas aware 
 w private 
 
 larius his 
 lie streets 
 liead, and 
 nd crime. 
 B Roman 
 and more 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 unscrupulous men. Of these Apuleius Saturninus and Servilius 
 Glaucia were the most prominent. Marius was consul ; Saturni- 
 nus, tribune ; and Glaucia, praetor, so that the whole power of 
 the state was in their hands. Saturninus is represented by most 
 writers as a politician of the worst type, while a few have ven- 
 tured to class him with the Gracchi. He secured the passage of 
 an agrarian law which permitted the establishment of colonies in 
 Transi)adane Gaul, in which the Italians as well as the Romans 
 should have a share. To Marius was to be given the power of 
 conferring Roman citizenship on a limited number of Italians in 
 these colonies. Both proposals were unpopular among the 
 Roman people, and met with bitter opposition. To prevent the 
 senate from attacking his agrarian law, Saturninua demanded 
 that its members should swear to maintain it, within five days 
 after its adoption by the tribes. Led by Marius, the members 
 of the senate with one exception complied. That exception was 
 Metellus Numidicus, who refused and, in consequence, was 
 exiled. Then followed the consular elections, in which C. Mem- 
 mius, an energetic and fearless opponent of Saturninus, bade fair 
 to be a successful candidate. To prevent his election, Saturninus 
 and Glaucia caused a riot, during which Meinmius was murdered. 
 The conspirators had now gone too far, and even Marius was 
 aroused to take action. Saturninus and Glaucia fled to the 
 Capitol with their friends, and prepared to stand a siege. Marius 
 iiimself moved against them, and by cutting off their water 
 supply soon reduced the rebels to submission. Many of them 
 were shut up in tho Curia Hostilia, while steps were being taken 
 to bring them to trial. The authorities, however, preferred an 
 easier way than a public trial to bring them to justice. The 
 mob was incited to attack the Curia, whose roof was scaled, and 
 from it the rebels were pelted to death with tiles torn from the 
 building. After this, Marius seems to have retired for a time 
 from political life. 
 
 Rome had now a brief breathing spell from faction fights. It 
 was, however, only the calm before the storm. The evils at 
 Rome were too deep-seated to be easily removed, although many 
 efforts were made to eradicate them. The condition of the courts, 
 which were now under the control of the equites, or monied 
 
 457 
 
 II 
 
■I 
 
 S 1(1 f* 
 
 I* 
 
 n 
 
 IS! 
 I 
 
 458 
 
 Brusus. 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 clHss, was a scandal to good government at home and abroad 
 Justice agan.st the publicani, and otlier members of the monied 
 
 wZ^hr: r""' '"T^'^^ "' ^^^^^""^^"^ ^^ *'- provincials 
 while those Romans who sought to deal fairly and justly with 
 
 l.e people of the provinces were liable to be condemned on the 
 
 estunony of false witnesses. The Italians were clamouring for 
 
 the franchise, a right which every fair-minded Roman recognized 
 
 they should possess. This state of affairs brought to the front 
 
 Lmus Drusus the son of the rival of Caius Gracchus, as the 
 
 champion of reform in the courts, and of the Italian people. 
 
 He proposed that three hundred equites should be added to the 
 
 senate, -d out of the new body (six hundred in number) the 
 
 courts should be selected. He also introduced a colonization 
 
 scheme, and proposed that cheap food should be given to the 
 
 Roman masses. Drusus was an impetuous and easily irritated 
 
 persoivana htt^ fitted to act as mediator between the Italians 
 
 and Romans. Hence, although he had the zealous support of 
 
 the Italians in his efforts to secure them the franchise, his rather 
 
 injudicious advocacy brought him the determined hostility of the 
 
 hadin t " ^^-^"'^^-- I^ -^-« that many of the Italians 
 had in the confusion of the time, managed to vote and one 
 of their number had actually been elected consul. It was 
 now proposed that the electoral lists should be purged of all 
 Illegal voters, and this unwise step aroused the Italians to mad- 
 ness When then, Drusus brought forward his measure to give 
 the Italians the franchise, the latter came to Rome in great 
 numbers to over-awe the electors and assist Drusus. The bill 
 by such means was carried, but only to be rejected by the 
 senate on account of its illegal enactment. The Italians were 
 now desperate, and a large number armed themselves to support 
 Drusus and secure their rights. A conflict in the streets of 
 Rome might have followed immediately had not Drusi-.s been 
 struck down m the lobby of his house by the dagger of an 
 assassin. This greatly excited the Italians, and their excitement 
 and nid.gnation was not lessened when a court was established 
 to discover the men who hud negotiated with the Italians for 
 giving them the franchise. Impeachments raoidlv followed and 
 the already strained loyalty of the Italians gave place 'to a 
 
 
HISTORY OP ROMK. 
 
 459 
 
 d abroad, 
 lie monied 
 •ovincials ; 
 ustly with 
 led on the 
 onring for 
 ecognized 
 
 the front 
 us, as the 
 n people, 
 led to the 
 iiiber) the 
 Ionization 
 en to the 
 
 irritated 
 B Italians 
 ipport of 
 lis rather 
 ity of the 
 5 Italians 
 
 and one 
 
 It was 
 
 id of all 
 
 to niad- 
 e to give 
 n great 
 The bill 
 
 by the 
 ns were 
 support 
 reots of 
 us been 
 r of an 
 itement 
 'Wished 
 ans for 
 ed, and 
 
 e to a 
 
 desperate social war, in whicli the Italians sought to establish an The S<^cial 
 independent republic with a capital at Corflniuni in Peli.rni. j^^*^'' '"'^""'' 
 The new capital was re-named Italica, and the constitution of "''^■^" 
 the new republic was modelled closely upon that of the Romans. 
 
 The first act of violence occurred at Asculum in Picenum, ji„^^,„ 
 when nearly all the resident Romans were massacred Tlie '"''™-'-«^ 
 revolt then rapidly spread, and soon included tlie Picentines, "' ^"''"^"'"' 
 Marsians, Pelignians, Siannites and Lucanians. The Apulians 
 seem also to have taken up arms. Later on, the Umbrians and 
 Etrurians revolted, but tliey as well as tlie Apulians did not 
 belona: to tlie new republic. The soul of the revolt was 
 Samnium, which still cherished an implacable hatred of Rome. 
 Had the allies been thoroughly united, and all the members as 
 brave and resolute as the Samnites, Roman sui)remacy would 
 then and there have come to an end. But the Latins, who 
 confidently expected to be admitted very soon to the franchise, 
 remained true to Rome. They were rewarded almost imme- 
 diately with this long-delayed boon, and Rome was thus able to 
 bring the great strength of the Latin colonies to bear upon the 
 revolting allies. Tlie war was carried on in three different 
 districts; in the south, the middle, and the north, with C^m- sStfar 
 pania, Samnium, and Picenum as centres. At first the allies ^^'^'^ ^•^^ 
 had the best of the struggle, and a Roman army was defeated 
 by the Samnites. The turn of the tide was shown by the Romans 
 under Cn. PompeiuS Strabo winning a great victory over 
 the Picentines. Nevertheless, the danger was great and the 
 issue uncertain, and Rome resolved to weaken her enemies by 
 offering the franchise to those who would lay down their arms. 
 The strain of the war must have been very great, for we are told 
 that three hundred thousand men perished. Necessity, then, 
 seems to have compelled the Romans to concede tlie franchise! 
 This offer served the desired end, for the northern tribes accepted 
 the Roman terms and abandoned the alliance. New tribes were 
 created for voting purposes, for the old tribes objected to have 
 the new citizens enrolled among them. The war was now 
 carried on by the Samnites alone, who seem to have resolved to 
 perish rather than submit. It is true the Etruscans and 
 
 
 I.!i 
 
 if- 
 
460 
 
 <>-:^ 
 
 lis 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 but 
 
 Fim Mith- 
 ridatic War. 
 
 IJ.nbrians rose in revult during the second year of the -ar 
 tliey soon nmde peace on condition of also obtain. »' 
 francliif. \ 
 
 Tlie war was still lingering against the Samnites when a 
 senous danger arose in the East in the shape of a war with 
 Mithndates VI.. surnamed the Great, king of Pontus. The 
 knigdoni of Pontus, in the north-eastern part of Asia Minor had 
 beeii strengthened in the reign of Mithridates V. by the addition 
 of.Phrygia, a gift from Rome in consideration of the services 
 rendered by tl.at monarch in the war against Aristonicus of 
 Pergamus. Besides Pontus and Plirygia, Mithridates V 
 practically ruled over Cappadocia and parts of Paphlagonia and 
 mhridateB ^-« '^^.a. His son, at the time of his death, was but an infant 
 and his early life was one of extreme hardship and peril. As he 
 grew to manhood he developed marvellous physical and mental 
 8trenj>th, the stories of his accomplishments as an athlete and 
 luiguist being almost incredil)le. He early formed a strong 
 dishke of Home, which for no good reason had taken away 
 from Pontus, Phrygia, the Koman gift to his father. As time 
 passed he meditated projects of revenge, and prepared for 
 the struggle that, sooner or later, must come. He extended 
 his conquests around the Black Sea, and there},y ac.^uired a vast 
 teiTitory and revenue. He then began to interfere in the 
 affairs of Cappadocia, placing one of his own relatives on the 
 throne. Rome interfered and Mithridates withdrew for a time • 
 but not for long. Once more he began his intrigues against his 
 neighbours, and once more Rome interfered and compelled him to 
 withdraw. In the meantime the Social War had broken out, and 
 Mithridates is said to have been in league with the Italians But 
 he made a great mistake in not beginning war until the strucgle 
 in Italy was well-nigh ended. It is another illustration of Rome's 
 good fortune The war in Asia was at last begun, not by 
 Mithridates, but by Nicomedes, king of Bithynia, who was 
 almost forced by greedy Roman provincials into hostilities It 
 matters little which party struck the first blow, for war could 
 not well be delayed much longer. The Romans were not pre- 
 pared for the struggle, as they were exhausted with the Italian 
 war. They, liowever, put three armies in the field, mostly 
 
 
 'i • 
 
the '"fir, but 
 >tnhu ' jtie 
 
 bes when a 
 a war with 
 mtus. The 
 k Minor, had 
 ;he addition 
 he services 
 HtonicuH of 
 ridates V. 
 lagonia and 
 t an infant, 
 iril. As he 
 and mental 
 ithleto and 
 d a strong 
 vken away 
 As time 
 jpared for 
 i extended 
 ired a vast 
 !i*e in the 
 ^es on the 
 or a time ; 
 igainst liis 
 led him to 
 n out, and 
 ians. But 
 e struggle 
 of Rome's 
 , not by 
 who was 
 lities. It 
 var could 
 not pre- 
 le Italian 
 '., mostly 
 
 IIISTORV OF UOME. 
 
 Asiatics, and were thoroughly beaten by Mithridates. The 
 latter then o /er-rrin Asia Mine-, and everywhere the people 
 hailed him as a deliverer from the Koman yoke. Confident 
 that the war was ended, and that no further danger existed 
 of Roman rule, the oppressed people arose and slew in one day 
 seventy or eighty thousand Romans and Italians, who had 
 like so many blood-suckers been preying on them. Many of 
 the Greeks welcomed Mithridates, as he was looked upon as 
 one of themselves. Not content with mastering Asia Minor, 
 Mithridates sent an army into Greece, where the Pelopoiniesians 
 and Boeotians joined him. In fact, it seemed as if in a few 
 months all Rome's compiests in the East had been lost to her 
 through the energy of Mithridates. 
 
 The news from Greece and Asia aroused the Romans to the 
 determination to prosecute the war against Mithridates with 
 vigour. Sulla, who had been elected consul and who had greatly 
 distinguished himself in the Social War, was given the command 
 <.f the army for the East. But Marius, although now an old 
 man, eagerly sought the position. His fame had been on the 
 wane, and it greatly incensed him to find that he was being 
 superseded by his rival Sulla. Marius was still the head of 
 the party opposed to the aristocrats, and his friends rallied to 
 secure him the coveted post. F'. Sulpicius, a man of great ability, 
 and an adherent of Marius, was the tribune at this time, and he 
 brought before the tribes a bill that the command of the army 
 against Mithridates should be transferred to Marius ; that the 
 new citizens should be distributed among the old tribes, thus 
 giving them a strong control of the elections ; that the freedmen 
 should no longer be confined to the four city tribes ; that any 
 senator owmg more than two thousand denarii^ should lose his 
 seat ; and lastly, that those exiled on account of their supposed 
 C(implicity in the Italian revolt should j recalled. These pro- 
 posals created a feeling of intense hostility among tb-- classes 
 injuriously affected by them, and the consuls to ■ hem 
 
 from becoming law proclaimed the day of voting a pu uday. 
 
 Sulpicius armed his followers and drove the consuls, of whom 
 one was Sulla, out of the city. Tlic lavvs wore tlien carried by thc3 
 
 * A denarius was about 16 cents. 
 
 461 
 
 Romant 
 dejfated, 
 HH B.C. 
 
 MaHHacre of 
 How anil in 
 Aula. 
 
 Sulla 
 
 appointed 
 
 conmiander. 
 
 Sulpiciun 
 mah'K pro- 
 posalH. 
 
 i. I 
 
 h , 
 
46 L> 
 
 Sulla 
 marches 
 atiniiwt 
 Itoine, 
 
 Sulla 
 leaves for 
 Greece, 
 87 n.c. 
 
 Cinna. 
 
 Marina 
 returns. 
 
 IIISTOHV OP HOME. 
 
 tril 
 
 >es, many of Mioho voting h 
 
 tlu 
 
 „, ,, ,, - -n ..JW citi/ons. Sulla, who 
 
 Mas thus oustua fn.,,, I.is connu.uul again.st Mithri.lat.s, rotiml 
 to Nola, wlu,ro I.is legionH were carrying <,n a singo against tho 
 Sauuntes. H« calicl togothor I.is s.-ldiurs, toM tl.j;.. of I.is 
 troatn.ent at llon.o, and pointed out how nn.ch thoy wore iikelv 
 to lo«e in tho event of tho c<.n.n.and going to Marins. The 
 ogions at onco r^^^^ to foHow Hnlla to Ro,ue to restore his 
 
 ng s l,y force .f necessary. Taking the Appian road,Hix legions 
 wore so,m on the.r way, nn.ch to the disn.ay of the senate, and 
 also of Marnis a..,l his party. A .lefence of the city wa.s found 
 "npossihle, a..d Sulla entered almost unopposed. Murius and 
 Sulpicius tied, the former n.alcing his way with so.ne diHic.lty ., 
 Lihya, ni Africa, but Sul,)ici,.s was captured and put to death • 
 o herwise Sul a acted with great n.oderation. So little disposed 
 did he seem at this ti.ne to phty the tyrant, that he allowed the 
 consu^« to be freely elected ; and in consequc.ce, Cn. Octavius 
 a partisan o S.lh., a..d L. Cornelius Cinna, one of Marius, wer^ 
 chosen by the people. Having restored order, Sulla went to 
 Greece, leaving the siege of Nola to his friend Pompeius 
 who was also entrusted with the task of endh.g the Social 
 VVar. No sooner, however, had Sulla left the shores of Italy 
 than the civU strife broke out again, considerably to the 
 relief of the Samnites. Cinna brought forward again the pro- 
 posals of Sulpicius, but his colleague Octavius, collecting an 
 armed force, attacked the new citizens who had gathered 
 at Rome in large numbers to vote, and slew many of them. 
 Like Sulla Cinna took refuge with the legions still carrying on 
 the siege of Nola The senate illegally deposed him fLu the 
 consulship, and Cinua replied by marching «.ainst Rome with 
 the soldiers. The Italian communities sent hin^ men and 
 money while to add strength to his cause th. .x.i.d Marius was 
 recalled from Africa. Landing at Etruria, Marius was oiiTed 
 by many of his old veterans, and with six thousand men marched 
 on Rome. Joining his forces with those of Cinna, he soon 
 made his way into the city, and began a terrible massacre. 
 tu. ... was acknowledged as consul, and the sentence of outlawry 
 -u . :,ar.,.. was repealed. Marius now caused himself to be 
 c..r.ed to his seventh consulship, an honour he had eagerly 
 
 
 
HISTORY OP ROME. 
 
 4r.3 
 
 Sulla, who 
 tt!.s, rotirod 
 against tho 
 loiii of Ins 
 «'oro likely 
 I'iiis. Tho 
 restore his 
 six loyiuim 
 un.'ite, and 
 w;»3 found 
 furius /md 
 iHiculty ti) 
 to death ; 
 3 disposed 
 lowed the 
 Octavius, 
 fins, were 
 I went to 
 'ompeius, 
 le Social 
 
 of Italy 
 T to the 
 
 the pro- 
 cting an 
 gathered 
 )f them, 
 rying on 
 trom the 
 ine with 
 len and 
 rius was 
 s joined 
 narched 
 he soon 
 assacre. 
 utlavvry 
 f to be 
 eagerly 
 
 
 
 desired, and one that m yet had fallen to no Roman. For a 
 few days ho enjoyed his ill-won distMiction, and then died 
 (80 B.C.). 
 
 Cinna was now the chief man at Rome, and for three years, 
 wliile Sulla was al)sont in Greece and Asia Minor, ruled with 
 almost despotic power. No constitutional authority existed, for 
 Cinna and his frie.ids controlled everything. Tho now citizens 
 were now enr lied in all tho tribes, a measure of greiit import- 
 ance. Tho Sanuiites were recognized as citi/.ens, and l)ecame 
 the staunch supporters of tho party of Marius. Meanwhile 
 Cinna was haunted by the dread of tho return of Sulla. 
 Valerius Flaccus, who succeeded Marius in the consulship, was 
 sent to Asia to take tho conunand against Mithrichites, while 
 Cinna himself l)egau to collect an army in Italy to go against 
 Sulla in Greece. But his soldiers mutinied and killed him, and 
 the power in Italy fell into the hands of Papirius Carbo, nomi- 
 nally a consul, really a tyrant. 
 
 While affairs at Rome were thus under the control of the 
 l)artisan8 of Marius, Sulla was waging a vigorous war in Greece 
 against tho generals of Mitluidates. Archelaus, the chief 
 general, was defeated at Chaeronea, where a great host of 
 Asiatics was scattered with but little loss on the part of the 
 Romans, and subsequently in a bloody battle at Orchomenus 
 Sulla again encountered and defeated Archelaus. Prior to 
 these battles the Peiraeus and Athens were besieged, and a 
 brave defence Wi.s made at the Peiraeus by Archelaus. Athens, 
 thro\!gh famine, was compelled to surrender. A frightful 
 slaughter ensued, but the walls and buildings of the city were 
 not much injured. A different story has to be told of the 
 fate of <-he Peiraeus, which after its capture was almost wholly 
 destroyed. Athens, however, was nearly depopulated, and 
 stripped of its art treasures and libraries. Step by step the 
 generals of Mithridates were driven out of Greece, and then 
 Sulla carried the war into Asia. Valerius Flaccus had preceded 
 him there, but he had scarcely landed on its shores when he was 
 murdered by Fimbria, his quaestor or legate, who took over his 
 fiommand. It was now the policy of Sulla to make peace with 
 Mithridates so that he might be free to attack Fimbria and 
 
 Dnui\ i^ 
 M II rill.;, 
 HtJ B.C. 
 
 The niU o/ 
 
 Cinna. 
 
 Cinna killed 
 
 War in 
 Greece and 
 Asia. 
 
 Chaeronea 
 
 and 
 
 Orchumenug 
 
 Athens and 
 the Peiraeus 
 taken. 
 
 I» 
 
 ■j 
 
 II 
 
m 
 
 464 
 
 HISTORY OF ROMK. 
 
 IN 
 
 Sulla 
 returns to 
 Italy, 83 
 B.C. 
 
 return to Italy. Mithridates finding himself between two 
 armies proceeded first against Fimbria, but terms of peace being 
 oflfered, he negotiated a treaty with Sulla, which brought the 
 war to an end. He abandoned all his conquests, paid down two 
 thousand talents, and surrendered seventy ships of war. 
 
 Erid of First Sulla now marched against Fimbria, and pressed him so hard 
 Wa,!^8oB.C. ^hat the unfortunate general in despair took his own Hfe. His 
 soldiers went over to Sulla, but as they were suspected of being 
 friendly to the Marian cause they were left in Asia. Peace 
 having been made with Mithridates, Sulla punished the Greeks 
 of Asia Minor for their share in the revolt against and massacre 
 of the Romans by placing upon tliem a fine so heavy as almost 
 to crush them. The unfortunate people not being able to pay 
 the large sums demanded were compelled to borrow from 
 Roman usurers at exorbitant rates of interest. 
 
 Sulla was at last free to return to Italy to avenge himself on 
 his enemies, and to champion the cause of his friends, who had 
 sent him during his years of absence many and urgent appeals 
 for help. In the spring of 83 B.C. he landed at Brundusium 
 with an army of forty thousand men. Had Sulla's enemies 
 been united and under capable leadership he might easily have 
 been crushed. But there were no great generals among his 
 opponents, and little opposition was offered to his advance 
 towards Rome. One consul was defeated at Capua, while 
 the forces of the other joined Sulla at Teanum. He spent the 
 winter in Campania, and then continued his march towards Rome. 
 He encountered the consul Marius (the adopted son or nephew 
 of the great Marius) at Praeneste, and defeated him, after 
 which he entered Rome without opposition. Meanwhile the 
 struggle had been going on in many quarters between the par- 
 tisans of Sulla and Marius. Everywhere the cause of Sulla was 
 triumphant, and the Marian leaders, Carbo and Norbanus, 
 were compelled to ^je from Italy. One antagonist still 
 remained whose courage and constancy never failed. The Sam- 
 nites and Lucanians, looking upon Sulla as an emeny to their 
 cause, had taken up arms, and joined the Marian party, Prae- 
 neste, a strong city, was in their hands, its garrison being under 
 
 Civil war in 
 Italy. 
 
 
HISTORY OP ROME. 
 
 465 
 
 itween two 
 peace being 
 )rought the 
 cl down two 
 
 T&T. 
 
 lim so hard 
 I Hfe. His 
 fcjd of being 
 sia. Peace 
 the Greeks 
 d massacre 
 y as ahnost 
 .ble to pay 
 rrow from 
 
 himself on 
 s, who liad 
 snt appeals 
 rundusium 
 's enemies 
 easily have 
 among his 
 s advance 
 »ua, while 
 spent the 
 rds Rome. 
 5r nephew 
 lim, after 
 while the 
 n the par- 
 Sulla was 
 '^orbanus, 
 nist still 
 The Sam- 
 y to their 
 y, Prae- 
 ing under 
 
 the command of the younger Marius and a brother of Pontius 
 Telesinus, a man worthy to be ranked with the great Pontius of 
 the Second Samnite War. Pontius Telesinus endeavoured to re- 
 lieve Praeneste, which was besieged by Sulla's army, but failing 
 in this marched suddenly with a large army of Samnites and 
 Lucanians against Rome itself. It was his intention to take 
 Rome and destroy it, and he very nearly succeeded. Sulla, who Battle of 
 had been warring in Etruria, hurried back to Rome and reached ^omamand 
 it just in time to meet the Samnite attack. A desperate struggle fheTolti^^ 
 took place before the Colline gate, and for many hours the issue ^'"^'' 
 was in doubt. At last, as the day was closing, the Samnite 
 ranks were broken, and Rome was saved from deadly peril. 
 The slaughter of the Samnites was very great, and eight thous- 
 and were taken prisoners. Pontius w.n slain, and the youngt.' 
 Marius abandoning all hope, caused himself to be killed. Prae- 
 neste surrendered at discretion, and its garrison, with the 
 exception of the Roman citizens, were shot down with javelins. 
 The larger towns of Etruria were destroyed, and the struggle 
 between the two factions was brought to a close in widespread 
 ruin and a deluge of blood. 
 
