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Those too large to be entirely included in one expoaure are filmed beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to right and top to bottom, aa many frames as required. The following diagrams Illustrate the method: 1 2 3 Un dee symboles suivsnts apparattra sur la darnlAre image da cheque microfiche, selon le caa: le symbols — »- signifie "A SUIVRE", le symbols ▼ signifie "FIN". Lee cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent Atre filmte A dee taux de rMuction diff6rents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour Atre reproduit en un seul clichA, 11 est filmA A partir de Tangle supArieur gauche, de gauche i droite, et de haut en has, en prenant le nombre d'images nAcessaire. Les diagrammes solvents illustrent la mAthode. 1 2 3 4 5 6 .-''i^}i-^*' D FRII ■WTL-L'IAM m,'03mmJT3r.don. Publislicd by Joi-es k C° Jau^ 28.1825 w •*■—•*.*■*«'•■''?«»•»*. ■ THE HISTORY OF THE DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT or AMERICA. BY WILLIAM ROBERTSON, D. D. F. R. S. E. PRINCIPAL OF THE innVERSITT OF EDINBURGH. AND HISTORIOGRAPHER TO HIS MAJESTY FOR SCOTLAND. I \ COMPLETE IN ONE VOLUME. LONDON: PUBLISHED BY JONES & COMPANY, 8, ACTON PLACE, KINGSLAND ROAD. 1826. \J \J J GLAKCOWi ANDREW DUNCAN, Printn lo th* Hnlnnllj. PREFACE. In fulfilling till! engaf(ement which I hnd come under to the I'ablio with respect to the History of America, It was my intention not to hare published any part of the work until the whole was completed. The present state of the Bri- tish Colonies has induced me to alter that reso- lution. While they are engaged in civil war with Great Britain, Inquiries and speculations concerning their ancient forms of policy and laws, which exist no longer, cannot be interest- ing. The attention and expectation of mankind nre now turned towards their future condition. In whatever manner this unhappy contest may terminate, a new order of things must arise in North America, and its affairs will assume ano- ther aspect. I wait with the solicitude of a good citizen, until the ferment subside, and re- gular government be re-established, and then I shall return to this part of my work, in which I had made some progress. That, together with the history of Portoguese America, and of the settlements made by the several nations of Eu- rope in the West India Islands, will complete my plan. The three volumes which I now publish con- tain an account of the discovery of the New World, and of the progress of the Spanish arms and colonies there. This Is not only the most splendid portion of the American story, but so much detKched, as by itself to form a perfect whole, remarkable for the unity of the subject. As the principles and maxims of the Spaniards in planting colonies, which have been adopted in some measure by every nation, are unfolded in this part of my work ; it will serve as a pro- per Introduction to the history of all the Euro- pean establishments in America, and convey such information concerning this Important article of policy, as may be deemed no less In- teresting than curious. In describing the achievements and institu- tions of the Spaniards In the New World, I have departed in many instances, from the ac- counts of preceding historians, and have often related facts which seem to have been unknown to them. It is a duty I owe the Public to men- tion the sources from which I have derived sucli intelligence as justifies me either In placing- Irnnsactions in a new light, or in forming any new opinion with respect to their causes and ef- fects.' This duty I perform with greater satls- fiiction, as It will afford an opportunity of ex- pressing my gratitude to those benefactors who hare honoured me with their countenance and aid in my researches. As it was from Spain that I had to expect the most important Information, with regard to this part of my work, I considered It aa a very for- tunate circumstance for me, when Lord Gran- tham, to whom I had the honour of being per- sonally known, and with whose liberality, of sentiment, and disposition to oblige, I was well acquainted, was appointed ambassador to the court of Madrid. Upon applying to him, I met with such a reception as satisfied me that his endeavours would be emp ioyed in the most pro- per manner, in ordefto obtain the gratification of my wishes ; and I am perfectly sensible, that what progress I have made in my inquiries among the Spaniards, ought to be ascribed chief- ly to their knowing how much his lordship in- terested himself in my success. But did I owe nothing more to Lord Gran- tham than the advantages which I have derived from his attention in engaging Mr. Waddilove, the chaplain of his embassy, to take the conduct of my literary Inquiries in Spain, the obliga- tions I lie under to him would be very great. During five years that gentleman has carried on researches for my behoof, with such activity, perseverance, and knowledge of the subject, to which his attention was turned, as have filled me with no less astonishment than satisfaction. He procured for me the greater part of the Spa- nish books which I have consulted ; and as many of them were printed early In the sixteenth cen- tury, and are become extremely rare, the col- lecting of these was such an occupation as alone required much time and assiduity. To his friendly attention I am indebted for copies of several valuable manuscripts, containing facte and details which I might have searched for in vain in works that have been made public. En- couraged by the inviting good will with which Mr. Waddilove conferred his favours, I trans- mitted to him a set of queries, with respect both to the customs and policy of the native Ameri- cans, and the nature of several institutions in PREFACE. the Spanish Mttlementa, framed in iuch a man- ner that a Spaniard might answer them with- out diaciosing any thing that was improper to be communicated to a foreigner. He tronalated thcie into Spanish, and obtained from various persons who had resided in most of the Spanish colonics, such replies as have afforded me much instruction. Notwithstanding those peculiar advantages with which my inquiries were carried on in Spain, it is with regret I am obliged to add, that their success must be ascribed to the bene- ficence of individuals, not to any communica- tion by public authority. By a singular ar- rangement of I'hilip II., the records of the Spanish monarchy are deposited in the Archivo of Simancos, near Valladolid, at the distance of • hundred and twenty miles from the seat of government and the supreme courts of Justice. The papers relative to America, and chiefly to that early period of its history towards which my attention was directed, are so numerous, that they alone, according to one account, fill the largest apartment in the Archivo ; and, accord- ing to another, they compose eight hundred and seventy-three large bundles. Conscious of pos- sessing, in some degree, the industry which be- longs to an historian, the prospect of such a trea- sure excited my most ardent curiosity. But the prospect of it is all that I have enjoyed. Spain, with an excess of caution, has uniformly thrown a veil over her transactions in America. From strangers they are concealed with pecu- liar solicitude. Even to her own subjects the Archivo of SImancas is not opened without a particular order from the crown ; and, after ob- taining that, papers cannot be copied without paying fees of office so exorbitant that the ex- pense exceeds what it would be proper to be- stow, when the gratification of literary curiosi- ty is the only object. It is to be hoped, that the Spaniards will at last discover this system of concealment to be no less impolitic than illiber- al. From what I have experienced in the course of my inquiries, I am satisfied, that upon a more minute scrutiny into their early operations in the New World, however reprehensible the ac- tions of individuals may appear, the conduct of the nation will be placed in a more favourable light. In other parts of Europe very different senti- ments prevail. Having searched, without suc- cess, in Spain, for a letter of Cortes to Charles V. written soon after he landed in the Mex- ican Empire, which has not hitherto been published ; it occurred to me, that as the Em- peror was setting out for Germany at the time when the messengers from Cortes arrived in Europe, the letter with which they were in- trusted might possibly be preserved in the Im- perial library of Vienna. I communicated this idea to Sir Robert Murray Keith, with whom I have long had the honour to live in friend- ship, and I had soon the pleasure to learn, that upon his application her Imperial Majesty had been graciously pleased to issue an order, that not only a copy of that letter (if It were found), but of any other papers in the library which could throw light upon the History of America, should be transmitted to me. The letter from Cortes is not in the Imperial library ; but an authentic copy, attested by a notary, of the let- ter written by the magistrates of the colony planted by him at Vera Cruz, which I have mentioned, p. 146, having been found, it was transcribed, and sent to me. As this let- ter is no lesa curious, and as little known as that which was the object of my inquiries, I have given some account, in its proper place, of what is most worthy of notice in it. Together with it, I received a copy of a letter from Cortes, containing a long account of his expedition to Honduras, with respect to wlilch I did not think it necessary to enter into any particular detail ; and likewise those curious Mexican pointings, which I have described, p. 828. My Inquiries at St. Petersburgh were carried on with equal facility and success. In examin- ing into the nearest communication between our continent and that of America, it became of consequence to obtain authentic information concerning the discoveries of the Uu?-:!'ims in their navigation from Kamchatka towikids the coast of America. Accurate relations of their first voyage, in 1741, have been published by Muller and Umelin. Several foreign authors have entertained an opinion that the court of Uussia studiously conceals the progress which has been made by more recent navigators, and suffers the Public to be amused with false ac- counts of their route. Such conduct appeared to me unsuitable to those liberal sentiments, and that patronage of science, for which the present sovereign of Russia is eminent; nor could I discern any political reason, that might render it improper to apply for information concerning the late attempts of the Russians to open a com- munication between Asia and America. My ingenious countryman. Dr. Rogerson, first phy- sician to the Empress, presented my request to Her Imperial Majesty, who not only disclaimed any idea of concealment, but instantly ordered the journal of Captain Krenitzin, who conduct- ed the only voyage of discovery made by public authority since the year ]';41, to be translated, and his original chart to be copied for my use. By consulting them, I have been enabled to give a more accurate view of the progress and extent of the Russian discoveries than has hitherto l)een communicated to the Public. From other quarters I have received informa- tion of great utility and importance. M. le Chevalier de Pinto, the minister from Portugal to the court of Great Britain, who commanded ; in frifnd- learii, that li^eity had order, that 'ere found), rary which f America, letter from ry ; but an of the let- the colony ilch I hare found, it As this let- known as inquirice, I >er place, of Together from Cortes, pediiion to lid not think Milar detail ; n pnintings, Hrere carried In exuDiin- between our it became of information Uu!-'.!'\ns in towards the ions of their publishrd by wign authors the court of )greu which vigators, and ith false ac- t appeared to timrnts, and I the present nor could I night render 1 conceriiing I open a com- nerica. Aly an, first phy- y request to ly disclaimed ntly ordered vho conduct- tde by public le translated, for my use. labled to give IS and extent has hitherto ved informa- ince. M. le om Portugal I commanded PREFACE. fur seyeral yean at Matagrosto, a settlement of the Portuguese In the Interior part of Brazil, where the Indians are numerous, and their ori- ginal manners little altered by intercourse with Europeans, was pleased to send me very full answers to some queries concerning the charac- ter and Institutions of the natives of America, which his polite reception of an application made tn him in my name encouraged me to propose. These satisfied me, that he had contemplated with a discerning attention the curious objects which his situation presented to his view, and I have often followed him as one of my best in- structed guides. M. Sunrd, to whose elegant translation of the History of the Heign of Charles V. I owe the favourable reception of that work on the continent, procured me answers to the same queries from M. de Bougainville, who had op- portunities of observing the Indians both of North and South America, and from M. Godin le Jeune, who resided fifteen years among In- dians in Quito, and twenty years in Cayenne. The latter are more valuable from having been examined by M. de la Condamine, who, a few weeks before his death, made some short addi- tions to them, which may be considered as the last elTurt of that attention to science which oc- cupied a long life. Aly inquiries were not confined to one region in America. Governor Hutchinson touk the trouble of recommending the consideration of my queries to Mr. Howley and Mr. Brainerd, two protestant missionaries employed among the Indians of the l''lve Nations, who favoured me with answers which discover a considerable knowledge of the people whose customs they describe. From William Smith, Esq. the in- genious historian of New York, I received some useful information. When I enter upon the History of our Colonies in North America, I shall have occasion to acknowledge bow much I have been indebted to many other gentlemen of that country. From the valuable Collection of Voyages made by Alexander Dalrymple, Esq., with whose attention to the History of Navigation and Dis- covery the Public is well acquainted, I have received some very rare books, particularly two large volumes of Memorials, partly manuscript ond partly in print, which were presented to the court of Spain during the reigns of Philip III. and Philip IV. From these I have learned many curious particulars with respect to the interior state of the Spanish co- lonies, and the various schemes formed, for their improvement. As this collection of Me- morials formerly belonged to the Colbert Li- brary, I have quoted them by that title. All those books and manuscripts I have con- sulted with that attention which the respect due from an Author to the Public required ; and by minute references to them, I have endeavoured to authenticate whatever I relate. The longer I reflect on the nature of historical composition, the more I am ccnvlnced that this scrupulous accuracy is necessary. The historian who re- cords the events of his own time, is credited In proportion to the opinion whii^h the Public en- tertains with respect to bis means of information and his veracity. He who delineates the trans- actions of a remote period, has no title to claim assent, unless he produces evidence in proof of his assertions. Without this he may write an amusing tale, but cannot be said to have compet- ed an authentic history. In those sentiments 1 have been confirmed by the opinion of an Au- thor,' whom his industry, erudition, and dis- cernment, have deservedly placed in a high rank among the most eminent historians of the age. Imboldened by a hint from him, I have pub- lished a catalogue of the Spanish books which I have consulted. This practice was frequent in the last century, and was considered as an evidence of laudable Industry in an author; in the present, it may, perhaps, be deemed the ef- fect of ostentation ; but, as many of these books are unknown in Great Britain, I could not otherwise have referred to them as authorities, without encumbering the page with un insertion of their full titles. To any person who may choose to follow me in this path of inquiry, the catalogue must be very useful. My readers will observe, that in mentioning sums of money, I have uniformly followed the Spanish method of computing by pesos. In America, the peso Jverle, or duro, is the only one known ; and that is always meant when any sum imported from America is mentioned. The peso fuerte, as well as other coins, has varied in its numerary value ; but I have been advised, without attending to such minute variations, to consider it as equal to four shil- lings and six-pence of our money. It 1^ to be remembered, ^owever, that, in the 'i^teenth century, the effective value of a peso, :'. the quantity of labour which it represented, ?r ot goods which it would purchase, was five or six times as much as at present N. B. Since this edition was put into the press, a History of Mexico, in two volumes in quarto, translated from the Italian of the Abh^ D. Francesco Saverio Clavigero, has been pub- lished. From a person who is a native of New Spain, who has resided forty years in that coun- try, and who is acquainted with the Mexican language, it was natural to expect much new information. Upon perusing his work, how- 1 Mr. Oibboii. VI PREFACE. pver, I And that It rontaln* hardly any addition t» the nnrlent Illttnry of the Meslcan Empire, an rrliited by Acoiitn and Herrera, but what li dvi'ived ri'uin the improbable nnrrntivet and fan- cil'iil ronjecturea of Torqiiemada and Uolurinl. Having copied tlieir iplendid detcrlptioti* of the high utate of civilization In the Mexican Kmpire, M. C'iavlgero, in the abundance of hi* zeal for the honour of hli native country, charges me with having mistaken lome pointe, and with having miirepresented nthert, in the Illitory of it. When an author li conaciuut of having exerted indua- try in reiearch, and impartiality in decinion, he may, without prpiium|>tiun, claim what pi-alse it due tu tlieiie <|iialitiv», and bo cannot b« iuMn- •Ible to any accuMllon that tends to weaken tha force of his claim. A feeling of this kind haa ioduood ma to examine such strictures of M, Clavlgero on my History of Ameiica as merited any attention, especially aa these are made by one who t«eme paratory tothoM of lh« modarru— Imper- fection of ancient navigation and (eogra- pliy— Doctrine of tite lonee— Furtlier die- coverlee cheolted by tlie Irruption of bar- baroua natlon^Geographical Icnowledf* ■tiil preaerTed in the Eaat, and among the Arablaut— UaTival of commerce and na- vigation in Europe— favoured by the Croi- ladea — extended by traveller* into the East— promoted by the invention of the mariner*! compaia— Fint regular plan of diieovery formed by Portugal— State of that Ungdom^Sohemee of Prince Henry —Early attempU feebla— Piogreaa along the weatem ooaat of Africa— Hopea of dlicovering a new route to the Eaat In- diea— Attempt* toacoompliab tbia— Proa- peotsofeuco***! BOOK II. Birth and education of Columbus— acquire* naval ikill in the service of Portugal- conceives hopes of reaching the Eaat In- dies by holding a westerly course— hi* system founded on the ideas of the an- ciento, and knowledge of their naviga- tion—and on the discoveriea of the Por- tuguese—His negotiation* with different courts— Obstacles which be had to sur- mount in Spain— Voyage of discovery— dlfflcultlee— •uc e e n return to Spain- Astonishment of mankind on this disco- very of a new world— Papal grant of it- Second voyage— Colony settled— Further discoveries^ War with the Indians- First tax impoaed on them— Third voy- age—He dlscoven the Continent— State of the Spanish edony— Error* in the first system of oolonizing — Voyage of the Portuguese to the East Indica by the Cape of Good Hope— EffecU of tbi*— Discoveries made by private adventurer* In the New World— Name of America given to it— Machination* against Colum- PAiiS bu^^lsgrarixl anil xctit In <'linlii* to I'li- pope— Fourth voyagH of C'ulumbiis— Mis discoveries— dUnatei-N—duuth, . . . I!l BOOK 111. State of the colony In IlUimnlola— New war with the Indlnni — Cnirliy of the Spaniards— 'Fatal rei^ulutloiis contvi-tiliig the condition of the liidlnns— Diminution of that people — Discoveries and settle- ment*- Fir*t colony planted on the Con- tinent—Conquest of Culm — Discovery of Florida— of the South Sea— Great expec- tations raised by thisi— Causes of disap- pointment with respect to these for some time— Controversy concerning the treat- ment of the Indian»— Contrary decision* — Zeal of the eeolesiaatlcs, particularly of La* C'as*s Singular proceedings of XI- mene*-- Negro** imported into Amerloa— La* Casas' Idea of a new colony— permit- - ted to attempt it — unsuccessful— Dlsfi>- veriea towarda th* West — Yucatan— - Campeachy — New Spaln^— preparations for invading It, . 67 BOOK IV. View of America when first discovered, and of the manner* and policy of it* moat un- civlUsed inhabitant* — Vaat extent of America— grandeur of the object* It pre- sent* to view— 'ita mountain*— rivers — lakes— it* form favourable to commerce — temperature—predominance of cold— ciiuse-< of tbi* — uncultivated— unwhole- wiuit — ita animal*— *oil— -Inquiry how America wa* peopled— variou* theories— what appear* mo*t probable— Condition and character of the American*— All, the Mexican* and Peruvian* excepted, in the etate of aavage * Inquiry confined to the uneiviliied tribca— Di£fioulty of obtaining information— varioua cauae* of thi»— Me- thod obacrved In the Inquiry— I. The bodily conetitution of the Americans con- eidered— II. The qualitiea of their minda —III. Their domeatie *tat»— IV. Their political atate and in*titntIon^-V. Their fUl CONTENTS. VMiU lyttcm of war and public iccurity— VI. 'I'hfl arU with which Ihcy war* ao- <|ualnt«4i— VII. Thalrnllgloui Ideas and Initllutlun*— VIII. Such «lngular and dttachtd cuttomi at arc not rtduclbla to any of tha former headi^IX. Oanaral review and eMtlinata of their virtues and defects, 60 BOOK V. Iltitory of theconqueatof New Spcln by Cortee 186 DOOK VI. History of the Conqueatof Peru by I'lurro —•nil of tha diaaenalona and civil wara of tha Spaniards In that country— Origin, prograaa, and effeota of thaae 189 BOOK VII. View of the Inatltutlons and manneraof the Mexleana and Peruvians — Civilized statea in comparlaon of other Amerloon^Ue- cent origin of the Mexicans^ Facta which prove their progreaa In civilization — View of their policy in Ita varloua branchca — of their arts— Facts which Indicate a small progress In civilization— What opinion should be formed on comparing thoae con- tradictory facts— Genius of their religion —'Peruvian monarchy more ancient— its policy founded on religion— Singular ef- fects of this — Peculiar state of property among the Peruvians-- Their Public works andarts-roads— bridges—buildings— Their unwarlike spirit — View of other domin- ions of Spain in America— Cinaloa and Sonura— California^ Yucatan and Hon- dura»— Chili^Tucuman— Kingdom of Tierra Finn6— New Kingdom of Gra- nada, 881 r«ii« BOOK VIII. View of the interior government, commerce, kc of the Spaniah coloniea^ Depopulation of Americ»— flrat etfect of their aetlle- ment^not the consequence of any iiyilem of policy— nor to be imputed to religion^ Number of Indiana atlll remaining— Fundamental m txima on which <'ie .Spn- nith ayatem of colonlMtlon la tc ''ed— Condition of different ordera of \. n 'ii their Coloniei^-ChapetonFa^Creuli's— Negroea^Indlana— Eccleiiaitlcal atalr and policy- Character of aecular and re- gular clergy— Small progreaa of Christi- anity among tha nativea^Mlnea, chief object of their attention— Mode of work- ing theae^their produce— Effecta of en- couraging thia apeclea of induatry— Other commodities of Spaniah America— l-'irit effecia of thia new commerce with Ameri- ca on Spain— Why the Spanish colonira have not been aa benaflclal to the parent atate aa those of other natlon^Errora in the Spaniah ayatem of regulating thia com- merce— conilned to one port— carried on by annual fleeta— Contraband trade— De- cline of Spain both In population and wealth^ Kemedlea propoaed— View of the wiae regulationa of the Bourbon princea — A new and more liberal ayatem intro- dueed— beneflclal effecta of tlil^probabie conaequencea — Trade between New Spain and the Philippinea — Uevenue of Spain from America — whence itarlae»— to what it amounts, 8i7 BOOK IX. Hiatory of Virginia to the year 1668. . . 879 BOOK X. HIaiory of New England to the year 1668, S06 ".■: ■'! i i. .(.I , • '--' I t' t CATALOGUE SPANISH BOOKS AND MANUSCIUPT& nr 1688. . . 879 the year 16fie. 806 A CAUcni (li! Illseay, IluUlioii In Plata : I'ocina. £xst. Uaii^ia IliHtorlad. Piimit. Hi. Darros ( Joao de) Uecadaa de Asia. ful. 4 vols. Lisboa, \G62. I)ellestero8 ( D, Thomaa de) Ordcnanzaa del I'eru. ful. 2 vuls. Lima, 168a. lieltran (P. F. Pedro) Arte iie el Idioma Maya reducido a suuiutas reglaii, y Seniilexicon. 4to. Mex. 1746. Benzo (Ilicron.) Nov! Orbia Historic— De Dry America, Part IV, V, VI. Betancurt y Figueroa (Don Luis) Doreclio de las Inglesias Metropolitanas de las Indias. 4to. Mad. 1637. Blanco (F. Matiaa liuiz) Conversion dc Pi- ritu de Indios Cuinanagotos y otros. l^mo. :\Iad. 1690. Boturini Benaducl (Lorenzo) Idea de una niieva Historin general de la America Septen- trional, fundada finbre material copiosa de Fi- guras, Symbolas, Caracteres, Cantares, y Manu- scritos de Autorcs Indios. 4to. Mad. 174ti. Botello de Moraes y Vasconcellos (D, Fran- cisco de) £1 Nuevo Mundo : Pocma lleroyco. 4to. Barcelona, 1701. Botero Benes (Juan) Description de Todas las Provincias, lleynos, y Ciududes del Mundo. 4to. Girona, 1748. Briettui (Phil.) Faralela GeographiiB Veteris «t Novte. 4to. Paris, 1648. Cabeza de Baca (Alvar. Nugnez) Relacion de los Naufragios. ^Exst. Barcia Hist. Prim, torn. I. Examen Apologetico de la His- torica Narration de los Naufragios. Exst. Barcia flist. Prim. torn. 1. Commentarlos de lo auccedido duarante su gubierno del Ilio de la Plata. Exat. ibid. Cabo de Vocca, Relatione de. Exst. llamas, ill. 310. Cabota (Sebast.) Navigucione de. Exst. Ra- mus, ii. 811. Cadamustus (Aloyslus) Navlgatio ad Terras incognitas. Exst. Nov. Orb. GrynBi, p. I. Calancha ( F. Anton, dc la) Cronica morali- zada del Orden de San Augustin en el Peru, fol. Barcelona, 1638. California— Diario Historico de los Vlages de Mar y Tlerra hechos en 1766, al Norte de Cali- fornia di orden del Marques de Croix Vi-rey de Nueva Espagna, &c. MS. Calle (Juan Diaz de la) Memorial Informo- torio de lo que a tu Magestad ProTien de la Nueva Espagna y Peru. 4to. 1646. Compomanea (D. Pedro Rodrig.) Antiguedad Moritimade U Republica de Cartago, cou en Pcripio de su General Ilannon traducido e iilus- trado. 4(0. Mad. 17fi6. Discurso flobre el fomento de la IndustriB popular. 8vo. Mad. 1774. Campomanes Discurso sobre la Educacion popular de los Artesanos. 8vo. 5. vol. Mad. 1775, &c. Caracas— Real Cedula de Fundacion de la Real Compagnia Guipuscoanade Caracas. ISmo. Mud. 1765. Caravantes ( Fr. Lopez de) Relacion de los Provincias que tiene el Govierno del Peru, los Officios que en el se Provien, y la Hacienda que alii tiene su Magestad, lo que se Gasta de eila y le queda Libre, &c. &c. Dedicado al Marques de Santos Claros, Agno de 1611. MS Cardenas y Cano ( Gabr. ) Ensayo Chronolo- gico para la Ilistoria general de la Florida, fol. Mad. 1733. Carranzana (D. Gonzales) A Geographical Description of the Coasts, &c. of the Spanish West Indies. 8vo. Lond. 1740. Casas ( Bart, de las) Brevissima Relacion do la Destruycion de las Indias. 4to. 1552. ( Bart de las) Narratio Iconibus iiliis- trata per Theod. de Bry. 4to. Oppent. 1614. (Bart, de las) An Account of the lint Voyages and Discoveries of the Spaniai'ds in America. 8vo. Lond. 1693. Cassani (P. Joseph) Historia de la Provincia de Compagnia de Jeaus del Nuevo Reyno de Granada, fol. Mad. 1741. Castanheda ( Fern. Lop. de) Historia do Des- cobrimento e Conquista de India peloa Portu- gueses, fol. 8 vol. Lisb. 1652. Castellanos (Juan de) Priinera y Secnnda dc las Elegiaa de Varones Illustres de Indias. 4to. 2 vol. Mad. 1589. CastiUo (Bemal Diaa del) Ilistoria Verda- dera de la Conquista de Nueva Espagna. fol. Mad 1632. Castro, Figueroa y Salazar (D. Pedro de) Relacion di su ancimiento y servicios. 12mo. Cavallero (D. Jos. Garcia) Brieve Cotejo y Valance de las Pesas y Medidat dl varias Naci- ones, reducidas a las que Corren en Castilla. 4to. Mad. 17S1. Cepeda (D. Fern.) Relacion Universal del Sitio en que esta fundada la Ciudad de Mexico, fol. 16S7. Ciega de Leon (Pedro de) Chronica del Peru, fd. Seville. 1533. Cisnero«( Diego) SItIo, Naturaleza, y Proprie- dades de la Ciudad de Mexico. 4to. Mexico. 1618. Clemente (P. Claudio) Tablas Chronologicas, en que contienen los Sucesoc Ecolesiasticos y Seculares de Indiaa. 4to. Val. 1689. Cogullado ( P. Fr. Diego Lopez) Historia de Yucatan, fol. Mad. 1688. Collecao doa Brives Pontlflcoa e Leyes Regiaa que foroo Expedidos y Publicadas desde o Anno 1741, sobre a la Liberdada das Pessoat bene e Commercio doa Indoa de Bresil. Colleccion General de la Providenclas haata aqui tomadas par el Gobierno sobre el Estragni- mento, y Occupacion de Temponklidadec de los SPANISH BOOKS AND MANUSCRIPTS. XI ironica del Peru. Regularea de la Compagnia de Etpagna, Indias, tK. Partes IV. 4to. Mad. 1767. Colon (D. Fernando) La Hhtoria del Alml- rante D. Cbriitoval Colon. Exst. Barcia Hist. Prim. I. 1. Columbus (Christ.) Navigatio qua multas Re- giones hactenus incognitas invenit. Exsb Mov. Orb. Grynvi) p. 90. (Ferd.) Life and Actions of his Father Admiral Christoph. Columbus. Exst Cburchiil's Voyages, ii. 479. Compagnia Ileal de Commerclo para las Idas de S" Domingo Puerto-rico, y la Margarita. ISmo. Compendio General de las Contribuciones y gattos que ocuasionan todas los eiTectos, frutos, caudales, &c. que traiican entre ios reynos de Castilla y America. 4to. Concllios Provinciates Primero y Segundo celebrados en la muy Noble y muy Leal Ciudad de Mexico en Ios Agnos de 1505 y 1665. foL Mexico, 1769. Concilium Mexicanum Provinciate tertium Gclebratum Mexici,aniio ld85. ful. Alexici, 1770. Continente Americano, Argonauta de lus custas de Nueva Espagna y Tierra Firme. ISmo. Cordeyro (Antonio) Uistoria Insulana das lihos a Portugas sugeytas no Oceano Occiden- tal, fol. Li»b. 1717. Corita (Dr. Alonzo) Breve y sumaria Re- lacion de loa Segnores, Manera, y DilTerencia de cllos, que havia en la Nueva Espagna, y otraa Provincias sus Comarcanas, y de sus Leyes, Usos, y Costumbres, y de la Forma que tenian en Tributar sus Vasallos en Tiempo de su Gen- tiildad, &c. ?.' S. 4to. pp. 307. Coronada ( Fr. Vasq. de) Sommario di due sue liCttcre del Viaggio fatto del Fra. Marco da Nizza al sette Citta de Cevola. Exst. liamu- sio iii. 354. (Fr. Vasq. de) Rclacion Viaggio aile sette Citta. Ramus, ili. 359. Cortes (Hern.) Quattro Cartas dirigidas al Emperador Carlos V. en quo ha Reiocion de bus Conquistas en \d Nueva Espagna. Exst. Bar- cia Hist. Prim. torn. !. Cortessii (Ferd.) De Insuiis nupcr inventis Narrationes ad Caroium V. ful. I5S2. Cortese (Fern.) Reiacioui, &c. Exst. Ita- musio ii. S25. Cubero ( D. Pedro) Percgrlnacion del Mayoi- I'arte del Mundo. Zaragoss. 4to. 1688. Cumana, Govierno y Noticia de. fol. MS. Davi]aPadilla(F. Aug.) Historladela Fun- tlacion y Discurso de Provincia de St. Ja(,j de Mexico, fol. Bruss. 1686. (Gil Gonzalez) Teatro Eccte- sinstico de la I'rimitiva Iglesia dc ios Indias Occidentalcs. fol. 8 vols. 1649. Ducumcntos tocantes a la Persccucion, que tos Uegulares de la Compagnia suscilaron contra Don B. de Cardenas Obispo de Paraguay. 4to. Mad. 1768. Echaveri (D. Bernardo Ilwgnez de) El Ray- no Jesuitico del Paraguay. Exst. tom. iv. Col- leccion de Documentos. 4to. Mad. 1770. Echave y Assu ( D. Francisco de) La Estrel- la de Lima covertida en Sol subre sur tres Coro- nas, fol. Amberes, 1688. Eguiara £1 Egueren (D. J. Jos.) Bibiiotheca Mexicana, sive Eruditorum Historia Virorum in America Boreaii natorum, &c. torn. prim. foi. Mex. 1775. N. B. No more than one volume of this work Las been publishe'\ Ercilla y Zuniga ( D. Alonzo de) La Arau- cana : Poema Eruico. fol. Mad. 17S3. 8 vols. 8vo. Mad. 1777. E8catona(U. Caspar de) Gazophylacium Rc- gium Peruvicum. ful. Mad. 1775. Faria y Sousa (Manuel de) Uistoria del Rcy. no de Portugal, fol. Amber. 1730. Faria y Sousa, History of Portugal from the first Ages to the Revolution under John 1 V. 8vo. Lond. 1698. Fernandez ( Diego) Prima y secunda Parte de la Uistoria del Peru. ful. Sevill. 1571. (P. Juan Patr.) Rela-ion Ilintit- rlal de las Missiones de Ios ludlas que daman Chiquitos. 4to. Mad. 1726. Feyjoo (Benit. Geron.) Espagnoles Ameri- oanos^Discurso VI. del. tom. iv. del Teatro Critlco. Mad. 1769. Sulucion del gran Problema Histo- ricu sobre la Poblacion de la America — Discurso XV. del tom. v. de Teatro Critico. (D. Miguel) Reiaciun Descriptiv'a de la Ciudad y Provincia Truxillo del Peru. foi. Mad. 1763. Freyre(Ant.) Piratasdela America. 4to. Frasso ( D. Petro) De Regio Patronatu In- diarum. fol. 8 vols. Matriti, 1775. Galvao (Antonio) Tratadodos Descobrimen- tos Antigos y Mndernos. fol. IJt>boa, 1731. Galvano (Ant.) the Discoveries of the World from the tirst Original unto the Year 155'i. Osborne's Collect, ii. 354. Gamboa (D. Fran. Xavier de) Comentarius a Ios ordinaiizas de Slinas. ful. Mad. 1761. Garcia (Gregorio) Uistoria Eculetiiastica y Seglar de la India Oriental y Occidental, y Predicacion de la Santa Evangcllacu ella. ISuio. Boeca, 1086. ■ (Fr. Gregorio) Origen de Ios Indies del Nuevo Mundo. ful. Mad. 17:^. Gnstvlu (Antun. Valasquez) Arte de Lvnguit Mexicana. 4to. Puibla de ios Angeles. 1716. Guzeta de Mexico por Ios Anuos I7%8, Viiii), 1730. 4to. Girava (llii-ronymo) Dus Libroa de Cosmo- graphia. Milan, 1556. im A CATALOGUE OF Godoy (Dio{!0 de) Helacion al H. Cortes, qua trata del Descubrimiento di diversas Ciudadei, y Frovincias, y tiuerraa q»e tulo con los Indio*. £x8t. Barda Hi»t. Prim. torn. i. Letters a Cortese, &c. Exit. Ramusio iii. 300. Gomara (Fr. Lopez de) La Historia general de las Indias. ISmo. Any. 1554. Historia general de las Indias. Exst. Barcia Hist. Prim. torn. ii. — — (Fr. Lopez de) Chronica de la Nueva Espagna o Conquista de Mexico. Exst. Barcia Hist. Prim. torn. ii. Guatemala — Razon puntual de los Successes mas memorabiles, y de los Estragos y dannos que lia padecido la Ciudad de Guatemala, fol. 1774. Gumilla (P. Jos.) El Orinoco lUustradu y defeiidido; Historia Natural, Civil, y Gcogrn- phica de csto Gran Rio, &c. 4to. 3 torn. Mad. 1745. ' Histoirc Naturolle, Civile, et Geugraphique de I'Orenoquc. Traduite par M. Eidous. I2mo. toin. iii, Avig. 17uS. Giisman ( Nugno dc) Helacion scritta in Omit- lan Provincia de Mechuacan dclla maggior Spag- na nell 1530. Exst. Ramusio iii. 331. Henis (P. Tbadeus) Ephemerides Belli Guia- ranici, ab Anno 1754. Exst. Collcccion general de Docum, torn. iv. Hcrnandcs (Fran.) Plnntarum, Aniinnlium et Mincralium Mexicanorum Historia. tbi. Horn. 1G51. Hcrrcra (Anton, de) Historia general dc los Hrohos de los Castellanos en las Islus y Tierra Firma de Mar Oceano. fol. 4 vols. Mad. KiOl, Historia General, &c. 4 vols. Mad. 1730. General History, &c. Translated by Stephens. 8vo. C vols. Lond, 17iO, Descriptio India) Uccidentalis, fol. Amst. 1622, Hucmez y Horcnsitas (D. Junn Francisco de) Extracto dc los Autos de Diligcncias y re- conocimientos de los rios, lagunas, vertientes, y desoguos de Mexico y su valle, &c. fol. Mex. 1748. Jesuitas-~-CoIIeccion de las applicaciones que se van haciendo de los Cienes, Casas y Coligius que fueron de la Compagnia de Jesus, expatrio- dos de estos Rcalc j dominios. 4to. 2 vols. Lima, 1772 y 1773. Colleccion General de Providencias hasta aqui tomadas por el Gobierno sobre el Estrannamiento y Occupacion de temporali- dadcs, de los Regolares de la Compagnia de Es- pagna, Indias, e Islas Filipinas, 4to. Mad. 1767. Retrato de los Jesuitas formado al natural, 4to. 2 vols. Mad. 1768 Jesuitas Ilclaciou Abbreviada da Republica que OS Religiosos Jesuitaa estabeleceraon. ISmo. Idea del Origen, Gobierno, &e. de U Compagnia de Jesus. 8to. Mad. 1768. Laivinius (ApoUonius) Libri V. de Peruvia Invention, et rebut in eodem gestis. 18mOi Ant. 1567. Leon ( Fr. Ruiz de) Hernandia, Poema He- royco de Conquista de Mexico. 4to. Mad. 1765. (Ant. de) Epitome de la Bibliotheca Oriental y Occidental, Nautica y Geograflca. fol. Mad. 1737. Lima : A true Account of the Earthquake which happened there 88th October, 1746. Translated from the Spanish. 8to. London, 1748. Lima Gozosa, Description de las festibas De- monstraciones, con que esta Ciudad celebrd la real Proclamacion de el Nombre Augusto del Catolico Monarcho D. Carlos III. Lima. 4to. 1760. Llano Zapata (D. Jos. Eusnb,) Preliminar al Tomo 1, de las Mcmorias Historico-Physicas, Critico-Apolugcticas de la Amei'ioa Meridional. 8vo, Cadiz, 1759. Lopez (D. Juan Luis) Discurso Ilistorlco Politico en defenso de la Jurisdicion Real. fol. 1685. (Thom.) Atlas Geographico de la Ameri- ca Septentrional y Meridional. 12mo. Par. 1758. Lorenzana (I). Fr. Ant.) Arzobispo de Mexico, ahora de Toledo, Historia de Nucva Espagna, escrita por su Esclarecido Conquista- dor Hernan. Cortes, Aumentada con otros Do- cumentos y Notas. fol. Mex. 1770. Lozano (P, Pedro) Description Chorogra- phica, del Terretorios, Arboles, Animaies del Gran Chaco, y de los Ritos y Costumbres de los innumerabiles Naciones que la habitan. 4to. Cordov. 1733, Historia de la Compagnia dc Jesus en la Provincia del Paraguay, fol, 8 vols. Mad, 1753. Madrlga (Pedro de) Description du Gou- veruement du Perou. Exst. Voyages qui ont servi iU'Etablissement do la Corop. des Indes, torn. ix. 105, Mariana (P. Juan dc) Discurso de les Enfer- medades de la Compagnia de Jesus. 4to. Mad. 1658. Martinez de la Puente (D. Jos.) Compendia de las Historias de los Descubrimientos, Con- quistas, y Guerras de la India Oriental, y lui Islas, desde los Tiempos del Infante Don En- rique de Portugal su Inventor. 4to. Mad. 1681. Martyr ab Angleria (Petr.) De Rebus Ocea- niuis et Novo Orbe Decades tres. ISmo. Colou. 1574. De Insulis nuper inventis, et de Moribus Incolarum. Ibid. p. 329. Opus Epistolorum. fol, Amst. 1670. SPANISH BOOKS AND MANUSCRIPTS. XIII Martyr ab Angleria (I'ctr.) II Somraarioca- vato della sua Hisloria del Nuov Mundo. llamusio Hi. i. Mata (D. Geron. Fum. de) Idev ,- iiticai y morales. ISmo. Toledo, 1640. Mechuacan— Relaclon de las Ceremonias, Uitos, y Poblacion de los Indlos de Mechuacan hecha id I. S. D. Ant. de Mendoza Vi-rey de Nueva Espagna. fol. MS. Melendez (Fr. Juan) Tesoros Verdaderos de las Indias Historia de la Provincia de S. Juan Baptlsta del Peru, del Orden de Prcdicadores. fol. S vols. Rom. 1681. Memorial Adjustado por D. A. Fern, de Heredia Cobernador de Nicaragua y Honduras, fol. 1753. Memorial Adjustado contra los Offlciales de Casa de Moncda a Mexico do el anno 1729. fol. Mendoza ( D. Ant. de) Lettera al Imperatore del Descopriraento della Terra Firma della N. Spagna verso Tramontano. £xst. Kamusio iii. S5d. (Juan Gonz. de) Historia del gran Reyno de China, con un Itinerario del Nuevo Mundo. 8vo. Rom. 1585. Miguel (Vic. Jos.) Tablas de los Sucesos £c- clesiasticos en Africa, Indias Orientales y Occl- dentales. 4to. Val. 1689. Miscellanea EconomicO'Folitiuo, &c. fol. Pampl. 17*9. Molina (P. F. Anton.) Vocabulario Castella. no y Mcxicano. fol. 1571. Monardes (El Dottor) Primera y Segunda y Tercera Parte de la Historia Medicinal, de las Cosas que so traen de nuestras Indias Ooviden- tales, que sirven en Mediclna. 4to. Sevilla, 1764. Moncada (Sancho de) Restauracion Politica de Espngna, y de scos Publicos. 4to. Mad. 1746. Morales ( Ambrosio de) Coronica General de Espagna. fol. 4 vols. Alcala, 1574. Moreno y Escaudon (D. Fran. Ant) De- scripcion y Estado del Virreynato de Santa Fe, Nuevo Reyno de Granada, &c. fol. MS, Munoz (D. Antonio) Discurso sobre Econo- mia politica. Svo, Mad, 1769. Nizza (F, Marco) Relatione del Viaggiofatta per Terra al Cevolc, Regno di cette Cittd. Exst. Ramus, iii. 356. Nodal— Relacion del Viage que hicieron los Capitancs Rartb. y Gonz. de Nodal al descu- bi'imiento del Estrcclio que hoy es nombrado de Maire, y reconocimiento del de Magellanes. 4to. Mad. Notlcia Individual de los derechos segun lo reglado en ultimo proyecto de 1720. 4to. Bar- celona, 1733. Nueva Espagna— Historia dc los Indies de Nueva Espagna dibidida en tics Partes, En la primera trata dc los Ritos, Saciilicios y Idola- triaa del Tiempo de sii Gentilidad, En la se* gunda de su maravi Josa Conversion a la F6, y modo de celebrar las Fiestas de Neustra Santa Iglesia. En la tercera del Genio y Caracter de aquella Gente ; y Figuras con que notaban sua Acontetim^entos, con otras particularidadea ; y Noticias de las principales Ciudades an aquel Key no. Escrita en el Agno 1541 por uno de los doce Religiosos Frauciscos que primero passa- ron a enteoder en su Conversion. MS. fol. pp. 618. Ogna ( Pedro de) Arauco Domado. Poema. 13mo. Mad, 1605. Ordenanzas del Consejo real de las Indias. fol. Mad. 1681. Ortega (D. Casimiro de) Refumen liistorico del primer Viage hecho al rcdedor del Mundo. 4to. Mad. 1769. Ossorio (Jerome) History of the Portuguese during the Reign of Emmanuel. 8vo. 3 vols. Lond. 1753. Ossorius (Hieron.) De Rebus Emanuelis Lusitanin Regis. Svo. Col. Agr. 1753. Ovalle (Alonso) Historica Relacion del Rey- no de Chili, fol. Rom. 1646. — — An Historical Relation of the Kingdom of Cbili. Exst. Churchill's Collect, iii. 1. Oviedo y Bagnos (D. Jos.) Historia de la Conquista y Publicacion de Venezuela, fol. Mad. 1733. ' Sommaria, 8eo. Exst. Ramusio iii. 44. — ^ ( Gonz. Fern, de) Relacion Sommaria de la Historia Natural de los Indias. Exst. Darcia Hist. Prim. tom. i. — ^— Historia Generale et Naturale dell In- die Occidentale. Exst. Ramusio iii. 74. Relatione della Navigatione per la grandissima Fiume Maragnon. Exst. Ramus, iii. 415. Palacio (D. Raim. Mig.) Discurso Economi- co Politico. 4to. Mad. 1778. Palafox y Mendoza (D. Juan) Virtudes del Indies, o Naturaliza y Costumbres de los Indies de N. Espagna. 4to. Vie de Venerable Dom. Jean Palafox Evcque de 1' Angelopolis. 13mo. Cologne, 1773. Pegna (Juan Nugnez de la) Conquista y An- tiguedadcs de las Islas de Gran Canaria. 4to. Mad. 1676. Pegna Montenegro (D. Alonso de la) Itinc- rario para Parochos de Indies, en que tratan les materias mas particulares, tocantes a ellos para se buen administracion. 4to. Amberes, 1754. Penalosa y Mondragon (Fr. Beuito de) Cinco Excellencias del Espagnol que des peublan a Espagna. 4to. Pampl. 1629. Peralta Rarnuevo (D, Pedro de) Lima fun- dada, o Conquista del Peru, Pocma Ereyco. 4to. Limn, 1733. — — Calderon ( U. IMathias dc) El Apostol 'SC^ XIV A CATALOGUE OF de ]a8 Indias y nueves gentes San Francisco Xavierde ]a Compagnia de Jesiu Epitome de «U8 Apostolicos Hechos. -Ito. Pampl. 1665. Pereira de Uerrido ( Bernard. ) Annates Hi»- toricos do Estado do Maranuhao. fol. Lisboa, 1749. , Peru — Relatione d'un Capitano Spagnuolo del Descoprimento y Conquista del Peru. Exit. Itamui. iii. 371. — — Relatione d'un Secretario de Franc. Fizarro delia Conquista del Peru. Ilxst. Ra- musio iii. 371. Relaclon del Peru. MS. Pesquisa de los Oydores de Panama contra D. Jayme Mugnos, &c. por haverlos Commer- ciado illicitamente en tiempo de Guerra. fol. 1765. Philipinas— Carta que escribe un Rcligioso antiguo de Pliilipinas, a un Amigo suyo en Es- pagna, que le pregunta el Naturcl y Genio de los Indies Naturales de estas Islas. MS. 4to. Piedrahita (Luc Fern.) liistoria general de las Conquistas del Nuevo Reyno de Granada, fol. Ambres. Pinelo(Ant. de Leon) Epitome de la Bibli- otheca Oriental y Occidental vn que se continen los Esoritores de las Indias Orieiitales y Occi< dentales. foL 3 vols. Mad. 1737. Pinzonius socius Admirantis Columbi — Navl- gatio et Res per eum rcpertee. Exst. Nor. Orb. Gryniei, p. 119. Pizarro y Orellana (D. Fern.) Varoncs illus- tres del N.Mundo. fol. Mad. 1639. Planctiis Judorum Cbristiauorum in Ameri- ca Peruntina. 18mo. Puente (D. Jos. Martinez de la) Compcndio de las llistorias de los Descubrimientos de la India Oriental y sus Islas. 4to. Mad. 1681. Qair (Fcrd de) Terra Australis incognita; or, a nenr Southern Discovery, containing a tiftli part of the World lately found out. 4to. Lond. 1617. Ramusio (Giov. Battista) Racolto delie Na- vigationi e Viaggi. fol. 3 vols. Venet. 1588. Real Corapagnia Guipuzcoana de Caracas, Noticias historiales Practicas, de los Succsos y Auelantamientos de esta Compagnia desde su Fundacion en 1728 hasta 1764. 4to. 1765. Recopilacion de Leyes de lus Reyuos de las Indias. fol. 4 vols. Mad. 1756. Reglamento y Aranceles Reales para el Com- mercio de Espagna a Indias. fol. Mud. 1778. Relatione d'un Gentilbuomo del Sig. Fern. Cortese della gran Citt^ Temistatan, Mexico, et della altre cose delle Nova Spagna. Exst. Ramus, iii. 304. Remesal(Fr. Ant.) Historia general de las Indias Occidentales y particular de la Gover- iiacion de Chiapa a Gautiraala. fol. Mad. 16S0. Ribadeneyra (De Diego Portichuclu) de Re- lacion del Viage desde qui sulio de Tjima, hasta que Illeg6 a Espagna. 4to. Mad. 1657. Ribadeneyra y Barrientoa (D. Ant. Joach.) Manuel Compendio de cl Regio Patronato In- diano. fol. Mad. 1755. Ribai (Andr. Perez de) liistoria de lot Triumphos de Nuestra Sta Fe, entre Gentes la mas Barbaras, en las Missiones de Nueva Es- pagna. fol. Mad. 1645. Riol (D. Santiago) Representacion a Philipe V. sobre el Estado actual de los Papeles univer- sales de la Monarchia. MS. Ripia (Juan de la) Practica de la Administra- cion y Cobranza de los rentas reales. fol. Mad. I76S. Rocha Pitta (Sebastiano de) liistoria de Ame- rica Portougueza desde o Anno de 1500 du su Descobrimento ate o de 1784. fol. Lisboa, 1730. Rodriguez (Manuel) Explicacion de la Bulla de la Santa Cruzada. 4to. Alcala, 1589. (P. Man.) 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Xerca (Franc, de) Verdadera Relaeion de la Conquista del Peru y Provincia de Cuzoo, Em- blada al Emperador Carloa V. Exst. Barcia Hist Prim. torn. iii. Relatione, &c. Ac Exst. Ramu- sio iii. 378. Zarate (Aug. du) Historia del Descubrimlcn- to y Conquista de ia Provincia del Peru. Exst. Barcia Hist. Prim. tum. iii. ^— — Histoire de ia Decouverta «t do la Conqufite du Perou. 18mo. 8 torn. Paris, 1748. Zavala y Augnon(D. Miguel de) Represen- taoion al Rey N. Segnor D. Pfailipe V. dirigldu al mas seguro Aumento del Real Erario. No place. 1738. Zevalioa (O. Pedro Ordognes de) Historia y Viage del Mundo. 4to. Mad. I69I. -X 'i A ''c. X o > X o c > S " )< t^ .(..'I ; .(..(' v,(.' il ^,> ,*' ij ':f ^•'rii itra marina, nr- imerica, libertad kls. 4to. MS. ja Relaeion de la |ia de Cuzco, Em- Exit. Barcia Exat. Ramu- |lcl Descubrimlcn- 1 del Peru. £zst. auvcrte «t de la Itoin. FarIi,174S. Iiel de) Repreien- Philipe V. diriglda Ileal Erarlo. No London. Published b-r jonc! «■ C° June 24.1826. \ f* UtUi-tii tMm . a nrJUMtit ,fMi/<. ■»V.";-'*;f' i!i«i»i'i'» 4v >H Si . ff *afe <%'; TT' ««:• f «5 00 O o c o -g o ^d: i I i 1 1 1 ) t\ I ! •?^:^ ','*■" .1 % * -jfiv^ ;i< ^fl M ' il: »- \V THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK I. 1H£ progren of men, in discovering and peopling the various parts of tbe earth, has beien extremely slow. Several ages elapsed efore they removed far from those mild and kertile regions in which they were originally placed by their Creator. The occasion of their Irst general dispersion is kn^wn ; but we are Bnacquainted with the course of their migra- lions, or the time when they took possession of ^he diffierent countries which they now inhabit, ifeither history nor tradition furnishes such in- ftbnnation concerning these remote events, as enables us to trace, with any certainty, the Operations of the human race in the infancy of ciety. We may conclude, however, that all the early Imigrations of mankind were made by land. ■The ocean which surrounds the habitable earth, las well as the various arms of the sea which Iseparate one region from another, though des- Itined to facilitate the communication between Idistant countries, seem, at first view, to be I formed to check the progress of man, and to I mark the bounds of that portion of th$%lobe to Iwhich nature had confined him. It was long, Iwe may believe, before men attempted to pass ■these formidable barriers, and became so skil- lful and adventurous as to commit themselveb to Itlie mercy of the winds and waves, or to quit I their native shores in quest of remote and un- I known regions. Navigation and shipbuilding are arts so nice I and complicated, that they require the ingenuity, las well as experience, of many successive ages to I bring them to any degree of perfection. From I the raft or canoe, which first served to carry .i savage over the river that obstructed him in the chase, to the construction of a vessel capable of conveying a numerous crew with safety to a distant coast, tbe progress in improvement ia immense. Many eiTorts would be made, many experiments would be tried, and much labour a« well as invention would be employed, before men could accomplish this arduous and impor- tant undertaking. The rude and ira'perfect state in which navigation is still found among all na- tions which are not considerably civilized, cor- responds with this account of its progress, and demonstrates that in early times the art was not so far improved as to enable men to undertake 'distant voyages, or to attempt remote dis- coveries. As soon, however, as the art of navigation be- came known, a new species of correspondence among men took place. It is from this era that we must date the commencement of such an in- tercourse between nations as deserves the appel- lation of commerce. Men are, indeed, far ad- vanced in improvement before commerce be- comes an object of great importance to them. They must even have made some considerable progress towards civilisation, before they ac- quire the idea of propcrty,and ascertain itso per- fectly as to be acquainted with the most simple of all contracts, that of exchanging by barter one rude commodity for another. But as soon as this important right is established, and every individual feels that he has an exclusive title to possess or to alienate whatever he has acquired by his own labour and dexterity, the wants and ingenuity of his nature suggest to him a new method of increasing his acquisitions and tn- joyroents, by disposing of what is superfluous in his own stores, in order to procure what is necessary or desirable in those of other men. Thus a commercial intercourse begins, and is carried on among the members of the same com- munity. By degrees, they discover that neigh- B HISTORY OF [Book I. bourliig tribes possess, wliat they themselves want, and enjoy comforts of which they wish, to partake. In the same mode, and upon the same principles, that domestic traffic is carried on within the society, an external commerce is established with other tribes or nations. Their mutual interest and mutual wants render this intercourse desirable, and imperceptibly Intro- duce the maxims and laws which facilitate its progress and render it secure, liut no very ex- tensive commerce can take place between con- tiguous provinces, whose soil and climate being nearly the same yield similar productions. Re- mote countries cannot convey their commodities, by land, to those places where on account of their rarity they are desired, and become valua- ble. It is to navigation that men are indebted for the power of transporting the superfluous stock of one part of the earth to supply the wants of another. The luxuries and blessings of a particular climate are no longer conflned to itself alone, but the enjoyment of them is com- municated to the most distant regions. Id proportion as the knowledge of the ad- vantages derived from navigation and commerce continued to spread, the intercourse among na- tions extended. The ambition of conquest, or the necessity of procuring new settlements, were no longer the sole motives of visiting distant lands. The desire of gain became a new incen- tive to activity, roused adventurers, and sent tbem forth upon long voyages, in search of Muntries whose products or wants might in- crease that circulation which nourishes and gives vigour to commerce. Trade proved a great source of discovery, it opened unknown teas, it penetrated into new regions, and contri- buted more than any other cause to bring men acquainted with the situation, the nature, and commodities of 4he different parts of the globe. But even after a regular commerce was esta- Uished in the world, after nations were consi- derably civilized, and the sciences and arts were cultivated with ardour and success, navigation continued to bo so imperfect, that it can hardly be said to have advanced beyond the infancy of its improvement in the ancient world. Among all the nations of antiquity, the struc- ture of their vessels was extremely rude, and their method of working them very defective. They were unacquainted with several principles and operations in navigation, which are now considered as the first elements on which that science is founded. Though that property of the magnet by which it attracts iron was well kntown to the ancients, its more important and amazing virtue nf pointing to the poles had en- tirely escaped their observation. Destitute of' this faithful guide, which now conducts the pilot with so much certainty in the unbounded ocean, during the darkness of night or when the heavens are covered with clouds, the ancients had no other method of regulating their course than by observing the sun and stars. Their navigation was of consequence uncertain and timid. They durst seldom quit sight of land, but crept along the coast, exposed to all the dan- gers, and retarded by all the obstructions, un- avoidable in holding such an awkward course. An incredible length of time was requisite for performing voyages which are now finished in a short space. Even in the mildest climates, and in seas the least tempestuous, it was only during the summer months that the ancients ventured out of their harbours. The remainder of the year was lost In inactivity. It would have been deemed most inconsiderate rashness to have braved the fury of the winds and waves during winter.' While both the science and practice of navi- gation continued to be so defective, it was an undertaking of no small difficulty and danger to visit any remote region of the earth. Under every disadvantage, however, the active spirit of commerce exerted itself. The Egyptians, soon after the establishment of their monarchy, are said to have opened a trade between the Arabian Gulf, or lied Sea, and the western coast of the great Indian continent. The commodities which they imported from the East, were car- ried by land from the Arabian Gulf to the banks of the Nile, and conveyed down that river to the Mediterranean. But if the Egyptians in early times ap^ed themselves to commerce, their attention toTt was of short duration. The fertile soil and mild climate of Egypt produced the necessaries and comforts of life with such profusion, as rendered its inhabitants so inde- pendent of other countries, that it became an established maxim among that people, whose ideas and institutions differed in almost every point from those of other nations, to renounce all intercourse with foreigners. In consequence of this, they never went out of their own coun- try ; they held all seafaring persons in detesta- tion, as impious and profane; and fortifying their own harbours, they denied strangers ad- mittance into them.' It was in the decline of their power, and when their veneration for an- cient maxims had greatly abated, that they again opened their ports, and resumed any communi- cation with foreigners The character and situation of the Fhenicians were as favourable to the spirit of commerce and discovery as those of the Egyptians were adverse to it. They had no distinguishing peculiarity in their manners and institutions ; they were not addicted to any singular and unsocial form of superstition ; they could mingle with other I Vcgitius de Re milit lib. Iv. 2 Diod. Sicul. lib. i. p. 78. cd. Wewielingii. Amst. fSO Strabo, lib. xvii. p. 1142. cd. Amit. 1707 AMERICA. iwtioni without icruple or reluctance. The territory which they poweseed was neither large nor fertile. Commerce was the only source flroin which they could derive opulence or power. Accordingly, the trade carried on by the Phenieiaiis of Sidon and Tyre, was more extensive and enterprising than that of any state in the ancient world. The genius of the Phe- nicians, as well as the object of their policy and the Hpirit of their laws, were entirely commer- cial. They were • people of merchants who aimed at the empire of the sea, and actually possessed it. Their ships not only frequented : ail the ports in the mediterranean, but they were the first who ventured beyond the ancient boundaries of navigation, and, passing the Straits of Gades, visited the western coasts of I Spain and Africa. In many of the places to f whivh they resorted, they planted colonies, and [ t^mmuniuated to the rude inhabitants some [knowledge of their arts and improvements. [While they extended their discoveries towards ^the north and the west, they did not neglect to penetrate into the mure opulent and fertile re- > gions of the south and east. Having rendered I themgeives masters of several commodious har- [ hours towards the bottom of the Arabian Gulf, [they, after the example of the Egyptians, esta- [ bllshed a regular intercourse with Arabia and [the continent of India on the one hand, and [ with the eastern coast of AiVIca on the other. From these countries they imported matiy valu- \ able commodities unknown to the rest of the L world, and during a long period engrossed that [lurrative branch of commerce without a ri- val. [1] The vast wealth which the Fheuicians ac- quired by monopolizing the trade carried on in the Ued Sea, incited their neighbours the Jews, under the prosperous reigns of David and Solo- mon, to aim at being admitted to some share of it. This they obtained, partly by their conquest uf Idumea, which stretches along the Ked Sea, and partly by their alliance with Hiram King of Tyre. Solomon fitted out fleets, which, un- der the direction of Pheniclan pilots, sailed from the Red Sea to Tarshlsh and Ophlr. These, it is probable, were ports in India and Africa, which their conductors were accustomed to fre- quent, and from them the Jewish ships returned with such valuable cargoes as suddenly diffused wealth and splendour through the kingdom of Israel." But the singular Institutions of the Jews, the observance of which was enjoined by tlieir divine Legislator, with an Intention of preserving them a separate people, uninfected by idolatry, formed a national character, inca- pable of that open and liberal Intercourse with 3 Mcmoirc tur lo Paya d'Ophlr,pai M. d'AlivtUe, Mem. lierAcadcm. in Inscrlpt. &c. torn. xx«. 83. strangers which commorea rrquires. Acoord- ingly, this unsocial genius of the people, together with the disasters which befell the kingdom of Israel, prevented the commercial spirit which their monarcha laboured to Introduce and to cherish, from spreading among them. The Jews cannot be numbered among the nations which contributed to improve navigation or to extend discovery. But though the instructions and example of the Pheulclans were unable to mould the man- ners and temper of the Jews, in opposition to the tendency of their laws, they transmitted the commercial spirit with facility, and in full vi- gour, to their own descendants the Carthaginians. The commonwealth of Carthage applied to trade and to naval affairs, with no less ardour, in- genuity, and success, than Its parent state. Carthage early rivalled and soon surpassed Tyre in opulence and power, but seems not to have aimed at obtaining any share in the com- merce with India. The Fhenicians had en- grossed this, and bad such a command of the Ued Sea as secured to them the exclusive pos- session of that lucrative branch of trade. The commercial activity of the Carthaginians was exerted iu another direction. Without contend- ing for the trade of the East with their mother country, they extended their navigation chiefly towards the west and north. Following the course which the Fhenicians had opened, they passed the Straits of Cades, and pushing their discoveries far beyond those of the parent state, visited not only all the coasts of Spain, but those of Gaul, and penetrated at last Into Britain. At the same time that they acquired knowledge of new countries In this part of the globe, they gradually carried their researches towards the south. They made considerable progress by land into the interior provinces of Africa, traded with some of them, and subjected others to their empire. They sailed lOiong the western coast of that great continent almost to the tropic of Cancer, and planted several co- lonies, in order to civilize the natives and ac- custom them to commerce. They discovered the Fortunate Islands, now known by the name of the Canaries, the utmost boundary of ancient navigation in the western ocean.* Nor was the progress of the Fhenicians and Carthaginians in their knowledge of the globe, owing entirely to the desire of extending their trade from one country to another. Commerce was followed by its usual effects among both these people, it awakened curiosity, enlarged the ideas and desires of men, and incited them to bold entei-prises. Voyages were undertaken, the sole object of which %va8 to discover new i Plinii Nat. Hilt. lib. vi, 4to. 1685. c. 37. edit, in usum Delpli. HISTORY OF [Book I. ' If eonntriea and to explore unknown leoa. Such, during the prnsperout age of the Carthaginian republle, were the famoua navigations of Hanno and Himlioo. Both their fleets were equipped by authority of the senate, and at public ex- pense. Hanno was directed to stser towards the south, along the coast of Africa, and he seems to have advanced much nearer the equi- noctial line that any former navigator.' -Him- llco had it in charge to proceed towards the north, and to examine the western coasts of the European continent.' Of the same nature was the extraordinary navigation of the Pheniclans round Africa. A Phenician fleet, wc are told, fitted out by Necho King of Egypt, took its departure about six hundred and four years be- fore the Christian era, from a port in the Ued Sea, doubled the southern promontory of Afri- ca, and after a voyage of three years returned by the Streights of Cades to the mouth of the Nile." Eudoxus of Cyzlcus is scid to have held the same course, and to have accomplished the same arduous undertaking.* These voyages, if performed in the manner which I have related, may justly be i-eckoned the greatest effort of navigation in the ancient world ; and If we attend to the imperfect state of the art at that time, It is difficult to deter- mine lyhether we should most admire the courage and sagacity with which the design was formed, or the conduct and good fortune with which It was executed. But unfortunately all the ori- ginal and authentic accounts of the Phenician and Carthaginian voyages, whether undertaken by public authority or In prosecutlvn of their private trade, have perished. The Information which we receive concerning them from the Greek and Roman authors is not only obscure and inaccurate, but, if we except a short nar- rative of Hanno's expedition, is of suspicious authority. [8] Whatever acquaintance with the remote regions of the earth the Pheniclans or Carthaginians may have acquired, was concealed firom the rest of mankind with a mercantile jealousy. Every thing relative to the course of their navigation was not only a mystery of trade, but a secret of state. Extraordinary facts are related concerning their solicitude to prevent other nations from penetrating into what they wished should remain undivulged.* Many of their discoveries seem, accordingly, to have been scarcely known beyond the precincts of their own states. The navigation round Africa, in 1 PUnii Nat. Hbt lib. v c. I. H;>nnoni< Periplui ap. Geograph. mlnorea, edit Hudioni, vol. 1. p. I. S FUnii Nat Hist lib. ii. c. tt7. Festiu Avienui apud Bochart. Geogr. Sacer. lib. i. c. 60. p. 652. Oper. vol. ill. I* Bat 1707. 3 Herodot lib. ir. c. 42. 4 Plinii Nat Hi«t lib. ii. c. 07. 5 Strab. Oeogr. Ub. Ui. p. 265. UU xviii. IIM. particular, Is recorded by the Greek and llo- man writers rather as a strange amusing tale, which they did not comprehend or did not be- lieve, than as a real transaction which enlarged their knowledge and Influenced their opin- ions. [S] As neither the progress of tiie Pheni- cian or Carthaginian discoveries, nor the extent of their navigation, were communicated to the rest of manldnd, nil memorials of their extraor- dinary skill In naval affairs seem, in a groat measure, to have perished, when the maritime power of the former was annihflated by Alex- ander's conquest of Tyre, and the empire of the latter was overturned by the Roman arms. Leaving, then, the' obscure and pompous ac- counts of the Phenician and Carthaginian voya- ges to the curiosity and conjectures of antiqua- ries, history must rest satisfied with relating the progress of navigation and discovery among the Greeks and Romans, which, though less splen- did, is better ascertained. It is evident that the I'henicians, who instructed the Greeks in many other useful sciences and arts, did not communi- cate to them that extensive knowledge of navi- gation which they themselves possessed ; nor did the Romans imbibe that commercial spirit and ardour for discovery which distinguished their rivals the Carthaginians. Though Greece be almost rncompassed by the sea, which formed many spacious bays end commodious harbours ; though It be surrounded by a great number of fertile islands, yet, notwithstanding such a favourable situa un, which seemed to Invite that Ingenious people to apply themselves to na- vigation, it was long before this art attained any degree of perfection among them. Their early voyages, the object of which was piracy rather than commerce, were so Inconsiderable that the expedition of the Argonauts from the coast of Thessaly to the Euxine Sea, appeared such an amazing effort of skill and courage, as entitled the conductors of it to be ranked among the de- migods, and exalted the vessel in which they sailed to a place among the heavenly constella- tions. Even at a later period, when the Greeks engaged in their famous enterprise against Troy, their knowledge in naval affairs seems not to have been much iriproved. According to the account of Homer, the only poet to whom his- tory ventures to appeal, and who, by his scru- pulous accuracy In describing the manners and arts of early ages, merits this distinction, the science of navigation at that time had hardly advanced beyond its rudest state. The Greek* in the heroic age seem to have been unac- quainted with the use of iron, the most service- able of all the metals, without which no con- siderable progress was ever made in the mechani- cal arts. Their vessels were of inconsiderable bur. den, and mostly without decks. They had only one mast, which wa-. erected or taken down at pleasure. They were strangers to the use of AMERICA. Knehori. All tlieir op«rctloi» in tailing w«re clumsy and untkllful. They turned their ol>- serratlon towardi (tars, which were Improper for regulating their coune, and their mode of observing them was Inaccurate and fallacious. When they had finished a voyage they drew their paltry barks ashore, as savages do their canoes, and these remained on dry land until the season of returning to sen approached. It is not then in the early or heroic ages of Greece that we can expect to observe the seience of na- vigation, and the spirit of discovery, making any considerable progress. During that period of disorder and ignorance, a thousand causes concurred In restraining curiosity and enterprise within very narrow bounds. But the Greeks advanced with rapidity to a state of greater civilization and refinement. Government in its most liberal and perfect form, began to be established in their diiferent com- munities; equal laws and regular police were gradually introduced; the sciences and arts which are useful or ornamental in life were carried to a high pitch of improvement; and several of the Grecian commonwealths applied to commerce with such ardour and success, that they were considered, in the ancient world, as maritime powers of the first rank. Even than, however, the naval victories of tha Greeks must be ascribed rather to the native spirit of the people, and to that courage which the enjoyment of liberty inspires, than to any extraordinary progress in the science of navigation. In the Persian war, those exploits which the genius of the Greek historians has rendered so famous, were performed by fleets, composed chiefly of small vessels without decks;" the crews of which rushed forward with impetuous valour, but little art, to board those of the enemy. In the war of Peloponnesus, their ships seem still to have been of inconsiderable burden and force. The extent of their trade, how highly soever it may have been estimated in ancient tiroes, was in proportion to this low condition of their ma- rine. The maritime states of Greece hardly carried on any commerce beyond the limits of the Mediterranean sea. Their chief intercourse was with the colonies of their countrymen planted in the Lesser Asia, in Italy and Sicily. They sometimes visited the porta of Egypt, of the Southern provinces of Gaul, and of Thrace, or, passing through the Hellespont, they traded with the countries situated around the Euxine sea. Amazing instances occur of their igno- rance, even of those countries which lay with- iu the narrow precincts to which their navi- gation was confined. When the Greeks had assembled their combined fleet against Xerxes GThucyd liUi. c. It. at Eglna, they tliought it unadvlsable to sail to Samoa, because they believed the distance be- tween that Island and Eglna to be a* great as the distance between Eglna and the Pillars of Hercules.' They were either utterly unac- quainted with all the parts of the globe beyond the Mediterranean sea, or what knowledge they had of them was founded on conjecture, or de- rived from the information of a few persons whom curiosity and the love of science had prompted to travel by land Into the Upper Asia, or by sea into Egypt, the ancient seats of wisdom and arts. After all that the Greek's learned from them, they appear to Rave been ignorant of the most important facts on which an accurate and scientific knowledge of the globe Is founded. The expedition of Alexander the Great into the East considerably enlarged the sphere of navigation and of geographical knowledge among the Greeks. That extraordinary man, notwithstanding the violent passions which in- sited blm at some times to the wildest actions and the most extravagant enterprises, possessed talents which fitted him not only to conquer but to govern the world. He was capable cf framing those bold and original schemes of po- liey, which gave a new form to human affairs. The revolution in commerce, brought about by the force of his genius, Is hardly Inferior to that revolution in empire occasioned by the success of his arms. It Is probable that the opposition and efTorta of the republic of Tyre, which chscked him so long in the career of his vic- tories, gave Alexr.ndsr an opportunity of observ- ing the vast resources of a maritime power, and conveyed to him some Idea of the immense wealth which the Tyrians derived from their commerce, espeslally that with the East Indies. As soon as he had accomplished the destruction of Tyre, and reduced Egypt to subjection, he formed the plan of rendering the empire which he proposed to establish, the centre of commerce as well as the seat of dominion. With this view he founded a great city, which he honoured with his own name, near one of the mouths of the river Nile, that by the Mediterranean sea, and the neighbourhood of the Arabian Gulf, it might command the trade both of the East and West.' This situation was chosen with such discernment, that Alexandria soon became the chief commercial city in the world. Not only during the subsistence of the Grecian empire in Egypt and in the East, but amidst all the successive revolutions in those countries from the time of the Ptolemies to the discovery of the navigation by the Cape of Good Hope, com. merce, particularly that of the East Indies, con- tinued to flow in the channel which the siigacliy 7 Hcrudot. lib. viii. c. 132. H Strab. Geogr. lib. xvii. p. 1113. 1119. 6 HISTORY OF [BuoK I. and foreilght of Alexander had marked out fur it. Hli ambition was not wtiafled willi having opened to the Ureeka a communication with In- dia by nea ; he aaplred to the lovereignity of tliose regions which furniihed the rest of man- kind with so many precious commodities, and conducted his army thither by land. Enter- prising, however, as he was, he may be Mtid ra- ther to have viewed than to have conquured that country. He did not, in his progress towai'ds the East, advance beyond the bunks of the rivers that fall itito the Indus, which is now the west- em boundary of the vast continent of India. Amidst the wild oxploits which distinguish this part nf his history, he pursued measures that mark the superiority of his genius as well as the extent of his views. He had penetrated as far into India as to confirm his opinion of its com- mercial importance, and to perceive that im- mense wealth might be derived from intercourse with a country where the arts of elegance, hav- ing been more early cultivated, were arrived at greater perfection than in any other part of the earth.' Full of this idea, he resolved to examine the courac of navigation from the mouth of the Indus to the Iwttom of the Persian Gulf ; and, if it should be found practicable, to establish a regular communication between them. In order to effect this, he proposed to remove the catar- acts, with which the jealousy of the Persians, and their aversion to correspondence with fo- reigners, had obstructed the entrance into the Euphrates ;' to carry the commodities of the East up that river, and the Tigris, which unites with it, into the interior parts of his Asiatic do- minions ; while, by the way of the Arabian Gulf and the river Nile, they might be conveyed to Alexandria, and distributed to the rest of the world. Nearchus, an ofBoer of eminent abili- ties, was intrusted with the command of the fleet fitted out for this expedition. He perform- ed this voyage, which was deemed an enterprise ,0 arduous and important, that Alexander reck- oned it one of the most extraordinary events which distinguished his reign. Inconsiderable as it may now appear, it was at that time an imdertaking of no little merit and diflSculty. In the prosecution of it, striking instances occur of the small progress which the Gi-eeks had made in naval knowledge, [ij Having never sailed beyond the bounds of the Mediterranean, where the ebb and flow of the sea are hardly percepti- ble, when they first observed this phenomenon at the mouth of the Indus, it appeared to them n prodigy, by which the gods testified the dis- i Strab. Gcogr. lib. xv. p. )036w Q. Curtiui, lib. xviii. c.a i Strab. Geogr. Ub. xvL p. 107S. pleasure of heaven against their enterprise, [b | During their whole course, they seem never to have lost sight of land, but followed the bear- ings of the coast so servilely, that they could not much avail themselves of those periodical winds which facilitate navigation In the Indian ocean. Accordingly they spent no less than ten months in performing this voyage,* which, from the mouth of the Indus to that of the Persian Gulf, does not exceed twenty degrees. It is pro- bable, that, amidst the violent convulsions and frequent revolutions in the East, occasioned by the contests among the suscesaors of Alexander, the navigation to I ndia by the course which Near- chus had opened was discontinued. The Indian trade carried on at Alexandria, not only subsisted, but waa so much extended, under the Grecian mo- narchs of Egypt, that it proved a great source of the wealth which distinguished their kingdom. The progress which the llomans made in na- vigation and discovery, was still more inconsi- derable than that of the Greeks. The genius of the Uoman people, their military education, and the spirit of their laws, concurred in estranging them from commerce and naval affairs. It was the necessity of opposing a formidable -ival, not the desire of extending trade- whish firkt^tromp- ted them to aim at maritime power. 1 t.ough they soon perceived that, in order to acquire the universal dominion after which they aspired, it was necessary to render themselves masters of the sea, they still considered the nHval service as a subordinate station, and reserved fur it such citizens as were not of a rank to be admitted into the legions.* In the history of the Itomau re- public, hardly one event occurs, that marks at- tention to navigation any further than as it was instrumental towards conquecU \Vheu the Ro- man valour and discipline had subdued all the maritime states known in the ancient world; when Carthage, Greece, and Egypt, had sub- mitted to th Jealousy of rival states, interrupted by frequent hostilities, or limited by partial restrictions. One superintending power moved and regulated the iiidutitry of mankind, and enjoyed the fruits of their Joint efforts. Navigation felt this influence, and Improved under it. As soon as the Romans acquired a taste fur the luxuries of the East, the trade with India tlirougli Egypt wns pushed with new vigour, and carried on to greater extent. By frequenting the Indian continent, navigators became acquainted with the periodical course of the winds, which, in the ocean that separates Africa from India, blow with littie variation during one half of the year from the east, and 'luring the other half blow with equal steadiness iVom the west. Encouraged by observing this, (he pilots who sailed from Egypt to India aban- doned their ancient slow and dangeious course along the coast, and, as soon as the western monsoon set in, took their departure from Ocelis, at the mouth of the Arabian Gulf, and stretched boldly across the ocean.* The uniform direction of the wind, supplying the place of the compaw, and rendering the guidance of the stars less necessary, conducted them to the port of Musiris, on the western shore of the Indian con- tinent. There they took on board their cargo, and, returning with the eastern monsoon, fin- ished their voyage to the Arabian Gulf within the year. This part of India, now known by the name of the Malabar coast, seems to have been the utmost limit of ancient navigation in that quarter of the globe. What imperfect knowledge the ancients had of the immense countries which stretch beyond this towards the East, tinir received from a few adventurers who had visited them by land. Such excursions were neither frequent nor extensive, and it is probable that, while the Roman intercourse with India subsisted, no traveller ever penetrated fur- ther than to the banks of the Ganges.* [6] The fleets from Egypt which traded at Musiris a Plin. Nxt. Hist. lib. vl. c. fa. 6 Strati. Geogr. lib. xv. p. 10U&-I01U were loaded It Is true, with the ipjeea and other rich commodities of the continent and islands of the further India ; but these were brought to that port, which became the staple of the com- merce between the east and west, by the Indiana themselves in canoes hollowed out of one tree.