 The true character of Sulla was now revealed when absolute 
 power had passed into his hands. For the first time Rome was J/'ot-cW?"" 
 made to know the meaning of a proscription. A list o^ ^UQtion8and 
 enemies of Sulla and the ene laies of his partisans was drawn up, 
 and put in public places. Any one on this list might be slain 
 with impunity, and on the head of each a price was set. The list 
 contained the names of tliousands of the noblest and wealthiest 
 people at Rome. The Iiand of the father was raised against the 
 life of his son, while the son often sought the life of his father 
 to secure his possessions. Nothing more horrible can well be 
 imagined than the suspicion and dread which this cruel pro- 
 scription engendered. The equites as a class were the 
 special ol)JGcts of his wrath, and the confiscation of property 
 went on hand-in-hand with the murder of its possessors. The 
 prisoners taken from the Samnites, to the number of many 
 thousands, were placed in the Temple of Bellona and there 
 
 confiscations 
 
 !U;i 
 
 butchered witliin the h 
 
 did Sulla begin his reforms at Rome. 
 
 paring of the senate. In such a fashion 
 
 30 
 
466 
 
 The Sullan 
 R^onru. 
 
 HISTOKY OF ROME. 
 
 r 
 
 n 
 
 IN 
 
 11 
 
 To reward his soldiers, and secure their steady support, he 
 assigned military colonies to twenty-three of his legions. These 
 are the firsc real military colonies, for the land thus assigned was 
 wrested from the inhabitants of some unfriendly town, and given 
 to soldiers whose sole claim was their fidelity to Sulla. The new 
 colonists were indifferent settlers, and served no purpose save 
 that of propping up the despotic authority of their master. 
 Wide tracts of land, confiscated, but never given out to settlers, 
 were left uncultivated. Samnium and Etruria were almost 
 desolated ; and life and property over a great jiortion of Italy 
 became insecure through the effects of brigandage. 
 
 Sulla compelled the senate to appoint him dictator for an 
 indefinite time, with full power over the life and property of the 
 people. Armed with this authority, and supported by his legions, 
 he began to introduce important changes in the constitution. 
 His idea was to restore the old power of the senate, and lessen 
 and degrade that of the magistrates. His attempts at reform 
 were attempts to put 'new wine in old bottles,' with the 
 usual result. He found the senate much reduced in numbers, 
 and he filled up tlie vacancies with low-born and servile creatures. 
 The power of the tribum^s was restricted by making it necessary 
 to secure the consent of the senate before submitting any pro- 
 posal to the people. He also restricted their power of interfer- 
 ence to that of protecting individuals, and he prohibited a 
 tribune from holding any subsequent magistracy. He took the 
 control of the courts out of the hands of the equites, and 
 restored it to the senate. No consul was to be eligible for 
 re-election, and no man could be consul unless he had passed 
 through the lower grades of office. The number of praetors was 
 increased from six to eight, and the quaestors to twenty, both 
 increases being necessary by the great expansion in Rome's 
 foreign possessions. The pontifical and inaugural colleges were 
 put under the control of the senatorial nobles, and the number 
 of their members greatly enlarged. One important and useful 
 reform was, however, due to Sulla, The power of the courts for 
 the trial of cases of magisterial extorticm had hitherto been con- 
 fined to bribery and treason ; but Sulla enlarged their jurisdiction 
 so as to include the chief criminal offences, and in this way laid 
 
 
HISTORY OP HOME. 
 
 mpport, he 
 ms. These 
 ssigned was 
 I, and given 
 . The new 
 irpose save 
 3ir master, 
 to settlers, 
 ere ahnost 
 )n of Italy 
 
 tor for an 
 erty of the 
 his legions, 
 institution, 
 and lessen 
 at reform 
 with the 
 I numbers, 
 creatures. 
 : necessary 
 g any pro- 
 f interfer- 
 Dhibited a 
 3 took the 
 aites, and 
 iigible for 
 lad passed 
 letors was 
 mty, both 
 n Rome's 
 eges were 
 le number 
 nd useful 
 courts for 
 been con- 
 risdiction 
 I way laid 
 
 46? 
 
 the foundation of Roman criuiinal law. The children of those 
 who had been proscribed were rendered ineligible to hold office 
 an act of gross injustice which remained long on the statute^ 
 book of Rome. He formed a body-guard of freedmen, who were 
 known as the Con.elians, and these favourites could do much as 
 they liked with the lives and property of the citizens. 
 
 Much to the surprise of the Roman world Sulla retained the />.«,, „. 
 dictatorship only two years, and then (80 B.C.) retired to private ffjtc 
 life at Pute6li. His life of .alf -indulgence was now to fiud a 
 htting close A horrible disease, such as is said to have afflicted 
 Herod, tlie king of the Jews, took hold of him, and he died a mass 
 of corruption in the year 78 B.C. His funeral proved that although 
 he had nominally resigned power, he still was held in fear in 
 his retirement, and that his sway over the minds of his con- 
 temporaries was undiminshed. 
 
 Several minor events occurred abroad during Sulla's dictator- 
 sJiip. Of these the most important were successes won by Cn 
 Fompey, over the followers of Marius in Sicily and Africa For 
 these services Pompey, though a very young man, was granted a 
 triumph by Sulla. Next in importance comes the so-called ^..on. 
 Second Mithridatic War. Mithridates had refused to surrender ^*^'i<^tic 
 Cappadocia, as the treaty he made with Sulla had not been con-S^'-.C. 
 farmed by the senate. Archelaus, who had deserted to the 
 Romans, persuaded L. Murena, the Roman comn.ander in Asia 
 to attack Mithridates. He did so, and plundered a wealth^ 
 temple at Comana ; but Mithridates marched against him, and 
 defeated him at Sinope. Sulla now interfered and brought the 
 war to an end, leaving Mithridates in possession of part of 
 Cappadocia, and free to continue his plans of further aggression 
 
CHAPTER XXTII. 
 
 m 
 
 H\ 
 
 FROM THK DKATH OF SULLA TO THK KM) OF THK THIRD 
 IMITHRIDATU; WAR. 
 
 Scarcely had Sulla died when an attempt was made to over- 
 
 tlirow the aristocratic constitution he liad established. In the 
 
 AemiUvs year after his death, M. Acnnlius Lepidus and Q. Catulus were 
 
 ij^Caiulm ^l^'cted consuls. The former was a self-seeking, unscrupulous 
 
 CT»^^?<i«, 78 politician whose praetorship in Sicily had been notorious for 
 
 extortion and tyranny ; the latter is rej)]-esented by Cicero 
 
 as one of the ablest and most honest of the men of that time. 
 
 Lejjidus was not long in showing his opi)osition to the j)olicy of 
 
 Sulla. He proposed laws regulating the distribution of clieap 
 
 corn, recalling from banishment those who had been banished 
 
 by Sulla, and restoring the lands of Etrnria tO tliose that were 
 
 dispossessed by the vei erans- that Sulla had settled there. Both 
 
 consuls were despatched to clieck the disorder which'had arisen 
 
 in Etruria by-some of the dispossessed trying to gain forcible 
 
 possession of their estates. Instead of settling the disorder, 
 
 however, the ccmsuls turned tlieir arms agahist each other. A 
 
 Death of ^^'^^^■^^ "^''^^ fouglit at the Muivian Bridge, which spans the Tiber 
 
 Lepidus, 77 id Rome, and Lepidus Avas defeated. Soon after he took ship 
 
 for Sardinia and died there. 
 
 Tlie success thus gained by the optimates was, however, tem- 
 porary, for a greater danger was threatening them in Spain. 
 Marius had under him in the war against the Cimbri an 
 ofhcer, Q. Sertorius. In tlie stormy days of the Marian ascend- 
 ancy Sertorius had kept himself aloof from the bloodthirsty 
 acts of his party, and had already acquired a reputation for 
 uprightness and honesty that subsequently marked his career. 
 On the return of the victorious Sulla, he left Rome and went as 
 l)ropraetor to Spain, for he saw clearly that the Marian cause 
 was for a while, at least, lost in Italy. By the mildness of his 
 rule and tlie straightforwardness of his policy he made himself 
 
 [ 468 ] 
 
 
 Rise of 
 Sertorivs, 
 
HISTORY OF ROMK. 
 
 469 
 
 THIRD 
 
 le to over- 
 l. Ill the 
 till us were 
 ^cruijulous 
 ;orioiis for 
 
 by Cicero 
 tli.-it time. 
 e policy of 
 I of cheap 
 1 l)H!ushed 
 
 that were 
 ire. Both 
 had arisen 
 in forcible 
 
 disorder, 
 other. A 
 
 the Tiber 
 
 took ship 
 
 ever, tem- 
 in Spain, 
 imbri an 
 Ln ascend- 
 >odthirsty 
 bation for 
 lis career, 
 d went as 
 fian cause 
 ess of his 
 le himself 
 
 popular with the Romans and the Spanish natives. Soon he 
 acquired such an ascendancy over the minds of the Spaniards that 
 he held out the hope of forming an independent state that would 
 rival the power and defy the armies of Rome. He instructed 
 the Spanish youth in Roman manners, equipped his soldiers 
 with Roman arms, and trained his army in Roman warfare. 
 Many oi the old Marians flocked to his standard. Several 
 armies were sent against him without success, and at length 
 Pompey was despatched to put an end to the war. At first he 
 was as unsuccessful as the others, and at the river Sucro he would 
 have met with a most disastrous defeat, had it not been for the 
 timely assistance of Metellus. At length dissensions broke out Death of 
 in the camp of Sertorius, and an officer of hi.s, Perperna, ffi^g"** 
 assassinated him, and thus brought to a close a career that might 
 have been fraught with serious consecpiences to the Roman 
 state. Pompey defeated and slew Perperna, and the Marian 
 party became for a time extinct, till its revival under C. Julius 
 Caesar. 
 
 While these events were going on in Spain, Italy was being Servile War, 
 threatened by a Servile War. Among the cruel sports in which ^^"^-^ ^•^• 
 the Romans indulged, none were so popular or so famous as 
 those of tlie amphitheatre. The gladiators who fought there 
 were generally prisoners who had been taken in war and sold to 
 persons who trained them in schools for the Roman games. 
 Such a school was maintained at Capua, in which Gauls and 
 Thracians were kept. Under the leadership of Spartacus, a 
 Thracian, a body of gladiators had broken loose from the school, 
 seized a quantity of arms, and established themselves at Mt. 
 Vesuvius. Fugiti'.e slaves, criminals, banditti, and all kinds of 
 men of broken fortunes joined their ranks till they soon reached 
 the number of forty thousand, or some say one hundred thousand 
 men. Wandering about Italy, wherever they were most likely to 
 get most plunder, they laid waste the whole of the southern part 
 of the peninsula. The consular armies sent out against them 
 were ignominiously defeated, no doubt owing to the want of skill 
 on the part of the Roman commanders. The senate, in tlie absence 
 of Lucullus and Pompey, selected as commander M. Crassus, who 
 was better known for his vast wealth, from which he obtained the 
 
470 
 
 HISTORY OP KOMI-:. 
 
 naiiie 
 forum. 
 
 f Dives (the liieh), than for any skill in the field 
 Soon Crassus confined these outlaws to Rl 
 
 or 
 
 Southern Italy and inflicted on tl 
 
 legnuu in 
 leni a crushing defeat. Still 
 
 senate was impatient at the length of the war and 
 
 Pompeyand 
 Crasstm con- 
 mis, 70 B.C. 
 
 Reforms in 
 the Coiusti- 
 tution. 
 
 Third 
 Mithridatie 
 War, 7S-6lt 
 B.C. 
 
 "~ " ""^' xi«4^,vi,ionu ivb mo lengcn or tiie war and sum- 
 moned Pompey to Italy to aid Crassus. Soon after, Spartacus 
 was defeated at Petelia, and the war was brought to a close. 
 Pompey though merely a knight entered Rome a second time in 
 triumph. 
 
 The next year was marked by the appointment of Pompey 
 and Crassus as consuls, though Pompey was ineligible by law, 
 since he was absent from Rome at the time of his election, was 
 not of the legal age, and had not held any of the subordinate 
 oftices of state. 1 One of the first acts of Pompey was to restore 
 the power of the censors, which had been in abeyance for six- 
 teen years. Since the days of Sulla no revisicm of the senate rolls 
 had taken place, and no enumeration of the citizens or valuation 
 of their property had been recorded. The new censors at once 
 struck oflF the names of sixty-four senators from the rolls. It 
 could easily be seen tliat the senate was not now the master of 
 the state, but the servant of an autocratic politician. Another 
 important reform of Pompey's was the restoration of the tribuni- 
 cian power, which had been abrogated by the Sullan constitu- 
 tion. Again he appointed the indices of the superior courts, not 
 fronT the senators as Sulla had done, but ecpially from the sena- 
 tors, knights, and tribunes of the treasury. ^ By instituting 
 these reforms, Pompey had broken with the aristocracy, pro° 
 bably to ingratiate himself with the middle and lower classes. 
 While these stirring events were occurring in Italy, war had 
 been renewed with Mithridates, king of Poiitus. The peace 
 that had been concluded at the end of the Second Mithridatie 
 War was only a hollow truce. Mithridates saw well that to 
 meet successfully the Roman soldiers in the field of battle he 
 must instruct the barbarian troops of his kingdom in the tactics, 
 and arm them with the weapons, of the Romans. In carrying 
 
 was 
 
 ' The Lex A nnalis fixed, the age of candidates for public offices : a quaestorship 
 obtained at Ml ; an aedi!e«hip at 37 ; a praotor^hip at 41 ; a consulship at 43. 
 
 tribe 
 
 J The tribuni aerarii were officers who collected the war tax {tributum) in each 
 
e field or 
 legium in 
 sat. Still 
 and sum- 
 Spartacua 
 3 a close, 
 d time in 
 
 Pompey 
 by law, 
 tion, was 
 ^ordinate 
 ;o restore 
 e for six- 
 nate rolls 
 i^ahiation 
 •s at once 
 'oils. It 
 iiaster of 
 Another 
 tribuni- 
 constitu- 
 urts, not 
 he sena- 
 stituting 
 cy, pro- 
 : classes. 
 
 war had 
 le peace 
 :hridatic 
 that to 
 )attle he 
 ! tactics, 
 carrying 
 
 aestorship 
 
 p at 43. 
 
 m) in each 
 
 HI8T0UY OF ROMK. 
 
 out his plans, he was aided l)y refugees of the Marian party who 
 took refuge in his camp after the defeat of Fimbria by Sulla. 
 The innnediate cause of the war was the death of Nicomedes III. 
 king of Bithynia, who on his decease had left his kingdom to the 
 Roman people and Bithynia was, therefore, declared a Roman 
 province. But Mithridatea asserted that the late lang had left 
 a legitimate son, and at once proceeded to back his claims by 
 arms. 
 
 Already the king of Pontus had collected an army of one 
 hundred and twenty thousand foot, sixteen thousand horse, 
 and a large number of barbarian auxiliaries, disciplined and 
 armed in the Roman manner. He had, besides, on the Euxine 
 a fleet so large that the Romans had no hopes of meeting 
 him successfully on the sea. When the Roman generals, L. 
 Licinius Lucullus and Aurelius Cotta arrived in Asia, Mithridatea 
 had already overrun Bithynia and was laying siege to Chalcedon, 
 a city opposite Constantinople. The reverse that Cotta there met 
 emboldened Mithridatea to press on to Cyzicus. Mithridates, how- 
 ever, was unsuccessful here, for he was compelled to raise the siege 
 and to retreat to his native Pontus. A second defeat near Cabira 
 compelled him to flee to Armenia and seek the protection and aid 
 of his son-in-la v/ Tigranes. These were, however, reluctantly given, 
 and had it not been for the haughty demands of Appius Claudius, 
 whom Lucullus had sent to Tigranes to demand the surrender of 
 Mithridates, the war might have been brought to an end there 
 and then. Tigranes resented the arrogant and imperious conduct 
 of the Roman envoy. Accordingly, Lucullus entered Armenia 
 and defeated Tigranes at Tigranocerta before Mithridates could 
 come to the aid of his son-in-law. In the following year the 
 united forces of Mithridates and Tigranes were defeated at 
 Artaxata. But discontent arose in the Roman army, which 
 prevented any further advance being made. Lucullus then 
 turned aside to Mesopotamia and laid siege to the impregnable 
 fortress of Nislbis, which he was obliged to abandon on acco'unt of 
 a mutiny among the soldiers, who demanded that they should be 
 led home. This mutinv was hnadttd hv PuKlins mo'in.c o,v ^„^ 
 spicuous in after days as the turbulent demagogue of the Roman 
 forum. When the Roman commissioners arrived in Pontus to 
 
 471 
 
 m 
 
 Siege of 
 Cyzicus, 
 73 B.C. 
 
 Tigranes 
 defeated at 
 Tifirano- 
 certa,69B.C. 
 
 Mithridates 
 a lid 
 
 Tigranes 
 defeated at 
 A rtaxata, 
 68 B.C. 
 
 ^^;^^m^^--j 
 
472 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 Pompey 
 succeeds 
 
 War against 
 the Pirates, 
 68 B.C. 
 
 I 
 
 
 reduce it to a province, they found it still in the hands of 
 
 fhfZfans, *^l'^ ^"^"'^- '^'^'^ i'''^'^'''''' opponents of Lucullus at Rome found 
 67 B.C. ' this a pretext to deprive liini of the command. The defeat of 
 Fabius and Triarius, two of the lieute.ianta of Uicullus, no 
 doubt, too, increased the unpopularity of the Roman com- 
 mander. M. Acilius Glabrio, one of fclie consuls of tlie year, 
 was sent out, but he fared no better tlian Lucullus. He was no 
 douM hampered in his movements by Lucullus, who, though 
 recalled, was very unwilling to be superseded in the conunand 
 by an inferior officer. The army was, however, given over to 
 Pompey, who had just brought to a successful termination the 
 war against the i)irates. 
 
 The prevalency of piracy in the Mediterranean was an old 
 sore. From the east to the west the waters of tliis great inland 
 sea, dotted as these waters are with numerous islands, had been 
 the rendezvous, even in early times, of these daring marauders. 
 At this time they were chiefly confined to the bays and strong- 
 holds of the Cilician coast, and from their haunts the.se 
 corsairs had plied a profitable trade by preying on tlie shipping 
 of three continents. The Civil and Social Wars in Italy had 
 deprived many thousands, not only in Italy but throughout the 
 Roman world, of the means of living, and had thus created a class 
 of men characterized by their lav.lessness, and greed of plunder. 
 The forces of the pirates were no doubt largely composed of men 
 of this class. While the armies of the republic were increasing or 
 preserving the boundaries of the empire by land, the fleet of the 
 state had been neglected, and thus piracy had arisen to an alarm- 
 ing extent. The wealthy cities on the coast were plundered the 
 carrying trade of tlie Romans was destroyed, murder and pillage 
 were rampant on every shore, and even the Appian Way, and the 
 harbour of Ostia had witnessed their assaults. In consequence 
 of their naval power, all communication with the provinces 
 was cut ofl^ or attended with the greatest danger, and thus the 
 granaries of Rome-Sicily, Sardinia and Egypt-were closed to 
 the inhabitants of Italy. As a result, Rome was threatened with 
 a famine, and the price of provisions arose in consequence In 
 this emergency all parties were willing to bury their political 
 strife and to invest with supreme command some one who would 
 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 473 
 
 9 hands of 
 ome found 
 defeat of 
 loullus, no 
 nuin coin- 
 
 the year, 
 He was nt) 
 lo, though 
 
 conniiand 
 in over to 
 nation the 
 
 i^as an ohl 
 ■eat inland 
 , had been 
 iiarauders. 
 tid strong- 
 nts these 
 3 sliipping 
 Italy had 
 ighout the 
 ted a class 
 f plunder, 
 ed of men 
 reasingor 
 eet of the 
 an alarin- 
 Jered, the 
 nd pillage 
 r, and the 
 isequence 
 provinces 
 tlius the 
 closed to 
 med with 
 !nce. In 
 political 
 ho would 
 
 remedy this intolerable state of affairs. Accordingly, the 
 tribune Aulus Gabinius brought forward a bill by which mmeaabinian 
 commander should be in-ested for three years with absolute ^'"' «^ ^•^• 
 authority, both by land and sea, over the whole Mediter- 
 ranean and as far as fifty n.iles into tiie interior. Within this 
 range lay all the important cities of the Roman world. No 
 one was named in the bill, but all were fully aware that Pompey 
 was meant. Though the nobles opposed the bill, and Caesar 
 almost alone in the senate supported it, the proposal was carried 
 m the assembly. Five hundred galleys, one hundred and 
 twenty thousand soldiers were voted, and the treasury of the 
 state was put at the service of Pompey. This vote, according 
 to more than one historian, was the actual beginning of the 
 empire. No sooner had Pompey been put in chief command 
 than the aspect of affairs changed. Public credit was at once 
 restored, the price of provisions fell, confidence in the security 
 of life and property was re-established, and the financial 
 stringency that had ensued in consequence of tlie commerce of 
 Italy being paralyzed, ceased. Selecting experienced command- 
 ers, Pompey assigned squadrons to each of the divisions into 
 which he divided the Mediterranean. In fc^rty days he swept 
 the whole of the western part of the Mediterranean and drove 
 the pirates into the eastern end, where he completely defeated 
 them and burned their ships in the haroour of Coracesium. 
 Within three months the war was brought to a close. 
 
 The bill of Gabinius was succeeded by another propo.sed by ,,„„,,;„„, 
 bams Mamhus, who now brought forward amotion conferring «««. 66 ^-C. 
 on Pompey unlimited powers over the army and fleet of the East 
 to prosecute the war against Mithridates. Again tne nobles 
 were alarmed at the extraordinary powers conferred on Pompey. 
 The bill was supported by Julius Caesar, Crassus, and especially 
 by Cicero, whose extant speech is little less than a panegyric on ' 
 tlie military genius of Pompey. In the war against Mithridates, „ 
 Pompey displayed tlie same energy that he had exhibited in theuStakeB 
 war against th.- pirates. Ac once the Roman general formed an datf'tar 
 alliance with the king of Parthia, and broke up the league be- 
 tween Tigranes and Mithridates. Pontus was blockaded by a 
 Homan fleet. Hemmed in on every side, and destitute of allies, 
 
 M 
 
 M 
 
474 
 
 HISTORY OK HOME. 
 
 Death of 
 Mithridatet 
 03 B.C. 
 
 I, ' 
 
 Pojnpey 
 settles the 
 affairs of 
 the Hast. 
 
 Mithridfttes fled before Poinpey. At length he was surprised 
 and defeated, and having no other place of refuge, he plunged 
 into the heart of Colchis and made his way to the Cimmerian 
 Cherfsonese or Crimea. Unable to obtain any satisfactory terms 
 of peace from the Romans, Mithridat( , conceived the bold 
 design of marching round the northern and western coasts of 
 the Euxine, and forming an ahiance with the wild Sarmatians 
 and Getae, to attack Italy on the north ; but in this he was 
 doomed to disappointment. The rebellion of hia son Phar- 
 naces stung with chagrin the Pontic king, who took poi.on and 
 died 63 B.C. His body was sent to Amisus, where it was 
 given a princely burial by Lucullus. Before returning home, 
 Pompey marched into Syria and reduced it to a Roman province. 
 He also advanced against Palestine, at that time distracted by a 
 quarrel between the high priests, Hyrciluus and Aristobulus. 
 The Roman general espoused the cause of the former, and the 
 Jews, that of the latter. In the war that ensued, Jerusalem 
 was taken by storm and Hyrcanus made high priest. 
 