* The Egyptian and Roman m*irchants, satisfied with acquiring those commodities In this man- ner, did not think it necessary to explore un- known seas, and venturv upon a dangerous na- vigation, in quest of the countries which pro- duced them. But though the discoveries of tha Romans in India were so limited, their com- merce there was such as will appear considera- ble, even to the present age. In which the Indian trade has been extended far beyond the practice or conception of any preceding period. We are informed by one author of credit," that the com- merce with India drained the Roman empire every year of more than four hundred thousand pounds ; and by another, that one hundred and twenty ships sailed annually from the Arabian Gulf to that country.' The discovery of this new method of sailing to India, is the most considerable improvement in navigation made during the continuance of the Roman power. But In ancient times, the knowledge of remote countries was acquired more frequently by land than by sea; 17J and the Romans, from their peculiar disinclination to naval affairs, may be said to have neglected totally the latter, though a more easy and expe- ditious method of discovery. The progress, however, of their victorious armies through a considerable portion of Europe, Asia, and Africa, contributed greatly to extend discovery by land, and gradually opened the naviga- tion of new and unknown seaa. Previous to the Roman conquests, the civilized nations of antiquity bad little communication with those countries in Eutope which now form its most opulent and powerful kingdoms. The interior paitt of Spain and Gaul were imperfectly known. Britain, separated from the rest of the world, had never been visited, except by its neighbours the Gauls, and by a few Carthugi- nian merchants. The name of Germany had scarcely been heard of. Into all these countries the arms of the Romans penetrated. They en- tirely subdued Spain and Gaul ; they conquered the greatest and most fertile part of Britain ; they advanced into Germany, as far as the banks of the river Elbe. In Africa, they acquired a considerable knowledge of the provinces, which stretch along the Mediterranean Sea, from Egypt westward to the Straits of Gades^ In Asia, they not only subjected to their power most of the province* which composed the Per- 7 PUii..Nat. Hift. lib. vi. c. 2ft 8 Ibid. Strab. Gcogr. lib. li. p. 170. 8 HISTORY OF tBooK I. Mian and the Miieadonlan empire*, but nfter tbeir victnrliii over Mithrldatxi nnii TiKrnnefi, they leem to have made a more accurate survey of the cuuiitrle* contlguoui to the Euxlne and Caspian soas, and to have carried on a more ex- tensive trade than that of the Greeks with the opulent and rommeroial nations then seated round the Euxlne tea. From this succinct survey of discovery and navigation, which 1 have traced from the earli- est dawn of historical knowledge, to the full establishment of the Uoman dominion, the pro- gress of both appears to have been wonderfully slow. It seems neither adequate to what we might have expected from the activity and en- terprise of the human mind, nor to what might have been perfonned by the power of the great empires which successively governed the world. If we reject accounts that are fabulous and ob- scure ; if we adhere steadily to the light and in- formation of authentic history, witiiout substi- tuting ill its place the conjectures of fancy or the dreams of etymologists, we must conclude, that the knowledge which the ancients had ac- quired of the habitable globe was extremely confined. In Europe, the extensive provinces in the eastern part of Germany were little known to them, lliey were almost totally un- acquainted with the vast countries which are now Rubje graphera In Greece and Itome. According to this theory, a vast portion of th« habitable earth was pronortnccd to be unfit for sustaining the human species. Those fertile ind populous re- gions within the torrid zone, which are now known not only to yield their own Inhabitants the necessaries and ciimforts of life with most luxuriant profusion, but to communicate their superfluous stores to the rest of the world, were supposed to be the mansion of perpetual stei'Ility and desolation. As all the parts of the Klobe with which the ancients were acquaint ti lay within the northern temperate znnu, their opinion that the other temperate zone -vn& filled with inhabitants, was founded on reasoning and conjecture, not on discovery. They even be- lieved that, by the intolerable heat of the torrid zone, such an insuperable barrier was placed between the two temperate regions of the earth as would prevent for ever any Intercourse be- tween thkir respective inhabitants. Thus, thia extravagant theory pot only proves that the ancients were unacqMt irted with the true state of the globe, but it t-iiided to render their ig- norance perpetual, by repreeeuting all attempt* towards opening a communication with the re- mote regions of the earth, as utterly Impractica- ble. [8] But, however Imperfect or inaccurate the geo- graphical knowledge which the Greeks and Ro- mans had acquired may appear, in respect of the present improved state of that science, their pro- gress in discovery will seem considerable, and the extent to which they carried navigation and com- merce must be reckoned great, when compared with the ignorance of early times. As long as the Roman Empire retained such vigour as to pre- serve its authority over the conquered nations, and to keep them united, it was an object of public policy, as well as of private curiosity, to examine and describe the countries which com- posed this great body. Even when the other sciences uegan to decline, geography, enriched with new observations, and receiving some ac- cession from the experience of every age, and the reports of every traveller, continued to Im- prove. It attained to tiie highest point of per- fection and accuracy to which it ever arrived in the ancient world, by the industry and genius (if Ptolemy the philosopher. He flourished in AMERICA. th« womiil rantiiry of the Christian wra, and piiLIIithed n lirari'lptloii of the turrcHtrlul ([labtt, mure ample and exact than that of any of bla prrdeceuon. Uiit, ioon after, violent convulxloni began to ilinke the Itoman state; the fatal ambition or rn|ii'lve of Conitantlne, by changing the seat of gnvcrnmrnt, divided and wealtened it* force ; the barbarous nations, which providence pre- j pared na Instruments to overturn the mighty I fabric of the llomari power, began to assemble land to muster their armies on Its frontier: the I empire tottered to Its fall. During this decline land old age of the lloman state, it was impossi- Ible that thu sciences should go on improving. JThe efforts of genius were, nt that period, as llanguld and feeble aa those of government. |From the time of Ptolemy, no considerable ad- dition seems to have been made to geographical knowledge, nor did any important revolution happen In trade, excepting that Cunatantlnople, ^y Its advantageous situation, and the encourage- ^ _nont of the eastern emperors, became a com- ' Inerclal city of the first note. At length, the clouds which had been so lung gathering round the Uomun empire burst into a lltorm. ISarbarous nations rushed in from seve- ral quarters with IrreaiHtible impetuosity, nnil In Ithe general wreck, occasioned by the inundation Iwhich overwhelmed Europe, the arts, sciences, linventlons, and discoveries of the Romans Iperlahed in a great measure, and disappeared.' jAll the various tribes which settled in the dif- fferent provinces of the Roman empire were luuclvUized, strangers to letters, destitute of arts, ■unacquainted with regular government, subor- Idination, or laws. The manners and institu- Itlons of some of them were so rude as to be ■hardly compatible with a state of social union. ] Europe, when occupied by such inhabitants, > ■ may be said to have returned to a second in- I fancy, and had to begin anew its career In im- l))rovcment, science, and civility. The flmt ef- I feut of the settlement of those barbarous invaders I was to dissolve the union by which the Roman I power bud cemented mankind together. They I parcelled out Europe Into many small and Inde- jiendent states, differing from each other in lan- guage and customs. No intercourse subsisted I between the members of those divided and hostile communities. Accustomed to a simple mode of life, and averse to industry, they had few wants to supply, and few superfluities to dispose of. The names of stranger and enemy became once more words of the same import. I Customs every where prevailed, and even laws were established, which rendered it disagreeable and dangerous to visit any foreign country.* Cities, in which alone an extensive commerce I Hiat. nf Charles V. vol. i. ij Ihicl. can b« carried on, were few, Inoonslderable, and destitute of those immunities which produce ■Murlty or excite enterprise. The sciences, on which geography and navigation are founded, were little cultivated. The accounta of ancient improvements and discoveriaa, eontaine- l«my which 1 hnve nlrriKly incntioiiftl. 'I'hv ■tuily ut' grogmphy beramei ol' roniii>i|ui!nc«, mi fnrly alij«rt of ntt^ntluii to the Anihlniia. Kiit Ihnt •ciit« nnicHil, rvpitlred to IVom the love of tione ol' the IVIaliii- ktlvu trade hi thnt i« uouiinerciul ipirlt eiiterprliiiiK. V>> roiii incunildei'uule eiilthy citici. Their ir veaieU frequented Mt'dlterrunean, but, 1 the Straite, vliitcd n, France, the Low and, by diatributliiK ■rope, bi-gnii to roni- itloni loine luste for the £ait, an well ui c and arte, which nd the precinct* of were thui advancing nent, an event hap- lary, perhape, in the ineteail of retarding ;he Italian!, rendered d epirlt of the Kuro- ined by religinui 7.eal, the deliverance of the minion of IntidcU. r all the nationi in Asia upon thie wild the I'iiani, and Ve- isportt which carried led them with pro- is. Besidei the Im- ■ecelved on tbia ac- erclal privileges and equence In the setlle- s made In Palestine, Asia. From those lowed into the cities This was accom- increase of power ; !oly War, Venice In maritime state, pos- rce and ample terri- ily country in which ircc de Vcnlic, p. 53, Ac the CruiatiM contributed to revive uiiil ililfuac Hiicli a spirit Ks pi'e|Nired iMiriipe fur fiilurv dis- iiiverieN. liy their ex|H-dl(lons Into Xula, the other Kuro|H>aii nnliiiiis becaiiiu wt'll arquaiiited with remote regions, which fonni'ily (hry knew only by name, or by the i'e|iort« ul iKiioriiiit and I'l'i'iiiiloiis piigi'lins, Tliey had mi ii|i|Hirtiinity of observing the inanneii, the arlN. >id the ao- coinnioiliitioiis of people inure poliihed than theinseivee. This intercourse bi-twern the Kast and West subsisted almost two rentiiries. The adventurers who returned from Asia coinmun- icuted to their t'oiintrymen the Ideas which they had acquired, and the habits of life they had contracteerated with the superstition of lien- jamin tho Jew in discovering the interior and .1 Hist. orCharlco V. vol.!. 4 Bergeron, Kccueil des Voyages, &c. torn, i. p. itmtile provint'fs of Asia. All ChrlnteiMloni haviiig been alaniieil with the iiicoiiiits of the rapid progress of the Tartar arms under /engi». Khan |IS(l(i), Inno whose names had never been heard of in Eu- rope, and with such pompous accounts of their fertility, their populousness, their opulence, the variety of their manufactures, and the extent of thehr trade, as rose far above the conception of on uninformed age. About half a century after Marco Polo [1SS8], Sir John Mandeville, an Englishman, enooumged by bV- example, visited most of the coantriea in thj East which ho had described, and, like him, published an account of them.' The narrations of those early travellers abound 1 Viaggl dl Marco Polo. Ramus, ii. 2. Bergeron, tom, i. S Voyage* and Travcb. by Sir John MandcvlUc. with many wild incoherent tales, concerning giants, enchanters, and monsters. But they were not from that circumstance less acceptable to an ignorant age, which delighted in what was marvellous. The wonders which they told, mostly on hearsay, filled the multitude with ad- miration. The facts which they related from their own observation attracted the attention of the more discerning. The former, which may be considered as the popular traditions and fa- bles of the countries through which they had passed, were gradually disregarded as Europe advanced in knowledge. The hitter, however incredible some of them may have appeared in their own time, have been confirmed by the ob- servations of modern travellers. By means of both, however, the curiosity of mankind was excited with respect to the remote parts of the earth ; their ideas were enlarged ; and they were not only insensibly disposed to attempt new discoveries, but received such information as directed to that particular course in which these were afterwards carried on. While this spirit was gradually forming in Europe, a fortunate discovery was made, which contributed more than all the efforts and inge- nuity of preceding ages to improve and to extend navigation. That wonderful property of the magnet, by which it communicates such virtue to a needle or slender rod of iron as to point towards the poles of the earth, was ob- served. The use which might be made of thia in directing navigation was immediately per- ceived. That valuable, but now familiar in- strument, the mariners' compass, was construct- ed. When by means of it navigators found that, at all seasons and in every place, they could discover the north and south with so much ease and accuracy, it became no longer necessary to depend merely on the light of the stars and the observation of the seacoast. They gradually abandoned their ancient timid and lingering course along the shore, ventured boldly into the ocean, and, relying on this new guide, could steer in the darkest night, and under the most cloudy sky, with a security and precision hitherto unknown. The compass may be said to have opened to man the dominion of the sea, and to have put him in full possession of the earth by enabling him to visit every part of it. Flavio Gioia, a citizen of Ama f i homoUni were unknown. Tho country was divided into email independent principalitieti, tbe population was considerable, tiie soil fer- tile.' and the Portuguese soon discovered that it produced ivory, rich gums, gold, and other valu- able commodities. By the acquisition .it' these commerce was enlarged, and became more adven- turous. Men, animated and rendered active by the certain prospect of gain, pursued discovery with greater eagerness than when they were excited only by curiosity and hope. This spirit derived no small reinforcement of vigour from the countenance of such a monarch as John. Declaring himself the patron of every attempt towards discovery, he promoted it with all the ardour of his grand-uncle prince Henry, and with superior power. The effects of this were immediately felt. A powerful tieet was fitted out [1484], which after discovering the kingdoms of Benin and Congo, advanced above fifteen hundred miles beyond the line, and the Portuguese, for the first time, beheld a new heaven, and observed the stars of another hemis- phere. John was not only solicitous to discover, bnt attentive to secure the possession of those countries. He built forts on the coast of' Guinea ; he sent out colonies to settle there ; he •atablished a commercial intercourse with the more powerful kingdoms ; he endeavoured to render such as were feeble or divided tributary to the crown of Portugal. Some of the petty princes voluntarily acknowledged themselves his vassals. Others were compelled to do so by force of arms. A regular and well digested sys- tem was formed with respect to t>>is new object of policy, and, by firmly adhering to it, the Por- tuguese power and commerce in Africa were es- tablished upon a solid foundation. By their constant intercourse with the people of Africa, the Portuguese gradually acquired some knowledge of those parts of that country which they had not visited. The information which they received firom the natives, added to what they hr.J observed in their own voyages, began to open prospects more extensive, and to suggest the idea of schemes more important than those which had hitherto allured and oc- cupied them. They had detected the error of the ancients concerning the nature of the torrid sone. They found as they proceeded south- wards, that the continent of Africa, instead of extending in breadth, according to the doctrine of Ptolemy,' at that time tha oracle and guide of the learned in the science of geography, appeared sensibly to contract itself, and to bend towards I Navigatio AloysU Cadamuati apud Novum Oitem Orynci, p. i. 18. Navigat all Iiola di San Tome per un Fllotto Porting. Ramusio.i. 115. S Vide Nov. OrbU Talnil. Geograph. secund. Ptolem. Amit. 1730. the east. This Induced them to give credit to the accounts of the ancient Pheuician voyages round Africa, which had long been deemed fa- bulous, and led them to conceive hopes that, by following the same route, they might arrive at the Kast Indies, and engross that coiumerco which has been the source of wealth and powet to every nation possessed of it. The compre- hensive genius of prince Henry, as we may con- jecture from the words of the Pope's bull, had early formed some idea of this navigation. But though his countrymen, at that period, were Incapable of conceiving the extent of his views and scheme*, all the Portuguese muthematlcians and pilots now concurred in representing them as well founded and practicable. The king en- tered with warmth into their sentimenU, and began to concert measures for this arduous and important voyage. Before his preparations for this expedition were finished, accounts were transmitted from Africa, that various nations along the coast hod mentioned a mighty kingdom situated on their continent, at a great distance towards the east, the king of which, according to their descrip- tion, professed the Christian religion. The Portuguese monarch immediately concluded, that this must be the emperor of Abyssinia, to whom the Europeans, seduced by a mistake of Rubruquis, Marco Polo, and other travellers to the £aat, absurdly gave the name of Prester or Presbyter John ; and, as he hoped to receive in- formation and assistance from a Christian prince, in prosecuting a scheme that tended to propagate their common faith, he resolved to open, if possible, some intercourse with his court. With this view, he made choice of Pe- dro de Covillam and Alphonso de Payva, who were perfect masters of tbe Arabic language, and sent them into the East to search for the residence of this unknown potentate, and to make him proffers of friendship. They had In charge likewise to procure whatever intelligence the nations which they visited could supply, with respect to the trade of India, and t!ie course of navigation to that continent.' While John made this new attempt by land, to obtain some knowledge of the country which he wished so ardently to discover, he did not neglect the prosecution of this great design by sea. The conduct of a voyage for this purpose, the most arduous and important which the Por- tuguese had ever projected, was committed to Bartholomew Diaz [1486], an officer whose sa- gacity, experience, and fortitude rendered him equal to the undertaking. He stretched boldly towards the south, and proceeding beyond the 3 Faiia y Soum Fort. Asia vol L p. S6. LsfltW Ds- couv. de Port. i. 46. . [Book I. to give credit to Pheuician voyages g been deemed fn- eive hopes that, by ey might arrive at osa that coramerco wealth and power it. The compre* try, as we may con- he Pope's bull, had Is navigation. But that period, were ixtent of his views ese mathematicians representing them tble. The I(ing en- eir sentiments, and or this arduous and for this expedition e transmitted from along the coast had n situated on their e towards the east, ig to their descrip- ian religion. The ediately concluded, 'or of Abyssinia, to :ed by a mistake of d other travellers to name of Prester or hoped to receive in- from a Christian heme that tended to aitb, he resolved to itercourse with his made choice of Pe- nsode Payva, who le Arabic language. It to search for the I potentate, and to ship. They had in 'hatever intelligence lited could supply, ndia, and t!ie course nt,« w attempt by land, the country which Iscover, he did not his great design by ge for this purpose, ant which the Por- was committed (o in officer whose sa- Itude rendered him le stretched boldly ceding beyond the L p. S6. Lsfitau D»- AMERICA. 19 utmoet limits to which his countrymen had hitherto advanced, discovered near a thousand mile* of new country. Neither the danger to which he was exposed, by a succession of violent tempests in unknown seas, and by the frequent mutinies of his crew, nor the calamities of fa- mine which he suffered from losing his store- ship, could deter him from prosecuting his en- terprise. In recompense of his labours and per- severance, he at last descried that lofty promon- tory which bounds Africa to the south. But to descry it was all that he had In his power to ac- complish. The violence of the winds, the shattered condition of bis shipn, and the turbu- lent spirit of the sailors, compelled liim to return after a voyage of sixteen months, in which he discovered a far greater extent of country than any former navigator. Diaz had called the promontory which terminated his voyage Cabo Tormentoso, or the Stormy Cape ; but the king, his master, as he now entertained no doubt of having found the long desired route to India, rgave it a name more inviting, and of better omen, The Cajie of Good Hope.* Those sanguine expectations of success were confirmed by the intelligence which John re- ceived over land, in consequence of his embassy to Abyssinia. Covillam and Payva, in obedi- ence to their master's instructions, had repaired to Grand Cairo. From that city they travelled along with a caravan of Egyptian merchants, and, embarking on the Red Sea, arrived at Aden, in Arabia. There they separated ; Payva sailed directly towards Abyssinia; Covillam embarked for the East Indies, and, having visited Calecut, Goa, and other cities on the Malabar coast, returned to Sofala, on the east side of Africa, and thence to Grand Cairo, which Payva and he had fixed upon as their place of rendezvous. Unfortunately the former was cruelly murdered in Abyssinia; but Co- villam found at Cairo two Portuguese Jews, whom John, whose provident sagacity attended to every circumstance that could facilitate the execution of his schemes, had despatched after them, in order to receive a detail of their pro- ceedings, and to communicate to them new In- structions. By one of these Jews, Covillam transmitted to Portugal a journal of bis travels by sea and land, Ms renarks upon the trade of India, together with e'dtct maps of the coasts on which he had toucheO \ atid from what he him- self had observed, im well as from the informa- tion of skilful seamen in different countries, he concluded, that, by sailing round Africa, a pas- sage might be found to the ¥.r*»t Indies.* The happy coincidence n'. Covlllam's opinion 4 Faria y Sousa Port. Asia. vol. i. p. '.Ml. b Ibid. p. 87. LaAtau Dccouv. i. IH. and report with the discoveries which Dias had lately made, left hardly any shadow of doubt with respect to the possibility of niling fVom Europf tr India. But the vast length of the voyage, and ihx furious storms which DIas ' bad encountered near the Cape of Good Hope, ' plarmed and intimidated the Portuguese to such a degree, although by long experience they weT« now become adventurous and skilful mariners, that some time Tas requisite to prcpiiv their minds for this dangerous and extraordinary voyage. The courage, however, and authority of the monarch, gradually dispelled the vain fears of his subjects, or made It necessary to con- ceal them. As John thought himself now upoa the eve of accomplishing that great design which had been the principal object of his reign, his earnestness in prosecuting It became so vehe- ment, that it occupied his thoughts by day, and bereaved him of sleep through the night. While he was taking every precaution that his wisdom and experience could suggest, in order to ensure the success of the expedition, which was to de- cide concerning the fate of his favourite project, the fame of the vast discoveries which the Por- tuguese had already made, the reports concern- ing the extraordinary intelligence which they had received from the East, and the prospect of the voyage which they now meditated, drew the attention of all the European nations, and held them In suspense and expectation. By some, the maritime skill and navigations of the Portu- guese were compared with those of the Pbeni- oians and Carthaginians, and exalted above them. Others formed conjectures concerning the revolutions which the success of the Portu- guese schemes might occasion in the course of trade, and the political state of Europe. The Venetians began to be disquieted with the appre- hension of losing their Indian commerce, the monopoly of which was the chief source of their power as well as opulence, and the Portugueae already enjoyed in fancy the wealth of the Eaat. But during this interval, which gave such ecope to the various workings of curiosity, of hope, and of fear, an account vras btaught to Europ« of an event no less extraordinary than uiiiax. pected, the discovery of a New World situated on the West ; and the eyes and admiration of mankind turned immediately towards that great object. BOOK II. A.^ioNG the foreigners whom the fame of the discoveries made l>y the Portuguese had allured w S- I r < . ii HO HISTORY OF [Book H. into their service, was Christopher Colon, or Columbus, a subject of the repubiic of Genoa. Neither the time nor place of his birth is Icnown with certainty; [11] but he was descended of Ml honourable family, though reduced to indi- gence by various misfortunes. His ancestors having betaken themselves for subsistence to a seafaring life, Columbus discovered in bis early youth the peculiar character and talents which mark out a man for that profession. His parents, instead of thwarting this original pro- pensity of his mind, seem to have encouraged and confirmed it by the education whicli they gave him. After acquiring some knowledge of the Latin tongue, the only language in which science was taught at that time, he was in- structed in geometry, cosmography, astronomy, and the art of drawing. To these be applied with such ardour and predilection, on account of their connexion with navigation, his favourite object, that he advanced with rapid proficiency in the study of them. Thus qualified, he went to sea at the age of fourteen, [1461] and began bis career on that element which conducted him to so much glory. His early voyages were to those ports in the Mediterranean which his countrymen the Genoese frequented. This be- ing a sphere too narrow for his active mind, he made an excursion to the northern seas, [1467] and visited the coast of Iceland, to which the English and other nations had begun to resort on account of its fishery. As navigation, in every direction, was now become enterprising, he proceeded beyond that island, the Thule of the ancients, and advanced several degrees with- in the polar circle. Having satisfied his curio- sity, by a voyage which tended more to enlargK bis knowledge of naval affairs than to improve his fortune, he entered into the service of a famous sea-captain of his own name and family. This man commanded a small squadron fitted out at his own expense, end by cruising some- times against the Mahometans, sometimes against the Venetians, the rivals of his country ill trade, had acquired both wealth and reputa- tion. With him Columbus continued for seve- ral years, no less distinguished for his courage than for his experience as a sailor. At length, in an obstinate engagement oif the coast ot Por- tugal, with some Venetian caravais returning richly laden Iron^he Low Countries, the vessel on board whic^ ne served took fire, together with one of the eremy's ships to v/hich it was fast grappled. In this dreadful extremity his intrepidity and presence of mind did not forsake him. He threw himself into the sea, laid hold of a floating oar ; and by the support of it, and his dexterity in swimming, he reachnd the shore, though above two leagues distant, and saved a life reserved for great undertakings.' 1 Life or Columbus, r. v. As soon as he recovered strength for the Jour- ney, he repaired to Lisbon, when many of his countrymen were settled. They soon conceived such a favourable opinion of his merit, as well as talents, that they warmly solicited him to re- main in that kingdom, where his naval skill and experience could not fail of rendering him con- spicuous. To every adventurer animated either with curloeity to visit new countries, or with ambition to distinguish himself, the Portuguese service was at that time extremely Inviting. Columbus listened with a favourable ear to the advice of his friends, and, having gained the esteem of a Portuguese lady, whom he married, fixed his residence in Lisbon. This alliance, instead of detaching him from a seaiaring lite, contributed to enlarge the sphere of his naval knowledge, and to excite a desire of rxtending it still further. His wife was a daughter of Bar- tholomew Percstrello, one of the captains em- ployed by prince Henry in his early navigations, and who, under his protcctiuii, had discovered and planted the islands of Porto Santo and Madeira. Columbus got possession of the jour- nals and charts of this experienced navigator ; and from them he learned the course which the Portuguese had held in making their disctveries, as well as the various circumstance" which guided or encouraged them in their attempts. I'he study of these soothed and inflamed his fa- vourite passion ; and while he contemplated the maps, and read the descriptions of the new countries which Perestrello had seen, his im- patience to visit them became irresistible. In order to Indulge It, he made a voyage t' Ma- deira, and continued du'ing several years to trade with that island, with the Canaries, the Azores, the settlements in Guinea, and all the other places which the Portuguese had dis- covered on the continent of Africa.' By the experience which Columbus acquired, during such a variety of voyages to almost every part of the globe with which at that time any intercourse was carried on by sea, he was now become one of the most skilful navigators in Europe. But, not satisfied with that praise, his ambition aimed at something more. The successful progress of the Portuguese naviga- tors had awakened a spirit of curiosity and emulation, which set every man of science upon examining all the circumstances that led to the discoveries which they had made, or that afforded a prospect of sureeeding In any nv^r/ and bolder undertaking. The mind of > Coiu&ibus, naturally Inquisitive, capable of deep reflection, and turned to speculations of this kind, was so often employed in revolving the principles upon which the Portuguese had founded their schemes of discovery, and the mode on which they had carried them on, that ■ T- « Ibid. c. Iv, V. AMERICA. 21 rength for the jour, when many of hi« They soun conceived his merit, as well ai ■elicited him to re- hit naval sicill and rendering him con> urer animated either countries, or with icir, the I'ortuguete extremely inviting, vourable ear to the having gained the whom he married, on. This alliance, om a seafaring lil'e, sphere of his naval esireofrxtending \t a daugliter of ISar- f the captains em> lis early navigations, ion, had discovered I'orto Santo and ssessionof thejour> erienced navigator; le course which the Ing their disc >veries, rcumstancex which in their attempts, nd inflamed his fa- lie contemplated the ptions of the new had seen, hit im- me irresistible. In B a voyage t« Ma. g several years to the Canaries, the luinea, and all the wtuguese had dis. Vfrica.» Columbus acquired, ges to almost every at that time any r sea, he was now ilful navigatura in with that praise, thing more. The urtuguese naviga> of curiosity and man of science rcumstances that they had made, of succeeding in ng. The mind of re, capable of deep !culations of this in revolvidg the Portuguese had scovery, and the ed them on, that he gradually began to form an idea of improving upon their plan, and of accomplishing discove- ries which hitherto they had attempted in vain. To And out a passage by sea to the East Indies, was the great object in view at that period. From the time that the Portuguese doubled Cape de Verd, this was the point at which thry aimed In all their navigations, and in comparison witii It all their discoveries in Africa appeared Inconsiderable. The fertility and riches of India had been known for many ages: its spices and other valuable commodities were in high request throughout Europe, and the vast wealth of the Venetians, arising from their having engrossed this trade, had raised the envy of all nations. But how intent soever the Portuguese were upon discovering a new route to those dealrable regions, they searched for it only by steering towards the south, in hopes of arriving at India by turning to tha east after they had sailed round the further extremity of Africa. This course was still unknown, and, |.even If discovered, was of such immense length, that a voyage from Europe to India must have appeared nt that period an undertaking ex- tremely arduous, and of very uncertain issue. More than half n century had been employed in advancing from Cape Non to the equator; a iriich longer space of time might elapse before the more extensive navigation from that to In- dia could be accomplished, lliese reflections upon the uncertainty, the danger, and tedious- r«8s of ttio course which the Portuguese were pursuing, naturally led Columbus to consider whether a shorter and more direct passage to the East Indies might not be found out. After revolving long and seriously every circumstance suggested by his superior knowledge in the theory aa well as practice of navigation ; after comparing attentively the observati-vs of mo- dern pilots with the hints and conjectures of ancient authors, he at last concluded, that by sailing directly towards the west, anrcss the Atlantic ocean, new countries, which prulmbly formed a part of the great continent of ludia, must infallibly be discovered. Principles and r.rguments of various kinds, and derived from dilTei-ent sources, induced him to adopt this opinion, seemingly as chime- rical as it was new and extraordinary. The s|)herical figure of the earth was known, and its ni!i<;nitude ascertained with some degree of ac- curacy. From this it was evident, that the con- tinents of Europe, Asia, and Africa, as far as tliey were known at that time, formed but a sninll portion of the terraqueous globe. It vas suitable to our ideas concerning the wisdom and beneficence of the Author of Nature, to believe that the vast space still unexplored was not covered entirely by a waste uiiprofitablu m^ean, but occupied by countries lit for the habitation of man. It appeared likewise extremely proba- ble that the continent on this side of the globe was balanced by a proportional quantity of land In thn other hemisphere. These conoloaions concerning the existence of another continent, drawn frc the figure and structure of the globe, wv J i.onfirmed by the observations and conjectures of modern navigators. A Portu- guese pilot, having stretched further to the wen than was usual at that time, took up n piece of timber artificially carved floating upon the sea ; and as it was driven towards him by a westerly wind, he concluded that it came from some un- known land situated in that quarter. Colum- bus's brother-in-law had found to the west of the Aladeira isles, a piece of timber fashioned in the same manner, and brought by the same wind ; and had seen likewise canes of an enor- mous size flouting upon the waves, which re- sembled those described by Ptolemy aa produc- tions peculiar to the East Indies.' After a course of westerly winds, trees torn up by the roots were often driven upon the coasts of the Azores ; and at one time, the dead bodies of two men with singular features, resembling neither the inhabitants of Europe uor of Africa, were cast ashore there. As the force of this united evidence, arising from theoretical principles and practical obser- vations, led Columbus to expect the discovery of new countries in the western ocenn, other rea- sons induced him to believe that these must be connected with the continent of India. Though the ancients had hardly ever penetrated into India further than the banks of the Ganges, yet some Greek authors had ventured to describe the provinces beyond that river. As men are prone, and at liberty, to magnify what is remote or unknown, they represented them as regiona of an immense extent. Ctesias affirmed that India was as large as all the rest of Asia. One- sirritus, whom Pliny the naturalist follbv^s,* contended that it was equal to a third part of the habitable earth. Nearchus asserted, that it would tflke four months to march in a straight line from one extremity of India to the other.* The journal of Marco Polo, who had proceeded towards the East far beyond the limits to which any European had eve/ advanced, seemed to confirm these exaggerated accounts of the an- cients. By his magnificent descriptions of tho kingdoms of Cal/tay and Cij>ango, and of many other countries the names of which were un- known in £uro|te, India appeared to be a region of vast extent. From thesa accounts, which, however defective, were the most accurate that the people of Europe had received at that period with respect to the remote pai-ta of the East, Columbus drew a just conclusion. He con. i 3 Lib. i. c. 17. 4 Nnt. Hist. lib. vi. c, 17. !i iitrab. Gcogr. lib. xv, p. 1011. n HISTORY OF [Book II. ■\ i \ t tended that, in proportion m the continent of India Htretclied out toward! the East, it must, in conw<|uence of the ipherical figure of the earth, approach nearer to the iilanda which had lately been discovered to the west of Africa; that the diitance from the one to the other was probabiy not very lonNiderali*'] ; and that the most direct ai well as shortest course to the re- mote regions of the East was to be found by sailing due west. [18] This notion concerning the vicinity of India to the western parts of our continent, was countenanced by some eminent writers among the ancients, the sanction of whose authority was necessary, in that age, to procure a favourable reception to any tenet. Aristotle thought it probable that the Columns of Hercules, or Straits nf Gibraltar, were not far removed from the East Indies, and that there might be a communication by sea between them. ' Seneca, in terms still more explicit, affirms, that with a fair wind one might sail from Spain to India in a few days.' The famous Atlantic island described by Plato, and supposed by many to be a real country, beyond which an unknown continent was situated, is represented by him as lying at no great distance from Spain. Af'.v-r weighing all these particulars, Columbus, in whose character the modesty and diffidence of true genius were united with the ardent enthusiasm of a projector, did not rest with such absolute assurance either upon his own arguments, or u|>on the authority ot the ancients, as not *o consult such of his contempo- raries as were caiable of comprehending the Ma- ture of the evidence which he produced in sup- port of his opinion. As early as the year one thousand four hundred and seventy-four, he communicated his ideas cunceniing the proba- bility of discovering new countries, by sailing westward, to Paul, a physician of Florence, emi- nent for his knowledge of cosmography, and who, from the learning as well as candour which he discovers in his reply, appears to have been well entitled to the confidence which Co- lumbus placed in him. He warmly approved of the plan, suggested several tacts in confirmation of it, and encouraged Columbus to persevere in an undertaking so laudable, and which must re- dound so much to the honour of his country and the benefit of Europe.* To a mind less capable of forming and of exe- cuting great designs than that of Columbus, all those reasonings and observations and authori- ties would have served only as the foundation of some plausible and fruitless theory, which might have furnished matter fcr ingenious discourse or 1 Arijtot dc Ccplo, Ub. 11. c. 14. wlit Du Vnl. Par. 1629. vol. 1. p. i~i. S Sciicc. QuaMt. Nutur. lib. i. in proem. 3 lAlc nf C'oluinlius, c. viH. Ainciful conjecture. But with bis langulna and enterprising temper speculation led directly to action. Fully satisfied himself with respect to the truth of his system, he was impatient to bring it to the test of experiment, and to set out upon a voyage of discovery. The first step to- wards this was to secure the patronage of some of the considerable powers in Europe capable of undertaking such an enterprise. As long ab- sence had not extinguished the afTection which he bore to his native country, he wished that it should reap the fruits of his labours and inven- tion. With this view, he laid his scheme before the senate of Genoa, and, making his country the first tender of his service, offered to sail under the banners of the republic In quest of the new regions which he expected to discover. But Columbus had resided fur so many years In fo- reign parts, that his countrymen were unac- quainted with his abilities and character; and, though a maritime people, were so little ac- customed to distant voyagec, that they could form no Just idea of the principles on which he founded his hopes of success. They inconside- rately rejected his proposal, as the dream of a chimericol projector, and lost for ever the op- portunity of restoring their commonwealth to its ancient splendour.* Having performed what was due to his country, Columbus was so little discouraged by the repulse which he had received, that instead of relinquishing his undertaking he pursued it with fresh ardour. He made his next overture to John II. king of Portugal, in whose domin- ions he had been long established, and whom he considered on that account, as having the second claim to his service. Here every circumstance seemed to promise him a more favourable recep- tion: he applied to a monarch of an enterprising genius, no incompetent judge in naval affairs, and proud of patronising every attempt to dis- cover new countries. His subjects were the most experienced navigators in Europe, and the least apt to be intimidated either by the novelty or boldness of any maritime expedition. In Portugal, the professional skill of Columbus, as well aa his personal good qualities, weid thoroughly known : and as the former rendered it probable that his scheme was not altogether visionary, the latter exempted him from the suspicion of any sinister Intention in proposing it. Accordingly, the king listened to him in the mo«t gracious manner, and referred the consid- eration of his plan to Diego Ortiz, bishop o( Ceuta, and two Jewish physicians, eminent cosmographers, whom he was accustomed to consult In matters of this kind. As in Genoa, ignorance had opposed and disappointed Colum- bus ; in I..iiibon, he had to combat with prejudice, 4 Ilcrrcra Ilibt. dc kis Iiidias Occid, dec. 1. lib, i. c. vli. f ;il mgat [Book II. ith bit wnfuin* anil tlon led directly to iielf with reipeot to e WM Impatient to ment, and to let out 'ilie flrat step to. • patronage of lome n Europe capable of ^riee. An long ab- the affection which he wished that It labours and Inven- lid his scheme before making his country •vice, offered to sail lublic In quest of the ted to discover, llut o many years In fo- trymen were unac- ind character; and, were so little ac- ec, that they could nciplcs on which he »■ 'I'hey Inconslde- as the dream of a Mt for ever the op- cummonwealth to was due to his ittle discouraged by eceived, that Instead >klng he pursued it Je his next overture >1, in whose domln- ished, and whom he IS having the second every circumstance re favourable recep- h of an enterprising !e In naval affairs, ery attempt to dis. subjects were the In Europe, and the ther by the novelty ne expedition. In 111 of Columbus, as 1 qualities, weld lie former rendered >vas not altogether ted him from the ition in proposing tened to him in the eferred the consld. > Ortiz, bishop of yslchins, eminent as accustomed to id. As in Genoa, appointed Colum- »t with prejudice. lU. dec. i. lib. I. c. vli. AMERICA. 2S an enemy no less formidable. The persons tc- cording to whose doclsion his scheme was to be adopted, or n-jpnted, had been the chief directors of the Portugia < navigations, and had advised to search fur a passage to India by steering a course directly oppotite to that which Colum- bus i-ecommended as shorter and more certain. They could not, therefore, approve of his pro- posal without submitting to the double mortlfl- cation of condemning their own theory, and ac- knowledging his superior sagacity. After teas- ing him with captious questions, and starting innumerable objections, with a view of betraying him Into such a particular explanation of his system as miglit draw from him a full discovery of its nature, they deferred passing a Anal Judg- ment with respect to it. In the mean time they oonspii-ed to rob him of the honour and advan- tages which he expected from the success of his scheme, advising the king to despatch a veuel secretly, in order to attempt the proposed dis- covery by following exactly the course which Columbus seemed to point out. John, forgetting on this occasion the sentiments becoming a mon* arrh, meanly adopted this perfldloue counsel. But the pilot chosen to execute Columbus's plan had neither the genius nor the fortitude of its author. Contrary winds arose, no sight of ap- proaching land appeared, his courage failed, and he returned to Lisbon, execrating the project as equally extravagant and langerous.* Upon discovering this dishonourable transac- tion, Columbus felt the Indignation natural to an ingenious mind, and In the warmth of his resentment determined to break off all Inter- ooorse with a nation capable of such flagrant treachery. He instantly quitted the kingdom, and landed in Spain towards the dose of the year one thousand four hundred and eighty- four. As he was now at liberty to court the protection of any patron whom he could engage to approve of his plan, and to carry It into exc- cutlon, he resolve''i to propose it In person to Ferdinand and Isabella, who at that time go- verned the unit ltd kingdoms of Castile and Ara- gon. But as he had already experienced the uncertain issuv of application to kings and mi- nisters, he took the precaution of sending into Kngland his brov'.her Bartholomew, to whom he had fblly communicated his ideas, in order that he might negociate at the same time with Henry VII., who was reputed one of the most -oga- cious as well as opulent princes In Europe. It was not without reason that Columbus entertained doubts and fears with respect to the reception of his proposals in the Spanish court. Spain was at that Juncture engaged in a danger- ous war with Granada, the last of the Moorish kingdoms In that country. The wary and sus- picious temper of Ferdinand was not formed to j lite of Ciiliimbuj, c. xi. Tlorrora, ilcc. 1. lib. i. r. 7. relish bold or uneommon deslgnt. Isabella, though more generous and enterprising, was un- der the influence of her husband in all her ac- tions. The Spaniards had hitherto made no efforts to extend navigation beyond its ancient limits, and bad beheld the amaxing progresa ot discovery among their neighbours the Portu- guese without one attempt to imitate or to rival them. The war with the Infldels afforded an ample fleld to the national activity and love of glory. Under circumstances so unfavourable, it was impassible for Columbus to make rapid progress with a nation naturally slow and dila- tory in forming all its resolutions. His char- acter, however, was admirably adapted to that of the people whose confidence and protection he solicited. He was grave, though courteous in his deportment ; circumnpect in his words and actions, irreproachable in his morals, and exem- plary in his attention to all the duties and func- tions of religion. By qualities so respectable, he not only gained many private friends, but acquired such general esteem, that, notwith- standing the plainness of his appearance, suitable to the mediocrity of his fortune, he was not considered as a mere adventurer, to whom in- digence had Muggested a visionary project, but' was received as a person to whoso propositions serious attention was due. Ferdinand and Isabella, though fully occu- pied by their operations against the Moors, paid so much regard to Columbus, as to remit the consideration of his plan to the queen's confea- sor, Ferdinand de Talavera. He cmisulted such of his countrymen as were supposed best qualified to decide with respect to a subject of this kind. But true science had hitherto made so little progresa In Spain, that the pretended philosophers, selected to Judge In a matter of such moment, did not comprehend the first principles upon which Columbus founded his conjectures and hopes. Some of them, from mistaken notions concerning the dimensions of the globe, contended that a voyage to those remote parts of the east which Columbus ex- pected to discover, could not be performed In less than three years. Others concluded, that either he would find the ocean to be of Infinite extent, according to the opinion of some ancient philosophers ; or, if he should persist In steering towards the west beyond a certain point, that the convex figure of the globe would prevent his return, and that he must In- evitably perish in the vain attemt>t to open a eommunicatlun between the two opposite hem- ispheres which nature had for ever disjoined. Even without deigning to enter Into any parti- cular discussion, many rejected the scheme in general, upon the credit of a maxim, under which the ignorant and unenterprisi.ig shelter themselves in every age, " That it la presump- tuous in any person, to auppose that he alone possesses knowledge superior to all the rest of r 84 HISTORY OF [Book II. ■W h nuMnklnd united." Th«y matntaliieil, that II' there wei'o renUy any luch countries m Culum- biit pretended, they could not have remiiln>)d lo long concealed, nor would tha wlndom and la- Kaoity of former ages have left the glory of this Invention to an obscure Genoese pilot. It requlrad all Columbus's patience and ad- dress to negoclato with men capable of advanc- ing such strange propositions. lie had to con- tend not only with the obstinacy of Ignorance, but with what Is still more intractable, the pride of false knowledge. After Innumerable conferences, and wasting Ave years In fruitless endeavours to inform iind to satisfy Judges so little capable of deciding with propriety, Tala- vera at last made such an unfavourable report to Ferdinand and Isabella, as induced them to acquaint Columbus, that until the war with the Moors should be brought to a period It would be Imprudent to engage In any new and extensive enterprise. >Vhatcvcr care was taken to iiiften the harsh- ness of this declaration, Columbus considered It as a flnal rejection of his proposals. But, hap- pily for mankind, that su|ieriorlty of genius, which is capable of forming great and uncom- mon designs, Is usually accompanied with an ardent enthusiasm, which can neither be cooled by delays nor damped by disapiiointment. Co- lumbus was of this sanguine temper. Though he felt deeply the cruel blow given to his hopes, and retired Immediately from a court where he had been amused so long with vain expectations, hii confldence in the Justness of his own system did nut diminish, and his impatience to demon- strate the truth of It by an actual experiment became greater than ever. Having courted the protection of sovereign states without success, he applied next tu perHons of inferior rank, and addressed successively the Dukes of Medina Si- donia and Medina Cell, who, though subjects, were possessed of power and opulence more than equal to the enterprise which he projected. His negotiations with them proved as fruitless as those in which he had been hitherto engaged ; for these noblemen were either as little convin- ced by Columbus's arguments as their superiors, or they were afraid of alarming the jealousy and offending the pride of Ferdjnand, by counten- ancing a scheme which he had rejected.' Amid the painful sensations orcasiwned by such a succession of disappointments. Calumbus had to sustain the additional distreas of having received no accounts of his brother whom he had sent to the court of England. In his voyage to that country, Bartholomew had been so unftrtunate as to fall into the hands of pirates, who having stripped him of every thing I Life cf Columb. c. 13. Herrera, dec. I. lib. i. c. detained him n prisonor for sereral yean. At length he made bis escape, and arrived In Lon- don, but in such extreme indlgenae, that he wat obliged to employ himself, during a considerable time In drawing and selling maps, In order to pick up as much money as would purchaso a decent dress In which ha might venture to ap- pear Ht court. He then laid before the king the proposals with which he had been Intrusted by his brother; and notwithsunding Henry's ex- cessive caution and parsimony, which rendered him averse to new or extensive underlaklngs, he received Columbus's overtures with more approbation than any monarch to whom they had hitherto been presented. Meanwhile, Columbus being unacquainted with his brother's fate, and having now no prospect of encouragement in Spain, resolved to visit the court of Kngland In person, in hopes o' meeting with a more favourable reception there. He had already made preparations for this pur- pose, and taken measures for the disposal of bis children during his absence, when Juan Perex, the guardian of the monastery of Uabida, near Paloi, In which they had been educated, earn- estly solicited him to defer his Journey for a short time. Perez was a man of considerable learning, and of some credit with queen Isabella, to whom he was known ])«rsonally. He was warmly attached to Columbus, with whose abi- lities as well as integrity he had many opportu- nities of being acquainted. Prompted by curi- osity or by friendship, he entered upon an ac- curate examination of his system, in conjunction with a physician settled in the neighbourhood, who was a considerable proficient In mathema- tical knowledge. This Investigation satisfied them so thoroughly, with respect to the soliditx of the principles on which Columbus founded his opinion, and the probability of success In executing the plan whUth he proposed, that Perez, in order to prevent his country from be- ing deprived of the glory and benefit which must accrue to the patrons uf such a grand en- terprise, ventured to write to Isabella, conjuring her to consider the matter anew with the atten- tion which it merited. Moved by the representations of a person whom she respectird, Isabella desired Perez to repair immedialvly to the village of Santa Fe, in which, on account uf the siege of Granada, the court resided at that time, that she might confer with him upon this important subject. The first efiTeet of their interview was a gracious invitation of Columbus back to court. Accom- panied with the present of a small sum to equip him for the journey. As there was now a cer- tain proapect that the war with the Muora would speedily be brought to a happy issue by the reduction of Granada, which would leave the nation at liberty to engage in new undertak- ings ; this, as well as the mark of royal favour, [nooK II. •ewrol yean. A I nil •rrWad In Lon- IgenM, thMt ha wm rlng«coniidcrabl« mupa, in order to would purcbujo a ght vanturs to ap. Irafura tha king tha bean Intrusted by idliiff Henry's ex- y, which rendered live undertaklngf, rturea with morn •ch to whom they ■inn unacquainted having now no Spain, resolved to person, in hopes o' l)le reception there, ilions for this pur- the disposal of his when Juan l»ere», y of Itabida, near ■n educated, earn- his Journey for « >n of considerable 'ith queen Isabella, soiially. He waa I, with whose abU >d many opportu- 'romptad by curl- ered upon an ac- em, In conjunction he neighbourhood, lent in mathema- •tigatlon aatisflad >cct to the solidity plumbus foundad lity of success In » proposed, that country from ba> id benefit which such a grand en> mballa, conjuring y with the atten- >ns of a person lesired I'erez to ge of Santa l<'e, ege of (iranada, that she might iportant subject. V was a gracioua court, Accom- all sum to equip was now a cer- ith the Moors happy issue by ch would leave 1 new undertak- sf royal favour. A M F, It I C A. 2.1 with which C'ulunibUN had bean lately honoured, encouraged his friends to appear with greatrr coiiAdenca than formerly in support of his scheme. The chief of these, Atonso da Qulnta- nilia, comptroller of the Itnances in Castile, and Luis de .Santangal, receiver of the ecclesiaitica! revenues in Aragon, whose maritorlnus xaal in promoting this great design entitles their names to an honourable place In history, introduced Columbus to many parsons of high rank, and Interested them warmly in hit behalf. Uut it was not an easy matter to inspire Fer- dinand with favourable sentiments. Me still regarded Columbus's project hn rxtrnvHKunt and chimerical ; and In order to render the efforts of his partisans ineffectual, he had the address to employ. In this new negociatlon with him, some of the persons who had formerly pronounced his scheme to be Impracticable, To their astonish- ment. Col iimbuH appeared before them with the same contident hopes of success as lornivrly, and insisted upon the same high recom|iense. He proposed that a small Heet should be tltted out, under his command, to attempt the diicovery, and demanded to be appointed hereditary admi- ral and viceroy of all the seas and lands which he should discover, and to have the tenths of the profits arising from them settled Irrevocably upon himself and his descendants. At the same time, he offered to advance the eighth part of the sum necessary for accomplishing his design, on condition that he should be entitled to u proportional share of beneAt from the adventure. If the enterprise should totally miscarry, he made no stipulation for any reward or emolu- ment whatever. Instead of viewing this con- duct as the clearest evidence of his full persua- sion with respect to the truth of his own system, or being struck with that magnanimity which, after so many delays and repulses, would >iu>u\t lo nothing inferior to its original claims, the personit with whom Columbus treni<-d began meanly to calculate the expanse of \h» exftnti- tlon, and the value of the reward which Hi* de- manded. Tha expense, moderate as it was, they represented to be too great for Spain in the present exhausted state of Its finances. They contended that the honour* and emoluments claimed by Columbi.s were exorbitant, even If he should perform the utmost of what he had promised ; and if all his sanguine hopes should prove Illusive, such vast concessions to an ad- venturer would be deemed not only inconsiKler- ate, but ridiculous. In this imposing garb of caution and prudence, their opinion appeared so plausible, and was so warmly supported by Ferdinand, that Isabella declined giving any countenance to Columbus, and abruptly broke off the negociatlon with him which she had be- gun. This was more mortifying to Columbus than all the disappointments whicli ha had hitherto met willi. The Invitution to court from Isa- bella, likii an unexpected ray of tight, had opened such prospects of success as encouraged him i«v darkness and uncertainty returned, and liis mind. Arm as it was, could hardly support tlie shock of such an unforeseen reverse, lie witii- drew In deep anguish from court, with an in- tention of prosecuting hi* voyage to England as his last resource. About that time Granada aurrandered, and FerdiuHnd and Isabella, In triumphal pomp, look poMsession of a city [Jan. t, 14US], the re- duction of which extirpated a foreign power from the heart of their dominions, and rendered them masters of all the provinces extending from the bottom of the Pyrenees to tlie frontiers of Portugal. As the How of spirits which accom- panies success elevates the mind, and render* it enterprising, (tuintanilla and Santangel, the vi- gilant and discerning patrons of Columbus, took advantage of this favourable situation. In order to make one effort more in behalf of their friend. They addressed themselves to Isabella ; and after expressing some surprlw, that she, who had always been the muniflcent patroness of generous undertakings, should hesitate so long- to countenancL the most splendid acheme that had aver been propoaed lo any monarch ; they represented to her, that Columbus was a man of a sound understanding and virtuous charac- ter, well qualifled, by his experience in naviga- tion, as well as his knowledge of geometry, to form just Ideas with respect to the structure of the globe and the situation of its various regions ; that, by offering to risk his own life and fortune in the execution of his scheme, he gave the most «n)i»iying evidence both of his Integrity and hope of 8iM;cess ; that the sum requisite fur equipping such an armament as he demanded was inconsi- derable, and the advantages which might accrue from bis undertaking tvero Immense ; that he demanded no recompense for his invention and labour, but what wo* to arise from the countries which he should discover; that, as It was worthy of her magnauiimity to make this noble attempt to extend the sphere of human know- ledge, and to open an intercourse with regions hitherto unknown, so it would afford the highest satisfaction to her pi.>ty and /eal, after re-esta- blishing the Christian faith in those provinces of Spain from which it had bet- >i long banished, to discover u new world, to which she might communicate the light and blessings of divine truth ; that if now she did not decide instantly, the opportunity would be iiretrievably lost ; that Columbus was on bis way to foreign coun- tries, where some prince, more fortunate or ad- venturous, would close with his proposals, and Spain would for ever bewail that fatal timidity E 26 HISTOIIY OF [Book II. I f which had excluded her from the glory and nd- vnntnges tli»t she had once in her power to have enjoyed. 'J'hese tbrctble arguments, urged by persons of Miich authority, and at a Juncture so well chosen, |iri)duce. noircr.i. ili-c t '■'- [Book II. it should be deter- f Columbus, or of im. 6. Theyper- one-eighth part of preparing for the on commerce with d discover, and «n- iighth part of the inand appears con- n this transaction, still so violent that n the enterprise as liole expense of the by the crown of her sulijents of that to all the benefit* s success. ligned, Isabella, by brwarding ^.he pre- leavoured to make for the time which icitation. 13y the iided upon her was aitcd on the king their final instrue- ng the destination ley committed im- is prudence. But r any just cause of J, they strictly en- lear to the Portu- it of Guinea, or in < which the Portu- rers. Isabella had Columbus was to I out in the port of in the province of n Juan Perea, to been so much in- ibourhood of this hat good eccleaias- nnection with the imong them what lie was bound by I several of them ge. The chief of thers of the name sith, and of great 10 were willing to les In the expedl- ibella and Colum table either to th it was equipped, ■vice for which it kree vessels. The ible burden, was Imiral, who gave II. llr-c ) '^1- 1 n 1499,] AMERICA. 37 it the name of Simla Maria, out of respect for the Blessed Virgin, whom he honoured with singular devotion. Of the second, called the Pinta, Marton Pinzon was captain, and his brother Francis pilot. The third, named the Nigna, was under the command of Vincent Yanez Pinzon. These two were light vessels hardly superior in burden or force to large boats. The squadron, if it merits that name, was victualled for twelve months, and had on boara ninety men, mostly sailors, together with a few adventurers who followed the fortune of Colum- bus, and some gentlemen of Isabella's court, whom she appointed to accompany him. Though the expense of the undertaking was one of the circumstances which chiefly alarmed the court of Spain, and retarded so long the negotiation with Columbus, the sum employed in fitting out this squadron did not exceed four thousand pounds. As the art of ship-building in the fifteenth cen- tury was extremely rude, and the bulk of vessels was accommodated to the short and easy voyages along the coast which they were accustomed to perform, it is a proof of the courage as well as enterprising genius of Columbus, that he ven- tured, with a fleet so unfit for a distant naviga- tion, to explore unknown seas, where he had no chart to guide him, no knowledge of the tides and cun'cnts, and no experience of the dangers to which he might be exposed. His eagerness to accomplish the great design which had so long engrossed his thoughts, made him overlook or disregard every circumstance that would have intimidated a mind less adventurous. He pushed forward the preparations with such ardour, and was seconded so effectually by the persons to whom Isabella committed the superintendence of this business, that every thing was soon in readiness for the voyage. But as Columbus was deeply impressed with sentiments of reli- gion, he would not set out upon an expedition so arduous, and of which one great object was to extend the knowledge of the Christian faith, without imploring publicly the guidance and protection of Heaven. With this view, he, to- gether with all the persons under his command, marched in solemn procession to the monastery of Habida. After confessing their sins, and ob- taining absolution, they received the holy sacra- ment from the bands of the guardian, who joined his prayers to theirs for the success of an enterprise which he hud so zealously patronized. Next morning, being Friday the third day of August, in the year one thousand four hundred and ninety-two, Columbu^, set sail, a little before suni'isR, in presence of a vast crowd of spectators, who sent up their supplications to Heaven for tlic prosperous issue of the voyage, which they wished rather than expected. Columbus steered illiectly for tlie Canary Isiaiids, and arrived there [Aug. 13] without any oicuiTcncc that would have deserved nutiee on any other occa- ■ slon. But, in a voyage of such expectation and importance, every circumstance was the object of attention. The rudder of the Pinta broke loose the day after she left the harbour; and that accident alarmed the crew, no less supersti- ticua than unskilful, as a certain omen of the unfortunate destiny of the expedition. Even in the short run to the Canaries, ihe ships were found to be so crazy and ill appointed, as to be very improper for a navigation which was ex- pected to be both long and dangerous. Colum- bus refitted them, however, to the best of his power ; and having supplied himself with fresh provisions, he took hii departure from Gomera, one of the most westerly of the Canary Islands, on the sixth day of September. Here the voyage of discovery may properly be said to begin ; for Columbus, holding his course due west, left immediately the usual track of navigation, ind stretched into unfrequented and unknown seas. The first day, as it was very calm, he made but little way ; but on the second he lost sight of the Canaries; and many of the sailors, dejected already and dismayed, when they contemplated the boldness of the un- dertaking, began to beat their breasts, and to shed tears, as if they were never more to behold land. Columbus comforted them with assurances of success, and the prospect of vast wealth, In those opulent regions whither he was conduct- ing them. This early discovery of the spirit of his followers taught Columbus, that he must prepare to struggle not only with the unavoida- ble diflficulties which might be expected from the nature of his undertaking, but with such as were likely to arise from the ignorance and timidity of the people under his command ; and he perceived that the art of governing the minds of men would be no less requisite for accom- plishing the discoveries which he had in view, than naval skill and undaunted courage. Hap- pily for himself, and for the country by which he was employed, he joined to the ardt:>t temper and inventive genius of a projector, virtues of another species, which are rarely united with them. He possessed a thorough knowledge of mankind, an insinuating address, a patient per- severance in executing any plan, the perfect go- vernment of his own passions, and the talent Oi acquiring an ascendant over those of other men. All these qualities, which formed him for com- mand, were accompanied with that superior knowledge of his profession, which begets confi- dence in times of difficulty and danger. To unskilful Spanish sailors, accustomed only to coasting voyages in the Mediterranean, the maritime science of Columbus, the fruit of thirty years' experience, iiripi'oved by an ac- quaintance with all the inventions of (lie Por- tuguese, appeared immense. As soon as Ihey put to sea, he regulated every thing by liiti t>olc au- 28 HISTORY OF .!" i! tbortty; he «uperint«nded the execution of every order; and allowing himself only a few hours for. sleep, he was at all other times upon deck. As his course lay through seas which had not formorly been visited, the sounding line, or in- struments for observation, were continually in his hands. After the example of the Portuguese discoverers, he attended to the motion of tides and currents, watched the flight of birds, the appearance of fishes, of seaweeds, and of every thing that floated on the waves, and entered every occurrence, with a minute exactness, in the journal which he kept. As the length of th>^ voyage could not fail of alarming sailors habituated only to short excursions, Columbus endeavoured to conceal from them the real pro- gress which they made. With this view, though they run eighteen leagues on the second day after they left Gomera, he gave out that they had advanced only fifteen, and be uniformly employed the same artifice of reckoning short during tlie whole voyage. By the fourteenth of September the fleet was above two hundred leagues to the west of the Canary Isles, at a greater distance from land than any Spaniard had been before that time, lliere they were struck with an appearance no less astonishing than new. They observed that the magietic needle, in their compasses, did not point exactly to the polar star, but varied towards the west ; and as they proceeded, this variation increased. This appearance, which is now familiar, though it still remains one of the mysteries of nature, into the cause of which the sagacity of man hath not been able to penetrate, filled the companions ofCo'umbus with tenwr. They were now in a boundless and unknown ocean, far from the usual course of navigation ; nature itself seemed to be altered, and the only guide which they had left was about to fail them. Columbus, with no less quickness than ingenuity, invented a reason for this appearance, which though it did not satisfy himself, seemed so plausible to them, that It dispelled their fears, or silenced their murmurs. He still continued to steer due west, nearly in the same latitude with the Canary Islands. In this course he came within the sphere of the trade wind, which blows invariably from east to west, between the tropics and a few degrees beyond them. He advanced before this steady gale with such uniform rapidity that it was sel- dom necessary to shift a sail. When about four hundred leagues to the west of the Canaries, he found the sea so covered with weeds, that it re- sembled a mondow of vast extent, and in some places they were so thick as to retard the mo- tion of the vessels. This strange appearance oc- casioned new alarm and disquiet. The sailors imagined that they were now arrived at the ut- most boundary of the navigable ocean ; fhnt these floHtin'' weeds M'ould ol)s(riu't tlu-ir I'lir- [BOOK II. ther progress, and concealed dangerous rocks, or some large track of land, which had sunk, they knew not how, in that place. Columbus en- deavoured to persuade them, that what had alarmed ought rather to have encouraged them, and was to be considered as a sign of approach- ing land. At the same time, a brisk gale arose, and carried them forward. Several birds were seen hovering about the ship [13], and directing their flight towards the west. The desponding crew resumed some degree of spirit, and began to entertain fresh hopes. Upon the first of October they were, accord- ing to the admiral's reckoning, seven hundred and seventy leagues to the west of the Canaries ; but lest his men should be intimidated by the prodigious length of the navigation, he gave out that th^y had proceeded only five hundred and eighty-four leaguei; and, fortunately for Co- lumbus, neither his own pilot, nor those of the other ships, had skill suffiv.ient to coirect this error, and discover the deceit. They had now been above three weeks at sea ; they had pro- ceeded far beyond what former navigators had attempted or deemed possible ; all their prognos- tics of discovery, drawn from the flight of birds and other circumstances, had proved fallacious ; the appearances of land, with which their own credulity or the artifice of their commander had from time to time flattered and amused them, had been altogether illusive, and their prospect of success seemed now to be as distant as ever. These reflections occurred often to men who had no other object or occupation than to reason and discourse concerning the intention and circum- stances of their expedition. They made im- pression at firat upon the ignorant and timid, and, extending by degrees to such as were better informed or more resolute, the contagion spread at length from ship to ship. From secret whis- pers or murraurings, they proceeded to open cabals and public complaints. They taxed their sovereign with inconsiderate credulity, in pay- ing such regard to the vain promises and rash conjectures of an indigent foreigner, as to hazard the lives of so many of her own subje'its in pro- secuting a chimerical scheme. They affirmed that they had fully perfoi-med their duty, by venturing so far in an unknown and hopeless course, and could incur no blame for refusing to follow any longer a desperate adventurer to cer- tain destruction. They contended, that it was necessary to think of returning to Spain, while their crazy vessels were still in a condition to keep the sea, but expressed their fears that the attempt would prove vnin, as the wind, which had hitherto been so favourable to their course, must render it impossible to sail in the opposite direction. Ail agreed that Columbus should b« compelled by force to adopt a measure on which their common safety depended. Some of the niiii'o iitidHi-iuus proposed, us the must ixpeditioua i [Book II. angemui rocks, or ch had sunk, they Columbus en- that what had encouraged them, sign of approach- a brisk gale arose, ieveral birds were IS], and directing The desponding spirit, and began liey were, accord- seven hundred It of the Canaries; ntimidated by the ation, he gave out five hundred and rtunately for Co- , nor tliose of the nt to coiTect this They had now « i they had pro- er navigators had all their prognos- the flight of birds [>roved fallacious ; which their own r commander had id amused them, nd their prospect IS distant as ever, n to men who had hau to reason and tion and circum- They made im. orant and timid, ich as were better contagion spread 'Vom secret whis> roceeded to open They taxed their redulity, in pay- romises and rash jner, as to hazard ri subjects in pro- They affirmed i their duty, by wa and hopeless le for refusing to •venturer to cer- led, that it was to Spain, while I a condition to ir fears that tlio he wind, which to their course, 1 in the opposite imbus should bo !asure on which . Some of the ■loiil I'xpcditiuus 1492.] AMERICA. 29 and certain method of getting rid nt once of bis remonstrances, to throw him into the sea, being persuaded that, upon their return to Spain, the death of an unsuccessful projector would excite little concern, nnd be inquired into with no curiosity. Columbus was fully sensible of his perilous situation. He had observed, with great uneasi- ness, the fatal operation of ignorance and of fear in producing disaifection among his crew, and saw that it was now ready to burst out into open mutiny. He retained, however, perfect presence of mind. He affected to seem ignorant of their machinations. Notwithstanding the agitation and solicitude of his own mind, he ap- peared with a cheerful countenance, like a man satisfied with the progress he had made, and confident of success. Sometimes he employed all the arts of insinuation to soothe his men. Son:etimes he endeavoured to work upon their ambition or avarice, by magnificent descriptions of the fame and wealth which they were about ,„ to acquire. On other occasions he assumed a ''S tone of authority, and threatened them with vengeance from their sovereign, if, by their dastardly behaviour, they should defeat this noble effort to promote ttie glory of God, and to exalt the Spanish nai ' tve that of every other nation. Even .' tious sailors, the words of a man who: i': u 1 been accustomed to reverence, were Woguty and persuasive, and not only restrained them from tliose violent ex- cesses which they medii;atfd, but prevailed with them to accompany their admiral for some time longer. As they proccet'nd, the indications of ap- proaching land seemed to be more certain, and excited hope in proportion. The birds began to appear in flocks, making towards the south- west. Columbus, in miitation of the Portu- guese navigators, who had been guided, in several of their discoveries, by the motion of birds, altered his course from due west towards that quarter whithe.* they pointed their flight. But, after holding on for several days in this new direction, without any better success than formerly, having seen no object, during thirty days, but the sea and the sky, the hopes of his companions subsided faster than they had risen ; their fears revived with additional force ; impa- tience, rage, and despair, appeared in every countenance. All sense of subordination was lost : the officers, who had hitherto concurred with Columbus in opinion, and supported his authority, now took part with the private men ; they assembled tumultuously on the deck, ex- postulated with their commander, mingled threats with their expostulations, and required him instantly to tack about and to return to I Europe. Columbus perceived that it would be . of no avail to have recoui'se to any of his fiii-mor arts, which having been tried so often had Ici>t ; their effect ; and that it was impossible to re- kindle any zeal for the success of the expedition among men in whose breasts fear had extin- guished every generous sentiment. He saw that it was no less vain to think of employing either gentle or severe measures to quell a muti- ny so general and so violent. It was necessary, on all these accounts to soothe passions which he could no longer command, and to give way to a torrent too impetuous to be checked. He pro- mised solemnly to his men that he would com- ply with their request, provided they would ac- company him, and obey his command for three days longer, and if, during that time, land were not discovered, he would then abandon the en- terprise, and direct his course towards Spain.' Enraged as the sailors were, and impatient to turn their faces again towards their native country, this proposition did not appear to them unreasonable. Nor did Columbus hazard much in confining himself to a term so short. I'he presages of discovering land were now so nu- merous and promising, that he deemed them in- fallible'. For some days the sounding line reached the bottom, and the soil which it brought up indicated land to be at no great dis- tance. The flocks of birds increased, and were composed not only of seafowl, but of such land birds as could not be supposed to fly far from the shore. The crew of the Pinta observed a cane floating, which seemed to have been newly cut, and likewise a piece of timber artificially carved. The sailors aboard the Nigna took up the branch of a tree with red berries, perfectly fresh. The clouds around the setting sun as- sumed a new appearance ; the air was more mild and warm, and during night the wind be- came unequal and variable. From all these symptoms, Columbus was so confident of being near land, that on the evening of the eleventh of October, after public prayers for success, he ordered the sails to be furled, and the ships to lie to, keeping strict watch, lest they should be driven ashore in the night. During this inter- val of suspense and expectation, uo man shut his eyes, all kept upon deck, gazing intently to- wards that quarter where they expected to dis- cover the land, which had been so long the ob- ject of their wishes. About two hours before midnight, Columbus, standing on the forecastle, observed a light at a distance, and privately pointed it out to Pedro Guttlerez, a pnge of the Queen's wardrobe. Guttierez perceived it, and calling to Salcedo, comptroller of the fleet, all three saw it in mo- tion, as if it were carried from place to place. A little after midnight the joyful sound of land I land! was heard from thu Piuia, which kept I Oviidd, Hist. ap. Kamiis, vdl. iii. p. HI. G I' I '.. so WTSTOIIY OF [Book U. '■•\ H 1 •! 