 It was now the policy of Pompey to settle the affairs of Asia 
 by placing vassal kings of Rome over the territory he had con- 
 quered. He established Pharnaces, son of Mithridates, in the 
 possession of the Bosp6rus ; to DeiotJirus was given Galatia ; 
 and Cappadocia was restored to Ariobarzanes. He arrived in 
 Italy in 62 b.c. at the head of his victorious legions to obtain 
 from the senate a confirmation of his acts in Asia, for the regu- 
 lation of the provinces was conducted on his part without any 
 authority. 
 
) Hurprised 
 he plunged 
 Cimmerifin 
 story terms 
 i the bold 
 n coasts of 
 Sarinatians 
 his he was 
 son Phar- 
 poi;>on and 
 ere it was 
 ling home, 
 I province, 
 acted by a 
 ristobulus, 
 5r, and the 
 Jerusalem 
 
 rs of Asia 
 had con- 
 es, in the 
 I Galatia ; 
 arrived in 
 1 to obtain 
 the regu- 
 thout any 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 INTERNAL HISTORY OF ROME FROM THE CONSULSHIP OF POMPRY 
 AND CRA8SU8 TO THE RETURN OF POMPEY FROM THE EAHT 
 
 (o9-61 B.C.). 
 
 The internal history of Rome for the next twenty years is occu- 
 pied by the struggles between the popular party and the oi>timates 
 or nobles. These two classes had very different policies. The PoUcyoftke 
 optimates wished to retain intact the existing constitution, the old Ovt^^<^' 
 forms and rites of the national creed in connection with its system 
 of auspices, the riglits of the senate in its administration of the 
 courts of law, the exchequer, the army and the provinces. The Pou,,oftf. 
 popular party maintained, on the other hand, that the constitu- P'X 
 tion must be changed to meet the altered condition of the times '^"'■'^' 
 that the old rites in connection with the taking of the auspices 
 were meaningless and obsolete, that the power of the senate 
 must bow to the popular will, that the constitution of the ' 
 senatorial courts was notoriously corrupt, that the adminis- 
 tration of the finances of tlie government, and especially of the 
 provinces, was attended with flagram; peculations, and that the 
 public lands of the Roman empire should ao longer enrich 
 the wealthy aristocracy merely, but should be divided among 
 the common people for actual settlement. 
 
 After the deaths of Marius and Oinna, no prominent leader 
 of the popular party appeared till the days of Julius Caesar. ^ , . 
 Even now he was preparing the way for his final triumph l^^feZ 
 for the inherent weakness of the optimates was their need of a 
 strong leader. I'ompey had shown too great independence of 
 •spirit to receive the hearty support of the conservative wing of 
 tliat party. By his acts in abrogating the Sullan constitution, he 
 had really broken with his own followers, and he made the breach 
 still wider by assuming the unprecedented powers conferred 
 on him by the Gabinian and Manilian bills. On both of fh^se 
 iie had received the support of Crassns and Caesar, the former 
 of whom he regarded with personal aversion and the latter with 
 
 [4751 
 
 
 I 
 
470 
 
 HISTORY OP nOMK. 
 
 C. Juliua 
 Caesar. 
 
 Indicts Cn. 
 Dolabella, 
 
 jealousy. Of Mio othor leadors, Cutulus waH too narrow and 
 aristocratic ; M. PorciuH Cato, too niueh of a Stoic— tlio ancient 
 typo of a Puritan,— and Lucullus, too fond of personal indulgence 
 and too selfish, ever to take politics .seriously except for purely 
 personal ends. The weakness of the optiumtes l)rought to the 
 front of the popular party such men as Caesar, Cicero and 
 Catiline as the typical politicians of that period. 
 
 Caesar was born 100 «.o. By birth he was connected 
 with the optiinates, for he was descended from one of the oldest 
 families of Rome. He was, however, related in two ways to the 
 po[>ular party. His aunt, Julia, was the widow of the great 
 Marius, and his wife Cornelia was the daughter of Cinna. When 
 Caesar was ordered by Sulla to divorce his wife, he showed his 
 characteristic firmness l)y refusing to con)ply with the demand. 
 After H brief cam})aign in Asia Minor he returned to Rome, when 
 77B.C dnd^^^ prosecuted Cn. Dolabella for extortion in his management of 
 C. Anioniua the province of Macedonia, and next year he indicted C. Antonius 
 •^- for his administration of Greece. In both of these causes his elo- 
 quence attracted attention. To prosecute his studies of oratory 
 lie went to the school of Molo, at Rhodes, but ^>n his way was 
 cp,ptured by pirates, and was held by them till a random of fifty 
 talents had been collected for his release. On his return to 
 Rome he became the recognized Icfder of the popular party. 
 In consequence of being elected quaestor he obtained a seat in 
 the senate. In the same year he lost his aunt Julia, and his 
 wife Cornelia. When he delivered their funeral orations, he 
 seized the occasion of pronouncing a panegyric on the leaders 
 of the popular party. As quaestor he went to Spain, where he 
 obtained a reputation for fairness and moderation in settling 
 the difficulties of the provincials. In tlie following years we 
 find Caesar supporting the Gabinian, and afterwards the 
 Manilian bill. In doing so he probal)ly had two designs : first, 
 to make the Romans more and more familiar with the notions 
 of autocratic government ; and secondly, to secure a rupture 
 between Pompey and the optimates. In the office of aediie, 
 Caesar increased his popularity, as well as his debts, by the 
 gladiatorial shows he gave to ^cratify the depraved tastes of the 
 
 Elected 
 Quaestor, 
 68 B.C. 
 
 Caesar 
 A edile, 
 63 B.C. 
 
 Koman populace. 
 
 He also during his term of office showed his 
 
larrow and 
 tlio Hiiciont 
 iiuliilgouce 
 ; for purely 
 ght to tlio 
 Cicero and 
 
 connected 
 the oldest 
 ivays to the 
 the great 
 na. When 
 ihovved his 
 e demand, 
 unie, when 
 igement of 
 . Aiitonius 
 3es luH elo- 
 of oratory 
 Is way was 
 >ni of fifty 
 return to 
 lar party. 
 
 I a seat in 
 1, and his 
 itioiis, he 
 le leaders 
 
 where he 
 
 II settling 
 years we 
 ards the 
 ns : first, 
 e notions 
 L rupture 
 )f aediie, 
 i, by the 
 es of tlie 
 owed his 
 
 IIISTOKY OP KOMK. 477 
 
 di'votion to the Tnemory of Murius by causing the trophios of 
 that gr. at connuauder wliich had been destroyed by Sulla to bo 
 replaced. 
 
 Another leader of a very different typo was M. Tullius Cicero, Ci,ero. 
 the son of a Volsciau knight, born at Arplnuni 10«> n.c, and, 
 therefore, of the same ago as Pompoy. His first and ouly cam- 
 paign was served in the Social War, 89 u.o. During the stormy 
 times of the Siillan rule he gave himself up to the prosecution 
 of those studies that were essential to his succes.i as a lawyer 
 and a porician. His career at tJie bar whh brilliant and his 
 advancement so rapid that Hortensius and Aurelitis Cotta, his 
 most formidable rivals, w^re soon compelled to acknowledge his 
 superiority. Elected cpiaestor of Sicily, he endeared himself to 
 the inhabitants of that island so that he was chosen as their 
 patron at Rome, and subse(iuently undertook in their behalf ^''^^ro 
 the prose(aitiou of Yerres, who for three years (7;5-71 n.c), asSS'i' 
 praetor, had misrided and plundered the Sicilians. The prose- '''^^^- ' 
 cution of this cause would lead us to expect tiiat Cicero would 
 have cast his lot with the popular party, for Yerres had the 
 sui)port of the optimates. In due time» Cicero became aediie 
 and praetor. The support that he gave to the Gabinian and 
 Manilian bills would also lead us to suppose that he was not in ^["""'lon 0/ 
 harmony with the aristocratic party. The truth is that he was ^"""'"" 
 in accord with neither faction. He was as much oi)posed to the 
 conservative policy of the optimates as he was to the revolution- 
 izing tendencies of the leading men (jf the popular party. 
 
 An important actor in the stirring events of the times 
 was Lucius Sergius C ♦^^iline, a penniless aristocrat. He first 
 appears as a partisan of Sulla, and during the sanguinary pericxl Cami^' 
 of the revolution he killed with his own hand his brother-in-law 
 and tortured to death a kinsman of Cicero. He is said to have 
 poisoned his first wife and his own son to make room for the 
 rich, but profligate Aurelia Orestilla. Notwithstanding hk praetor, 
 disgraceful character he became praetor, and afterwards i)ro- ^f ^■^■'' 
 praetor of Africa, and returned to Rome with the hope oi (J^'K'a; °^' 
 obtaining the consulship. The two consuls' elect, for the year Tom^66BC. 
 
 ' See p. 470, foot note 1. 
 
478 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 ■;U i 
 
 First con- 
 spiracy, 
 Fehif. 5th, 
 Of> B.C. 
 
 65 B.C., P. Autronius Paetus and P. Cornelius Sulla had been 
 disqualified for bribery and tlie defeated consuls, L. Aurelius 
 Cotta and L. Manlius Torquatus, took their seats. FiLod with 
 anger at missing the object of his ambition Catdine formed 
 the design of murdering the consuls on the 1st of January. 
 This plan was postponed till tlie 5th of February, and failed in 
 consequence of his giving the signal too soon to his asso- 
 ciates. Emboldened rather than disheartened by his defeat, 
 he attached several senators and knights to his side and was 
 again a candidate for the consulship for the year 63 b.c. Cicero 
 and C. Antonius were, however, elected, though the fact that 
 the latter had only a few votes over Catiline shows how 
 powerful his influence was. Catiline now determined to carry 
 out his conspiracy. He collected to his side a band of needy 
 desperadoes whose bankruptcy could be averted only by a 
 revolution. To these he promised offices and plunder without 
 stint, an abolition of all debts, and in fact everything that 
 revolutionists would covet. He pointed out that the time was 
 ripe for such a revolution. His friends held power in Spain and 
 Africa ; no forces were in Italy to check their progress, for 
 Pompey had not yet returned i oin the East ; Gaul and Etruria 
 were ready to rise, and above all C. Antonius, the consul, was on 
 their side. Cicero found out the plans of Catiline by means of 
 Fulvia, a mistress of Q, Curio, one of Catiline's most intimate 
 friends. He convoked the senate, which at once passed the 
 decree empowering the consuls to see that the republic should 
 receive no harm. The murder of Cicero was averted by the pre- 
 cautions of the orator. WJien the unblushing conspirator took 
 First speech ^^^^ seat, Cicero pronounced in strains of impassioned eloquence 
 aga,.mt his first speech against Catiline. The conspirator who rose to 
 reply, was greeted with epithets and shouts of indignation on every 
 hand. Leaving the conduct of the campaign to his fellow traitors, 
 he set out at the dead of night for the camp of Manlius at 
 Faesulae. No sooner had he left Home than Cicero gave expres- 
 sion to his joy in the second speech against Catiline. Though 
 the traitor had departed, he had laid before the conspirators his 
 plans. They were to fire the city at twelve places ah once, and 
 to carry on .he work of plunder and murder. Cicero wished, 
 
 against 
 Vatiline, 
 Nov. 7th, 
 63 B.C. 
 
 Second 
 h, 
 Sth 
 
 speech, 
 
 Nov. 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 479 
 
 ila had been 
 L. Aurelius 
 
 Filiod with 
 line formed 
 of January, 
 nd failed in 
 ;o his asso- 
 
 his defeat, 
 de and was 
 B.C. Cicero 
 lie fact that 
 
 shows how 
 ed to carry 
 id of needy 
 
 only by a 
 ier without 
 j^thing that 
 le time was 
 11 Spain and 
 rogress, for 
 and Etruria 
 tisul, was on 
 3y means of 
 )st intimate 
 passed the 
 iblic should 
 by the pre- 
 )irator took 
 I eloquence 
 v^ho rose to 
 on on every 
 )w traitors, 
 Manlius at 
 ive expres- 
 i. Though 
 lirators his 
 ; oncfii and 
 »ro wished, 
 
 before disclosing the full guilt of Catiline, to have stronger 
 evidence than the mere word of a mistress of a conspiraiT.r, 
 and luckily such evidence was soon obtained. It so happened 
 that there came to Rome at that time envoys of the Allobroges 
 from the province of Transalpine Gaul, to ask redress for some 
 real or imaginary grievance. When they did not obtain their 
 redress from the senate, Lentulus, a conspirator, thinking 
 that he might turn the discontent of the Allobroges to good 
 account, asked them to support the plans of Catiline. Without 
 deciding definitely to co-operate, they thought it well to lay the 
 whole scheme before the patron of their state, Q. Fabius Sanga, 
 who in turn revealed the matter to Cicero. The envoys were 
 instructed by Cicero to feign participation in the plot, and to 
 obtain from the heads of the conspiracy letters and documents 
 as a surety of the sincerity of their intentions. At once the 
 conspirators fell into the trap, and on the night of the departure ;,.. ,,, 
 of the envoys, Cicero had the ambassadors of the Allobroges ^'''^''^ 
 arrested with all the documents. Cicero placed the whole matter '"''''• 
 betore the senate in his third speech. Again he summoned the 
 senate to decide the fate of the conspirators. A long and 
 important debate followed. At first all the speakers were for 
 inflicting the punishment of death till it came to the turn of 
 Julius Caesar, who was praetor elect. After he had pointed 
 out fully that the penalty proposed was illegal and that its 
 consequences would be very serious, he ended his speech with 
 he recommendation that the property of the conspirators should 
 be confiscatea, and that they should be sent to the various muni- nee stk 
 cipu and there kept in perpetual custody. Cicero followed f^'' ' 
 with the fourth speech against Catiline, in which he advocated ''''"' 
 «ie death penalty, and he was followed in the same strain by 
 M. Porcius Cato, wlio decided the opinion of the senate. On 
 the same night the conspirators were put to death in the Tullia- 
 num, a dungeon on the slope of the Capitoline. 
 
 Meanwhile Catiline had levied two poorly equipped legions in 
 Northern Etruria He first atten.pted to cross the Apennines ^„„., 
 to Cisalpine Gaul, but found the passes blocked by Roman SS^«{ 
 
 troODS. DRtftrminorl fr. o„n !,;„ l.f^ _, i , ... 62 B.C. 
 
 • ^ : """" '"■" ^^^■^■i"^- iis uuariy as possible, he 
 
 gave battle at Pistoria to the legions under Petreius, a lieutenant 
 
 iif^ ^r 
 
480 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 Death of 
 Catiline. 
 
 i 
 
 ' 
 
 Cicero's un- 
 popularity. 
 
 Caesar pro- 
 praetor, 
 61 B.C. 
 
 Pompexfs 
 return, 
 62 B.C. 
 
 His 
 triumph. 
 
 of the consul Antonius, and fought with all the courage of 
 despair. His life was somewhat redeemed by liis death, for he 
 fell in the thickest of the fight, after giving undoubted proofs of 
 valour, 
 
 Cicero's popularity was unbounded. He was hailed as 'Father 
 of his Country' both in the senate and the forum, and thanksgiv- 
 ings in his name were voted to the gods. His popularity was, 
 however, short-lived, for the excessive vanity he disjjlayed was 
 disgusting to the people. The immediate cause of his downfall 
 was, however, the direct violation of the constitution, which 
 stated that no citizen could be put to death except by the sen- 
 tence of the people in the comitia. The senate had assumed 
 functions which it had no right to usurp, and for tliis violation 
 of the constitution, Cicero, as presiding magistrate, was held 
 directly responsible. 
 
 When Caesar resigned his praetorship, lie obtained Spain for 
 his province. He was at this time enormously in debt — wanting, 
 as he himself said, two hundred and fifty million sesterces' to 
 be worth nothing. He, however, was relieved by Crassus, who 
 believed in his rising fortunes, and who had been attracted to his 
 side by the coldness of the optimates. In Spain he so enriched 
 himself as propraetor that he was enabled to pay off his out- 
 standing debts, and to be free thereafter from financial embar- 
 rassment. 
 
 Pompey, meanwhile, had returned to Italy from the East at 
 the head of his victorious legions. There were grave apprehen- 
 sions at Rome as to his intentions, but these were quieted when 
 he disbanded his army at Brundusium. With a few friends he 
 set out for Rome, where he celebrated his triumph in the fol- 
 lowing year. The grandeur of the procession outstripped all 
 previous ones in its magnificence. The tablets carried in the 
 procession recounted the fact that he had taken one thousand 
 strong fortresses, nine hundred towns, and eight hundred ships ; 
 that he had founded thirty-nine cities, and had raised the revenue 
 from sixty-nine to eighty-five millions ; and that he had brought 
 twenty thousand talents to the public treasury. At liis triumphal 
 
 • A sesterce was worth about four cents. 
 
onrago of 
 ith, for he 
 I proofs of 
 
 IS 'Father 
 ^hanksgiv- 
 arity was, 
 layed was 
 3 downfall 
 on, which 
 y the sen- 
 l assumed 
 5 violation 
 was held 
 
 HISTORY OP ROME. 481 
 
 Car, three hundred and twenty-four captive princes walked. But 
 in spite of this apparent pojjularity, the course of Pompey 
 was not satisfactory to the leaders of the senate, M. Crassus and 
 L. Lucullus, both his personal enemies. He had arranged, too, 
 the aflfairs of Asia without any commission of the senate, and he Refuml of 
 now was asking that body to ratify his acts and assign the landu mtifytdV" 
 he had promised to his veterans. This, however, the senators "'''**" ^**"- 
 refused to do, and by their stupidity they lost the favourable 
 opportunity to win him over to their side, to check the dan- 
 gerous and growing influence of Caesar. This short-sighted 
 policy of the optimates naturally threw Pompey on the side of 
 Caesar, and was eventually the cause of the downfall of the 
 senatorial party. 
 
 Spain for 
 -wanting, 
 terces' to 
 .ssus, who 
 ited to his 
 > enriched 
 f his out- 
 al embar- 
 
 le East at 
 ipprehen- 
 ;ted when 
 'riends he 
 11 the fol- 
 'ipped all 
 ed in the 
 thousand 
 ed ships j 
 3 revenue 
 1 brought 
 iriumphal 
 
 !i i 
 
 81 
 
CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 i 
 
 FROM THE RETURN OF POMPEY TO THE OUTBREAK OF THE SECOND 
 
 CIVIL WAR (61-49 B.C.). 
 
 Caesar's Caesar returned in the summer of (50 B.C. from Spain. He 
 
 S^aln, "*^*^ freed himself from all financial embarrassments, and had 
 60 B.C. also displayed ability in military affairs by completely subduing 
 the inhabitants of the Iberian peninsula. This was the first 
 opportunity he had liad to exhibit his ({ualities as a commander, 
 a position in which he afterwards became famous. On his return 
 he laid claim to a triumph, but he was willing to relinquish this 
 empty honour for the still greater benefits that the consulship 
 confei'red. The Roman law required that a candidate for the 
 consulship should present himself on three separate occasions 
 in the forum, whereas any one claiming a triumph was not 
 allowed to enter the city till the day of the triumphal pro- 
 Caesar Con- cession. Caesar was elected consul along with Bibulus, a 
 sul,S9 B.C. colleague of aristocratic tendencies who was too weak to thwart 
 his will. The chief care of Caesar now was to bring about a 
 reconciliation between Crassus and Pompey, who were deadly 
 personal enemies, and to use their co-operation in furthering his 
 own plans. These three, Caesar, Pompey and Crassus, formed the 
 First Triumvirate, as it is called. This was not a legally estab- 
 lished commission, but was rather a tacit understanding formed 
 by these three men to support each other in the unlimited control 
 of the state. No sooner had Caesar obtained power than he 
 brought forward an agrarian bill, by which the lands in Campania 
 were divided among twenty thousand Roman citizens, the major- 
 ity of whom were veterans of Pompey. Though opposed by the 
 aristocracy, the bill was supported by Crassus and Pompey, and 
 passed. Caesar next obtained from the people a ratification of the 
 acts of Pompey in the East, and he further cemented the friend- 
 ship between himself and Pompey by giving to the latter his only 
 daughter Julia in marriage. He also gained over the equites by 
 remitting to them one-third of the money they had agreed to pay 
 
 [ 482 ] 
 
 First Tri- 
 umvirate, 
 59 B.C. 
 
E SECOND 
 
 )aia. He 
 
 and had 
 subduing 
 
 the first 
 nmander, 
 lis return 
 ][uish this 
 onsulship 
 :e for the 
 occasions 
 
 was not 
 phal pro- 
 ibulus, a 
 to thwart 
 ; about a 
 :e deadly 
 lering his 
 >rmed the 
 lly estab- 
 g formed 
 id control 
 
 than he 
 Campania 
 tie major- 
 ad by the 
 ipey, and 
 ion of the 
 le friend- 
 c his only 
 quites by 
 ed to pay 
 
 it«*iSS)r»w..'32P»'jJ 
 
 HISTORY OP ROMK. 
 
 483 
 
 for farming the lands in Asia. After thus gaining to his side the 
 people, Pompey, and the equites, he next induced tlie tribune 
 Vatmius to propose in the assembly a bill granting him the 
 provinces of Cisalpine Gaul and Illyricum for five years The 
 province of Transalpine Gaul was afterwards added. Caesar, Caesar 
 nowever, did not propose to sever himself from tlie politics of '""^''^,^««' 
 Rome, as Pompey had done when he went to the East Taking ^^^^ S^'.^ 
 up his quarters in the winter at Luca or Ravenna, he kept himself KV"' 
 m touch with the politics of the capital and watched closely 
 every movement of his opponents. He procured the consulsliip 
 in 58 B.C. for L Calpurnius Piso and Aulus Gabinius, ready tools 
 of his own, while he used the profligate and unscrupulous Publius 
 Clodius to procure the banisliment of Cicero. It appears that 
 1 ompem, the wife of Caesar, had, some five years before this been 
 cdebrating the mysteries of Bona Uea, when Caesar held the 
 office of pontifex maximus. At these mysteries all >nales were Cloaius 
 rigidly excluded. Clodius in female attire had found his wa>^^^- '^^ 
 into the house and had been detected. The college of pontiffs =2^^ 
 decreed that Clodius was guilty of sacrilege, and Caesar evidently '' ^''' 
 believing his wife an accomplice in this act of impiety caused her 
 to be divorced. Clodius tried to prove an alibi, but Cicero swore 
 that on the day of the celebration he had spoken to Clodius in 
 the forum. In consequence of this Clodius, though acquitted of 
 the charge vowed vengeance on the orator. Being a patrician he 
 got himself adopted into a plebeian family. to enable him to be a 
 candidate for the tribuneship of the plebs. One of his first acts as 
 tribune, was to introduce a bill by which any one who had put to 
 death a Roman citizen without a proper trial should be banished 
 Though no one was named in the bill, it was very easy to see 
 that Cicero was aimed at, for he had laid himself open to the 
 charge in conducting the trial of the conspirators. Deserted bv 
 the triumvirs and abandoned by the consuls, Cicero retired to 
 Greece. In his absence his estates were forfeited and his villas 
 at Tusculum and Formiae plundered and destroyed. The out- cieero Un 
 burst of indignation against the orator soon brought a revulsion ^^'^' ^'«''" 
 of feeling in his favour. The enmity of Clodius had overshot '*'' '' ^'''' 
 its mark and with thf> airJ nf ^\\c iio„r p^„„„i- /-«_.„. i- , 
 
 and Q. CaecihusMetellus, and of the triumvirs, a decree waspassed 
 
484 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 Cicero's 
 return, Sept 
 
 Oaul. 
 
 recalling Cicero from banishment. After an absence of sixteen 
 months Cicero returned, and liis return was a triumphal pro- 
 r>'h, nfB.c. cession. Tlie Appian Way from Brundusium to Home was 
 thronged with eager crowds, who testified })y their enthusiasm 
 their gratitude for the services he rendered the state in suppress- 
 ing the conspiracy of Catiline. 
 