11 I- i\M atnraya a head of the other ships. But, having been so often deceived by fallacious appearances, every man was now become slow of belief, and waited in all the anguish of uncertainty and impatience for the return of day. As soon as morning dawned [Oct. iS], all doubts and fears were dispelled. From uvery ship an island waA seen about two leagur'* to the north, whose fiat and verdant fields, * I stored with wood, and watered with man. ;'ivulets, presented the as- pect of a dflightful country. The crew of the Pinta instantly began the Te Deiim, as a hymn of thanksgiving to God, and were joined by those of the other ships, with tears of joy and transports of congratulati an. This office of grati- tude to Heaven was followed by an act of jus- tice to their commander. They threw themselvt at the feet of Columbus, with feelings of self- ccndemnation mingled with reverence. They implored him to pardon their ignoranci^, incre- dulity, and insolence, which had created him so much unnecessary disquiet, and had so often obstructed the prosecution of his well concerted plan ; and passing, in the warmth of their ad- miration, from one extreme to another, they now pronounced the man, whom they had so lately reviled and threatened, to be a person in- spired by Heaven with sagacity and fortitude more than human, in order to accomplish a design so far beyond the ideas and conception of all former ages. As soon as the sun arose, all their boats were manned and armed, 'lliey rowed towai-ds the island with their colours displayed, with war- like music, and other martial pomp. As they approached the coast, they p^w it covered with a multitude of people, whom the novelty of the spectacle had drawn together, whose attitudes and geitures expressed wonder and astonish- m>'ni at the strange objects which prese!:ted themselves to their view. Columbus was the first European who set foot in the New World which he had discovered. He landed in a rich dress, and with a iiaked sivord in his hand. His men followed, and kneeling down, they all kiss- ed the ground which they had so long desiri^d to see. They next erected a cru.'^iflx, and prostra- ting themselves before it, returned tlinnks to God for conducting their voyage to such a hn|)py iMue. They then took solemn possession of tho w.int.'y for the crown of Castile and Leon, with all the formalities which the I'nrtiigiies..' were accustomed to observe in acts of this kind, in thnir new discoveries.' Tfje Spaniards, while thus employed, were surroundrd by many of the natives, wiio gnzeil in silent admiration upon actions which they could not comprehend, and of which they did 1 Ijfc uf Coliiuibuf , c. 2-2, 23. Ilcircra, dec. 1. lib. i. c '.;). .lot foresee the consequences. The dreis of the Spaniards, the whiteness of their skins, their beards, their arms, appeared strange and surpri- sing. The vast machines In which they had traversed the ocean, that seemed to move upon the waters with wings, and uttered a drcadfut sound resembling thunder, accompanied with lightning and smoke, struck them with such teiTor, that they began to respect their new guests as a superior order of beings, and con- cluded that thsy were children of the Sun, who had descended to visit the earth. The Europeans were hardly less amazed a. the scene now before them. Every herb, and shrub, and tree, was different from those whi"h flourished in Europe, llie soil seemed to bp rich, but bore few marks of cultivation. The climate, even to the Spaniards, felt warm, though extremely delightful. The inhabitants appeared in the simple innocence of nature, entirely na- ked. Their black hair, long and uncurled, floated upon their shoulders, or was bound in tresses around their heads. They had no beardf<, and every part of their bodies was perfectly smooth. Their complexion was of a dusky cop- per colour, their features singular, rather than disagreeable, their aspect gentle and timid. Though not tall, they were well shaped and active. Their faces, and several parts of their body, were fantastically painted with glaring colours. They were uhy at first through fear, but soon became familiar with tiie Spaniards, and with transports of joy received from them hawksbelis, glass bead-<, or other baubles, in return for which they gave such provisions as they had, and some cotton yarn, the only com- modity of value that they could produce. To- wards evening, Columbus returned to his ship, ascompaniad by many of the islanders in their boats, which they called carues, and though rudely formed out of the trunk of a single tree, they rowed them with surprising dexterity. Thus, iu the first interview between the inhabi- tants of the old and new worlds, every thing was conducted amicably, and to their mutual satisfaction. The former, enlightened and am- bitious, formed already vast ideas with respect to the advantages which they might derive from the regions that began to open to their view. The latter, simple and undiscerning, had no foresight of the calamitit's and desolation whicli were appvnachiug their country. Columbus, who now assumed the title and authority of admiral and viceroy, called the 'sland which he had discovered San Salvador, It 8 better known by the name of Guanaliani, which the natives gave to it. and is one of that large cluster of islands called the Lucaya or Ba- hama isles. It is situated above three thousand miles to the west of Goniera, from which the squadron took its departure, and only four de- grees to the :sotitli of it ; so little had Columbus [Book If. The drci. of the ■their skins, their Irange and surpri- J which they had led to move upou Ittcred a dieadrul Iccompanied with I them with such respect their new beings, and eon- I of the Sun, who jy less amazed a. Every herb, and from those whi"h soil seemed to b4> cultivation. The felt warm, though habitants appeared ;ure, entirely na> g and uncurled, or was bound In ley had no beardx, ies was perfectly as of a dusky cop. liar, rather than intie and timid, well shaped and al parts of their ited with glaring irst through fear, ith tiie Spaniards, ceived from them other baubles, in luch provisions as n, the only com- Id produce. To- rned to his ship, ■slanders in their 'oes, and though k of a single tree, rising dexterity, tweentheinhabi. irlds, every thing to their mutual ihtened and am- ras with respect light (leiivu fiom fJ to their view, eming, had no lesolation whicli ed the title and Toy, called the San Salvador, U of Guanahnni, I is one of that '■ Lucaya or Da- three thousand Torn which the d only four de- had Columbus U92.J AMERICA. 31 ■i. deviated from the westerly course, which he had chosen as the most proper. Columbus employed the next <1ay in visiting the coasts of the island ; and from the universal poverty of the inhabitants, he perceived that this was not the rich country for which he sought. I>ut, conformably to his theory con- cerning the discovery of those regions of Asia which stretched towards the east, he concluded that San Salvador wr. one of the isles which geographers described as situated in the great ocean adjacent to India.' Having ol- served that most of the people whom he had seen wore small platfs uf gold, by way of ornament, in their nostrils, he eagerly inquired where they got that precious metal. They painted towards the south, and made him comprehend by signs, that gold dounded in countries situated in that quftrter. '.'"lither he immediately determined to direct his course, In full confidence of finding there those opulent regions which had been the object of his voysge, and would be a recompense for all his toils and dangers. He took along with him seven of the natives of San Salvador, that, by acquiring the Spanish language, they might serve as guides and interpreters; and those innocent people considered it as a mark of distinction when they were selected to accom- pany him. He saw several islands, and touched at three of the largest, on which he bestowed the names of St. Mary of the Conception, Feniandina, and Isabella. But, as their soil, productions, and inhabitants nearly resembled those of San Salvador, he made no stay in any of them. He inquired every where for gold, and the signs that were uniformly made by way of answer, confirmed him in the opinion that it was brought from the south. He followed that course, and soon discovered a country which appeared very extensive, not perfectly level, like those which he had already visited, but so diversified with rising grounds, hills, rivers, woods, bnd plains, that he was uncertain whether it might prove an island, or part of the continent. The natives of San Salvador, whom he had on board, called it Cuba ; Columbus gave it the name of Juana. He entered the mouth of a iBrge river with his squadron, and all the Inhabitants fled to the mountains as he approached the shore. But as he resolved to careen the shiiis In that place, he sent some Spaniards, together with one of the people of San Salvador, to view the interior part of the country. They, having advanced tbove sixty miles from the shore, rejiorted, upon their return, that the soil was richer and more culti- vated than any they had hitherto discovered; that, besides many scattered cottages, they had found one village, containing above a thousand 2 Pot. Mart, cpist. ISr>. inhabitants; that the people, though naked, seemed to be more intelligent than those of San Salvador, but bad treated them with the same respectful attention, kissing their feet, and honouring them as sacred beings allied to hea- ven ; that they had given them to c*t a certain root, the taste of which resembled roasted chest- nuts, and likewise a singular species of corn called maize, which, jither when roasted whole or ground into meal, was abundantly palatable ; that there seemed to be no four-footed animals in the country, but a species of dogs, which could not bark, and a creature resembling a rab- bit, but of a much smaller size ; that they bad observed some ornaments of gold among the people, but of no great value." These messengers had prevailed with some of the natives to accompany them, who infoi-med Columbus, that the gold of which they made their ornaments was found in Cubanacan. By this word they meant the middle or inland part of Cuba ; but Columbus, being ignorant of their language, as well as unaccustomed to their pro- nunciation, and his thoughts running contin- ually upon his own theoi^ concerning the dis- covery of the East Indies, he was led, by the resemblance of sound, to suppose that they spoke of the great Khan, and imagined that the opu- lent kingdom of Cathay, described by Marco Polo, was not very remote. This induced him to employ some time in viewing the country. He visited almost every harbour, from Porto dul Principe, on the north coast of Cuba, to the eastern extremity of the island : but, though de- lighted with the beauty of the scenes which every where presented themselves, and amazed at the luxuriant fertility of the soil, both whi<-'i, from their novelty, made a more "vely imj. es- sion upon his imagination, [H] l.d did not find gold in such quantity as was sufficient to satisfy either the avarice of his followers, or the expec- tations of the court to which he was to return. The people of the country, as much astonished at his eagerness in quest of gold as the Europeans were at their ignorance and simplicity, pointed towards the east, where an island which they called Hayti was situated, in which that metal was more abundant th*- among them. Colum- bus ordered his squadron to bend its course thi- ther ; but Martin Alonso Pinzon, impatient to be the first who should take possession of the treasures which this country was supposed to contain, quitted his companions, regardlms of all the admiral's signals to slacken sail until they should come up with him. Columbus, retarded by contrary winds, did not reach Hayti till the sixth of December. He called the port were he first touched St. Nicho- las, and the island ita<>lf Espagnola, in honour of ^ 3 l.ifcol ^olnmhuii, c. 24—28. Hem i-a, dec. 1. lib. i, I. 14. HISTORY OF [Book II. 1*4 u .(t the kingdom' by which he was employed ; mid it ii the only country, of those he had yet discover- ed, which hns retained the name that he gave it. As he could neither meet with the Pinta, nor have any intercourse with the inhabitants, who fled in ;,'reat Gonsi.ernation towards the' woods, he soon quitted St. Nicholas, and, sailing along the northern coant of the island, he entered another harbour, which he called Conception. Here he was more fortunate; Hr. people overtook a woman who was flyin, tm them, and after treating her with great , eness, dismissed her with a present of su<:h , j rz ^hey knew were most valued in those reruns. The description which she gave to her countrymen of the hu- manity and wonderful qualities of the strangei-s ; their admiration of the trinkets, which she showed with exultation ; and their eagerness to participate of the same favours ; removed uU their fearsj and induced many of them to repair to the harbour. The strange objects which they beheld, and the baubles which Columbus bestowed upon them amply gratified their curi- osity and their wishes. They nearly resembled the people of Guanahani and ( jba. They were naked like them, ignorant and simple; and seemed to be equally unacquainted with all the arts which appear most necessary in polished societies ; but they were gentle, credulous, and timid, to a degree which rendered it easy to ac- quire the ascendant over them, especially as their excessive admiration led them into the same error with the people of the other islands, ill believing the Spaniards to be more than mor- tals, and descended immediately from heaven. They possessed gold in greater abundance than their neighbours, which they readily exchanged for bells, beads, or pins; and in this unequal traffic both parties were highly pleased, each considering themselves as gainers by the trans- action. Here Columbus was visited by a prince or casque of the country. He appeared with all the pomp known among a simple people, being carried in a sort of palanquin upon the shoulders of four men, and attended by many of his sub- jects, who served him with great respect. His deportment wan grave and stately, very re- served towards his own people, but with Colum- bus and the Spaniards extremely courteous. He gave the admiral some thin plates of gold, and a girdle of curious workmanship, receiving in re- turn presents of small value, but highly accepta- ble to him.' Columbus, still intent on discovering the mines which yielded gold, continued to inteiTo- gate all the natives with whom he had any in- tercourse, concerning their situation. They concurred in pointing out a mountainous coun- try, which they called Cibao, at some distance 1 Life of Columbua, c. 32, 15, fic. Herrera, dec. I. lib. i. c. from the sea, and further towards the east. Struck with this sound, which appeared to him the same with Cg>ango, the name by which Marco Polo, and other travellers to the east, distinguished the island of Japan, he no longer doubted with respect to the vicinity of the coun- tries which he had discovered to the remote parts of Asia; and, in full expectation of reach- ing soon those regions which had been the object of his voyage, he directed his course towards the east. He put into a commodious harbour, which he called St. Thomas, and found that district to be under the government of a power- ful caziquc, named Guacanahari, who as he af- terwards learned, we > one of the five 8overeii[ns among whom the w' ole island was divided. He immediately sent T^iessengers to Columbus, who in his name delivered to him the present of a mask curiously fashioned with the ears, nose, and mouth of beaten gold, and invited him to the place of his residence, near the harbour now called Cape Fran(;oi8, some leagues towards the east. Columbus despatched some of his officers to visit this prince, who, as he behaved himself with greater dignity, seemed to claim more at- tention. They returned with such favourable accounts both of the country and of the people, as made Columbus impatient for that interview with Guacanahari to which he had been in- vited. He sailed for this purpose from St. Thomas, on the twenty-fourth of December, with a fair wind, and the sea perfectly calm ; and as, amidst the multiplicity of his occupations, he had not shut his eyes for two days, he retired at mid- night in order to take some repose, having com- mitted the helm to the pilot, with strict injunc- tions not to quit it for a moment. The pilot, dreading no danger, carelessly left the helm to an unexperienced cabin boy, and the ship, car- ried away by a current, was dashed against a rock. The violence of the shock awakened Co< lumbus. He ran up to the deck. There all was confusion and despair. He alone retained pre- sence of mind. He ordered some of the sailors to take a boat, and carry out an anchor astern ; but, instead of obeying, they made off towards the Nigna, which was about half a league dis- tant. He then commanded the masts to be cut down, in order to lighten the ship ; but all his endeavours were too late; the vessel opened near the keel, and filled so fast with water that its loss was inevitable. The smoothness of the sea, and the timely assistance of boats from the Nigna, enabled the crew to save their lives. As soon as the islanders heard of this disaster, they crowded to the shore, with their prince Guacanahari at their head. Instead of taking advantage of the distress in which they beheld the Spaniards, to attempt any thing to their detrimo.^t, they lamented their misfortune with tears of sincere condolence. Not satis- [Book I J. wards the vast, appeared to him name by which lien to the east, an, be no longer Inity of the c-oun. to the remote ectation of reach- ad been the object ourse towards the ludious harbour, and found that lent of a power- , who as he af- he five sovereiitns was divided. He Columbus, who the present of a the ears, nose, invited him to the harbour now gues towards the Mne of his officers e behaved himself to claim more at- such favourable nd of the people, or that interview he had been in- rom St. Thomas, inber, with a fair no ; and as, amidst tions, he had not e retired at mid- ^osc, having com- ith strict injunc- >ent. The pilot, left the helm to nd the ship, car- dashed against a :k awakened Co- <• There all was one retained pre- me of the sailors a anchor astern ; lade off towards alf a league dis- i masts to be cut ihip ; but all hb e vessel opened with water that loothness of the f boats from the their lives. As f this disaster, th their prince stead of taking ich they beheld thing to their lir misfortune %• Not satis- 1402.] AMERICA. as iied with this unavailing expression of their sympathy, they put to sea a number of ca- noes, and, under the direction of the Spaniards, assisted in saving whatever could be got out of the wreck ; and, by the united labour of so many hands, almost every thing of value was carried ashore. As fast as the goods were landed, Guacanahari in person took charge of them. By his orders they were all deposited in one place, and armed sentinels were posted, who kept the multitude at a distance, in order to prevent them not only from embezzling, but from inspecting too curiously what belonged to their guests. [15] Next morning this prince visited Columbus, who was now on board the Ni);na, nrA endeavoured to console him fur his loss, by ofifering all that he possessed to re- pair it.' The condition of Columbus was such that ho stood in need uf consolation. He had hitherto procured no intelligence of the I'inta, and no longer doubted but that his treacherous as80> '.ate had set sail for Kurope, in order to have the merit of carrying the first tidings of the ex- traordinary discoveries which had been made, and to preoccupy so far the ear of their sove- reign, as to rob him of the glory and reward to which he was justly entitled. There remained but one vessel, and that the smallest and most crazy of the squadron, to traverse such a vast ocean, and carry so many men back to Europe. Each of those circumsttinces was alarming, and filled the mind of Columbus with the utmost solicitude. The desire of overtaking Finzon, and of etfacing the unfavourable impressions which his misrepresentations might make in Spain, mads it necessary to return thither with- out delay. The difBculty of taking such a num- ber of persons on board the Nigna confirmed him in an opinion which the fertility of the country, and the gentle temper of the people, had already induced him to tbrm. He resolved to leave a part of his crew in the island, that by residing there, they might learn the language of the natives, study their disposition, examine the nature of the country, search for mines, prepare for the commodious settlement of the colony with which he purposed to return, and thus b«- cure and facilitate the acquisition of those ad- vantages which he expected from his discoveries. When he mentioned this to his men, all approv- ed of the design ; and from impatience under the fatigue of a long voyage, from the levity na- tural to sailors, or from the hopes of amassiiig wealth in a country which afforded such pro- mising specimens of its riches, many offered voluntarily to be among the number of those who should remain. 2 Herrcra, dec. I. lib. i. c. 18. Nothing was now wanting towards the exc- tiution of this scheme, but to obtain the consent of Guacanahari ; and his unsuspicious simpli- city soon presented to the admiral a favourable opportunity of proposing it. Columbus having, in the best manner he could, by broken words and signs, expressed some cui-iosity to know the cause which bad moved the islanders to fly with such precipitation upon the approach of his ships, the cazique informed him that the country was much infested by the incursions of certain people, whom he called Ciirribcatis, who inhabit- ed several islands to the south-east. These he described as a fierce and warlike race of men, who delighted in blood, and devoured the flesh of the prisoners who were so unhappy as to fall into their I'lnds ; and as the Spaniards at their first appeuruuce were supposed to be Cariibeans, whom the natives, however numerous, durst not face in battle, they had recourse to their ttsual method of securing their safety, by flying into the thickest and most impenetrable woods. Guacanahari, while speaking of those dreadful invaders, discovered such s/mptoms of terror, as well OH such consciousness of the inability of his own people to resist them, us led Columbus to conclude that he would not be alarmed at the proposition of any scheme wliicli afforded him the prospect >. additional security agafust their attacks. -. nstantly offered him the as- sistance of tlie Spaniards to repel his enemies : be engaged to take him and his people under the protection of the powerful monarch whom he served, and offered to leave in the island .ich a number of his men as should be sufficient, not only to defend the inhabitants from future in- cursions, but to avenge their past wrongs. The credulous prince closed eagerly with the proposal, and thought himself already safe under the patronage of beings sprung from heaven, and superior in power to mortal men. The ground was marked out for a small fort, which Columbus called Navidad, because he had landed there on Christmas day. A deep ditch was drawn around it. The ramparts were fortified with pallisades, and the great guns, saved out of the admiral's ship, were p', i gazed with admiration on the extraordinary man, whose superior saga- city and fortitude hud conducted their country- men, by a route concealed from past ages, to the knowledge of a new world. Ferdinand and Isiiheila received him clad in their rnyal robes, and seated upon a throne, under a mngnlflcent canopy. When he approached, they stood up, anrl raising him as be kneeled to kiss their hands, commanded him to take his seat upon a chair prepared for him, and to give a circum- stantial account of his voyage. He delivered it with a gravity and composure no less suitable to the dispositian of the Spanish nation than to the dignity of the audience in which he spoke, and with that modest simplicity which characterizes men of superior minds, who, satisfied with having performed great actions, court not valu applause by an ostentatious display of their ex- ploits. Wlieu he had finished his narration, the king and queen, kneeling down, offered up so- lemn thanks to Almighty God for the discovery of those new regions, from which they expected 10 many advantages to flow in upon the king- doms subject to their government. [17] Every mark of honour that gratitude or admiration could suggest was conferred upon Columbus. Letters patent were issued, confirming to him and to his heirs all the privileges contained iu the capitulation concluded at Santa Vb ; his fhmily was ennobled ; the king and queen, and after their example the courtiers, treated him on every occasicn with all the ceremonious res- pect paid to persons of the highest rank. But what pleased him most, as it gratified his active mind, bent continually upon great objects, was an order to equip, without delay, an armament of such force as might enable him not only to take possession of the countries which he had Already discovered, but to go in search of those more opulent regions which be still confidently expected to find.' While preparations were making for this ex- pedition, the fame of Columbus's successful voyage spread over Europe, and excited general attention. The multitude, struck with amam- ment when they heard that a new world had been found, could harcMy believe an event so I Ufe of CohunbiiB, r. 42, 13. C3L Henrcra, dec. I. IIU. ii much above their conoe ption. Men of science, capable of comprehending the nature, and of discerning the elTects of this great discovery, re- ceived the account of it with admiration and Joy. They spoke of his voyage with rapture, and congratulated one another u|Nm their felicity in having lived in the period when, by this ex- (r toniinary event, the boundaries of human knowlcilge were so much extended, and such a new flvld of inquiry and observation opened, as would lead mankind to n perfect arquaintaiire with the structure and productions of the hnbit- alilu globe." [IHJ Various opinions and conjec- tures were formed cotuternlng the new found countries, and what division of the earth they lielonged to. Columbus adhered tenaciously to his original opinion, that they should be reckon- ed a |iiii't of those vast regions In Asin, compre- hended under the general name of India. This sentiment was confirmed by th3 observation* which he made concerning the productions of the cuuntrlfs he had discovered. Gold was known to aliound in India, and he had met with such promising samples of it In the Island* which he visited, as led him to believe that rich mines of it might be found. Cotton, another production of the East Indies, was common there. The pimento of the islands he imagined to be a species of the East Indian pepper. Ha mistook a root, somewhat resembling rhubarb, for that valuable drug, which was thtn supposed to be a plant peculiar to the East Indies.* The birds brought home by him were adorned with the same rich plumage which distinguishes those of India. The alligator of the one country appeared to be the same with the crocodile of the other. After weighing all these circum- stances, not only the Spaniards, but the other nations of Europe, seem to have adopted the opinion of Columbus. The countries which he had discovered wera considered as a part of India. In consequence of this notion, the name of Indies is given to them by Ferdinand and Isabella, in a ratification of their former agree- ment, which was granted to Columbus upon his return.* Even after the error which gave rise to this opinion was detected, and the true posi- tion of the New World was ascertained, the name has remained, and the appellAtion of West Indies is given by all the people of Europe to the country, and that of Indians to Its inhabit- ants. The name by which Columbus distinguished the countries which he had diacuvered was so inviting, the spcc.imcns of their riches and fer- tility which he produced were so considerable, and the reports of his companions, delivered 8 P. Mart epUt. 133, \M, \X>. 3 Hcner.i, ilcc 1. lib. I. c. 2a 4 Lifv orCulumbu), c. 44, I Gomcra HUt. c. 17. U9S.] AMERICA. 37 frequently with the cxiiKKerBtiuii nntural to tra- veller*, Hu iHvourable, ai to excite a wonderful spirit of enterprise nmong the Spanlardi. Though little aecuitomed to nuval expeditiuni, they were ImpHtiunt to Ht out upon their voyage. Vo- lunteer! of every rank luliclted to be employed. Allured by the Inviting protpeota which opened to their ambition and avarice, neither the length nor danger of the navigation intimidated them. Cautioui ai Ferdinand was, and averiie to every tiling new or adventuroui, he eeemi to have cutched the same iipirit with hie lubjects. linder Its Inlluence, preparations for a eecond ex]>edi- tion were carried on with rapidity unuiual in Spain, and to an extent that would be deemed not Inconilderable In the present age. The fleet consisted of seventeen ibipa, some of which were of good burden. It had on board fifteen hundred penons, among whom were many of noble families, who had served in honourable stations. The greater part of these, being des- tined to remain in the country, were furnished with every thing requisite fur conquest or settle- ment, with all kinds of European domestic ani- mals, with such seeds and plants as were most likely to thrive In the climate of the West In- dies, with utensils and Instruments of every sort, and with such artlflcers as might be most useful ir an infant colony.* liut, formidable and well provided as this fleet was, Ferdinand and Isabella did not rest their title to the possession of the newly dis- covered countries upon Its operations alone. The example of the Portuguese, as wel' us the superstition of the age, made it necessary to ob- tain from the Uoraan pontlif a grant of those territories which they wished to occupy. The I'upe, as the vicar and representative of Jesus Christ, was supposed to have a right of dominion over all the kingdom* of the earth. Alexander VI., a pontiff Infamous for every crime which disgraces humanity, filled the I'apal thii)ne at that time. As he was born Ferdinand's sub- ject, and very solicitous to secure the protection of Spain, In order to facilitate the execution of his ambitious schemes In favourofhisown fami- ly, he wa* extremely willing to gratify the Spa- nish monarchs. Hy an act of llbpraiity which cost him nothing, and that itvrved to ontablish the jurlsdibtion and pretensions of thu I'apai See, he granted in full right to Ferdinand and Isabella all the countries Inhabited by Int' dels, which they had discovered, or should discover ; and, in virtue of that power which he derived I'rom Jesus Christ, he conferred on the crown of liastile vast regions, to the pusHcssion of which lie himself was so far from having any title, that lie was unacquainted with their sitiiatiun, anil •' llcrrera, dec. 1. lib, ii. c. 5, Life of Culumbiis, c. IJ Ignorant even of (heir existence. A* it wa* necessary to prevent this grunt from Interfering with that furuierly inuiie to the crown of i'or- tugal, he appointed that a line, supposed to be drawn from pole tu pule, a hundred leagues to the westward of thu Azores, should servo as a limit between them ; and, in the plentitiide of Ills power, bestowed all to the east of thi* Imaginary line u|ian the Portuguese, and all to the w««t of it upon the Spaniards.* Zeal for propagating the Christian faith was the consi- deration employed by Ferdinand In soliciting this bull, and Is mentioned by Alexander as hi* chief motive for issuing It. In order to mani- fest some concern for this laudable object, se- veral friam, under the direction of Father UoyI, a Cutalonian monk of great reputation, as apostolical vicar, were appointed to accompany Columbus, and to lievote themselves to the in- struction of the natives. The Indians, whom Columbus had brought along with him, having received some tincture of Christian knowledge, were baptized with much solemnity, the king himself, the prince his son, and the chief per- sons of his court, standing as their godfathers. Those flrsi fruite of the New World have not been followed hy such an Increase as pious men wished, and had reason to expect. Ferdinand and Isabella having thus acquired a title, which was then deemed completely valid, to extend their discoveries and to establish their dominion over such a considerable portion of the globe, nothing now retarded the departure of the fleet. Columbus was extremely impa- tient to revisit the colony which he had left, ond to pui'Hue that career of glury upon which he hod entered, lie set sail from the bay of Cadix on the twenty-Aflh of September, and touching again at the Island uf Gomera, he steered further towards the south than in bis former voyage. l)y holding this course, he en- joyed more steadily the benefit of the reguliu- winds, which reign within the tropics, and was carried towards a large cluster of islands, situ- ated considerably to the east of those which he had iilready discovered. Un the twenty-sixtli day after his departure from Gomera [Nov. 2], ho made land.' It was one of the Carribbee or Leeward Islands, to which he gave the name of Ueseada, on account of the impatience of his crew to discove> some part of the New World. After this he visited successively Dominica, Marigalante, Guadaloupe, Antigua, San Juan d« I'uerto UIco, and several other Islands, scat- tered In his way as he advanced towards the north-west. All these he found to be Inhabited Horrcr.n, dec. 1. lib. ii. c, i. lib. xvili. c. 3. 7 Ovicilo ap. Hamuli, iii. K,",. Tut'iiucmcda Moil, I ml SB HISTORY Ol' [Hook H. 'V i hi\ ^ hy tliut Hcrco riic(< of prnplv wlmm (iiiiicRiinlini'l had pHiiiteil ill inch t'i-l||litfiil riiloiirii. Ilin tle- Ncrlptlonsnppcarpd nut to hiivc bp«ii rxnHi(ri'atii|{er tu liiiivr. anil iiirrauiid. lie of the 8|ian> It ; the reit |)er> Iheir (icape by lannharl, whom lilted from thn bvhiiir, and, In hud received a jnflned.' Voin rrmovlni; •f that I'llnie, 'ir countrymen represented to the friendship ry, in order to tliey Intended, lativea to unite linat them, hy ng exercise of ime in punish- •utiona for pre- th this view, he fe healthy and id. He traced Ke plain near « y person to put their common ramparts wore ited labour, as y. This rising ins founded in "a, in honour tlle.« ork, Colunibua rdships, and to which infant ttle in an un- contend with I laziness, the ion of his fol- ence of a 'hot the Spaniards im were gcn- >Kue of bodily the enterprise f the splendid dec. 1. lib. U. c. :.I.Iib.il. c, la 1194.] AMERICA. 30 and exniTKi'mted dearrlptlon of their countrymen who returned from the tliiit voyage, or by the miataken opiniou of Colunihua, that the coun- try which he had discovered was either the ('ipnnKo of Marco I'nln, or the Ophir," from which Holomim imported those precious com- modities which siiddi-iily ditTiised such cxtrnnr- dinary riches through his kliigilom. Hut when, Instead of that golden harvest which they had expected to reap without toil or pains, the Spaniards saw that their prospect of wealth was remote as well ns uncertain, and that it coulil not be attained but by the alow and persevering efforts of industry, the disappointment of those chimerical hopes occaiioned such dejection of mind OS bordered on despair, and led to general discontent. In vain did Columbus endeavour to revive their aplrits by pointing out the fertility of the soil, and exhibiting the specimens of gold daily brought In from different parts of the Island. They had not patience to wait for the gradual returns which the former nii|;ht yield, and the latter they despised as scanty and Inconsiderable. The splritof disaffoetlon spread, and acnnspiracy was formed, which mi(;ht have been fatal to Columbus and the colony. Happily ho dis- covered it ; and, seizing the ringleaders, punished aome of them, sent others prisoners into S]iain, whither he despatched twelve of the ships which had aerved aa transports, with an earnest request for a reinforcement of men and a large supply of provisluna.' Hai,] INIean while. In order to banish that Idleness which, by allowing his people leisure to brood over their disappointmen*^ nourished the spirit of discontent, Columbus planned aeveral expeditions into the interior part of the country. He sent a detachment, under the command of Alonzo de Ojeda, a vigilant and enterprising officer, to visit the district of Cibao, which was said to yield the greatest quantity of gold, and followed him in person with the main body of his troops. In this expedition he displayed all the pomp of military magniflcence, that he could exhibit, in order to strike the imagination of the natives. He marched with colours fly'ng, with martial music, and with a small body of cavalry that paraded sometimes In the front and some- times In the rear. As those were the first horses which appeared in the New World, they were objects of terror no less than of admiration to the Indians, who, having no tame animals themselves, were unacquainted with that vast accession of power which man hath acquired by subjecting ihem to his dominion. They supposed them to be rational creatures. They imagined that the horse and the rider formed one animul. 5 P. Martyr, dec. p. 29. 6 lierrera, dec. I. lib. li. c. 10, 11. with whose speed they were ustoniahed, and whose Impetuoaily and strenglii lliey considered aa irresistible. Hut wliiie ( ulumbiia endea- voured to inspire the native* with u dreiid ol hU power, he did not neglect (lie arta of gaining their lovu and confldence. Ha udhereil arm- piiiiMisly to tho principlea of integrity and justice ill all his transactions with them, and treated them, on every ocraaion, not only with humani- ty, but with Indulgence. The diatrict of Clbao answered the description given of it by the nativea. It was mountainoua and uncultivated, but in every river and brook gold waa gathered either in diiat or in gralna, aome of which were of considerable size. The Indiana had never opened any mines in search of gold. To p<>ne- triitc into the bowels of the earth, and to refine tho rude ore, were operations too complicated and laborious for their tiilenta and Indii /ry, and they had nuauch high value for gold .' to put their ingenuity and invention upon the stretch in order to obtain It.' The small quantity of that precious metal which they possessed, wnt either picked up in the beds of tho riv n, or washed from the mountains by the heavy rains that full within the tropics. Hut from those indications, the Spaniarda could no longer doubt that the country contained rich treasures In ita bowels, of which they hoped soon to be masters. In order to secure the command of this valuable province, Columbus erected a small fort, to which h« gave the name of St. Thomas, by way of ridicule upon some of his incredulous follow- ers, who would not believe that tho country produced gold, until they saw it with their own eyes, and touched it with their hands." The account of those promising appearance* of wealth in the country of Cibao came very seasonably to comfort the desponding colony, which was affected with distresses of various kinds. The stock of provisions which had been brought from Europe was mostly consumed ; what remained was so much corrupted by the heat and moisture of the climate, as to be almost unfit for use ; the natives cultivated so small a portion of ground, and with :.. '>*1h skill, that it hardly yielded what waa ..'i"° ut for their own subsistence ; the Spaniards i>t Isabella had hitherto neither time nor leisure to clear the soil, ao OS to reap any considerable fruits of their own industry. On all thesr nccounts, they became afraid of perishing with hunger, and were re- duced already t-. a scanty allowance. At the same time, the diseases predominant in the torrid zone, and which rage chiefly In those unculti- vated countries where the hand of industry haa 7 Oviedo, lib. ii. p. »0. A. 8 P. Martyr, dec. p. ;«. Ilcrrcra, ilcr. 1. lib. ii. c. 12 Lift! of Columbus, c. St I't i id HISTORY OF [Book II. ■r.n'; not opened tho wootis, drained the marshes, and confined the rivers within a certain channel, began to spread among them. Alarmed at the violence and unusual symptoms of those mala- dies, they exclaimed against Columbus and his companions in the former voyage, who, by their splendid but deceitful descriptions of Ilispnniola, had allured them to quit Spain for a barbarous uncultivated land, where they must either be cut off by famine, or die of unknown distem- pers. Several of the officers and persons of note, Instead of checking, Joined in those sedi- tious complaints. lather I3oyl, the apostolical vicni', was onu of the most turbulent and out- rageous. It required nil the authority and address of Columbus to I'e-establish subordina- tion and tranquillity in the colony. Threats and promises were alternately employed for this purpose ; but nothing contributed more to soothe the malccontents than the prospect of finding, in the mines of Cibao, such a rich store of treasure as would bo a recompense for uU their sufferings, and eli'ace the memory of for- mer disappointments. When, by his unwearied endeavours, concord and order were so far restored that he could venture to leave the island, Columbus resolved to pursue his discoveries, that he might be able to ascertain whether those new countries with which he had opened a communication were connected with any region of the earth already known, or whether they were to be considered OS a separate portion of the globe hitherto un- visited. He appointed his brother Don Diego, with the assistance of a council of officers, to go- vern the Island in his absence ; and gave the command of a body of soldiers to Don Pedro Margarita, with which he was to visit the dif- ferent parts of the island, and endeavour to es- tablish the authority of the Spaniards among the inhabitants. Having left them very parti- cular instructions with respect to their conduct, he weighed anchor on the Sith of April, wit>- one ship and two small barks under his coir.- mand. During a tedious voyage of full five months, he had a trial of almost all the numer- ous hardships to which persons of his profession are exposed, without making any discovery of Importance, except the island of Jamaica. As he ranged along the btuthern coast of Cuba [19] he was entangled in a labyrinth formed by au Incredible number of small islands, to which he gave ttie name of the Quetn's Garden. In this unknown course, among rocks and shelves, he was retarded by contrary winds, assaulted with furious storms, and alarmed with the ter- rible thunder and lightning which is often al- most incessant between the tropics. At length his provisions fell short ; his crew, exhausted with fatigue as well as hunger, murmured and threatened, and were ready to proceed to the most desperate extremities against him. Ueset with danger in such various forms, be was ob- liged to keep continual watch, to observe every occurrence with his own eyes, to issue every order, and to superintend the execution of it. On no occasion was the extent of his skill and experience as a navigator so much tried. To these the squadron owed Its safety. But this unremitted fatigue of body, and intense applU cation of mind, overpowering his constitution, though naturally vigorous and robust, brought on a feverish disorder, which terminated in a lethargy, that deprived him of sense and mem- ory, and had almost proved fatal to his life.' But, on his return to Hispaniola [Sept. 27], the sudden eniotlon of joy T7hich he felt upon meet- ing with his brother Bartholomew at Isabella, occasioned such a flow of spirits as contributed greatly to his recovery. It was now thirteen years since tlie two brothers, whom similarity of talents united in close friendship, had se- parated from each other, and during that long period there had been no intercourse between them. Bartholomew, after finishing his nego* tiation in the court of England, had set out for Spain by the way of France. At Paris he received an account of the extraordinary dis- coveries wliich his brother had made In his first voyage, and that he was then preparing to embark on a second expedition. Though this naturally induced him to pursue his Journey with the utmost despatch, the admiral had sailed for Hispaniola before he reached Spain. Ferdinand and Isabella received him with the respect due to the nearest kinsman of a person whose merit and services rendered him 8«> con- spicuous ; and as they knew what consolation his presence would afford to his brother, they persuaded him to take the command of three ships, which they had appointed to carry pro- vislonn to the colony at Isabella.' He could not have arrived at any juncture when Columbus stood more in need of a friend capable of assisting him with his counsels, or of dividing with him the cares and burden of government. For although the provisions now brought from Europe afforded a temporary relief to the Spaniards from the calamities of famine, the supply was not in such quantity as to sup- port them long, and the island did not hitherto yield what was sufficient for their sustenance. They were threatened with another danger, still more formidable than the return of scar- city, and which demanded more immediate attention. No sooner did Columbus leave the island on his voyage of discovery, than the soldiers under Margarita, as if they had been set free from disclplina and subordination, scorn- 1 Llib of Columbus, c. r>4, &c. Hcrrcra, dec. I. lib. il. c. 1."), It. 1". Martyr, dec. I. p. M, kc. , 2 Hcrrcra, Uit, 1. lib. 11. r. 15. [Book II. 'ms, he traa ob- to observe every ii to issue every execution of it. of Ills skill and nucli tried. To afety. But this d intense appli. bis constitution, robust, brought tei-minated in a sense and mem- kl to his life.' Bla[Sepi27],thc e felt upon meet- mew at Isabella, Is as contributed ns now thirteen ivhom similarity ndship, had se- during that long ircourse between lishing his nego* 1, had set out for c. At Paris he ttraordinary dis. lad made in his then preparing to n. Though this irsue his journey the admiral bad le reached Spain. ved him with the iman of a person ered him su con> what consolation Ills brother, they immand of three ted to carry pro- at any juncture need of a friend I his counsels, or s and burden of le provisions now 1 temporary relief nities of famine, mtity as to sup. did not hitherto their sustenance, another danger, return of scar- nore immediate umlui leave the every, than the f they had been >rdination, 8corn> rrcra, dec. I. lit). II. 1495.] AMERICA. 41 ed all restraint. Instead of conforming to the prudent instructions of Columbus, they dis> perscd in straggling parties over the island, lived at discretion upon the natives, wasted their pro- visions, seized thair women, and treated that inoffensive race with all tht insolence of mili- tary oppression.* As long as the Indians had any prospect that their sufferings might come to a period by the voluntary departure of the invaders, they sub- mitted in silence, and dissembled their sorrow ; but they now perceived that the yoke would be as permanent as it was intolerable. The Spa- niards had built a town, and surrounded it with ramparts. They had erected forts in different places. They had enclosed and sown several fields. It was apparent that they came not to visit the country, but to settle in it. Though the number of those strangers was inconsidera- ble, the state of cultivation among this rude peo- ple was so imperfect, and in such exact propor- tion to their own consumption, that it was with difficulty they could afford subsistence to their new guests. Their own mode of life was so in- dolent and inactive, the warmth of the climate so enervating, the constitution nf their bodies naturally so feeble, and so unaccustomed to the laborious exertions' of industry, that they were satisfied with a proportion of food amazingly small. A handful of maize, or a little of the insipid bread made of the cassada-root, was suf- ficient to support men whose strength and spi- rits were not exhausted by any vigorous efforts either of body or mind. The Spaniards, though the most abstemious of ail the European nations, appeared to them excessively voracious. One Spaniard consumed as much as several Indians. This keennessof appetite surprised them so much, and seemed to be so insatiable, that they sup- posed the Spaniards had left their own country because it did not produce as much as was re- quisite to gratify their immoderate desire of food, and had come among them in quest of nourishment.' Self-preservation prompted them to wish for the departure of guests n ho wasted so fast their slender stock of provisions. The injuries which they suffered added to their im- patience for this event. They had long expected that th« Spaniards would retire of their own accord. They now perceived that, in order to avert the destruction with which they were threatened, either by the slow consumption of famine, or by the violence of their cspressors, it was necessary to assume courage, to i> 'tack those formidable invaders 'with united force, and drive them from the settlements of whieh they had violently taken possession. 4 P. Martyr, dec. p. 47. 5 Henera. dec. 1. lib. il. c. 17. Such were the sentiments which universally prevailed among the Indians, when Columbus returned to Isabella. Inflamed, by the unpro- voked outrages of the Spaniards, with a degree of rage of which their gentle natures, formed to suffer and submit, seemed hardly susceptible, they waited only for a signal from their leaders to fall upon the colony. Some of the caziques had already surprised and cut off several strag- glers. The dread of this impending danger united the Spaniards, and re-established the au- thority of Columbus, as they saw no prospect of safety but in committing themselves to his pru- dent guidance. It was now necessary to have recourse to arms, the employing of which against the Indians Columbus had hitherto avoided with the greatest solicitude. Unequal as the conflict may seem, between the naked inhabit- ants of the New World armed with clubs, sticks hardened in the fire, wooden swords, and ar- rows pointed with bones or flints, and troops accustomed to the discipline, and provided with tile instruments of destruction known in the European art of war, the situation of the Spa- niards was far from being exempt from danger. The vast superiority of the natives in number compensated many defects. A handful of men was about to encounter a whole nation. One adverse event, or even any unforeseen delay in determining the fate of the war, might prove fatal to the Spaniards. Conscious that success depended on the vigour and rapidity of bis operations, Columbus instantly assembled his forces. They were reduced to a very small number. Diseases, engendered by the warmth and humidity of the country, or occasioned by their own licentiousness, had raged among them with much violence; experience had not yet taught them the art either of curing these, or the precautions requisite for guarding against them; two-thirds of the original adventurer* were dead, and many of those who survived were incapable of service." The body which took the field [March 24, 149&], consisted only of two hundred foot, twenty horse, and twenty large dogs ; and how strange soever it may seem to mention the last as composing part of a mili- tary force, they were not perha|i8 the least for- midable and destructive of the whole, when em- ployed against naked and timid Indians. All the caziques of the island, Guacanahara except- ed, who retained an inviolable attachment to the Spaniards, were in arms to oppose Columbus, with forces amounting, if we may believe the Spanish historians, to a hundred thousand men. Inste(>d of attempting to draw the Spaniards into the fastnesses of the woods and moun- tains, they were so imprudent as to take their 6 Life of Colunbua, c. 01. If [■ ; It ft ), I 42 HISTORY OF [Book II. \ \ station in the Vega Real, the most open plain in the country. Columbus did not allovr them time to perceive their error, or to alter their position. He attaclced them during the night, when undisciplined troops are least capa- ble of acting tvitli union and concert, and ob- tained an easy and bloodless victory. The consternation with which the Indians were filled by the noise and havoc made by the fire arms, by the impetuous force of the cavalry, and the fierce onset of the dogs wiis so great, that they threw down their weapons, and lied without attempting resistance. Mnny were slain ; more were taken prisoners, and reduced to servitude ; [20] and so thoroughly were tlie rest intimidated, that from that moment they abandoned themselves to despair, rclitiquishing all thouglits of contending with aggressors whom they deemed invincible, Columbus employed several months in march- ing through the island, and in subjecting it to the Spanish government, without meeting with any opposition. He imposed a tribute upon all the inhabitants above the age of fourteen. Each person who lived in those districts where gold was found, was obliged to pay quarterly as much gold dust as filled a hawk's bell ; from those in other parts of the country, twenty-five pounds of cotton were demanded. Tliis was the first regular taxation of the Indians, and served as a precedent for exactions still more intolerable. Such an imposition was extremely contrary to those maxims which Columbus had liitherto in- culcated with respect to the mode of treating them. But intrigues were carrying on in the court of Spain at this juncture, in order to un- dermine his power, and discredit his operations, which constrained him to depart from his own system of administration. Several unfavo'irable accounts of his conduct, as well as of the coun- tries discovered by him, had been transmitted to Spain. Margarita and Father Uuyl were now at court, and in order to justify their own con- duct, or to gratify their resentment, watched with malevolent attention for every opportunity of spreading insinuations to his detriment. Many of the courtiers viewed his growing re- putation and power with envious eyes. Fonseca, archdeacon of Seville, who was intrusted with the chief direction of Indian an irs, had con- ceived such an unfavourable opinion of Colum- bus, for some reason which the contemporary writers have not mentioned, that he listened with partiality to every invective against him. It was not easy for an unfriended stranger, un- practised in courtly arts, to counteract the ma- chinations of so many enemies, Columbus saw that there was but one method of supporting his own credit, and of silencing all his adversaries. He must produce such a quantity of gold as would not only justify what he had reported with respect to the richness of the country, but encourage Ferdinand and Isabella to persevere in prosecuting his plans. The necessity of ob- taining it forced him not only to impose this lieavy tax upon the Indians, but to exact pay- ment of it with extreme rigour; and may be pleaded in excuse for his deviating on this occa< sion from the mildness and humanity with which lie uniformly treated that unhappy people.' I'he labour, attention, and foresight which the Indiiins were obliged to employ in procuring the tribute demanded of them, appeared the most intolerable of all evils, to men accustomed to pass tiieir days in a careless improvident indolence. They were incapable of such a re- gular and persevering exertion of industry, and felt it such a grievous restraint upon their liber- ty, that they had recourse to an expedient for obtaining deliverance from this yoke, which de- monstrates the excess of their impatience and despair. They formed a scheme of starving those oppressors whom they durst not attempt to expel ; and from the opinion which they en- tertained with respect to the voracious appetite of the Spaniards, they concluded the execution of it to be very practicable. With this view they suspended all the operations of agriculture ; they sowed no maize, they pulled up the roots of the manioc or cassada which were planted, and, retiring to the most inaccessible parts of the mountains, left the uncultivated plains to their enemies. This desperate resolution pro- duced in some degree the effects which they ex- pected. The Spaniards were reduced to extreme want ; but they received such seasonable supplies of provisions from Europe, and found so many resources in their own ingenuity and industry, that they suffered no great loss of men. The wretched Indians were the victims of their own ill-concerted policy. A great multitude of peo- ple, shut up in the mountainous or wooded part of the country, without any food but the spon- taneous productions of the earth, soon felt the utmost distresses of famine. This brought on contagious diseases ; and in the course of a few months more than a third part of the inhabitants of the island perlshfd, after experiencing misery . in all its various forms.' But while Columbus was establishing the foundations of the Spanish grandeur in the New World, his enemies laboured with unwearied as- siduity to deprive him of the glory and rewards which, by his services and sufferings, he was en- titled to enjoy. The hardships unavoidable In a new settlement, the calamities occasioned by an unhealthy climate, the disasters attending a voy- 1 Herrera, dec. 1. lib. il. c. 17. 2 Hrrrcra, dec. 1, lib. xi. c. 18. Life of Columbus, e. 01. Oviedo, lib. lii, p. 93. D. Bcnion Hlit Novi Oibii, lib, i. c. 9. F, Martyr, dec. p. 4a agei tion. cipli ress flictt imp such and By a gr whc But infli the tion offlf :| wit 4 tun dig , 1; are i to cou but anc of to i wb tra iia i trti [Book II. nia to penevera Jiecewity of ob- Ito impose this It to exact pay- aiid may be hg on tliis occa- lumanity witli I tliat utibnppy iresigbt which l«y in procuring appeared the len accustomed las improvident le of such a re- industry, and pon their llbir- expedient fur 'dice, which de- impatience and me of starving rst not attempt kvhich they en- 'ucious appetite ed the execution With this view 9 of agriculture; led up the roots h were planted, feasible parts of ivuted plains to resolution pro- whlch they ex- luced to extreme isonable supplies found 80 many y and industry, I of men. The ms of their own ultitude of peo- or wooded part d but the spon- h, soon felt the 'his brought on course of a few the Inhabitants riencing misery . fltablishing the cur in the New h unwearied as- ry and rewards ngs, he was en- inavoidable in a ;casioned by an kttending a voy- 'e of Columbua, c. HUt. Novi Orbit, AMERICA. 48 : age in unknown seas, were all represented as the effects of his restless and inconsiderate ambi- tion. His prudent attention to preserve dis- cipline and subordination was denominated ex- cess of rigour ; the punishments which he in- tlicted upon the mutinous and disorderly were imputed to cruelty. These accusations gained such credit In a jealous court, that a commis- sioner was appointed to repair to HIspaniola, and to inspect into the conduct of Columbus. By the recommendation of his enemies, Aguado, a groom of the bedchamber, was the person to whom this important trust was committed. But In this choice they seem to have been more influenced by the obsequious attachment of the man to their Interest, than by his capacity for the station. I'ulfcd up with such sudden eleva- tion, Aguado displayed. In the exercise of this ofnce, all the frivolous self-importance, and acted with all the disgusting insolence which are na- tural to little minds, wiien raised to unexpected dignity, or employed in functions to %vhich they are not equal. I3y listening witli ea^rness to every accusation against Columbus, and en- couraging not only the malecontent Spaniards, but even the Indians, to produce their griev- ances, real or imaginary, he fomented the spirit of dissention in the Island, without establishing any regulations of public utility, or that tended to redress the many wrongs, with the odium of which he wished to load the admiral's adminis- tration. As Columbus felt sensibly how humi- liating his situation must be, if he should remain in the country while such a partial inspector observed his motions and controlled his juris- diction, he took the resolution of returning to Spain, in order to lay a full account of all his transactions, particularly with respect to the points in dispute between him and his adver- saries, before Ferdinand and Isat)ella, from whose justice and discernment he expected an equal and a favourable decision [1496]. He committed the administration of affairs, during his absence, to Don Bartholomew, his brother, with the title of Adelantado, or Lieutenant-Go- vernor. By a choice less fortunate, and which proved the source of many calamities to the colony, he appointed Francis Uoldan chief jus- tice, with very extensive powers.' In returning to Europe, Columbus held a course different from that which he had taken in his former voyage. He steered almost due east from HIspaniola, in the parallel of twenty- ttvo degrees of latitude ; as experience had not yet discovered the more certain and expeditious method of stretching to the north, in order to fall In with the southwest winds. By this ill advised choice, which in the infancy of naviga- tion between the New and Old Worlds, ean 3 Herren, dec. 1. lib. U. c. 16. Ub. Hi. c. 1. hardly be imputed to the admiral as a defect in naval skill, he was exposed to infinite fatigue and danger, in a perpetual struggle with the trade winds, which blow without variation from the east between the tropics. Notwith- standing the almost insuperable difficulties of such a navigation, he persisted in his course with his usual patience and firmness, but made so little way that he was three months without seeing land. At length his provisions b^gan to fail, the crew was reduced to the scanty allow- ance of six ounces of bread a day for each person. The admiral fared no better than the meanest sailor. But, even in this extreme distress, he retained the humanity which distinguishes big character, and refused to comply with the ear- nest solicitations of his crew, some of whom proposed to feed upon the Indian prisoners whom tliey were carrying over, and others insisted to throw them overboard, in ordor to lessen the consumption of their small stock. He represented that they were human beings, reduced by a common calamity to the same condition with themselves, and entitled to share an equal fate. His authority and remonstrances dissipated those wild ideas suggested ty despair. Nor h \d they time to recur ; as he came soon within sight of the coast of Spain, when all their fears and sufferings ended.* Columbus appeared at court with the modest but determined confidence of a man conscious not only of integrity, but of having performed great services. Ferdinand and Isabella, asham- ed of their own facility in lending too favourable an ear to frivolous or unfounded accusations, received him with such distinguished marks of respect as covered his enemies with shame. Their censures and calumnies were no more heard of at that juncture. The gold, the pearls, the cotton, and other commodities of value which Columbus produced, seemed fully to refute what the malecontents had propagated with respect to the poverty of the country. By reducing the Indians to obedience, and imposing a regular tax vpon them, he had secured to Spain a large accession of new subjects, and the establishment of a revenue that promised to be considerable. By the mines which he had found out and. ex- amined, a source of wealth still more copious was opened. Great and unexpected as those advantages were, Columbus represented them only as preludes to future acquisitions, and as the earnest of more important discoveries, which he still meditated, and to which those he had already made would conduct him with ease and certainty.' The attentive consideration of all these circum- stances made such an impression, not only upon 4 Hcrrcra, dec. I. lib. iii. c. 1. Life of Columbui, c. 01 ft Life of Columbui, e. 65, Herrera, dec. I. lib. iii. e. I. 44 HISTORY OF [Book II. ?.« ♦ I ■ t '^■4 i'i ? Isabella, who was (iiUtered with the idea ofbpirig tlus patroness of all Culuinbus't eiiterprisen, but even upon Ferdinand, who having originally ex- pressed his disapprobation ot his schemes, was s'lMl apt to doubt of their success, that they resolved to supply the colony of Hispaniola with every thing which cuuld render it a permanent ostab- liahmeut, and to furnish Columbus with such a fleet, that he might proceed to search for thoik new countries of whose existence he seemed ' .• be corHdent. The measures most proper .'or accomplishing both these designs wcro concsi :ed with Columbus. Discovery had been the mU object of the first voyage to the New Wo; id ; and though, in the second, settlement had been proposed, the precautions taken for that purpose had either been insufficient, or were rendered ineiTectual by the mutinous spirit of the Spa- niards, and the unforeseen calamities arising from various causes. x'Jow a plan was to be formed of a regular colony, that might serve as a model in all future establishments. Every particular was considered with attention, and the whole arranged witli a scrupulous accuracy. The precise number of adventurers who should be permitted to embark was fixed. They were to be of different ranks and professions, and the proportion of each was establiiart of the supplies destined for the colony, and almost two years were spent before the small squadron was equipped, of which he himself was to take the command.' 1496.] This squadron consisted of six ships S Herrcrs, dec. I. lib. iii. r. 2. Touron Hi»t. Gener. d* I'Amcriquc, i. p. 51. 3 P. Hortyr, cput lOH. 1 Life of Coliuabui, c. OS. 5 Herrcra, dec. 1. Ub. iii, c. 9. Book II. Spain were "8 fop the in- Impoivered to leeruit it by 'Ot, however, Ddations of a k> slioiild be l> and mutual |«ite in an in- ' morals m^nt ag order tJ.an ii*it wiien is admitted I the political md incurable B whole, and plent and un. [Is fatally ex- "^aii nation!) practice of consuquencvs which can be i gwat facili- tioii of every losed, his en- tion were so t the patience unter an 1 to ■8 were occa- ity and spirit ^e Spaniards ^e exhausted •ained by *he {e of Ferdi . Margaret of heir second )f Austria ;» ■e malicious lished at the his return, 'gave way, strong for ivever, was Ive. They e assistance ffairs, who f Badajos, rotract the on, that « two ships istined for 'ere spent ipped, o^ oaaud.' six ships ' Gener. d* U98.J AMERICA. 45 only, of no great burden, and but indiiferently provided for a long or dangerous navigation. The voyage which he now meditated was in a course different from any he had undertaken. As ne was fully persuaded that the fertile re- gions of India lay to the south-west of those countries which he had discovered, he proposed as the most certain method of finding out these, to stand directly south fi-om the Canary or Cape de Verd islands, until be came under tbe equi- noctial line, and then to stretch to the west be- fore the favrurable wind for such a course, which blows invariably between the tropics. With this idea he set sail [May 30], and touched first at the Canary, and then at the Cape de Verd Islands [July 4]. From the former he despatch- ed three of his ships with a supply of provisions for the cole, y in Hispaniola; with the other three, he continued his voyage towards the south. No remarkable occurrence happened until they arrived within five degreesof the line [July 19]. There they were becalmed, and at the same time the heat becime so excessive that many of their wine casks burst, the liquors in others soured, and their provisions corrupted.' The Spaniards, who had never ventured so far to the south, were afraid thnt the ships would take fire, and began to apprehend the reality of what the ancients bad taught con- cerning the destructive qualities of that torrid region of the globe. 1'hey were relieved, in some measure, from their fears by a seasonable fall of rain. This, however, though so heavy and unintermitting that the men could hardly keep the deck, did not greatly mitigate the intenseness of the heat. Tlie admiral, who with his usual vigilance hod in perso directed every operation from the beginning of tbe voyage, was so much exhausted by fatigue and want of sleep, that it brought on a violent fit of the gout, accompanied with a fever. All these circumstances con- strained him to yield to O'.ii importunities of his crew, and to alter his course to the north-west, in order to reach some of the Caribbee islands, where he might refit, and be supplied with pro- visions. On the first of August, the man stationed in the round top surprised them with the joyful cry of Land I They stood toward it, and disco- vered a considerable island, which the admiral called Trinidad, a name it still retains. It lies on the r«ast of Guiana, near the mouth of the Orinoco. This, though a river only of the third or fourth magnitude in the New World, far surpasses any of the streams in our hemisphere. It rolls towards the ocean such a vast body of water, and rushes into it with such im- .•tuous force, that when it meets the tide, which on that coast rises to an uncommon height, their collision occasions a swell and agl- 7 P. Maityr, dw. p. 70. tation of tbe waves no less surprising than for- midable. In this r«nflict, the irresistible tor- rent of the river so far prevails, that it freshen* the ocean many leagues with its flood." Colum- bus, before he could conceive tbe danger, was entangled among those adverse currents and tempestuous waves, and it was with the utmost difficulty that he escaped through a narrow strait, which appeared so tremendous that he called it La Boca del Drago. As soon as the consternation which this occasioned permitted him to reflect upon the nature of an appearance so extraordinary, he discerned in it a source of comfort and hope. He justly concluded that such H vast bo''.y of water as this river contain- ed, could not be supplied by any island, but must flow through a country of immense extent, and of consequence that he was now arrived at that continent which it had long been the object of his wishes to discover. Full of this idea, he stood to the west along the coast of those pro- vinces which are now known by the names of I'aria and Cumana. He landed in several places, and had some intercourse with the people, who resembled thobe of Hispaniola in their ap- pearance and manner of life. They wore, as ornaments, small plates ot gold, and pearls of considerable value, which they willingly ex- changed for £uropeau toys. They seemed to possess a better understanding and greater cou- rage than the inhabitants of the islands. The country produced four-footed animals of several kinds, as well as a great variety of fowls and fruits." The admiral was so much delighted with its beauty and fertility, that, with the warm enthusiasm of a discoverer, he imagined it to be the Par&diee described in Scripture, which the Almighty chose for the residence of mai while he retained innocence that render- ed him worthy of such an habitation."* [21] Thus Columbus had tbe glory not only of dis- covering to mankind the existence of a New World, but made considerable progress towards a perfect knowledge of it ; and was the first man who conducted the Spaniards to that vast conti- nent which has been the chief seat of their em- piie, and the source of their treasures in this quarter of tbe globe. The shattered condition of bis ships, scarcity of provisions, his own in- firmities, together with the impatience of his crew, prevented him from pursuing his discove- ries any further, and made it necessary to bear away for Hispaniola. In his way thither he discovered the islands of Cubagua and Margari- ta, which afterwards became remarkable for their pearl-fishery. When he arrived at His- paniola [Aug. 80J, he was wasted toanextremt 8 Gumilla Hist, de rOrenoque, torn. i. p. 14. 9 Herrera, dec. 1. lib. iii. c. 0—11. Life of Columbui, c. fi«— 7:i. 10 Hi-rtcra, dec. 1. lib. ili. c. M. Comara, r. 81. I I ; ;, ■ I . ' i '<» ; HH ii; ■•' 46 HISTORY OF [Book II. degree with fatigue and sickness : but founil tlit; affairs of the colony in suuij a situation as ntford- cd him no prospect of enjoying that vcpose of wrhluh he stood so much In need. Many revolutions hnd happened in that coun- try during his absence. Ill ' l.rother, tlio adc- lantado, in consequence of an advioe which rlie admiral gave before his departure, bad rcn\o\ "il the colony from Isnbelln to a more jommodioiM station, on the opposite side of the i-)»iid, and laid the foundation of St. Domingo,' which wn.'i long the most considerable £ur(>pean town in the New World, and the seat of the supreme courts in the Spanish dominions there. As soon as the Spaniards were established in this new settlement, the ndelnntado, that they might iielth(<( languish In inactivity, nor have leisuri" to form new cabals, marched Into those parts of the ibl;iMd wJiich his brother had not y^t visited or redui't'i fn obedience. As the jieojile were ui^ablt' ti> resist, they siibmi!ti>u ev.?ry wiiere to the tribute wliicl^ he ii',pi!id. But they soon found the burden to be s< iiJ.ilern'ih' that, over- awed as they were by lin; -uiper.-:- j>owcv ol' their oppressors, they tooli nriii-; ntiun^t thcin. Those Insurrections, however wri' not ri>>'iii- dnble. A conflict with timid bik'. r: ked Indi'i.ns was neither danj,'i>roiis .lor of i5 .ubtfiil issuf. But. while the nk'iiaitadu was employed against them in the field, u mutiny of an aspect far more alarming broke out umong the Spa- niards. The ringleader of it was Francis Kol- dnn, whom Col'.nabus had placed in a station which required him to be the guardian of order and tranquillity in \Ue colony. A turbulent and inconsiderate ambition precipitated him into dii.s desperate measure, so unbecoming his rank. 'I'll' arguments which he employed to seduce bis foiititrymen were frivolous and ill founded. He ae 'used Columbus and his two brothers of arrogance and severity ; he pretended that they aimed at establishing an independent dominion in the country ; he taxed them with an inten- tion of cutting oiT part of the Spaniards by hun- ger and fatigue, that they might more easily reduce the remainder to subjection ; he repre- sented it as unworthy of Castilians, to remain the tame and passive slaves of these Genoese adven- turers. As men have always a propensity to impute the hardships of %vbich they feel the pressure to the misconduct of their rulers ; as every nation views with a jealous eye the power and exaltation of foreigners, Roidan's insinua- tions made a deep impressio.i on his country- men. His character and rp.nk added weight to them. A considerable number of the Spaniards made choice of him as their leader ; and, taking arms against the adelantado and his brother, 1 P. Martyr, dec p. 90. seized the king's magazine of provisions, and endeavoured to surprise the fort at St. Domingo. This was preserved by the vigilance and courage of Don Diego Columbus. The mutineers were obliged to retire to the province of X!ii.ii;u», where they continued not only to d'tt l-tim the adelantado's authority themselves, imt <:x<:ucd the Indians to throw off the yoke.* Such was the distracted state of Ihe c<>io;>y when Columbus landed ii* St. Doir/iisiro. H-i was astonished to (ind th»' the three ^i,i•»s wliKli { he had desp,< folli^Hers ivii: eiKitoned. Holdui carefully cuiiecalcd from the coiuraam?- ers of the ships his insinrrrt on i\gain.'':l ;he aLVlniitado, and, employlii; his (L'most aoe and courage ~nutlne«rs were p of Xlll-.<(,'UH, Jlo dNiirilm the ol the r.iilo.-'y •oirJissro, I£f, [ree ,t,!j»s (vii!, li |aries v.-Are not 'soft!,, pilotg, •lad bt:cn cnr- to the west of e shelf. r In a |ia, whiro Kol- "ii> oicitoned. i igninit ihe ■'Host n(i.) -ess i tl cm ti. vet It' iiiw settlers 'ey might pro- t required hut those men to '0 refuse of the licentiousness, liiir; and they dearly resem- " accustomed, •ceiving, when in (lisembark- avvay for St. nit n ti'w days '•■ of provisions such long con- > relk'f to the of such hold became ez- avagantinhis I with resent- 1^ exasperated lie no baste to he thoughts ■■> in which, and strength » might en- e and rom- ne time, he isions which d so far in. I that many the service. •e4:t to the 1499.] AMERICA. 47 ColurabUf, c :^oluinljua, a I public interest, as well as from th!s view of his own situation, he chose to negotiate i-ather than to fight. By a seasonable proclamation, offering free pardon to ruch as should merit it by re- turning to their duty, he made impression upon name of the malei'ontents. By engaging to ff':-ut such as should desire it the liberty of re- tiii iKiig to Spain, he allured all those unfortu- n .to iMlventurcrs, who, from sickness anddisap- p.ii -.J 'lit, were disgusted with the country. j>y v '■ nising to re-establish Uoldau in his for- ti.i;!- .) rice, he soothed his pride ; and, by cora- plyin)> with most of his demands in behalf of his followers, he satisflrd their avarice. Thus, grnduallyand without bloodshed, but after many todioiis negotiations, he dissolved this dangerous cimilii intion, which threatened the colony with ruin -, anu restored the appearance of order, re- gular government, and tranquillity.* in consequence of this agreement with the mutineers, lands were allotted them in different p^rts of the island, and the Indians settled in each district were appointed to cultivate a cer- tain portion of ground for the use of those new masters [H99]. The performance of this work was substituted in place of the tribute formerly imposed ; and how necessa;°y soever such a re- gulutioii might be in a sickly and feeble colony, it introduced among the Spaniards the Itejmrti- micnlas, or distributions of Indians established by them in all their settlements, which brought numberless calamities upon that unhappy peo- ple, and subjected them to the most grievous op- pression.' This was not the only bad effect of the insurrection in Hispaniola ; it prevented Columbus from prosecuting his discoveries on the continent, as self-preservation obliged him to keep near his person his brother the adelan- tado, and the sailors whom he intended to have employed in that service. As soon as his affairs would permit, he sent some of his ships to Spain with a journal of the voyage which he had miide, a description of the new countries which he had discovered, a chart of the coast along which he had sailed, and specimens of the gold, the pearls, and other curious or valuable produc- tions %vhich he had acquired by trafficking with the natives. At the same time he transmitted an account of the insurrection in Hispaniola ; he accused the mutineers not only of having thrown the colony into such violent convulsions as threatened its dissolution, but of having ob- structed every attempt towards discovery and improvement, by their unprovoked rebellion against their superiors, and proposed several re- gulations for the better government of the island, •a well as the extinction of that mutinous spirit. ♦ Hcnrera, dec. I. lib. lil. c. 1,3, 14. Life of Columbus, c. 80, &c. 6 Herren, dec. 1. Ub. ill. c 14, &c. which, though suppressed at present, might soon burst out with additional rage. Roldan and his associates did not neglect to convey to Spain, by the same ships, an a|iology for their own con- duct, together with their recriminations upon the admiral and his brothers. Unfortun-.tely for the honour of Spain and the happiness of Columbus, the latter gained most credit in the court of Ferdinand and Isabella, and produced unexpected effects.* But, previous to the relating of these, it is proper to take a view of some events, which merit attention, both on account of their own importance, and their connection with the history «.r th« New World. While Columbus was en- gaged in his successive voyages to the west, the spirit of discovery did not languish in Portugal, the kingdom where it first acquired vigour, and became enterprising, i-elf-condemnation and neglect were not the only sentiments to which the success of Columbus, and reflection upon their own imprudence in rejecting his proposals, gave rise among the Portuguese. They excited a general emiJation to surpass his performances, and an ardent desire to make some reparation to their country for their own error. With this view, Emanuel, who inherited the enterprising genius of his predecessors, persisted in their grand scheme of opening a passage to the East Indies by the Cape of Good Hope, and soon after his accession to the throne equipped a squa- dron for that important voyage. He gave the command of it to Vasco de Gama, a man of no- ble birth, possessed of virtue, prudence, and courage, equal to the station. The squadron, like all those fitted out for discovery in the in- fancy of navigation, was extremely feeble, con- sisting only of three vessels, of neither burden nor force adequate to the service. As the Eu- ropeans were at that time little acquainted with the course of the trade-winds and periodical monsoons, which render navigation in the At- lantic Ocean, as well as In the sea that separates Africa from India, at some seasons easy, and at others not only dangerous but almost impracti- cable, the time chosen for Gama's departure was the most improper during the whole year. He set sail from Lisbon on the ninth of July, [1497], and, standing towards the south, had to struggle for four months with contrary winds before he could reach the Cape of Good Hope. Here - their violence began to abate [Nov. SO] ; and during an interval of calm weather, Gama doubled that formidable pro- montory, which had so long been the boundary of navigation, and directed his course towards the north-east, along the African coast. He touched at several ports ; and after various ad- 6 Hcrrera, dec. I. lib. iii. c. \i. Benson. ,Hiat Nov. Orb. lib. 1. 0. 2. -j-u.ji-.im.aj. '? • l" » f ; -t; ¥^t; ( »: i:-^. 4« HISTORY OF [OuoK 11. t\.. venture!, whicli the Portuguese historians re- late wiih high but just encomiums upon his conduct and intrepidity, he came to anchor before the city of Melinda. Tliroughout all the vast countries -tvhich extend along the coast of Africa, from the river Senegal to the confines of Zanguebar, the Portuguese had found a race of men rude and uncultivated, strangers to letters, to arts, and commerce, and differing from the InhabltanU of Europe no less In their features and complexion than In their mannei-s and institutions. As they ad- vanced from this, they observed, to their in- expressible Joy, that tlie human form gradually altered and Improved; the Asiatic features began to predominate, marks of civilization appeared, letters were known, tlie Alahometan religion was established, and a commerce far from being inconsiderable was carried on. At that time several vessels from India were In the port of Melinda. Gama now pursued his voyage with almost absolute certainty of suc- cess, and, under the conduct of a Mahometan pilot, arrived at Calecut, upon the coast of Malabar, on the twenty-second of May, one thousand four hundred and ninety-eight. What he beheld of the wealth, the populousness, the cultivation, the industry, and arts of this highly civilized country, far surpassed any idea that he had formed, from the imperfect accounts which the Europeans bad hitherto received of It. But 08 he possessed neither sufficient force to at- tempt a settlement, nor proper commodities with which he could carry on commerce of any consequence, he hastened back to Portugal, with an account of his success in performing a voyage, the longest, as well as most difficult, that had ever been made since the first inven- tion of navigation. lie landed at Lisbon on the fourteenth of September, one thousand four hundred and ninety-nine, two years two months and five days from the time he left that port. ' Thus, during the course of the fifteenth cen- tury, mankind mode greater progress in explor- ing the state of the habitable globe, than in all the ages which hod elapsed previous to that period. The spirit of discovery, feeble at first and cautious, moved within a very narrow sphere, and made its efforts with hesitation and timidity. Encouraged by success, it be- came adventurous, and boldly extended its operations. In the course of its progression, it continued to acquire vigour, and advanced at length with a rapidity and force which burst through all the limits within which Ignorance and fear had hitherto circumscribed the activity of the human race. Almost fifty years were employed by the Portuguese in creeping along the coast of Africa from Cp^ Non to Cape de 1 Ilamutio, vol. L 119. D. Verd, the latter of wlilch lies only twelve de- grees to the south of the former. In less than thirty years they ventured beyond the equinoc- tial line into another hemisphere, and penetra- ted to the southern extremity of Africa, at the distance of forty-nine degrees from Cape de Verd. During the last seven years of the cen- tury, a New World was discovered in the West, not inferior in extent to all the parts of the earth with which mankind were at that time acquainted. In the East, unknown seas and countries were found out, and a communi- cation, long desired, but hitherto concealed, wo* opened between Europe and the opulent regions of India. In comparison with events so won- derful and unej'< >!' any importance, but they brought home auch a return of gold and pearls aa inflamed their countrymen witli the desire of engaging In similar adventures.' Soon after [Jan. IS, 1600], Vincent Yanez Finzon, one of the ndmiral's companions in hia first voyage, sailed from Palos with four sliips. He stood boldly towards the south, and was the first Spaniard who ventured across tb.i equinoctial line ; but he seems to have landed on no part of the coast beyond the mouth of the Maragnon, or river of the Amazons. Ail these navigators adopted the erroneous theory of Co- lumbus, and believed that the countries whicli they had discovered were part of the vast con- tinent of India.* During the last year of the fifteent!^ century, that fertile district of America, on the confines of which Pinzon had stopped short, was more fully discovered. The successful voyage of Gama to the East Indies having encouraged the King of Portugal to fit out a fleet so powerful as not only to carry on trade but to attempt con- quest, he gave the command of it to Pedro Al- varez Cabral. In order to avoid the coast of Africa, where he was certain of meeting witli variable breezes or frequent calms, which might retard his voyage, Cabral stood out to sen, and kept so far to the west, that, to his surprise, ho found himself upon the shore of an unknown country, in the tenth degree beyond the lino. He imagined at fifst that it was some island in the Atlantic ocean, hitherto unobserved ; but, proceeding along its coast for several dayii, he was led gradually to believe, that a country so extensive formed a part of some great continent. This latter opinion was well founded. The country with which he fell in belongs to that province in South America now known by thn name of Brasil. He landed ; and having form- ed a very high idea of the fertility of the soil, and agreeableness of the climate, he took posses- sion of it for the crown of Portugal, and den- patched a ship to Lisbon with an accountof thii event, which appeared to be no less important than it was unexpected.* Columbus's discovery of the New World was the eiTart of an active 3 P. Martyr, ilcc. p. 87. Ilcrrera, dec. 1. lib. iv. c. 5. 4 Herrera, dec. I. lib. iv. c. 6. 1'. Martyr, dec. p. 9^ 5 Heriem, dec. I. lib. Iv. c. 7. ^ "ir'i - ^1 ''in 1 i 1 i' 1 V •s 1 ' .'>0 mSTOUY OF [Hm.K II. f^. KcnluK eiiliKlitened by MiencF, nikided by itxp«ri- viici'i Riid acting u|hiii a rrgulHr |)lnii rxeciitcd with no Ini courage than p«ri«veranrc. Itut i'nim thix adventnr«> of the Portiigupur, it ap- |M>nn that chance might have acroinpllNhi'd that gi'Hiit dfitign whirli it ia now tlic pridn of human rraHon tu hnvu Ciirmed and {ivrlectrd. If the Nagncity of Columbui had not conducted man- kind tM America, Cabral, by a fortunate acci- dent, might have led them, a few yearv later, to the knowletlge of that extensive continent. ' While the Spaniard* niid I'ortugiiese, by thoM aui'veuive voyages, were daily acquiring more enlarged ideas of the extent and opulence of that <|uni't«r uf the globe which Columbus bad made known lu them, he himself, far from enjoying the tranquillity and honours with which his services should have been recompensed, was struggling with every distress in which the envy and malevolence of the people under his com- mand, or the ingratitude of the court which he served, could involve him. Though the pacifica- tion with lluldan broke the union and weakened the force of the mutineers, it did not extirpate the seeds of discord out of the island. Several of the malecontents continued in arms, refusing to submit to the admiral. Iln and his brothers were obliged to take the field iii .erniitely, in order to check their incursions, or to punish their crimes, 'i'he perpetual occupation and disquiet which this created, prevented him from giving due attention to the dangerous machina- tions of bis enemies In the court of Spain. A gooeen so scanty that they fell far short of defraying the expense of the armaments fitted out. The glory of the discovery, together with the prospect of remote commercial advantages, was all that Spain had yet received In return for the efforts which she had made. But time had already diminished the first sensations of Joy which the discovery of a New World occa- sioned, and fame alone was not an olject to satiitfy the cold Interested mind of Ferdinand. The nature of commerce was then so little un- derstood that, where immediate gain was not acquired, the hope of distant benefit, or of slow and moderate returns, was totally disregarded. Ferdinand considered Spain, on this account, as having lost by the enterprise of Columbus, and Imputed it to his misconduct and Incapacity for government, that a country aboimding in gold had yielded nothing of value to Its conquerors. Even Isabella, who from the favourable opinion which she entertalued of Columbus had uni- formly protected him, was shaken at length by the number and boldness of his accusers, and began to suspect that a disaffection so general must have been occasioned by real grievances, which called fur redress. The Bishop of Bada- JoB, with his usual animosity against Columbua, encouraged these suspicions, and confirmed them. As soon as the queen began to give way to the torrent of calumny, a resolution fatal to Colum- bus was taken. Francis de Bovadilla, a knight of CulatravR, was appointed to repair to His- panlola, with full powers to Inquire into the conduct of Columbus, and if he should find the charge of maladministration proved, to supersede him, and assume the government of the Island. It was impossible to escape condemnation, when this preposterous commission made It the Inter- est of the judge to pronounce the person whom he was sent to try, guilty. Though Columbus had now composed all the dissensions in the Island ; though ho had brought both Spaniards and Indians to submit peaceably to his govern- ment ; though he had made such effectual pro- vision for working the mines, and cultivating the country, as would have secured a considera- ble revenue to the king, as well as large profits to individuals; BovadiUa, without deigning to attend to the nahire or merit uf those services, discovered from the moment that he landed in 9 Life of Cdlumbui, c. 8S. n [Book II. th« roiirtlrm, w'hfmM, an*! •ten, not only I mr, to thrnn the flatterInK given of the !M from it hail y ffll far itliort inamenli fitted togetlier with iImI advantaitr*, eired In return ide. But time aenrntioni of w World occa- >t an ol^eet to of Ferdinand. en 10 little un- i;aln wai not lefit, or of elow lily disregarded. thii account) an Coiumbui, and d incapacity for xmding in gold its conqueror*. rournbie opinion imbus bad unl- len at lenj^th by is arrusers, and ration so general real grievances, Bishop of Bada- ainst Columbua, and confirmed > give way to the n fatal to Colum- vadilln, a knight repair to His- inqulre into the e should find the ived, to supersede nt of the Island, lemnation, when lade it the inter- he person whom liough Columbus Isscnsions in the ; both Spaniards y to hi* goveru- sh eifectual pro- and cultivating ired a considera- 1 as large profita lout ilpigning to >f those services. mt he landed in .85. 1500.] AMERICA. .5 1 lllspanlola, a determined purpose of treating him asaerimlnal. lie took possession of the admiral's house in St. Oomingo, from which its master happened at that time to be absent, and seized bis effects, as If his guilt had been already fully proved ; he rendered himself master of the fort and of the King's stpres by violence i be requir- pil nil |ier«ons to acknowledge him as supreme governor ; he set nt lllN>rty the prisoners con- fined by the admiral, and stunmoned him to ap- pear before his tribunal, in order to answer for his conduct ; transmitting to him, together with the summons, a copy of the royal mandate, by which Ciilumbus was enjoined to yield Implicit obedience to his commands. Columbus, though deeply nfTected with the Ingratitude and injustice of Ferdinand and Im- helta, did not hesitate a moment about his own conduct. He submitted to the will of his so- vereigns with a respectful silence, and repaired directly (October] to the court of that violent nnd partial Jroc«ediugs ot Uovadllla with a general approbation, which reflects dishonour upon their name and country, one ninn still r»> talned • proper sense' of the great actions which Columbus had performed, and was touched with the sentiments of veneration and pity due to hi* rank, his age, and his merit. Alonzode Valejo, the captain of the vessel on hoard which the admiral wns conflned, as soon a* he was clenr ol the Island, approached his prisoner with great respect, and offered to release him from the fet- ters with which he was unjustly loaded. " No," replied Columbus with a generous Indignation, " I wimr these irons in consequence of an onler from my sovereigns. They shall find me as obedient to this as to their other Injunctions. By their command I have been confined, and their command alone shall set me at liberty."' Nov. 93,] Fortunately, the voyage to Spnin was extremely short. As soon as Ferdinand and Isabella were Informed that Columbus whs brought home a prisoner and In chains, they perceived at once what universal astonishment this event must occasion, and what an impres- sion to their disadvantage It must make. All Europe, they foresaw, would be filled with in- dignation at this ungenerous requital of .i man who had performed actions worthy of the high. est recompense, and would exclaim against the injustice of the nation, to which he had been such an eminent benefactor, as well as against the Ingratitude of the princes whose reign he had reiidered illustrious. Ashamed of their own conduct, and eager not only to make some reparation for this injury, but to efface the stain which it might fix upon their character, they instantly issued orders to set C- ceived him with decent civility, and IsH^eila with tenderness and respect. They both ex- pressed their sorrow for what had happened, disavowed their knowledge of it, and Joined in promising him protection and future fa- vour. But though they instantly degraded ;» I ife of CnluinbiK, c. tW. Hcrrcrs, dec. 1. Ilh, iv, a 8—11. Gomsrs Hiat. c. » Ovledo, lib. ill. c. 6. . '-'^K"-'" 52 HISTORY OF [DoOK ,r. ( '< ;■ it- I liuvadillii, in orilflr to ramovo rrom thani- ■ufIvm aiijr (Uiplcton of hitvliig aulliorlxctl hit vkticnt pr<) UL-h a degree that he could no longer conceal the acntimenta which it excited. Wherever he went he carried about with him, a* a memorial iif their Ingi'atitude, tboae fettera with which he hud been loaded. They were constantly bung up In hia chamber, and he gave orders, that when he died they should be buried in his f;rave.' I&OI.] Meanwhile the spirit of discovery, notwithstanding the severe check which it bad received by the ungenerous treatment of the man who first excited it In Simin, continued nrtlve and vigorous. [January] Itoderigo de Hnstidos, a person of distinction, fitted out two ^llip8 in copartnery with John de la Coao, who liiiving aerved under the admiral in two of his voyages waa deemed the most skilful pilot in Spain. They steered directly towards the con- tinent, arrived on the coast of I'arla, and, pm- c-cedlng to the west, discovered all the coaat of I be province now known by the name of Tierra I'irme, from Cape de Velu to the Gulf of Da- rien. Not long after Ojeda, with hia former lutsociate Amerigo Vespucci, set out upon a se- cond, voyage, and, being unacquainted with the destination of Baatidas, held the same course nnd touched at the same places. The voyage of Uuatldos was prosperous and lucrative, that of Ojeda unfortunate. But both tended to in- crease the nrdour qf discovery ; for in proportion IIS the Spaniards acqulrFd a more extensive knowledge of the American continent, their idea of Its opulence and fertility inci^cused'." I Hcrrcra, dec. I. lib. iv. c. 10— ISi. •..«7. IJ UTu of Culutnbug, c. 8C. p. 577. 3 Hcrrcra, dec. I. lib. iv. c. II. Life of C^olumbua, Befort these adventurers returned from their voyages, a Meet was aquipped, at the public ex- pense, for carrying over Ovando, the new go- venior, to llia|>anlola. Ills presence there waa extremely requisite, in order to atop tba incon- siderate car-ier of BovadllU, whose imprudent admiiiislratlon threatened the aetttrment with ruin. Conscious of the violence and iniquity of his proceedings against Columbus, he continued to make it his sole object to gain the favour and support of his countrymen, by aeuuuimudaling himself to their passions and prejudices. >Vith this view, he estobiiiihed rcgulutions In every point ibt reverse ol thime which Columbus (leemril esaentinl to the prosperity of the colony. Instutid of til .' severe discipline, necessary In order to habituate the dissolute and corrupted members of which the society was compusud, to the rcstralnta of law and sulMrdinatlun, he suf- fered them to enjuy such uncontrolled license as encouraged tlie wildest excesses. Instead of protecting the Indians, he gave a legal sanction to tlie oppression of that unhappy people. lie took the exact number of such aa survived their post calamities, divided them into distinct clas- ses, distributed them in property among bis ad- herents, and reduced all the people of the island to a state of complete servitude. As the avarice of the Spaniards was too rapacious and impatient to try any method of acquiring wealth but that of searching fur gold, Oils servitude became aa grievous as it was unjust. The Indians were driven in crowds to the mountains, and com- pelled to work In the mines, by masters wlio imposed their tasks without mercy or discretion. 1.4tbour so disproportioned to their strength and former habits of life, wasted that feeble race iil' men with such rapid consumption, as must have soon terminated in the utter extinction of the ancient Inhabitanta of the country.* The necessity of applying a speedy remedy to those disorders hastened Ovando'a departure. He had the command of the most reapeotable armament hitherto fitted out for the New World. It consisted of thirty-two shipo, on board of which two thousand Ave hundred per- sons embarked with an intention of settling in the country. [1608.] Upon the arrival of the new governor with this powerful reiuforcemeitt to the colony, BoTodiUn resigned his charge, and waa commanded to return instantly to Spain, in order to answer for bis conduct. Itol- dan and the other ringleaders of the mutineers, who hod been most active in opposing Colum- bus, were required to leave the island at the same time. A proclamation waa issued, de- claring the nativca to be free subjects of Spain, of whom no servica waa to be expected contrary 4 Hcrrcra, dct. I. lib. iv. c. II, &c. Ovicdo Hitt. iltx lii. c. 0. p. U7. Bcnxon Hief. lib. i. e. li.p, 51. [Book i.', i«il from their thfl public ax- the now |o. inc* tbvre wm top tba incon- DM iiiipriid«iit ittlrnieiit with iiikI Iniquity of he oontlnutd the favour and iCvouimodallnc udlcee. With tlon* In every ich Columbue of the C4i1ony. iieceuary in and I'urrupted IH cuinposvd, to latiun, he luf- 'olled Ilcenu) ae I. Intteoil of ) legal sanction Py people. Ho eurvlved tlitir to diatlnct claa- |r among his ad - pie of the Island As the avarice IS and Impatient wealth but that itude became as e Indians were taiiiH, and com- ity masters who vy or discretion, eir strength and at feeble race iif >ni as must havn Ktlnction of the ry.« wedy remedy to ido's departure, most reepeotable for the New r-two ships, on ve hundred per- in of settling in e arrival of the il reiuforcement ned his charge, m Instantly to s conduct, liol. ' the mutineers, ippoaing Colum- lie island at the was Issued, de- ibjects of Spain, cpncted contrary Ovicdo Hiit. litx i.p. 51. 1503.] AMERICA. 63 Ui their own inshnntlon, and without pay- ing them an adequate price for their labour. With reepeiit to the Spaniards themielvee, various regulations were made, tending to aup- preae th« licentious spirit which bad been so fatal to (he colony, and to cstabliah that rever- ence for law and order on which society Is founded, and to which It Is Indebted for lu Increase and stability. In ordar to limit the exorbitant gain which private persona were suppoeed to make by working the mines, an ordinance was published, directing all the gold to be brought to a public amelting-house, and dei-Jaring one half of it to be the property of the crown. » While these step* were taking for securing tlie tranquillity and welfare of the colony which Columbus had planted, he himself was engaged In the unpleasant employment of soliciting the favour of an ungrateful court, and iiotwith- standlng all his merit and services, he solicited In vain. Ha demanded, In terma of the original capituhitlon in one thouaand four hundred and ninety-two, to be reinatated In hia office of viceroy over the countrlea which he had die- covered. By a atrnnge fatality, the clrriim- atance which he urged in aupport of hie claim, determined a Jealoua monarch to r<\|ttct It. The grcatneaa of his diaooverlaa, and the proapect of their increoalng value, made Ferdinand con- aider the conceaaiona In the capitulation as ex- travagant and impolitic. He wna afraid of Intruating a aubject with the exerciae of a Juria- dlution that now appeared to be ao extremely extensive, and might grow to be no leas formi- dable. He Inaplrad laabella with the same suc- piclons; and under various pretexts, equally IVIvolous and unjust, they eluded all Colum- bus's requisitions to perform that which a solemn compact liound them to accomplish. After attending the Court of Spain for near two years, as an humble suitor, he found it impossible to remove Perdinand'a prejudicea imd apprehenslona ; and iierceived at length that he laboured In vain, when he urged a claim of .lustice or merit with an intereated and unfeel- ing prince. Dut even this ungenerous return did not discourage bini fVom pursuing the great object which first called forth his Inventive genius, and excited him to attempt discovery. To open a new passage to the East Indies was his original and favourite scheme. Thia still en- grossed his thoughts; and either from hla own observations in his voyage to I'aria, or from aome obscure hint of the natives, or from the iiccounts given by Basttdas and de la Cosa of their expedition, he conceived an opinion that A Solonano PoliUca Indiana, Ub, L c. IS, Ilcrrcrs, dec. I. Ub. iv. c 12. beyond the continent of America there was a aea which extended to the Kaat Indies, and hoped to And aome atralt or narrow neek of land, by which a communieallun might be opened with it and the part of the ocean al- ready known. By a very fortunate conjecture, be kuppoeed this strait or Isthmus to be situated near the Uulf of Darleu. Full of this Idea, though he was now of an advanced age, worn out with flitigue, and broken with Inflrmillcs, he offered, with the alacrity of a youthful ad- venturer, to undertake a voyage which would ascertain this important point, and perfect the grand scheme which from the beginning he proposed to accomplish. Several circumstancee concurred in disposing Ferdinand and Isabella to lend a favourable ear to this proposal. 'I'hey were glad to have the pretext of any huuouralile employment for remo^'lng from court a man with whoae demande they deemed It impolitic to comply, and whoae aervicea it was indecent to neglect. Though unwilling to reward Co- lumbus, they were not insensible of his merit, and from their experience uf his skill and con- duct, had reason to give credit to his conjectures and to conflde In his success. To these consider- ations, a third must be added of siill more pow- erful InHuence, About this time the Portuguese Meet, under Cabral, arrived from the Indies ; and, by the richness of Its cargo, gave the |H-t>ple of Kurope a more perfect idea than they had hitherto been able to form, of the opulence and fertility of the East. The I'ortuguese had been more fortunate in their discoveries than the Spaniards. They had opened a communica- tion with countries where Industry, arts, and elegance flourished ; and where commerce had been loimer established, and carried to greater extent than In any region of the earth. Their first voyages thither yielded Immediate aa well as vast returns of profit, In commodities ex- tremely precious and in great request. Llabon became Imuiediately the aeat of commerce and wealth ; wh.'le Spain had only the expectation of remote benefit, and of future gain, from the weatern world. Nothing, then, could be more acceptable to the Spaniards than Columbua's offer to conduct them to the Last, by a route which he expected to be shorter, as well as leas dangerous than that which the I'ortuguese had taken. £ven Ferdinand was roused by such a prospect, and warmly approved of the under- taking. But interesting as the object of this voyag** was to the nation, Columbus could procure only four small burks, the largest of which did not exceed seventy tons In burdea, for performing it. Accustomed to brave danger, and to engagti in arduous undertakings with Inadequate force, be did not hesitate to ncc«pt the command of this pitiful squadron. His brother Uartholo- , mew, and his second son Ferdinand, the hisln- 54 HISTORY OF [Book IT. W' •I; .J r r rimi of his actloni, accompanied him. He willed frnir Cadiz on the ninth of May, and touched, as usual, at the Canary islands ; from thence he proposed to haveit stood directly for the con- tinpnt ; but his largest vessel was so clumpy and unfit for service, as constrained him to bear away for Hispaniola, in hopes of exchanging her for some ship of the fleet that had carried out Ovando. When he arrived at St. Domingo [June 29], he found eighteen of these ships ready loaded, and on the point of departing for Spain. Columbus immediately acquainted the governor with the destination of hU voyage, and the accident which had obliged him to alter his route. He requested permission to enter the harbour, not only that he might negotiate the exchange of his ship, but that he might take shelter during a violent hurricane, of which he discerned the approach from various prognos- tics which his experience and sagacity had taught him to observe. On that account, he advised him lilccwise to put ulf for some days the departure of the fleet bound for Spain. But Ovando refused his request, and despised his counsel. Under circumstances in which huma- nity would have afforded refuge to a stranger, Columbus was denied admittance into a country of which he had discovered the existence and acquired the possession. His salutary warning, which msrited the greatest attention, was re- garded as the dream of a visionary prophet, who arrogaitly pretended to predict an event beyond the reach of human foresight. The fleet set sail for Spain. Nerft night the hurri- cane came on with dreadful impetuosity. Co- lumbus, aware of the danger, took precautions against It, and saved his little squadron. Tho fleet destined for Spain met with the fate which the rashness and obstinacy of its commanders deserved. Of eighteen ships two or three only escaped. In this general wreck perished Bova- dilla, Roldan, and the greater part of those who had been the most active in peraeruting Colum- bus, and oppressing the Indians. Together with themselves, all the wealth which they had acquired by their injiistice and cruelty was swallowed up. It exceeded in value two hun- dred thousand jH-nn/i ; an immense sum at that pet iod, and sufllcirnt not only to have screened them from any severe scrutiny Into their con- duct, but to have secured them a gracious r«' ception In the Spanish court. Among the ships that escaped, one had on board all the eifiTects of Columbus which had been recovered from the ruins of his fortune. Historians, struck with the exact discrimination of characters, as well as th) just distribution of rewards and punishments, conspicuous in those events, uni- versally attrilvite them to an Immediate inter- position of Divine frovldmce, in order to avenge the wrongs of nn injured man, and t.) punish the oppressors of an innocent people. Upon the ignorant and •nperstltious race uf men, who were witnesses of this occurrenee, It made a different impression. From an opi- nion which vulgar admiration is apt to entertain with respect to persons who have distinguished themselves by their sagacity and inventions, they believed Columbus to be possessed of super- natural powers, and imagined that he had con- jured up this dreadful storm by magical art and Incantations in order to be avenged of his ene- mies.' Columbus soon left Hispaniola [July 14], where he met with such an inhospitable rece|i- tlon, and stood towards the continent. After a tedious and dangerous voyage, he discovered Guanala, an island not far distant from the coast of Honduras. There he had an interview with some inhabitants of the continent, who arrived in a large canoe. They appeared to he a people more civilized, and who had made greater progress In the knowledge of useful arts than any whom he had hitherto discovered. In return to the inquiries which the Spaniards made, with their usual eagerness, concerning the places where the Indians got the gold which they wore by way of ornament, they directed them to countries situated to the west. In which gold was found In such profusion that It was applied to the most common uses. Instead of steering in quest of a country so inviting, which would have conducted him along the coast of Yucatan to the rich Empire of Mexico, Colum- bus was so bent upon his favourite scheme of finding out the strait which he supposed to com- municate with the Indian Ocean, that he bore away to the east towards the gulf of Darien. In this navigation he discovered all the coast of the continent, from Cape Gracias a Dios to a harbour which, on account of its beauty and security, he called Porto Bello. He searched In vain for the imaginary strait, through which he expected to make his way into an unknown kea ; and though he went on shore several times, and advanced into the country, he did not penetrate so far as to cross the narrow isthmus which separates the Gulf of Mexico from the great Southern Ocean. He was m> much delighted, however, with the fertility of the country, and conceived such an idea of Its wealth, from the specimens of gold produced hy the natives, that he resolved to leave a small co- lony upon the river Belen, in the province of Veragua, under the command of his brother, and to return himself to Spain [150SJ, In order to procure what was requisite for rendering the es- tablishment permanent. But the unp>vernablR spirit of the people under his command, deprived Columbus of the glory of planting the first colu- I Oviedo, lib. ill. c. 7, !>. I.tr* of Coliitnbun, c, 88, Ilcrrrrs, dec, I. lib. v. e. I. !. Book IT. Itioui race of ■■ occnrreneo, h'rom an opU pt to entertain j distinguished Id inventions, tssed of super- It he had con- faglcal art and of his ene- la [July 14], pitable rere|t- inent. After he discovered int from the an interview mtinent, who ppeared to be 'ho had mtide of useful arts to discovered. the Spaniards as, concernin)( the gold which they directed west, in which ion that it was !s. Instead of nviting, which ng the coast of Mexico, Coliim- irite scheme of ipposed to r^m- I, that he bore Itulf of Darien. all the coast of IS a Dios to a its beauty and lie searched through which > an unknown shore several ouiitry, he did «s the narrow ulf of Mexico I. He was so the fertility of an idea of its Id piiiduced by Ave a small I'o- he province of lis brother, and IJ, In order to sndering thees- e niipovernable manti, deprived I the flrstcolu- e.1. Ub. v.o. 1,3. 1504..] A M E It I C A. 55 iiy on the continent of America, 'iiieir inso- lence and rapaciousness provolced the natives to take anus ; and as these were a more hardy and warlike race of men than the inhabitants of the islands, they cut off part of the Spaniards, and obliged the rest to abandon a station ^vhich was found io be untenable.' This repulse, the first that the Spaniards inet with from any of the American nations, was not the only misfortune that befell Columbus ; it was followed by a succession of all the disas- ters to which navigation Is exposed. Furious huiT'ii-anes, with violent storms of thunder and ligh . iiig, threatened his leaky vessels with desti-uction ; while his discontented crew, ex- hausted with fatigue and destitute of provisions, was unwilling or unable to execute bis com- mands. One of his ships perished ; he was obliged to abandon another, as unfit for service ; and with the two which remained, he quitted that part of the continent, which in his anguish he named the Coast of Vexation,' and bore away for Hispaniola. New distresses awaitinl him in this voyage. He was driven l>ack by a violent tempest from the coast of Cuba, his ships fell foul of one another, and were so much shattered by the shock that with the utmost difficulty they reiiched Jamaica [June 31], where be was obliged to run them agi'ound, to prevent them from sinking. The measure of his calamities Bceiiied now to be full. He was cost ashore upon an island a' a cons'.dei'able distance from theoiiiy settleintiU cf tbe Spaniards in America. His ships were ruined beyond the possibility of being repaired. To convey an account of his situation to Hispaniola appeared impracticable; and without this it was vain to expect relief. His genius, fertile in resources, and most vigor- ous in those perilous extremities when feeble minds abandon themselves to despair, discovered the only expedient which afforded any prospc-rt of deliverance. He had recourse to the hospi- table kindness of the natives, who, considering the Spaniards as beings of a superior nature, were eager, on every occasion, to minkter to their wants. From them he obtained two of their canoes, each formed out of the trunk of a single tree hollowed with fire, and so misshapen and awkward as hardly to merit the name of boats. In these, which were fit only for creep- ing along the coast, or crossing from one side of a bay to .another, Mendez, a Spaniard, and Fieschi, a Genoese, two gentlemen particularly attached to Columbus, gallantly offered to set out for Hispaniola, upon a voyage of above thirty leagues.* This they accomplished in ten days, after surmounting incredible dangers, and 2 Hcrrera, dec. 1. liu v. c. S, &c. c. W, &c. Oviedo, lib. iii. c. U. 3 l^ Costa do Io* Conilrattet, 4 Uvisdo, lib. 111. c. U. Life of Columbus, enduring such fatigues that several of the In- dians who accompanied them sunk under it, and died. The attention paid to them by the gover- nor of Hispaniola was neither such as their courage merited, nor the distress of the persons from whom theyjime required. Ovando, from a mean jealousy of Columbus, was afraid of al- lowing him to set foot in the island under his government. This ungenerous [lassion harden- ed his heart against every tender sentiment which reflection upon the services and misfor- tunes of that great man, or compassion for his own fellow-citizens involved in the same cala- mities, must have excited. jV^endez and Fies- chi spent eight months in soliciting relief for their commander end associates, without any prospecjt of obtaining it. During this period, various passions agitated the mind of Columbus and his companions in adversity. At first, the expectation of speedy deliverance, from the success of Mendez and Fiesclii's voyage, cheered the spirits of the most desponding. After some time the most timor- ous began to suspect that they had miscarried in their daring attempt [1504]. At length, even the most sanguine concluded that they bad perished. The ray ot hope which had broke in upon them, made their condition appear now more dismal. Despair, heightened by disappointment, settled in every breast. Their last resource bad failed, and nothing remained but the prospect of ending their miserable days among naked savages, far from their country and their friends. The seamen, in a transport of rage, ruse in open mutiny, threatened the life of Columbus, whom they reproached as the author of all their calamities, seized ten canoes, which they had purchased from the Indians, and, despising hit. remonstrances and entreaties, made oif with them to a distant part of the island. At the same time the natives murmur- ed at the long residence of the Spaniards in their country. As their industry was not greater than that of their neighbours in Hispaniola, like them they found the burden of supporting so many strangers to be :-.ltogether intolerable. They began to bring in provisions with reluc- tance, they furnished them with a sparing hand, and threatened to withdraw those supplies alto- gether. Such a resolution must have been quickly fatal to the Spaniards. Their safety depended upon the good will of the Indians ; and unless they could revive the admiration and reverence with which that simple people had at first beheld them, destruction was unavoidable. Though the licentious proceedings of the mu- tineers had in a great measure effaced those im- pressions which had been so favourable to the Spaniards, the ingenuity of Columbus suggested a happy artifice, that not only restored but heightened the high opinion which the Indians had originally entertained of them. By his skill in astronomy, he knew that there waa I 56 HISTOIIY OF [Book II. 'i ; I f :'^ i » f - shortly to bo a total eclipse of the moon. lie assembled all the principal persons of the district around hi in on the day before it happened, and, after rej>roaching them for their ticldeness in withdrawing their affection and assistance from men whom they had lately revered, he told them, that the Spaniards were servants of the Great Spirit who dwells in heaven, who made and governs the world ; that be, offended at their refusing to support men who were tlie ob' jects of his peculiar favour, was preparing tu punish this crime witli exemplary severity, and that vei'y night the moon should withhold her light, and appear of a bloody hue, as a sign of the divine wratli, and an emblem of the ven- geance ready to fall upon them. To this mar- vellous prediction some of them listened with the careless indifference peculiar to the people of America; others, with the credulous astonish- ment natural to barbarians. But when the moon began gradually to be darkened, and at length appeared of a red colour, all were struck with terror. They ran with consternation to their houses, and returning instantly to Colum- bus loaded «vith provisions, threw them at his feet, conjuring him to intercede with the Great Spirit to avert the destruction with which they were threatened. Columbus, seeming to be moved by their entreaties, promised, to comply with their desire. The eclipse went off, the moon recovered its splendour, and from that day the Spaniards were not only furnished pro- fusely with provisions, but the natives, with su- perstitious attention, avoided every thing that could give them offence.' During those transactions, the mutineers had made repeated attempts to pass over to Uispa- niola in the canoes which they had seized. Hut, from their own misconduct or the violence of the winds and currents, their efforts were oil unsuccessful. Enraged at this disappointment, they marched towards that part of the island where Columbus remained, threatening him with new insults and danger. While they were advancing, an event happened, more cniel and afflicting than any calamity which he dreaded from them. The governor of Hispaniola, whose mind was still filled with some dark suspicious of Columbus, sent a small bark to Jamaica, not to deliver his distressed countrymen, but to spy out their condition. Lest the sympathy of those whom he employed should afford them relief, contrary to bis iuttiiition, he gave the command of this vessel to Escobar, an inveterate enemy of Columbus, who, adhering to bis instructions with malignant accuracy, cast anchor at some distance from the island, approached the shore in a small boat, observed the wretched plight ol I Life of Columbut, c. lOCi. Herrcra, dec, I. lib vl. c. S, 6. Bcnzun. Hiit. lib. i. c. U. the Spaniards, delivered a letter of empty com- pliments to the admiral, received bis amwer, and departed. When the Spaniards first des- cried the vessel standing towards the island, every heart exulted, as if the long expected hour of their deliverance had at length arrived ; but when it disappeared so suddenly, they sunk into the deepest dejection, and all their hopes died away. Columbus alone, though he felt most sensibly this wanton insult which Ovando add- ed to his post neglect, retained such composure of mind as to be able to cheer his followers. He assured them that Mendez and Fieschi had reached Hispaniola in safety ; that they would speedily procure ships to carry them off; but, as Escobar's vessel could not take them all on board, that he had refused to go with her, be- cause he was determined never to abandon the faithful companions of his distress. Soothed with the expectation of speedy deliverance, and delighted with his apparent generosity in at- tending* more to their preservation than to his own safety, their spirits revived, and he regain- ed their coufidence.' Without this confidence he could not have re- sisted the mutineers, who were now at hand. All his endeavours to reclaim those desperate men bad no effect but to increase their frenzy. Their demands became every day more extrava- gant, and their intentions more violent and bloody. The common safety rendered it ne- cessary to oppose them with open force. Co- lumbus, who had been long afflicted with the gout, could not take the field. His brother, the adelantado, marched against them [May 80.J They quickly met. The mutineers rejected with scorn terms of accommodation, which were once more offered them, and rushed on boldly to the attack. They fell not upon an enemy unprepared to receive them. Jn the first shock, several of their most daring leaders were slain. The adelantado, whose strength was equal tu his courage, closed with their captain, wounded, disarmed, and took him prisoner." At sight of this, the rest tied with a dastardly fear suitable to their former insolence. Soon after, they sub- mitted in a body to Columbus, and bound them- selves by the most solemn oaths to obey all his commands. Hardly was tranquillity re-estab- lished when the ships appeared, whose arrival Columbus had promised with great address, though he could foresee it with littl&certainty. With transports of joy the Spaniards quitted an island in which the unfeeling j«aloi(sy of Ovando had suffered them to languish above u year, exposed to misery in all ite various forms. 2 Life of CoUunbus, c. lOK Hcrrera, dec. 1. Ill), vi. c. 17. 3 Life of Columbus, c. 107. Herrers, dec. 1. lib. vL c. II. J 505.] A M E K I C A. 57 When they arrived at St. Domingo [Aug. IS], the governor, with tlic mean artifice of a vulgar mind, tliat lnbour8 to atone fur insolence by ser- vility, fawned on the man whom he envied, and had attempted to ruin. He received Columbus with the most studied respect, lodged bim in his own house, and distinguished him with every mark of honour. But a-Aidst those overacted demonstrations of regard, he could not conceal the hatred and malignity latent in his heart, lie set at liberty the captain of the mutineers, wliom Columbus had brought over in chains to be tried for his crimes ; and threatened such as had adhered to the admiral with proceeding to a judicial inquiry into their conduct. Colum- bus submitted in silence to what he could not redress ; but discovered an extreme impatience to quit a country which was under the jurisdic- tion of o man who had treated him, on every occasion, with Inhumanity and injustice. His preparations were soon finished, and he set sail for Spain with two ships [Sept. 12]. Disasters similar to those which had accompanied him thruugli life continued to pursue him to the end of his career. Une of his vessels being disabled, was soon forced hack to St. Domingo; the other, shattered by violent storms, sailed several hundred leagues with jury-masts, and reached with difficulty the port of St. Lucar [Decem- ber].' There he received the account of an event the most fatal that could have befallen him, and which completed his misfortunes. I'his was the death of his patroness Queen Isabella [Nov. 9], in whose justice, humanity, and favour he confided as his last resource. None now re- mained to redress his wrongs, or to reward him for his servii'i's and sufferings, but Ferdinand, who had so long opposed and so often injured him. To solicit a prince thus jn-ejudiced against him was an occupation no less irksome than hopeless. In this, liowfver, was ("olumbus doomed to employ tlic close of his days. As soon as his health was in some degree re-estal)- lished, he repaired to court ; and though he was received there with civility buroly decent, ho plied Ferdinand with petition after petition, demanding *hc punishment of his oppressors, and the restitution of all the privileges bestowed upon him by the capitulation of one thousand four hundred and ninety-two. Ferdinand amused him with fair words and unmeaning promises. Instead of granting his clain.s, he proposed expedients in ordei* to elude them, and spun out the affair with such apparent art, ns plainly discovered his intention that it slioiild never be terminated. 'V, e dediniTig health of Columbus flattered l-'erc'.iiinud Vkith the hopes of being soon delivcreU irom nn imiwrtunate suitor, and encouraged him to persevere iu this j illiberal plan. Nor was he deceived in his ex- I pectations. Disgusted with the ingratitude of ^ a monarch whom he had served with such flde- ^ lity and success, exhausted with the fatigues and hardships which he had endured, and bro- ken with the infirmities which these had brought upon him, Columbus ended his life at Vallado- lid on the twentieth of May, one thousand five hundrad and six, in the fifty-ninth year of his age. He died with a compoEure of mind suit- able to the magnanimity which distinguished his character, and with sentiments of piety be- coming that supreme respect for religion which he manifested in every occurrence of his life.* BOOK III. While Columbus w»3 crnplnycd in Iii:< las! voyage, severni events wortliy of notice hap- pened in llispaiiiolit. 'i'iie colony there, the parent and nurse of all the siilisfquent establish- ments of Spain in the New World, gradually acquired the form of a regular and prosperous society. The humane solicitude of Isabella to protect the Indians from oppression, and parti- cularly the proclamation by which the Spaniard- were prohibited to compel them to work, retai-d- ed, it is true, for some time the progress of im- provement The natives, who considered ex- emption from toil as extreme feii'oity, scorned every allurement and reward by which they were invited to labour. The Spai ; ;. I 108. Herrera, dec 1. lib. vi c. 58 H I S T U y OF [IJOOK III. s;; * ',4 ■*■., ■ yi f vntini; the ground ; but in ordur to screen liim- sflt' /rom the imputation of liaving subjected them again to servitude, he enjoined their mas- tprs to pay them a certain sum, as the price of tlieir work. He reduced the royal share of the gold found in the mines from the half to the third part, and soon after lowered it to a fifth, at which it long remained. Notwithstanding Isabella's tender concern for the good treatment of the Indianii, and l-'erdinand's eagerness to improve the Koyul revenue, Ovando |)cr.^uaded 'be court tu approve of both these regulations.' liut the Indians, afrcr enjoying respite from oppression, though during a short interval, now fi'K !;,(' yoke of bondage to be so galling that tlipy made several rttemptj to vindicate their own lil'orty. This the Spaniards considered as rolxUi 'i, and took arms in order to reduce them to subj^~'tior. M'hcn war is carried on between nat' us whose state of improvement is in any degrF<' similar, the means of defence bear some proportion ti) those employed in the attack ; and in this equal contest such efforts must be made, such talents are displayed, and such passions roused, as exhibit mankind to view in a situa- tion no less striking than interesting. It is one of the noblest functions of history to observe and to delineate men at a juncture when their minds are most violently agitated, and all their powers and passionti are called forth. Hence the operations of war, and the struggles between contending states, have been deemed by histo- rians, ancient as well as modei .i, a capital and important article in the ainials of human ac- t'oiis. But in a contest between naked savages, and one of the most warlike of the European nations, where science, courage, and discipline on one side, were opposed by ignorance, timidi- ty, and disorder on the other, a particular detail of events would be as unpleasant as uninstruc- tive. If the simplicity and innocence of the In- dians liffd inspired the Spaniards with humani- ty, had softened the pride of superiority into compassion, and had induced them *o improve the inhabitants of the New World, instead of ojiprcssii'g them, some sudden act;i of violence, •iike the two rigor-^us chastisements of impatient instructor >, might have been related without horror. But, unfortunateiy, this consciousness of superiority operated ir, a diifiu'ent manner. The Spaniards wore advanced so far beyond the natives of America in improvement of every kind, that they viewed them with contempt. They conceived the Americans to be animals of nn inferior nature, who were not entitled to the rights aiid privileges of men. In pence they subjected ihem to servitude. In war they ]iald no regard to those laws which, by a tacit con- vention between contending nations, regulate Iltrrcr.c, ilcc. I. lili. v r. 3. hostility, and set some hounds tu its ra^c. They considered them not as men fighting in defence of their liberty, hut as slaves who had revolted against their masters. Their caziques, when taken, were condemned, like the leaders of ban- ditti, to the most cruel anu ignominious punish- ments ; and all their subjects, without regard- ing the distinction of ranss established among them, were reduced to tha same state of abject slavery. With such a spirit and sentiments were hostilities carried on against the cazique of Iliguey, a province at the eastern extremity of the island. This war was occasioned by the perfidy of the Spaniards, in violating a treaty which they had made with the natives, and it w. s terminated by hanging up the cazique, who defended his people with bravery so far superior to that of his countrymen, as entitled him to a better fate." The conduct of Ovando, in another part of the island, was still more treacherous and cruel. The province anciently named Xaragua, n hich extends from the fertile plain where I^eogane is now situated to the western extremity of the island, was subject to a female cazique, named Anacoana, highly respected by the natives. She, from that partial fondness with which the women of America were attached to the Euro- peans (the cause of which shall be afterwards explained), had .i'.-. sy.-i courted the friendship of the Spaniards, aiid loaded them with benefits. But some of the adherents of Uoldan having settled in her country, were so much exasperated at her endeavouring to restrain their excesses, that they accused her of having formed a nlau to throw off the yoke, and to exterminai '.he Spaniards. Ovando, though he knew well what little credit was due t6 such profligate men, marched, without further inquiry, towards Xaraguu, with three hundred foot and seventy horsemen. To prevent the Indians from taking alarm at this hostile appearance, he gave out that his sole intention was to visit Anacoana, to whom his countrymen had been so much in- debted, in the most respectful manner, and to regulate with her the mode of levying the tri- bute payable to the king of Spain. Anacoana, in Older to receive this illustrious guest with due honour, assembled the prinri]ial men in her dominions, to the number of three hundred ; and advancing at the head of these, accompanied by a great crowd of persons of inferior rank, she welcomed Ovando with songs and dances, ac- cording to the mode of the country, and con- ducted him to the place of her residence. 'I'here he was feasted for some days, with all the kindness of simple hospitality, and amused with the games and spectacles usual among the Americans upon occasions of mirth and festivi- i Ilcrrera, i\t. 1. lib. vi. c. 0, MX tendiii were them drawn amoi!| whom the ri New tore mode out til (tropri HispH nimpt iity o loiigei tl,( of Hi consir Ilclaci- l).H. 1507.] AMERICA. 59 , ty. But amidst the security which thiti Iri- Npli'ed, Ovaiidu was niuditatiiig the destruction ut'liis unsuspicious entertainer iind her subjects; and the mean perfidy with which he executed this scheme, equalled liis barbarity in forming it. Under cohiur of exhibiting to the Indians tlie parade of a European tournament, he ad- vanced with his troops, in battle array, towa<'ds tlic house in which Anacoana and tlie chiefs wlio attended her were assembled. The infan- try took possession of all the avenues -.vhich led to the village. The horsemen encompassed the house. These movements wre the object of admiration without any mixt<'<'e of fear, until, upon a signal which had been concerted, the Spaniards suddenly drew their swords, and rushed upon the Indians, defenceless, and as- tonished at an act of treachery which exceeded the conception of undesi^ning nieu. In a mo- ment Anacoana was secu 'ed. All her attend- ants were seized and boui d. Fire was Si!t to the house ; and without ex. drawn, and at the same time the tasks imposed .pon them were increased [1506]. Ovando, without any restraint, distributed Indians ainorig his friends in the island. Ferdinand, to whom tlie (iueen had left by will one Irdf of the revenue arising from tlie settlements in the New World, conferred grants of » similar na- ture upon his courti'.Ts, as the least expensive mode of rcwanling their services. They farmed out the Indians, of whom they were rendered [iroprietors, to their countrymen settled in Ilispaniolii ; and that wretched people, being compelled to laboi-r in orler to satisfy the rapa- city of both, the exactions of their oppressors no lunger knew any bounds. Hut, barbarous as tlii'ir policy was, and fatal to the inhabitants of Ilispaniola, it prodiiced, for so'.ne time, very considerable eifects. By calling forth the force ."5 Ovicilp, lib. iii, c. l-.i. Hcrrera, (ipc. 1. lil), vl. c. + Itclacioii do Dcslriiyc. de lun Iiulias jrar IJart de las t'as.is, 1.. H. of a whole nation, and exerting it in one direc- tion, the working of the mines was carried on with aina-iing rapidity and success. During several years tho gold brought iuto the loyal smelting houses in liispauiolu amounted an- nually to four hunired and sixty thousand pesos, above a hundred thousand pounds sterli ig; which, if we attend to the great change in the value of money since the beginning of the six- teenth century to the present times, must uji- jtear a considerable sum. Vast fortimes were created, of a sudden, by some. Othei-s dissipat- ed, in ostentatious profusion, what they .trquir- ed with facility. Dazzled I«y both, new adven- turcw crowded to America, with the most eager impatience, to share in those treasures which had enriched their countrymen ; and, notwith- standing the mortality occ.r'oncd by the un- healthincss of the climate, the colony continued to increase.' Ovando governed the Spaniards with wisdom and justice not inferior to the rigour with which he treated the Indians. He established equal laws ; and, by executing thein with impartiality, accustomed the people of the colony to rever- ence them. He founded several new towns in ditferent parts of the island, and allured inhabi- tants to them by the concession of various im- munities. He endeavoured to turn the atten- tion of the Spaniards to some branch of industry more useful than that of searching for gold in the mines. Some slips of the sugarcane having been brought from the Canary islands by way of experiment, they were found to thrive wiih such increase in the rich oil and tvarm climate to which they were transplanted, that the culti- vation of them soon became an object of com- merce. Extensive plantations were begun ; sugarworks, which the Spaniards called I'/j^'oiiW, from the various machinery employed in them, were erected, and in' a few years the manufac- ture of this commodity was the great occupation of the inhabitants of Ilispaniola, and the most considei'able source of their wealth." The prudent endeavours of Ovando, to pro- mote the welfare of the colony, were powerfully, seconded by Ferdinand. The large remittances which he I'ectived from the New World opened his eyes, at length, with respect to the import- ance of those discoveries, whioli he hud hitherto aifected to undervalue. Fortune, and his own address, hr.ving now e .iricated him out of those diflicnlties in which he hud been involved by the der.th of his Queen [luO?], and by his disputes with his son-in-law about the government of her dominions," he had full leisure to turn hisnttcn- tiun to the affairs of America. To his provi- ■i Herrcra, ilcc. 1. lib. vi. c. IR, &c. !) Ovieilo, ;il). iv. c. ft. fi Histiiry of the Reign of Chark'S V. vol. ii. p. C, See 60 HISTORY OF [Book III. dent SHgacity Spain is Indebted for mnny of those regulations which gradually formed that system of profound but jealous policy, by which she governs her dominions in the New World, lie erected a court distinguished by the title of Casa de Contratacion, or Board of Trade, com- posed of persons eminent for rank and abilities, to whom he committed the administration of American aifairs. This board assembled regu- larly in Seville, and was invested with a distinct and extensive jurisdiction. Me gave a regular form to ecdesinsticnl government in America, by nominating .'trchbishops, bishops, deans, to- gether with clergymen of sulmrdinate ranks, to take diii'Y'c of the Spaniards established there, as veil PS of the natives who should embrace the Christian faith. Uut notwithstanding the obsequious devotion of the Spanish court to the pr.pal 3i!e, such was Ferdinand's solicitude to pri'veiit any foreign power from claiming juris- '^iction, or acquiring influence, in his new do- luirrlons, that he reserved to the crown of Spain '.he sole right of patronage to the benefices in An.-'v'' ' and stipulated that no papal bull or m; III' bould be pvomulgated there until it wai> previously examined and approved of by his council. With the same spirit of jealousy, he i)roliibitcd any goods to be exported to America, or any person to settle there without a special license from thiit council.' liut, notwithstanding this attention to the po- lice and welfare of the colony, a calamity impend- ed which threatened its dissolution. Tiie original inhabitants, on whose labour the Spaniards in Hispaniola depended for their prosp<;trity, and even their existence, wasted so fast that the extinction of the whole race seemed to be inevitable. When Columbus discovered His- paniola, the number of its Inhabitants was compuced to be at least a million." They were now reduced to sixty thousand in the spare of fifteen years. This consumption of the human species, no less amazing than rapid, was the elTect of several concurring causes. The natives of the American islands were of a more feeble constitution than the inhabitants of the other hemisphere. They could neither perfrm the same work nor endure the same fatigue with men whose organs were of a more vigorous conformation. The listless indolence in which they delighted to pass their days, as it was the effect of their debility, contributed likewise to increase it, and rendered them, tipuni habit •• well as constitution, incapable of hard labour. The food on which they subsisted aifordetl little nourishment, and they were aceustom?d to take it in smaU quantities, itot sufficient to invigorate a languid frame, and render it e^«al 1 Honrera, cK ■ 1. lilx vi. r. 1!>, 80. t; Ibid. liK X. c. 12 to the eiforts of active industry. The Spiiii- iards, without attending to those peculiarities in the constitution of the Americans, imposed tasks upon them which, though not greater than Europeans might have performed with case, were so disproportioned to their strength, that many sunk under the fatigue, and ended their wretched days. Others, prompted by impatience and despair, cut short their own lives with a violent hand. Famine, brought on by compelling such numbers to abandon tho culture of their lands, in order to labour in the mines, proved fatal to many. Diseases of vari- ous kinds, some occasioned by the hardships to which they were exposed, and others by their intercourse with tlie Europeans, who com- municated to them some of their peculiar mala- dies, completed the dcsolatior v>t' the Islnnd. The Spaniards, being thus depiivud of the in- struments which they were accustcmied to em- ploy, found it impossible to extend their im- provements, or even to carry on the viiKk,) which they had already begun [IOCS]. In order to provide an immediate remedy for an evil so alarming, Ovsndo propi)s»'d to transport the inhabitants of the Luca.vo islands to His- paniola. under pretence that they niiglit be civilized with more i'aiulity, and instructed to greater advantage in the Christian religion, if they were united to the Spanish colon}', and placed under the. immediate inspection of the missionaries settled there. Ferdinand, deceived by this artifice, or willing to cotmive at an act of violence which policy represented as necessary, gave his assent to the proposal. Several vessels were fitted out for the Lucayos, the commanders of which informed the na- tives, with whose language they were now well acquainted, that they came from a delicious country, in which the departed ancestors of the Indiaus resided, by whom they were sent to invite their descendants to resort thither, to partake of the bliss enjoyed there by happy spirits. That simple people listened with won- der and credulity; and, fond of visiting tiirlr relations and friends in tliiit happy region, followed the Spaniards with eagerness. By this artifice above forty thousand were decoyed into Hispaniol to share in the sufferings which were the lot of the inh.-ibitHiits of (hat isUnd, and to mingle their groans and tears with those of that wretched race of men.'^ The Spar.lar* had, for some time, caiTied on their operations in the mines of HUpaniola with Mich ardour as « .-11 ns success, that these 8e«ni«d to hare engrmmed their whdie attention. TVf spirit ««■ discovery languished ; and, since th* la»t v<.yage of Columbus, nv enterprise of IHctTcra, 4k. I tiumara lliit r. 11 Hh vii. c, 3, Ovicdo, lib, iii. c. li. >0K III. The Spiiii- ieculiRritiei* IS, impoBcd lot greater rmed with r dtrcngth, and ended 'ompted by their own ie, brought abandon the bour in the used of vari- ardships to ers by their who com- iiliar mula- the Isliiiid. 1 of the in- med to em- id their ini- tlie Wfiikii [150S]. In !mcppy region, :eriiess. By were deroyed lie sutferiiigs taiits of that ins and (caiii f mpn.' ne, caiTied on if H;>pRiiiola ss, that these n'le attention. i ; and, since enterprise of icdo, III. :ii, I-. *i. 1509.] AMERICA. 61 any moment had been undertaken. But as the decrease of the Indians rendered it imposiible to acquire wealth in that island with the same rapi- dity as formerly, this urged some of the more adventurous Spaniards to search for new coun- tries, where their avarice might be gratified with more facility. Juan Ponce de Leon, who com- manded under Ovando In the eastern district of Mispaniola, passed over to the Island of St. Juan de Puerto Ilico, vt'hich Columbus had din- covered In his second voyage, and penetrated into the interior part of the country. As he found the soil to be fertile, and expected, from some symptoms, as well as from the informa- tion of the inhabitants, to discover mines of gold in the mountains, Ovando peiinltted him to at- tempt making a settlement in the Island. This was easily effected by an officer eminent for con- duct no less than for courage. In a few years i'uerto Ilico was subjected to the Spanish go- vernment, the natives were reduced to servi- tude ; and being treated witli the same inconsi- derate rigour as their neighbours in lilspnnioia, the race of original inhabitants, worn out witii fiitiguc and sufferings, was soon cxtprminated.' About the same lime .Iran Uiaz de Soils, in conjunction with Vincent Yancz Pinzon, one of Columbus's original companions, made n voyage to the continent. They held the same course which Columbus had taken as fur as In the island of Guanaios ; but, standing from thence to the west, they discovered a new and extensive province, afterwards known by the name of Yucatan, and proceeded a considerable way along the coast of that country.' Though nothing memorable occurred in tliis voyage, it deserves notice because it led to discovcrMs of greater importance. For the same reason the voyage of Sebastian de Ocampo must be men- tioned. By the command of Ovando he sailed round Cuba, and first disrovered with certainty, that this country, which Columbus once sup- posed to be a part of the continent, w.is a large island." This voyage round Cuba was one of the last irciurrences under the administration of Ovan- do. Ever since the death of Columbus, liis son Don Diego had been employed in soliciting Ferdinand to grant him tiie offices of viceroy and cdmiral in the New World, together with all the other immunities and profits which des- cended to him liy inheritan<»', in consequence of till', original caiiitulatioii with his father. But if these dignitir 5 and revenues ap)>f««Ni so con- siderable to Ferdinand, that, at the expense of being deemed unjust as well :in ungrateful, he I td t Hcrrcra, Her. i. lib, vii. c. 1— t. Uriacinn dc B. dc las last, c. 10 5 llerrcra, dec. I. till. vi. c. 17. fi Iliiil. lil), vii. r I. Gomara. Hist. r. 14. wrested them from Columbus, it is not surpris- ing that he should be unwilling to confer them on his son. Accordingly Don DIogo wasted two years in incessant but fruitless importunity. Weary of this, he endeavoured at length to ob- tain by a legal sentence what he could not pro- cure from the favour of an interested monarch. He commenced a suit against Ferdinand before the council which managed Indian affairs ; anA that court, with integrity which reflects honouf upon its proceedings, decided against the king, and sustained Don Diego's claim of the vice- royalty, together with all the other privileges stipulated in the capitulation. Even after this decree Ferdinand's repugnance to put a subject in possession of such extensive rights might have thrown in new obstacles, if Don Diego had not taken a step which interested very powerful persons in the success of his claims. The sentence of the council of the Indies gave him a title to a rank so elevated, and a fortune so opulent, that he found no difficulty in con- cluding a marriage with Donna Maria, daugh- ter of Don Ferdinand de Toledo, great com- mcndator of Leon, and brother of the duke of Alva, a nobleman of the first rank, and nearly related to the king. The duke and his family espoused so warmly the cause of their new ally, that Ferdinand could not resist their solicita- tions [1509]. He recalled Ovando, and'appoint- ed Don Diego his successor, though even in con- ferring this favour he could not conceal his Jeal- ousy ; for he allowed him to assume only the title of governor, not that of viceroy, which had been adjudged to belong to him.' Don Diego quickly icpiiired to Hispaniola, attended by his brothrr, his uncles, his wife, whom the coiirteHy of the .Sp«niards honoured with the title of rice-()iwi-n, and a numerous vctiiiue of persons of both sexes burn of good tainillcs. He lived with a splendour and mag- nilici'iKi' hitlieito iiiiU!i<»wii in the New World ; and tlic lamily uf Columbus seemed now to enjoy thr honours and rewards due to his in- ventive genius, of which he himself had been cruelly defrauded. 'I'lie colony itself acquired new lustre by the accession of so many inhabit- ants, require them religion which them ; and to nuthority they ised to comply >f which must sible to unin- and Nicuess;t with tire and vives and chil- unil to compel jurisdiction of ' the monarch, itarily subject inent could not too refined for ngs, and ex- Imperfectly ac- s they did not ivhom they had It to dispose of l cer- tain death. In one encounter they slew above seventy of Ojedu's followers, and the Spuniards for the first time, were taught to dread the inhabitants of the New World. Nicuessii was opposed by people equally resolute In defence of their possessions. Nothing could soften ^heir ferocity. Though the Spaniards employed every art to sooth them, and to gain their coirfidence, they refused to hold any Intercourse, or to exchange any friendly office, with men whose residence among them they considered as fatal to their liberty and independence. [i.jlO]. This Implacable enmity of the natives, though it rendered an attempt to establish n settlement in their country extremely difficult as well as dangerous, might have been surmounted at length by the perseverance of the Spaniards, by the superiority of their arms, and their skill in the art of war. But every disaster which can be accumulated upon the unfortunate com- bined to complete their ruin. The loss of their ships by various accidents upon an unknown coast, the diseases peculiar to a climate the most noxious in all America, the want of provisions unavoidable In a country imperfectly cultivated, dissention among themselves, and the incessant hostilities of the natives, involved them in a succession of calamities, the bare recital of wliich strikes one with horror. Though they received two considerable reinforcements from Ilispaniola, the greater part of those who liad engaged in this unhappy expedition perish- ed, in less than ii year, in the most extreme misery. A few who survived settled as a feeble colony at Santa Maria e) Antigua, on the Gulf of Uarien, under the command of Vasco Nug- nez de Balboa, who, in the most desperate exigencies, displayed such courage and conduct as first gained the confidence of his count''^ men, and marked him out as their leader in more splendid and successful undertakings. Nor was he the only adventurtir in this expedition who will appear with lustre in more important scenes. Francisco Pizarro was 'jne of Ojeda's companions, and in tliis school of adversity ncmpanioiis were exposed. Ho was taken ill at St. Domingo before the departure of the fleet, and detained there by a tedious indispusltion.* Notwithstanding the unfortunate Issue of this ex|>edition, the Spaniards were not deterred from engaging in new schemes of a similiar nature. When wealth is acquired gradually by the persevering hand of industry, or accumu- lated by the slow operations of regular com- merce, the means employed are so proportioned to the end attained, that there is nothing to strike the imagination, and little to urge on the active jiowera of the mind to uncommon efforts. But when large fortunes were created almost instantaneously ; when gold and pearls were procured In e.>(change for baubles ; when the countries which produced these rich com- modities, defended only by naked savages, might be seized by the first bold invader ; objects to singular and alluring roused a wonderful spirit of enterprise among the Spaniards, who rushed %vitli ardour into this new path that was opened to wealth and distinction. Whilo this spirit continued warm and vigorous, every attempt either towards discovery or conquest was ap- plauded, and adventurers engaged in it with emulation. The passion for new undertakings, which characterizes the age of discovery in the latter part of the fifteenth and beginning of the sixteenth century, would alone have lieen suffi- cient to prevent the Spaniards from stopping short in their career. But circumstances pecu- liar to Hispaniola, at this juncture, concurred with it in extending their navigation and con- quests. The rigorous treatment of the inhabi- tants of that island having almost extirpated the race, many of the Spanish planters, as I have already observed, finding it impossible to carry on their works with the same vigour and profit, were obliged to look out for settlements in some country where people were not yet wasted by oppression. Others, with the in- considerate levity natural to men upon whom wealth ]>our8 in with a sudden flow, had squau" dered in thoughtless prodigality what they ac- quired with ease, and were driven by necessity to embark in the most desperate schemes, in order to retrieve their affairs. From all these causes, when Don Diego Columbus proposed [16II] to conquer the island of Cuba, and to establish a colony there, many persons of chief distinction in Hispaniola engaged with alacrity in the t Herrera, dec. I. lib. vii. c. II, &c. Gcmara Hi«t c. M,5S, 5U. Bcnioii. Hist lib. 1. c. 19—23. P. Martyr, dccad. p. 132. ■<*ie u II I s r () u Y () I" [HuoK III Vib' IB 'i i »■■ mentiirr, llu gnvo tlio coinniHntl of the lron|M Jestlniid for that service tu . Dir^u NVInsqiicx, one uf liii fnther'i componion* in hit Nrroiid voyage, and who, haviiiK been loti)[ ntled in llinpftnlolu, had acquired an ample foriuiic, with Biirh reputation for probity and priiili'iice, that he seemed to bo well qiialilied for cnnductin)(an expedltitin of importance. Tliree hundred men were deemed suineiont for tlie cnnqucat of an island of almve seven hundred uiilt's in length, nnd filled with inhabitants. But they were of tlie same unwnrlilie character with the people of Ilispaniolu. Tliey were not only intimidated by the appearance of their new enemies, but unprepared to resist them. For though, from the time that the Spaniards tooli possession of the adjacent island, there was reason to expect a descent on their territories, none of the small communities into which Cuba was divided, had either made any provision fur its own dpfenre, or had formt'd any concert for tlieir common safety. The only obstruction the Spaniards met with was from Hatury, a cazique, who had (led from Hispaniola, and had taken possession of the eastern extremity of Cuba. Hu stood upon the defensive at their first landing, and endea- voured to drive them back to their ships. His feeble troopi, however, were soon broken and dispersed ; and he himself being taken prisoner, Velasquez, according to the barbarous maxim of the Spaniards, considered him as a slave wlio had taken arms against his master, and con- demned him tu the flames. Wh'x Matuey was fastened to the stake, a Fi"\'ioU< nn friar, la- bouring to convevt him, v''''>en, if be would embrac the C''t;'i,ti;(M I'^iih. " Are there any Spaniards,' says he nftrisome pause, " in that region of bliss which y.<-t»ble body of followers. IIw directed his cinime towards the Lucayu islands ; and after touciiing at several of them, as well a^ of the Bahama i:.vii to the Spaniards, which he called FK'>'ii*:v, ;ither because hn fell in with it on I'alm Sunday, or on account of its ^ny and beautiful appearance. Hu nttenipled to land in dltfervnt places, but met with sitch vigorous opposition from the na- tives, who were fierce and warlilic, nt convinced him that an Increase of force wa.s requisite to effect a settlement. Satisfied with having open- ed a communication with a new country, of whoso value and importance he conceived very sanguine hopes, be returned to Puerto itico through the channel now known by the name of the Gulf of Florida. It was not merely the passion of searching for ii'w countries that prompted Ponce dc Leon to i.iidertakc this vuyni;o ; he was intlueiiced by uiiu of thoHO visionary ideas, wiiir'h at that time of- ten mingled with tlie spirit of discovery, and rendered it mom active. A trmiition prevaili'il among the natives of Puerto llico, that in tUr isle of Uimini, one of the Liicii)u. , there wa^ i« fountain uf such WMiderful virtue ui to renew the youth and recall the vigour of every pertion who bathed In its salutary waters. In Impcs of finding this grand restorative. Ponce de Leon and his followers rauj^ed through the islands, searching with fruitless solicitude and labour for the fountain which was the chief object uf their expedition. That a tale so fabulous should gain credit among simple and uninstructed Indians is not surprising. That it should make any im- pression upon an enlightened people appears in the present age altogether incredible. The fart, however. Is certain ; and the most aiitliciitic Spanish historiauH mention this extravnijiaiit sally of their credulous countrymen. Tiie .Spa- niards at that period were engaged in a career «f activity which gave a romantic turn to tiicir imagination, and daily presented to them strange and marvellous objects. A New World was opened to their view. They visited islands and conlliiirits, of whose existence mankind in for- mer >i<-i;- had no conception. In those delightful countries nature seemed to assume anolher form : every tree and plant and animal was different from those of the ancient hemisphere. Tliey seemed to be transported into enchanted grouud and after the wonders which they had seen, no- thing, lu the warmth and novelty of their ad- miration, appeared to them so extraordinary as to be beyond belief. If the rapid succession of new and striking scenes made such impression even upon the iiound understanding of Columbus, that he boasted of having found tlie seat of Paradise, it will not apncur strange that Ponce de Leon I [MooK iir Ion anon thnw uUowtn. 