 Gallia Transalpina included all the conntiy west of the Rhine, 
 viz. : the whole of moderr F :,/ , o and Belgium, and parts 
 of Holland, Switzerland, anv,' .^^rmany. The south-western 
 part was inhabited by the Aquitanians, a race akin to the 
 modern Basques, and the eastern part by some German tribes 
 who had crossed the Rhine. With these exceptions the inhabi- 
 tants were of Keltic origin, consisting of about sixty tribes, who 
 were always at war with each other or their common enemies. 
 They do not seem to have ever risen above the tribal state. 
 Just before the days of Caesar two factions existed in the 
 country, the one headed by the Aedui, who were in league with 
 Rome, and the other by the Arverni and the Sequani. The 
 Aedui, proud of the alliance with Rt)me, had been lording it over 
 the oti J, and as a counterbalance for the support of the 
 Romans, the Arverni and the Sequani had invited the aid of the 
 neighbouring Germans. The immediate cause of Caesar's depar- 
 ture was, however, the news that reached Rome that the 
 Helvetii were setting out on an expedition as the Cimbri had 
 done fifty years before. Occupying that part of Gaul north of 
 the Lake of Geneva, and between Mount Jura and the Rhine, 
 a district comparatively limited, unfertile and bleak, they 
 determined to acquire the rich plains in the south-western 
 part of Gaul. Accordingly, quitting their homes and burning 
 their villages and towns, they had already passed through 
 the territories of the Sequani and plundered those of the 
 - Aedui. Their presence was a standing menace to the Roman 
 province in Southern Gaul. Now advancing upon Geneva, 
 they intended to cross the Rhine by the bridge at that town 
 and force their way through the province. Caesar left Rome 
 a few days after Cicero had been exiled and within eight days 
 
 First arrived at Geneva with five Ifiorinns. Hia sn/lrlop oririp"riT«f" 
 
 Campaign, ,, , ,, -„- , •• ,'"°, — i-i-.n .....pe.vrancv. 
 
 58 B.C. compelled the Helvetu to take the route along the river Sadne. 
 
IIISTOIIY OF ROME. 
 
 485 
 
 >f sixteen 
 )hal pro- 
 ome was 
 thusiasm 
 iuppress- 
 
 16 Rhine, 
 lid parts 
 i-western 
 1 to the 
 in tribes 
 e inliabi- 
 bes, who 
 enemies, 
 lal state. 
 L in the 
 gue with 
 ni. The 
 g it over 
 b of the 
 id of the 
 's depar- 
 that the 
 ibri had 
 north of 
 ! Rhine, 
 ik, they 
 ■western 
 burning 
 through 
 of the 
 Roman 
 Geneva, 
 at town 
 t Rome 
 :ht days 
 learancc 
 ir Sadne. 
 
 Already lie found that three-fourths of the enemy liad crossed 
 that river when he arrived at the Saone. Those who had not 
 crossed were overtaken and defeated, and the rest were over- 
 taken in a few days and cut to pieces at Bibracte (Auttm), 
 while the rest who escaped from the slaughter were compelled 
 to return to their homes. 
 
 Not content to defend the Province against these invad- 
 ers, Caesar now accepted the invitation of the Aedui to expel 
 from the borders of Gaul the Germans under Ariovistus. 
 This leader had made overtures to Caesar to divide Gaul be- 
 tween them, but this proposal was rejected by Caesar. The 
 legions were alarmed at the prosoect of a battle with men 
 who were physically and numerically superior io tlie Romans. 
 When the soldiers of the Roman army hesitated to engage, 
 Caesar sliowed his characteristic coolness in the face of danger 
 by declaring that 'if all deserted him, he would face every 
 danger and engage the foe with the Tenth Legion alone.' The 
 legionary soldiers rallied and a crushing defeat was inflicted on 
 Ariovistus near the town of Basle. Only a few of the enemy 
 escaped across the Rhine. By this battle the Romans extended 
 their territory as far as the Treviri. 
 
 The second year was occupied with a war against tlie Belgae. Second 
 A number of tribes between the Sequana (Seine) and the Rhine, f"K^^"' 
 alarmed at the encroachments of the Romans, had formed a 
 league against Caesar. Only the Remi were favourable to him. 
 After reducing the weaker tribes, Caesar marched against the 
 Nervii, one of the most warlike tribes of Gaul, and fought a 
 desperate battle, which was won only by his skill and personal 
 daring. So signal was this victory gained over the Nervii at the 
 river Sabis (Sambre), that out of sixty thousand tiglitiiig men 
 only five hundred Nervii remained. A public thanksgiving of 
 fifteen days, an unprecedented honour, was granted to Caesar. 
 By this victory all Eastern Gaul from the Mediterranean to the 
 English Channel was now in the hands of the Romans. 
 
 During the spring of 56 B.C. Caesar held his courts {conventus) Eoents in 
 i"( IT /-<• 1 . TT 1 ■,.■,.,. , . ^ , . , ^f^g Spring 
 
 iJ:r 
 
 in Gallia Cisalpina. Hf 
 
 r]y that his work in Gaul could 
 
 not be completed at the expiration of the five years which would 
 
 of 60 B.C. 
 
 n 
 
486 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 Conference 
 ■ at Luca, 
 April 56 BC. 
 
 Third 
 Campaign, 
 56 B.C. 
 
 Fourth 
 Campaign, 
 55 B.C. 
 
 end in December 54 b.c. He had no desire to have his policy 
 reversed by the senate a.s Ponipey's had been in the war 
 against Mithridates, nor did ho wish to run the risk of liaviiig 
 his veterans unprovided for, and the hiws he passed in his 
 consulship repealed or, at least, ignored. Cicero, also, had 
 assailed the acts of tlie triumvirs, and dissensions were arising 
 constantly between Craasus and Pompey. With the optimates 
 the influence of Pompey, who had never been a favourite, was 
 gradually waning, and with the popular party it was being eclipsed 
 by the brilliant career of Caesar in Gaul. At Luca, Caesar held a 
 conference with Pompey and Crassus. The importance of this 
 meeting may be judged from the fact that two hundred senators 
 and one hundred and twenty lictors were in attendance. Caesar 
 effected a patched-up reconciliation, and it was agreed that 
 Pompey and Crassus should be consuls for the year 55 b.c, that 
 Pompey should receive the command of the two Spains for five 
 years at the end of 53 b.c, and Crassus the government of 
 Syria for the same period, and that Caesar should obtain the 
 government of Gaul for five years beginning with 53 b.c ; that 
 at the end of his ter:-^ in Gaul, Caesar should stand for the 
 consulship for 48 b.c without being compelled to appear per- 
 sonally at Rome. Caesar would thus lay down his imperium 
 Dec. 31st, 49, and Pompey a year later. Pompey and Crassus 
 were elected consuls, not without violent oi)i)osition. 
 
 In his third campaign Caesar comi)leted the conquest of Gaul. 
 The chief hicident in this year was the conquest of the Ven6ti, 
 on the north-west of Gaul, a daring, sea-faring people, who 
 suffered a crushing defeat in the Bay of Quiberon. He then 
 turned his army against the Morini and Menapii, two tribes in 
 the neighbourhood of Calais. Though Gaul was subjugated, still 
 the spirit of the nation was not broken, and only lacked an 
 opportunity to rise against its conquerors. 
 
 The news on the German frontier called out Caesar earlier than 
 usual during the spring of this year. The Usipetes and Tencteri, 
 two German tribes, had been driven out of their own terri- 
 tory by the Suevi, and had crossed the Rhine, intending to settle 
 ill E.ap,tern Gaul. Caesar defeated them with great slaughter, 
 after detaining the ambassadors who had come to sue for peace. 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 487 
 
 After this victory Caesar determined to cross the Rhine to 
 strike terror into the hearts of the inhabitants. In ten days he 
 built a bridge in the neighbourhood of Cologne, and remained 
 about eighteen days on the eastern side of the river, wher 
 he returned to Gaul and broke down his bridge. His ambitic .» 
 was not satisfied with defeating the Germans. He resolved to 
 cross tlie Channel and invade Britain. With two legions and 
 eighty vessels he set out from Port Itius (probably Wissaut, 
 between Calais and Boulogne), and landed probably near Deal. 
 Beyond obtaining the submission of a few British tribes on the 
 southern part of the island, his conquest effected nothing, for 
 the season was too far advanced to permit a regular campaign. 
 A public thanksgiving of twenty days was decreed, not without 
 opposition, for Cato proposed that Caesar should be given up to 
 tlie Germans in consequence of his treacherous acts towards the 
 ambassadors of the Usipgtes and the Tencteri. 
 
 The expedition against Britain had flattered the vanity of the 
 Romans. The island v/as said to abound with rich mines and the 
 sea, with pearls, and to offer a rich fi Id for Roman enterprise. 
 Accordingly, he sailed again from Port Itius with five legions, 
 and landed at the same place as he had done the previous year. 
 The Britons had placed in supreme command of their forces 
 Cassivellaunus, whose state was north of the Thames. Caesar 
 advanced north, crossed the Thames, probably above London, 
 defeated the Britons and advanced as far as St. Albans. After 
 taking hostages and determining the amount of tribute Britain 
 shoi\ld pay yearly, Caesar returned to the continent. 
 
 Caesar's absence in Gaul had been attended with danger to the 
 Roman cause, for a rebellion was maturing in Gaul. This Caesar 
 helped to foster by arranging his legions at considerable distances 
 from each other — a policy he was compelled to pursue in con- 
 sequence of the scarcity of corn in Gaul. Accordingly, the 
 Eburones, a Gallic tribe, attacked the camp of Sabinus and Cotta 
 and cut to pieces their command. They next besieged Q. Cicero, 
 the brother of the orator, who was stationed among the Nervii, 
 and who was relieved by Caesar himself defeating the enemy. 
 
 The defeat of Cotta and Sabinus had inspired the natives of 
 Gaul to make an effort to regain their independence. Caesar 
 
 Fifth 
 
 Campaign, 
 5 It B.C. 
 
 aixth 
 
 Campaign, 
 63 B.C. 
 
488 
 
 HISTORY OF KOMK. 
 
 Seven t' 
 Campaign, 
 69 B.C. 
 
 Eighth 
 Campaign, 
 61 B.C. 
 
 Death of 
 
 Julia, 
 
 6SB.C. 
 
 Htrengthonod his army by levying two new logions in CiHiUpine 
 Gaul, and rocoiving another from Pompoy, who was now at Rome. 
 Ho defeated in turn sovoral tribea in North-ea.stern Gaul. As 
 the chief of those tribes—the Treviri had been aided by tho 
 Germans, Oaeaar determined to cross tho llhino again. After 
 receiving the submission of tho Ubii, ho devastated tho lands of 
 tho Snevi, and on his return to Gaul ho laid waste the district 
 occupied by the Eburonos. 
 
 This year marked a general uprising in all Gaul. Even the 
 Aedui, tho former friends of tho Romans, joined in the general re- 
 volt. At the head of tho insurgents was Vorcingetcrix, the chief 
 of the Arvorni, and by far the })est general Caesar had ever met 
 in his Gallic campaign. Caesar's success ; ii this, as in all other 
 campaigns, was duo to tho unexampled rapidity of his movement. 
 With incredible celerity ho concentrated his forces and attacked 
 the enemy before they were aware of his presence. After taking 
 several towns, he attacked Vercingetorix, who had strongly 
 fortified himself at Georgovia 'near Clermont). But the Gauls 
 had raised an immense army and besieged Caesar, who now 
 found himself between the two armies. Defeating tho besieging 
 army, Caesar finally compelled the surrender of Alesia, after 
 which the Aedui and Arvorni submitted. 
 
 The last campaign was spent by Caesar in reducing several of 
 the minor states, and in employing liiuisolf with the details of 
 the paciticatit)n of Gaul. His policy now towards the Gauls was 
 concilia*-.ory, and after so many years of fighting, Caesar left the 
 province of Gaul loyal to the Roman cause, ax^i patiently sub- 
 missive to the Roman yoke. 
 
 While these stirring events were going on in Gaul, other 
 events equally stirring wei taking j)lace in other parts of the 
 Roman world. The conference of Luca was only a hollow truce 
 and soon it was evident that a rupture was imminent. Tlie first 
 break in the link that bound the triumvirate together was the 
 death of Julia, the daughter of Caesar and wife of Pompoy. 
 Both husband and father were warmly attached to her* 
 Another link was broken in the death of Crassus, who was slain 
 in an expedition against the Partliians at Carrhae, By his 
 
IIISTOKY OF ROME. 
 
 460 
 
 CiHiUpine 
 at llutne. 
 «Hul. As 
 d by the 
 1. After 
 » lands of 
 e district 
 
 Even the 
 jiieral re- 
 the chief 
 ever met 
 all other 
 ovemont. 
 attacked 
 er taking 
 strongly 
 he Gauls 
 vho now 
 josieging 
 lia, after 
 
 everal of 
 lotaila of 
 auls was 
 • left the 
 itly sub- 
 
 1, other 
 3 of the 
 )vv truce 
 riie first 
 was the 
 *onipey. 
 to her. 
 '^as slain 
 By his 
 
 removal, the state was now at the mercy of Caesar and Pompey. nmfh of 
 While Ca(3Hur, however, was actively rcl.icing the province of^TfiT' 
 Gaul and gaining fresh laurels with every con.piest, Pompey 
 instead of setting dut to Wpain remained inactive at the city 
 restnig on the honours ho had gained in the Mithridatic 
 War. The state of affairs in Home itself showed clearly the 
 need of an absolute ruler to put down the lawlosHness that 
 prevaded. During the years 54 u.o. and 53 n.c. bl...Kly brawls 
 had been of frequent occurrence between the two old foes Clodius Dmth of 
 and^Milo and their hired ghidiators. Finally Clodius was slain. J;itX\h 
 Dunng the funeral of Clodius the senate house was burned, and ^^ ^•^- ' 
 in consciuence of the cmstant riots of the two factions the senate 
 met and ai>pointed Pompey sole consul. Mil., was tried and Pompey, ou 
 exiled to Massilia. Pompey now became a sturdy sup{)orter of the ZTh'^'/nr 
 aristocratic party. After the death of Julia he married Cornelia, ^" 
 daughter of Metellus Scipio, wliom he made his colleague in the 
 following August. He now brought forv/ard an old law that no 
 one could become a ccmsul while absent from Rome. This 
 would have compelled Caesar to resign his command at the end 
 of 49 B.C. At the same thne Pompey would, by virtue of 
 the conference at Luca, still be at the head of his army ^ 
 since his term of office did not expire till a year after the STT/ 
 expiration of that of Caesar. Marcellus the consul also vvo-CaZTand 
 posed that Caesar should give up his military jjower, now '''"'"^^^z. 
 that all (hxu\ had been subdued. Cato, the uncompromis- 
 hig foe of Caesar, also declared that in case Caesar should 
 appear at Rome, he would bring him to trial for his acts in 
 Gaul. The quarrel was evidently begun by the senate, and 
 not by Caesar. It would have been vain for Caesar to 
 give up his command and retire into private life while 
 Pompey was invested with the im^ierinm and at the head of 
 legions at Rome. The tribune Curio kid before the senate the 
 proposal of Caesar, that the latter would disband hi^ legions if 
 Pompey would do the same. The proposal was made on 
 January 1st, 49 B.C., when the new consuls L. Cornelius 
 Lentulus and C. Claudius Marcellus took office. With diffi-. 
 oulty Mark Antony, afterwards the triumvir, and Q. Cassius 
 Longinus, at that time tribunes of the plebeians, obtained a 
 
 \ i 
 
 1 
 
 I ft I 
 
 h t 
 
 
 It 
 
490 
 
 HISTORY OF ROMB. 
 
 hearing for the proposal of C osar. At length after a Btormy 
 debate the motion was passed ' that Caesar should disband his 
 soldiers on a certain day, and if he did not, he would be 
 declared a public enemy '. This meant a declaration of war. 
 Five days after the consuls were invested with dictatorial power 
 and Pompoy was appointed to carry on the war in case Caesar 
 did not obey the mandate. 
 
 
a stormy 
 iband his 
 would be 
 [ of war. 
 ial power 
 so Caesar 
 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 CAE8AH MAKCiIEiS A«>A1N.^T I'OMPEY. 
 
 Caesar was at Ravenna when the news of the action of the 
 senate readied him. He was not long in maturing his plans. 
 Reviewing the only legion ho had with him, ho recounted to 
 them his wrongs and asked thom to follow his fortunes. At 
 midnight he left Ravenna secretly and crossed the Rubicon, a Caesar 
 small stream which divided his province from Italy Proper. To Mubieln,' 
 pass this river without the express order of the senate was 
 equivalent to a declaration of war. At Ariminum he met the 
 two tribunes, Q. Cassius and Mark Antony, who had fled from 
 Rome when the senate refused to accei)t their veto to the bill 
 passed by that body declaring Caesar an outlaw. Town after 
 town fell before Caesar without striking a blow. His journey 
 through Northern Italy was a triumphal procession, and by the 
 beginning of February he had Umbria and Picenum at his feet. 
 To all opponents he granted anniesty. In this respect the con- 
 duct of Caesar in < arrying on the war against his fellow-citizens 
 was in striking contrast to his policy in his Gallic campaigns. 
 By the middle of February he was reinforced by two other 
 legions from Gaul. The first oi)position that Caesar encountered 
 was at Corfinium in the Pelignian Apennines, which was held <«*.«« Cor- 
 by Domitius Ahenobarbus. As soon as the news reached Cor-"^"^""** 
 finium that Pompey had withdrawn from Rome with the chiefs 
 of the senatorial party, Domitius surrendered to Caesar, who 
 after making a statement justifying his course generously dis- 
 missed all the prisoners unharmed. Most of the troops of 
 Domitius took service under Caesar. 
 
 Pompey and the chiefs of the aristocracy on hearing the course and follows 
 of action of Caesar were thrown into consternation. Abruptly sm^F *° 
 leaving Rome, in his haste Pompey even forgot to take with him *"*"*• 
 the money in the treasury. He hastened along the Appian Way 
 
 ill 
 
 
 N >'l 
 
 'J. 
 
 ,« Itl 
 
 1 Dates are given in the unreformed calendar : see page 498. 
 
 [491 J 
 
492 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 1 
 
 Caesar goes 
 to Spain, 
 June 22nd, 
 I^B.C. 
 
 Surrender of 
 Pompeians 
 in Spain, 
 Auoust 2nd, 
 &9 B.C. 
 
 Caesar'sfirst 
 Dictatorship 
 Dec. 2nd to 
 Dec. ISth, 
 ky B.C. 
 
 and reached Brundusium February 20th, where he remained till 
 he MTPS overtaken by Caesar, This town could not be taken by 
 assault, and Pompey could take his leisure in embarking his troops. 
 On the 28th of March he landed his rear gunrd on the coast of 
 Epirus. Caesar had not sufficient ships to jjursue Pompey, and 
 he also saw clearly that if Pompey held possession of the corn- 
 producing countries and continued to retain supremacy by sea, 
 Italy could be starved into submission. Caesar, therefore, 
 to check this possible movement, at once secured possession 
 of Brundusium, Tarentum and other harbours, and sent 
 Valerius to secure Sardinia and Curio to hold Sicily. With his 
 troops, which now mustered six legions, he arrived at Rome 
 in the end of March. On the motion of Mark Antony, the 
 people gave Caesar full power to take what money he desired 
 from the treasury. But the tribune Metellus refused to give 
 up the keys, whereupon Caesar forced an entrance and secured 
 abundant wealth to pay his legions. lie now was master of 
 Italy and Gaul, and his next object was to obtain Spain, which 
 had been Pompey 's province, and where a veteran army was 
 ready to invacie Italy. Caesar determined to set out for Spain 
 and to spend the rest of the year in the reduction of that 
 province. But he found that Massilia had declared for Pompey. 
 Leaving Decimus Brutus with twelve ships and Caius Tre- 
 bonius with a body of troops to take the town, he proceeded on 
 his march and crossed the I*yrennees early in the summer. 
 Hither Spain was held by Caius Afranius and M. I'etreius, two 
 officers of Pompey. Near Ilerda (Lerida) Caesar met the 
 Pompeian army, but they surrendered without coming to any 
 decisive engagement, and many of the soldiers took service under 
 his standard. In Further Spain Varro surrendered at Corduba, 
 and by the middle of September Spain was at the feet of Caesar. 
 On his return the Massilians were ready to yield, and were 
 treated by Caesar with the greatest clemency. 
 
 During Caesar's absence in Spain, M. Aemilius Lepidus, 
 prefect of the city, had named Caesar dictator. Though dic- 
 trtor for the first time only eleven days, during that bfief 
 period he passed several important laws. He presided at the 
 
.1-:- 
 
 •i]' ' 
 
 HISTORY OP ROME. 
 
 493 
 
 lained till 
 taken by 
 lis troops, 
 e coast of 
 ipey, and 
 the com- 
 jy by sea, 
 herefore, 
 lossession 
 md sent 
 With his 
 at Rome 
 bony, the 
 le desired 
 d to give 
 d secured 
 naster of 
 in, which 
 u'lny was 
 for Spain 
 I of that 
 Pompey. 
 lius Tre- 
 jeeded on 
 summer, 
 ■eius, two 
 met the 
 g to any 
 ice under 
 Corduba, 
 >f Caesar, 
 md were 
 
 Lepidus, 
 )ugh dic- 
 lat bfief 
 ;d at the 
 
 comitia and was elected consul for the following year. He also 
 restored all exiles to the city, except Milo. 
 
 One of the most important of his acts was the enfranchisement 
 of the inhabitants of Cisalpine Cxaul. In this act, Caesar was CaesarS re- 
 follownig the policy of the democratic leaders who had given the-^"''"'*- 
 Roman citizenship to the Italian allies. Caesar also had been 
 for many years the governor of the province and the champion 
 of Its inhabitants, and almost the first act when he obtained 
 supreme power was to procure for them the suffrage. By this 
 act Gallia Cisalpina ceased to be a province and now became a 
 part of Italy. Perhaps the most important of his reforms was 
 his financial legislation. A serious commercial crisis had arisen 
 in Rome during the long continued civil wars. Credit had fallen, 
 and debts could not be collected. The unbounded extravagance 
 of the young nobles had so involved them in debt that many of 
 the class of Catiline saw no hope but in a revolution. Caesar him- 
 self was deeply involved in debt, and every one naturally expected 
 that he would follow out the programme of Catiline and call 
 for a cancellation of all debts. But those who held that view 
 were destined to be disappointed. Plis moderate measure 
 for the relief of debts enacted that the interest paid on the 
 debts should be deducted from the principal and that property 
 ■should be taken in liquidation of the debts at its valuation 
 before the outbreak of the war. 
 
 While Caesar was secure in the possession of Italy, Gaul and 
 Spain, his lieutenant was defeated in Illyria, and thus all east of 
 the Adriatic was in the hands of the Pompeians. Curio also, who 
 had been sent to Sicily, after securing that island to Caesar's side 
 had crossed over to Africa. But the Pompeian governor of 
 Africa, P. Attius Varus, had the support of Juba, king of Maure- 
 tania, and Curio was defeated and slain. Thus the Pompeian 
 party had in addition to all east of the Adriatic, Africa oti their 
 side. Having thus secured Italy, Gaul and Spain, Caesar em- caesar em- 
 barked at Brundusium. The first part of the campaign was far S!ndu 
 from promising to Caesar. He spent nearly six months in trying ««"«^ Jany. 
 to capture Dyrrhachium. where Pompey had Ihb stores, and : ° ^^'^' ^* ^•^'• 
 making the attempt nearly ruined his army. While Pompey had 
 been waiting for the arrival of a reinforcement which his father- 
 
 tlliti 
 
 
 lifi 
 
494 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME 
 
 in-law Metellus Scipio was bringing to his aid, Caesar had efFected 
 a junction with Domitius Calvinus on the upper Peneius. 
 Pompey, who had now been joined by Metellus Scipio, 
 pitched his camp on the plains of Thessaly about four miles from 
 meTwo^ °^ Caesar. Elated at the success of the manoeuvre at Dyrrhachium 
 armies. and impatient of their enforced absence from the luxuries of the 
 capital and their estates, the leaders in the army of Pompey were 
 anxious to bring about a battle. The more sanguine spirits of 
 the senatorial leaders were even now amusing themselves 
 with quarrelling over the spoils which they expected to reap 
 by a victory, and were urging their leader to give battle at 
 once. The camp was filled with intrigues among the motley 
 throng of Romans, Asiatics, Jews, Arabians, and Armenians, 
 who were bent rather on pleasure and plunder than on war. 
 The forces of Pompey numbered forty thousand infantry and 
 seven thousand horse, while Caesar had only twenty-two thou- 
 sand infantry and one thousand horse, with a few irregular 
 battalions. Though Caesar liad the smaller army, all his 
 soldiers were veterans, loyally devoted to his cause, and with 
 full confidence in his success. In his army there were no 
 divided counsels, no intrigues, but only one resolve, to do the 
 will of their commander. 
 
 Battle of Both armies were protected on one flank by the little stream 
 
 jHaTf/I,"' Enipeus, while the other flank extended to the open plains. 
 itskc. Caesar drew up his army in three lines, of Avhich the rearmost 
 was to act as a reserve. Pompey, as we have seen, was far 
 superior in cavalry. To compensate for the inferiority in this 
 part of his army, Caesar picked out six veteran cohorts to 
 skirmish between the files of horse. Domitius Calvinus com- 
 manded the left, Mark Antony, the centre, and Caer jhe 
 right, with the tenth legion in reserve. Caesar's hort. was 
 driven back by Pompey's .valry but the latter was repulsed by 
 Caesar's reserves. A chai^ , of infantry was ordered by Caesar 
 but Pompey's men remained stationary. When Caesar ob- 
 served this, he halted his soldiers to gain breath before they 
 closed with the enemy, after which a desperate conflict ensued. 
 The day was gained by Caesar's third line coming on the ground 
 and soon the army of Pompey was in full retreat. Orders were 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 495 
 
 ■I,! 
 
 I effected 
 Peneius. 
 
 Scipio, 
 iles from 
 •hachium 
 es of the 
 pey were 
 spirits of 
 emselves 
 to reap 
 battle at 
 3 motley 
 menians, 
 on war. 
 itry and 
 ivo thou- 
 irregular 
 
 all his 
 ,nd with 
 were no 
 io do the 
 
 ! stream 
 I plains, 
 rearmost 
 was far 
 Y in this 
 horts to 
 lus com- 
 if ■ jhe 
 jrt,^ was 
 ulsed by 
 y Caesar 
 esar ob- 
 'ore they 
 1 ensued. 
 3 ground 
 ers were 
 
 • passed to spare the Romans, but to give no quarter to foreigners. 
 The allies of Pompey were fearfully slaughtered in the rout, for 
 Caesar followed up his advantage during that day and the fol- 
 lowing. He exhibited to his countrymen the same clemency 
 that he had previously shown, and granted a general amnesty to 
 all who had taken up arms against him, and among these was 
 M. Junius Brutus, of whom we shall hear presently. 
 
 Pompey fled through the Vale of Tempo and boarded a mer- Pompeyjlees 
 chantman. He first went to Lesbos where were his wife Cornelia '" "^^2/i>«- 
 and his young son Sextus. With them he went to Cyprus and 
 finally to Egypt. At the time when Pompey arrived there, the 
 kmgdom was ruled by the boy-king Ptolemy Dionysus, who had 
 expelled Cleopatra, his sister and wife. The ministers of Ptolemy 
 did not wish to refuse Pompey a refuge, for the Roman general 
 had been ai>pointed as the young prince's ward on the death of the 
 late king, Ptolemy XII. Not willing to receive him and yet not 
 danng to openly refuse him, a council was held at which it was „ 
 decided to assassinate him, and thus the Roman fugitive was S^e"/ 
 murdered as he was being conveyed to the shore. 
 
 Perhaps the career of no one in the history of Rome i& career of 
 so dramatic as that of Pompey. Fortune smiled on all h\& Pompey. 
 early life. With unexampled success he defeated Sertorius 
 in Spain, conquered Mithridates, crushed the pirates of the 
 Mediterranean, and brought to a close the Servile War. 
 The boundaries of the Roman empire had by his means been 
 extended from the Pillars of Hercules to the Euphrates. 
 But while he had undoubted genius for war, he had little 
 political sagacity. He began by courting the popular party, 
 but in this he was outbidden by Caesar. When he could have 
 made himself powerful with the optimates there was dis- 
 trust on both sides. He was a politician without a policy and 
 attempted in his career to carry out two inconsistent things, 
 the impossible task of gratifying his personal ambition and 
 at the same time adhering to the constitution. Caesar on 
 the other hand had a definite policy, which aimed, at least, to 
 remedy the existing defects in the senatorial government of 
 Rome. He had also boundless confidence in himself, and this 
 confidence inspired his followers with devotion to his cause. 
 
496 
 
 HISTORY OP ROME. 
 
 The victory of Pompey would have meant a perpetuation of t^e 
 evils of a system admittedly bad ; the victory of Caesar meant, 
 at least, that an attempt would be made to remedy defects. 
 
 Caesar arrived at Alexandria to receive the signet ring of 
 
 his great rival. He turned away from the ghastly spectacle 
 
 of the dissevered head of Pompey and ordered it to be 
 
 buried with fitting respect. New difficulties, however, occurred. 
 
 Caesar took the side of Cleopatra in the quarrel that had arisen 
 
 concerning the succession of the kingdom. The people of 
 
 Alexandria, to whom Cleopatra was obnoxious, assaulted the 
 
 palace and reduced Caesar to desperate straits, for as yet he had 
 
 not an army sufficient to enforce his wishes. In the course of 
 
 March Snd, time, however, Caesar obtained ships from Lesbos; tlie '^s,yj- 
 
 tian fleet was burned, and unfprtunately the great library of the 
 
 museum with its four hundred thousand volumes was consumed. 
 
 At last he was induced to allow Ptolemy to be restored and to 
 
 negotiate a peace. On the arrival, however, of reinforcements 
 
 from Syria, he defeated the Egyptian army and Ptolemy was 
 
 drowned when attempting to escape. Cleoj^atra then reigned as 
 
 queen of Egypt. Five months after his victory at the Nile, Caesar 
 
 left Egypt and marched northward against Pharnaces, son of 
 
 Zelafonijht Mithridates, Avhom he defeated at Zela. His laconic despatch 
 
 Aw/. 3nd, , .1 T-t • 1 • • . 1 
 
 W^t B.C. to the Koman senate announcmg this victory — te/a, vid%, vici — 
 
 is well known. He gained over the disaifected Asiatics to his 
 
 side by remitting a portion of the taxes due to the state 
 
 treasury. 
 
 Caesar returned to Rome to arrange for the consular elections of 
 the following year, when he and M. Aemilius Lepidus were chosen. 
 He was elected a second time also to the office of dictator, for 
 disorders were coming to the front. Tiie financial measures 
 he had passed in his first dictatorship had not yet stayed the com- 
 mercial crisis. Many of the Romans were still clamouring for 
 a cancellation of accounts, but to these demands he paid little 
 heed. Another trouble still more dangerous awaited him. A 
 mutinous spirit had broken out in the army, and the ring- 
 leader in this was tlie favourite Tenth Legion, but Caesar with 
 promptitude quelled the insurrection and restored order. 
 
History op rome. 
 
 497 
 
 on of t^e 
 ir meant, 
 
 BCtS. 
 
 t ring of 
 spectacle 
 it to be 
 occurred, 
 lad arisen 
 t^eople of 
 ulted the 
 'et he had 
 course of 
 ;he Egy^./- 
 ary of the 
 onsumed. 
 ed and to 
 Drcements 
 lemy was 
 reigned as 
 lie, Caesar 
 3S, son of 
 despatch 
 idi, vici — 
 tics to his 
 the state 
 
 lections of 
 re chosen, 
 jtator, for 
 measures 
 I tlie com- 
 )uring for 
 paid little 
 [ him. A 
 the ring- 
 lesar with 
 Br. 
 
 The decisive battle of the Pompeiau party was fought at Battle of 
 Thapsus in Africa. Under Metellus Scipio, a commander of 5^"*'''"^ 
 inferior ability, aided by Juba, of Mauritania, the Pompeians^"^-^- 
 suffered a severe defeat. By tliis victory all northern Africa 
 passed into the power of Caesar except Utica, which was held 
 by Cato. The inhabitants of the town saw that resistance was 
 hopeless, and Cato resolved rather to die than to submit to the 
 despotic rule of a man whom he had always opposed. After 
 retiring to his chamber, he spent the night in reading the 
 Fhaedo, a dialogue of Plato on the immortality of the soul, and 
 then stabbed himself. Though his wound was dressed and he 
 would probably have recovered, he showed his characteristic 
 determination by tearing the wound open and so perished. 
 
 Caesar was now the sole ruler of the Roman world. There was 
 grave apprehension in Rome that he would imitate Sulla and 
 Marius in proscribing all his enemies. These fears were, how- Returns to 
 ever, groundless. It was no part of Caesar's policy to show a ^o«i«. •^"^3/ 
 disregard for the lives of his fellow-countrymen, however regard- ^^ ^'^' 
 less he might be of the lives of foreign people. As soon as the 
 word came of his victory at Thapsus, a public thanksgiving of 
 forty days was proclaimed, tlie dictatorship was bestowed on 
 him for ten years, and the censorship was conferred under the 
 title of pr-aefectus morum for three years. He then celebrated 
 with great splendour his four triumphs— over Gaul, Egypt, Pontus 
 and Numidia— purposely avoiding all reference to the civil wars. 
 These triumphs were followed by gifts of corn and money to the 
 soldiers and the people, and by all kinds of public entertain- 
 ments. 
 
 His dictatorship was marked by many reforms. He tried to 
 check by severe measures tlie extravagance that pervaded all^^ 
 clasf OS of the people. Perhaps the most memorable, as well as tneoiurea. 
 the most lasting of his measures was the reform in the calendar. 
 In this he was aided by the Greek mathematician Sosiggnes 
 of Alexandria. The Roman year had been a lunar year and 
 was at this time ninety days in advance of the solar year. 
 Intercalary months were added from time to time. During 
 this year such a month had been added of twenty-threo 
 IS calculated that the year would be s 
 
 I 
 
 '^ 
 
 32 
 
 sixty- 
 
498 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 1^ 
 
 Munda, 
 17th March, 
 h5 B.C. 
 
 Caesar 
 returns, 
 Oct. hB B.C. 
 
 Honours 
 granted to 
 Caesar. 
 
 Bis plans 
 
 when 
 
 dictator. 
 
 seven days in advance of the true time, ho that the year 
 46 B.C. consisted of four hundred and forty-five^ days. To 
 prevent confusion the year was extended from three hun- 
 dred and fifty-five to three hundred and sixty-five days, each 
 month except February being lengthened to the number of 
 days we now have, and a fourth day added to February every 
 leap year. With the Ist of January, 45 b.c, the solar year 
 and the civil year began. Caesar also increased the number of 
 the senators to nine hundred, many being enfranchised citizens 
 of Cisalpine Gaul. 
 
 In the year of his dictatorship he received the intelligence that 
 an insurrection had broken out in Spain, where the s(ms of Pom- 
 pey, Cneius and Sextus had collected an army. At the end of 46 
 B.C. he set out, and within seven days he arrived at Corduba. He 
 defeated the enemy at Munda in one of the most desperate battles 
 he had ever fought, a victory which was gained only by his per- 
 sonal bravery. Caesar was detained for some months in settling 
 the affairs of Spain. In October he celebrated his triumph, 
 jilthough he had gained a victory over citizens. The senate at once 
 began to shower honours on him. On all occasions he was allowed 
 to wear a triumphal robe, he received the title Father of his Coun- 
 try (pafer patriae), statues of him were erected in the temples, 
 his effigy was placed on coins, the month of Quintilis was to be 
 styled afterwards Julius, and he was to be raised to the rank of a 
 god. By Jiis office, too, of Imperator for life he was the supreme 
 ruler in the Roman world : he was consul for ten years, dictator 
 and praefectus morum for life, his person was inviolate, senators 
 and knights were to form his body-guard, and the senate took 
 an oath to watch over his safety. 
 
 It may be said to the credit of Caesar that he used his power 
 mercifully. No proscriptions followed his assumption of abso- 
 
 1 The addition of one day would be correct if the year were exactly 365 days 
 6 hours. But the solar yea.r is 366 days 5 hours 48 minutes 46 seconds, so that 
 the Julian year is 11 minutes 14 seconds shorter than the solar year. Caesar's 
 a,stronomers knew of this but disregarded it. Accordingly in 1582 a.d. Pope 
 Gregory found the year behind the true time by 13 days and shortened the year by 
 10 davs still leavin" the year 3 da.vs behind the true time. He also ordered that a 
 nearer approximation might be reached to lea\ e out the odd day in February three 
 times in 400 years. England adopted this in 1752. Russia still keeps the old style, 
 so that her time is 12 days behind the rest of Europe. 
 
!: t 
 
 HISTORY OP ROME. 
 
 499 
 
 ;he year 
 lys. To 
 him- 
 
 ee 
 
 each 
 luiber of 
 ,ry every 
 >lar year 
 imber of 
 I citizens 
 
 3nce that 
 of Poin- 
 Bnd of 46 
 uba. He 
 ,e battles 
 ' his per- 
 
 1 settling 
 triumph, 
 te at once 
 s allowed 
 lis Coun- 
 
 teniples, 
 vas to be 
 rank of a 
 supreme 
 , dictator 
 senators 
 aate took 
 
 lis power 
 L of abso- 
 
 tly 365 days 
 nds, so that 
 ir. Caesar's 
 
 2 A.D. Pope 
 the year iiy 
 
 iered that a 
 bruary three 
 he old style, 
 
 hite rule. H.s mind was bent ruthor on schemes for the benefit 
 of tlieRonuui world. To reward his friends he increased the 
 number of the public officers. He proposed to codify the 
 Roman laws, to establish public libzaries, to enlarge the harbour 
 of Ostia, dram the Pomptine marshes, and to cut a canal throudi 
 the isthmus of Corintli. In the midst of tlie schemes he was 
 also preparing for an expedition against the Parthians and tlie 
 tribes on the Danube to protect the boundaries of tlie Roman 
 empire. For the fifth time he was elected dictator and consul for 
 the last year of his life, 44 B.C., with Antony as his colleague in 
 the consulship and Lepidus as his master of the horse. He wished 
 to perpetuate his power in his own family. Having no legitimate 
 children he ma.le his sister's grandson Octavius, afterwaids the 
 fmiperor Augustus, his successor. He wislied also to have the 
 title as well as the power of king, and accordingly it was agreed 
 that at the approacliing Lnpercalia (15tli February) Mark 
 Antony should offer Caesar a diadem in public. But the very 
 name of king liad since the days of tlie Tarquins been obnoxious 
 to Roman ears, and the proposal was for the present dropped. 
 
 Meanwhile after the Spanish triumpli a conspiracy had been r.. con«;,,>- 
 formed. It was started probably by C. Cassius Longinus a"''^' 
 personal foe, and included upwards of sixty persons, many 
 of whom had taken active part in the war against Caesar, 
 but had been pardoned by him. Among the most prominent of 
 the conspirators w^as M. Junius Brutus, who had fought acrainst 
 him at Pharsaha but was pardoned, and had since been raised to 
 tlie praetorship. A descendant of the man who expelled the 
 Tarquins, a son-in-law and nephew of Cato, Brutus inlierited 
 the traditional theories of the republicans, and no doubt sincerely 
 believed that the death of Caesar would cure all the ills of Rome. 
 It was arranged to assassinate Caesar on the Ides (15th) of March 
 Though rumours of a conspiracy were darkly hinted to Caesar he 
 disregarded all warnings and went to the senate. According to 
 custom, the senators rose to honour him, and when he took his 
 seat the conspirators surrounded him to ostensibly support the 
 petition of Tillius Cimber, one of their number, who was inter- 
 ceding with Caesar to recall his brotlier from banishment. 
 When Caesar grew impatient at their importunity, Tillius seized 
 
 i 
 
 a 
 
 liiil 
 P 
 
500 
 
 HISTORY OP ROME. 
 
 Death of him by tlie cloak. This luul been agreed as the signal. Caeaai' 
 
 Jlforc/*'i5tA, fell at the base of Ponipoy's statue jiierced with twenty-three 
 
 *^ ■ wounds. 
 
 Caesar's death was a loss, not to Rome, but to the civilized 
 world. Had his master genius matured the plans he proposed 
 to carry out, the whole of future history woxdd have been 
 changed. With his death were renewed those civil wars which 
 brought disorder and carnage to the Roman world. Equally 
 gifted as general, jurist, statesman, histf)rian, mathematician and 
 architect, his versatility of genius was remarkable. His successes 
 in war were achieved after his fortieth year. According to 
 Cicero he might have been a great orator. Wo have his con. 
 mentaries to prove that he was a great historian. His true 
 greatness is shown by the entire absence of vanity or self-conceit 
 
 C/iaract«ro/ from his character. No doubt he was excessive in his careful 
 attention to his person, and some have even stigmatized this as 
 an evidence of his vanity. This arose rather from the studied 
 art with which Caesar paid attention to everyth.'ng that would 
 enhance his reputation among the people. Power he loved 
 above all things and to attain the end he had in view probably 
 he was no worse or no better than the other Roman political 
 leaders of his own day. 
 
 Caesar. 
 
. Caeaar 
 iity-tliree 
 
 civilized 
 proposed 
 five been 
 irs which 
 Equally 
 biciau and 
 
 successes 
 )rding to 
 ) his con- 
 
 His ti'ue 
 )lf-conceit 
 lis careful 
 ,ed this as 
 e studied 
 lat would 
 he loved 
 
 probably 
 I political 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 THE SECOND TRIUMVIRATE. 
 
 The murder of Caesar was viewed with conflicting feelings by Feeling at 
 the Roman people. At first there was a disposition to applaud CmmH^^ 
 the conspirators as men who had rescued Rome from the danger ^^'^'. 
 of having a king imposed upon tliem. Among tiiose who took 
 this view of the situation was Cicero, who did not hesitate to 
 express openly his appr.jval of the deed, But the conspirators 
 were too merciful in their own interests. Had they gone 
 further, as some suggested, and removed Mark Antony, Caesar's 
 intimate friend, and the custodian of his papers and will, the 
 revolution they sought to bring about might have been accom- 
 plished. But Antony was spared, and although he pretended at 
 first to be desirous of maintaining amicable relations with Brutus 
 and Cassius, it soon became evident that he was waiting for a 
 suitable opportunity to make politi ;al capital out of his position 
 as Caesar's executor. 
 
 At first it was decreod in the senate that an amnesty should 
 be granted for all that had occurred, and Brutus and Cassius 
 betook themselves to the Capitol to watch tlie trend of public 
 opinion. Caesar's soldiers came into the city in great numbers, 
 and the political atmosphere was full of suppressed excitement. 
 The senate was found utterly unequal to the situation, for it 
 began with the advocacy of measures tending to reconciliation, 
 and ended with conferring divine honours on Caesar, and in 
 acknowledging the validity of his ordinances. Caesar's will was 
 ratified and ordered to be read to the public. It was found that 
 an immense sum was to be distributed to his soldiers and to the 
 Roman citizens individually. At once popular passion was 
 roused to vindicate the memory of the dead benefactor. A 
 public funeral was ordered for his remains, and the body placed 
 in an open bier was brought into the forum. To Antony, as a 
 near friend, fell the task of making the funeral oration. He 
 
 [501 J 
 
 1^ 
 
502 
 
 HISTORY OF ROMK. 
 
 Cains 
 Octavitis. 
 
 recounted Cnosar's achieveinentH, told of his lf)VO for the people 
 and his geiier ^-^ity as shown by his will, and c ncludod by hold- 
 ing aloft a wax. image showing Caesar's wounds, and his blood- 
 stained toga rent by the daggers of his assassins. The excite- 
 ment of the i)ojMilace was now at its highest pitch, and instead 
 of taking the })ody to the Campus Martins, the crowd there 
 and then built a funeral pile of benches and other available 
 wood, and burnt it in the forum. Brutus, Cassius and the 
 
 The contpir- chief con8i)irator8 were now compelled to seek safety in flight. 
 
 the city. Brutus retired to Macedoni- a province previously allotted to 
 him by Caesar ; Cassius, to byiia, and Decimus Brutus to Cisal- 
 pine Gaul, where several legions were stationed. 
 
 Caesrr had by his will adopted C. Octavius, the grandson of 
 his sister, and made him his heir. Octavius was at tiiat time a 
 young man of eighteen, and, when his uncle's death occurred, was 
 iii Apollonia, in Illyricum, receiving a Greek education. The 
 news of Caesar's murder, and his own good fortune in being 
 appointed heir, caused him to return almost immediately 
 to Rome to claim his inheritance. His appearance on the 
 scene was not at all gratifying to Antony, Caesar's executor. 
 For Antony was very smwilling to give up the estate placed in 
 his hands and sought to intimidate the young heir. But 
 Octavius had found a good friend and adviser in Agrippa, and 
 he also secured the support of Cicero. Antony had to surrender 
 the will and the property such as was left, for with characteristic 
 extravagance and recklessness he had managed to make away 
 with the greater share of Caesar's iuniiense fortune. Bad blood 
 was thus aroused between these two men, and so great was the 
 tension that Cicero for a brief period left Rome for Athens. 
 
 Antony now ruled for a time at Rome, and on the 
 strength of supposed instructions found in Caesar's papers, 
 he began to act in a most arbitrary manner, giving the 
 franchise to favoured communities, fillnig the senate with his 
 tools, and distributing the provinces to his friends. Lepidus 
 was the governor of Guul, a position to which he had been 
 appointea just prior to Caesar's death. Antony now compelled 
 the senate to give him Cisalpine (iaul, although Decimus Brutus 
 had been previously sent there on the same authority. At the 
 
 Temporary 
 power of 
 Antony. 
 