1 1 If ucnyu lilunils ; •>m, a* well o-i ri II' l.ii'.Mi to ■'Km i.Vi, ;ither m Sunday, or 111 nppearHMce, nt i^liircii, but I fi'Kin the nn- ', iitconvlnueil 1.1 i'i-<|uislte to I hnvin); oppti . V country, of 'onceivuil vi'i-y I'lieWii Itlco liy the nainout' ' HenrubinK for ice le appears in )le. 'I'he fiiit, lost niitlieiitir s extravnKniit IN. The Sp;!- I ill a career (if turn to their >thenm(r:iiigi> V World was >d islands and nkind in fiir- lose delightful tknolher form : was diffi-reiit phere. They mted ground had seen, nu- f of their ad- ordinary as to ession of new pressioii even idumbus, that t of I'aradise, nice de Leon ViJ!i.] A M K in C A. 65 shoti'i. dream of discovering the foiiiilaln of youth." Soon pfter the expedition to Florida, n dis- covery of much |i(reater importiiiicn was made In another part of AmsrIca. Ualboa having been raised to the government of the small colony at >Santa Maria in Darlen, by the voluntary suf- frage of his associate'-, was so extremely desirous to obtain from the crown a conflrmation of their election, that he detpatcli-'l one of his officer* to Spain, in order to solicit n royal commission, which might Invest hlin with a legal title to the supreme commiiml Conscious, however, that he could not expect success from the patronage of Ferdinand's miiiiiters, with whom he was unconnected, or fVoin negotiating in a court to the artsof wiilnh he was a stranger, he endea- voured to merit the dignity to which be aspired, and aimed at performini' some signal service that would secure him tlii- preference to every competitor. Full of this idea, he made frequent inroada Into the adjacent country, subdued se- veral of the caziques, and collected a considerable quantity of gold, which abounded more in that part of the continent than in the Islands. In one of thimo excursions, the Spaniards contended with such eagerness about the division of some gold, that they were at the point of proceeding to acts of violence against one another. A young cazi'i'ic who was present, astonished at the high value which they set upon a thing of which he did not discern the use, tumbled the gold out of the balance with indignation ; and turning to the Spnniards, " Why do you quarrel (says he) about such a triMe? If you are so passionately fund III' gold, as to abandon your own country, nnd to disturb the tranquillity of distant nations for its sake, I will conduct you to a region where the metal which seems to be the chief ob- ject of your admiration and desire Is so common that the meanest utensils arc funned of it." Transported with what they heard, Uallx..' ..nd his companions inquired eagerly where this happy country lay, and how they might arrive at It. He informed them that at the distance of six suns, that is, of six day's journey, towards the south, they should discover another oceAn, near to which this wealthy kingdom was situ- ated ; but if they intended to attack that power- ful state, they must assemble forces far superior in number and strength to those with which they now appeared.* This was the first Information wliich the Spaniards received concerning the great south- n I*. Martyr, decad. p. 208, Ensayo Chronol. para la Hlat de la Florida, par dc Gab. Cardcnai, p. I. Gvlcdo, lib, xvL c. U. Herrera,. dec, i; lib, Ix, c, 5, Hlit, de la Conq, de la. Florida, par Garc. de la Vega, lib. I. c. 3. 4 Herrera, dec. I. lib. ix. c. 8, Gomara, c. 60. P, Mar. tyr, dec p. 140. rrn ocean, ur the opulent and extensive country known aft'-rwards by the name of I'eru. Ilalboa had now before him objects suited tu his bound- less ambition, and the I'literprismi; nrdour of his genius, lie iininediately concluded the ocean which the cazlque mentioned, to be that for which Columbus had searched without success In this part of America, In hopes of opening a more direct communication with (he East iii- .ble. liut previous arrangement t were re- quisite to insure success, i ic begui, with court- ing and securing the friendship of tli« neighliour- ing caziques. He sent some of his olficers to llispuniola with a large quantity of gold, as n proof of his past success, and nn earnest of his future hopes. Uy a proper distriliution of this, they secured the favour of the governor, and al- lured volunteers into the service. \ considera- ble reinforcement from that island joined him, and hi Miought himself in a condition to attempt the discovery. The isthmus of Darien Is not above sixty miles in breadth ; but this neck of Innd, which binds together the continents of North and South America, Is Htrengthened by a chain of lofty mountains stretching through Its whole extent, which render It a barrier of solidity sufficient to resist the impulse of two opposite ocenns. The mountains are covered with forests ilmo^t iiiacv cessibie. The valleys Ir that iiuiist climate where it rains during two.third'< of the year, aro inarsliy, niiil so frequently overflowed that the iniinbitaiits And it necessary, In many jdaces, to build their houscN upon trees, in order to be ele- vated at some distance from the damp soil, and the odious reptiles engendered In the putrid waters." Large rivers rush down with an im- petuous cm rent from the high grounds. In a region thinly inhabited by wandering savages, the hand of industry had done nothing to miti- gate or correct those natural disadvantages. To march across this unexplored country with nn other guides but Indians, whose fidelity could be little trusted, was, on all those accounts, the boldest enterprise on which the Spaniards had hitherto ventured in the New World. But the intrepidity of Halboa was such as distinguished him among his countrymen, at a period when every adventurer was conspicuous for daring K 5 P. Martyr, dec. p. ISO. ,.<^.. IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) //^.*^i^ 1.0 I.I I I^|2j8 |2.5 2.0 us ■u L25 11 1.4 U4 ^>' ^ '/ I^otographic Sdences CorporaliGii v <^ V O^ 33 WIST MAIN STMiT WIBSTIII,N.Y. USM (71«)«72-4S03 '^ ) ^ if" i/.i 1 V 1 f ': 66 HISTORY OF [Book III. Ml cuui'age [1613]. Nor was bravery his only merit ; lie WAS prudent in conduct, generous, affitbl)', and possessed of those popular talents which, in the most desperate undertaking*, Inspire confidence niid secure attachment. Even after the junction of the volunteers from Mispaniula, he was able to muster only a hundred and ninety men for his expedition. But they were hardy veterans, inured to the climate of America, and ready to follow him through every danger. A thousand Indians attended them to carry their provisions; and, to complete their warlike array, they took with them several of those fierce dogs, which were no less formidable than destructive to their naked enemies. Daiboa set out upon this Important expedition on the first. of September, about the time that the periodical rains began to abate. He pro- ceeded by sea, and without any difficulty, to the territories of a cazique whose friendship he bad gained ; but no sooner did he begin to advance into the interior part of the country, than he was retarded by every obstacle, which he had reason to apprehend, from the nature of the ter- ritory, or the disposition of its inhabitants. Some of the caziques, at his approach, fled to the mountains with all their people, and carried off or destroyed whatever could afford subsistence tu his troops. Others collected their subjects, iu order to oppose his progress; and he quickly perceived what an arduous undertaking it was to conduct such a body of men through hostile nations, across swamps, and rivers, and woods, wliich had never been ^lassed but by straggling Indians. But by shrring in every hardship with the meanest soldier, by appearing the fore- most to meet every danger, by promising confi- dently to his troops the enjoyment of honour and riches superior to what hod been ottained by the most successful of their counti'ymen, he in- spired them with such enthusiastic resolution, that they followed him without murmuring. AVhen they had penetrated a good way into the mountains, a powerful cazique appeared in a narrow pass, with a nunieroiis body of his sub- jects, to obstruct their progress. But men who had surmounted so many obstacles, despised the opposition of such feeble enemies. They attack- ed them with impetuosity, and, having dispersed them with much ease and great slaughter, con- tinued their march. Though their guides had represented the breadth of the isthmus to b« only a journey of six days, they had already spent twenty-five in forcing their way through the woods and mountains. Many of them were ready to sink under such uninterrupted fatigue in that sultry climate, several were taken ill of the dysentery and other diseases frequent in that country, and all became impatient to reach the period of their labours and sufferings. At length the Indians assured them, that from the top of the next mountain they should discover the ocean which was the object of their wishes. When, with infinite toil, they had climbed up the greater part of that steep ascent, Balboa comnianded his men to halt, and advanced alone to the summit, that he might be the first who should enjoy a spectacle which he had so long desired. As soon aa he beheld the South Sea stretching in endleM prospect below him, he fell on his knees, and, lifting up his hands to heaven, returned thanks to God, who had conducted him to a discovery so beneficial to his country, and so honourable to himself. His followers, observing his transports of joy, rushed forward to join in his wonder, exultation, and gratitude. They held on their course to the shore with great alacrity, when Balboa, advancing up to the middle in the waves with his buckler and sword, took possession of that ocean in the name of the king his master, and vowed to defend it, with these arms, against all his enemies.' That part of the great Pacific or Southern Ocean which Balboa first discovered, still retain* the name of the Gulf of St. Michael, which be gave to it, and is situated to the east of Panama. From several of the petty princes, who governed in the districts adjacent to that gulf, he extorted provisions and gold by force of arms. Others sent them to him voluntarily. To these accep- table presenM, some of the caziques added a considerable quantity of pearls ; and he learned from them, with much satisfaction, the.' pearl oysters abounded in the sen which he had newly discovered. Together with the acquisition of this wealth, which served to sooth and encourage his follow- ers, he received accounts which confirmed his sanguine hopes of future and more extensive benefits from the expedition. All the people on the coast of the South Sea concurred in inform- ing him that there was a mighty and opulent kingdom situated at a considerable distance to- wards the south-east, the inhabitants of which had tame animals to carry their burdens. Ir order to givA the Spaniards an idea of these, they drew upon the sand the figure of the llama* or sheep, afterwards found in Peru, which the Peruvians had taught to perform auch services as they described. As the llama in It* form nearly resembles a camel, abeast of burden deemed pecu- liar to Asia, this circumstance, in conjunction with the discovery of the pearls, another noted production of that country, tended to confirm the Spaniards in their mistaken theory with respect to the vicinity of the New World to the East Indies.' But though the information which Balboa re- 1 Henera, dec. 1. lib. x. c. 1, tic. V. Martyr, dec. p. a05, &c. 8 Hetrera, ik'C. 1. lib. x. c. ^. Oomara, c. 68, Arc. ;;;;'', [Book III, shouli] discover of their wiabca. lad climbed up Mcent, Balboa advanced alone the first who be had so long the South Sea loiv him, he fell lands to heaven, had conducted to his country, His followers, rushed forward and gratitude, the shore with idvancing up to his buckler and !ean in the namo red to defend it, enemies.' lie or Southern Bred, still retains chael, which he east of Panama. !8, who governed gulf, he extorted f arms. Others To these accep- aziques added a ; and he learned ction, the pearl ich he had newly I of this wealth, irage his foiiow- lih confirmed his more extensive 111 the people on iirred in inform- hty and opulent itble distance to- •itanta of which ir burdens. In lea of these, they if the liamaa or tru, which the I such services as 1 its form nearly en deemed pecu- in conjunction I, another noted d to confirm the try with respect rid to the £ast 'hicli Balboa re- 3oinar«, c. es, ftc, 15U.] AMERICA. 6T \ ceived from the people on the coiwt, as well as Ills own conjectures and hopes, rendered him extremely impiiticnt to visit tliis unlcnown coun- try, his prudence restrained him from attempt, ing to invade it witli a handful of men exhaust- ed by fatigue and weakened by diseases. [2i] He determined to lead back his followers, at present, to their settlement of Santa Maria in Uarien, and to return next season with a force more adequate to such an arduous enterprise. In order to acquire a more extensive knowledge uf tlie isthmus, be marched back by a ditferent route, which he found to be no less dangerous and difficult than that which he had furmeriy taken. But to men eiated with success, and animated with hope, nothing is insurmountable. Balboa returned to Sunta Maria [l&U], from wiiich Ira had been absent four months, with greater glory and more treasure than the Spa- niards had acquired in any expedition in the New World. None of Balboa's officers distin- guished themselves more in this service than Francisco Fizarro, or assisted with greater cou- rage and ardour in opening a communication with those countries in which he was destined to act soon a more illustrious part.' Balboa's first care was to send information to Spain of the important discovery whicli he bad made: and to demand a reinforcement of a tliousand men, in order to attempt the conquest of thAt opulent country concerning which he bad received such inviting intelligence. The first account of the discovery of the New World hardly occasioned greater joy than the unexpect- ed tidings that a passage was at last found to the great southern ocean. The communication with the East Indies, by a course to the westward of the line of demarcation drawn by the Fope, seemed now to be certain. The vast wealth which flowed into Portugal, from n» settlements and conquests in that country, excited the envy and called forth the emulation of other states. Ferdinand hoped now to come in for a share in this lucrative commerce, and, in his eagerness to obtain it, was willing to make an eflbrt be- yond what BallHm required. But even in this exertion, his jealous policy, as well as the fatal antipathy of Fonseca, now Bishop of Burgos, to every man of merit who distinguished himself in the New World, was conspicuous. Notwith- standing Balboa's recent services, which marked him out as the most proper person to finish that great undertaking which he had begun, Ferdi- nand was so ungenerous as to overlook these, and to appoint Pedrarias Daviia governor of Darien. He gave him the commanu of fifteen stout vessels and twelve hundred soldiers. These were fitted out at the public expense, with a ii- 3 Hcrrcra. dec. I. lib. x. c. 3— a Msrtyr, dec, p. S89, &g. Comara, c. 6t. I'. berality which Ferdinand liad never ilissplayed in any former armament destined for tiie New World; and such was tiie ardour of the Spanish gentlemen to follow a leader who was about to conduct them to a country where, as fame re- ported, they had only to throw their nets into the sea and draw out gold,* that fifteen hundred embarked on board the fleet, and, if they bad not been restrained, a mucii greater number would have engaged in the service.' Pedrarias reached the Gulf of Darien without any remarkable accident, and immediately sent some of his principal officers ashore to inform Balboa of liis arrival, with tlie king's commis- sion to be governor of the colony. To their as- tonishment, they found Balboa, of whose great exploits they hud heard so much, and uf whose opulence they had formed suvh high ideas, cind in a canvass jacket, and wearing coarse hempen sandals used only by the meanest peasants, em- ployed, together with some Indians, in thatching his own hut v/ith reeds. Even in this simple garb, which corresponded so ill with the expec- tations and wishes of his new guests, Balboa re- ceived them with dignity. The fame of bisdis- coveries had drawn so many adventurers from tlie islands, that hs could now muster four hun- dred and fifty men. At the head of those dar- ing veterans, he was more than a match for the forces which Pedrarias brought with him. But though his troops murmured loudly at the injus- tice of the king in supcracding their commander, and complained that strangers would now reap the fruits of their toil and success, Balboa sub- mitted with implicit obedience to the will of his sovereign, and received Pedrarias with all the deference due to his character." Notwithstanding this moderation, to which Pedrarias owed the peaceable possession of his government, he appointed a judicial inquiry to be made into Balboa's conduct, while under tiio command of Nicuessa, and imposed a considera- ble fine upon him, on account of the irrrguluri- ties of which he had then been guilty. Balboa felt sensibly the mortification of being subjected to trial and to punishment in a place where he had so lately occupied the first station. Pedrai-ius could not conceal his jealousy of his superior me- rit; BO that the resentment ofthe one and the envy of the other gave rise to dissensions extremely de- trimental to the colony. It was threatened ivith a calamity still more fatal. Pedrarias had lauded in Darien at a most unlucky time of the year [July], about the middle of the rainy season, in that part of tli^ torrid zone where the clouds pour down such torrents as are unknown in more temperate climates.' The village of 4 Herr«ra,dec. I. lib. x. c. 14. 5 Ibid. c. (1, 7. P. Martyr, dec. p. 117, iOft 6 Hcrrcra, dec. I. lib. x. r. 1.1, 14. 7 liichard. Hist. Naturellc dc I'Air, tom. ). p. 804. \ m. ii 68 HISTORY OF [Book III. Santa Maria was seated in a ricli plain, en- vironed with marslies and woods. Tlie con- stitution of Europeans was unable to withstand the pestilential influence of such a situation, in a climate naturally so noxious, and at a season so pecnliariy unhealthy. A violent and des- tructive malady ciii;^ied off many of the soldiers who accompanied Pedrarias. An extreme scar- city of provision augmented this distress, as it rendered it impossible to find proper refresh- ment for ' the sick, or the necessary sustenance for the healthy.' In the space of a month, above six hundred persons perished In the ut- most misery. Dejection and despair spread through the colony. Many principal persons solicited their dismission, and were glad to re- linquish all their hopes of wealth, in order to escape from that pernicious region. Pedrarias endeavoured to divert those who remained from brooding over their misfortunes, by finding them employment. With this view, he sent several detachments into the interior parts of the coun- try, to levy gold among the natives, and to search for the mines in which it was produced. Those rapacious adventurers, more attentive to predent gain than to the means of facilitating their future progress, plundered without dis- tinction wherever they marched. Regardless of the alliances which Balboa had made with several of the caziques, they stripped them of every thing valuable, and treated them, as well as their subjects, with the utmost insolence and cruelty. By their tyranny and exactions, which Pedrarias, either from want of authority or inclination, did not restrain, all the country from the Gulf of Darien to the lake of Nicaragua was desolated, and the Spaniards were incon- siderately deprived of the advantages which they might have derived from the friendship of the natives, in extending their conquests to the South Sea. Balboa, who saw with concern that such ill judged proceedings retarded the execution of his favourite scheme, sent violent remonstrances to Spain against the imprudent government of Pedrarias, which had ruined a happy and flourishing colony. Pedrarias, on the other hand, accused him of having deceived the King, by magnifying his own exploits, as well as by a false representation of the opulence and value of the country.' Ferdinand became sensible at length of his Imprudence in superseding the most active and experienced officer he had in the New World, and, by way of compensation to Balboa, ap- pointed him Adelanlado, or Lieutenant- Gover- nor of the countries upon the South Sea, with 1 Hcrrcra, dec. 1. lib. x. c. 14. P. Martvr, dccad. p. S72, 2 Hcrri-ra, dec. I. lib. x. c 15. dec. 2. c. I, &c. Goman, c 6a P. Martyr, dec. 3. c. 10. Itcl.icioii dc P. dc las Casasii. 13. very extensive privileges and authority. At the same time he enjoined Pedrarias to support Balboa in all his operations, and to consult with him concerning every measure which he him- self pursued. [15IA]. But to effect such a sud- den trafisition from ioveterate enmity to perfect confidence, exceeded Ferdinand's power. Ped- rarias continued to treat his rival with neglect ; and Balboa's fortune being exhausted by the payment of bis fine, and other exactions of Ped- rarias, he could not make suitable preparations for taking possession of his new government. Atleni{(ht by the Interposition and exhortations of the Bishop of Dnrien, they were brought to a reconciliation ; ani), in order to cement this union more firmly, Pedrarias agreed to give his daughter in marriage to Balboa. [1616]. The first effect of their concord was, that Balboa was permitted to make several small incursions into the country. These he conducted with such prudence, as added to the reputation which he had already acquired. Many adventurers re- sorted to him, and, with the countenance and aid of Pedrarias, he began to prepare for his expedition to the South Sea. In order to ac- complish this, it was necessary to build vessels capable of conveying his troops tu those provinces which he purposed to invade. [1517]. After surmounting many obstacles, and enduring a variety of those hardships which were the por- tion of the conquerora nf America, he at length finished four small brigantlnes. In these, with three hundred chosen men, a force superior to that with which Pizarro afterwards undertook the same expedition, he was ready to sail to- wards Peru, when he received an unexpected message from Pedrarias.' As his reconciliation with Balboa had never been cordial, tht^ f"-o. gress which hU son-in-law was making his ancient enmity, and added to its r.'. He dreaded the prosperity and elevatio. c. a man whom he had injured so deeply. He sus- pected that success would encourage him to aim at independence upon his jurisdiction ; and so violently did the passions A hatred, fear, and Jealousy operate upon his aiind, that, in order to gratify his vengeance, ha scrupled not to defeat an enterprise of the greatest moment to his country. Under pretexts which were false, but piausiblet he desired Balboa to post- pone his voyage for a short time, and to repair to Ada, in order that he might have an interview with him. Balboa, with the unsuspicious confidence of a man conscious of no crime, instantly obeyed the summons; but as soon as he entered the place, he was arrest- ed by order of Pedrarias, whose impatience to satiate his revenge did not suffer him to lan- guish long in coiitiuemcnt. Judges were imme- 3 Hcrrcra, dec. 2. liK i. e. 3. lib. ii. c. II, 13, 21. ^ [Book III. authority. At iriM to support toconaultwith which he him- ffiect iiuch • wid- imitjr to perfect power. Ped- 1 with neglect ; haueted by the [actions of Ped- )le preparations w government, nd exhortations rere brought to to cement this reed to give his 1. [1516]. The M, that llaiboa imall incursions ucted with such tation which he tdrenturers re- ountenance and prepare for his In order to ac- ' to build vessels > those provinces [1617]. After tnd enduring a 1 were the por- pca, he at length In these, with brce superior to rards undertook eady to sail to- I an unexpected lis reconciliation nrdial, th>^ "'o- malcing to its r.i I elevatio. c. n «ply. He sus- ■age him to aim diction; and so ntred, fear, and that, in order crupled not to est moment to ' which were Ualboa to post- time, and to le might have boa, with the in conscious of summons; but he was arrest - Dse impatience fer him to lan- ;ea were imme- 11,13,21. 1617.] AMERICA. diately appointed to proceed to his trial. An accusation of disloyalty to the king, and of an intention to revolt against the governor, was preferred against him. Sentence of death was pronounced ; and though the Judges who passed It, seconded by the whole colony, interceded warmly for hl« pardon, Pedrarias continued in- exorable ; and the Spaniards beheld, with a*> tonishment and sorrow, the public execution of a man whom they universally deemed more ca- pable than any who had borne command in America, of forming and accomplishing great designs.* Upon his death, the expedition which he had planned was relinquished. Pedrarias, notwithstanding the violence and injustice of his proceedings, was not only screened from punishment by the powerful patronage of the Bishop of Burgos and other courtiers, but con- tinued in power. Soon after he obtained per- mission to remove the colony from its unwhole- some station of Santa Maria to Panama, on the opposite side of the isthmus ; and though It did not gain much in point of healthfulness by the change, the commodious situation of this new settlement contributed greatly to facilitate the subsequent conquests of the Spaniards In the extensive countries situated upon the Southern Ocean.* During these transactions in Darien [1615], the history of which It was proper to carry on in an uninterrupted tenour, several important events occurred with respect to the discovery, the conquest, and government of other provinces in the New World. Ferdinand was so intent upon opening a communication with the Mo- lucca or Spice Islands by the west, that in the yctr one thousand five hundred and fifteen he fitted out two ships at his own expense. In order to attempt such a Toy.ige, and gave the command of them to Juan Diaz de Soils, who was deemed one of the most skilful navigators in Spain. He stood along the coast of South America, and on the first of January, one thousand five hundred and sixteen, entered a river which he called Janeiro, where an oxtensive commerce is now carried on. From thence he proceeded to a spa- cious bay, which he supposed to be the entrance Into a strait that communicated with the Indian Ocean ; but, upon advancing further, he found It to be the mouth of Rio de Plata, one of the vast rivers by which the southern continent of America is watered. In endeavouring to make a descent in this country, De Soils and several of his crew were slain by the natives, who. In sight of the ships, cut their bodies in pieces, roasted and devoured them. Discouraged with the loss of their commander, and terrified at this shocking spectacle, the surviving Spaniards 4 Henera, dec «. lib. ii. c. «l, S«. 5 Ibid, lib iv. c. I. set sail for Europe, without aiming at any fur- ther discovery.* Though this attempt proved abortive, it was not without benefit. It turned the attention of ingenious men to this course of navigation, and prepared the way for a more fortunate voyage, by which, a few years poste- rior to this period, the great design that Ferdi- nand had In view was accomplished. Though the Spaniards were thus actively em- ployed in extending their disooveriea and settle- ments In America, they stiU considered Hlspa- niola as their principal colony, and the seat of government. Don Diego Columbus wanted neitht^r inclination nor abilities to have rendered the members of this colony, who were most im- mediately under his jurisdiction, proHperous and happy. But he was circumscribed in all his operations by the suspicious policy of Ferdinand, who on every occasion, and under pretexts the most frivolous, retrenched his privileges, and encouraged the treasurer, the judges, and other subordinate officers to counteract his measures, and to dispute his authority. The most valu- able prerogative which the governor possessed was that of distributing Indians among the Spaiiiards settled in the island. The rigorous servitude of those unhappy men having been but little mitigated by all the regulations in their favour, the power of parcelling out such neces- sary instruments of labour at pleasure, secured to the governor great Influence In the colony. In order to strip him of this, Ferdinand created a new oflice, with the power of distributing the Indians, and bestowed it upon Hodrigo Albu- querq .«, a relation of Zapata, his confidential minister. Mortified with the injustice as well as Indignity of this invasion upon his rights, in a point so essential, Don Diego could no longer remain in a place where his power and conse- quence were almost annihilated. He repaired to Spain with the vain hopes of obtaining re- dress.' Albuquerque entered upon his oflBce with all the rapacity of an indigent adventurer impatient to amass wealth. He bt-gan with taking the exact number of Indians in the island, and found that from sixty thousand, who In the year one thousand five hundred and eight sur- vived after all their sufferings, they were now reduced to fourteen thousand. These he threw into separate divisions or lots, and bestowed them upon such as were willing to purchase them at the highest price. By this arbitrary distribution several of the natives were removed from their original habitations, many were taken from their ancient masters, and all of them subjected to heavier burdens, and to more intolerable labour, In order to reimburse their new proprietors, i— Those additional calamities completed the 6 Herrera, dec. 2. lib. i. e. 7. ■ P. Martyr, dcc.p. 117. 7 Hcrrcra, dec. 1. lib. ix. c. S, lib. x. c. Ift %\ 70 HISTORY OF [Book III. » . miMry, and hutened on the extinction of thi« wretched and innocent race of men.' The violence of these proceedings, togetlicr with the fatal consequences wliich attendvd them, not only excited complaints among such as thought themselves aggrieved, but touched the liearts of all who retained any sentiments of humanity. From the time that ecclesiastics were sent as instructors into America, they perceived that the rigour with which their countrymen treated the natives, rendered their ministry alto- gether fruitless. The missionaries, in confor- mity to the mild spirit of that religion which they were employed to publish, early remon- strated against the maxims of the planters with respect to the Americans, and condemned the rqiarlimienlos, or distributions, by which they were given up as slaves to their conquerors, as no less contrary to natural justice and the pre- cepts of Christianity than to sound policy. The Dominicans, to whom the instruction of the Americans was originally committed, were most vehement in testifying against the rejtarti- mientos. In the year one thousand five hundred and eleven, Montesino, one of their most emi- nent preachers, inveighed against this practice, in the great church of St. Domingo, with all tho impetuosity of popular eloquence. Don Diego Columbus, the principal officers of the colony, and all the laymen who had been bis hearers, complained of the monk to his superiors ; but they, instead of condemning, applauded his doc- trine as equally pious and seasonable. The Franciscans, influenced by the spirit of opposi- tion and rivalship which subsists between the two orders, discovered some inclination to talce part with the laity, and to espouse the defence of the reparlimientos. But as they could not with decency give their avotved approbation to a sys- tem of oppression so repugnant to the spirit of religion, they endeavoured to palliate what they could not justify, and alleged, in excuse for the conduct of their countrymen, that it was impos- •ible to carry on any improvement in the colony, unless the Spaniards possessed such dominion over the natives that they could compel them to labour.* The Dominicans, regardless of such political and interested considerations, would not relax in any degree the rigour of their sentiments, and even refused to absolve, or admit to the sacra- ment, such of their countrymen as continued to hold the natives in servitude.' Both parties ap- plied to the king for his decision in a matter of such importance. Ferdinand empowered a com- mittee of his privy council, assisted by some of the most eminent civilians and divines in Spain, M 1 Herrcrs, drc. I. lib. x. c 12. 8 Hertera, dec. 1. Itb. viii. ell. p. 97. 3 Oviedo. lib. iii. c. a p. 07. Oviedo, lib. iii. c. & to hear the deputies sent from IlispRnlolu in support of their respective opinions. After a long discussion, the speculative point in contro- versy was determined in favour of the Domini- cans, the Indians were declared to be a free peo- ple entitled to all the natural rights of men ; but notwithstanding this decisii^, the reparlimientus were continued upon their ancient footing.* As this determination admitted the principle upon which the Dominicans founded their opinion, they renewed their efforts to obtain relief fur the Indians with additional boldness and zeal. At length, in order to quiet the colony, which was alarmed by their remonstrances and censures, Ferdinand isHued a decree of his privy council [ l&IS], declaring, that after mature consideration of the Apostolic Bull, and other titles by which the crown of Castile claimed a right to its pos- sessions in the New World, the servitude of the Indians was warranted both by the laws of God and of man ; that unless they were subjected to the dominion of the Spaniards, and compelled to re- side under their inspection, it would be imposid- ble to reclaim them from idolatry, or to instruct them in the principles of the Christian faith ; that no further scruple ought to be entertained CAnceming the lawfulness of the rei>arlimientos, as the king and council were willing to take tho charge of that upon their own consciences ; and that therefore the Dominicans and monks of other religious orders should abstain for the fu- ture from those invectives which, from an excess of rJiaritable but ill-informed zeal, they had ut- tered against that practice.* That his intention of adhering to this decroe might be fully understood, Ferdinand conferred new grants of Indians upon several of his cour- tiers [25]. But, in order that he m%ht not seem altogether inattentive to the rights of humanity, he published an edict, in which he endeavoured to provide for the mild treatment of the Indians under the yoke to which he subjected them ; be regulated the nature of the work which they should be required to perform ; he prescribed the mode in which they should be clothed and fed, and gave directions with respect to their instruc- tions in the principles of Christianity." But the Dominicans, who from their expe- rience of what was past judged concerning the future, soon perceived theinefficacy of those pro- visions, and foretold, that as long as it was the interest of indivitluals to treat the Indians with rigour, no public regulations could render their servitude mild or tolerable. They considered it as vain, to waste their own time and strength in attempting to communicate the sublime truths of religion to men whose spirits were broken and their faculties impaired by oppression. 4 Herrcrs, dcT. 1, lib. viii. c. 12. lib. ix. c. !>, .% Ibid. dec. I. lib. ix. c. It. 6 Ibid. Book III. Iliipnniolu in oiiK. After a >iiit in contro- f the Domini- » be B free peo- ■ of men ; but rcimrlimientas t footing.* Aa )rinci)>le upon their opinion, n relief fur the and zeal. At y, wliich wan and censurei, privy council > consideration tlei by which ht to its pos- irvitude of tlie e laws of God lubjected to the mipt'lled to re- ild be imposiii- or to instruct ^riitian faith ; be entertained rejtarlimientos, ing to take the isciences; and nnd monks of tin for the fii- froin an excess , they had ut- to this decree land conferred 'al of biscour- n%ht not seem I of humanity, e endeavoured of the Indiana :ted them ; be k which they prescribed the tbed and fed, their instruc' aity." m their expe- onceming the y of those pro- as it was the Indians with render their ' considered it nd strength in ublime truths were broken f oppression. cfl. id. 1517.] AMERICA. »1 Some of them in despair, requested the permls. •ion of their superiors to remove to the con- tinent, and to pursue the object of their mission among sueh of the natives as were not hitherto corrupted by the example of the Spaniards, or alienated by their cruelty from the Christian faith. Such a* remained in Hlspaniola con- tinued to remonstrate, with decent firmness, a^nst the servitude of the Indians.' The violent operations of Albuquerque, the new distributor of Indians, revived the zeal of the Dominicans against the rejiartimientos, and called forth an advocate for that oppressed people, who possessed all the courage, the talents, and activity requisite in supporting such a desperate cause. This was Bartholomew de las Casas, a native of Seville, and one of the clergymen sent out with Columbus In his second voyage to Hls- paniola, In order to settle in that island. He early adopted the opinion prevalent among eccle- siastics, with respect to the unlawfulness of reducing the natives to servitude ; and that he might demonstrate the sincerity of his convic- tion, he relinquished all ibe Indians who bad fallen to his own share iii the division of the in- habitants among their conquerors, declaring that he should ever bewail his own misfortune and {{uilt, in having exercised for a moment this impious dominion over his fellow-creatures.' From that time he became the avowed patron of the Indians ; and by his bold interpositions in their behalf, as well as by the respect due to his abilities and character, he had often the merit of setting some bounds to the excesses of his countrymen. He did not fail to remonstrate warmly against the proceedings of Albuquerque ; nnd though he soon found that attention to his own Interest rendered this rapacious officer dea£ to admonition, he did not abandon the wretched people whose cause he had espoused. He in- stantly set out for Spain, with the most san- guine hopes of opening the eyes and softening the heart of Ferdinand, by that striking picture of the oppression of his new subjects, which he would exhibit to his view.* He easily obtained admittance to the King, whom he found in a declining state of health. With much freedom, and no less eloquence, he represented to him all the fatal effects of the re]>artimientos In the New World, boldly charg- ing him with the guilt of having authorized this impious measure, which had brought misery and destruction upon a numerous and innocent race of men, whom Providence had placed under 7 Id. ibid. TouTon. Hiitoire G£n£rale do I'Amerique, torn. I. p. sas. B Fr. Aug. Davlla Fodilla Hi>t de la Fundacion dc la ProTincu de St Jago de Mexico, p. 3U3, 3(M. Herrcra, dec. 1. lib X. c. 18. 9 Ilerrers, dec. 1. lib. x. c. 18. Dec. 8. lib. i. c. IL Da- vlla Padilla Hint. p. 3(H. his protection. Ferdinand, whoM mind at well as body was much enfeebled by his distemper, was greatly alarmed at this charge of impiety, which at another juncture he would have de- spised. He listened with deep compunction to the discourse of Las Casas, and promised to take into serious consideration the means of redressing the evil of which he complained. But death prevented him from executing his resolution. Charles of Austria, to whom all his crowns devolved, resided at that time in his paternal dominions in the Low Countries. Lhs Casas, with his usual ardour, prepared im- mediately to set out for Flanders, In order to occupy the ear of the young monarch, when Cardinal Ximenes, who, as regent, assumed the reins of government in Castile, commanded him to desist from the journey, and engaged to hear his complaints in person. He accordingly weighed the matter with at- tention equal to its importance ; and as his im- petuous mind delighted In schemes bold and uncommon, he soon fixed upon a plan which astonished the ministers trained up under the formal and cautious administration of Ferdinand. Without regarding either the rights of Don Diego Columbus, or the regulations established by the late King, he resolved to send three per- sons to America as superintendents of all the colonies there, with authority , after examining all circamstances on the spot, to decide finally with respect to the point in question. It was a matter of deliberation and delicacy to choose men qualified for such an important station. As all the laymen settled in America, or who had been consulted In the administration of that department, had given their opinion that the Spaniards could not keep possession of their new settlements, unless they were allowed to retain their dominion over the Indians, he saw that he could not rely on their impartiality, and determined to commit the trust to eccle- siastics. As the Dominicans and Franciscans had already espoused opposite sides In the coi>- troversy, he, from the some principle of impar- tiality, excluded both these fraternities from the commission. He confined his choice to the monks of St. Jerome, a small but respectable order in Spain. With the assistance of their general, and in concert with Las Casas, he soon pitched upon three persons whom he deemed equal to the charge. To them he joined Zuazo, a private lawyer of distinguished probity, with unbounded power to regulate all judicial pro- ceedings in the colonies. Laa Casas was ap- pointed to accompany them, with the title of protector of the Indians.'* To vest such extraordinary powers, as might at once overturn the system of government es- lU Ilcrrcra, dec. 8. lib. II. c. 3. i iiiii i i«.?-n.j ; 72 HISTORY OF [Book III. 3 tabllilicd in the New World, In four persona, who, Trom theh- humble condition in life, were little entitled to poeaeM thit high authority, ap- pcHred to Zapata, and other minieters of the late king, a meaiure m wild and dangeroui, that they refused to lasue the despatchei neceiiary for car- rying It into execution. But Ximenei waa not of a temper patiently to brook opposition to any of hi* schemes. He sent for the refractory mi- nisters, and addressed them in such a tone that in the utmost consternation they obeyed his orders.' The superintendents, with their asso- ciate Zuazo and Las Casas, sailed for St. Do- mingo. Upon their arrival, the first act of their authority was to set at liberty all the Indians who had been granted to the Spanish courtiers, or to any person not residing In America. This, together with the information which had been reoeived from Spain concerning the object of the commission, spread a general alarm. The co- lonists concluded that they were to be deprived at once of the handa with which they carried on their labour, and that, of consequence, ruin was unavoidable. But the fathers of St. Jerome proceeded with such caution and prudence as soon dissipated all their fears. They discovered, in every step of their conduct, a knowledge of the world, and of affairs, which is seldom ac- quired lu a cloister ; and displayed a moderation as well as gentleness still more rare among per- sons trained up In the solitude and austerity of a monastic life. Their ears were open to infor- mation from every quarter ; they compared the different accounts which they received; and, after a mature consideration of the whole, they wei-e fully satisfied that the state of the colony rendered it impossible to adopt the plan proposed by Las Casas, and recommended by the Cardi- nal. They plainly perceived that the Spaniards settled In America were so few in number, that they could neither work the mines which had been opened, nor cultivate the country; that they depended for effecting both upon the labour of the natives, aud if deprived of it, they must inatantly relinquiah their conquetta, or give up all the advantages which they derived from them ; that no allurement was so powerful as to surmount the natural aversion of the Indians to any laborious effort, and that nothing but the authority of a master could compel them to work; and if they were not kept constantly under the eye and discipline of a superior, so great was their natural listleaaness and indiffer- ence, that they would neither attend to religious instruction, nor observe those rites of Christiani- ty which they had been already taught. Upon (dl those accounts, the superintendents found it necessary to tolerate the repartimientos, and to suffer the Indians to remain under subjection to A 1 Herrera, dec. S. liU ii. c. 6. their ^'panish masters. They uaed their utmoet endeavours, however, to prevent the fatal effects of this establishment, and to secure to the Indi- ana the conaolatlon of the best treatment compa- tible with a state of servitude. For this purpose, they revived former regulations, they prescribed new ones, they neglected no circumstance that tended to mitigate the rigour of the yoke ; and by their authority, their example, and their ex- hortationa, they laboured to Inapire their coun- trymen with aentimenta of equity and gentle- ness towards the unhappy people upon whose industry they depended. Zuazo, in his depart- ment, seconded the endeavours of the superin- tendents. He reformed the courts of Justice in such a manner as to render their decisions equi- table as well as expeditious, and introduced va- rious regulations which greatly improved the Interior policy of the colony. 'I1ie satisfaction which his conduct and that of the superintend- ents gave was now universal among the Spa- niards settled in the New AVorld ; and all ad- mired the boldness of Ximenea in having de- parted from the ordinary path of business lu forming his plan, as well as hia aagacity In pitch- ing upon peraona whose wisdom, moderation, and diainterestedness rendered them worthy of this high truat.' Las Caaas alone was diaaatisfled. The pru- dential conaideratlons which influenced the au- perintendents made no impression upon him. He regarded their idea of accommodating their conduct to the state of the colony, aa the maxim of an unhallowed timid policy, which tolerated what was unjust because it was beneficial. He contended that the Indians were by nature free, and, as their protector, he required the superlii- tendenta not to bereave them of the common privilege of humanity. They received his most virulent remonstrances without emotion, but adhered firmly to their own system. The Spa- nish planters did not bear with him so patiently, and were ready to tear him in pieces for insist- ing in a requisition so odious to them. Las Casas, in order to screen himself from their rage, found it necesaary to take ahelter in a convent ; and perceiving that all hia efforts in America were fruitleaa, he soon set out for Europe, with a fixed resolution not to abandon the protection of a people whom be deemed to be cruelly op- pressed.* Had Ximenea retained that vigour of mind with which he usually applied to business. Las Casas must have met with no very gracious re- ception upon his return to Spain. But he found the Cardinal langulahing under a mortal distem- per, and preparing to resign his authority to the 2 Herrera, dec. 2. Ub. ii. c. 15. Remeul, Hist Genor. lib. ii. c. 14, 15, 16. 3 Herrera, dec. 2. Ub. U. c, IS. [Book III. ed their utmoit the ratal effitcte ure to the Inili- satment compa> 'or thia purpoec, tbejr preaeribed 'cumstance that the yoke ; and , and their ex- pire their coun- lity and gentle- tie upon whoee in his depart- of the Buperin- rts of Justice in ' decisions equU introduced va- jr inproTed the llie satisfaction lie superintend- imong the Spn- id ; and all ad- I In having de- of hnslness in agaclty in pitcb- m, moderation, hem worthy of fled. The pru- fluenced the su- sion upon him. nmodating their ly, as the maxim which tolerated I beneficial. He e by nature free, red the superin- of the common eceived his most It emotion, but tem. The Spa- him so patiently, >ieces for insist- I to them. Las rfrom their rage, «r in a eonrent ; >rts in America >r Europe, with n the protection :o be cruelly op- vigour of mind to business. Las 'ery gracious re- 1. But he found a mortal distem- authority to the netal, Hist. Ocnar. 1518.] AMERICA. 78 young king, who vnM dally expected from the Low Countries. Charles arrived, took poaaea- sion of the government, and, l)y the death of Ximenea, lost a minister whose abilities and in- tsgrlty entitled him to direct his affairs. Many •f the Flemish nobility had accompanied their sovereign to Spain. From that warm predilec- tion to his countrymen, which was natural at his age, he consulted them with respect to all the transactions In his new kingdom; and they, with an Indiscreet eagerness, intruded them- selvM into every business, and seized almost every department of administration.* The di- reetion of American affairs was an object too alluring to escape their attention. Las Casas observed their growing Influence ; and though projectors are usually too sanguine to conduct their schemes with much dexterity, he possessed a bustling, indefatigable activity, which some- times accomplishes its purposes with greater success than the most exquisite discernment and address. He courted the Flemish ministers with assiduity. He represented to them the absur- dity of all the maxims hitherto adopted with re- spect to the government of America, particularly during the administration of Ferdinand, and pointed out the defects of those arrangements which Ximenea had introduced. The memory of Ferdinand was odious to the Flemings. The superior virtues and abilities of Ximenes had long been the object of their envy. They fondly wished to have a plausible pretext for condemn- ing the measures both of the monarch and of the minister, and of reflecting some discredit on their political wisdom. The friends of Don Diego Columbus, as well as the Spanish cour- tiers who had been dissatisfied with the Cardi- nal's administration, Joined Las Casas in cen- suring the scheme of sending superintendents to America. This union of so many interests and passions was irresistible ; and in consequence of it the fathers of St. Jerome, together with their associate Zuazo, were recalled. Roderlgo de Figueroa, a lawyer of some eminence, was ap- pointed chief Judge of the island, and received instructions, in compliance with the request of Las Casas, to examine once more, with the ut- most attention, the point in controversy I>etween him and the people of the colony, with respect to the treatment of the natives ; and in the mean time to do every thing in his power to alleviate their sufferings, and prevent the extinction of the race.* This was all that the zeal of Las Casas could procure at that juncture in favour of the In- dians. The impossibility of carrying on any improvements in America, unless the Spanish planters could command the labour of the ua- 4 Hiatorsr of Cliaria V. vol ii. 6 Herfeca, dec. S. Mb. li. c. 16, 10, 81, Ub. ill. c. 7, a tives, was an insuperable objection to his plan of treating them as free subjects. In on'.er to provide some remedy for this, without which he found it was in vain to mention hit scheme, I^aa Casas proposed to purchase a sufficient number of negroes from the Portuguese settlements on the coast of Africa, and to transport them to America, in order that they might be employed as slavsa in working the minea and cultivating the ground. One of the first advantages which the Portuguese had derived from their discoveries in Africa arose from the trade in slaves. Various circumstances concurred In reviving this odious commerce, which had b«en long abolislMd in Europe, and which is no less repugnant to the feelings of humanity than to the principles of religion. As early as the year one thousand five hundred and three, a few negro slaves had been sent Into the New World.* In the year one thousand ftre hundred and eleven, Ferdi- nand permitted the importation of them In greater numbers.' They were found to be a more robust and hardy race than the natives of America. They were more capable of en- during fatigue, more patient under servitude, and the labour of one negro was computed to be equal to that of four Indians.* Cardinal Xi- menes, however, when solicited to esoourage this commerce, peremptorily rejected the propo- sition, because he perceived the iniquity of re- ducing one race of men to slavery, while he was consulting about the means of restoring liberty to another.* But Las Casas, Arom the Incon- sis.jncy natural to men who hurry with head- long impetuosity towards a favourite point, was incapable of miUcing this distinction. While he contended earnestly for the liberty of the people born In one quarter of the globe, he laboured to enslave the Inhabitants of another region ; and in the warmth of his zeal to save the Americans from the yoke, pronounced it to be lawful and expedient to impose one still heavier upon the Africans. Unfortunately for the latter. Las Casas's plan was adopted. Charles granted a patent to one of his Flemish favourites, contain- ing an exclusive right of Importing four thousand negroes into America. The favourite sold his patent to some Genoese merchants for twenty- five thousand ducats, and they were the first who brought into a regular form that commerce for slaves between Africa and America, which has since been carried on to such an amazing extent" But the Genoese merchants [1518], conduct- ing their operations, at first, with the rapacity of monopolists, demanded such a high price fbi negroes, that the number imported into Hispa- niola made no great change upon the state of the IS Herrera, dec. 1. lib. v. c. 12. 7 Ibid. Ub. vlli. c. 9. 8 Ibid. lib. ix. c. S. 9 Ibid. dec. 2. lib. ii. c. 8 10 Ibid. dec. 1. lib, ii, e. 20. L HISTORY OF [UOOK lil. fi *l ruluny. Ln* I'nxan, » lu«« J!»h1 wh» i40 Urn In ■ vriitfvn Uii»n Imlf JHtlgnbln, hml rfrounie to «ii- iilhpi- «xpeillMit for the r»ill«'f of the Inillans. He itharrvwl, that tnont of the penoni who had M'ttled hitherto In America, were nailure and mddlei-e employed in the discovery or conqiieHt of the country ; the younger loni of noble fuml- lie«, allured by the prospect of acquiring tudden wealth ; or dctpcrato adventuren, whom their indigence or crimei forced to abandon their na- tive land. Instead of luch men, who were die- Milute, rapaclouit and Incapable of that lober persevering industry which is requisite in form> ing new, colonies, he propoeed to supply the set- tlements In Illspaniola and other parts of the New World with a sufficient number of labour- ers and husbandmen, who should be allured by suitable premiums to remove thither. These, as they were accustomed to fatigue, would be able to perform the work to which the Indians, from the feebleness of their constitution, were unequal, and might soon become useful and opulent citizens. ISut though Hispaniola stood much in need of a recruit of inhabitants, having been visited at this time with the small pox, which swept off almost all the natives who had survived their long continued oppression; and though Las Casas had the countenance of the Flemish ministers, this scheme was defeated by the bishop of Burgos, who thwarted all his pro- jecU.' Las Casas now despaired of procuring any re- lief for the Indians In those places where the Spaniards were already settled. The evil was become so inveterate the.'e as not to admit of a cure. > But such discoveries were daily mnking in the continent as gave s high idea both of its extent and populousness. In all those vast re- gions there was but one feeble colony planted ; and except a small spot on the isthmus of Da- rlen, the natives still occupied the whole country. This opened a new and more ample field for the humanity and zeal of Las Casas, who flattered himself that he might prevent a pernicious sys- tem from being introduced there, though he had failed of success in his attempts to overturn It where it was already established. Full of this idea, he applied for a grant of the unoccupied country stretching along the seacoast from the Gulf of Parla to the western frontier of that province now known by the name of Santa Martha. He propoeed to settle there with a colony composed of husbandmen, labourers, and ecclesiastics. He engaged in the space of two years to civilize ten thousand of the natives, and to Instruct them so thoroughly In the arts of social life, that from the fruits of their industry an annual revenue of fifteen t|^ousand ducats should arise to the king. In ten years he ex- pected that his improvements would b« so far 1 Herrera, dec. & lib. IL c. 21. advanced as to yield annually sixty thousand ducnts. He stipulated, that no soldier or sailor should ever In> permltte he took aloHff ng (arb, which Ireta, that thpy ■ dlflTerent ra»:» lught 10 many r-' From thia only the great Mas had formed of treating the hich tbeJeiuita kt operalloni in nent. He sup. iling themielvee Mwned In con- gren in iclenre ually form the h thoee comfort* light train them ler them capable and the rouneil ■eared not only a high degree. le Americana to eir indolence to inatnict or to tM. They eon- imely imprudent mtry extending >e coast to a fan* » stranger to the lainted with the >> far from being iich he had rea* ce more to the usiy patronised id been rejected IT prevailed with en raised to the :onsideration of er of his privy aving excepted :il of the Indie*, ire all excluded. Bcom'mendation confongnable to ly approved of 1 for carrying it territory allot- along the coast ever, to extend e iiitKrior part 1517.] A M E in C A. n n, det. 8. Ub. iv. ThU determination did not pa** iinccnaurcd. Almost every person who had been In thu West Indies exclaimed against It, and supportrd their opinion so confidently, and witli such pluusiblu reasons, a* made It advisable to |(ause and tu re- view the subject more deliberately. Charles himself, though accustomed, at this early period of his life, to adopt the sentiments of bis ministers Kith such submiulve deference as di ■iur to thcmaalvaa clreumatancca, in Illipanlola to himatif and from tj and pcrtever- d many thrcata, r of tro«ipa to pro- leir flrat landing. Itico, be found B had been fatal lat others, having , refuaed to tuU hat remained, be i. Orampo bad it province with iMacred many of I chaina to Ilia- ly for abelter to r a email colony, which be named ' want in adeau- r, LaaCasaswaa igb deaerted both ect him, and by ' Ocampo, who tiea to wblcb be ed Rtation. lie I power for the illowefa; but oa towarda aecuring etumed to HI*. I effectual aid for om confidence In ■o much danger, natives, having 1617.] AMERICA. f7 C.5. dianivtrad Iha Aabia and dafancaleaa atate of the Mpaniarda, aHtmblad aaeretly, attached them with the Airy natnral to men e«a«peratad by many Injurlva, eut off a good number, and rom- pelled the rest to fly In tba utmoat conaternallon to the Island of Cubagua. Tba email eolony aettled thera on account of the pearl flahery, catching the panic with which tbair countryman had been Kciaad, abandoned the iaiand, and not a Hpanlard remained in any part of the oontliinil, or adjacent Islanda, from tba Oulf of I'aria to tba bordera of Darlan. Aatoniahad at aueli a aucceaaion of diaaatara, Laa Caaaa waa aahanad to show hia Amo after thta fatal taminatton of all bia apiondid acbamaa. Ha ahut hlmaalf «p In the convent of tbo Domlnleana at St Do- mingo, and aooa after aaaumad tha baUt of that order.* Though tha npnlaion of the colony fhmi Cu> mana happened in tho year one thooaand flva hundred and twenty«one, I bava choeen to trace tha pragma of Laa Caaaa'a negotiations from their flrat riae to their flnal iesue without inter- ruption. Ills ayatam waa the object of long and attentive diseuaaion ; and though his cfforta In bebnif of thaoppreaaed Americana, partly from hia own raabneaa and imprudence, and partly from the malcTolent oppoaition of bis adveraa- rlea, were not attended with that aucceea which ha promised with too sanguine confidence, great praise Is due to bis humane activity, which gave rise to various regulations that were of aoma beneflt to that unhappy people. I return now to tha history of the Spanish disooveriea, aa they occur In the order of timOk* Diego Velaaquea, who conquered Cuba in the year one thousand five hundred and eleven, atlll retained the government of that Island, as the de- puty of Don Diego Columbus, though lie seldom acknowledged bia superior, and aimed at render- ing his own authority altogether independent.' Under bia prudent administration,- Cuba became one of the must flourishing of the Spanish settle- menta. The fame of tbia allured thither many penone from the other coloniea, in bopea of finding either aome permanent eatabllshment or some em- ployment for their activity. Aa Cuba lay to the weat of all the islands occupied by the Spaniarda, and aa the ocean which atretchea beyond it to- warda that quarter had not hitherto been ex- plored, theae circumatances naturally invited the inhabltanta to attempt new discoveries. An expedition for tbia purpose, in which activity and resolution might conduct to sudden wealth, was more auited to the geniua of the age than A Herren, dec. 8. Ub. x. c. 5. dec. 3. lib. ii. c. 3, 4, 6. Oviedo Hitt. lib. xix. e. .V Oorura, c. 77. Davila Pa- dilla, lib. i. c. 07. Remlul Hiit Om. lib. xL a 88, g& 6 Herrera, doc. 8. libi x. c. 5. p. 380. 7 Ibid. lib. 11. c. 19. the patient industry requisite In citaring ground and manufketurlng sugar. Instlgntrd by tbH spirit, saTsral oflleara, who bad served nn:*'' I'edrarlas In Darien, entered Into an aeooelatioa to undertake a voyage of discovery, 'llisy p«r« avaded Francisco Ilemandei Cordova, an opu- lent planter In Cuba, and a man of distinguished eouroga, to Join with them In tha advanlure, and chaao him to ba their commander. Velaaquea not only approved of the deelgii, but assisted in carrying U on. Aa tha vetarana from Darien ware extramely Indigent, be and Cordova ad- vanced money for purcbaatng three email veasala, and fumialiad tbam with every thing requiait* elilier for traffic or for war. A hundred and ton men embarked on board of them, and eallad from St. Jago da Cuba, on tba eighth of Fo- bruary, one thouaand five hundred and saven- taen. By Iha advice of their chief pilot, Anto- nio Alamlnoa, who bad aerved under the flrat admiral Columbua, they atood directly waatt relying on the opinion of that grant navigatoTt who uniformly maintained that a waaterly couraa would lead to the moat important discoverlea. ()n the twenty-fint day after their departnra from St. Jago, they aaw land, which proved to be Ca/ie Catoche, the eastern point of that large peninsula prq|ecting from the continent of Aira- riea, which still nUins iu original name of Yucatan. Aa they approached the aboro, five canoea came off full of people decently cUd In cotton garments ; an aatonishing apaetacle to the Spaniarda, who had found eyery other part of America posaessed by naked savages. Cordova endeavoured by small preaeiita to gain the good will of theae people. Tbey, though amaaed at the strange objecta now presented for Iha first time to their view, invited the Spaniards to visit their habitations, with an appearance of cordia- lity. Tbey landed accordingly, and aa tbey ad- vanced into the country they observed with new wonder some large houses built with atone. But they aoon found that, if the people of Yu- catan had made progreaa in Improvement beyond their countrymen, they wera likewlaa mora art- ful and warlike. For though the cosiquo bad received Cordova with many tokens of fUend- ablp, he had poeted a conaiderable body of bia subjecwi in 'imbush behind a thicket, who, upon a signal given by him, rushed out and attacked the Spaniards with great boldnesa, and aome de- gree of mai'tial order. At the first flight of their arrows, fifteen of the Spaniarda wan wounded ; but the Indiana were atruck with auch terror by the sudden explosion of the fire arms, and ao surprised at the execution done by them, by tht croasbowa, and by the other weapons of their new enemies, that tbey fled precipitately. Cor- dova quitted a country where he had met with auch a fierce reception, carrying off two prison- ers, together with the ornaments of a small temple which he plundered in bis retreat. i I i m 78 HISTORY OF [Book III lie eoBtiiiuetl hU course towards tlie west, without losing sight of the coast, and on the six- teenth day arrived at Campeachy. There the iiativea received them more hospitably ; but the Spaniards were much surprised, tliat on all the extensive coast alung which they had sailed, luid which they imagined to be a large island, they had not observed any river. [26J As their water began to fail, they advanced, in hojies of finding a supply ; and at length they discovered the mouth of a river at Potonchan, some leagues beyond Campeachy. Cordova landed all his troops, in order to pro- tect the sailors while employed in filling the casks ; but notwithstanding this precaution, the natives rushed down upon them with such fury and in such numbers, that I'crty-seven of the Spaniards were killed upon the spot, and one man only of the whole body escaped unhurt. Their commander, though wounded In twelve different places, directed the retreat with pre- sence of mind equal to the courage with which he had led them on in the engagement, and with much difficulty they regained their ships. After this fatal repulse, nothing remained but to has- ten back to Cuba with their shattered forces. In their passage thither they suffered the most exquisite distress for want of water, that men wounded and sickly, shut up in small vessels, and exposed to the heat of the torrid zone, can be supposed to endure. Some of them, sinking under these calamities, died by the way ; Cor- dova, their commander, expired soon after they landed in Cuba.' Notwithstanding the disastrous conclusion of this expedition, it contributed rather to animate than to damp a spirit rf enterprise among the Spaniards. 'J'hey had discovered an extensive country, situated at no great distance from Cuba, fertile in appearance, and po8se.<>8ed by a people far superior in Improvement to any hitherto known in America. Though they had carried on little commercial intercourse with the natives, they had brought off some ornaments of gold, not considerable In value, but of singular fabric. These circumstances, related with the exaggera- tion natural to men desirous of heightening the merit of their own exploits, were more than sufficient to excite romantic hopes and expecta- tions. Great numbers offered to engage In a new expedition. Velasquez, solicitous to dis- tinguish himself by some service so meritorious us might entitle him to claim the government of Cuba independent of the admii-ol, not only en- \,ouraged their ardour, but at his own expense ' fitted out four ships for the voyage. Two hun- I Ilcrrcra, dec. ? lib. ii. c. 17, 18. Histor. Verdadcra de 1 1 t'onquiita dc la Nueva I::ti)ana |K)r Bcnial Diaz del Costillo, cap. 1—7. Ovicdu, lib. xvii, c. a Gomnui, c. ; ?. r. Martyr dc Iniiilia nuper iiivcntit, i>. 32U. dred and forty volunteers, among whom were several persons of rank and fortune, embarked in this enterprise. The command of It was given to Juan de Grijalva, a young man of known merit and courage, with instructlans to observe attentively the natura of the countries which he. should discover, to barter for gold, and. If circumstances wei-e inviting, to settle u colony in some proper station. He sailed from St. Jago de Cuba on the eighth of April, one thousand five hundred and eighteen. The pilot, Alaminos, held the same course as in the former voyage ; but the violence of the currents caiTy- , ing the ships to the south, the tint land which they made was the island of Cozwnd, to the east of Yucatan. As all the inhabitants lied to the woods and mountains at the approach of the Spaniards, they made no long stay there, and without any remarkable occurrence they reached I'otunchan on the opposite side of the peninsula. 'I'he desire of avenging their coui^rymen who had been slain there, concurred with their ideas of good policy, in prompting them to land, that they might chastise the Indians of that district with such exemplary rigour as would strike terror into all the people around them. But though they disembarked all their troops, and uirried ashore some field pieces, the Indians fought with such courage, that the Spaniards gained the victory with difficulty, and were con- firmed in their oj-.inion that the inhabitants of this country would prove more formidable ene- mies than any they had met with in other parts of America. From Potonchan they continued their voyage towards the west, keeping as near as passible to the shore, and casting anchor every evening, from dread of the dangerous accidents to which they might be exposed in an unknown sea. During the day their eyes were turned continually towards land, with a mixture of surprise and wonder at the beauty of the coun- try, as well as the novelty of the objects which they beheld. Many villages were scattered along the coast, in which they could distinguish houses of stone that appeared white and lofty at a dis- tance. In the warmth of their admiration, they fancied these to be cities adorned with towers and pinnacles ; and one of the soldiera happen- ing to remark that this country resembled Spain in appearance, Grijalva, with universal ap- plause, called it New Spain, the name which still diHinguishes this extensive aqd opulent province of the Spanish empire in America. [37] They landed in a river which the natives called Ta- basco [June 9] ; and the fame of their victory at Potonchan having reached this place, the ca- zique not only received them amicably, but be- stowed presents upon them of such value, as confirmed the high ideas which the SjMtniardt had formed with respect to the weultli and fer- tility of the country, 'i'hese ideas were raised still kigher by what occurred at the place where [Book III ong whom were rtuiie, embarked iiiand of it was 1 young man of h inetructlans to of the countries barter fur gold, itiiig, to settle u He sailed from th of April, one iteen. The pilot, ! us in the former e currents carry- . lii'st land which zumcl, to the east itants Ued to the approach of the stay there, and ince they reached of the peninsula. out^rymen who with their ideas em to land, that I of that district as would strike :md them. But heir troops, and :es, the Indians it the Spaniards y, and were con- e inhabitants of formidable ene- h in other parts they continued keeping as near ng anchor every gcrous accidents in an uuknown es were turned a mixture of uty of the coun- e objects which e scattered along itiiiguish houses d lufty at a dis- idmirntion, they :d with towers soldiers happeii- 'eaembled Spain universal ap- lamc which still ipulent province lica. [27J They ives called Ta- their victory at I place, the ca- liiably, but be- siich value, as the Spaniards veulth and fer- !H8 were raised the place where 1518.] AMERICA. 79 Ihcy next touched. This was considerably to the west of Tabasco, in the province since known by the name of Guaxaca. There they were received with the respect paid to superior beings. The people perfumed them, as they landed, with incense of gum copal, and present- ed to them as offerings the choicest delieacies of their country. They were extremely fond of trading with their new visitants, and in six days the Spaniards obtained ornaments of gold, of curious workmanship, to the value of fifteen thousand pesos, in exchange fur European toys j of small price, llie two prisoners whom Cor- ] dovB had brought from Yucatan, bad hitherto served as interpreters ; but as they did not un- { derstand the language of this country, the Spa- niards learned from the natives by signs, that they were subjects of a great monarch called Montezuma, whose dominion extended over that and many other provinces. Leaving this place, with which he had so much reason to be pleased, Grijalva continued his course towards the west. He landed on a small island [June 19], which he named the Isle of Sacrifices, because there the Spaniards beheld, for the first time, the hor- rid spectacle of human victims, which the bar- barous superstition of the natives offered to their gods. He touched at another small island, which he called St. Juan de Ulna. From this place he despatched Pedro de Alvarado, one of his officers to Velasquez, with a full account of the important discoveries which he had made, and with all the treasure thi.t he had acquired by trafficking with the natives. After the de- parture of Alvaradu, he himself, with the re- maining vessels, proceeded along the coast as far as the river Fanuco, the country still appearing to b« well peopled, fertile, and opulent. Several of Grijalva's officers contended that it was not enough to have discovered those de- lightful regions, or to have performed, at their different landing-places, the empty ceremony of taking possession of them for the crown of Cas- tile, and that their glory was incomplete, unless they planted a colony in some proper station, which might not only secure the Spanish nation a footing in the country, but, with the reinforce- mento which they were certain of receiving, might gradually subject the whole to the do- minion of their sovereign. But the squadron had now been above five months at sea; the greatest part of their provisions was exhausted, and what remained of their stores so much cor- rupted by the heat of the climate, as to be almost nnfit for use ; they had lost some men by death ; oth^^rs were sickly; the country was crowded with people who seemed to be intelligent as well as brave ; and they were under the government of one powerful monarch, who could bring them to act against their invaders with united force. To plant a colony under so many cirrum- stance* of disadvantage, appeared a scheme too perilous to be attempted. Grijalva, though possessed both of ambition and courige, was destitute of the superior talents capable of form- ing or executing such a great plan. He judged it more prudent to return to Cuba, having ful- filled the purpose of his voyage, and accomplish- ed all that the armament which he commanded enabled him to perform. He returned to St. Jagode Cuba, on the twenty-sixth of October, froii which he had taken his departure about six months before.* This was the longest as well as the most suc- cessful voyage which the Spaniards had hitherto made in the New World. They had discovered that Yucatan was not an island as they had sup- posed, but part of the great continent of Ameri- ca. From Potonchan they had pursued their course for many hundred miles along a coast formerly unexplored, stretching at first towards the west, and then turning to the north ; all the country which they had discovered appeared to be no less valuable than extensive. As soon as Alvarado reached Cuba, Velasquez, transported with success so far beyond his most sanguine expectations, immediately despatched a person of confidence to carry this important intelligence to S|)ain, to exhibit the rich productions of the countries which had been discovered by his means, and to solicit such an increase of autho- rity as might enable and encourage him to at- tempt the conquest of them. Without waiting for the return of his messenger, or for the arrival of Grijalva, of whom he was become so jealous or distrustful that he was resolved no longer to employ him, he began to prepare such a power- ful armament as might prove equal to an enter- prise uf so much danger and importance. But as the expedition upon which Velasquez was now intent terminated in conquests of greater moment than what the Spaniards had hitherto achieved, and led them to the know- ledge of a people, who, if compared with those tribes of America with whom they were hither- to acquainted, may be considered as highly civil- ized ; it is proper to pause before we proceed to the history of events extremely different from those which we have already related, in order to take a view nf the state of the New World when first discovered, and to contemplate the policy ai.l manners of the rude uncultivated tribes that occupied all the parts of it with which the Spaniards were at this time acquainted. 8 Herrers, dec. II. lib. iii. c. 1, 8, 9, 10. Bernal Dlaa c 8, 17. Oviedo Hilt, llh xvll c. V. 80. Gomara, c. 4U. I'i 1 i I 80 HISTORY OF [Book IV. BOOK IV. \P' I ;"i: TwEMTV-six yean had elaptml since Columbus had conducted the people of Europe to the New World. During that period the Spaniards had made great progress in exploring its various regions. They had visited all the islands scat- tered in diiFerent clusters through that part of the ocean which flows in between North and South America. They had sailed along the eastern coaxt of the continent from the river De la Plata to the bottom of the Mexican Gulf, and had found that it stretched without inter- ruption through this vast portion of the globe. They had discovered the great Southern Ocean, which opened new prospects in that quarter. They had acquired some knowledge of the coast of Florida, which led them to observe the con- tinent as it extended in an opposite direction ; and though they pushed their discoveries do further towards the North, other nations had visited those parts which they neglected. The English, in a voyage the motives and success of which shall be related in another part of this History, had sailed along the coast of America from Labrador to the confines of Florida ; and the Portuguese, in quest of a shorter passage to the East Indies, had ventured into the northern seas, and viewed the same regions.* Thus, at the period where I have chosen to take a view of the state of the New World, its extent was known almost from its northern extremity to thlrty-ttve degrees south of the equator. The countries which stretch IVom thence to the southern boundary of America, the great em- pire of Peru, and the interior state of the ex- tensive dominions subject to the sovereigns of Mexico, were stUl undiscovered. When we contemplate the New World, the first circumstance that strikes us is its immense extent. 1 1 was not a small portion of the earth, so inconsiderable that it might have escaped the observation or research of former ages, which Columbus discovered. He made known a new hemisphere, larger than either Europe, or Asia, or Africa, the three noted divisions of the an- cient continent, and not much inferior in dimen- alons to a third part of the hal.idble globe. America is remarkable, not only for its mag- nitude, but for its position. It stretches fVom the northern polar circle to a high southern latitude, above fifteen hundred miles beyond the farthest extremity of the old continent on that side of the line. A country of such extent pas- ses through all the climates capable of becoming the habitation of man, and fit for yielding the various productions peculiar either to the tem- perate or to the torrid regions of the earth. 