HFflTORY OP ROMK. 
 
 503 
 
 the peoplo 
 il by hold- 
 his blood- 
 !'lio excite- 
 lul instead 
 uwd there 
 ' available 
 s and the 
 ^ in flight, 
 allotted to 
 IS to Cisal- 
 
 randson of 
 hat time a 
 urred, was 
 :ion. The 
 I in being 
 imediately 
 36 on the 
 
 executor. 
 J placed in 
 eir. But 
 rippa, and 
 surrender 
 iracteristic 
 lake away 
 Bad blood 
 at was the 
 bhens. 
 I on the 
 ■'s papers, 
 ;iving the 
 e with his 
 Lepidus 
 
 had been 
 compelled 
 lus Brutus 
 ^ At the 
 
 end of the year Antony bef ook hiiriHelf to Cisalpine Saul where 
 he attempted, without succesM, to win over from Brutus his 
 legions. Failing in th .t, he laid siege to the army of Brutus in 
 MutYna. The new consuls for the next year wore Hirtius and 
 Pansa, and they were assigned Gaul and Italy by the senate, 
 with instructions to march against Antony and assist Decinuis 
 Brutus. Matters were still further complicated by the part now 
 played by the young Octavius. Antony had in Oct(jber recalled 
 some legions from Macedonia to aid him in his war a^^'ainst Deci- 
 mus Brutus, but no sooner had these trooj)s landed in Italy than 
 Octavius managed to entice away from Antony a whole legion. 
 Raisi)ig anotlier legion from Caesar's veterans in Campania, 
 Octavius found himself at the head of a considerable army. He The War at 
 then induced the senate to give him consular power, and to send |s"i!c?' 
 him with his army to Mutlna, to aid the consuls and Decimus 
 Brutus against Antony. The war in the north was brought to 
 an end early in the year by a battle at Mutina, in which Antony 
 was defeated, although both consuls lost their lives. Octavius 
 now expected to be given the chief command of the army, but 
 Cicero used his influence in the senate to have it conferred 
 upon Decimus Brutus, an older and more experienced man. At 
 once Octavius marched against Rome with eight legions, and 
 compelled the senate to recognize his claim and appoint him 
 consul, although he was only twenty years of age. To such a Octavim 
 pass had constitutional government come at this time ! A law ""*"'" 
 was now passed authorizing criminal proceedings against all 
 those who were implicated in the death of Caesar, and a price 
 was set on the heads or Brutus and Cassius. Decimus Brutus, 
 in consequence, fled to Aquileia, where he was murdered. 
 
 In the meanwhile Antony, after his defeat at Mutina, had 
 gone to Gaul, where Lepidus and Plancus were in command of 
 the Roman legions. He was received by them kindly, and pro- 
 claimed imperator by their soldiers. This occurred in the early 
 summer. In November he returned to Italy accon.panied by 
 Lepidus and Plancus with their army, and Octavius marched 
 to Bononia (Bologna) to meet them. Instead, however, of 
 settling their disputes by the sword, an agreement was reached 
 to divide the government of the Roman empire among them- 
 
 I 
 

 504 
 
 H. STORY OF ROME. 
 
 Protrrip' 
 tion lilt 
 drawn up. 
 
 The Second solves for five ywii-B. Ihis comlnnatioii ih known ns the 
 'becond Iriinnvirate, and had a fow precedents ni its favour. 
 Italy was to be administered in comuiou by the triumvirs ; 
 Lepidiis was to bo given as his provinces, Spain and Nar- 
 bonese (iaid ; Antony, Oisaipino, Ltigdunensian and Belgic 
 Ganl ; Octavius, Africa, Sicily and Sardinia. As for the eastern 
 provhiCMH, Brutus and Cassiua had them under their control. 
 The first aci '>f the triumvirs was to prepare a proscription list, 
 on which were placed the names of a great mimber of Jie wealthi- 
 est and most emine!»t men at Rome. Antony sacrificed liis uncle, 
 j Lepidus his brother, .»'ul Octavius, Cicero, the opponent of 
 
 Antony. This proscription was worse than that of Sulla, for men 
 were now hunted down avd slain solely for the sake of their 
 property. Cicero was at his villa when the list came out, and he 
 made a half-hearted attempt to escape. Ho started out in a 
 small vessel, leaving it to fate or fortune to determine whether 
 he should find a refuge with Sextua Pompeius in Sicily, or 
 with Brutus in the east. The wind was, however, toutrary, 
 and, to please his saih)rs (and perhaps himself) put in to 
 shore at one of his estates near Formiae, until the storm was 
 over. Here he was betrayed by one of his own people, and a 
 party under the leadership of a centurion, named Ljienas, started 
 in pursuit of him. Cicero had been placed in a litter by his 
 friends and was being conveyed to the seashore by an unfre- 
 quented road when his pursuers overtook him. He refused to 
 allow his slaves to fight hi his behalf, but when overtaken 
 stretched out liis head to leceive the fatal stroke at the hands of 
 a man whom he had once befriended. His head and hands 
 were cut oft' and carried to Rome, where Fulvia, Antony's wife, 
 gratified her hatred by feastug her eyes on the dead features of 
 her husband's enemy. 
 
 "While these things were transpiring in Italy, Brutus and 
 Cassius were obtainuig a complete control over the East. 
 Brutus was the master of M..cedonia, and his authority was 
 acknowledged by the legions there. Cassius had gone to Syria, 
 where his services against the Parthiaiis were stili remembered, 
 and he found the whole country ready to accept his rulo. Thus all 
 the possessions of Rome east of the Adriatic were subject t' the 
 
 Murder of 
 Cicero, 
 is B.C. 
 
 Brutus and 
 Cassius in 
 the East. 
 
 
HIHTOnV OF ROMK. 
 
 605 
 
 1 ns t-ho 
 H favour, 
 iunivirs ; 
 ud Nar- 
 l Bolgic 
 d eaHtorn 
 
 contrf)!. 
 tion list, 
 
 wealthi- 
 lis uncle, 
 meat of 
 
 for men 
 
 of their 
 ;, and he 
 out in a 
 
 whether 
 icily, or 
 ioutrary, 
 it in to 
 orni WAti 
 le, and a 
 , started 
 3r by his 
 ft unfre- 
 ifused to 
 ^ertaken 
 hands of 
 1 hands 
 y's wife, 
 ttures of 
 
 tus and 
 =! East, 
 'ity was 
 o Syria, 
 nhered, 
 Thus all 
 it to the 
 
 
 two repuljlican leaders. They had at their diHposal a largo body 
 of trv)opH, whose number was continually increased by refugees 
 frcjui the proMcriiiM< t; of the triumvirs. They also were in 
 possession of », l.irge and efficient fleet, under the command of 
 Murcus and Domitius Ahenobarbus, which with that of Sextus 
 Pomi)eius in the West practically controlled the Mediterranean. 
 
 Nevertheless Antony and Octavius res .Ived to attack Brutus War in the 
 and CassiuH, and with that object crossed over to IlJvria «'"""'''""f 
 wiuii a largo torce. Marolnng into Macedonia they inet with Catsitm, 
 little opposition and speedily subdued all Greece. lirutus 
 and Cassius now collected their forces in Asia, and crossing the 
 Hellespont also moved into Macedonia. Near Philippi there is 
 a narrow pass between fhe mountains and the sea, and this pass 
 was occupied by the army of Antony and Octavius. Brutus 
 and Cassius were guided around this pass, and took their posi- 
 tion over against the enemy and near Philipi)i, Their fleet 
 controlled the western seas, and had they held their ground, 
 avoiding a battle until their fleet joined them, Antony and 
 Octavius would have been compelled to retreat from want of 
 provisions. But the army of Brutus and Cassius was eager to 
 light without waiting for reinforcements, and to this must be 
 ascribed the disaster that followed. Brutus commanded tho 
 left wing (for there was no centre) of tho army ; Casaius, 
 the right. Brutus was pitted against Octavius, whom lie easily 
 routed ; but Cassius on the right was overborne by Antony. 
 Cassius was not aware of the success of Brutus, and imagining 
 
 all was lost, caused his slave to take his life. Tliis was very „ ... ^ 
 1 •i-r.i 11,-.,. liattte of 
 
 clei)ressing to Brutus, who held his ground for twenty days, and f^hiiippi, 
 
 then, yielding to the desire of his troops for a decisive conflict, ^'^' '^' 
 
 once more engaged the enemy. This time his men did not fight 
 
 so well, and he was badly defeated. Despairing of success and 
 
 of the future of the republic, ho fell upon his sword and died in 
 
 his thirty-seventh year. In the army of Brutus were many men 
 
 of note who had escaped from the proscription, and of these many 
 
 followed the example of their leader and took their own lives. 
 
 The soldiers of Brutus generally accei)ted service under the 
 
 banners of Antony and Octavius, while the greater portion of 
 
 •fi;; 
 
506 
 
 HI.ITOHY OF ROME. 
 
 Antony 
 
 meets 
 
 Cleopatra. 
 
 War at 
 Pernsia, 
 Ul-W B.C. 
 
 Piracy o/ 
 
 Sextus 
 
 Pmnjteiui!. 
 
 his fleet passed into the service of 8extus Pompeius, who con- 
 trolled Sicily and the western seas with his piratical vessels. 
 
 The triumvirs were now masters of the situation, and Octavius 
 returned to Italy, leaving Antony in the East. The latter 
 treated the people of Greece with humanity, but he exacted 
 great sums of money from those of Asia Minor. While passing 
 through tliis district he summoned Cleopatra of Egypt to meet 
 him at Tarsus in Cilicia. She promptly responded, and sailed 
 up tlie Cydnus in a galley decked wich purple and gold. She 
 invited Antony to a banquet, and so bewitclied him with her 
 beauty, wit, and other fascinations that henceforth he became 
 her humble slave and passionate lover. 
 
 While it was now the task of Antony to collect money in the 
 East to reward the victorious legions, it fell to Octavius to allot 
 the lands in Italy promised to the veterans, and to crush the 
 growing power of Sextus Pompeius. Such an arrangement was 
 decidedly to the advantage of Octavius, who, secure in the posses- 
 sion of Italy and in full control of the central government, was 
 able to pose before the Roman world as the champion of western 
 civilization, while Antony was disgracing himself and his country 
 by his orgies and extravagances in the East. Octavius found it 
 no easy task to carry out his scheme of allotments of land to the 
 veterans, for Antony's brotlier Lucius, aided and abetted by 
 Fulvia, Antony's wife, came to the front as tlie defender of the 
 rights of those that had been evicted, or were threatened with 
 eviction, from their possessions. Matters became so serious that a 
 civil war broke out, which end i in Lucius being blockaded in 
 Perusia by the forces of Octavius. The siege lasted througli 
 the autumn and early winter, and ended in January, 40 B.C. , 
 with the surrender of Lucius. 
 
 Taking advantage of Antony's absence in the East, Octavius 
 n<jt only took possession of Spain and Numidia, which had been 
 allotted him after Philippi, but seized Gaul which had fallen to 
 the share of Antony. Lepidus was offered Africa in exchange 
 for his riglit to share in the government of Italy. The next 
 step was to make war upon Sextus Poinpeius in Sicily, for thn 
 fleet of Sextus had become so powerful and aggressive in its 
 interception of food supplies as to threaten Rome itself with 
 
i, who con- 
 
 ossels. 
 
 d Octavius 
 The latter 
 le exacted 
 ile passing 
 pt to meet 
 and sailed 
 gold. She 
 1 with her 
 tie became 
 
 mey in the 
 tus to allot 
 crush the 
 Bment was 
 the posses- 
 ment, was 
 of western 
 is country 
 s found it 
 and to the 
 betted by 
 ier of the 
 ened with 
 ions that a 
 ckaded in 
 d through 
 y, 40 B.C. , 
 
 Octavius 
 had been 
 I fallen to 
 exchange 
 The next 
 y, for thf^ 
 sive in its 
 tself with 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 famine. Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa, the chief adviser and 
 ablest general of Octavius, was entrusted with the heavy task of 
 driving Sextus out of Sicily and crushing the power of the 
 pirate. 
 
 But the war against Sextus was suspended by the news that 
 Antony was at last on his way to Italy. He had been informed 
 of the siege and capture of Perusia, and after spending the 
 winter of 41-40 b.c. in Alexandria in the company of Cleopatra, 
 had at last yielded to the entreaties of his friends to return to 
 Italy and defend their interests. He met his wife Fulvia in 
 Greece, and thence crossed over to Brundusium, which, being 
 closed against him, he began to besiege. Anotlier civil war was 
 imminent, and Octavius was threaten 1 with an alliance between 
 Sextus Pompeius and Antony, which would have given them 
 full control of the Mediterranean. Fortunately for all parties, 
 Fulvia, the wife of Antony, died, and a peace was patched up at 
 Brundusium between the rivals, which was cemented by the 
 marriage of Antony to Octavia, the sister of Octavius, a noble 
 woman, who proved a faithful wife and a peacemaker between 
 him and her brother. The empire was once more divided, 
 Octavius retaining Italy and the western provinces, Avhile 
 Antony obtained the whole of the East. Lepidus, who 
 was considered of no weight, was left in possession of one 
 province, Africa. Rome, too, found a temporary relief in a 
 treaty with Sextus Pompeius, which stopped for a time his 
 piratical practices, but left him for four years in possession of 
 Sicily and Sardinia, and possibly Achaia. By this treaty the 
 proscribed fugitives were allowed to return to Rome. 
 
 In the East there was trouble with the Parthians, who had 
 been induced by Labienus, a Roman fugitive, to invade Syria. 
 For a time they were very successful, but were ultimately 
 driven back by Ventidius. When Antony returned to the East 
 he lived for a time with Octavia, and then sent her back to 
 Rome, and resumed his old intimacy with Cleopatra. Amid his 
 senseless pleasures he was seized with the ambition to invade 
 Parthia, and avungu tlio defeat of Crassus. lie was, however 
 drawn aside by the solicitations of the Armenian king into an in- 
 vasion of Media, and there began the siege of the Median fortress 
 
 507 
 
 A ntony 
 returns to 
 Italy. 
 
 Treaty of 
 Brundu- 
 siam,l,0 B.C 
 
 Treaty of 
 Misenum, 
 Si) B.C. 
 
 Antony 
 makes tear 
 agcinst 
 Parthia. 
 
508 HISTORY OF roml;. 
 
 Gazaca, or Phraata. He had left behind him on the frontiers of 
 Media his baggage, and his battering engines, with two legions to 
 protect them. But scarcely had Antony begun his siege when 
 the news reached him that his two legions had been overpowered 
 and cut to pieces by the Parthian king Phraates. The siege 
 ^^^^*'^°'**^ continued until the approach of winter, when Antony found 
 
 war. 
 
 himself compelled to retreat to Armenia. His army was followed 
 closely by the Parthians, who inflicted upon it heavy losses. 
 A fourth part of his force was killed and most of his baggage 
 destroyed. Not content with resting in Armenia, Antony hurried 
 southward to Alexandria to join Cleopatra. The campaign was 
 fatal to Antony's reputation and power, although he had, in 
 times of great peril, displayed his usual courage and skill as a 
 general. Once, however, at the court of Alexandria, he forgot 
 all about his failures and disgrace, and gave himself up to every 
 Influence o/ "tanner of unseemly revels. In the hands of Cleopatra he A\as as 
 Cleopatra. -vy^.jx, and this ambitious princess used her power over him to such 
 eflect that he gave her Coelo-Syria, Judaea and Cyprus as her 
 kingdom, a proceeding that excited intense indignation at Rome. 
 While Antony was thus disgracing himself in the East, Octavius 
 was patiently and efiectually strengthening himself in Italy. 
 The peace with Sextus Pompeius did not last very long (four 
 years), for the admiral of Sextus in 38 B.C. treacherously handed 
 over his fleet and troops to Octavius, together with the island of 
 Sardinia. The result was that Pompeius at once renewed the 
 Sextus Pom. war, and speedily asserted his superiority on the sea. It became 
 StvS.* necessary now for Octavius to build another fleet, the former 
 having been destroyed by Pompeius, aided by a storm. To 
 Agrippa, recalled from Gaul and appointed consul, the task was 
 entrusted. While preparations were going on, Antony paid a 
 brief visit to Italy, appearing at Brundusium with a fleet of 
 three hundred vessels. He found its harbour closed, and, full of 
 indignation he landed at Tarentum. Once more, through the 
 agency of Octavia, peace was made between the rivals, and an 
 exchange of fc^rces took place. Antony gave Octavius one 
 hundred and twenty ships to aid in the war against Sextus, and 
 he received in return twenty thousand troops for his wars in the 
 East. 
 
 Peace of 
 Tarentum, 
 37 B.C. 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 509 
 
 forgot 
 
 The next year was occupied by a combined attack upon War against 
 Sextus Pompeius in Sicily. Agrippa with a large squadron was ^'''"^'*"''- 
 to attack the island on the north, Antony's ships, on the east, 
 and Lepidus, on the south. At first the concerted action failed, 
 but ultiiaately a large force was landed, which co-operating with 
 the fleet of Agrippa speedily reduced Pouipey to extremities. 
 The final blow was struck when Agrippa completely defeated 
 Pompeius oflf the promontory of Naulochos, near Mylae. Pom- Battle of 
 pe:-.s himself escaped with a few ships, but his land army sur- Kc!'"'** 
 rendered, and the war in Sicily was at an end. Pompeius 
 managed to reach Lesbos, with the intention of seeking the 
 protectu)n of Antony. He was, however, suspected of forming 
 plans which would give him the control of Asia Minor, and was 
 put to death by Antony's subordinates. It was a curious fate Death of 
 which made the son of the coutpieror of the pirates the last fT^^J^'^ ^^ 
 great pirate chief of the Mediterranean. 
 
 Sicily was now quiet, but a difliculty arose between Lepidus 
 and Octavius. The former was in possession of Messana, at the 
 head of twenty-two legions, and thought the time was opportune 
 for bringing his fellow-triumvir to account for the contempt 
 with which he had been treated. His soldiers were, however, Lepidus de- 
 tampered with by Octavius, and readily renounced their allegi- ^'''"''''^^*•^• 
 ance in favour of his rival. He was deposed from the trium- 
 virate and sent to Rome, where he enjoyed the nominal honour 
 of pontifex maximus. 
 
 The C(mtrol of the wlu)le Roman svorld was now divided 
 between Octavius and Antony, and the struggle for final 
 supremacy could not long be delayed. Octavius was wholly 
 supreme in the west, and peace and prosperity were after so 
 many years of strife beginning to return. Octavius was not Character of 
 disposed to play the part of a Sulla or a Marius, and the confi- octmlm^ 
 dence his mild but firm rule aroused, placed the whole strength 
 of the western world at his command. He was appointed on 
 his return from Sicily tribune, an oftice which gave him great 
 power. Aided by statesmen like Agrippa and Maecenas, a 
 series of wise and useful reforms were carried out, which 
 lessened taxation, repressed disorder, and improved tho city. 
 During the period between 30-32 b.o. he waged but one war, 
 
510 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 and that was in Pannonia, to secure a rectification of the Roman 
 frontier. The capture of the Pannonian fortress, Siscia, on the 
 Save, brought this border struggle to an end, 33 B.C. 
 
 Power of Such was the condition of the western part of the empire 
 
 Sr£r *" ^^'*^'^ Antcjny returned from his Parthian war to enjoy himself 
 at tlie court of Cleopatra, His mistress was now disposed to 
 exert her influence to the utmost, and she obtained from 
 Antony the title of ' Queen of Kings.' She and her sons were 
 assigned the Roman provinces of Syria, Cilicia, Cyprus, Africa 
 and the Cyrenaica, and her son Caesarion, by Caesar, was put 
 forward as his heir in opposition to Octavius. The ambition of 
 Cleopatra made the Romans recognize that Antony was no 
 longer the ruler of the East, but a humble servant of a barbarian 
 princess. Such a state of things could not be allowed to con- 
 tinue, and Octavius came forward as the champion of western 
 civilization against the barbarism of the east. The feeling at 
 Rome was intensified when it became known that Antony had 
 made a will naming the sons of Cleopatra as his heirs, and that 
 he had divorced his faithful and long-sufiering wife Octavia. 
 The senate, immediately, by a decree stripped Antony of his 
 command, and declared war upon Cleopatra (32 B.C.). 
 
 When war was thus declared, Antony was in Greece with a 
 large army, a numerous fieet and plenty of money. Had he 
 acted with promptitude and invaded Italy the war might have 
 had a diflferent termination, but the fatal spell of Cleopatra's 
 sorcery paralyzed his energies. He advanced that year no 
 farther than Corcyra and left his fleet and army at Actium.' 
 Thus time was given Octavius to make his preparations. 
 Agrippa was in 31 B.C. sent out with swift sailing fleet to harass 
 Antony's garrisons on the Peloponnesian coast, and to intercept 
 his supplies from Egypt and Asia. Octavius crossed over from 
 Brundusium to the coast of E])irus, and succeeded in blockading 
 the fleet of Antony in a land-locked gulf within the strait 
 between the two promontories at Actium. The troops of Antony 
 occupied the southern promontory, while near by his fleet was 
 moored. Octavius seized the northern promontory, and his 
 fleet closed tlm mouth, of t.h.o strait. Under tho circumstances 
 Antony could have withdrawn his troops to the plains of 
 
 War 
 declared 
 aiiaiivst 
 Cleopatra, 
 3'^ B.C. 
 
HISTORY OP ROME. 
 
 511 
 
 Thessaly, and there given battle with prospects oi success. But 
 Antony wasted his time in useless attempts on the position of 
 tlie army of Octavius, thus giving Agrippa time to arrive on the 
 scene. Antony's officers implored him to withdraw his army, 
 but in vain. The infatuated general could not make up his 
 mind to sacrifice his fleet by a retreat which was opposed hy 
 Cleopatra, and which might discourage his Asiatic allies. He 
 finally resolved to force his way to the open sea through the 
 blockading fleet of Agrippa and Octavius, and orders were given 
 to that eff'ect. The naval battle that followed was well contested Battle of 
 until the Egyptain squadron, headed by Cleopatra's galley, ;^;;;;'"|'' 
 hoisted sail and made for the open sea. Antony iunnediately ^^ ^•^•' 
 followed his mistress, leaving his fleet to flght its own battle. 
 The men of his squadron fought bravely until their ships were 
 ignited by fire-balls from the fleet of Octavius. The flames 
 spread rapidly, and the noble fleet of Antony at the close of the 
 day was a complete wreck. Antony's troops, disheartened by ' 
 the desertion of their leader, laid down their arms and accepted 
 service in the army of Octavius. 
 
 The battle of Actium ended the long struggle between the two Events 
 rivals for power. The East as well as the West now passed under {'/^Xat'tfe 
 the control of Octavius, who used his power with clemency and con- of Actium. 
 sideration for the feelings of the Grei cs. The diff'erent rulers in 
 the East w^ere left in their respective positions, although many of 
 them had been appointed by Antony. But there was one person 
 whose power Avas too great and influence too dangerous to be 
 allowed to rule. Octavius determined that Cleopatra should be 
 dethroned and taken to Rome to grace his triumphal procession. 
 This artful queen, accompanied by Antony, had fled to Alexandria 
 after the defeat at Actium and had made attempts to build anotlier 
 fleet and gain allies, but, finding all her attempts fruitless, she 
 resolved upon ensnaring Octavius as she had previously en- 
 trapped Caesar and Antony. She opened negotiations with her 
 conqueror, wb ) accepted her gifts and amused himself by 
 making her empty promises. In the spring of 30 b.c. the 
 armies of Octavius moved towards Alexandria, and Antony 
 made a feeble effort to check his prosjress. He cluillenged 
 Octavius to single combat, but of course met with no response. 
 
512 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 Death of 
 A ntony, 
 SO B.C. 
 
 Death of 
 Cleopatra, 
 20 B.C. 
 
 Egypt 
 becotnex a 
 Roman 
 province. 
 
 Defeated and despairing, Antony heard that Cleopatra was 
 dead, and iniinediately made an attempt on his own life. The 
 wound was not at once fatal and he lingered for some time, 
 slowly bleeding to death and attended by his mistress. Alexan- 
 dria capitulated, and Octavius sought to secure Cleopatra to 
 adorn his triumph, but that proud princess, fearing such a fate, 
 shut herself up in her palace along with the dead body of 
 Antony and refused to surrender. Although her life was 
 promised her, she resolved to die, as Octavius refused to treat 
 her as other than a slave. It is said she tried several kinds of 
 poison, but the current story is that she put asps on her bosom 
 or arms, and so took her own life. Octavius humanely and 
 h(mourably caused Antony and Cleopatra to be buried together 
 in the tomb of the Ptolemies. Their two sons were sent to 
 Rome where they were cared for l)y Antony's wife, Octavia. 
 Egypt In came a province of the Roman empire, and Octavius 
 had the head of Alexander the Great engraved upon his signet 
 ring, thus indicating that the empire founded by the great 
 Greek liad passed into Roman hands. 
 
»w 
 
 opatm was 
 life. The 
 3ome time, 
 }> Alexan- 
 eopatra to 
 uich a fate, 
 id body of 
 ' life was 
 led to treat 
 al kinds of 
 her bosom 
 lanely and 
 sd together 
 sre sent to 
 ), Octavia. 
 i Octavius 
 . his signet 
 the great 
 
':| 
 
 li 
 
 5Q 
 
 U 
 
 9S 
 
 30 
 
 20 
 
 rT 
 
 m 
 
 f 
 
 -r 
 
 / 
 
 / 
 
 \ 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 I 
 
 / 
 
 D i 
 
 
 ,r: 
 
 
 h\ 
 
 T 
 
 ^S-;^' 
 
 /^THE ROMAN EMPIRE 
 
 AT THE DEATH OF AUGUSTUS 
 
 A.D.I4. I 
 
 Senatafia! Provinces mdrked(S) 
 
 i 
 i 
 
 ...J 
 
 
 Cyrt 
 CYR 
 
 10 
 
 15 
 
 20 
 
 CRAVCD EXPHCS5LEY FOR HlSTO«V OF GrECCE AND ROMB , 
 
m 
 
( 
 
 tur 
 ten 
 
 WO] 
 
 1 
 
 Act 
 mai 
 
 SI)0] 
 
 mai 
 beui 
 
 proi 
 evid 
 thrc 
 his ] 
 kuo 
 live( 
 accu 
 beer 
 carei 
 man 
 fame 
 I vii 
 
 byC 
 force 
 wiolc 
 old a 
 her i 
 
 Wi 
 
 at th 
 
CHAPTT^^R XXVItl. 
 
 THK RUXl 
 
 AITGUSTU.S, 
 
 
 Octav US, after his victory ov- i- Antony and Cleopatra, re- 
 turned to Ronte in tlio early part of the yor.r 29 n.o. The 
 temp],, of Janus, which had stood .pen -r two liundred vears 
 was now closed to indicate that Rome was at peace with all the 
 world. 
 
 The history of the Rouiun repubF ends with the battle of 
 Actmm, for wliile the forms of the cnistitution were partly 
 maintain.^, the power had passed into the han.ls of an irre- 
 sponsible ruler. The new master of the Roman empire was in 
 manyrespeci.areiu.irkableman. Posses.scd of great personal 
 beauty, even in old age, he joined t ,is physical attractions a 
 profound knowledge of politics anu men. His self-co .trol was 
 evident at a very early period in his public career, and all 
 through the stormy times following the deatli of Caesar he played 
 hi,s part with an astuteness and craft which showed his accurate Octaviu, 
 knowledge of the Roman character and of the times in which he 
 lived. As a general lie was a failure, and he has even been 
 accused of a lack of personal courage. From what has already 
 been said it is seen tha- cruelty and falsehood stained his earlA 
 career. His pri vate life was that of a ibertine. He was twice 
 married, first to Scribonia, who bore hiir a d-nighter of unhappy 
 tame, and secondly to Livia, the wife of Tiberius Claudius Nero, tivia 
 Li via was a woman of marvellous beauty au^ strencrth of 
 charant . and was the mother of i-vo sons, Tiberius and iJrus,,.. 
 byCla Uu , when she attracted ti,.; attention of Octavius who 
 forced her hust.and to gise her up to lam. Henceforth she 
 wielded an ever-increasing influenc .ver Octavius, until hi. 
 old age he became entirely under her control and was guideu i.y 
 her in his m'-^t important actions. 
 
 Whatever cruelties characterizud the public actions of Octavius 
 at the outset of hi^* career were now abandoned in favour of a 
 33 [,513] 
 
514 
 
 HISTORY OF HOMK. 
 
 Power of 
 Aummttis. 
 
 policy of modemtion nn.l conciliiiti..n. Ho was ovevywhero 
 recgnizod as tliu aupreiuo rulor of tl.o Roman mnpiio, novor- 
 tholosa ho Hiimilatod the actic>n8 aiul a.l..i)tiHl tlio inanucrs of v 
 simple Roman citizon. Wclcomo<l at Rome by tlio senate and 
 the pcM.plo as the comiuen.r of Antony a..d the restorer of 
 Roman authority in the Kast, the most servile adulation greeted 
 him on all sides. He was ollered the position of dictator, but 
 Ootaviu» of. this he refused. He was given the title <.f Impemtor, or supreme 
 «f ««""•'/'''; o..mmander of the army, and two years after his return to Home 
 andmrnaZe tho senate conferred on him th unusual surname of Amjn.'<t,<H 
 'Augu^tu.' ^y^^^^^,^^^^^^^ ^1^^ name by Which he is best known to history. 
 It was his policy to wield all the power of an absolute king 
 and dictator under the guise of republicun forms. Hence 
 the letter of the old constitution was observed while the spirit 
 was destroyed. The senate continued to meet and deliberate ; 
 consuls and other magistrates were elected annually ; tri- 
 bunes of the i)eople were appointed, and, tribes met as of old 
 in their legislative capacity. But Augustus was given s..mething 
 more than the power of the consuls, and sat with them ni the 
 discharge of their duties. So too he exercised the powers of the 
 censors, and of the tribunes, in conjunction with these regularly 
 chosen magistrates. The tribes met only to register his decrees 
 and elect his nominees. The senate was his obedient tool, and 
 in his presence and at his dictation did little else than carry out 
 his wishes. In additi(»n to all these powers he was given the 
 sole command <.f the Roman armies, and the proconsular power 
 out of Rome over the whole empire was in his hands. Thus he 
 could control and direct at pleasure the movements of the 
 Roman legions and govern the provinces by deputies or legates. 
 His position as permanent censor enabled him to purge the 
 senate of unworthy members, a power which he exercised judi- 
 ciously in the interests of the dignity of that assembly. The 
 tribu.^eship for life gave him power to annul the decrees of the 
 senate and interfere with all the acts of the magistrates. It 
 also gave him the power to summon the senate and the tribes, 
 and to make motions, which as a matter of course carried, before 
 these assemblies. Subsequently, after the death of Lepidus, he 
 conferred upon himself the office of pontifex muxirmis, and tlu.s 
 
HISTORY OK HOME. 
 
 615 
 
 srywhero 
 a, iiover- 
 lors of 
 nate and 
 itoror of 
 I grootetl 
 iitor, but 
 suj)renie 
 to Rome 
 Ainiiinfiix 
 » history . 
 luto king 
 Honco 
 tlio spirit 
 liliberato ; 
 illy ; tri- 
 lls of okl 
 ionietliing 
 em in the 
 era of the 
 regularly 
 lis clecrues 
 tool, and 
 . carry out 
 given the 
 .liar power 
 Thus he 
 its of the 
 or legates, 
 purge the 
 cised judi- 
 ihly. The 
 ees of the 
 jtrates. It 
 the tribes, 
 ried, before 
 jepidus, he 
 IS, and this 
 
 gave him authority over the religiouH worshi]) of the state. The 
 treasury, toe, was subject to his control by virtue of his offices 
 <.f ceuHor and tribune. Thus it will be Heen that little was loft 
 for the praetors and consuls to do excei)t to discharge the purely 
 routine duties of aduiini.str/ition. These extraordinary powers 
 were first cmforred upon Augustus for ten years, then for five, 
 once more for five, and tlion three times for ten years each, but 
 th J last term of office was cut short by liis deatli. 
 
 A marked feature of the administration of Augustus was his r?or*r»,«.„« 
 mode of governing the i)rovinces. As ImpeniUr or commander- % '*? 
 ni-chief of the whole army and possessor of the proconsular '"'""'"* 
 power <mt of Italy, he took into his charge the governn.ent of 
 all those provinces in wliicli tr-.ops were regularly stationed, 
 and whoso frontiers were subject to attack from foreign peoples! 
 Such were tlie provinces of Spain (all but Baetica), (lullia \ax.'. 
 dunensis and A.iuitania, Raetia and Vindelicia, Dalmatia, 
 Pannonia, Moosia, P<.ntus, Cilicia, Syria and PJgypt. Tlie more 
 central provinces and Italy (which was never a province) were 
 left to the care of the senate, and to these belonged, among 
 others, Asia, Africa, Macedon, parts of Gaul and Spain, Achaia 
 and Cyijrus. The revenues of the senatorial provinces went into 
 the state treasury; those from the otliers into that of the Emper- 
 or. In the senatorial provinces the sentite appointed the gov- 
 ernors (pwcomnka) but in the non-senatorial provinces the power 
 of Augustus was absolute. He appointed the goveriKn-a (hijati 
 Auijudi) and assigned them their duties. To him was always 
 an appeal from his deputies and subordinates in these pro- 
 vinces, hence the privilege subsequently so highly prized of 
 an appeal to Cfiesar. These provinces became, under the 
 wise management of Augustus, models of good government, 
 and contrasted most favourably with the condition of such 
 parts of the empire as were left under the control of the senate. 
 It was the policy of Augustus to choose the governors of the moat 
 important provinces from the men of liighest rank and greatest 
 merit, and to extend their terms of office to four, five, and even 
 ten years. The other governorships at his disposal were given 
 to men of less rank, such as the Ecjuites, whose ambition was 
 thus gratified in honourable and profitable employment. On 
 
Domegtic 
 policy. 
 
 516 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 the other hand many of the old a})ii.se.s in government remained 
 in tho.so provinces wliere the senate had power, and the gover- 
 nors of wliich had luit a yearly tenure. Augustus, however, it 
 is thcjught, exercised some control over the senate in their 
 exercise of power in their provinces. 
 
 Not content with reforming the administration of the govern- 
 ment of the provinces, Augustus gave much attention to domestic 
 affairs. The franchise had been much debased by the emancipa- 
 tion of slaves, and a check was put upon the practice. The city 
 of Rome was without a police, and from the days of Sulla robbers 
 and bandits frequented the streets to such an extent that life 
 and property were seriously menaced. To Augustus credit 
 must be given for the removal of this evil. He divided tht; 
 city, suburbs included, into fourteen districts, over each of 
 which lie placed a magistrate, with full power to maintain order 
 and protect life and property. Still further, he organized a 
 body of men who were to be promptly on hand to crush a riot, 
 or put out a fire, or, in fact, to deal with any civic disturbance. 
 Over the city was placed a praefecUis urbi, to whom was en- 
 trusted the whole civic administration. The happy choice of 
 I. Piso, who held the post for twenty years, ensured for Rome 
 a degree of good government such as she scarcely ever before 
 experienced. Outside of Rome, throughout Italy, the same 
 reforming energy was shown. The bounds of Italy were now 
 extended northwards as far as the Alps, and the whole peninsula 
 was divided into districts with probably some kind of local 
 <;OV3rnment. 
 The army. Every Roman general who aimed at maintaining his position 
 was compelled to consider the desires and wants of his soldiers. 
 Hence, when Augustus returned home from the East, he pro- 
 ceeded to make provision for his vict(jrious legions. Lands 
 were assigned them in different localities, but instead of wresting 
 these lands from their owners without compensation he paid for 
 them out of the money which he brought home from Egypt and 
 Asia. He also formed a body-guard of ten praetorian cohorts, 
 who were expected to hold in check any popular movement 
 hostile to the Imperator. Three of these cohorts were stationed 
 at Rome, the remainder were scattered throughout Italy during 
 
 W 4 
 
HISTORY OF ROMK. 
 
 51^ 
 
 i remained 
 bhe gover- 
 owover, it 
 3 in their 
 
 lie govern- 
 
 domestic 
 emancipa- 
 
 The city 
 Ua robbers 
 it that life 
 tus credit 
 ivided tht; 
 r each of 
 tain order 
 fganized a 
 ush a riot, 
 sturbance. 
 u was en- 
 choice of 
 for Rome 
 iver before 
 the same 
 were now 
 ! peninsula 
 
 1 of local 
 
 is position 
 is soldiers. 
 st, he pro- 
 3. Lands 
 •f wresting 
 le paid for 
 Egypt and 
 -n cohorts, 
 movement 
 i stationed 
 aly during 
 
 the reign of Augustus. The total number of this body, which 
 subse(iuently proved so powerful and dangerous, was at this 
 time about eight thousand. The army, too, was now largely re- 
 cruited from the provinces— these levies being known as auxilia. 
 Italy had suffered so much from civil strife that its population 
 was greatly reduced, and it became increasingly difficult to fill 
 up the ranks of the legions with Romans or Italians. 
 
 During the long reign of Augustus many minor wars wore 
 waged. Very soon after the battle of Actium a rising took 
 place among the Astures and Cantabri in the north-west of 
 Sjiair , Augustus himself in 27 b.c. went on this campaign, and 
 carried on the war for three years. A temporary submission on 
 the part of tlie Cantabri was followed by another revolt which 
 was suppressed by Agrippa in 19 B.C. 
 
 Border struggles were also carried on about tliis time in Egypt 
 and Arabia, and against the Ethiopians and Garaniantes. The 
 Parthians, in 20 b.c, to the great joy of the Romans, returned 
 the standards which they had taken in tlie wai-s against Crassus 
 and Antony. 
 
 To the north and east of Italy, in the Raetian and Graian 
 Alps, were many large tribes, whose warlike disposition made 
 them turbulent neighbours. Against these, war was waged in 
 25 B.C. and continued until they were reduced to subjection in 
 13 B.C. Di'iturbances, however, began elsewhere along the 
 Roman frontier, in Gaul and Germany. Some of the German 
 tribes crossed the Rhine and entered Gaul, and Augustus went 
 (16 B.C.) with an army to check their inroads. At the end of 
 three years he returned, leaving the command in the hands of 
 his wife's son Drusus. 
 
 The -var along the German frontier that now followed is of 
 more than passing importance. It marks the first serious 
 attempt made by Rome to extend her eastern frontier beyond 
 the Rhine to the Elbe, and even to the Weser. Germany was 
 then for the most part an uncidtivated country, in which dense 
 forests and numerous morasses existed. Tlie German tribes 
 lived a free, roving, unsettled life, and were remarkable for 
 their love of freedom and the purity of their domestic life. 
 
 Wars 
 
 ai/ainst the 
 Cantabri. 
 
 Restoration 
 of the stand- 
 ards. 
 
 The tribes nf 
 the Raetian 
 and Graian 
 Alps. 
 
 The Ger- 
 manic War. 
 
518 
 
 Death of 
 Dnigtis, 
 B.C. 9. 
 
 
 p. 
 
 mt it 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 Their courage and hardihood would have made them dangerous 
 foes, had they not been rendered comparatively powerless by 
 their numerous divisions, and by their frequent quarrels with 
 each other. Concerted and sustained action was with them, 
 owing to their tribal system of government, an impossibility. 
 The Roman c(jmmander, Drusus, now undertook to extend the 
 Roman dominions from the Rhine to the Elbe. Starting from 
 Mayence he led several successful expeditions against the 
 (xerman tribes, and secured his conquests by building a fortress 
 at Aliso near the Lippe. He finally advanced as far as the 
 Elbe, but he was compelled to return from want of provisions. 
 On his way back he fell from his horse and died from the effects 
 of the inj uries received. 
 
 The death oi Drusus made it necessary for his brother Tiberius 
 to take the command of the army in Germany. Tiberius had been 
 carrying on a HHCcetrnful campaign ag/iinst Dalmatia and Pan- 
 nonia, before he was tramsferred to this new field of <>perations. 
 In his new connnand he displayed marked military ability, and 
 for two years waged an aggressive and p?,;'<:iy successfu] campaign 
 against tlie German tribes. He then returned to Rome, and 
 the war was continued by Domitius Alienobarbus, who suc- 
 ceeded in extending the Roman conquests to the Elbe. Once 
 more Tiberius assinned the command in a.d. 4, and in a series of 
 successful battles subdued the laud lying between the Rhine and 
 the Weser, which was then made into a Roman province. 
 
 War in Dal- Trouble w.is now brewing among the Marcouianni, a powerful 
 
 niatiaand , -i • o j.i -n . r* i t» 
 
 Pannonia. tribe \n houth-Jiastern (xermany, but Home was prevented from 
 
 engaging in a war in that quarter by a formidfible rising taking 
 
 place in Dalmatia and Pannonia. At first the Romans made 
 
 little headway against the insurrection, and success was secured 
 
 only at the loss of a great many lives and the desolation of a 
 
 large area of territory. 
 
 The year (a.d. 9) that marked the suppression of the revolt to 
 the east of the Adriatic, also witnessed a fearful disaster t<» 
 Roman arms in the west of Germany. Tlie new Roman province 
 there established was gradually making its influence felt on the 
 young Germans, and the Rojuan language and Rouian military 
 tactics were rapidly becoming popular among the more am- 
 
HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 519 
 
 dangerous 
 iwerless by 
 [irrels with 
 k'ith them, 
 possibility, 
 extend the 
 rting from 
 gainst the 
 ; a fortress 
 far as the 
 provisions. 
 
 the effects 
 
 er Tiberius 
 IS had been 
 
 and Pan- 
 >perations. 
 bility, and 
 1 campaign 
 lome, and 
 
 ■who suc- 
 be. Once 
 a series of 
 Rhine and 
 
 province. 
 I, powerful 
 3nted from 
 ing taking 
 lans made 
 as secured 
 ation of a 
 
 e revolt to 
 lisaster U> 
 n province 
 'elt on the 
 ,n military 
 m<jre am- 
 
 bitious and enterprising of the higher classes. But Rome, 
 unfortunately for her cause, placed in this German province as 
 governor, Quintilius Varus, a man at once avaricious, haughty 
 and insolent. His manners and actions excited* an intense 
 hatred of Rome and her rule among the Germans, and a fit 
 instrument was soon forthcoming to take a coveted revenge. 
 Among those who had served in the Roman armies and mastered 
 their military tactics was a young Cheruscan chief, Armin or 
 Hermann, but called l)y the Romans Arminius. Hermarni ortran- 
 ized a wide-spread conspiracy against the Roman governor, and 
 succeded in enticing him with three legions and many auxiliaries 
 into the heart of the Teutoburg forest in the pursuit of scnne 
 rebels. Once there the Roman legions found themselves sur- 
 rounded by a host of furious Teutons, and for three days they 
 endeavoured to tight their Avay through the midst of their 
 enemies. The effort was in vain, for the Roman soldiers were 
 either slain or taken prisoners and made the slaves of the victors. 
 Varus took his own life, the Roman standards were lost, and 
 the whole coinitry westward to the Rhine was freed from Roman 
 control. Henceforth, during the remainder of this rule, the 
 Romans were content to allow the Rhine to be their German 
 frontier in Gaul. 
 
 It has been mentioned that the life of Augustus was none 
 Ump pure. Nevertheless recognizing the demoralizing influence 
 «»# di*f growhig aversion among the Roman men to wedlock, 
 and their habit of living in concubinage with slaves, he passed 
 laws in encouragement of marriage, and by a system of 
 rewards and punishments sought to restt)re the domestic life 
 of earlier times. But his legislation was all in a ain. His own 
 daughter Julia was among the mo«t dissolute and depraved of 
 women, although for many yimf» her father was kept in ignor- 
 ance of "her vice*. This Julia was a l>eautiful and clever woman. 
 She was first married to IVIart;elluH, the son of Octavia the sister 
 of Augustus by Marcellus, her ttrai husband. The younger 
 Marcellus was marked out by August«.s as his successor, but to 
 the great grief of all h«: di-d in early maidiood. Julia was 
 then given in nuirriage to Agri[)}>», the chosen friend of Augus- 
 tus, a man old enough to be her f»da*sr. Her life now became so 
 
 Varus, 
 
 Ar»iinm>t or 
 Hermann. 
 
 Defeat and 
 death of 
 Varus in the 
 Tetitobunj 
 forest, 
 A.D. 9. 
 
 Attempted 
 
 mrinl 
 
 reforms. 
 
 ./ulia. 
 
 Marcelluf. 
 
 I 
 
■■■h 
 
 m 
 
 520 
 
 Family 
 affairs. 
 
 Tiberius 
 
 chosen 
 
 successor. 
 
 Religions 
 reforms. 
 
 Caesnr- 
 worship. 
 
 Birth of 
 Christ. 
 
 inSTOKV OK llOMK. 
 
 openly lioontit)Us tluit licr conduct was a disgraco to her friends 
 and to her Imsband. She bore Agrippa two sons, Caius and 
 Lucius Caesar, and a daughter Agri])pina. After Agrippa's 
 death a third son was born and hence was called Agrippa 
 Postumus. The two sons of Julia, Cains and Lucius, were 
 adopted by Augustus as his heirs, nuich to the chagrin uf 
 Tiberius tht. son of Livia by her lii-st husband. But thelons of 
 Julia also died in their youth, and it was suspected that Livia 
 had enii)loyed unlawful means to get rid of then). Augustus 
 >ow wholly under the influence of Livia, adopted hc°r son 
 Liberius as his successor. 
 
 Anunig the other futile attempts of Augustus to bring back 
 the old Roman manners and morals was his assiduous attention 
 to the worship of the gods, particularly the old Roman deities, 
 as opposed to the deities of foreign nations. Temples were 
 restored at a great expense, and every encouragement given 
 to religious worship ; but the day had passed when educated 
 Roman people had faith in their gods. In those days there 
 were many gods, and very great men who had won fame and 
 distinction were after their death worshipped. Thus a temple 
 was erected to Caesar ; and to Augustus himself, during his life- 
 time, shrines were erected in many places and households. 
 
 It was while Rome and the civilized world weie thus sunk to 
 the lowest plane of morals and religion that Jesus Christ was 
 born in Bethlehem of Judaea. The receive! chronolo<,'y is said 
 to err, and thus the most imjjortant event in the .vorld's history 
 should be dated back four or five years. 
 