1 Hcrrera, dec. I. lib. vi, c. 10. Next to the extent of the New World, the grandeur of the objects which It presents to view is most apt to strike the eye of an observer. Nature seems here to have carried on her opera- tions upon tt larger scale and with a bolder hand, and to have distinguished the features of this country by a peculiar magnificence. The moun- tains in America are much superior In height to those in the other divisions of the globe. Eveil the plain of Quito, which may be considered ai the base of the Andes, is elevated further above the sea than the top of the Pyrenees. This stupendous ridge of the Andes, no less remark- able for extent than elevation, rises in different places more than one-third above the Peak of Tencriffe, the highest land in the ancient hemi- sphere. The Andes may literally be said to hide their heads in the clouds ; the storms often roll, and the thunder bursts below their sum- mits, which, though exposed to the rays of the sun in the centre of the torrid zone, are covered with everlasting snows. [S8] From these lofty mountains descend rivers, proportlonably large, with which the streams in the ancient continent are not to be compared, either for length of course, or the vast body of water which they roll towards the ocean. The Maragnon, the Orinoco, the Plata in South America, the Mississippi and St. Laurence in North America, flow in such spacious channels, that long before they feel the influence of the tide, they resemble arms of the sea rather than rivers of fresh water. [89] The lakes pf the New World are no less con- spicuous for grandeur than its mountains and rivers. There is nothing in other parts of the globe which resembles the prodigious chain of lakes in North America. They may properly be termed inland seas of fresh water; and even those of the second or third class in magnitude are of larger circuit (the Caspian Sea excepted) than the greatest lake of the ancient conti- neht. The New World is of a form extremely fa- vourable to commercial intercourse. When a continent is formed, like Africa, of one vast solid mass, unbroken by arms of the sea penetrating into its interior parts, with few large rivers, and those at a considerable distance from each other, the greater part of it seems destined to re- main for ever uncivilised, and to be debarred from any active or enlarged communication with the rest of mankind. When, like Europe, a continent is opened by inlets of the ocean of great extent, such as the Mediterranean and Baltic ; or when, like Asia, its coasts is broken by deep bays advancing far Into the country, such as the Black Sea, the Gulfs of Arabia, of Persia, of Bengal, of Siam, and of Leotang ; when the surrounding seas are filled with large and fertile islands, and the continent itself watered with a variety of navigable rivers, those [Book IV. New World, the t presents to view I of an observer, ried on her openu itb a bolder hand, e features of this ence. Themoun- lerior In height to the globe. Eveii ' be considered ai led further above Pyrenees. This I, no less remark- rises in different love the Peak of :he ancient hemU eralljr be said to the storms often lelow their sum- the rays of the zone, are covered IS descend rivers, hich the streams >t to be compared, the vast body of ) the ocean. The 1 Plata in South St. Laurence In spacious channels, le influence of the le sea rather than 1 are no less con- ;s mountains and ither parts of the odiglous chain of ley may properly water; and even ass In magnitude an Sea excepted) he ancient conti- rm extremely fa- rcourse. When a ;a, of one vast solid e sea penetrating w large rivers, and ;e from each other, s destined to re- ad to be debarred d communication ^hen, like Europe, ts of the ocean of lediterranean and ts coasts is broken Into the country, ilfs of Arabia, of and of Leotang; « filled with large I continent itself igable rivers, those AMER A. 81 :f iVfions may be said to possess what«Ter can facilitate the progress of their inhabitants in commerce and improvement. In all these re- spects America may bear • comparison with the other quarters of the globe. The Gulf of Mexi- co, which flows In between North and South America, may be considered as a Mediterranean sea, which opens a maritime commerce with all the fertile countries by which it is encircled. The islands scattered in it are inferior only to those in the Indian Archipelago, in number, in magnitude, and in value. As we stretch along the northern division of the American hemi- sphere, the Bay of Che8^)eak presents a spacious inlet, which conducts the navigator far into the interior parts of provinces no less fertile than extensive ; and if ever the progress of culture and population shall mitigate the extreme rigour of the olimate in the more northern districts of America, Hudson's Bay may become as subser- vient to commercial intercourse in that quarter of the globe, as the Baltic is In Europe. The other great portion of the New World is encom- passed on every side by the sea, except one nar- row neck which separates the Atlantic from the Pacific Ocean ( and though it be not opened by spacious bays or arms of the sea. Its interior parts are rendered accessible by a number of large rivers, fed by so many auxiliary streams, flowing in such various directions, that almost without any aid from the band of industry and art, an inland navigation may be can-ied on through all the provinces from the river De la PlaU to the Gulf of Paria. Nor is this bounty of nature confined t« the southern division of America; its northern continent abounds no less in rivers which are navigable almost to their soarcee, and by its immense chain of lakes pro- tIsIoh is made for an inland communication, a«N extensive and commodious than in any quarter of the globe. The countries stretching from the Gulf of Darien on one side, to that of California on the other, which form the chain that binds the two parts of the American conti- nent together, are not destitute of peculiar ad- vantages. Their coast on one side is washed by the Atlantic Ocean, on the other by the Pacific. Some of their rivers flow into the former, some into the latter, and aeoure to them all the com- merdal benefits that may result from a commu- nication with both. But what moat distinguishes America from other parts of the earth is the peculiar tempera- ture of its climate, and the diiferent laws to which it is subject with respect to the distribu- tion of heat and cnld. We cannot determine with precision the portion of heat felt in any part of the globe, merely by measuring its dis- tance from the equator. The climate of a coun- try Is affected, in some degree, by its elevation ■lioTe the sea, by the ex,tent of continent, by the nature of the soil, the lieiglit of adjacent moun- ;^ i-M, and many other circumstances. The in. iiuDuce of these, however, is fiom various causes less considerable in the greater part of the an- cient continent ; and from knowing the position of any country there, we can pronounce with greater certainty what will be the warmth of its climate, and the nature of its productions. The maxims which are founded upon obser- vation of our hemisphere will not apply to the other. In the New World, cold predominates. The rigour of the frigid zone extends over half of those regions which should be temperate by their position. Countries where the grape and the fig should ripen, are buried under snow one half of the year; and lands situated in the same parallel with the most fertile and best cultivated provinces in Europe, arc chilled with perpetual frosts, which almost destroy the power of vege- tation. [SOi\ As we advance to those parts of America which lie in the same parallel with provinces of Asia and Africa, blessed with a uniform enjoyment of such genial warmth as is most friendly to life and to vegetation, the do- minion of cold continues to be felt, and winter reigns, though during a short period, with ex- treme severity. If we proceed along the Ame- rican continent into the torrid zone, we shall find the cold prevalent in the New World ex- tending itself also to this region of the globe, and mitigating the excess of its fervour. While the negro on the coast of Africa is scorched with unremitting heat, the Inhabitant of Peru breathes an air equally mild and temperate, and is per- petually shaded under a canopy of gray clouds, which intercepts the fierce beams of the sun, without obstructing his friendly influence.* Along the eastern coast of America, the climate though more similar to that of the torrid zone in other parts of the earth, is nevertheless con- siderably milder than in those countries of Asia and Africa which He in the same latitude. If from the southern tropic we continue our pro- gress to the extremity of the American conti- nent, we meet with frozen seas, and countries horrid, barren, and scarcely habitable for cold, much sooner than in the north.* Various causes combine In rendering the cli- mate of America so extremely different from that of the ancient continent. Though the ut- most extent of America towards the north be not yet discovered, we know that it advances much nearer to the pole than either Europe or Asia. Both these have large seas to the north, which are open during part of the year ; and even when covered with Ice, the wind that 2 Voyage do Ulloa, torn. 1. p. 453. Anson'a Vojrage, p. 184. 3 Anion'i Voyage, p. 7*. i unci Voyngp de Qiiiros, rlicg. Hilt 0«n. dci VoyiKG*, tuin. xiv. p. 83. Riclinrd IVvA, Natiir. dc I'Air, il. 30a. &c. M % iM irfit- dsi HISTOUV OF [Book IV 'if m^i blows over them ii less intensely cold than that which blows over land in the same high lati- tudes. But in America the land stretches from the river St. Laurence towards the pole, and spreads out immensely to the west. A chain of enormous mountains covered with snow and ice, runs through all this dreary region. The wind, in passing over such an extent of high and frozen land, becomes so impregnated with cold, that it acquires a piercing keenness, which it retains in its progress through warmer clU mates, and it Is not entirely mitigated until It reach the Gulf of 3Iez!co. Over all the conti- nent of North America, a north-westerly wind and excessive cold are synonymous terms. Even in the most sultry weather, the moment that the wind veers to that quarter, its penetrating influence is felt in a transition from heat to cold no less violent than sudden. To this powerful cause we may ascribe the extraordinary domi- nion of cold, and its violent inroads into the southern provinces, in that part of the globe.' Other causes, no less remarkable, diminish the active power of heat in those parts of the Ame- rican continent which lie between the tropics. In all that portion of the globe, the wind blows in an invariable direction from east to west. As this wind holds its course across the ancient continent, it arrives at the countries which stretch along the western shores of Africa, in- flamed with all the fiery particles which it hath collected from the sultry plains of Asia, and the burning sands in the African deserts, llie coast of Africa is, accordingly, the region of the earth which tieels the most fervent heat, and is exposed to the unmitigated ardour of the torrid zone. But this same wind, which brings such an ac- cession of warmth to the countries lying be- tween the river of Senegal and Cafraria, tra- verses the Atlantic Oce3Ui before It reaches the American shore. It is cooled In Its passage over this vast body of water, and is felt as a refresh- ing gale along the coast of Brazil, [51] and Gui- ana, rendering these countries, though among the warmest in America, temperate, when com- pared with those which lie opposite to them in Africa. [32] As this wind advances in its course across America, it meets with immense plains covered with impenetrable forests, or oc- cupied by large rivers, marshes, and stagnating waters, where it can recover no considerable degree of heat. At length it arrives at the An- des, which run from north to south through the whole continent. In passing over their elevated •nd frozen summits, It is so thoroughly cooled, that the greater part of the countries beyond them hardly feel the ardour to which they seem 1 Chulevoix Hilt do Nouv. Fr. iii. 165. ral£ dea Voyage*, torn. xv. 815, &c Hist Oini. exposed by their situation.* In the otiier pro- vinces of America, from TIerru Ferme west- ward to the Mexican empire, the heat of the climate Is tempered, In some places, by the ele- vation of the land above the sea. In others, by their extraordinary humidity, and In all, by the enormous mountains scattered over tills tract. The islands of America In the torrid zone are either small or mountainous, and are fanned al- ternately by refreshing sea and land breezes. The causes of the extraordinary cold towards the southern limits of America, and in the seas beyond it, cannot be ascertained In a manner equally satisfying. It was long supposed that a vast continent, distinguished by the name of Terra Auntralis Incognita, lay between the southern extremity of America and the An- tarctic pole. The same principles which account for the extraordinary degree of cold in the northern regions of America, were employed In order to explain that which Is felt at Cape Horn and the adjacent countries. The immense ex- tent of the southern continent, and the large rivers which It poured into the ocean, were mentioned and admitted by philosophers as causes sufficient to occasion the unusual sensa- tion of cold, and the still more uncommon ap- pearances of frozen seas In that region of the globe. But the imaginary continent to which such influence was ascribed, having been search- ed for in vain, and the space which it was sup- posed to occupy having been found to be an open sea, new conjectures must be formed with re- spect to the causes of a temperature of climate, so. extremely different from that which we ex- perience in countries removed at the same dis- tance from the opposite pole. [S3] After contemplating those permanent and cha- racteristic qualities of the American continent, which arise from the peculiarity of ite situation, and th'e disposition of Its parts, the next object that merits attention is its condition when first discovered, as far as that depended upon the Industry and operations of man. The effects of human ingenuity and labour are more extensive and considerable than even our own vanity is apt at first to imagine. AVhen we survey the face of the habitable globe, no small part of that fertility and beauty which we ascribe to the hand of nature. Is the work of man. His efforts^ when continued through a succession of ages, change the appearance and improve the qualities of the earth. As a great part of the ancient continent has long been occupied by nations far advanced in arts and industry, our eye Is ac- customed to view the earth in that form which it assumes when rendered fit to be the residence S AcuU Hist NoTi Orbis, lib. ii. c. II. Buflbn Hlit Naturelle, &c. toro. ii. SIS, &c. ix. 107, &c Otbom's Collect, of Voyagci, ii. p. 86a [Book IV. [n the other pro- rra Ferme west- I, the heat of the places, by the ele- lea, in others, by and in all, by the 1 over tliis tract, e torrid zone are ind are fanned al- 1 land breezes, nary cold towards A, and in the seas ned in a manner ig supposed that a by the name of lay bettireen the rica and the An- >les which account ! uf cold In the were employed in felt at Cape Horn The immense ex- nt, and the large the ocean, were ' philosophers as lie unusual seiisa- re uncommon ap- hat region of the mtinent to which aving been search- nrhich it was sup- ound to be an open I formed with re- irature of climate, liat which we ex- i at the same dis- S3] srmanent and cha- [lerican continent, ity of its situation, the next object idition when first ipendcd upon the n. The etfects of ire more extensive lur own vanity is len we survey the small part of that ascribe to the band aan. His efforts^ luccession of ages, prove the qualities trt of the ancient led by nations far ry, our eye is ac- I that form which to be the residence c. II. BuSbn Hilt 107, &C. Oibom'i •i - AMERICA. 99 of a numerous race of men, and to supply them with nourishment. But in the New World, tlie state of mankind was ruder, and the aspect of nature extremely diiTsrent. Throughout all its vast regions, there were only two monarchies remarkable for extent of territory, or distinguished by any progress in improvement. The rest of this continent was possessed by small independent tribes, destitute of arts and industry, and neither capable to cor- rect the defects nor desirous to meliorate the condition of that part of the earth allotted to them for their habitation. Countries occupied by such people were almost in the same state as if they had been without inhabitants. Immense forests covered a great part of the uncultivated earth ; and as the hand of industry had not taught the rivers to run in a proper channel, or drained off the stagnating water, many of the most fertile plains were overflowed with inun- dations, or converted into marshes. In the southern provinces, where the warmth of the sun, the moisture of the climate, and the fertility of the soil, combine in calling forth the most vigorous powers of vegetation, the woods are so choked with its rank luxuriant as to be almost impervious, and the surface of the ground is hid from the eye under a thick covering of shrubs and herbs and weeds. In this state of wild ^un- assisted nature, a great part of the large provinces in South America, which extend from the bot- tom of the Andes to the sea, still remain. The European colonies have cleared and cultivated a few spots along the coast ; but the original race of inhabitants, as rude and indolent as ever, have done nothing to open or improve a country possessing almost every advantage of situation and climate. As we advance towards the north- em provinces of America, nature continues to wear the same uncultivated aspect, and, in pro- portion as the rigour of the climate increases, ap - pears more desolate and horrid. There the fo- rests, though not encumbered with the same exuberance of vvgetation, are of immense extent ; prodigious marshes overspread the plains, and few marks appear of human activity in any at- tempt to cultivate or embellish the earth. No wonder that the colonies sent from Europe were astonished at their first entrance into the New World. It appeared to them waste, solitary, and uninviting. When the English began to settle in America, they termed the countries of which they took possession. The WUdemess. Nothing but their eager expectation of finding mines of gold could have induced the Spaniards to penetrate through the woods and marshes of America, where at every step they observed the extreme difference between the uncultivated face of nature, and that which it acquires under the forming hand of industry and art. [34] The labour and operations of man not only improve and embellish the earth, but render it more wholesome and friendly to life. When iiny region lies neglected and destitute of cultivatiuii, the air stagnates in the woods ; putrid exhala- tions arise from the waters ; the surface of the earth, loaded with rank vegetation, feels not the purifying influence of the sun or of the wind ; the malignity of the distempers natural to tliu climate increases, and new maladies no le.ss noxious are engendered. Accordingly, all the provinces of America, when first discovereil, were found to be remarkably unhealthy. This i the Spaniards experienced in every expedition into the New World, whether destined for con- quest or settlement. Though by the natural constitution of their bodies, their habitual tem- perance, and the persevering vigour of their minds, they were as much formed as any people in Europe for active service in a sultry climate, they felt severely the fatal and pernicious quali- ties of those uncultivated regions through which they marched, or where they endeavoured to plant colonies. Great numbers were cut off by the unknown and violent diseases with which they were infected. Such as survived the de- structive rage of those maladies, were not ex- empted from the noxious influence of the cli- mate. They returned to Europe, according to the description of the early Spanish historians, feeble, emaciated, with languid looks, and com- plexions of such a sickly yellow colour as indi- cated the unwholesome temperature of the countries where they had resided." The uncultivated stato of the New World affected not only the temperature of the air, but tiie qualities of its productions. The principle of life seems to have been less active and vigo- rous there than in the ancient continent. Not- withstanding the vast extent of America, and the variety of its climates, the different species of animals peculiar to it are much fewer in proportion than those of the other hemisphere. In the islands there were only four kinds of quadrupeds known, the largest of which did not cicciued the size of a rabbit. On the continent, the variety was greater ; and though the indi- viduals of each kind could not fail of multiply- ing exceedingly when almost unmolested by men, who were neither so numerous, nor .so united in society, as to be formidable enemies to the animal creation, the number of distinct species must still be considered as extremely small. Uf two hundred different kinds of animals spread over the face of the earth, only about one-third existed in America at the time of its discovery.* Nature was not only less prolific in the New World, but she appears likewise to have been less vigorous in her pro- 3 Goinara Hist. r. 20, 22. Ovicdo Hist. Iit>. ii. c. I.S. lfl>. V. c. 10. P. Martyr, Epist. fiVt. Dccatl. p. 170. 4 )!ullbn Hist. Natuicllr, loin. ix. p. M. , i 'I 1 ;/ 84 HISTORY OF tBooK IV wr ductiom. The animals originally belonging to this (quarter of the globe appear to be of an in- tVrior r»e«, neither eo robiMt nor lo flerce a* those of the other eontinent. America gives birth lo no creature of each bulk as to be com- pared with the elephant or rhinoeeroe, or that equals the lion and tiger in strength and ferocity [S6]. The Tt^fffr of Braail, the largest qundru- ]>ed of the ravenous tribe in the New World, Is not larger tlian a calf of six months old. The Puma and Jaguar, its fiercest beasts of prey, which Europeans have inaccurately denomina- ted lions and tigers, possess neither the undaunt- ed courage of the former, nor the ravenous cruelty of the latter.' lliey are inactive and timid, hardly formidable to man, and often turn their l>acks upon the least appearance of resis- tance.* The same qualities in the climate of America which stinted the growth, and en- feebled the spirit, of its native animals, have proved pernicious to such as have migrated into it voluntarily from the other continent, or have been transported thither by the Europeans.* The bears, the wolves, the deer of America, are not equal in size to those of the Old World.* Most of the domestic animals, with which the Europeans have stored the provinces wherein they settled, have degenerated with respect either to bulli or quality, in a country whose temperature and soil seem to be less favourable to the strength and perfection of the animal creation. [36] The same causes which checked the growth and the vigour of the more noble animals, were friendly to the propagation and increase of rep- tiles and insects. Though this is not peculiar to the New World, and thoae odious tribes, nourished by heat, moisture, and corruption, Infest every part of the torrid zone ; they mul- tiply faster, perhaps, in America, and grow to a more monstrous bulk. As this country is on the whole less cultivated and less peopled than the other quarters of the earth, the active prin- ciple of life wastes its force In productions of this inferior form. The air is often darkened with clouds of insects, and the ground covered with shocking and noxious reptiles, llie coun- try around Pofto Belio swarms with toads in such multitudes as hide the surface of the earth. At Guayaquil, snakes and vipers are hardly less numerous. Carthagcna is infested with nume- I Buffun Hist. Natur. torn. ix. p. 87. Marcgravii HUt. Nat Brazil, p. i>l>0. £ Buffbn Hist. ^Tatur. ix. 13. vai, Acosta Hist. lib. iv. c. 34. Pilonii Htat. p. a Hereera, dec. 4, lib. ir. c. I. lib X. c. 13. 3 Churchill, v. p. 691. Ovalle Rdat. of Chili, Church, lii. p. 10. Somariu de Ovicdo, c. 14 — 3-i. Voyage du I)cs Marchaii, iii. 290. 4 Buflbn Hiot Natur. Ix. 1(H. Kalm's Travels, 1. 108. Diet. Toy. dc France Equinox, p. 33D. rous flocks of Imts, which annoy not only the rattle but the inhabitants.* In the islands, legions of ants have at different times consumed every vegetable production, [d7] and left the earth entirely bare as if it had been burned with Are. The damp forests and rank soil of the countries on the banks of the Orinoco and Maragnon teem with almost every offensive and poisonous cre«ture which the power of a sultry sun can quicken into life.* The birds of the New World are not distln- guiohed by qualities so conspicuous and eharae- teristlcal as thoae which we have observed in its quadrupeds. Birds are more independent of man, and less affected by the changes which his Industry and labour make upon the state of the earth. They have a greater propensity to mi- grate from one country to another, and can gra- tify this instinct of their nature without diffi- culty or danger. Hence the number of birds common to both continents is much greater than that of quadrupeds ; and even such as are peculiar to America nearly resemble those with which mankind were acquainted In similiar regions of the ancient hemisphere. The American birds of the torrid zone, like thoseof the same dimate In Asia and Africa, are decked in plumage which dazzles the eye with the beauty of its colours ; but nature, satisfied with clothing them in this gay dress, has denied most of them that melody of sound and variety of notes which catch and delight the ear. The birds of the temperate climates there. In the same manner as In our continent, are less splendid in their appearance ; but. In compensation for that defect, they have voices of greater compass, and more melodious. In some districts of America, the unwholesome temperature of the air seems to be unfavourable even to this part of the creation. The number of birds is less than in other countries, and the traveller is struck with the amazing solitude and silence of its forests.' It is remarkable, how ever, that America, where the quadrupeds are so dwarfish and dastardly, should produce the Condor which is entitled to pre-eminence overall the flying tribe, in bulk, in strength, and in courage.* The soil in a continent so extensive as Ameri- ca mu"t, of course, be extremely various. In 5 Voyage de Ulloa, torn. i. p. SU. lb. p. 147. Uerrera, dca 11. lib. iii. c 3. 10. G Voyage de Condamine, p. 167. Gumllla, Ui. 120, &c Hist Oener. des. Voyages, xiv. 317. Dumont Memoiier aur la Louliiane, L 108., Somario de Ovledo, c. 61— OS. 7 Bouguer Voy. au Pcrou, 17. Chanvalon Voyage h la Martinique, p. 96. Warren'i Descript. Surinam. Os. born'i Collect. U. 924 Leltres Edit', xxiv. f, 330. Charlcv. Hist de la Nouv. France, Ui. \5b. 8 Voyage de Ulloa, L 363. Voyage de Condamine, 175. Buffl>n Hist Nat. xvi. 181. Voyage du Des Mar. chais. iii. .320. [Book IV. loy not only tb« In th« iilMuU, t tlm«a conaumpd 67] and left the Imcii burned with rank aoil of the le Orinoco and every offenilve the power of • • are not dietin- iiouiand ebarao- lave obierved in re independent of langes which his I the state of the ropenaity to mi* her, and can gra- re without dlfi- number of birde inch greater than «h as are peculiar hoae with which imiliar regions of American birds of same iiimate in plumage which f of its colours ; ingthem in this hem that melody which catch and of the temperate nanner as in our their appearance ; defect, they have more melodious, the unwholesome t be unfavourable n. The number mntries, and the tzing solitude and ■emarlcftble, how ! quadrupeds are Duld produce the eminence over ail strength, and In tensive as Ameri- ely various. Ill lb. ■>. 147. Herrers, urailla, iii. \M, flic Dumont Memoiier )vieda, c. 5Se— (tt. ^hanvalon Voyage h ripl. Surinam. Uii- (lv.p.33». Charlcv. age de Condamlne, oyagc du Dei Mnr. /r AMERICA. 85 each of its provinces we find some distinguishing peculiarities, the description of which belongs to those who write their particular history. In general we may cbeerve, that the moisture Hiiil cold, which predominate so remarlcabiy In nil parts of America, must have great influence upon the nature of its soil ; countries lying in tlie same parallel with those regions which never feel the extreme rigour of winter in the ancient continent, are frosen over in America during a great part of the year. Chilled by this Intense cold, the ground never acquires warmth sufH- cient to ripen the fruits which are found In the corresponding parts of the other continent. If we wish to rear in America the productions which aliound in any particular district of the ancient world, we must advance several degrees nearer to the line than in the other hemisphere, as it requires such an increase of heat to counter- balance the natural frigidity of the soil and cli- mate. [S8J At the Cape of Good Hnpo, several of the plants and fruits peculiar to the countries within the tropics are cultivated with success ; whereas, at St. Augustine in Florldn, and Charles Town in South Carolina, though con- siderably nearer the line, they cannot be brought to thrive with equal certainty. tS^I But, if allowance be made for this diversity In the de- gree of heat, the soil of America Is naturally as rich and fertile as in any part of the earth. As the country was thinly inhabited, and by a peo- ple of little industry, who had none of the do- mestic animals which civilized nations rear in such vast numbers, the earth was not exhausted by their consumption. The vegetable produc- tions, to which the fertility of the soil gave birth, often remained untouched, and, lieing suffered to corrupt on its surface, returned with increase into its bosom.' As trees and plants derive a great part of their nourishment from air and water ; if they were not destroyed by man and other animals, they would render to the earth more, perhaps, than they take from it, and feed rather than ImpoveriBh it. Thus the unoccupied soil of America may have gone on enriching for many ages. The vast number as well as enormous size of the trees in America, indicate the extraordinary vigour of the soil in its native state. When the Europeaiis first be- gan to cultivate the New World, they were as- tonished at the luxuriant power of vegetation in its virgin mould ; and in several places the in- genuity of the planter Is still employed In dimi- nishing and wasting its superfluous fertility, in order to bring it down to a state fit for profitable culture. '• [40] Buffon, Hitt. Niitur. i. 212. Kalm, I. 151. 10 Charlevoix, Hist, ile Nmiv. Fran. ill. 40,"i. Voyage du l)cs M«rcli.ii«, iii. iJ-^l. I.ery aj). dc Rry. part. iii. l>. 171. Having thus surveyed the stale of the New World at the time of its discovery, and consi- dered the peculiar features and qualities which distinguish and characterize it, the next inquiry that merits attention is. How was America peopled? By what course did mankind migrate from the one continent to the other? And in what quarter is it most probable that a com- munication was opened between them ? We know, with infallible certainty, that all the human race spring from the same source, and that the descendants of one man, under the protection as well as in obedience to the com- mand of Heaven, multiplied and replenished the earth. But neither the annalf not the tradltioni of nations reach back to those remote ages, in which they took possession of thedilTerent coun- tries where they are now settled. We cannot trace the branches of this first family, or point out with certainty the time and manner in which they divided and spread over the face of the globe. £ven among the most enlightened people, the period o( authentic history Is ex- tremely short ; and every thing prior to that is fabulous or obacurc. It Is not surprising, then, that the unlettered inhabitants of America, who have no solicitude about futurity, and little curiosity concerning what Is passed, should be altogether unacquainted with their own origi- nal. The people on the two opposite coasts of America, who occupy those countries In Am*- rica which approach nearest to the ancient con- tinent are so remarkably rude, that It is altoge- ther vain to search among them for such infor- mation as might discover the place from whence they came, or the ancestors of whom they are descended.^ Whatever light has been thrown on this subject Is derived, not from the natives of America, but from the inquisitive genius of their conquerors. When the people of Europe unexpectedly dis- covered a New World, removetl at a vast di*- tance from every part of the ancient continent which was then known, and filled with inhabi- tants whose appearance and manners differed remarkably from the rest of the human species, the question concerning their original became naturally an object of curiosity and attention. The theories and speculations of ingenious men with respect to this subject, would fill many volumes ; but are often so wild and chimerical, that I should offer an insult to the understand- ing of my readers, if I attempted elthermlnutely to enumerate or to refute them. Some have pre- sumptuously imagined, that the people of Ame- rica were not the offspring of the same common parent with the rest of mankind, but that they formed a separate race of men, distinguishable by peculiar features in the constitution of their 11 Viiiog.'.ii'8 Hlil. nC f ulifoniia. i. tit). \\ I ! ■i ) i fl ! ' ,,- M * HISTOllY OF LOooK IV. h i ! ■,! 1*: i 1! bodies, an well an In the clmracteriitlc qualitii'i> of their minds. Others contend, thnt they are descended from some remnant of the aiitedilii- vian inhabitants of the earth, who survived the deluge which swept away the greatest part of the human species In the days of Noah ; and preposterously suppose rude, uncivilized tribes, scattered over an uncultivated continent, to be the most ancient race of people on the earth- There Is hardly any nation from the north to the south pole, to which some antiquary, in the extravagance of conjecture, has not ascribed the honour of peopling America. The Jews, the Canaanites, the Phosnicianit the Carthaginians, the Greeks, the Scythians in ancient times, are supposed to have settled In this western world. The Chinese, the Swedes, the Norwegians, the Welsh, the Spaniards, are said to have sent co- lonies thither in later ages, at dllTerent periods, and on various occasions. Zealous advocates stand forth to support the respective ciuiins of those people ; and though they rest upon no bettor foundation tlian the casual rewmbinnce of some customs, or the supposed affinity between a few words in their different languages, much erudition and more zeal have been cmph)yed, to little purpose, in defence of the opposite systems. Those regions of conjecture and controversy belong not to the historian. His is a more li- mited province, confined by what is established by certain or highly probable evidence, lieyond this I shall not venture, in offering a few obser- vations which may contribute to throw some light upon this curious and much agitated ques- tion. I. There are authors who have endeavoured by mere conjecture to account for the peopling of America. Some have supposed that it was originally united to the ancient continent, and disjoined from it by the shock of an earthquake, or the irruption of a deluge. Others have ima- gined, that some vessel being forced from its course by the violence of a westerly wind, might be driven by accident towards the Amei-ican coast, and have given a beginning to population in that desolate continent.' But with respect to all those systems, it >s VAin either to reason or inquire, because It is impossible to come to any decision. Such events as they suppose arit barely poMible, and may have happened. That they ever did happen, we have no evidence, either from the clear testimony of history, or from the obscure intimations of tradition. 8. Nothing can be more frivolous or uncertain than the attempts to discover the original of the Americans merely by tracing the resemblance between their manners and those of any parti- 1 Parson-8 Remaina of .Inpliot, p. 840. Ancient Uni- vcri. Hist. vol. XX. p. IftI-. H. Fcjjcio Teatro Critlco, lom. v. p. 3G4, &c. Ai'osta Hist. Moral. Nori Orbis, lib. i. in. f. m. • cular people in the ancient continent. If we suppose two tribes, though placed In the most remote regions of the globe, to live in a climate nearly of the same temperature, to be in the same state of society, and to resemble each other In the degree of their improvement, they must feel the same wants and exert the same endea- vours to supply them. The same objects will allure, the same passions will animate them, and the same ideas and sentiments will arise in their minds. The character and occupations of the hunter in America must be little different from those of an Asiatic who depends for subsistencv on the chase. A tribe of savages on the banks of the Danube must nearly resemble one upon the plains washed by the Alisslssipi. Instead then of presuming from this similarity, that there is any affinity between them, we should only conclude that tfce disposition and manners* of men are formed by their situation, and arisi from the state of society in which they live. The moment that begins to vary, the chaructei of a people must change. In proportion as ii advances in improvement, their manners reflne, their powers and talents are called forth. It every part of the earth, the progress of man hatli been nearly the same ; and we can trace him ii< his career from the rude simplicity of savage life, until he attains the industry, the arts, and the elegance of polished society. There is no- thing wonderful, then, in the similitude between the Americans and the barbarous nations of our continent. Had I.iaeen no less barbarous than their posterity, at tho time when they were first discovered by the Europeans. For, although the elegant or refined arts may decline or perish, amidst the violent shocks of those revolutions and disasters to which nations are exposed, the necessary arts of life, when once they have been introduced among any people, are never lost. None of the vicissitude* in human alfairs affect these, and they continue tu be practised as long as the race of men exists. If ever the use of iron had been known to the savages of America, or to their progenitors ; if ever they had employed a plough, a loom, or a ' forge, the utility of those Inventions would have preserved them, and It is impouible that they should have been abandoned or forgotten. Wo may conclude, then, that the American* sprung from some people, who were themselves In such an early and unimproved stage of society, as to be unacquainted with all those necessary arts, which continued to be unknown among their posterity when first visited by the Spaniards. 5. It appears no less evident that America was not peopled by uny colony from the more southern nations of the ancient continent. None of the rude tribes settled In that part of our he- misphere can be supposed to have visited a conn- try so remote. They possessed neither enter- prise, nor ingenuity, nor power that could prompt them to undertake, or enable them to perform such a distant voyage. That the more civilized nations In Asia or Africa are not the progenitors of the Americans, is manifest, not only from the observations which I have already made concerning their ignorance of the most simple and necessary arts, but from an addi- tional circumstance. Whenever any people have experienced the advsrtages which men enjoy by their dominion over the Inferior animals, they can neither subsist without the nourishment which these afford, nor carry on any consider- able operation independent of their ministry and labour. Accordingly, the first care of the Spaniards, when they settled In America, wa* to stock It with all the domestic animals of Europe; and If, p»*lor to them, the Tyrians, the Carthaginians, the Chinese, or any other polish- ed people, had taken possession of that continent, we should have found there the animals peculiar to those regions of the globe where they were originally seated. In all America, however, there is not one animal, tame or wild, which properly belongs to the warm or even the more temperate countries of the ancient continent. The camel, the dromedary, the horse, the cow, were as much unknown in America as ths elephant or the lion. From which it is obvious, that the people who first settled In the western world did not issue from the countries where those animals abound, and where men, from having been long accustomed to their aid, would naturally consider It not only as beneficial, but as indispensably necessary to the improvement, and even the preservation of civil socitty. r :i 88 HISTORY OF [Book IV. 0. From iwiitltieriug the animal* with which America In itormi, we may conclude that the nearfst point of contact between the old and new contluenti In towardt the northern extremity of both, and that there the communication waa opened, and the intercouree carried on between them. AU the extensive countrloa in America which lie within the tropics, or approach near to them, are filled with indigenous animals of various kinds, entirely different from those in the corresponding rrgions of the ancient conti- nent. But the northern provinces of the New World abound with many of the wild animals which are common In such parts of our hemU ephere as lie in a similar situation. Th« bear, the woltV the fox, the hare, the deer, the roebuck, the elk, and several other species, frequent the forests of North America, no less than those in the north of Europe and Asia.' It seems to be evident, then, that the two continents approach each other in this quarter, and are either united, or so nearly adjacent that these animals might pass from the one to the other. 7. The actual vicinity of the two continent* is so clearly established by modern discoveries, that the chief difficulty with respect to the pc*- pling of America is removed. While those im- mense regions which stretch eastward from the River Oby to the sea of Kamchatka were un- known or imperfectly explored, the north-east extremities of our hemisphere were supposed t« be so far distant from any part of the New World, that it was not easy to conceive liowany oommunioation should have been carried on be- tween them. But the Russians, having sub> jected the western part of Siberia to their em- piret gradually extended their knowledge of that vast country, by advancing towards the east into unknown provinces. These were discovered by hunters in their excursions after game, or by soldiers employe4 in levying the taxes ; and the court of Moscow estimated the importance of tboae countries, only by the small addition which they made to it* revenue. At length Peter the Great ascended the Russian throne. His en- lightened, comprehensive mind, intent upon every circumstance that could aggrandize his empire^ or render his reign illustrious, discerned conse- quences of those discoveries wbicli had escaped the observation of his ignorant predecessors. lie perceived that in proportion as the regions of Asia extended towards the east, they must aj^ proach nearer to America ; that the communi- cation between the two continents, which bad long lieen searched for in vain, would prolnbly be fiiund in this quarter ; and that by opvnlng it, acme part of the wealth and commerce of the western world might be made to flow into hi* dominions by a new channel. Such an object i Buflbii, Hist. Nat. ix. p. U7, &C. suited a genius that delighted In grand scheme*. Peter drew up instructions with his own hand for prnaeouting this design, and gave order* for caiTyIng It into execution.* His successors adopted his ideas and pursued bis pliin. The officers whom th* Russian court employed in this service had to struggle with so many difficultie*, that their progress was ex- tremely slow. Encouraged by some faint tradi- tions among the people of Siberia, concerning a successful voyage in the year one thousand six hundred and forty-eight, roimd the north-east promontory of Asia, they attempted to follow the same course. Vessels were fitted out, with this view, at different times, from the river* Lena and Kolyma; but in a frozan ocean, which nature seem* not to have destined for navigation, they were exposed to many disasters, without being able to accomplish their purpose. No vessel fitted out by the Russian court ever dou- bled this formidable Cape ; [41 J we are Indebted for what is known of those extreme regions of Asia, to the discoveries made In excursions by land. In all those provinces an opinion prevails, that there are countries of great extent and fer- tility which lie at no considerable distance from their own coasts. These the Russians imagined to be part of America ; and several circumstan- ce* conouiTed not only in confirming them in this belief, but in persuading them that some portion of that continent could not be very remote. Tree* of various kind* unknown in those naked regions of Aahh are driven upon the coast by an easterly wind. By the same wind floating ice i* brought thither in a few day* ; flights of bird* arrive annually from the same quarter | and a tradition obtain* among the inhabitants, of iin intercourse formerly carried on with some coun- tries situated to the cast After weighing all these particulars, and com- paring the position of the countries in Asia which had been discovered, with such part* in the northwe*t of America a* were already known, the Ruisian court formed a plan, which would have hardly occurred to a nation less ac- customed to engage in arduou* undertakings, and to contend with great difficulties. Order* were issued to build two vessels at the small village of Ochotz, situated on the sea of Kam- chatka, to sail on a voyage Of discovery. Though that dreary uncultivated region furnished no- thing that could be of use in constructing them, but some larch trees : though not only the iron, the cordage, the sails, and all the numeroua ar- ticles requisite for their equipment, but the pro- vision* for victualling them were to be carried through the immense deserts of Siberia, down river* of difficult navigation, and along road* I i MuUer, Voysgs* et Decoiivettes par Ici Runes, i. p. 4. 5, 141. I [Book IV. I grand whannM. h hiH own hand gav« ord«n for la* and purauril la lluMlancouft •trug|l« with to rogr«M waa ex- Mine faint tradi- la, concerning a ne thousand lix J the north-eaat mpted to follow Atted out, with from the riven sen ocean, which id for navigation, iaaters, without r purpose. No court ever dou- we are Indebted treme regloni of in excuriioni by opinion prevailit, t extent and fei-- tle distance from useians imagined eral circumstan- aing them In this that some portion ie very remote, n in those naked n the coast by an vind floating ice i; flighu of birds quarter | and a ihabitants, of itn with some couii- iculars, and com- >untrle8 in Asia ith such parts in IS were already led a plan, which a nation less ac> us undertakings, iculties. Orders sels at the small the sea of Kam- scovery. Though in furnished no- instructing them, lot only the iron, the numerous ar- lent, but the pro- ere to be carried sf Siberia, down and along roads par Icf.iluiMS, toag. A M E 11 1 C A. 89 I, almost Impassable, the mandate of the sovereign, and the perseverance of the people, at last sur- mounted every obatacle. Two vessels were flnished, and, under the command of the Cap- tains Behring and Tschirlkow, sailed from K amchatka, In quest of the New World In a ({iiarter where it had never been approached. They shaped their course towards the east ; and though a storm soon separated the vessels, which never rejoined, and many dlstistcrs befell them, the expectations from the voyage were not alto- gether Arustvnted. Each of the commanders discovered land, which to them appeared to be part of the American continent ; and, according to their observations, it seems to be sitaated within a few degrees of the north-west coast of California. Each set some of his people ashore : but In one place the inhabitant* fled as the Rus- siana approached ; in anotlier, they carried off thoae who landed, and destroyed their boats. The violence til' tli« u-enther, and the distress of their crew's, obliged both captains to quit this inhospitable coast. In their return they touched at several island* which stretch in a chain from east to west between the country which they had discovered and the coaet of Asia. They bad some intercourse with the natives, who seemed to them to resemble the North Americana. They presented to the Russians the calumet, or pipe of peace, which Is a symbol of friendship universal among the people of North Ameriea, and a usage of arbitrary instituti«m peculiar to them. Though the islands of this New Archipelago have been frequented since that time by the Russian hunters, the court of St. Fetersburgb, during a period of more than forty years, seems to have relinquished every thought of proeecut- ing diaooveries in that quarter. But in the year one thonaand seven hundred and sixty-eight it was unexpectedly resumed. The sovereign who bad been lately seated on the throne of Peter the Great, possessed the genius and talents of her illustrious predecessor. During the operations of the most arduous and extenalve war in which the Ruaaian empire was ever engaged, she form- ed aohema* and executed undertakings, to which more limited abilities would have been incapable of attending but amidat the leianre of pacific times. A new voyage of diecovery from the eastern extremity of Asia waa planned, and Captain Krenitxia and Lieutenant Levaahelt' were anointed to command the two veasels fit- ted out for .that purpose. In their voyage out- ward they held nearly the same course with the former navigators, they touched at the aame is^ landa, obaerved their aituation and production* more carefully, and discovered several new is- lands with which Behring and Tsohirikow had not fallen in. Though they did not proceed so far to the east as to revisit the country which Behring and Tscliirikow supposed to bo part ot the American continent, yet, by returning in a course considerably to the north of theirs, they corrected some capital mistakes into which their predecessors had fallen, and have contributed to tHcilitate the progress of future navigators In those seas, [ii] Thus the poasiblilly of a communication be- tween the continents in this quarter rests no longer upon mere conjecture, but Is established by undoubted evidence.' Some tribe, or some families of wandering Tartara, ft-om tlie restless spirit peculiar to their race, might migrate to the nearest islands, and, rude as their knowledge of navigation was, might, by passing from one to the other, reach at length the coast of America, and give a beginning to population In that con- tinent. The distance between the Marian or Ladrone islands and th* nearest land in Asia, Is greater than that between the part of America whioh the Russians discovered, and the coast of Kamchatka; and yet the inhabitants of those islands are manifestly of Aaiatlc extract. If, notwithstanding their remote situation, we ad- mit that the Marian islands were peopled from our continent, distance alone is no reason why we should hesitate about admitting that the Americans may derive their original from the same source. It is probable that future naviga- tors in those seas, by steering further to the north, may find that the continent of America approaches still nearer to Asia. According to the' information of the barbarous people who inhabit the country about the north-east promontory of Asia, there lies, oif the coast, a small Mand, tn which they sail in less than a day. From that they can descry a large continent which, accord- ing to their desorlptkin, is covered with forest*, and possesaed by people whose language they do not understand.* By them they are aupplied with the skins of martens, an animal unknown in the northern parts of Siberia, and which is never found but in oounti'ie* abounding with treea. If we conid rely on thia account, we might conclude that the American continent ia separated from ours only by a narrow atrait, and all the difficultiea with reapeet to the commnni- catiou between them would taniab. What could be offered only aa a eonjecture, when thia Hi»- tory waa firat publiafaed, ia now known to be oertain. The near approach of the two conti- nantatoeaeb other haa been dtsceveped and traced ia a voyage undertaken upon principlea ao pare and so liberalf and conducted with ao much pro- fessional skiUf aa reflect lustre upon the reign of the sovereign by whom it waa planned, and do honour to tlie officers Intrusted with the execu- tion of it. [43] It ia likewise evident from recent discoverfeg. 3 Muller'8 Voyages, torn. i. p. ai3, Xc. SOT, 270. 4 Ibid. torn. i. p. KW, • .. • I N i'l 00 HISTORY OF [Hook IV m «• 1 ■« i that nn Intarcouric b«tw«en our continent nnd AmrrlM might ba carried on with no If** I'hcI- llty from the nurth-weit iixtremltleii of Kuniptt, A I early aa ihe ninth century [A. 1). 880], the Norwegian* dlieovered Greenland, and planted rolonlea there. The communication with that country, after a long interruption, wat renewed hi the lait century. Some I.utheran and Mora- vian mIsRionarlei, prompted by zeal for propa- gating the Chriitlan faith, have ventured to Kettle In thli fruxen and uncultivated region.' To them we are Indebted fur much curloiiH In- formntion with respect to Its nature and inhabl- tiuitx. We learn that the north-west coast of Cireeiiliind Is separated from America by a very Utirrow Ntralt ; that, at the bottom of the bay into which this strait conducts, It Is highly probable that they are united ;* that the inhabi- tants of the two countries have some intercourse with one another; that the Esquimaux of Amerirn perfectly resemble the Greenlanders in their aspect, dress, and mode of living ; that some sailors who had acquired the Itnowledge of a few words in the Greenlandish language, reported that these were understood by the Esquimaux; that, at length [A. D. 1764], a Moravian missionary, well acquainted with the language of Greenland, having visited the coun- try of the Esquimaux, found, to his astonish- ment, that they spolce the same language with the Greenlanders ; that they were in every respect the same people, and he was accordingly received and entertained by them as a friend and a brother.' By these decisive facts, not only the consan- guinity of the Esquimaux and Greenlanders is established, but the possibility of peopling Ameri- ca from the north of Europe is demonstrated. If the Norwegians, in a barbarous age, when science had not begun to dawn in the north of Europe, possessed such naval skill as to open a communication with Greenland, their ancestors, as much addicted > -> roving by sea, as the Tar- tars are to wande-i-'g by land, might, at some more remote period, accomplish tliesame voyage, and settle a colony there, whose descendants might, in progress of time, migrate into America. But if, insteiad of venturing to sail directly from their own coast to Greenland, we suppose that the Norwegians held a more cautious course, and advanced from Shetland to the Feroe islands, and from then to Iceland, in all which they had planted colonies ; the> progress may have been so gradual, that this navigation cannot be considered as either longer ,vr more hazardous than those voyages which t.1b-,. ^< "dy and eiiter- 1 Cranti' IJUt of GrecnI. t, ;«, :14. Vnvot, Hlit. Gen. (tea Voyagei, torn. xv. Ij2, nnte (Ef), 2 Kggede, p. 8, .l , 868. prising race of men Is Ikiiown to have pi-rfiirniid In every age. ti. 'I'hough It lie possible that America nmy have received its Arst inhabitants from our con- tinent, either by the north-west of Europe or the north-east of Asia, there seem* to lie goolnted out. But among all the other Inhabitants of America, there I* auch a atriking *imilitude in the form of their bodie* and the qualitle* of their mind*, that, notwithstanding the diversities occasioned by the influences of climate, or unequal progress in Improvement, we must pronounce them to be descended from one source. There may be • variety in the shades, but we can every where trace the same original colour. Each tribe has something peculiar which diHtinguishes It, but In all of them we discern certain features com- mon to the whole race. It Is remarkable, that in every peculiarity, whether In their persons or dispositions, which characterize the Ameri- cans, they hn' I! some resemblance to the rude tribes Hcnticred over the north-east of Asia, but alnxiHt none to the nations settled in the northern extremities of £uro|ie. We may, therefore, refer them to the former origin, and conclude that their Asiatic progenitors, having settled in those parts of America where the Russians have discovered the proximity of the two continents, spread gradually over its various regions. This account of the progress of popu- lation in America coincides with the tradition* of the Mexicans concerning their own origin, which, imperfect as they are, were preserved with more accuracy, and merit greater credit, than those of any people in the New A^'i Id. According to them, their ancestors came lr'>Tu a remote country pituated to the north >rf>nt o/ Mexico. The Mexicans point out the : v,ir;>v ■ stations as they advanced from this into the interior provinces, and it is precisely the same route which they must have held if they had been emigrants from Asia. The Mexicans, in describing the appearance of their progenitors, their manners and habits of life at that period, exnctly delineate those of the rude Tartars from vr'-:ij-ji I suppose them to have sprung.* 4 Acosta, Hiat Nat. ct Mor. lib. vil. c. 8, *c. Garcia. Origen de loa Indion, lib. v. c. ;). Torqucmada Mon»r [I'iM.K IV. hnve iM-i-roi'ihi'it t Ain«rlca luiiy In from our coii> It of Kiirop* or irnii tn lie unod i'iiK»iiltiirii o( all |i« Hum io the 'i nilgntled from >r. The Kiqul- inerlca, who In »ny reiemblarice They are inaiiU in all the nation* aiiguHge, in illt- 'i'helr original, aced up to that lit. Hut amoHK merlcM, there ie ■« form of their eir mindi, that, « occailoned bjr equal progrew in iiince them to be There may be « an every where Each tribe hai inguiihee It, but in feature* com- remarkable, that In their penons rize the AmerU men to the rude ■th-eaet of Aeia, ns Mttled in the ojie. We may, •mer origin, and igenitora, having lerica where the proximity of the y over its variou* irogreaa of popu- th the trnditinna heir own origin, ■were preerrved It greater rrpdit, the New '\v, Id. store came troni le north .rp^t u/ out the . sirioi!! >ni this into the ecisely the same held if they had lie Mexicans, in heir progenitors, fe at that period, ide Tartars from sprung.* 1. n. 2, *c. Oarcin. Porqucmada Monar AMERICA. Thus hrve I fluished iw|uliltlon which has been deemed of so much importance that it would have been impru^Mr tn omit It in writing the Kis'i ry of America. I have ventured to in- quire, but without presuming to decide. Mwtis- lied with offering conjectures, I pretend not to ea'MliMsh any system. When an investigation is, from Its nature, so intricate and obscure, that It Is impossible to arrive at conclusions which are certain, there may be some merit In pointing out such as are probable.* The condition and chi rncto- of tiie American nations, at the time iv' i-t^ -h./ became known to the Europeans, ih ino nttentlve consi- deration than tiie iiiqi.iry .. ii- progress, much less advanced than those wherein they have been ol>8crved in our contint'nt. In Ame- rica, lunn appears under tlic rudest f'l.riu in which wc can conceive him to subsist. \V« Im'- Ini). lib. i. c. i, X'c. Boturliil Bcnaducl lun tie tin.-i Hint, dc la Amcr. Scptcntr. sect. xvii. p. 127. b Mcmoirci sur la Loul^iiane, par Dumont, toin. I. |>. 1 19. hold communities }imI IwKiotilng to unite, and may examine the f<>-niim»iiu ami iiit'wm^ o( hu- man beings in (lie muncy «f twtial lui'e, whiU they feel but im(M>rl'e('lly (he tiir'-r oC it* ties, and have scarcely i' 'iuquUhrd tli< mtive liberty. That state of pnmevul Nimiiliclt), wfaii'li trss known In our continent urtly by the iHiiciful (.h •crlptlon of iMiets, really exioted In (he other. The greater pari of Its InbubitMnts were atnin- ger* to industry and labour, ignorant of iirtt, im- perfectly acquainted with'the nature of |iru|i«r> ty, and enjoying almost without restriction or control the blessings which flowed spontanooasly from the bounty of nature. There were only two nations in this vast continent which had emerged from this rude state, and had made any considerable progress in acquiring the ideas, and adopting the institutions, which belong to polish- ed societies. Their government and miinners wi!'i fall naturally under our review In relating the discovery and conquest of the Mexican and Peruvian empires ; and we shall have there an opportunity of contemplating the Americans in the state of highest improvement to which they ever attained. At present, our attention and researche* shall be turned to the small Independent tribe* which occupied every other part of America. Among these, though with some diversity in their char- acter, their manners, and Institutions, the state of society was nearly similar, and so extremely ruiic. that the denomination of sawge may bn applied to tbem all. In a general history of Ameiiea, It wtiuld be highly improper to describe the condition of each petty community, or to in- vestigate every minute circumstance which con- tributes to form the character of Its members. Such an inquiry would lead to details of im- measurable and tiresome extent. The qualities belonging to the people of all the different tribes have such a near rcsembhince, that they may be painted with the same features. Where any cir- cumstances seem to constitute a diversity In their character and manner* worthy of attention, it will be sufficient to point these out as they occur, and to inquire into the cause of such itecullarities. It is extremely diflicult to procure satisfy- ing and authentic information concerning nn- tions wiiile they remain uncivilized. To dis- covcr their true character under this rude form, and to select the features by which they are distin- guished, requires an observer possessed of no less inipitrtiiility than discernment. For, in every «tagc of society, the faculties, the sentimentH, and desires of men are so accommodated to their own state, that they become standards of exi-el- leiicc to themselves, they aflix the Idea of perfec- tiuii and happiness to those attainments wliicli 1 esemblc their own, and, wherever the objects and enjoyments to which tlicy have been ocrus- tuined are iMiiiting, confidently pronounce a pi'iijile to be bui'lai'oiis ami uiiscniblc. Henca i: •■.fcrfsjsc— ---rr: i d2 HISTORY OF [KooK IV. If 'lU .t VI I m. thn miitiinl rontvinpt with whiuli tlio mpiobi'Va of vuinmtinitieM, iiiii-qunl In tlipir degrees of im- IH'nvuinciit, rcgiird vni-.li other. Pullnhed nntiniiR, ;uii!sL-iuu!i of the advantages which they derive from their knowledge and arts, are apt to view rude nations with peculiar scorn, and, in the pride of superiority, will hardly allow either their occupations, their feelings, or their pleas- ures, to be worthy of men. It has seldom been the lot of communities, in their early and un- {wlished state, to fall under the observation of persons eiuIo\Ved with force of mind superior to vulgar prejudices, and capable of contempliit- ing ii'van, under whateve" aspect he appears, with a candid and discerning eye. The Spaniards, who first visited America, and tvho had opportunity of beholding its various tribes while entire and unsubdued, and belbre any change had been made in their ideas or man- ners by Intercourse with a race of men much ad- vanced beyond them in improvement, were far from possessing the qualities requisite for ob- serving the striking spectacle presented to their view. Neither the age in which they lived, nor the nation to which they belonged, had made such.progress in true science, as inspires enlarg- ed and liberal sentiments. The conquerora of the New World were mostly illiterate adveii- turrrs, destitute of all the ideas which should have directed them in contemplating objects so extremely different from those with which they Were acquainted. Surrounded continually with danger or struggling with hardships, they liad little leisure, and less capacity, for any specula- tive inquiry. Eager to take possession of a country of such extent and opulence, and happy in finding it occupied by inhabitants so incapable to defend it, they hastily pronounced them to be a wretched order of men, formed merely for servitude ; and were more employed In comput- ing the profits of their labour, than in inquiring into the operations of their minds, or the reasons of their customs and Institutions. The persons who penetrated at subsequent periods into the interior provinces, to which the knowledge and devastations of the first conquerors did not reach, were generally of a similar character; brave and enter|irisiii^r in a high degree, but so uninformed lis to be little qualified either for observing or describing what they beheld. Not only the incapacity but the prejudices of the Spaniards rendered their accounts of the people of America extremely defective. Soon after they planted colonies in their new con- quests, a difference in opinion arose with respect to the treatment of the natives. One party, so- licitous to render their servitude perpetual, re- presented rliem aM a brutish, obstinate race, inca- pable eitlier of acquiring religious knowledge, or of being trained to the functions of sctclal life. 'J'he other, full of pious concern for their con- vi'i'siiin; ('i)iit('ii(li'd that, though rude and ignor- ant, they were gentle, aifectionate, tldcile, and by proper instructions and regulations might bo formed gradually into goo4^^hristians and use- ful nitlzens. This controversy, as 1 have already related, was carried on with all the warmth which is natural, when attention to intarest on the one hand, and religious zeal on the othen animate the disputants. Most of the laity espoused the former opinion ; all the eecleaiaitics were advocates for the latter ; and we shall uni- formly find that, accordingly as an author be- longed to either of these parties, he is apt to magnify the virtues or aggravate the defects ot the American* far beyond truth. Those repug. nant accounts increase the difliculty of attaining a ]>erfRet knowledge of their character, and ren- der it lecessary to peruse all the descriptions of 'hem by Spanish writers with distrust, and to receive their information with some grains of allowance. Almost two centuries elapsed after the dis- covery of America, before the manners of its inhabitants attracted, in any considerable degree, the attention of philosophers. At length they discovered that the contemplation of the condi- tion and character of the Americans, in their original state, tended to complete our knowledge of the human species ; might enable us to fill up a considerable chasm in the history of its pro- gress ; and lead to speculations no less curious than important. They entered upon this new field of study with great ardour ; but, instead of throwing light upon the subject, they have contributed In some degree to involve it in addi- tional obscurity. Too Impatient to inquire, they hastened to decide ; and began to erect sys- tems, when they should have been searching for facts on which to establish their foundations. Struck with the appearance of degeneracy in the human species throughout the New World, and astonished at beholding a vast continent occupied by a naked, feeble, and ignorant race of men, some authors, of great name, have maintained that this part of the globe had but lately emerg- ed from the sea, and become fit for the residence of man ; that every thing In it bore marks of a recent original ; and that its inhabitants, lately called Into existence, and still at the beginning of their career, were unworthy to be compared with the people of a more ancient and improved continent.' Others have imagined, that, under the influence of an unkindly climate, which checks and enervates the principle of life, man never attained in America the perfection which belongs to his nature, but remained an animal of an inferior order, defective in the vigour of his liodily frame, and destitute of sensibility, as well as of force, in the operations of his mind.* I M. de Riiflbn Hist. Nat. ill. 4»t, *c. ix. 108, 114. •^ nf. lie 1>. Ilcclicrches I'hilos, Eiir Ici Amcric, paHim. [IJOOK IV. xitu, ilorile, nnii Intioiiii nii) St of the laity 1 the eecleaiastics nd we shall uni- s an author be- es, he is apt to te the defects of Those repug. ulty of attaining iracter, and ren- e descriptions of distrust, and to some grains of d after the dis- manners of its siderable degree, At length they >n of the condi- ericans, in their e our knowledge able us to till up story of its pro- no less curious upon this new kr ; but, instead bject, they have ivolve it in addi- ent to inquire, gan to erect sys- ■en sfarehiiig for eir foundations, legeneracy inthe iew World, and ntinent occupied It race of men, lave maintained lut lately emerg- For the residence bore marks of a liabitants, lately t the beginning ' to be compared It and improved led, that, under climate, which l)Ie of life, mHii lerfection which ined an animal 1 the vigour of if sensibility, as 8 of his mind.* c. ix. 103, 114. ■ Amcric. paMim. A M ERIC A. In opposition to both these, other philosophe.'« have supposed that man arrives at his highest dignity and excellence long before he reaches a state of refinement; and, in the rude simplicity of savage life, displays an elevation of sentiment, an independence of mind, and a warmth of at- tachment, for which it is vain to search among the members of polished societies." They seem to Consider that as the most perfect state of man which is the least civilized. They describe the manners of the rude Americans with such rap- ture, as if they proposed them for models to the rest of the species. These contradictory theo- ries have been iiroposed with equal confidence, and uncommon powers of genius and eloquence have been exerted, in order to clothe them with an appearance of truth. As all those circumstances concur in rendering an inquiry into the state of the rude nations in Amerit'n intricate and obscure, it is necessary to carry it on with caution. When guided in our researches by the intelligent observations of the few philosophers who have visited this part of the globe, we may venture to decide. When obliged to have recourse to the superficial re- marks of vulgar travellers, of sailors, traders, buccaneers, and missionaries, we must often pause, and, comparing detached facts, endeavour to discover what they wanted sagacity to ob- serve. Without indulging conjecture, or be- traying a propensity to either system, we must study with eqiiul care to avoid the extremes of extravagant admiration, or of supercilious con- tempt fur those manners which we describe. In order to conduct this inquiry with greater accuracy, it should be rendered as simple as pos- sible. Man existed as an individual before he became the member of a community ; and the qualities which belong to him under his former capacity should be known, before we proceed to examine those which arise from the latter rela- tion. This is peculiarly necessary in investiga- ting the manners of rude nations. Their poli- tical union is so incomplete, their civil institu- tions i>nd regulations so few, so simple, and of such slender authority, that men in this state ought to be viewed rather as independent agents, than lis members of a regular society. The character of a savage results almost entirely from his sentiments or feelings as an individual, and is but little influenced by his imperfect subjec- tion to government and order. I shall conduct my researches concerning the manners of the Americans in this natural order, proceeding grailuiiliy from wha* is simple to what is more complicated. I shall consider, I. The bodily constitution of the Americans in those regions now under re- view. II. Tlic qualities of their ir.iiiils. III. 3 M. Itousecau. Tlieir domestic state. IV'. Their jiolitlcal state and institutions. V. Their system of war, and public security. VI. The arts with which they were acquainted. VII. Their religious ideas and institutions. VIII. Such singular detached customs as are not reducible to any of the for- mer heads. IX. I shall conclude with a general review and estimate of their virtues ond defects. I. The bodily constitution of the Americans. — The human body is less affected by climate than that of any other animal. Some animals are confined to a particular region of the globe, and cannot exist beyond it ; others, though they may be brought to bear the injuries of a climate foreign to them, cease to multiply when carried out of that district which nature destined to be their mansion. Even such as seem capable of being naturalized in various climates, feel the effect of every remove from their proper station, and gradually dwindle and degenerate from the vigour and perfection peculiar to their species. Man is the only living creature whose frame is at once so hardy and so flexible, that he can spread over the whole earth, become the inha- bitant of every region, and thrive and multiply under every climate. Subject, however, to the general law of Nature, the human body Is not entirely exempt from the operation of climate ; and when exposed to the extremes either of heat or cold, its size or vigour diminishes. The first appearance of the inhabitants of the New World filled the discoverers with such as- tonishment that they were apt to imagine them a race of men different from those of the other hemisphere. Their complexion is of a reddish brown, nearly resemhling the colour of copper.* The hair of the.- heads is always black, long, coarse, and uncurled. They have no beard, and every part of their body is perfectly smooth. Their persons are of a full size, extreinelji straight, and well proportioned [H]. Theii features are regular, though often distorted by absurd endeavours to improve the beauty of their natural form, or to render their aspect more dreadful to their enemies. In the islands, where four-footed animals were botli few and small, and the earth yielded her productions almost spontaneously, the constitution of the natives, neither braced by the active exercises of the chase, nor invigorated by the labour of cultivation, was extremely feeble and languid. On the continent, where the forests abound with game of various kinds, and tlic chief occu- pation of many tribes was to pursue it, the human frame acquired greater firmness. Stilt, however, the Americans were more remarkable for agility than strength. They resembled beastJi of prey, rather than animals formed for labour [in]' Tliey were not only avci'sn to toil, but i (Ivicili) SDiimii", p \C>. 1>. I.ilr DlColimlMH. c. 'ii. i 1 i ii w^ 94 IIISTOUY OF [Hook IV. W •I* iiiutipabltf of it ; Hiid when rouited by fui-ce t'roin theii' native iuduleiice, uiid compelled to work, they sunk under tanks whioh the people of the other continent would have i>urt'ornied with vase.' This feebleness of constitution was uni- vuriiul uinoiig the inhabitants of those regions in Ainoricu which we are surveying, and may bo considered as ulmracterisliu of the species thei-e.' The beardless countenance and smooth skin of the Amei'ican seems to indicate a defect of vi- gour, occasioned by some vice in his frame. He is destitute of one sign of uiunhood and of stren^'th. This peculiarity, by wliicli the inha- bitants of the New AVorld are distinguished from the people of all other nations, cannot be nttri- butcd, as suine travellers have sup^ioscd, to ttieir mode of subsistence.' For though the food of many Americans be extremely insipid, as they are ultugetlier unacquainted with the use of salt, rudu tribes in other parts of the earth have sub- sisted on aliments equally simple, without this mark of Uegrudatiou, or any up]>arent symptom of a dimiiiutiun in their vigour. As the extvrniU form of the Americans leads us to sUKpect that there is some natural debili- ty in their frame, the smuUness of their appetite fur food has been mentioned by many autboi's as a confirmation of this suspicion. The quantity of food which men consume varies according to the temperature of the climate in which tbey live, the degree of activity which they exert, and the natural vigour of their constitutions. Under tlie enervating heat of the torrid zone, and when men pass their days in indolence and ease, they require less nourishment than the active inhabi- tants of temperate or cold countries. But nei- ther the warmth of their climate, nor their ex- treme laziness, will account for the uncommon dcft't't of appetite among tlio Americans. The Spaniards were astonished with observing this, nut only in the islands, but in several parts of the continent. The constitutional temperance of the natives far exceeded, in their opinion, the abstinence of the most mortified hermits :* while, on the other hand, the appetite of the Spaniards appeared to the Americans insatiably voracious ; and they affirmed, that one Spaniard devoured more food in a day than was sufficient for ten Americans.' A proof of some feebleness in their frame, still more striking, is the insensibility of the Ameri- ) Ovicilo Siom. p. .jl. ('. Voy. iXe Corrciil, ii. 138. Wafcr'B Dcscrii)tioii, p. 131. •i 1). I.as ( asect to the merit of female chastity. That is an idea too refined for a savage, and suggested by a delicacy of sentiment and affec- tion to which he is a stranger. But in Inquiries concerning either the bodily or mental qualities of particular races of men, there is not a more common or more seducing error, than that of uscribing to a single cause, those characteristic peculiarities which are the effect of the combined operation of many causes. The climate and soil of America differ in so many respects from those of the other hemi- sphere, and this difference is so obvious and striking, that philosophers of great eminence have laid hold on this as sufficient to account for what Is peculiar in the constitution of its (I Ik'nnqiin Mcpurs dee Sauvagvs, S'i, &.c. Rochcfort Hist, dcs Isles Antilles, p. 401. Voy.n(,'C' de Correal, ii. 141. Itamiisio, iii. MUD. V. L(izano Dcscr. del Drnii Chnco, 71. Falkncr's Descr. ori'atagon, p. I^.'). Lcttere di I>. C'atani'o ap. IMuratori II ('liristian. IVIivc, i. :iU.'>. "i C'libiivalon, p. ,51. Lcttr. Filif. tiini. kXiv. 3tH. 'IVrIri', ii. :l". Vcncyas, i. 81. Itilas lli^t. dc los 'i'H Ulllf. 1^. II. [Book IV. A SI E II I C A. 93 1(1 the ])u\ver of lestiiicd to per- vial union, and >yi is the most lough the perils ite, though tx- i, and the didi- ibsislence, may I, and to have a the rudeiit na- obe seem to feel lan the inhabi- tgro glows with to his climate; us discover that ituation on the aave felt. I3ut gr degree, stran- inct of nature, id the natives s and indiifer- Bts of that ten- ice in civilized re conspicuous slimates where reatest vigour, is female with lie species. IIo ty the assiduity ous to preserve Missionaries e austerity of om expressing ionate coldness cir intercourse reserve to be they entertain male chastity. [i savage, and ent and affvc- ler the bodily voces of men, nore seducing single cause, ivbich are the many causes. n differ in so e other hemi- ubvious and cut eminence nt to account itution of its , &.C. Rochcfort a ilo Correal, ii. >cscr. del Ciraii p. I a,'). U'ttere I'Vlico, i. ."iO.j. iiin. kXiv. SIH. list, tlv t(U 'i'ri inhabitants. They rest on physical causes alone, and consider the feeble frame and languid desire of the Americans, as consequences of the tem- perament of that portion of the globe which they occupy. But the influences of political and moral causes ought not to have been overlooked. These operate with no less effect than that on which many philosophers rest as a full explana- tion of the singular appearances which have been mentioned. Wherever the state of society is such as to create many wants and desires, which cannot be satisfied without regular exertions of industry, the body accustomed to labour becomes robust and patient of fatigue. In a more simple state, where the demands of men are so few and so moderate that they may be gratified, almost without any effort, by the spontaneous produc- tions of nature, the powers of the body are not called forth, nor can they attain their proper strength. The natives of Chill and of North America, the two temperate regions In the New World, who live by hunting, may be deemed an active and vigorous race, when compared with the inhabitants of the isles, or of those parts of the continent where hardly any labour is re- (juisite to procure subsistence. The exertions of a hunter are not, however, so regular, or so continued, as those of persons employed in the culture of the earth, or in the various arts of civilized life ; and though his agility may be greater than theirs, his strength is on the whole Inferior. If another direction were given to the active powers of man in the New World, and his force augmented by exercise, he might ac- quire a degree of vigour which he does not in his present state possess. The truth of this Is con- firmed by experience. Wherever the Americans Iiave been gradually accustomed to hard labour, their constitutions become robust, and they have been found capable of performing such tasks, as seemed not only to exceed the powers of such a teeble frame as has been deemed peculiar to their country, but to equal any effort of the natives either of Africa or of Europe. [46] The same reasoning will apply to what has been observed concerning their slender demand for food. As a proof that this should be ascribed as much to their extreme Indolence, and often total want of occupation, as to any thing peculiar in the physical structure of their bodies, it has been observed, that In those districts where the people of America are obliged to exert any un- usual effort of activity, in order to procure sub- sistence, or wherever they are employed in severe liibour, their appetite is not Inferior to that of other men, and in some places, it has struck ob- servers as remarkably voracious.' 8 Gumills, il. 12, 70, S17. Lafitr.ii, i. 515. Ovalle Church, a. 81. Huratori. i. 2U5. The operation of political and moral causes is still more conspicuous in modifyjng the degree of attachment between the sexes. In a state of high civilization, this passion, inflamed by re- straint, refined by delicacy, and cherished by fashion, occupies and engrosses the heart. It is no longer a simple instinct of nature ; sentiment heightens the ardour of desire, and the most tender emotions of which our frame is suscepti- ble soothe and agitate the soul. This description, however, applies only to those, who, by their situation, are exempted from the cares and la- bours of life. Among persons of inferior order, who are doomed by their condition to incessant toll, the dominion of this passion is less violent ; their solicitude to procure subsistence, and to provide for the first demand of nature, leaves little leisure for attending to its second call. But if the nature of the intercourse between the sexes varies so much in persons of different rank in polished societies, the condition of man while he remains uncivilized must occasion a variation still more apparent. We may well suppose, that amidst the hardships, the dangers, and the sim- plicity of domestic life, where subsistence is al- ways precarious and often scanty, where men are almost continually engaged in the pursuit of their enemies, or in guarding against their at- tacks, and where neither dress nor reserve are employed as arts of female allurement, that the attention of the Americans to their women would be extremely feeble, without imputing this solely to any physical defect or degradation in their frame. It is accordingly observed, that in those coun- tries of America where, from the fertility of the soil, the mildness of the climate, or some further advances which the natives have made in im- provement, the means of subsistence are more abundant, and the hardships of savage life are less severely felt, the animal passion of the sexes becomes more ardent. Striking examples of this occur among some tribes seated on the banks of great rivers well stored with food, among others who are masters of hunting grounds abounding so much with game, that they have a regular and plentiful supply of nourishment with little labour. The superior degi'ee of security and af- fluence which these tribes enjoy is followed by their natural effects. The passions implanted in the human frame by the hand of nature acquire additional force ; new tastes and desires are form- ed; the women, as they are more valued and ad- mired, become more attentive to dress and orna- ment ; the men beginning to feel how much of their own happiness depends upon them, no longer disdain the arts of winning their favour and affection. The intercourse of the sexes becomes very diflerent from that which takes place i;mong their ruder countrymen ; nnd as hardly any restraint is Imposed on the gratifi- 96 1 1 I S T O U Y OF [Book IV. m; Pr h !>' cntlon of desire, either by religion or laws or decency, the dissolution of their manners is ex- cessive.' Notwithstanding the feeble make of the A- niei'ieans, hnvdiy any of them are deformed, or mutilated, or defective in any of their senses. All travellers have been struck with this cir- cumstance, and have celebrated the uniform symmetry and perfection of their external figure. Some authors search for the cause of this ap- pearance in their physical condition. As the parents are not exhausted or over fatigued with hard labour, they suppose that their children are born vigorous and sound. They imagine that, in the liberty of savage life, the human body, naked and unconflned from its earliest age, preserves its natural form ; and that all its limbs and members acquire a juster proportion than when fettered with artificial restraints, which stint its growth and distort its shape.' Something, without doubt, may be ascribed to the operation of these causes; but the true reasons of this apparent advantage, which is common to all savage nations, lie deeper, and are closely interwoven with the nature and genius of that state. The infancy of man is so long and so helpless, that it is extremely difficult to rear children among rude nations. Their means of subsistence are not only scanty, but precarious. Such as live by hunting must range over extensive countries, and shift often from place to place. The care of children, as well as every other laborious task, is devolved upon the women. The distresses and hardships of the lavoge life, which are often such as can hardly be supported by persons in full vigour, must be fatal to those of more tender age. Afraid of undertaking a task so laborious, and of such long duration, as that of rearing their offspring, the womnn, in some parts of America, procure fre- quent abortions by the use of certain herbs, and extinguish the first sparks of that life which they are unable to cherish." Sensible that only ■tout and well formed children have force of conititution to struggle through such a hard in- fancy, other nations abandon ond destroy such of their progeny as appear feeble or defective, as unworthy of attention.* Even when they endeavour to rear all their children without distinction, so great a proportion of the whole number perishes under the rigorous treatment which must be their lot in the savage state, that few of those who laboured under any original 1 Biet 380. Charlcv. iii. 123. Duniont. Mcni. sur Louisiane, i. 155. 2 Pieo, p. a 3 Ellis's Voyage to Hudson's Bay, 108. llerrcra, dec. 7. lib. ix. c. 4. 4 Gumilla Hlat. ii. 23*. Tccho's Hint, of Paraguay, AeC Churchill's Collwt. v! ;08. frailty attain theugeof manhood." Thus, In po- lished societies, where the means of subslstenceare secured with certainty, and acquired with ease; where the talents of the mind areoften of wore im- portance than the powers of the body ; children are preserved notwithstanding their defects or de- formity, and grow up to be useful citizens. In rude nations, such persons are either cut off as soon as they are born, or, becoming a burden to themselves and to the community, cannot long protract their lives. But in those provinces of the New World, where by the establishment of the Europeans, more regular provision has been made for the subsistence of its inhabitants, and they are restrained from laying violent hands on their children, the Americans are so far from being eminent for any superior perfection in their form, that one should rather suspect some peculiar imbecility in the race, from tho extraordinary number of individuals who are deformed, dwarfish, mutilated, blind, or deaf.« How feeble soever the constitution of the Americans may be, it is remarkable that there is less variety in the human form throughout the New World than in the ancient continent. When Columbus and the othei- discoverers first visited the different countries of America which lie within the torrid zone, they naturally ex- pected to find people of the same complexion with those in the corresponding regions of the other hemisphere. To their amazement, how- ever, they discovered that America contained no negroes ;' and the cause of this singular ap- pearance became as much the object of curiosity as the fact itself was of wonder. In what part or membrane of the body that humour resides which tinges the complexion of the negro with a deep black, it is the business of anatomists to inquire and describe. The powerful operation of heat appears manifestly to be the cause which produces this striking Tariety in the human species. All Europe, a great part of Asia, and the temperate countries of Africa, are inhabited by men of a white complexion All the torrid zone in Africa, some of the warmer regions adjacent to it, and several countries in Asia, are filled with people of a deep black colour. If we survey the nations of our continetit, making our progress from cold and temperate countries to- wards those parts which are exposed to the in- fluence of vehement and unremitting heat, we shall find that the extreme whiteness of their skin soon begins to diminish ; that its colour deepens gradually as we advance; and, after passing through all the successive gradations of shade, terminates in a uniform unvarying black. i! .'> Croiixii. Hist. t'.iiKul. p .'i*. \'oy, ile Ulloa, 1, 'i3^. 7 I". .M.irlyr, (Uc. l>. 'i\. Book IV. -*.« AMERICA. 97 ThuB, in IN). •ubaiBtenceare fld with eiue ; en of more im- ody; children r defects or de- I citizens. In tier cut off a* ig a burden to r, cannot long e provinces of tnblishment of rision has been habitants, and violent hands are so far from ' perfection in i-ather suspect race, from the lividuals who itvd, blind, or itution of the ible that there rm throughout lent continent, iiscoverers first America which naturally ex- ime complexion regions of the Hzement, how- ;rira contained lis singular ap- ject of curiosity In what part humour resides the negro with P anatomists to rerful operation the cause which in the human irt of Asia, and :a, are inhabited All the torrid ivarmer regions ries in Asia, are k colour. If we leht, making our ite countries to- posed to the in- litting heat, we titeness of their I that its colour wee; and, after re gradations of unvarying black. IV. lie L'llon, i. i^i. But in America, where the agency of heat Is checked and abated by various causes, which I have already explained, the climate seems to be destitute of that force which produces such wonderful effects on the human frame. The colour of the natives of the torrid zone in Ame- rica is hardly of a deeper h^e than that of the people in the more temperate parts of their con- tinent. Accurate observers, who had an op- portunity of viewing the Americans in very diffierent climates, and in provinces far removed from each other, have been struck with the amazing similarity of their figure and aspect. [47] But though the hand of nature has deviated so little from one standard in fashioning the human form in America, the creation of fancy hath been various and extravagant. The same fables that were current in the ancient conti- nent, have been revived with respect to the New World, and America too has been peopled with human beings of monstrous and fantastic appearance. The inhabitants of certain pro- vinces were described to be pigmies of three feet high ; those of others to be giants of an enormous size. Some travellers published accounts of people with only one eye ; others pretended to have discovered men without heads, whose eyes and mouths were planted In their breasts. The variety of Nature in her productions is indeed so great, that it is presumptuous to set bounds to her fertility, and to reject Indiscriminately every relation that does not perfectly accord with our own limited observation and experience. But the other extreme, of yielding a hasty assent on the slightest evidence to whatever has the ap- pearance of being strange and marvellous, is still more unbecoming a philosophical inquirer ; as, in every period, men are more apt to be betrayed into error by their weakness in believing too much, than by their arrogance in believing too little. In proportion as science extends, and nature is examined with a diseieming eye, the wonders which amused ages of ignorance disap- pear. The tales of credulous travellers con- cerning America are forgotten ; the monsters which they describe have been searched for in vain ; and those provinces where they pretend to have found inhabitants of singular forms, are now known to be possessed by a people nowise different from the other Americans. Though those relations may, without discus- sion, be rejected as fabulous, there are other ac- counts of varieties in the human species in some parts of the New World, which rest upon better evidence, and merit more attentive examination. This variety has been particulai!y observed in three different districts. The first of these is situated in the Isthmus of Darien, near the cen- tre of America. Lionel Wafer, a traveller pos- sessed of more curiosity and intelligence than we should have expected to find in an associate of Buccaneers, discovered there a race of men few In number, but of a singular make, lliey are of low stature, according to his description, of a feeble frame, incapable of enduring fatigue. Their colour is a dead milk white ; not resem- bling that of fair people among the Europeans, but without any tincture of a blush or sanguine complexion. Their skin is covered with a fine hairy down of a chalky white ; the hair of their heads, their eye-brows, and eye-lashes, are o> the same hue. Their eyes are of a singular form, and so weak that they can hardly bear the light of the sun ; but they see clearly by moon- light, and are most active and gay in the night.' No race similar to this has been discovered in any other part of America. Cortes, indeed, found some persons exactly resembling the white people of Uarien among the rare and monstrous animals which Montezuma had collected. ° But as the power of the Mexican empire extended to the provinces bordering on the isthmus of Da- rien, they were probably brought thence. Sin- gular as the appearance of those people may be, they cannot be considered as constituting a dis- tinct species. Among the negroes of Africa, ae well as the natives of the Indian islands, nature sometimes produces a small number of indivi- duals, with all the characteristic features and qualities of the white people of Darien. The former are called Albinos by the Portuguese, the latter Kackerlakei by the Dutch. In Darien the parents of those Whites are of the same colour with the other natives of the country ; and this observation applies equally to the anomalous progeny of the Negroes and Indians. The same mother who produces some children of a colour that does not belong to the race, brings forth the rest with the complexion peculiar to. her country.'" One conclusion may then be formed with respect to the people described by Wafer, the Albinos and the Kdckerlakes ; they are a aegenerated breed, not a separate class of men ; and from some disease or defect of their parents, the peculiar colour and debility which mark their degradation are transmitted to them. As a decisive proof of this, it has been observed, that neither the white people of Darien, nor the Albinos of Africa, propagate their race : their children are of the colour and temperament pe- culiar to the natives of their respective coun- tries." [48] The second district that is occupied by inhabi- tants differing in appearance from the other people of America, is situated in a high northern latitude, extending from the coast of Labrador towards the pole, as far as the country is habit- 8 Wafer's Dcscript of Isth. ap. Dampier, iii. p. 348, 9 Cortes ap. Ramus, iii. p. 241. K 10 Margrav. Hist Her. Nat. Bras. lib. viii. c. 4. 11 Wafer, p. 348. Dcmanet Hiat de I'AiVique ii. 834 Rccherch. Philo*. sur Ics Amcr. ii. 1, &c. 98 HISTORY OF [Book IV. ■:.•( ^h able. The people Knttered over thote ih-eary regions are known to the Europeans by the name of Esquimaux. They themselves, with that idea of their own superiority, which cou- soles the rudest and most wretched nationR, as- Rutno the name of A'eralit or Men. They are of a middle size, and robust, with heads of a dis- proportioned bulk, and feet as remarkably small. Their complexion, though swarthy, by being continually ex|HMed to the rigour of a cold cli< mate, inclines to the European white rather than to the copper colour of America, iiad the men have beards which are sometimes bushy and long. ' From these marks of distinction, as well as from one still less equivocal, the affinity of their language to that of the Greenlanders, which 1 have already mentioned, we may con- clude, with some degree of confidence, tliat the Esquimaux are a race different from the rest of the Americans. We cannot decide with equal certainty con- cerning the inhabitants of the third district, si- tuated at the southern extremity of America. These are the famous Patagonians, who, during two centuvies and a half, have afforded a subject of controversy to the learned, and an object of wonder to the vulgar. They are supposed to be one of the wandering tribes which occupy the vast but least known region of America, which extends from the river de la Plata to the Straits of Magellan. Their proper station is in that part of the interior country which lies on the bank* of the river Negro ; but in the hunting season, they often roam aa far as the straits which separate Tierra del Fuego from the main land. The first accounts of this people were brought to Europe by the companions of Ma- gellan,* who described them aa a gigantic race, above eight feet high, and of strength in propor- tion to their enormous size. Among several tribes of animals, a disparity in bulk aa consi- derable may be observed. Some large breed* of horses and dogs exceed the more diminutive races in stature and strength, as far as the Pata- gonian is supposed to rise above the usual stand- ard of the human body. But animals attain the highest perfection of their species only in mild climates, or where they find the most nu- tritive food in 'greatest abundance. It is not then in the uncultivated waste of the Magellanic regions, and among a tribe of improvident sava- ges, that we should e:nia, with whom stout and well dinarysizeas to It of the human this gigantic race f those points in i which a cautious II choose to sus- omplete evidence t to admit a fact, ivhat reason and ixrii {thestruo n all tha various pi observed, idea with respect litants of this and Id attend not only r bodies, buteou> ley enjoy, and to ly usually arrive. I ttete, when man or enervated by irc, we are apt to w on almost un- ig, until his day* ige by the gradual ccordingly, among imong other rude jiit i^nd shrivelled traordinary length are unacquainted ad all of tbem as they are impro* it is impossible ,ny degree of pro- he period of their ably, accjrding to leir different modes >wcver, to be every of the distempers ISDcroft Nat HUtot AMERICA. 9# which afflict polished nations. None of the maladies, which are the immediate offspring of luxury, ever visited them ; and they have no names In their languages by which to distinguish this numerous train of adventitious evils. Uut whatever be the situation In which man Is placed, he Is bom to suffer ; and his diseases ill the savage state, though fewer in number, are, like those of the animals whom he nearly resembles in his mode of life, more violent and more fatal. If luxury engenders and nourishes distempers of one species, the rigour and dis- trcsscii of savage life bring on those of another. As men in this state are wonderfully improvi- dent, and their means of subsistence precarious, they often pass from extreme want to exuberant plenty, according to the vicissitudes of fortune in the chase, or in consequence of the various de- grees of abundance with whicA the earth affords to them its productions in different seasons. Their Inconsiderate gluttony in the one situation, and their severe abstinence in the other, are equally pernicious. For though the human constitution may be accustomed by habit, like that of animals of prey, to tolerate long famine, and then to gorge voraciously, it Is not a little affected by such sudden and violent transitions. The strength and vigour of savages are at some seasons Impaired by what they suffer from a scarcity of food ; at others they are afflicted with disorders arising from indigestion and a super- fluity of gross aliment. These are so common, that they may be considered as the unavoidable consequence of their mode of subsisting, and cut off considerable numbers in the prime of life. They are likewise extremely subject to con- sumptions, to pleuritic, asthmatic, and paralytic disorders,* brought on by the immoderate hard- ships and fatigue which they endure In hunting and In war ; or owing to the inclemency of the seasons to which they are continually exposed. In the savage state, hardships and fatigue vio- lently assault the constitution. Ii^ polished so- cieties, intemperance undermines it. It is not easy to determine which of them operates with most fatal effect, or tends most to abridge human life. The influence of the former Is certainly most extensive. The pernicious consequences of luxury reach only a few members in any community ; the distresses of savage life are felt by all. As far as I can judge, after very minute inquiry, the general period of human life is shorter among savages than in well regulated and industrious societies. One dreadful malady, the severest scourge witli which, in this life, offended Heaven chas- tens the indulgence of criminal desire, seems to have been peculiar to the Americans. By com- 4 riiarlcv. N. Fr. iii. 30*. Miciie, IL 37 LaSUu. IL 360. De la To- munlcating It to their conquerors, they have not only amply avenged their own wrongs, but, by adding this calamity to those which formerly Imblttered human life, they have, perhaps, more than counterbalanced all the benefits which Europe has derived firom the discovery of the New World. This distemper, from the coun- try In which it first raged, or from the people by whom it was supposed to have been spread over Europe, has been sometimes called the Neapoli- tan, and sometimes the French disease. At its first appearance, the infection was so malignant, its symptoms so violent, its operation so rapid and fatal, as to baffle all the nfforts of medical skill. Astonishment and terror accompanied this unknown affliction in Its progress, and men began to dread the extinction of the human race by such a cruel visitation. Experience, and the ingenuity of physicians, gradually discovered remedies of such virtue as to cure or to mitigate the evil. During the course of two centuries and a half, its virulence seems to have abated considerably. At length. In the same manner with the leprosy, which raged in Europe for some centuries. It may waste its force and dis- appear ; and in some happier age, this western Infectlbn, like that from the east, maybe known only by description. [50] II. After considering what appears to be pe- culiar in the bodily constitution of the Ameri- cans, our attention is naturally turned towards the powers and qualities of their minds. As tho Individual advances from the ignorance and Im- becility of the infant state to vigour and maturi- ty of understanding, something similar to this may be observed in the progress of the species. With respect to it, too, there is a period of in- fancy, during which several powers of the mind are not unfolded, and all are feeble and defective in their operation. In the early ages of society, while the condition uf man is simple and rude, this reason Is but little exercised, and his desires move within a very narrow sphere. Hence arise two remarkable characteristics of the hu- man mind in this state. Its intellectual powers are extremely limited ; its emotions and efforts are few and languid. Both these distinctions are conspicuous among the rudest and most un- improved of the American tribes, and constitute a striking part of their description. What, among polished nations, is called spe- culative reasoning or research, is altogether un- known in the rude state of society, and never be- comes the occupation or amusement of the hu- man faculties, until man be so far improved as to have secured, with certainty, the means of subsistence, as well as the possession of leisure and tranquillity. The thoughts and attention of a savage are confined within the small circle of objects immediately conducive to his preserva< tion or enjoyment. Every thing beyond that escapes his observation, or is perfectly indiffcr- too HISTORY OF [Book IV. 'I ent to him. Lik« a mere animni, vvliat is before his eyes interests and affects him ; what is out of sight, or at a distance, malces little Impres- sion.' There are several people in America wliose limited understandings seem not to be capable of forming an arrangement for futurity ; neither their solicitude nor their foresight ex- tends so far. They fallow blindly the impulse of the appetite which they feel, but are entirely regardless of distant consequences, and even of those removed in the least degree from immedi- ate apprehension. While they highly prize such things ns serve for present use, or minister to present enjoyment, they set no value upon those which are not the object of some immedi- ate want.' When, on the approach of the even- ing, a Carlbbre feels himself disposed to go to rest, no consideration will tempt him to sell his hammock. But, in the morning, when he is rallying out to the business or pastime of the day, he will part with It for the slightest toy that catches his fancy.' At the close of winter, while the impression of what he has suffered from the rigour of the climate is fresh In the mind of the North American, he sets himself with vigour to prepare materials for erecting a- comfortable hut to protect him against the in- clemency of the succeeding season ; but, as soon as the weather becomes mild, he forgets what is past, abandons his work, and never thinks of it more until the return of cold compels him, when too late, to resume it.* If in concerns the most interesting, and seem- ingly the most simple, the reason of man, while rude and destitute of culture, differs so little from the thoughtless levity of children, or the improvident Instinct of animals, its exertions in other directions cannot be very considerable. The objects towards which reason turns, and the disquisitions in which it engages, must de- pend upon the state in which man is placed, and are suggeated by his necessities and desires. Disquisitions, which appear the most necessary and important to men in one state of society, never occur to those In another. Among civil- ized nations, arithmetic, or the art of number- ing. Is deemed an essential and elementary sci- ence : and In our continent, the invention and use of it reaches back to a period so remote as Is beyond the knowledge of history. JBut among savages, who have no prop, 417. quite unknown. There are many who cannot reckon further than three ; and have no deno- mination to distinguish any number above it.' Several can proceed as far as ten, others to twenty. When they would convey an idea of any number beyond these, they point to the hair of their head, intimating that It is equal to them, or with wonder declare it to be so great that it cannot be reckoned." Not only the Americans, but all nations while extremely rude, seem to be unacquainted with the art of computation.' As soon, however, as they acquire such acquaint- ance or connection with a variety of objects, that there Is frequent occasion to combine or divide them, their knowledge of numbers increases, so that the state of this art among any people may be considered as one standard by whidi to esti- mate the degree of their improvement. The Iroquoise, in North America, as they are much more civilized than the rude inhabitants of Dra- zil, Paraguay, or Guiana, have likewise made greater advances In this respect; though even their arithmetic does not extend beyond a thou- sand, as In their petty transactions they have no occasion for any higher number.' The Chero- kee, a less considerable nation on the same con- tinent, can reckon only as far as a hundred, and to that extent have names for the several num- bers ; the smaller tribes in their neighbourhood can rise no higher than ten.' [61] In other respects, the exercise of the under- standing among rude nations is still more limit- ed. The first Ideas of every human being must be such as he receives by the senses. But in the mind of man, while in the savage state, there seem to be hardly any ideas but what enter by this avenue. The objects around him are pre- sented to his eye. Such as may be subservient to his use, or can gratify any of his appetites, attract his notice; he views the rest without curiosity or attention. Satisfied with consider- ing them under that simple mode in which they appear to him, as separate and detached, he nei- ther combines them so as to form general classes, nor contemplates their qualities apart from the subject In which they inhere, nor bestows a thought upon the operations of his own mind concerning them. Thus he is unacquainted with all the ideas which have been deuominated universal, or abstract, or of reflection. The range of his understanding must, of course, be very confined, xnd his reasoning powers be employed mcraly on what is sensible. This is so remark- 5 Condani. p. 67. StaOius ap. do Bry, ix. 128. Lery, ibid. 331. Bict 262. Lettr. Edit 2a 311. 6 Dumont Louis, i. 187, Bcrrara, dec. L Bb. iil. c. 3 Bict 3i)6. Bordc, 6. 7 This is tiic case with the Grcciilaiidcrs, Crantz, i. 2S5, and with Kamchatkadalcs, M. I'AbbC Cli;>pp£, iii. 17 8 Charlev. Nouv. Franc, iii. 40?. Adair's Hist, of Amcr. Indians, 77. |i v. Book IV. AMERICA. 101 wbo cannot Bve no deno- ler above It,* Bn, otben to ey an idea of ut to tbe hair Miual to tbem, great that it e Americanit de, leem to be computation.' uch acqunint- >f objects, that bine or divide I increases, so y people may vhicii to esti- trement. The hey are much itantsof Dra- liken-lse made ; though even >eyond a tb(m- s they have no Tbe Chero- the same cou- i hundred, and several u urn- neighbourhood ! of the under- till more limit- lan being must ei. But in the ige state, there what enter by I him are pre. be subservient ' his appetites, e rest without with consider^ ) in which they etached, he nei- general classes, apart from the nor bestows a ' bis own mind I unacquainted in denominated on. The range sourse, be very irs be employed Is is so remarlc- y, ix. laa Lery, 114 Ice. L Bb. ill. c. 3 ilaiidcrs, Crantz, i. bbcChi-ppe, ill. 17 ably the case with the ruder nations of America, that their languages (as we shall afterwards find) have not a word to express any thing but what is material or corporeal. Time, space, substance, and a thousand terms, which repre- sent abstract and universal ideas, are altogether unlcnown to them.'" A nal\ri8an with some of those seated in the islands, or on the banks of the Maragnon and Orinoco. Their occupations are more various, their system of policy, as well as of war, more complex, their arts more numerous. But even among them, 10 Condam. p. M. II Ilcrrcra, dec. 2. lib. ii. c. 15. U Turqucm. Mon. liid. Hi. lUS. the Intellectual power* are extremely limited la their operations, and, unless when turned direct- ly to those objects which interest a savage, are held ill nu estimation. Both the North Ameri- cans and Chilese, when not engaged in some of the functions belonging to a warrior or hunter, loiter away their time in thoughtless indolence, unacquainted with any other subject worthy of their attention, or capable of occupying theit minds." If even among tliem reason is so much circumscribed in its exertions, and never arrives, in its highest attainments, at the knowledge of those general principles and maxims which serve as the foundation of science, we may conclude that tbe intellectual powers of man In the sa- vage state are destitute of their proper object, and cannot acquire any considerable degree of vigour and enlargement. From the same causes, the active efforts of the mind are few, and on most occasions languid. If we examine Into the motives which rouse men to activity in civilized life, and prompt them to persevere in fatiguing exertions of their ingenui- ty or strength, we shall find that they arise chiefly from acquired wants and appetites. These are numerous and importunate ; tbey keep the mind in perpetual agitation, and. In order to gratify them, invention must be always on the stretch, and industry must be incessantly employed. But tbe desires of simple nature are few, and where a favourable climate yields al- most spontaneously what suffices to gratify them, they scarcely stir the soul, or excite any violent emotion. Hence the people of several tribes in America waste their life in a listless indolence. To be free from occupation, seems to be all the enjoyment towards which they aspire. They will continue whole days stretched out in their hammocks, or seated on the earth In perfect idleness, without changing their posture, or raising their eyes from the ground, or uttering a single word." Such is their aversion to labour that neither the hope of future good nor the apprehension of future evil can surmount it. They appear equally indifferent to both, discovering little so- licitude, and taking no precautions to avoid the one or to secure the other. The cravings of hunger may rouse them ; but as they devour, with little distinction, whatever will appease its instinctive demands, the exertions which these occasion are of short duration. Destitute of ardour, as well as variety of desire, they feel not the force of those powerful springs which give vigour to tbe movements of the mind, and urge the patient hand of industry to persevere in its efforts. Man, in some parts of America, appeal's in a form so rude that we can discover n<» 1.1 I-ifitau, a. 2. 11 Buufiucr Voy. au Perou, 102. Bordc, la 102 HISTORY OF [Book IV. 1'..' eflTvcU of hli Mtivity, and the principle of uii- dentandlng, which ihould dirfct It, seems hard- ly to b« unfolded. Like the other animnU, he has no fixed residence ; he has erected no habita- tion to shelter him from the Inclemency of the weather ; he has taken no measures for securing certain subsistence ; he neither sows nor reaps ; but roams about as led in search of the plants and fruits which the earth brings forth in suo- eesslon ; and in quest of the game which he kills in the forest, or of the flsh which he catches in the rivers. This description, however, applies only to some tribes. Man cannot continue long In this state of feeble and uninformed infancy. Ha was made for industry and action, and the powers of his nature, as well as the necessity of his condition, urge him to fulfil his destiny. Accordingly, among most of the American na- tions, especially those seated in rigorous climates, some efforts are employed, and some previous precautions are taken, for securing subsistence. The career of regular industry is begun, and the laborious arm has made the first essays of its power. Still, however, the improvident and slothful genius of the savage state predominates. Even among those more improved tribes, labour is deemed ignominious and degrading. It is onl^ to work of a certain kind that a man will deign to put bis hand. The greater part Is de- volved entirely upon the women. One half of the community remains inactive, while the other is oppressed with the multitude and va- riety of its occupations, llius their industry is partial, and the foresight which regulates it is no less limited. A remarkable instance of this occurs in the chief arrangement with respect to their manner of living. They depend for their subsistence, during one part of the year, on fish- ing; during another, on hunting; during a third, on the produce of their agriculture. Though experience has taught them to foresee the return of those various seasons, and to make some provision for the respective exigencies of each, they either want sagacity to proportion this provision to their consumption, or are so incapable of any command over their appetites, that, from their inconsiderate waste, they often feel the calamities of famine as severely as the rudest of the savage tribes. What they suffer one year does not augment their industry, or render them more provident to prevent similar distresses.' This inconsiderate thoughtlessness about futurity, the effect of ignorance and the cause of sloth, accompanies and characterizes man In every stage of savage life ;' and, by a 1 CliarlDV. N. Ti. iii. 338. Lcttr. Eilif. 83, 298. Dcs- cript. of N. France, Osborii's Collect, ii. 880. Dc la I'o- thcrie, ii. 63. 2 Itoiicroft'ii Nut. Hist, of Guiana, 326, 333. capricious singularity In his operations, he Is then least solicitous about supplying his wants, when the means of satisfying them are most precarious, and procured with the greatest diffi- culty. [68] III. After viewing the bodily constitution of the Americans, and contemplating the power* of their minds, we are led, in the natural order of Inquiry, to consider them as united together in society. Hitherto our researches have been confined to the operations of understanding re- specting themselves a* individuals; now they will extend to the degree jf their sensibility and affection towards their species. The domestic state is the first and most simple form of human association. The union of the 8<>xes among different animals is of longer or shorter duration in proportion to the ease or dif- ficulty of rearing their offspring. Among those tribes where the season of Infancy Is short, and the young soon acquire vigour or agility, no permanent union is formed. Nature commits the care of training up the offspring to the mother alone, and her tenderness, without any other assistance, is equal to the task. But where the state of Infancy is long and helpless, and the joint assiduity of both parents is requi- site In tending their feeble progeny, there a more intimate connexion takes place, and continues until the purpose of nature be accomplished, and the new race grow up to full maturity. As the infancy of man is more feeble and helpless than that of any other animal, and he is (""nendent during a much longer period on thu uare and foresight of his parents, the union between hus- band and wife came early to be considered not only as a solemn but as a permanent contract. A general state of promiscuous intercourse i>»- tween the sexes never existed but in the ima- gination of poets. In the Infancy of society, when men, destitute of arts and industry, lead a hard precarious life, the rearing of their pro- geny demands the attention and efforts of both parents; and if their union had not been formed and continued with this view, the race could not have been preserved. Accordingly In America, even among the rudest triltes, a regular union Itetween husband and wife was universal, and the rights of marriage were understood and re- cognised. In those districts where sululstence was scanty, and the difficulty of maintaining a family was great, the man confined himself to one wife. In warmer and more fertile provin- ces, the facility of procuring food concurred with the influence of climate in inducing the inhabit- ants to Increase the number of their wives.' In some countries the marriage-union subsisted 3 Lcttr. Edif. 23, 318. I^fitau Mopiirs, i. .Wt. Lcrj ap. (Ic Bry, iii. 2'M. Journal dc Grillct ct Bccliamcl, p S8. Book FV. AMERICA. 103 erallons, be li ing Ills wunti. heui are most B greatcvl dlffl- conitltutlon of ng the powers natural order inited together ihea have been entandhig re- als; now they lenilbility and nd moit simple union of the of longer or the ease or dif- Among those r Is short, and or agility, no ature comuiita fspriiig to the , without any e task. But g and helpless, irentsis requU y, there a more and continues omplishod, and urity. As the d helpless than t Is v-'ooendent 1 thit care and 1 between hua- nonsidered not anent contract, intercourse bo- lt In the ima- icy uf society. Industry, lead g of their pro- efforts of both ot been formed I race could not ly In America, regular union universal, and irstood and to- ere subsistence maintaining a ned himself to fertile provlu- oncurred with ig the inbab't- jr wives.' In lion subsisted rs, i. rAt, Lcrj Lt Bvcliamcl, p I during life ; In others, the Impatience of the Americans under restraint of any species, to- gether with their natural levity and caprice, prompted them to diwolve it on very slight pre- texts, and often without assigning any cause.* Ilut in whatever light the Americans consi- dered the obligation of this contract, either as perpetual or only as temporary, the condition of women was equally humiliating and miserable. Whether man has been Improved by the progress of arts and civilization In society, is a question which, in the wantonness of disputation, has been agitated among philosophers. That women ■re indebted to the reAnements of polished man- ners, for a happy change In their state, is a point which can admit of no doubt. To despise and to degrade the female sex Is the characteristic of the savage state in every part of the globe. Man, proud of excelling In strength and in courage, the chief marks of pre-eminence among rude people, treats woman, as an inferior, with dis- dain. The Americans, perhaps from that cold- ness and insensibility which has been consider- ed as peculiar to their constitution, add neglect •nd harshness to contempt. The most intelli- gent travellers have been struck with this inat- tention of the Americans to their women. It Is not, as I have already observed, by a studied display of tenderness and attachment that the American endeavours to gain the heart of the woman whom he wishes to marry. Marriage itself, Instead of being « union of affiectlon and interests between equals, becomes among them the unnatural conjunction of a master with his slave. It Is the observation of an author whose opinions are deservedly of great weight, that wherever wives are purchased their condition Is extremely depressed.* They become the pro- perty and the slaves of those who buy them. In whatever part of the globe this custom prevails, the observation holds. In countries where re- finement has made some progress, women when purchased are excluded from society, shut up in sequestered apartments, and kept under the vi- gilant guard of their masters. In ruder nations they are degraded to the meanest functions. Among many people of America the marriage contract Is properly a purchase. The man buys bis wife of her parents. Though unacquainted with the use of money, or with such commer- cial transactions as take place In more Improved society, he knows how to give an equivalent for any object which he desires to possess. In some places, the suitor devotes his service for a certain time to the parents of the maid whom he courts ; in others, he hunts for them occasionally, or 4 Lafiteu, L 580. Joutel Joum. Hittor. 345. Loiano Dose, del Oron Chaco, 70. Hennepin Moeun des Sauva- gei, p. 30, 3a 5 Sketclxn of Hist, of Han, 1. 184. .^ . , . . assists in cultivating their flvlds and furniliig their canoes ; in others, he offers presentM of such things as are deemed most valuable on ac- count of their usefulness or rarity." In rt-turn for these he receives his wife ; and this circum- stance, added to the low estimation of women among savages, leads him to consider her ns a female servant whom he bos purchasod, and whom be has a title to treat as an inferior. In all unpolished nations, it Is true, the functions in domestic economy which fall naturally to the share of women are so many, that tlicy are sub- jected to hard labour, and must bear more than their full portion of the common burden. But In America their condition Is so peculiarly grievous, and their depression so complete, that servitude is a name too mild to describe their wretched state. A wife among most tribes is no better than a beast of burden, destined to every office of labour and fatigue. While the men loiter out the day in sloth, or spend it In amusement, the women are condemned to Inces- sant toil. Tasks are imposed upon them with- out pity, and services are received without com- placence or gratitude.' Every circumstance reminds women of this mortifying inferiority. They must approach their lords with reverence ; they must regard them as more exalted beings, and are not permitted to eat in their presence.' There are districts in America where this do- minion is so grievous, and so sensibly felt, that some women, in a wild emotion of maternal tender; ess, have destroyed their female children in their infancy, in order to deliver them from that intolerable bondage to which they knew they were doomed.* Thus the first institution of social life Is perverted. That state of domes- tic union towards which nature leads the human species. In order to soften the heart to gentleness and humanity. Is rendered so unequal as to es- tablish a cruel distinction between the sexes, which forms the one to be harsh and unfeeling, and humbles the other to servility and subjec- tion. It is owing perhaps, in some measure, to this state of depression, that women in rude na- tions are far from being prolific."' The vigour of their constitution is exhausted by excessive fatigue, and the wants and distresses of savage life are so numerous, as to force them to take various precautions in order to prevent too rapid an increase of their progeny, Among wander- 6 LafiUu Moeurt, &c. L 660. &c Charlev. ill. 285, &c Herrera, dec. 4. lib. iv. c. 7. Dumont, iL 15a 7 Tcrtre, li. 382. Borde Relat des Mccun ie» Caral- bcs, p. 21. Blet 397. Condamlne, p, 110. Fermin. 1. 79. 8 OumiUs, 1. 153. Barrere, 104w Labat, Voy. U. 78. Chanvalon, 51. Tertre, IL 300. D Guniuia, a 833, 83a Herrera, dec. 7. lib. ix. c. iv. 10 LaAUu. i. 599. Charlevoix. Ul- 30k ..;',. IM HISTORY OF [Hook IV. u Ih^ h hi- i i Ing li-ibei, or lucli ft* depend chli'lly upon hunt- ing tor luliHUtPurH, the mother mnuot nttcmpt to rrnr n Rfnind child until thn flnit hn« attnlnrd ■urii n degree of vigour ai to be in Home nieuiiure Independent of her cnre. I'Vom thii motive, it U the univerial praetiru of the Ameriean wo- men to luckle their children during leverHi yean ;' and a* they wldom marry eariy, iIih period of their fertility is over before they cnn finliih the long hut necemary attendance upon two or three children.* Among inme of the Icuit p^dishcd tribe*, whose industry and fore- sight do not extend so fiu' as to make any regular provision fur their own subsistence, It is a maxim not to burden themselves with rearing morn than two children ;' and no such numerous families as are frequent In civilized societies arc to be found among men in the savage state.* When twins are born, one of them commonly is aban- doned, because the mother U not equal to the task of rearing both." [53] When a mother dies while she Is nursing a child, all hope of prenerv- ing its life fails, and It is buried together with her In the same grave." As the parents are fre- quently exposed to want by their own Improvi- dent indolence, the difficulty of sustaining their children becomet lo great that it is not uncom- mon to abandon or destroy them.' Thus their experience of the difficulty of training up an in- fant to maturity, amidst the hardships of savage life, often stifles the voice o> nature among the Americans, and suppresses the strong emotion* of parental tenderness. But though necessity compels the luhabltunt* of America thus to set bounds to the increase of their familie*, they are not deficient in affection and attachment to their offspring. They feel the power of this instinct In its full force, and a* long as their progeny continue feeble and help- less, no people exceed them in tenderness and care.* But in rude nations the dependence of children upon their parents is of shorter conti- nuance than in polished societies. When men must be trained to the various functions of civil life by previous discipline and education, when the knowledge of abstruse sciences must be taught, and dexterity in intricate arts must be acquired, before a young man is prepared to be- 1 Herrera, dec. 6. lib. i. c. 4. 2 Charlcv. ill. 303. Dumoiit, M£m. sur Louiaiane, ii. 270. Deny'a Hist Natur. de TAinirlque. &c. 11. 3bb. Charlev. HiiL de Parag. ii. 422. 3 Techo'a Account of Paraguay, &c. Church. Collect, vi. 108. Lett Edif. xxiv. SOD. Loiano Descr. 98. 4 Maccleur's Journal, 63. 5 Lett Edif. X. 200. 6 Charlev. iil. 308. Lett Edif. x. 200. P. Melch. Hernandei Mcmor. de Cheriqni. Colbert Collect Orig. Pap. L 7 Venega'a HIat of Califom. i. 82. 8 GumUla,i. 211. Riet390. gin his career of action, the attentive feeling* of a parent are not confined tn the year* of Infancy, but extend to what is more remote, theestablli>h- ment of his child In the world. Kven then his solicitude does not terminate. Ills protection may still be requisite, and hi* wisdom and expe- rience still prove useful guide*. Thim a permo- nent connection is formc *ada bread is made, U an art too intricate for their inyenuity, or too fhtlguing to their Indo- lence. The root* which the earth produce* *pontaneou*ly ; the fVult*, the berries, and the seed* which they gather In the woods ; together with lliards and other reptilee, which multiply amazingly with the heat of th* climate In a fat aoll moistened by firequent ralna, supply them with food during some part of the year." At other time* they subeist by Ashing ; and nature saems to have Indulged the laxineeaof th* South American tribe* by the liberality with which ■he ministers In this way to their wants, llie vast river* of that region in America abound with an inflnlte variety of the moet delicate flih. The lake* and marahe* formed by the annual overflowing of the waters are filled with all the different species, where they remain shut up, as In natural reservoirs, for the use of the inhabi- tants. They ewarm in such shoal*, that in aome place* they are catched without art or industry [64]. In others, the native* have discovered a method of infecting the water with the Juice of certain plants, by which the fish are so intoxi> cated that they float on the surface and are taken with the band [&fi]. Some tribe* have ingenuity enough to preserve them without *alt, by drying ISNleuhofr. HiitofBroza Chunh. CoU. it. 13«. Si- mon Conqulsta de Tierra Firmc, p. 160. Tccho, Account of Paraguay, &c. Church, vi. 78. Lcttr. Edif. iO. 381. 10. ISO, Lozano, Oeacrip. dcL Gran Chaco, p. 81. Ribai Hitter, de las Triumiba, fte. p. ". or imohing tham kpon hurdle* ovtra «low fire." The prollflo quality of the river* In Soutli America Induce* many of the native* to reeort to their bank*, and to depend almoet entirely Ibr nourishment on what their waters supply wltk such profusion. '* In this part of th* globe hunt- ing seeme not to have been the first employment of men, or the flr*t effort of their invention and labour to obtain food. They were fleher* before they iMoame hunter* i and a* th* ocoupallon* of the former do not call for equal exertion* of ae- tivity or talent* with thoee of the latter, people in that state appear to po*s*** neither th* *ame degrae of enterprise nor of ingenuity. The petty nations ai^acent to the Maragnon and Orinoco are manifestly the moet Inactive and leaat intel- ligent of all the American*. Nona but tribe* contiguous to great river* can ■uataln themselves In this manner. The greater part of the American nations, dispersed over the forest* with which their country I* covered, do not procure subsistenoe with the same facility. For although these foreet*, especially in the southern continent of America, are stored plen- tifully vrith game,'* eonsiderabl* efforts of acti- vity and ingenuity are requlaite in pur*uit of it. Neceuity Incited the natives to the one, and taught them the other. Hunting bscame their principal oconpatloa; and a* it eallad forth *ti«nuou* exertion* of oourage, of force, and of Invention, It waa deemed no 1m* honourabla than ■eee**ary. This occupation wa* peculiar to the men. They were trained to it from their earlleet youth. A bold and dexteroiu hunter ranked next In fame to the distinguished war- rior, and an alliance with the former Is often courted In preference to one with the latter." Hardly any device, which the ingenuity of maa ha* discovered for ensnaring or destroying wild animals, was unknown to the Americans. While engaged in this ikvourite exercise, they shake off the indolence peculiar to their nature, tli* latent power* and vigour of their mind* are rouaed, and they become active, persevering, and indefiitiga- ble. Their sagacity in finding their prey and their address in killing it are equal. I'helr reason and their senses being constantly directed towards this one object, the former displays such fertility of invention and the latter acquira such a degree of acuteness as appear almost in- credible. They discern the footstep* of a wild beaat, which escape every other eye, and can follow them with certainty through the pathless forest. If they attack their gam* openly, their 13 Condam. 150. GumiUa, IL 37. Lettr. Edif. 14. 199. Sa 328. Acugna, Relat de la Rlv. dca Amaa. 138. 14 Barrere, Rclat. de Fr. Equin. p. 1&5. 15 P. Martyr, Decad. p. 324. Gumilla, iL 4, &c. Acugna, i. 156. 16 Charlev. Hiitoire dela N France, iii. 115 106 HISTORY OF [Book IV. ^^:- ,H 'h: h ;'•' ' : ! '?' u-f arrow selJom errs trnm the mark : ' if they en- deavour to circumvent it by art, it is almost im- possible to avoid their toils. Among several tribes, their young men were not permitted to marry until they had given such proofs of their sliill in hunting as put it beyond doubt that they were capable of providing for a family. Their Ingenuity, always on the stretch, and sharpened by eraulatiou as well as necessity, has struck out many inventions which greatly facilitate suc- cess in the chase. The most singular of these is the discovery of a poison, in which they dip the arrows employed in hunting. The slightest wound with those envemoned shafts is mortal. If they only pierce the skin, the blood fixes and congeals in a moment, and the strongest animal fulls motionless to the ground. - Nor does this poison, notwithstanding its violence and subtlety, infect the flesh of the animal which it kills. That may be eaten with perfect safety, and re- tain its native relish and qualities. All the nations situated upon tiie banks of Maragnon and Orinoco are acquainted with this composi- tion, the chief ingredient io which is the juice extracted from the root of the curare, a species of withe.* In other parts of America they em- ploy the juice of the manclieniUe for the same purpose, and it operates with no less fatal acti- vity. To people possessed of those secrets the bow is a more destructive weapon than the musket, and, in their skilful hands, does great execution among the birds and beasts which abound in the forests of America. . But the life of a hunter gradually leads man to a state more advanced. The chase, even where prey is abuudant, and the dexterity of the hunter much improved, affords but an un- certain maintenance, and at some seasons it must te suspended altogether. If a savage trusts 1 1 his bow alone for food, he and his fa- mily \ ill lie often reduced to extreme dis- tress.!" 1 Hardly any region of the earth furnish man ' onvaneously with what his wants require. In t> . mildest climates, and most fertile soils, his uv: n industry and foresight must be exerted in some degree to secure a regular supply of food. Their experience of this surmounts the abhorrence of labour natural to savage nations, and compels them to have recourse to culture, as subsidiary to hunting. In particular situa- tions, some small tribes may subsist by fishing, independent of any production of the earth raised by their own industry. But throughout all America, we scarcely meet with any nation of hunters which does not practise some species of cultivation. 1 Bict. Voy. de France Equin. 357. Daviea's Discov. of the River of Amaz. Purchai, Iv. p. 1287. S Oumllla, U. I, &c. Condam. 208. Rccherch. Philos. U. 831). Bancroft's Nat, Hbt. of Guiana, 891. Ac. The agriculture of the Americans, however, is neither extensive nor laborious. As game and fish are their principal food, all they aim at by cultivation is to supply any occasional de- fect of these. In the southern continent oi America, the natives confined their industry to rearing a few plants, which, in a rich soil and warm climate were easily trained to maturity. The chief of these is maize, well known in Europe by the name of Turkey or Indian wheat, a grain extremely prolific, of simple culture, agreeable to the taste, and affording a strong hearty nourishment. The second is the manioc, which grows ta> the size of a large shrub or small tree, and produces roots somewhat re- sembling parsnips. After carefully squeezing out the juice, these roots are grated down to a fine powder, and formed into thin cakes called casaada bread, which, though Insipid to the taste, proves no contemptible food." As the juice of the manioc is a deadly poison, some authors have celebrated the ingenuity of the Americans, in converting a noxious plant into wholesome nourishment. But it should rather be consi- dered as one of the desperate expedients for procuring subsistence, to which necessity re- duces rude nations ; or, perhaps, men were led to the use of it by a progress in which there is nothing marvellous. One species of manioc is altogether free of any poisonous quality, and may be eaten without any preparation but that of roasting it in the embers. This, it is proba- ble, was first used by the Americans as food ; and, necessity having gradually taught them the art of separating its pernicious juice from the other species, they have by experience found it to be more prolific as well as more nourish- ing.* [67] The third is the jtlantain, which, though it rises to the height of a tree, is of such quick growth, that in less than a year it re- wards the industry of the cultivator with its fruit. This, when roasted, supplies the place of bread, and is both palatable and nourish- ing. [58] The fourth is the jiolatoe, whose cul- ture and qualities are too well known to need any description. The fifth is pimento, a small tree yielding a strong aromatic spice. 'Ilie Americans, who, like other inhabitants of warm climates, delight in whatever is hot and of poig- nant flavour, deem this seasoning a necessary of life, and mingle it copiously with every kind of food they take.' Such are the various productions, which were the chief object of culture among the himting 3 Sloane Hist of Jam. Introd. p. 18. Ijibat, I. 304, Acota, Hist Ind. Occid. Natur. lib. iv. c. 17. UUoa, i. 62. Aublet, Mem. sur le Magnioc. Hist des Plantci, torn, a. p. 65, &C. 4 Martyr, Decad. 301. Labat, i.411. OumUla, iiL 108. Machucha Hilic. Indiana, 164. 5 Cumllla, iii, 171. Acottn, UU iv. c 2% [Book IV. erioans, however, irious. As game tod, all they aim uiy occasional de- lern continent «i I their induntry to in a rich soil and ined to maturity. , well known in urkey or Indian rolitic, of simple t, and affording a The second is the Ee of a large shrub iota somewhat re- irefully squeezing grated down to a thin cakes called nsipid to the taste, As the juice of on, some authors of the Americans, it into wholesome i rather be consi- .te expedients for lich necessity re- ips, men were led in which there is ecies of manioc is nous quality, and eparation but that This, it is probn- mericans as food ; y taught them the IS juice from the iperience found it as more nourish- j)lantain, which, a tree, is of such ban a year it re- uUivator with its supplies the place ble and nourish- otatoe, whose cuU 1 known to need ])imeiUo, a small atio spice, llie labitanta of warm is hot and of poig- ing a necessary of irith every kind of itioni, which were nong the hunting p. 18. liRbat, i. .194^ iv. c. 17. UUoa, i. {ist. de* Plantci, tom. II. OumUla,iiLl<«. f. c. 20. AMERICA. 107 tribes on the continent of America ; and with a moderate exertion of active and provident in- dustry these might have yielded a full supply to the wants of a numerous people. But men, accustomed to the free and vagrant life of hun- ters, are incapable of regular application to la- bour, and consider agriculture as a secondary and hiferior occupation. Accordingly, the pro- vision for subsistence, arising from cultivation, was so limited and scanty among the Ameri- cans, that, upon any accidental failure of their usual success in hunting, they were often re- duced to extreme distress. In the islands, the mode ot subsisting was considerably different. None of the large ani- mals which abound on the continent were known there. Only four species of quadrupeds, besides a kind of small dumb dog, existed in the islands, the biggest of which did not exceed the size of a rabbit.' To hunt such diminutive prey was an occupation which required no effort either of activity or courage. The chief em- ployment of a hunter in the isles was to kill birds, which on the continent are deemed igno- ble game, and left chiefly to the pursuit of boys.' Thid want of animals, as well as their peculiar situation, led the islanders to depend principally upon fishing for their subsistence." Their rivers, and the sea with which they are surrounded, supplied them with this species of food. At some particular seasons, turtle, crabs, and other shellfish abounded in such numbers that the natives could support themselves with a facility in which their indolence delighted.^ At other times, they ate lizards and various reptiles of odious forms."* To fishing the inhabitants of the islands added some degree of agriculture. Mai.^it, [59] manioc, and other plants were cul- tivated in the same manner as on the continent. But all the fruits of their industry, together with what their soil and climate produced spon- taneously, afforded them but a scanty mainte- nance. Though their demands for food were very sparing, they hardly raised what was suf- cient for their own consumption. If a few Spaniards settled in any district, such a small addition of supernumerary mouths soon ex- hausted their scanty stores, and brought on a famine. Two circumstances, common to all the savage nations of America, concurred with those which 1 have already mentioned, not only in rendering their agriculture imperfect, but in circumscrib- ing their power in all their operations. They R Oviedo, Ub. xii. in proem. 7 RIbu Hirt. de lo* Triumph, p. la De la Potherei, IL 3:). ill. ao. 8 Oviedo, Ub. xili. c. 1. Gomara, Hi»t. Gencr. c. 88. Gomara, Hist. Gcner. c. 0. Labat, U. 881, &c. 10 Oviedo, Uh xill G. & had no tame animals; and they were unac- quainted with the useful metals. In other parts of the globe, man, in his rudest state, appears as lord of the creation, giving law to various tribes of animals, %vhich he has tamed and reduced to subjection. The Tartar follows his prey on the horse which he has reared ; or tends his numerous herds, which furnish him both with food and clothing : the Arab has ren- dered the camel docile, and avails himself of its persevering strength : the Laplander has formed the reindeer to be subservient to his will ; and even the people of Kamchatka have trained their dogs to labour. This command over the infe- rior creatures is one of the noblest prerogatives of man, and among the greatest efforts of his wisdom and power. Without this his dominion is incomplete. He is a monarch who has no subjects ; a master withoi\t servants, and must perform every operation by the strength of his own arm. Such was the condition of all the rude nations in America. Their reason was so little improved, or their union so incomplete, that they seem not to have been conscious of the superiority of their nature, and suffered all the animal creation to retain its liberty, without establishing their own authority over any one species. Most of the animals, indeed, which have been rendered domestic in our continent, do not exist in the New World ; but those pe- culiar to It are neither so fierce nor so formida- ble as to have exempted them from servitude. There are tome animals of the same species on both continents. But the rein-deer, which has been tamed and broken to the yoke in the one heinisphere, runs wild in the other. The bison of America is manifestly of the same species with the horned cattle of the other hemisphere." The latter, even among the rudest nations In our continent, have been rendered domestic ; and, in consequence of his dominion over them, man can accomplish works of labour with greater facility, and has made a great addition to his means of subsistence. The inhabitant* of many regions of the New World, where the bison abounds, might have derived the same advanta- ges from it. It is not of a nature so indocile, but that it might have been trained to be as subservient to man as our cattle." Butasavage, in that uncultivated state wherein the Ameri- cans were discovered, is the enemy of the other animals, not their superior. He wastes and desti-oys, but knows not how to multiply or to govern them." This, perhaps, is the most notable distinction 11 BuHbii, anic. Bison. 18 Nouv. Dccouvcrtc par Hennepin, p. 198. Kaliu, i. 207. 13 liuttbn Hist. Nat. ix. 85. Hiat. Pliilon. et Pulit, lies EUibliiwm. dn Guroi>. duns les deux lnU«i, vl. 3(». -:*» «M<* g » HISTORY OF [Book IV. between the inbabitaota of tb« Ancient nnd New Worlds, and a high pre-eminence of civiiiied men abore auch aa continue rude. The greatest operationa of man in changing and improving the ftce of nature, aa well as bia most consider- able efftrta in cnltivating the earth, are accom- plished by means of the aid which he receives from the animab that he has tamed, and em- ploys in labour. It ia by their strength that he subdues the stubborn soil, and converts the desert or marsh into a fruitful field. But man, in his civilized state, is so accustomed to the ser- vice of the domeatio animals, that he seldom re- flects upon the vast benefits which ha derives from it. if we were to suppose hiui, even when most improved, to be deprived of their useful ministry, his empire over nature must in some measure cease, and he would remain a feeble animal, at a loss how to subsist, and incapable of attempting such arduous undertaliings as their assistance enables him to execute with ease. It is a doubtful point, whether the dominion of man over the animal creation, or bis acquir- ing the useful metals, has contributed most to extend his power. The era of this import- ant discovery is unknown, and in our hemi- sphere very remote. It ia only by tradition, or by digging up some rude instruments of our forefathers, that we learn that manliind were originally unacquainted with the use of metala, and endeavoured to supply the want of them by employing flints, shells, bones, and other hard substances, for the same purposes which metals serve among polished nations. Nature com- pletes the formation of some metals. Gold, silver, and copper are found in their perfect state in the ciefta of rocks, in the siilea of moun- tains, or the channels of rlvera. These were accordingly the metals first known, and first ap- plied to use. But iron, the most serviceable of all, and to which man is most indebted, is never discovered in its perfect form; iu gross and atubborn ore must feel twice the force of fire, and go through two laborious processes, before it become fit for use. Man was long acquainted with the other metala before he acquired the art of fabricating iron, or attained such ingenuity as to perfect an invention, to which he is in- debted for those instruments wherewith he sub- dues the earth, and commands all ita inhabitants. But in this, as well aa in many other respects, the inferiority of the Americans was conspiou- oua. All the savage tribes, scattered over the continent and islands, were totally unacquainted with the metals which their soil produces in great abundance, if we except some trifling quantity of gold, which they picked up in the torrents that descended firom their mountains, and formed into ornaments. Their devices to supply this want of the serviceable metulc were extremely lude and awkward. The most simple operation was to them an undertaking uf im- mense difllculty and laboor. To fell a tree with no other instruments than batehetaof stone, waa employment for a month.' To form a canoe into shape, and to hollow it, consumed years ; and it iirequently began to rot before they were able to finish it.* Their operations in agricul- ture were equally alow and defective. In a country covered with wooda of the hardest tim- ber, the dearinc of a small field destined for culture required the united efforts of a tribe, and was a work of much time and great toik This was the business of the men, and their in- dolence was satisfied with performing it in • very alovenly manner. The labour of cultiva- tion waa left to tha women, who, after digging, or rather stirring the field, with wooden mat« tacks, and stakes hardened in the fire, sowed or planted it; but they were more indebted for the increase to the fertility of the soil than to their own rude industry.* Agriculture, even when the strength of man is seconded by that of the animals which he baa subjected to the yoke, and his power augmented by the use of the various instruments witk which the discovery of metals haa furnished him, is still a work of great labour ; and it la with the sweat of his brow that he rendera the earth fertile. It is not wonderful, then, that people destitute of both these advantages should have wade so little progress in cultivation, that they must be considered as depending for subsis- tence on fishing and hunting, rather than on the firuits of their own labour. From this description of the mode of subsist- ing among the rude American tribes, the form and gr^nius of their politioal institutions may bo deduced, and we are enabled to trace variona circumstances of distinction between them and more civilised nations. 1. They were divided into small independent communities. W hile hunting is the chief source of subsistence, a vast extent of territory is re- quisite for supporting a small number of people. In proportion as men multiply and onite, tha wild animals on which they depend for fbod di- minish, or fly at a greater distance fhnn the haunta of their enemy. The increase of a s». duty In this state is limited by ita own nature, and the members of it must either disperse, like the game which they pursue, or fall upon some belter method of procuring food than by hunt- ing. Beasts of prey are by nature eolitary and unsocial, they go not forth to the chase in herds, but delight In thoee recessee of the forest where they can roam and destroy undisturbed. A na- tion of hunters resembles them both in occupa- tion and in genius. They cannot form into I Oumills, UL 106. 8 Borde nelat. dea Caratbci, p. S3. 3 OumllU, ill. lue, &c. Uttr. Edif. all. la H- [Book IV. 'o fell a tree witb letaof itone, WM o form a canqe wntumed yean ; before they were tions in agricul- defective. In a the hardeet tim- icld deitined for ITorta of a tribe, e and great toik len, and their in- rforming it in a tbour of eultiva- 10, after digging, th wooden mat- he fire, lowed or ) indebted ior the mil tlian to their atrength of man tall which he has wwer angmented iitrumenti with li baa fumiibcd abour ; and it ia at he rendera the lerful, then, that idvantages ihould cultivation, that ending foriubiii- ather than on the mode of lubaiit- tribee, the form ititutioni may b« to trace yariona itween them aud mall independent the chief aource territory ia re- umber of people, yand tmite, the |iend for fbod di- •tance Arom the ncreaie of a lo- ita own nature, ler diipene, like fall upon aome than by hnnt- ur« aolitary and e ohaM in berdi, the foreat where iaturl>ed. A na- both in occupa- nnot form into xU, 10. AMERICA. 109 , large communities, beoauie it would be impoaai- ble to find lubelitence ; and they must drire to i distance every riyal who mny encroach on those domains, which they consider as their own. This was the state of all the American tribes i the numbers in each were inconsidera- ble, though scattered over countries of great ex- tent ; they wen> far removed from one another, and engaged in perpetual hostilities or rivalship.* In America, the word nation is not of the same import as in other parts of the globe. It is ap- plied to small societies, not exceeding, perhaps, two or three hundred persons, but occupying provinces greater than some kingdoms in Eu- rope. The country^f Guiana, though of larger extent than the kingdom of France, and divided among a greater number of nations, did not con- tain above twenty-five thousand inhabitants.' In the provinces which border on the Orinoco, one may travel several hundred miles in diiferent dhrections, without finding a single hut, or ob- serving the footsteps of a human creature. ** In North America, where the climate is more rigorous, and the soil leas fertile, the desolation is still greater. There, Journeys of some hun- dred leaguea have been made through uninha- bited plains and foreiti.' [60] As long as hunt- ing continuea to be the chief employment of man, to which he trusts for subsistence, he can hardly b« said to have occupied the earth. [61] S. Nations which depend upon hunting are In a great measuie stranf^ers to the idea of proper- ty. As the animals un which the hunter feeds are not bred under his inspection, nor nourished by his care, hn can claim no right to them while they run wild in the forest. Where game is so plentiful that it may be catched with little trouble, men never dream of appropriating what is of small value, or of easy acquisition. Where it is so rare, that the labour or danger of the chase requires the united efforts of a tribe, or village, what is killed is a common stock belong- ing equally to all, who, by their skill or their courage, have contributed to the success of the excursion. The forest or hunting-grounds are deemed the property of the tribe, from which It has a title to exclude every rival nation. But no individual arrogates a right to any district of these in preference to his fellow-citiaens. They belong alike to all ; and thither, as to a general and undivided store, all repair in quest of sus- tenance. The same principles by which they regulate their chief occupation extend to that which is subordinate. Even agriculture has not introduced among them a complete idea of pro- 4 Loiono DeicTip. del Oran Chsco,SO| 02. Fctnaiides Relac. Hilt dc lot Chcquit 102. 5 Voyagca do Marchaii, iv. 3S3. Oumilla, U. 101. . 7 H. Fabry, quoted by Budbn, ill. 448. LaSUu, ik. 170, Botsu, Travcb throuch Louisiana, i. HI. perty. As the men hunt, the women labour to- gether, and after they have shared the tolls of the seed time, they enjoy the harvest in com- mon.* Among some tribes, the increase of their cultivated lands is deposited in a public granary, and divided among them at stated times, accord- ing to their wants." [68] Among others, thougb tl-ey lay up separate stores, they do not acquire such an exclusive right of property, that they can enjoy superfluity while those around them suffer want.'" Thus the distinctions arising from the inequality of possessions are unknown. The terms rich or poor enter not into their lan- guage; and being strangers to property, they are unacquainted with what Is the great object of laws and policy, as well as the chief motive which induced mankind to establish the various arrangements of regular government." S. People in this state retain a high senm^ of equality and independence. Wherever the idea of property is not established, there can be no distinction among men but what arises from personal qualities. These can be conspicuoua only on such occasions as call them forth into exertion. In times of danger, or In affalra of intricacy, the wisdom and experience of age are consulted, and prescribe the measures which ought to be pursued. When a tribe of savages takes the field against the enemies of their coun- try, the warrior of most approved courage leada the youth to the combat." If they go forth in a body to the chase, the most expert and adven- turous hunter is foremost, and directs their mo- tions. But during seasons of tranquillity and inaction, when there is no occasion to display those talents, all pre-eminence ceases. Every circumstance indicates that all the members of the community are on a level. They are clothed In the same simple garb. They feed on the same plain Are. Their houses and furnituia are exactly similar. No distinction can arlHU from the inequality of possessions. Whatevia: forms dependence on one part, or constitutes superiority on the other, is unl .own. All aiv freemen, all feel themselves to be such, and a^ sert with firmness the rights which belong to that condition." This sentiment of indepen- dence is imprinted so deeply in their nature that no change of condition can eradicate it, and bend their minds to servitude. Accustomed to bn absolute masters of their own conduct, they dis- dain to execute the orders of another ; and have ing never known control, they will not submit ti> 8 Dr. Ferguion's Euay, 125. GumUla, i. 265. BrtckcU. Hist, of N. Carol. 387. 10 Deny'a Hitt Matur. ii. 302, %». 11 P. Martyr, Dccod. p. 45. Vcncg. HUt. of Californ. i. C6. Lcry, Navig. In Braiil, c. 17. 