 Augustus lived to a good old age, in spite of a somewhat 
 delicate constitution, for he took excellent care of himself. IFis 
 last days were his saddest. His legions were destroyed in 
 Germany ; his daughter Julia, at last found out, was banished 
 for her vices ; and Livia his wife took such full control of him 
 that he was not allowed to see his friends without her consent. 
 He had been long faithfully served by Agrippa, who was 
 slightly his senior, and who died some years before him. 
 Another of his intimates was Maecenas, the ease-loving poli- 
 tician and patron of literary men, such as Horace and Vergil. 
 But the great literary brilliance that marked this period will be 
 
 c 
 I 
 1 
 c 
 
 I 
 
 c 
 
 
 
 S 
 
er friends 
 ^aius and 
 Agripi)a's 
 
 Agri])pa 
 ills, were 
 lagrin uf 
 le sons of 
 hat Livia 
 Augustus 
 
 her son 
 
 'ing back 
 attention 
 ti deities, 
 lies were 
 nt given 
 educated 
 ys there 
 ame and 
 \ temple 
 [ his life- 
 ds. 
 
 I sunk to 
 irist was 
 ',y is said 
 3 history 
 
 Hf STORY OF ROME. 
 
 521 
 
 dealt with in the next chapter. Enfeebled in health, Augustus 
 had retired to Nola when death oveitook him. It is satd his Death of 
 last words were to ask his friends if he had played his part well ^^X?""* 
 on life's stage, and if so to give him their plaudits on leaving it. ' 
 This story, true or false, sums up fairly well, the career of 
 Augustus. He was but an actor all through the drama that 
 clustered around his path, although it must be admitted he was 
 one who played his part with consummate skill, and often to the 
 great advantage of the empire. 
 
 )mewhat 
 If. iris 
 oyed in 
 vanished 
 I of him 
 consent, 
 ho was 
 re him. 
 ng poli- 
 Vergil. 
 I will be 
 
CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 ROMAN LITERATUUB, 
 
 Scanty 
 character 
 of Roman 
 Literature, 
 
 Causes 
 of this. 
 
 For the firsfc five centuries of tlieir history the Romans had no 
 written Hterature. No doubt there existed in the early days 
 poetical comi)ositions among them, as we fintl among other 
 nations, but these compositions, orally transmitted, have all 
 been lost, though we find traces of them in the pages of the 
 Roman historians. Cicero tells us of the banquets in early 
 times being enliveiied by the songs of bards, who recounted the 
 deeds of heroic men. Still we may be assured of this, that the 
 minstrv;! never occupied in Italy the same position that he did 
 in Greece, fiiid consequently we find the Italian literature in 
 early days scanty compared to rich literature in early Greek 
 history. Various causes also contril)uted to the slow develop- 
 ment of Roman literature. In the first place Italy faces the 
 west, Spain, Gaul, Africa, w^liich could teach her nothing ; 
 Greece, on the other hand, faces the east, the coasts along 
 which spread the civilizations of the Tigris and the Nile. 
 Again, Italy is a continental country ; Greece, a maritime one. 
 The Romans communicated with the rest of the world by land 
 rather than by sea, except in the south where the Greek settle- 
 ments were planted. This prevented the Romans from inter- 
 mingling with the rest of the world, and by their isolation and 
 their consequently conservative spirit they were little inclined 
 to hold intercourse with their neighbours. Finally, the people 
 of Italy lacked the imagination of the Greeks. They were too 
 practical in their tendencies to become a literary nation in the 
 highest sense of the word. Their natural bent led them to be a 
 nation of statesmen, warriors, jurists, orators, but not of poets, 
 for while they may claim originality in politics, law, war and 
 oratory, their poetry is a faint reflection of the grander poetry 
 of Greece. The influence of the literature of Greece on that of 
 Rome is so marked in every department that it is doubtful 
 
IS had no 
 !irly (lays 
 ug other 
 
 have all 
 es of the 
 
 in early 
 nited the 
 
 that the 
 at he did 
 rature in 
 ly Greek 
 
 develop- 
 faces the 
 nothing ; 
 jts along 
 he Nile. 
 :inio one. 
 1 by land 
 ek settle- 
 )iu inter- 
 itioii and 
 
 inclined 
 le people 
 
 were too 
 •n in the 
 n to be a 
 of poets, 
 war and 
 3r poetry 
 n that of 
 doubtful 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 whether we should have any Roman literature at all if the 
 early Romans had not l)ad tlie models of Greece. 
 
 It is probable that the Etruscans were the earliest teachers of 
 the Romans in the earliest days of their literature, for we are 
 told by Livy that dramatic exhibitions were first introduced 
 from Etruria on the occasion of a pestilence to appease the 
 anger of the gods. These exhibitions were probably nothing 
 more than pantomimic scenes to the music of a flute without 
 song or dialogue. 
 
 Roman literature from the earliest times to the death of Au- 
 gustus may be conveniently divided into two periods. The first 
 period includes the time of its rise, growth and development, dur- 
 ing which we find traces of oral and traditional compositions, the 
 rude elements of the drama, the introduction of Greek literature, 
 the rise of history and oratory, and the formation of a national 
 taste. This period begins with the conclusion of the First Punic 
 War and ends with the appearance of Cicero in j)olitical life. 
 The second period begins with the appearance of Cicero in 
 political life and ends with the death of Augustus. In it 
 flourished the most brilliant of the Roman writers, and hence it 
 is regarded as the golden age of Latin literature. 
 
 The name of M. Livius Andronlcus stands as the first repre- 
 sentative of Liitin literature. He was, however, not a Roman, 
 but a Greek slave of Tarentum, who afterwards became a 
 naturalized Roman citizen, and was adopted by his muster, 
 M. Livius Salinator, whose name he toc^k. Like many other 
 Greeks, lie became a tutor to the sons of his master. He wrote 
 both tragedies and comedies, the plots of which were obtained 
 chiefly from Greek writings, and translated the Odyssey into 
 Saturnian versed His works, though very inferior, retained a 
 place in the curriculum of Roman schools till after the days of 
 Horace. 
 
 523 
 
 Etruscan 
 inilvence 
 3/13 B.C. 
 
 First period 
 of Roman 
 Literature, 
 ■UO B.C. to 
 81 B.C. 
 
 Second 
 period, 
 81 B.C. to 
 Ih A.D. 
 
 Liviits 
 Andronicut 
 flour ished 
 
 iThe Saturnian verse consisted of the following' scheme : 
 
 u — lu — lu— | — II— »»|-u|— ul 
 Dabunt malum Metelli Naevio poetae. 
 
 Cf. the old nursery rhyme : 
 
 The quein was in the parlor. cati7i(! bread and honey. 
 
524 
 
 HISTORY OF ROMK. 
 
 Cn. Naovius was the first Roninn wlio wrote poetry-. He was 
 
 Cn. Mnrmtis 
 
 Jlourinficd . . „ 
 
 330 B.C. !i native of Campania and, like Liviiis, flouri.shed at the end of 
 
 the First Punic War, in vvliich he served. Following the 
 
 example set by Livius Andronicus, he borrowed most of the 
 
 subjects of his dramas from the Greek, and especially from 
 
 Euripides. He was an ardent plebeian and did not refrain 
 
 from lampooning the chief families of Rome on the stage. This 
 
 would show that his plays were of the nature of Greek comedy. 
 
 For his nnruly tongue he was first thrown into prison and 
 
 finally exiled to Utica, where he died. During his later days he 
 
 employed his time in writing his most famous work, an epic 
 
 poem on the First Punic War, in which were introduced many 
 
 of the incidents afterwards borrowed by Ennius and Vergil. 
 
 He also wrote in the Saturnian verse. 
 
 ig^msc ^"^"*^"'^ Ennius may be j ly regarded as the father of 
 Roman literature. He was born at Rudiae, in Calabria, and was 
 probably an Oscan by birth, though he was certainly a Greek by 
 education. He adojited the Greek hexametre, after discarding the 
 Saturnian measure, as the fixed form of metre of the Latin epic. 
 In early youth he settled in Sardinia and from that island was 
 brought to Rome by Cato. At the capital he maintained him- 
 self by teaching the youths of the Roman nobles and writing his 
 epic poems in Eighteen Books, ' the Annals of Rome.' 
 Comedy. The comedy of the Romans boasts of two writers, several of 
 
 T. Maccivs whose plays still remain to this day. T. Maccius Plautus was 
 Qh-mkc.'^ "'^*^^^^ Italian, born at Sarsina, a village of Umbria. His 
 father was a freedman. He seems to have led a careless, 
 jovial life amid actors, taverns and people of the lower classes. 
 His life was full of varied experiences. Of a speculative 
 turn of mind he made mcmey, but soon lost it and was com- 
 pelled to enter the service of a baker who employed him in 
 turning a hand mill. While at this drudgery he wrote three 
 plays, the sale of which enabled him to begin his literary career. 
 The corned iea of Plautus, twenty in number, have been justly 
 praised by critics in all ages for their free, outspoken sallies 
 of wit on the foibles of human nature. His comedies still 
 retain their popularity, from the fact that his plays have been 
 imitated by several modern poets. 
 
HISTORY OP KOMK. 
 
 526 
 
 He was 
 
 le end of 
 wing the 
 it of the 
 Hy from 
 t refr.'iin 
 je. This 
 
 comedy, 
 ison and 
 I" days he 
 
 an epic 
 ed nifiny 
 . Vergil. 
 
 ather of 
 , and was 
 Jreek by 
 rding the 
 itin epic, 
 and was 
 led him- 
 .'iting his 
 
 )veral of 
 utus was 
 ia. His 
 careless, 
 ■ classes. 
 Jculative 
 'as com- 
 him in 
 te three 
 7 career, 
 n justly 
 1 sallies 
 ies still 
 ve been 
 
 I*. Terentius Afer appears l(. ]iuv»! bcuiii Ix.ru at Cartliai^'e. In r.Terentius 
 his youth he was the slave of a Jloniau u..l.lui.iau, P. Turentius i^JVc!^" 
 LucanuH, whose nomcn he took, as was the custom, on obtaining 
 his freedom. His first play, the Andria, he finished in the 
 twenty-seventh year of his age, and at once he gained the 
 ac(iuaintance and patronage of Scipio Aemilianus and Laelius, 
 who were then young men studying Greek under Pobybius. 
 Six of his comedies still remain to us. Terence, though a 
 foreigner, is noted for tlie purity, elegance and precision of his 
 style. Though probably inferior to Plautus in genius, Terence 
 shows greater consistency of phjt and cliaracter, deeper pathos, 
 subtler wit and more variety in metre and rhythm. 
 ^ Two tragedians lived also during this period. M. Pacuvius was m Pacv- 
 sister's son of Ennius, and borrowed most of tlie subjects of his "i""' -^'"^^'^ 
 tragedy from tlie Greek. One, however, Fanllas, was a Roman ^''^' 
 subject, and had for its liero L. Aemilius Paullus, tlie hero of 
 Macedon. L. Accius, or Attius, began his career on the death j^ ^,„.„, 
 of Pacuvius. Besides his Greek translations, he produced twi)/''"'''^'*"'^ 
 Roman plays, Bmt>,s and Derius. The subject of the one was ^'''" ^'■^' 
 the exile of the Tarqiiins, and of the other the self-sacrifice 
 of Decius at the battle of Sentinum. 
 
 It will thus be seen that most of the Roman dramas yveve Atellanae 
 of exc^tic growth. There was still one kind of drama native ''"''"^"'• 
 to the soil. The Atellanae Fabulae took their name from Atella, 
 a small town of Campania, were written in the Oscan dialect 
 and at first were rude extemporaneous farces, but afterwards 
 developed into regular plays. Another species of j)lay were the 
 mimes, a purely Roman species of literature, though the name . 
 is derived from the Greek. They were distinguished rather for ^^""''' 
 their lewdness and boisterous mirth and gestures, than for the 
 refinement of their dialogue. 
 
 The only species of poetry, however, worth mentioning in 
 which the R(jmans were original wa^ Satire. This sprung°out o • 
 of the Fescennine Songs, rude dialogues in which the °rural "''''' 
 population at the various festivals attacked each other in rude 
 repartee or jests. From this rude element satire was developed 
 by L. Lucilius, a Roman knight of Suessa Arunca. His style 
 
526 
 
 HISTOKY OF ROME. 
 
 f^mkc. '^"'' '"'"■'''"^ ^'y ''^^'*^"'" "^ thought, and Honice, whilo censuring 
 his harsli viiisilicatiou and ah.VDuly haste, paysatnbute to the 
 vigorous stylo with which lie assails jjrevailing vices. 
 
 While poetiy was being cultivated, prose was not altogether 
 neglected. The earliest of the chroniclers were Fabius Pictor 
 and Cincius Alinientus, who lived at the beginning of the 
 Second I»unic War. Both wrote in Greek. After these we 
 find a ninnber of chroniclers, till we come to the period of the 
 regular historians. * t 
 
 SJ;!!!'!''-!*/ '^^^"^ ^""'^ P*"®*^^ ^^'^^ ^^"•'^6 ^^^ fiist period of Roman litera- 
 B.C. ' ture are in many respects the greatest of all the Roman poets. 
 T. Lucretius Cams was a Roman of good descent. We know 
 little about his private life, except that he w^•ls driven mad by a 
 h)ve potion and died by his own hand. But while little is 
 known of his life, his great work De llenim Natiira is known to 
 all. In this poem he ex[)lain8 the leading features of the 
 Epicurean philosophy in a style so attractive that his poem has 
 been regarded the greatest of all didactic poems of any age. 
 
 Valerius Catullus was born at Verona. His father, a personal 
 friend of Julius Caesar, s(iuandered his wealth in the metropolis. 
 To better his fortune, Catullus went to Bithynia, but lost his 
 brother in the Troad. On his return to Rome he lived at Rome 
 or at his country seat on the shore of lake T.enacus. His poems, 
 comi)()sed on a variety of themes, and in a variety of styles and 
 metres, are all marked by originality of thought and felicity of 
 expression, and in some respects he is the superior of even 
 Horace in lyrical composition. 
 
 The second or Augustan period of Roman literature begins 
 with the poet Vergil. P. Vergilius Maro was l)orn at Andes in 
 P. Vergilius ^^^'^k^^^^^ <^Hul. His father left him a small farm, on which the 
 Mam, 70-19 poet lived for the tirst thirty years of his life. When the lands 
 in Cisalpine (iaul were taken away from the sympathizers of the 
 republican cause, the poet was among the first to lose his farm. 
 He, however, afterwards received it back by the aid of Asinius 
 Pollio, and afterwards lived on intimate terms with the circle 
 around the court of Augustus. He died at Brundusium on his 
 return from Greece, where he had been in search of health. 
 
 •Valerius 
 CatuMuK, 
 87-lt7 B.C. 
 
 Second 
 period. 
 
IIISTOKY 
 
 Ko.uK. 
 
 527 
 
 Mi8 works ;iro rastuml poems, ten in muiiber ; tlio (Uonjirs^ 
 a i)«.om „ii Hgricultuml suhjeetH ; .i-id the '^'veat Epic, the 
 AeneM, in ^Avelv books. Vergil is with tlie n.-ijorit' of 
 readers tlie imnco .f Latin poets. His Acuieid ranks .unoug 'le 
 few great ]»ic )eni- ►ho world, along witii Paradise ^)st, 
 the Iliad, C)<13 Jio Inferno. The charm of Vei-gil lies 
 
 in his excpusite taste, his studied diction, his nuitchless rhythm, 
 and his skilful narration. 
 
 Q. oratius Flaccus, the prince of Latin lyrical poets, q. Uoratim 
 was born at Venusia. His father was a freodman wh<,fT/i'c 
 followed the profession of .scrt7>a or notary, or collector of 
 taxes. At the age of twelve ho went to Home, where lie 
 attended the school of Orbilius, who was noted for his flog- 
 ging i)roi)ensiti(' After niastering the best of (h-eek aird 
 Roman literature lie went to Athens, then the great university 
 of the ancient world. When (he war broke out l)etween the 
 republican party and Antony, Horace at once took sides with 
 the republicans and fought at Vhilippi. Losing his all by 
 the war, his only hope was in literature. Meantime his 
 poems had attracted the notice of Varius and Vergil, who 
 introduced him to Maecenas, the prime minister of Augustus. 
 From that time until his death he lived an uneventful, literary 
 life in the congenial society of the court of Augustus. Kis 
 chief works are his Odes, Satires and Ei)istles. Horace was un- 
 doubtedly the most i)opular of all the Latin lyrical poets, and 
 this popularity arises from his skilful felicity of expression, 
 graceful verse, and above all from his deep knowledge of human 
 nature. 
 
 Albius Tibullus was of an equestrian fannly. He had Kn Aihius 
 estate between Tibur and Praeneste. Like Vergil and Horace, ™w B c 
 he suffered by the confiscation of the Civil War, but like them 
 had a patron— M. Valerius Messala. He accompan od his patron 
 to Aquitania and to the East. He died soon after Vergil. He 
 may be said to be the poet of a quiet life, wlio had little°interest 
 in martial glory. His elegies celebrate the cruelty or beauty of 
 his mistresses. SexUn^ 
 
 Sextus Aurelius Propertius was a native of Umbria. We have JPropfrtius 
 little but fragmentary information about his life. lie belonged sTrc!"^ 
 
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528 
 
 niSTORY OP ROME. 
 
 P. Ovidius 
 
 Naso, ItS 
 li.V.-lHA.D 
 
 Prose 
 
 writers. 
 
 M. Porcius 
 Cato, 238' 
 
 yyjj.c. 
 
 M.TuUlut 
 Cicero, 106- 
 /,C B.C. 
 
 M. Term- 
 tius Varro, 
 136-88 B.C. 
 
 to the literary circle of Horace. Tlio poems of Propertius are 
 uninteresting to a modern reader, chieHy from their ohscurity, 
 an unnatural fcmdness for Greek expression, and the references 
 to obscure Greek myths. 
 
 P. Ovidius Naso was bom at Sulmo in the country of the Peligni. 
 His father, who belonged to the equestrian order, determined at 
 first to give his son a legal training, but the poetical dis- 
 position of Ovid was an insuperable barrier to his success as a 
 lawyer. He was soon recognized as a poet and lived for many 
 years on intimate terms with the literary men of the Capital as 
 well as with the emperor himself. For some reason or other he 
 was banished to Tomi on the Euxine (Black) sea, and died there. 
 His works are numerous. He wrote the Metamorphoses in 
 eighteen books ; Fasti in twelve books, of which six only are 
 extant ; elegies and amatory poems. Ovid possessed in a re- 
 markable degree vigorous fancy and warm imagination, but also a 
 fatal facility of expression which he took little heed to restrain. 
 
 M. Pcrcius Cato is the first prose writer of the Latin language 
 of whom we have .any considerable fragment. His chief works 
 were the Origines, a work containing a history of the Roman 
 kings, and Z^ Ite Bitstica, a book ' on farming.' 
 
 M. Tullius Cicero wrote besides his orati(ms many works on 
 Bhetaric, of which the best is a systematic treatise on the art of 
 oratory CDe Oratore). His works on philosophy is an attempt 
 to present to the Roman people a popular treatise of the views 
 of the various schools without expounding any new principles. 
 Perhaps the most valuable of all his works are his numerous 
 epistles to Atticus and to other numerous correspondents, which 
 give a clear insight into the history of the period. Cicero is 
 noted for the versatility of his talents, since he was the chief of 
 Roman orators axid also of Roman philosophers. His style is 
 noted for its grace and delicacy, though often marred by diflfuse- 
 ness. It was chiefly as an orator that he was noted among 
 his contemporaries. 
 
 M. Terentius Varro, 'the most learned of the Romans,' was 
 a friend and intimate of Cicero. He was a Pompeian, but 
 after Pharsalia was pardoned by Caesar, who employed him in 
 
 
jrtius are 
 )l)scui'ity, 
 eferences 
 
 e Peligni. 
 •mined at 
 tical dis- 
 jcess as a 
 •or many 
 apital as 
 
 other he 
 ed tliere. 
 •hoses in 
 
 only are 
 in a re- 
 nt also a 
 restrain. 
 
 language 
 ef works 
 i Roman 
 
 '^orks on 
 le art of 
 attempt 
 ie views 
 inciples. 
 imerous 
 s, which 
 ]!icero is 
 chief of 
 style is 
 diffuse- 
 among 
 
 IS,' was 
 sm, but 
 him in 
 
 HISTORV OF ROME. 
 
 529 
 
 promotinp: the j.lan of establishing a public library at Rome 
 After the death of Caesar he retired to the country, but hi^ 
 name was put on the proscription list. Still he endeavoured to 
 escapo, and devoted his remaining life to literature. Of the 
 very numerous books written by him, the best known are 
 JJeUe Eushca, in three books, 'on agriculture,' and De Lingua 
 Jjatma, a treatise 'on Latin granunar.' 
 
 Jier'^'mfcZ'" T "' °"'.^ "" ^"'' "™^ '"^ ^ great c../,... 
 writer His Commentaries are tho only works of his that have ff^.^- -'^^■ 
 come down to us. These contain seven books of the Gallic wars 
 m seven books, and three books of tlie Civil wars in tliree books 
 JJeither work completes the history of the Gallic or Civil wars' 
 
 J!r rft"- ^"""^ ''^ '^'' ^""^-^ ^''^^ '' «"PP««-^d to have been 
 added by Hirtius, and the history of the campaigns in Alexandria 
 fepain and Africa is also ascribed to the same author. The style' 
 of i^aesar is -the perfection of strength, since in it brevity and 
 clearness are combined. 
 
 C. Sallustius Crispus was born at Amiternum. After the C. ..««,.. 
 Atncan war Caesar left him governor of Numidia, where he g."lf '/IT'*' 
 acquired great wealth by his oppressive exactions. He wrote 
 two books which have been preserved to us, the ' Conspiracy of 
 tatihne and the 'Jiigurthine.War'. 
 
 Cornelius Nepos was a contemporary and friend of Cicero, Cornelius 
 Oatullus and Atticus, perhaps born at Verona, and died in the St^edAZ' 
 reign of Augustus. We know scarcely any more about j^j/'^'^'^^-^- 
 history. He wrote a work, ' The Lives of Distinguished Com- 
 manders,' but with the exception of the life of Att, as the rest 
 are taken from the abridged edition of the original work. 
 
 Titus Livius was the most distinguished of the historians of r Livircs 
 the Augustan age. He was a native of Patavium (Padua), but ^ ^A '"' 
 spent the most part of his life at the Capital, where he obtained ' 
 
 the patronage and friendship of the court. His history of Rome 
 originally comprised one hundred and forty-two books, and 
 extended from the foundation of the city to the death of Drusus 
 B.C. 9. Of these thirty-five have been preserved to us- the 
 whole of the first decade is entire (Books I-X). This covers 
 the period from the beginning of the regal period to the subiu- 
 34 ■' 
 
 ^ 
 
530 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. 
 
 gation of the Sanuutes (294 B.C.). The second decade is lost, 
 which would have covered from 294 b.c. to 219 B c or the 
 period dealing with the invasion of Pyrrhus and the whole of 
 the First Punic War. The third, fourth, and half of the fifth 
 decades are entire (Books XXI-XLV), or the period from the 
 siege of Saguntum 219-169 b.c. The nistory of Livy is not a 
 critical history of Rome. His object was to give a pleasing 
 narrative to his countrymen and to gratify their vanity. In 
 his work the great fault is that he gives relief to his imagina- 
 tion and regards rather the attractiveness than the truth of 
 the narrative, for he takes little pains to investigate the truth 
 of the sources on which he founds his statements. 
 
is lost, 
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