12 AooiU Hist liU vi. c. li). Stadiiis Hist Braill, lib. ii. c. 13. Dc Bry, iii. p. 110. Bivt, :Hil. 13 Labat, vi. 121. Brickvll, Hist, of Carol. 310. L -.^.oa* «#«'<*■« . ■?v. :n?; HO HISTORY OF [Book IV. correction. [63] Many of the Americans, wlien they found that tbey were treated as slaves by the Spaniards, died of griof; many destroyed themselves In despair.' 4. Among people in this state, government can assume little authority, and the sense of civil subordination must remain very imperfect. While the idea of property in unknown, or In- completely conceived ; while the spontaneous productions of the earth, as well as the fruits of i|, <^ industry, are considered as belonglcg to the S» i> .' iSr V public stock, there can hardly ba any such sub- ^' < ! ject of difference or discussion among the mem- bers of the tvane community, as will require the hand of authority to Interpose in order t? ndjust It. Where the right of separate and exclusive possession Is not Introduced, the great object of law and jurisdiction does not exist. When the members of a tribe are called into the field, either to invade the territories of their enemies, or to repal their attacks ; when they are engaged to- gether in the toll and dangers of the chase, they then perceive that they are part of a political body. They are conscious of their own con- nexion with the companiond in conjunction with whom they act; and they follow and reverence such as excel In conduct and valour. But during the intervals between such common efforts they seem scarcely to feel the ties of poli- tical union* [GA]. No visible form of govern- ment is established. The names of magistrate and s. ibject are not In use. Every one seems to enjoy his natural independence almost entire. If a scheme of public utility be proposed, the members of the community are left at liberty to choose whether they will or will not assist in carrying it Into execution. No statute imposes any service as a duty, no compulsory laws oblige them to perfor&i It. All their resolutions are voluntary, and flow from the impulse of their own minds.' The first step towards esta- blishing a public jurisdiction has not been taken in those rude societies. The right of revenge is left in private hands.* If violence is committed, or blood is shed, the community does not assume the power either of inflicting or of moderating the punishment. It belongs to the family and friends of the person injured or slain to avenge the wrong, or to accept of the reparai'iun oBFered by the aggressor. If the elders interpose, it is to advise, not to decide, and it is seldom their counsels are listened to ; tor, as it Is deemed pusillanimous to suffer an -lender to escape with impunity, resentment is implacable and I Oriedo, lib. iiL c. a p. 07. Vcg'\ Conquist de la Florida, i. 30. ii. 4I& Labat.U. 138. Benza HUt Nov. Orb. lib. iv. c 25. SLozano Descr. del Gran. Choco, 93. MelcndeiTo- furos Vcrdadcros, il. 83. 3 Charlcv. Hi>t. N. France, iii. S66, 868. 4 Hcrrcra, dec. 8. lib. Iv. c 8, everlasting.* The object of government among savages is rather foreign than domestic. They do not aim at maintaining interior order and police by public regulations, or the exertions of any permanent authority, but labour to preserve such union among the members of their tribe, that they may watch the motions of their ene- mies, and act against them with concert and vigour. Such was the form of political order estab- lished among the greater part of the American nations. In this state were almost all the tribes spread over the provinces extending eastward of tht, Mississippi, from the mouth of the St. Laurence to the confines of Florida. In a similar condition were the people of Brasil, the Inhabitants of Chili, several tribes in Paragua and Guiana, and iu the countries which stretch from the mouth of the Orinoco to the peninsula of Yucatan. Among such an infinite number of petty associations, there may be peculiarities which constitute a distinction, and mark the various degrees of their civilisEation and im- provement. But an attempt to trace and enu- merate these would be vain, as they have not been observed by persons capable of discerning the minute and delicate circumstances which serve to discriminate nations resembling one another in their general character and features. The description which I have given of the poli- tical institutions that took place among those rude tribes In America, concerning which we have received most complete information, will apply, with little variation, to every people, both In its northern and southern division, who have advanced no further in civilization than to add some slender degree of agriculture to fishing and hunting. Imperfect as those Institutions may appear, several iribes were not so far advanced in their political progress. Among all those petty na- tions which trusted for subsistence entirely to fishing and huniing without any species of cul- tivation, the union was so Incomplete, and their sense of mutual dependence so feeble, that hard- ly any appearance of government or order can be discerned in their proceedings. Their wants are few, their objects of pursuit simple, they form Into separate tribes, and act together, from instinct, habit, or conveniency, rather than from any formal concert and association. To this class belong the Callfomians, several of the small nations in the extensive country of Pamgaa, some of the people on the banks of the Orinoco, and on the river St. Magdalene, in the new kingdou of Granada.* & Charlev. Hist N. France, lit. 271, 272. Ladt. ). 466. Canini Hlit de Nucro Reyno dc Granada, 826. 6 Vcncgoz, i. 68. Lcttr. Edif ii. 17. Gen, du Voyagca, xiv. 71. I [Book IV. •Temment among domestic. They terior order apd ' the exertions of labour to preserve rs of their tribe, ans of their en«- vith concert and tical order estab- of the American most all the tribe* iding eastward of auth of the St. Florida. In a pie of Brasil, the ribes in Paragua ies which stretch I to the peninsula infinite number J be peculiarities I, and mark the izAtion and im- > trace and enu- is they have not kle of discerning imstances which resembling one ter and features. ;iven of the poli- ace among those rning which we nformation, will to every people, m division, who ilization thaii to sulture to fishing >ns may appear, dvanced in their those petty na- tence entirely to ly species of cul> nplete, and their eeble, that hard- nt or order can Their wants lit simple, they :t together, from -ather than from ation. To this eral of the small ry of Parngua, of the Orinoco, inc, in the new 272. Laflt. I. 4S6. ladn, 226. li. Tcclio Hilt, of u Voyages, xiv.74> AMERICA. ill ■| i But though among these last mentioned tribes there was hardly any shadow of regular govern- ment, and even among those which I first de- scribed Its authority is slender and confined within narrow bounds, there were, however, some places in America where government was carried far beyond the degree of perfection -arhich seems natural to rude nations. In surveying the political operations of man, either In his sa- vage or civilized state, we discover singular and eccentric lustitutions, which start as it were from their station, and fly olf so wide, that we labour in vain to bring them within the general laivs of any system, or to account for them by those principles which Influence other commu- nities in a similar situation. Some Instances of this occur among those i>eople of America whom I have included under the common deno- mination of savage. These are so curious and important that I shall describe them, and attempt to explain their origin. In the New World, as well as in other parts of the globe, cold or temperate countries appear to be the favourite seat of freedom and indepen- dence. There the mind, like the body, is firm and vigorous. There men, conscious of their own dig- nity, and capable of the greatest efforts in assert- ing It, aspire to independence, and their stubborn spirits stoop with reluctance to the yoke of ser- vitude. In warmer climates, by whose influ- ence the whole frame Is so much enervated that present pleasure is the supreme felicity, and mere repose is enjoyment, men acquiesce, almost with- out a struggle, in the dominion of a superior. Accordingly, If we proceed from north to south along the continent of America, we shall find the power of those vested with authority gradu- ally increasing, and the spirit of the people be- coming more tame and passive. In Florida, the authority of the sachems, caziques, or chiefs, was not only permanent, but hereditary. They were distinguished by peculiar ornaments, they enjoyed prerogatives of various kinds, and were treated by their subjects with that reverence which people accustomed to subjection pay to a master.' Among th'j Natchez, a powerful tribe now ex- tinct, formerly situated on the banks of the Mis- sissippi, a difference pf rank took place, with which the northern tribes were altogether unac- quainted. Some families were reputed noble, and enjoyed hereditary dignity. The body of the people was considered as vile, and formed only for subjection. This distinction was mark- ed by appellations which intimated the high ele- vation of the one state, and the ignominious de- pression of the other. The former were called 7 Cardenai y Cano Enisyo ChronoL i la Hiat. de Flori- da, p. 40. Le Hoyne dc Morgues Icones Florids, ap. de Bry, p. 1, 4. &c. Choilev. HUt. N. France, liL 407, 408. ResfiectaUe ; the latter, the Stinkards. The great Chief, in whom the supreme authority was vested. Is reputed to be a being of superior nature, the brother of the sun, the sole object of their worship. They approach this great Chief with religious veneration, and honour him as the representative of their deity. His will Is a law, to which all submit with implicit obedience. The lives of his subjects are so absolutely at his disposal, that if any one has incurred his dis- pleasure, the offender comes with profound hu- mility and offers him his head. Nor does the dominion of the Chiefs end with their lives; their principal officers> their favourite wives, together with many domestics of inferior rank, are sacriHed at their tombs, that they may be attended in the next world by the same persons who served them In this ; and such is the rever- ence in which they are held, that those victims welcome death with exultation, deeming It a recompense of their fidelity and a mark of dis- tinction to be selected to accompany their de- ceased master." Thus a perfect despotism, with its full train of superstition, arrogance, and cruelty, is established among the Natchez, and, by a singular fatality, that people has tasted of the worst calamities incident to polished nations, though they themselves are not far advanced beyond the tribes around them In civility and Improvement. In Hispaniola, Cuba, and the larger islands, their caziques or chiefs possessed extensive power. The dignity was transmitted by hereditary right from father to son. Its honours and prerogatives were considerable. Their subjects paid great respect to the caziques, and executed their orders without hesitation or reserve.' They were distinguished by peculiar ornaments, and In order to preserve or augment the veneration of the people, they Lad the address to call In the aid of superstition to uphold their authority. They delivered their mandates as the oracles of heaven, and pretended to possess the power of regulating the seasons, and of dis- pensing rain or sunshine, according as their 8ub-> jects stood In need of them. In some parts of the southern continent, the power of the caziques seems to have been as ex- tensive as in the isles. In Bogota, which f freedom, and ted with the re- i indolence and ^bitants of the le of the senti- aintaining inde- on to search for bmission to the tion of the Nat- a, seems to have ference in their lericans. They nstantly in one :hief occupation seem hardly to ; of their subsis- rogress in agri- if property waa I one communi- other. Among ambition have ■ to exert their the selfish ; the e enterprising; id passions un- Bte prompt the icroach on the Motives, with f unacquainted, 'iy to the usurp- 3ut even among F subjects could equious, or the vithout the in- its fatal influ- itage of its pro- vigour and in- can acquire the le, is secure of fortunately for the subject of hands of their could ptF what louths of their heir interposi- !y Imposed any AMERICA. 113 1 tributa w burdan on thuir people.* The same power and prerogative waa cxereiaed by the great chief of the Natohes, as the principal mi- nister as well as the repreasntative of the Sun, their deity. The respect which the people of Bogota paid to their monarchi was liicewise in- spired by religion, and the heir apparent of the liingdom was educated in the innermost recesa of their principal temple, under such austere discipline, and with such peculiar rites, as tend- ed to fill his subjects with high sentiments con- cerning the sanctity of his character and the dignity of his station.* Thus superstition, which in the rudest period of society, is either iiitogithar ualcnown, or wastes its force in childish un- meaning practices, had acquired such an ascend- ant over those people of America, who had made some little progresa towards refinement, that it iMcame the chief inst^rument of bending their minds to an untimely servitude, and sub- jected them, in the beginning of their political career, to a djspotlsm hardly leas rigorous than that which awaits nations in the last stage of their corruption and decline. V. After examining the political institutions of the rude nations in America, the next olject of attention is their art of war, or their provi- aion for public security and defence. The small tribea dispersed over America are not only in- dependent and uneonnected, but engaged in perpetual hostilitias with one another.* Though mostly straogers to the idea of separate property, vested in any individual, the rudest of the Ame- rican nations are well acquainted with the righta of each community to its own domains. This right they hold to be perfect and exclusive, en- titling the possessor to oppose the encroachment of neighbouring tribes. As it is of the upmost consequence to prevent them from destroying or disturbing the game in their hunting grounds, they guard thia national property with a jealous attention. But aa their territories are extensive, and the bonndarlea of them not exBotI> ascer- tained, innumerable subjects of dispute arise, which seldom terminate without bloodshed. Even in this simple and primitive state of socie- ty, Interest is a source of discord, and often prompts savage tribe* to take arms in order to repel or punish such as ,'t Canad. |x 78. Itaaxm Dascr. del Gran Chaco 85. Henep. MoniivdetSbur. 4A, 7 Charicv. HIjt N. Fr. iU. 851. Colden. L 108. ii. m>. Barrere, ^ 170, 173. 8 Charlev. HUt K Fr. ili. 388. Lrrr ap. de Err, Ui. 830. Lozano HUt de Farag. L IMw ■«-■■■ J PI % lU HISTORY OF [nooK IV, nnlmal rather limn the poMlon of n man. It tiims, with undlscerning fiirjr, even against in- animate object!. If hurt accidentally by n utonc, thpy often teize it in a transport of anger, and vndeavour to wreak their vengeance upon it.' If struck with an arrow in a battle, they will tear it from the wound, break and bite it with their teeth, and dash it on the ground.' With respect to their enemies the rage of vengeance knows no bounds. When under the dominion of this pnssion, man becomes the most cruel of all animals. He neither pities, nor forgives, nor spares. Tlie force of this passion is so well understood by the Americans thumselves, that they always npply to it in order to excite their people to take arms. If the elders of any tribe attempt to rouse their youth from sloth, if a chief wishes to allure a bond of warriors to follow him in invading an enemy's country, the most persua- sive topics of their martial eloquence are drawn from revenge. " The bones of our country- men," say they, " He uncovered ; they caprice or re venge, will taxe the field alone, and march several hundred miles to surprise and aut off a straggling enemy. [<&] The exploits of a noted warrior, in such solitary excursions, often form the chief part In the history of an Ameri- can campaign ; [66] and their elders connive at such irregular sallies, as they tend to cherish a martial spirit, and accustom their people to en- terprise and danger.* But when a war is na- tional, and undertaken by public authority, the dilibcratioris are formal and slow. The elders assemble, they deliver their opinions in solemn speeches, they weigh with maturity the nature of the enterprise, and bai.ince its beneficial or disadvantageous consequencec with no inconsi- derable portion of political discernment or saga- city. Their priests and soothsayers are consult- ed, and sometimes they ask the advice even of I Lery apt de Bry, UL 190. B Lcry ap. do Bry, iii. SOa Henren, dec i. lib. vi. c 8. 3 Charier. HUt N. Fr. Ui. SI6» 817. Lery ap. de Bry, 4B0SSU, i. 140. lery ap. do Bry, 315. Hennepin Mccun dc* Sauv. 41. Lafitau, ii, ICiO. their women.* Tf the determination be foi war, they prepare for it with much ceremony. A leader ofl'ers to conduct the expedition, ant* is accepted. But no man is constrained to fol- low him ; the resolution of the community to commence hostilities imposes no obligation upon any member to take part in the war. Each In- dividual is still master of his own conduct, and his engagement in the service is perfectly volun- tary." The maxims by which they regulate their military operations, though extremely different from those which take place among more civil- ized and populous nations, are well suited to their own political state, and the nature of the country in which they act. They never take the field in numerous bodies, as it would require a greater effort of foresight ar.d industry than is usual among savages, to provide for their sub- sistence during a march of some hundred miles through dreary forests, or during a long voyage upon their lakes and rivers. Their armies are not encumbered with baggage or military stores. Each warrior, besides his arms, carries a mat and asmallbagof paunded maize, and with these is completely equipped for any service. While at a distance from the enemy's frontier, they disperse through the woods, and support them- selves with the game which they kill, or the fish which they catch. As they approach nearer to the territories of the nation which they intend to attack, they collect their troops, and advance with greater caution. Even in their hottest and moat active war* they proceed wholly by stratagem and ambuscade. They place not their glory in attacking their enemies with open force. To surprise and destroy is the greatest merit of a commander, cud the highest pride of his fol- lowers. War and hunting are their only occu- pations, and they conduct both with the same spirit and the same arts. They follow the track of their enemies throngh the forest. They en- deavour to discover their haunts, they lurk in some thicket near to these, and, with the pa- tience of a sportsman lying in wait for game, will continue in their station day after day until they can rush upon th 'ir prey when mnst secure, and least able to resist them. If t^ey meet no straggling party of the enemy, they ad vance towards their villages, but with such soli- citude to conceal their own approach, that they often creep on their bands and feet through the woodi, and paint their skins of the same colour with the withered le ives, in order to avoid detec- tion.' If so fortunate as to remain unobserved, they set on fire the memies' huts in the deod of 5 Chariev. Hiat N. Fr. 815. S68. Blet. 36T, SflO. 6 Charlcv. Hiit N. Fr. 817, SIR 7 Charlev. Hiat N. Fr. 111. SS7, 238. Hennqi. Mcews do Saiiv. p. 50. I g*^ ■ ' am -^ ' <•■ ^>-^.^ [Book IV. ilnatloii be tat luoh ceremonjr. expedition, aiic* itrained to fol- communlty to obllgntion upon war. £ach in- rn conduct, and perfectly volun- regulate their vmely different long more clvil- nrell suited to nature of the They never take it would require industry than la for their sub- hundred miles g a long voyage beir armies are ' military stores. , carries a mat I, and with these lervico. While 's frontier, they i support them- irkill, or thefish iroach nearer to lich they intend jM, and advance in their hottest Dceed wholly by f place not their with open force, reatest merit of pride of bis fol- their only occu- lt with the same r follow the track irest. They en- ts, they lurk in nd, with the po- ll wait for game, I day after day prey when mrat them. If t^ey enemy, they ad t with such soli- roaoh, that they eet through the the same colour •r to avoid detec- lain unobserved. Its in the dead of let 36T, SM). 9, Henncp. Moeun A M E R I C A. 115 night, and massacre tlie iiiliabitanta an they (ly naked and defenceless from the flames. If they hope to effect a retreat witiiout being pursued, they carry off some prisoners, whom they reserve for a more dreadful fate. But if, notwithstanding all their address and precautions, they And that their motions are discovered, that the enemy has taken the alarm, and is prepared to oppose them, they usually deem it most prudent to re- tire. They regard it as extreme folly to meet Hii enemy "ho is on his guard, upon equal terms, or to give battle in an open field. The most distinguished success is a dlsgi-ace to a leader If it has been purchased with any consi- derable loss of his followers, [67] and they never boast of a victory if stained with the blood of their own countrymen.* To fall in battle,instead of being reckoned an honourable death, is a misfortune which subjects the memory of a warrior to the imputation of rashness or im- prudence.* [681 lliis system of war was universal in Ameri- ca ; and the small uncivilized tribes, dispersed through all its different regions and climates, display more craft than boldness in carrying on their hostilities. Struck with this conduct, so opposite to the Ideas and maxims of Europmin*, several authors contend that it flows from a feeble and dastardly spirit peculiar to the Americans, which is incapable of any generous or manly exertion. ■* But when we reflect that many of these tribes, on occasions which call for extraor- dinary efforts, sot only defend themselves with obstinate resolution, but attack their enemies with the most daring cAurage, and that they possess fortitude of mind superior to the sense of danger or the fear of death, we must ascribe their habitual caution to some other cause than Gonstitutiopal timidity." The number of men in each tribe is so small, the difficulty of mxb»g pew members amidst the hardships and daubers of savage life is so great, that the life of a citizen is extremely precious, and the preservation of it becomes a capital object in their policy. Had the poiut of honour been the same among the feeble American tribes as among the powerful nations of Europe, hod tbey been tauglit to court fame or victory in contempt of danger and death they must have been ruined by maxims so ill adapted to their condition. But wherever their communities are more popultus, so tbat they can act with considerable force, and can sustain the loss of several of their members without 8 Charier. Hist N. Pr. lit 838, 307. Bict, 381. LsflUu Mflcun dc9 SauT. ii. 218. 9 Charlcv. iii. 37a 1U Kcchcrches rhilos. lur lea Amcrlc. i. 11&. Voyage de March. i». ilO. II I.antBU Mourt dee Suuv. ii. £18, -J 19. Charlcv. M. Fr. m.3ff7. .... being sciisibi)' weakened, tlic military operations of the Americans more nearly resemble those of other nations. The llrasiiiuns, as well as tliu tribes situated u|>an the banks of the river Vu la Plata, often ^ the field in such numerous bodies a* deseive the name of armies.'* They defy their enemies to the combat, engage In regular battles, and maintain the conflict with that desperate ferocity which is natural to incii who, having no idea of war but that of exter- nilnating their enemies, never give or iakequiir- ter. [69] In the powerful empires of Mcxiid and Peru, great armies were assembled, ft'eqiiciit battles were fought, and the theory as well as practice of war were different from what tooU place In those petty societies which cssume the name of nations. But though vigilance and attention arc ths qualities chiefly requisite where the object uf war is to deceive and to surprise ; and though the Americans, when acting singly, display an amazing degree of address in concealing their own motions, and discovering those of an enemy, yet it is remarkable that, when they take tliu field in parties, they can seldom be brought to observe the pi-ecautluns most essential to their own security. Such Is the difliciilty of accustoming savages to subordination, or to act In concert ; such is their impatience un- der restraint, and such their caprice md pre- sumption, tbat it is rarely they can be brought to conform themselves to th>> counsels and directions of their leaders. They never sta- tion sentinels around the place .where they rest at night, and after marching some hundred miles to surprise un enemy, are often surprised themselves, and cut off, while sunk in as pro- found sleep as if they were not within reach of danger. " If, notwithstanding this negligence and secu- rity, wliich often frustrate their most artful schemes, they catch the enemy unprepared, tbuy rush upon them with the utmost ferocity, and tearing off the scalps of all thore who fail vic- tims to their rage, [70] they carry home tliuiio strange trophies in triumph. These they pre- serve OS monuments, not only of their own prowess, but of the vengeancj which their arm has Inflicted upon the people who were objects of public resentment. " They are still mure soli- citous to seize prisoners. During their retreat, if they hope to effect it unmolested, the prison- ers are commonly exempt from any insult, and treated with some de^pree of humanity, thougli guarded with the most strict attention. But after this temporary suspension, the rnge M Fabri Vcriss, Dcacrip. rndia; ap. dc Bry, vii. p. ii. 13 Charlev. N. Fr iii. 230, USTl. LvMr. I'^dif. xviL SC^ XX. yjl). Lafit. Mceiuv, SH. Lohontaii, ii. 176. U Lafitau Moeiun, it iM. ! m HISTORY OF [Book IV. «f th« MhqnMrotrt rcklndlM with new fury. At toon u tfaejr approach their own fh>ntier, ■ome of their number are despatched to Infurm their countrymen With reepeet to the eucceta of the expedition. Then the prifonent begin to feel tlie wretchedneaa of their condition. The women of the village, together with the youth who have not attained to the age of bearing armt, auemble, and forming themaelvea Into two lines, through which the p4soner* must pase, beat and bruise them with sticks or stones in a cruel manner.' After this first gratlflca- ti^j of their rage against their enemies, follow lamentations for the loss of such of their own countrymen as have fUlen in the service, ac- companied with words and actions which seem to express the utmost anguish and grief. But in a moment, upon a signal given, their tears cease ; they pass, with a sudden and unaccount- able transition, from the depths of sorrow to the transports of Joy ; and begin to celebrate their victory with all the wild exulutlon of a barbar. out triumph.' The fate of the prisoners re- mains still undecided. The old men deliberate concerning It. Some are destined to be tortured to death. In order to satiate the revenge of the conquerors ; some to replace the members which the community has lost In that or former wars. They who are reserved for this milder fate, are led to the huts of those whose Mends have been killed. The women meet them at the door, and if they receive them, their sufferings are at an end. They are adopted into the A nily, and, ac- cording- to their phrase, are seated upon the mat of the deceased. They assume bis name, they hold the same ranlc, and are treated thencefor- ward with all the tenderness due to a lather, a brother, a husband, or a friend. But, If either from caprice or an unrelenting desire of revenge, the women of any family reAise to accept of the prisoner who Is oifered to them, bis doom Is .'^sed. No power can then save him from tor- ti re and death. While their lot is in suspense, the prisoners themselves appear altogether unconcerned about what may befall them, lliey talk, they eat, they sleep, as if they were perfectly at ease, and no danger impending. When the fatal sentence is intimated to them, they receive it with an unaltered countenance, raise their death song, and prepare to suifer like men. Their con- querors assemble as to a solemn festival, resolv- ed to put the fortitude of the captive to the ut- most proof. A scene ensues, the bare descrip- tion of which is enough to chill the heart with horror, wherever meii have been accustomed. 1 LahonUn, i!. IM. 2 Cbarlev. HUt N. Ti. ilL 241. UOUu Hceun, ii. an. by milder Instltutiont, to respect their ■peclcs, and to melt Into tenderMsa at the eight of hu- man sufhrings. Tha prisoners are tied naked to a stake, but so as to be at liberty to move round It. All who are present, men, women, and children, rush upon them like furies. Every species of torture is applied that the rancour of revenge can invent. Some burn their limbs with rcdhot irons, some mangle their bodies with knives, others tear thsir flesh from their bones, pluck out their nails by the roots, and rend and twist their einewa. They vie with one another in refinements of torture. Nothing sets bounds to their rage but the dread of abridging the duration of their vengeance by hastening the death of the sufferers ; and such Is their cruel Ingenuity in tormenting, that, by avoiding industriously to hurt any vital part, they olUn prolong this scene of anguish for se- ven! days. In spite of all that they suffer, the victims nontinue to chant their death song with a firm voice, they boast of their own exploits, they insult their tormentors for their want of skill In avenging their ftriends and relational they warn them of the vengeance which awalta them on account of what they are now doing, and excite their ferocity by the most provoking reproaches and threats. To display undaunted ibrtltude, in such dreadful situations, is the noblest triumph of a %varrior. To avoid the trial by a voluntary death, or to shrink under it, is deemed infhmous and cowardly. If any one betray symptoms of timidity, his tormentors often despatch him at once with contempt, as unworthy of being treated like a man.* Ani- mated with those ideas, they endure without * groan what it seems almost impossible that hu- man nature should sustain. They appear to be not only Insensible of pain, but to court it. " Forbear," said an aged chief of the Iroquois, when his Insults had provoked one of his tor- mentors to wound him with a knife, <• forbear these stabs of your knlfs, and rather let me die by fire, that those dogs, your allies, fVom beyond the sea, may leam by my example to suffer like men."* This magnanimity, of which there are firequent instances among the American warri- ors, instead of exciting admlratloB, or calling forth sympathy, exasperates the fierce spirits of their torturers to fresh acts of cruelty.* Weary, at length of contending with men whose con- stancy of mind they cannot vanquish,* some a De b rotberie,U. 237 UL i4& 4 Colden, HUt of live Nations, L 200. 5 Voyagca de Labont, L 236. fl Chariev. Hiit N. Fr. iii. 243, tie. 365. LaAtau Moeuri, il, 2C&. CreuxU Hut Canad. p. 73. Heniiep- Monin dei Sauv, in M, &a Lahoot, L ^3. Ac, Tcitie, U.40l>. De U Fotberie, a 22. Ac. [Book IV. It their apMle*, he eicht of hu- •re tied naked liberty to mora men, women, m Illte furiee. spiled that the t. Some burn me mangle their their flesh from ill by the rootif iwa. They vie uta of torture. [e but the dread ir vengeance by irera ; and tucb enting, that, by any vital part, anguieh for le- they suffer, the death song vrith r own esploite, r their want of I and rehilion% Be which await* are now doing, moat provoking iplay undaunted tuations, is the To avoid the 10 shrink under vardly. If any ', hlatormentora th contempt, as a man.* Anl- dure without a oeaible that hu- key appear to be tut to court it. of the Iroquoia, one of his tor- knife, "forbear atber let me die lea, from beyond ^le to suffer like which there are imeriean warri- ttion, or calling I fleroe spirits of •uelty.* Weary, nen whose con- ranqnish,' some DO. &c. 985. Lalitau d. p^ 73. Heniiep. LS33.&C. Tcitre. AMERICA. 117 thief. In a rage, pnti a period to their sufferings by despatching them witli li* dagger or club. This barbarous aoene is often succeeded by one no less shocking. Aa it la impossible to ap- pease the fell spirit of revenge which ragea in the heart of a saviige, this frequently prompta the Americans to devour thoae unhappy persons who have been the victims of their cruelty. In the ancient world, tradition haa preaerved the memory of Iwrbaroua nationa of caimibala, who fed on human deab. But in every part of the New Warld there were people to whom this custom was familiar. It prevailed in the south- ern continent,' in several of the islands,* and in various districts of North Amerioa.* £ven in those parts where eireumstancea with which we are unacquainted bad in a great meaaure abolish- ed this praotiee, it seama formerly to have been so well known that it is incorporated into the idiom of their language. Among the Iroquois, the phrase by which they express their resolu- tion of making war againat an enemy la, " Let us go and eat that nation." If they solicit the aid of a neighbouring tribe, they invite it to *' eat broth made of the fleeh of their ena- miea."" [71] Nor waa the practice peculiar to rude unpolished tribea ; the principle from which It took rise is so deeply rooted in the minda of the Americans, that it subalsted in Mb? ieo, one «f the civilised empires in the New World, and reliea of it may be dleoovered among the more mild inhabilarita cf Peru. It vnw not aearcity of food, as so jie authors imagine, and the im- portunate cravings of hunger, which forced the Americans to thoae horrid repasts on their fel- low-creatures. Human flesh was never used as common food in any country, and ths various relations concerning people who reckoned it among the stated means of subsistence, flow from the credulity and mistakes of travellers. The rancour of revenge flrst prompted mMi to this barbarous action." The fiercest tribes de- voured none but priaone/s taken in war, or such as they regarded as (.nemiee. [78] Women and children who were lot the objects of enmi- ty, if not cut off in the fury of their first inroad into a hoatiie country, aeldom Buffered by the ddiberate effects of their revenge.'* The people of South Amerioa gratify their 7 Stadiua ap. 1e Bry, Hi. 183. Lerj, ibid. 810. Biet, 38k ^^tr. Edlf. xxiii. Sil. Piw. 8. Condam, 9*. 97. Ritxu, Hiat, dcin Triumph. 473. 8 Ueof Columb. 1)80. Mart. Dec. p. la Tettre.iL 4(0. Dumont Mem. I. 254. Charlev. HUt N. Fr. I. 8S9- ii. 14. m. 21. De la Fothcrie, ill. SO. 10 Cliariev. Hlit N. Fr. III. 808, 809. Lcttr. Edit xxiU. p.877. De U Fothcrie, ii. 206. 11 BIct, 383. Blanco, Convenlon dc Plrita, p. 88, Bancroft, Nat Hlit of Guiana, p. 250, ftc. 18 Bict,382. Bandini, Vita di Americo, 84. Tcrtrc, 405.. Fctmiu. Descrip. de Surin. L 54; rtveng* in m manner somewhat different, but with no less unrelenting rancour. Their pri- soners, after meeting at their first cntmnce with the same rough reception as among the North Americans," are not only exempt from injury, but treated with the greatest kindness. They are feasted and caressed, and some beautiful young women are appointed to attend and solace them. It is not easy to account for this part of thsir conduct, unless we impute it to a reflns- ment in cruelty. For, while they seem studious to attach the captives to life, by supplying them with every enjoyment that can render it agree- able, their doom ia irrevocably fixed. On a day appointed the viotorioua tribe assembles, the prisoner is brought forth with grert solemnity, he v*ews the preparations for the sacriflue with as much indifference as if he himself were not the victim, and meeting his fate with undaunted firmness, is despatched with a single blow, 'llie moment ha falls, the women aeixe the liody and dress it for the feast. They besmear their chil- dren with the blood, in order to kindle in their bosoms a hatred of their enemies, which is never extinguished, and ail Join in feeding upon the flesh with amazing greediness and exultation.'* To devour the body of a slaughtered enemy they deem the most complete and exquisite gratifica- tion of revenge. Wherever this practice pre- vails, captives never esci^ie death, but they are not tortured with the same cruelty as among tribes which are less acoustomsd to such horrid feasts. [78] As the constancy of every American warrior may be put to such severe proof, the great object of military education and discipline in the New World is to form the mind to sustain it. When na- tions carry on war with open force, defy their ene- mies to ths eombat, and vanquish them by the su- periority of their skill or courage, soldiers are trained to be active, vigorous, and enterj^sing. But in America, where the genius and maxims of vrar are extremely different, passive fortitude is the quality in highest estimation. Accordingly, it is early the study of the Americans to acquire sentiments and habits which will enable them to behave like men when their resolution shall be put to the proof. As the youth of other na- tiona exercise themselves in feata of activity and force, :hose of America vie with one another in exhibitions of their patience under sufferings. They harden their nerves by those voluntary trials, and gradually accustom themsdves to endure the sharpest pain without complaining. A boy and girl will bind their naked arms toge- ther, and place a burning coal between them, in order to try who first discovers such impatienca 13 Stadiua ap. de Dry, Hi. p. 40, 123. 14 Stadiua ap. do Bry, iii. 1^, &c. IiCiy apk de Bry iiL21tt IIH iiisTouY or [I5i)0K IV M Ut ihaka it off.' All tlia trinU riiilumary In Aiiiri-lcn, when h youth is adniittad into tliu I'liins of wai'i'ioi'*, or when u wnrriur lapi'umnted lo th« dignity of captnin or chief, aro iiccoinmo- (liitc'd tu thli idea of nmnllnm^. 'I'liKy are not dl«|)lMyi of valour, but uf piitience ; they are not exhibitions of Ihidr ability tu utfend, but of their capacity to suffer. AmnnK the tribes on the banks of the Orinoco, if a warrior aipl res to the rank of captain, his probation begins with n lung fast, mui-e rigid than any ever observed by the most abstemious hermit. At the close of this the chiefs assemble, each gives him three lashes with a large whip, applied so vigorously that his body is almost flayed, and if he betrays the least symptoms of Impatience or even sensi- bility, he Is disgraced for ever, and rejected as unworthy of the honour to which he aspires. After some interval, the constancy of the can- didate is proved by a more excrut^iating trial. He Is laid in a hammoc with his hands bound fast, and an innumerable multitude uf veno- mous ants, whose bite occasions exquisite pain, and produces a violent inflammation, are thrown upon him. The Judges of his merit stand around the hammoc, and, while these cruel Insects fasten upon the most sensible parts of his body, a sigh, a groan, an involuntary motion expressive of what he suffers, would exclude him for ever from the rank of captain. Even after this evidence of his fortitude, it is nut deemed to be completely ascertained, but must dtand another test more dreadful than any he haa hitherto undergone. He is again suspended In his hammoc, and covered with leave* of the palmetto. A fire of stinking herbs is kindled underneath, so as he may feel its heat and be involved in its smoke. Though scorched and almost suffocated, he must continue to endure with the same patient insensibility. Many perish in this rude essay of their firmness and courage, but such as go through It with applause, receive the ensigns of their new dignity with much solemnity, and are ever after regarded as leaders of approved resolution, whose behaviour in the most trying situations will do honour tu their country.' In North America the previ- ous trial of a warrior is neither so foiinol nor HO severe. Though even there, Imfore a youth is permitted to bear arms, his patience and fur- tltude are proved by blows, by fire, and by !■- suits more iutolerabie to a haughty spirit than both.' The amazing steadincM with which the Ameri- cans endure tb? most exquisite torments has in- duced some authors to suppose that, from the peculiar feebleness of their framu, their seusi- 1 ( harlcv. Hist. N. Fr. iii. 307. 2 Uuinill.'i, it 280, &c. Diet, :m, &i'. 3 Cliarkv. UUt. N Vt. Ui. 2\\) blilty Is not mi acute as that of other people ; ns women, and persoiis of a ivlaxed habit, are ob- served to be less affected with imin than riiliii!ii men, whiiite nerves are more firmly lirncrd. Hut the constitution of the Americans is not so different in its texture from that of the rest of the human s|ircles, as to account fur this diver- sity in their behaviour. It Hows from a prin- ciple of honour, instilled curly and cultivated with such care, as to inspire man in his rudest state with an heroic magnanimity, to which philosophy hath endeavoured in vain tu fiirni him, when more highly improved and polished. This invincible constancy he has been taught to consider as the chief distinction of a man, and the highest attainment of a warrior. The ideas which influence his conduct, and the passions which take possession of his heart, are few. They operate of course with more decisive effect than when the mind is crowded with a multi- plicity of objects, or distracted by the variety of its pursuits ; and when every motive that acts with any force in forming the sentiments of a savage, prompts him to suffer with dignity, he will bear what might seem to be impossible fur human patience to sustain, llut wherever tlie fortitude of the Americans is not roused to vx- ertion by their ideas of honour, their feelings of pain are the same with those of the rest of man- kind. [74] Nor is that patience under suffer- ings for which the Americans have been so justly celebrated, a universal attainment, 'i'he constancy of many of the victims is ovcnwme by the ogouitt of torture. Their weakness and lamentations complete the triumph of their enemies, and reflect disgrace upon their own country.* The perpetual hostilities carried on among the American tribes are productive of very fatal ef- fects. Even in Reasons of public trnnquillity, their imperfiect industry doe* not supply them with any superfluous store of provisions; but when tho irruption of an enemy desolates their cultivated lands, or disturbs them in their hunt- ing excursions, such a calaailty reduce* a com- munity, naturally unprovidvnt and destitute of resources, to extreme want. All the people of the district thut is invaded are frequently forced to Ukkie reiuge in woods and mountains, whicli can afford them little subsistence, and where many of them perish. Notwithstanding their excessive caution in conducting their militury operaliuns, and the solicitude of every leader to preserve the lives uf his followers, as the rude, tribes in America seldom enjoy any interval ot peace, the loss of men among them is considera- ble in pruportiun to the degree of population. Thon their own carried on among the ictive of very fatal ef- >f public trnn<|ullllty, does not mipply them 'e of iiruviHioiM ; but enemy desolates their Ml tliem in their hunt- an.ity reduces a com- dnnt and destitute of t. All the people of are frequently forced nd mountains, which bsistcnce, and whei-ts otwithstandiiig tbrir icling their uiiiitury ide of every leader to llowora, ns thu ruilis enjoy any interval ot ng them is conHldcra- degi'ce of population. 1 combine ia thinning «, 38j. I)c la rotlicrK', A M E II I C A. 110 tliclr number*. All their rommiinltlet are fee- ble, and nothing now remains of several nations which were once coniideruble, but the name.* Sensible of this continual decay, there are tribes which endeavour to recruit their national force tvhen exhausted, by adopting prisoners taken In witr, and by this expedient prevent their total extinction. The practice, however, Is not uni- veiially received. Resentment operates mora powerfully among savages than contlderatloni of policy. Far the greater part of their captives was anciently sacrlHced to their vengeance, and it Is only since their numbers liegan to decline fast, that they have generally adopted milder maxims. Hut such as they do naturalixe re- nounce for ever their native tribe, and assume the manners as well as passions of the people by whom they are adopted,' so entirely, that they often Join them In expeditions against their own countrymen. Such a sudden transition, and to repugnant to one of the most powerful in- stincts Implanted by nature, would be deeinad strange among many people ; but among the members of small communities, where national enmity is viol^it ond deep rooted, it has the ap- pearance of being still more unaccountable. It seems, however, to result naturally from the principles upon which war is carried on in America. When nations aim at exterminating their enemies, no exchange of prisoners can ever take place. From the moment one Is made a prisoner, hit country and his friends consider lilm OS dead. [76] He has incurred Indelible disgrace by auifaring himself to be surprised or to be taken by an enemy ; and were he to return liome, after such a stain upon his honour, hit nearest relations would not receive or even ac- knowledge that they knew him.' Some tribe* were still more rigid, and if a priaoner returned, thu infamy which he had biought on bit country was expiated, by putting him instantly to death.* As the unfortunate captive it thut an outoast from his own country, and the ties which bousMi him to it are irreparably broken, he feeli Wss reluctance in forming a new connexion with {Miople, who. as an evidence of their friendly sentiments, not only deliver hini from a cruel death, but oifer to admit him to all the rights of u fellow-citizen. The perfect similarity of man- iiert among savaga nations facilitates and com- pletes the union, and induces a captive to trana- fer not oi ly his allegiance, but his affection to the conunuiiity Into the boaom of which he it received. But tliongh war be the chief occupation of ^ Chatler. Hist N. Fr. lii. 202, 203, 420. GumlUa, ii. 221, ftc. « Charlev. Hist N. Fr. iU. »15, &c. I^fit ii. 308. 7 I-»hont, ii. 195, IHO. S tierrera, dec. 3, lib. iv. c. 1(1. p. 173. man In their rude state, and to excel In It their highest distinction and pride, their inferiority it always manifest when they engage In competi- tion with polished nations, Uestltute of that foresight which discerns and provides for re- mote avantt, ttrangert to the union and mutual confldene* requitita in forming any extensive plan of operations, and Incapable of the subor- dination no let* requltite In carrying tuoh plant into execution, tavage nationi may astonish • disciplined enemy by their valour, but seldom prove formidable to him by thtlr conduct ; and whenever the contest Is of long continuance, must yield to superior art. f76] The empires of I'eru and Mexico, though their progress In Givlllzatlon, when measured by the European or Asiatic standards, was inconsidrrable, acquired such an ascendency over the rude triltes around them, that they subjected matt of them witik great facility to their power. When Iht people of Europe overran the variout provineca of America, this superiority wat still nlbr* conspi- cuous. Neither the courage nor number of the native* could repel a handful of invaders. The alienation and enmity, prevalent among barba- rian*, prevented them (ttixa uniting in any common scheme of defence, and while each tribe fought separately, all were subdued. VJ. The arts of rude nations unacquainted with the use of metals, hardly merit any atten- tion on their own account, but are worthji of some notice, as far aa they serve to display the genlua and manners of iMn in this stage of hi* progreoi. The first distress a aarage must feel, will arise fWrni the n\anner in which his body la affected by the haat, or cold, or moisture of the climate uiiikr which he live* ; and hit first care will be t« provide some covering for hit own detece. In the warmer, and more mild nli- atates «f America, none of the rude tribet were rlatheek To raoet of them nature hod itot even *«^«*ted any idea of impropriety in being alto- gether uncovered.* As under a mild climate there waa little need of any defence from the in- juries of the air, and their extroaie Indolence shunned every species of labour to which It woa not urged by abaolute nccetslty, all the inhabit- ants of the isles, and a considerable part of the people on the continent, remained lu this state of naked simplicity. Others were satistivil with sMoe alight covering, such as decency re- quired. But though naked, they were not uti- adorned. They dressed their hair in many 223. 120 HISTORY OF [Book IV. I '■ fvUh a great Twietj of figures ; and they ipent much time, and lubmitted to great pain, in or- namenting their penona In this fantastic man- ner. Vanitjr, howerer, which finds endless oo cupation for ingenuity and invention in nations wl^ere dress has iMoome a complex and Intricate art, is circumscribed within so narrow bounds, and confined to so few articles among nalced savages, that they are not satisfied with those simple decorations, and have a wonderful pro- pensity to alter the natural form of their bodies, in order to nnder it (as they imagine) mor^ perfect and beautiful. This practice was uni- versal among the rudest of the American trilies. Their operations for that purpose begin as soon as an infant is born. By compressing the bones of the skull, while still soft and flexible, some flatten the crown of their heads ; some squeeze them into the shape of a cone; others mould them as much as possible into a squars figure ;' and they often endanger the lives of their poste- rity by their violsnt and absurd efforts to derange the plan of nature, or to improvo upon her do- signs. But in all their attempts either to adorn or to new model their persons, it seems to have been less the object of the Americans to please, or to appear beautiful, than to give an air of dignity and terror to their aspect. Their atten- tion to dress had more reference to war than to gallantry. The difference in rank and estima- tion between the two sexes was so great, as seems to have extinguished, in some measurs^ thsir solieituda to appear mutually amiable. The man deemed it beneath him to adorn his person, for the sake of one on whom he was aeeustomed to look down as a slave. It waa whsn the warrior had in view to enter the council of his nation, or to take the field against its enemies, that he assumed his choicest oma- msnts, and dscksd his person with the nicest care.* The decor '.ons of the women were few and simple ; whatever was precious or splsndid was reserved for the men. In several tribee the women were obliged to spend a considerable part of their time every day in adorning and painting their husbands, and could bestow little attention upon ornamenting themselves. Among a race of men so haughty as to despise, or so cold as to neglect them, the women naturally became careless and slovenly, and the love of finery and show, which bad been deemed their fsvoirite passion, was oonfinsd chiefly to the jlhei sex.* To deck his person was the dlstino- 1 Oviedo Hirt. Ub. ilL c. S. UUos, i. 320. Voyage de Lsbat, IL 78. Cbsrleroix, iU. 3S3. Oumllla, L 197, » Americans have dis- sity in providing afainst of their climate, which 1st to excess. All the remain unclothed, ore I rub their bodies with ith viscous gums, and ds. By this they check * n, which in the torrid ir of the frame, and human life. By this, ice against the extreme ny season. [TO] They ms, temper paint of dif- le unctuous substances, plentifully with that with this impenetrable not only protected from the sun, but as all tha sects have an antipathy that mixture, they are ling perMButlon, which rshes, especially in tha have been altogether In- rfect nakedntss.* ss that will engage the to prepare some habita- lim shelter by day, and BtOTer is connected with Ignity, whatever bears Uitary character, tha object of importance, psaeeabkand iuuctivo ;renee. Hence, though le, ha is little solicitous iposition of his hnbita- far from that state of the mode of living is f distinction, and uuae> ints, which require a km, ragulata tha c«n- Boeordlng to their lim- Some of the American rude, and had advanced na>val simplicity of na- at all. During ter firom tha scorching oktraces which they respectively occupy. As soon as men have acquired distlnet ideas of property ; or when they are so muoh attached to their females, as to watch them with rare and jealousy; families of course divide and settle in separate houses, where they can secure and guard whatever they wish to pre- serve. This singular mode of habitation, among several peoplf of America, mny therefore be con- sidered not only as the effect uf their imperfect notions concerning property, but as a proof of inattention, and indiiference towards their wo- men. If they had not been accustomed to per- feet equality, such an arrangement could not have taken place. If their sensibility had been apt to have taken alarm, they would not have trusted the virtue of their women amidst the temptations and opportunities of such a pro- miscuom intercoA^c. *^t the same time, the perpetual concord, which reigns in habitations H. 170. Oumilla. i. 383. liancroft, Nat. Hist, of Guian.i, 277. OumUla, I. 9i&, Herrom, dcr. I. Ilk ix. c, 0. Ovicdn Somar, p. S3, V, where so many families arc crowded together, is surjirising, and affords a striking evidence that they must be people of cither a very gentle, or of a very phlegmatic temper, who in such a situation, are unacquainted with animosity brawling, and discord.' After making some provision for his dress auu habitation, a savage will perceive the neces- sity of preparing proper arms with which to as- sault or repel an enemy. This, accordingly, has early exercised the ingenuity and invention of all rude nations. The first offensive weapons were doubtless such as chance presented, und the first efforts of art to improve upon these, were extremely awkward and simple. Clubs made of some heavy wood, stakes hardened in the fire, lances whose heads were armed with flint or the bones of some animal, are weapons known to the rudest nations. All these, hnw- ever, were of use only in close encounter. But men wished to annoy their enemies while at a distance, and the bow and arrow is the most early invention fur this purpose. This weapon is in the hands of people whose advances in im- provement are extremely inconsiderable, and is familiar to the inhabitants of every quarter of the globe. It is remarkable, however, that some tribes in America were so destitute of art and ingenuity, that they had not attained to the discovery of this simple invention," and seem to have been unacquainted with the use of any missile weapon. The sling, though in its con- struction not more complex tlttfti the bow, and among many nations of equal antiquity, was little known to the people of North America," or the islands, but appears to have been used by n few tribes in the southern continent. " [81 ] The people, in some provinces of Chili, and those of Patagonia, towards the southern extremity of America, use a weapon peculiar to themselves. They fasten stones, about the size of a fist, to each end of a leather thong of eight feet In Isngth, and swinging these round their hcndM, throw them with such dexterity that they scIiKmi miss the object at which they aim." Among people who had hardly any occupa- tion but war or hunting, the chief exertions of their Invention, [82] as well as industry, were naturally directed towards these ol)ji-cts. With respect tn every thing else, their wants ond desires were so limited, that their inventinn was not upon the stretch. As their food and 7 Joum. do Grillct ct ncclmmcl dans la Goyanc, p. . Lnfitau MoDun, il. 4, Torqucm Monarq. i. t!l7. .Toiininl Hist, dc Joutal, 'J17. Lcry Hist. Uraiil, ap. dc Brv, iii. S;i8 Loiano Oescr. del Gran Cliacu, 07. 8 I'icdrahlta Conq. del Niirvo Kcyno, ix, 12. Nauf. dc Alv. Nun. Cabccn dc Vaca, c. x. p. 18. Id ricdrah. p 10. 11 nvall»'8 Kclatioi) of Chili. Church. Collect iii. fi2. I'olki n » Uracript. of Pat jgon. p. l:iO. L '( If I r> if i \ I. 5 < :l HISTORY OF [Book IV. Iiubitatluns are perfectly simple, their domettic utensil* are few and rude. Some of the soutli- ern trilws liad discovered the art of forming vrsscls of earthenware, and baking them in the sun, so as they could endure the lire. In North America, they hollowed a piece of hard wood in the form of a kettle, and filling it with water brought it to boil, by putting red hot stones into it. [83] These vessels they used in preparing part of their provisions ; and this may be con- sidered as a step towards refinement and luxury ; for men in their rudest state were not acquaint- ed with any method of dressing their victuals but by roasting thtm on the fire ; and among several tribes in America, this is the only species of cookery yet known. ' But the masterpiece of art, among the savages of America, is the construction of the canoes. An Esquimaux, shut up in his boat of whalebone, covered with the skins of seals, can brave that stormy ocean, on which the barrenness of his country compels him to depend for the chief part of his subsist- tence.' The people of Canada venture upon tiieir rivers and lakes in boats made of the bark of trees, and so light that two men can carry them, wherever shallows or cataracts obstruct the navigation. [84] In these frail vessels they undertake and accomplish long voyages.' The inhabitants of the isles and of the southern con- tinent form their canoes by hollowing the trunk of a large tree, with infinite htbour; and though in appearance they are extremely awkward and unwieldy, they paddle and steer them with such dexterity, that Europeans, well < cquainted with all the improvements in the scit nee of naviga- tion, have been astonished at '.he rapidity of their motion, and the quickness of their evolu- tions. Their jnrogues, or war boats, are so large as to carry forty or fifty men ; their ca- noes employed in fishing and in short voyages are kss capacious.* The form as well as mate- rials of all these various kinds of vessels, is well adapted to the service for which they are des- tined ; and the more minutely they are examin- ed, the mechanism of their structure, as well as neatness of their fabric, will appear the more surprising. But, in every attempt towards industry among the Americans, one striking quality in their character is conspicuous. They apply to work witkiout ardour, carry it on with little activity, and, like children, are easily diverted from it. Even in operations which seem the most in- teresting, and where the most powerful motives urge them to vigorous exertions, they labour with a languid llstlessness. Their work ad- 1 Charlev. HUL N. Fr. iiL 33<. S Liifitau MiBun, &c. ii. 813. i Labat, Voya«c(, U. 01. *c 131. 8 ElUi Voy. I3& vances under their hand with such slowness, that an eyewitness compares it to the impercep- tible progress of vegetation.' They will spend so many yean in forming a canoe, that it often begins to rot with age before they finish it. They will suffer one part of a roof to decay and perish, before they complete the other.* The slightest manual operation consumes an amaz- ing length of time, and what in polished nations would hardly be an effort of Industry, is among savages an arduous undertaking. This slow- ness of the Americans in executing works of every kind may be imputed to various causes. Among savages, who do not depend for subsist- ence upon the efforts of regular industry, time is of so little importance that they set no value upon it ; and provided they can finish a design, they never regard how long they are employed about it. Tlie tools which they employ are so awkward and defective that every wOrk in which they engage must necessarily be tedious. The hand of the most industrious and skilful artist, were it furnished with no better instru- ment than a stone hatchet, a shell, or the bone of some animal, would find it difficult to perfect the most simple '^ork. It is by length of la- bour that he must endeavour to supply hi« de- fect of power. But above all, the cold phleg-. matic temper peculiar to the Americans, renders their operations languid. It is almost impossi- ble to rouse them from that habitual i'ndolence to which thoy are sunk; and unless when en- gaged in war or hunting, they seem incapable of exerting any vigorous effort. Their ardour of application is not so great as to call forth that inventive spirit which suggests expedient* for facilitating and abridging labour. They will re- turn to a task day after day, but all their me- thods of executing it are tedious and oper- ose. [85] Even since the Europeans have com- municated to them the knowledge of their in- struments, and taught them to imitate their arts, the peculiar genius of the Americans is conspi- cuous in every attempt they make. They may be patient and assiduous in labaar, they can copy with a servile and minute accuracy, but discover little invention and no talents for des- patch. In spite of instruction and example, the spirit of the race predominates ; their motions are naturally tardy, an4 it is vain to urge them to quicken their pace. Among the Spaniards in America, the work of an Indian i* a phraae by which they describe any thing, in the execution of which an immense time has been employed, and much labour wasted.' VII. No circumstance respecting rude na- tions has been the object of greater curioblty S Oumilla, ii. Sf)7. 6 Bordc Rclat. des Caraibci, p. 83 7Vo)rageadeUUoa,l.335. Uttr. EdtC &C xv. S1& AMERICA. 123 respecting rude na- of greater curloblty than their religious tenets and rites ; and none, perhaps, has been so imperfectly understood, or represented with s • '! tie fidelity. Priests and missionaries are tbo persons who have had the best opportunities of carrying on this inquiry among the most uncivilized of the American tribes. Their minds, engrossed by the doctrines of their own religion, and habituated to its in- stitutions, are apt to discover something which resembles those objects of their veneration, in the opinions and rites of every people. What- ever they contemplate they view through one medium, and draw and accommodate it to their own system. They study to reconcile the insti- tutions which fall under their observation to their own creed, not to explain them according to the rude notions of the people themselves. They ascribe to them ideas which they are incapable of forming, and suppose them to be acquainted with principles and facts, which it is impossible that they should know. Heoce, some mission- aries have been induced to believe, that even among the most barbarous nations in America, they had diacovered traces, no less distinct than amazing, of their ncquaintan'ro with the sublime mysteries and peculiar .'Tiati - «;>., if Christi- anity. From their own int '.. i' on of cer- tain expressions and ceremo ' ' / have con- cluded that these people had some knowledge of the doctrine of the Trinity, of the incarnation of the Son of God, of his expiatory Mcrifice, of the virtue of the cross, and of the efficacy of the sa- craments.' In such unintelligent and credulous guides we can place little confidence. But even when we make our choice of con- ductors with the greatest care, we must not fol- low them with implicit faith. An inquiry into the religious notions of rude nations is involved in peculiar intricacies, and wo must often pause in order to separate the facts which our inform- ers relate fi-om the reasonings with which they are accompanied, or the tiieories which they build upon them. Several pious writers, more attentive to jhe importance of the subject than to the condition of the people whose sentiments they were endeavouring to discover, have be- stowed much unprofitable labour in researches of this nature. [86] There are two fundamental doctrines, upon which the whole system of religion, as far as it can be discovered by the light of nature, is es- tablished. The one respects the being of a God, the other the immortality of the soul. To dis- cover the ideas of the uncultivated nations under uur review, with regard to those important points, is not only an object of curiosity, but may afford instruction. To these two articles 7 Venegu, I. 88, OS. Torquemada, iL 44S. Oania Origen. l»i. Herrers, dec. *. lib. ix. c. 7. dec. 5. Ub, Iv. c7. I shall confine my researches, leaving subordin- ate opinions, and the detail of local superstitions, to more minute inquirers. AVhoever has had any opportunity of examining into the religious opinions of persons in the inferior ranks of life, even in the most enlightened and civilized na- tions, will find that their system of belief is de- rived from instruction, not discovered by in- quiry. That numerous part of the human species, whose lot is labour, whose principal and almost sole occupation is to secure subsistence, views the arrangement and operations of nature with little refiection, and has neither leisure nor capacity for entering into that path of refined and intricate speculation which conducts to the knowledge of the principles of natural religion. In the early and most rude periods of savage life, such disquisitions are altogether unknown. When the intellectual powers are just beginiiing to unfold, and their first feeble exertions are directed towards a few objects of primary ne- cessity and use ; when the faculties of the mind are so limited as not to have foi^med abstract or general ideas ; when language is so barren as to be destitute of nauies to distinguish any thing that is not perceived by some of the senses ; it is preposterous to expect that man should be capa- ble of tracing with accuracy the relation between cause and effect ; or to suppose that he should rise from the contemplation of the one to the knowledge of the other, and form just concep- tions of a Deity, as the Creator and Governor of the universe. The idea of creation is so fa- miliar, wherever the mind is enlarged by science and illuminated with revelation, that we seldom reflect how profound and abstruse this idea is, or consider what progress man must have made in observation and research, before he could arrive at any knowledge of this elementary prin- ciple in religion. Accordingly, several tribes have been discovered in America, which have no idea whatever of a Supreme Being, and no rites of religious worship. Inattentive to that magnificent spectacle of beauty and order pre- sented to their view, unaccustomed to reflect either upon what they themselves are, or to in- quire who is the author of their existence, men, in their savage state, pass their days like the ani- mals round them, without knowledge or venera- tion of any superior power. Some rude tribes have not in their language any name for the Deity, nor have the most accurate observers been able to discover any practice or institution which seemed to imply that they recognised bis authority, or were solicitous to ob'ain his fa- vour.' [87] It is however only among men in 8 Biet, SaO. Lery ap. de Bry, UL 921. MieuboC Chureb. CoU. U. 13S. Lettr. Edif. S. 1T7. Id. 18, 13. Veneg««k i. 87. Lonno DcKr. del Gran Chaco, 50. Fcmand. Miuion. dc Cbequit. 30. GutrUU, il rjf. — ■■ ■ ->t>»'- .ayiiiwiBir ■ijitA'»mf fa. 124 HISTORY OF [Book IV. h tlie moit uncultivated state of nnture, and ■.rliiia their intellecluM fiicultica aro so feeble and limit- ed aa hardly to elevate them above the irrational creation, that we discover this total insensibility to the impressions of any invisible power. But the human mind, formed for religion, soon opens to the reception of i'Vas, which aro destined, when corrected and ied, to be the great source of consolation am- ^t the calamities uf life. Among some of the American tribes, still in the infancy of improvement, we discern apprehensions of some InTlsilile and powerful beings. These apprehensions arc originally In- distinct and perplexed, and seem to be suggested rather by the dread of impemUng evils than to How from gratitude for blessings received. While nature holds on her course with uniform and undisturbed regularity, men enjoy the bene- lits rewltlng from It, without inquiring concern- ing its cause. But every deviation from this regular course rouses and astonishes them. When they behold events to which they arc not accustomed, they search for the reasonii of them with cajiML curiosity. Their understanding is unable to penetrate into these ; but imagination, .1 more Ibrvard and ardent faculty of the mind, )enrvolent beings, which delighted in conferring benefits, as well as of malicious powers prone to inflict evil ; superstition still appears as the offspring of fear, and all its efforts were employed to avert calamitit They were persuaded that their good deitios, prompted by tlio l>eneficcnce ot their nature, would bestow every blessing in their power, without Bolicltation or acknowledg- ment ; and their only anxiety was to soothe and deprecate the wrath of the powers whom they regarded as the enemies of mankind.' Such were the imperfect conceptions of the greater part of tho Amerlojs with respect to the interpositions of Invisible agents, and such, almost universally, was the mean and Illiberal object of their superstitions. Were we to trace back the ideas of other natior.a to that rude state in which history first presents them to our view, we should discover a surprising rt.'iemblance in their tenets and practices ; and should be con- vinced, that In similar circumstances, the facul- ties of the human mind hold nearly the same course in their progress, and aiTive at almoat the same conclusions. The impressions of fear are conspicuous in all the systems of superstition formed in this situation. The most exalted notions of m.cn rise no higher than to a perplex- ed afivehension of certain being", whose power, though supernatural, is limited as well as partial. But, amon^ other tribes, which have been longer united, or have made greater prepress !n improvem'tnt, we discern some feeble pointing towards more just and adequate conceptions of the power that presides in nature. They seem to perceive that there must be some universal cause to whom all things are indebted for their being. If we may judge by some of their ex- presssions, they appear to acknowledge a divine power to be the maker of the world, and the dis- poser of all events. They denominate him the Creuxii i^Iiit Canab. p. P. Martyr, dccad, p. 1 Chailcv. N Fr. iu. 343, &c. 82, Ac. 8 Ovicdo, lis. lU. c I. p. III. 102, &c. 3 Tcrtrc, ii. 365. Borde, p. 14. State of Vir'rinla, by a Native, book iii. p. '.^i, 33. Dumont, i. 165. Bancrc.n Nat. Hist, of Gui.iMa, ji'a). 1 ■' ^ : [Book IV. ent, or they were I, whose aid they iaofdistrcM.' The iputed by them to ity that afflictH the isented under the gious homage was ew than to appease Among those tribes ore enlarged, and tion of lienRTolent inferring benefits, ra prone to inflict s as the oiTspring employed to avert ninded that their lie beneficence of every blessing in on or acknpwledg- waa to soothe and iwers whom they okind.'' ;onceptluns of the 8 with respect to agents, and such, mean and illiberal Were we to trace I to that rude state i tliem to our view, ig rt.'iemblance in nd should be con- stances, the facul- I nearly the same iTive at almost the essions of fear are 18 of superstition he moat exalted than to a perplex - ig», whose power, lited as well as which have been reater progress !n ie feeble pointing ite conceptions of ture. They seem t)c some universal indebted for their some of their ex- ■owledge a divine vorld, and the dis- lominate him the euxii I^IUt Cunab. P" '. Martjrr, dccad. p. State of Vlr/ilnia, by nt, i. I(i5. Bancroft AMERICA. 125 I 1 CmI Sjiirit.* But these ideas are fiiintand con- fused, and when they attempt to explain them, it is manifest, that among them the wold ajiirit lias a meaning very different from that in which wo employ it, and that they have no concep- tion of any deity but wh^t is corporeal. Tliey believe their gods to be of the human form, though of a nature more <■ .^celient than man, and retail such wild incoherent fables concern- ing their functions and operations, as arc alto- gether unworthy of n place in history. Even among these tribjs< there is no established form of public wcrshii> ; there are n» temples erected in honour of their deities ; and no ministers peculiarly coni'>crated to their service. They have the knowit 'ge, however, of several super- stitious ceremoiii i& and practices handed down to them by tradiciou, and to these they have re- course with a ch.'ldish credulity, when roused by any emergence from their usual insensibility, unj excited to acknowledge the power, and to ' jiplore the protection of superior beings." The tribe of the Natchez, and the people of Bogota, had advanced beyond the other unculti- vated uaticris of America In their ideas of reli- gion, as well as in their political institutions ; and it is no less difficult to explaiu the cause of this distinction than of that which we have al- ready considered. The Sun was the chief ob- ject of religious worship among the Natchez. In their temples, which were constructed with some magniricence, and decorated with various ornaments, according to their mode of archi- tecture, they preserved a perpetual fire, as the purest emblem of their divinity. Ministers ivcre appointed to watch and feed this sacred llamc. The first function of the ^nv-at chief of the nation, every morning, was au act of obei- sance to the Sun ; and festivals returned at stated seasons, which were celebrated by the whole community with solemn but unbloody rites." This is the most refined species of supcr- htilion known in America, and perhaps one of the most natural as well as most seducing. The Sun is the apparent source of the joy, fertility, and life, diffused through nature; and while the human mind, in its earlier essrys towai-ds inquiry, contemplates and admires his univer- sal an. i. AMERICA. 127 dc Chcriqui. Collect distrcM, not from hi« dread of evilg awaiting him in a future life, and wat originally ingrafted on medicine, not on religion.- One of the first and most intelligent historians of America, was struck with this alliance between tho art of divination and that of physic, among the people of Ilispaniola.* But this was not peculiar to them. The Alexis, the P'tayaa, the ^u{moi°>i.t,.or whatever was the distinguishing name of their diviners and charmers in other parts of Ameri- ca, were all the physicians of their respective tribes, In the same manner as the Bubiloa of Hispaniola. As their function led them to ap- ply to the human mind when enfeebled by sick- ness, and as ths. 'bund it, in that season of de- jection, prone to be alarmed with imnginary fenra, or amused with vain hopes, they easily in- duced it to rely with implicit confidence on the virtue of their spells, and the certainty of their predictions.' Whenever men acknowledge the reality of su- pernal ral power and discernment in one in- stance, they have a propensity to admit it in others. The Americans did not long suppose the .'fiicacy of conjuration to be confined to one subject. They had recourse to it in every situa- tion of danger or distress. When the events of war were peculiarly disastrous, when they met with unforeseen disappointment in hunting, when inundations or drought threatened their crops with destruction, they called upon their conjurors to begin their incantations, in order to discover tho causes of those calamities, or to foretell what would be their issue.' Their con- fidence in this delusive art gradually increased, and manifested itself in all the occurrences of life. When involved in any difilculty, or about to enter upon any transaction of moment, every individual regularly consulted the sorcerer, and depended upoi> his instructions to extricate him from the former, aa well as to direct his conduct in the latter. Even among the rudest tribes in Amerira, superstition appears in this form, and divination is an art in high esteem. Long be- fore man hod acquired such knowledge of a deity as inspires reverence, and leads to adora- tion, we observe him stretching cut a presump- tuous hand to draw aside that veil with which Providence kindly conceals its purposes from human knowledge ; and we find him labouring with fruitless anxiety to penetrate into the mys- teries of the divine administration. To diaceni 5 Ovicdo, lib, V. c. 1. 6 Herrcra, dec. 1. lib. ill. c. 4. Osborno Coll. ii. S(!0. Dumont, i. 1R9, &c. Charlcv. N. Fr. iii. 361.304, &c. Lawson, N. Carrol. 214. Ribaa, Triumf. p. 17. Biet, 386. Do la Potherie, ii. 35, &c 7 Charley. N. Fr. ill. 3. Dumont 1. 17a Femand. Relac. dc los Chequit. p.. 40. Losano, 84. Margrave, 879. and to worship a superintending pcwcr is an evidence of the enlargement and maturity of the human understanding; n vain desire of prying into futurity is the error of its infancy, and a proof of its weakness. From this weakness proceeded likewise the faith of the Americans in dreams, their observiw tion of omens, their attention tn the chirping of birds and the nriea of animals, all wliiok they suppose to lie indications of future events ; and if any one of these prognostics is deemed unfa- vourable, they instantly abandon the pursuit of those measures on which they are most eagerly bent.' VIII, Bnt if ^e would form a complete idea of the uncultivated nations of America, wo must not pass unobserved some singular customs, which, though universal and characteristic, could not be reduced, with propriety, to any of the articles into which I have divided my in- quiry concerning their manners. Among savages, in every part of the globe, the love of dancing is a favourite passion. As, during a great part of their time, they languish in a state of inactivity and indolence, without any o(!cupation to rouse or interest them, they delight univei'sally in . 'me %vhich calls forth the active powers of tht.. .lature into exercise. The Spaniards, when they first visited Ameri- ca, were astonished at the fondness of the na- tives for dancing, and beheld with wonder a people, cold and unanimatcd in most of their other pursuits, kindle into life, and exert them- selves with ardour, as often us this favourite amusement recurred. Among them, indeed, dancing ought not to be denominated an amuse- ment. It is a serious and important occupation which minglea in every occurrence of public or private life. If any intercourse be necessary between two American trilies, the ambassadors of the one approach in a solemn dance, and pre- sent tho calumet or emblem of peace ; the sa- chems of the other receive it with tho same cere- mony.* If war is denounced against an enemy, it is by a dance expressive of thr. resentment which they feel, iind of the vengeance which they meditate." If tk.a wrath of their gods is to be appeased, or their beneficence to be celebrat- ed ; if they rejoice at the birth of a child, or mourn the death of a friend," they have dances appropriated to each of these situations, and suited to the diflTerent sentiments with which they ane t^en animated. If a person is indis- 8 Charlev. N. Fr. Hi. 9f>%, 3S3. Stadlui ap. dc Bry, iii, 120. CrcuxJ. HUt. Canad. 84. Tccho Hist of Parag. Church. ColL vi. 37. Do la Potherie, iii. ft ODe la Potherie Hist Ii 17, &c. Charlev. N.Tr.li!. 211. 297. La Hontcn, 1. 100, 137. Hennepin Dccou. 146, Ita. 10 Charlev. N. Fr. lit. 298. Lafltau, 1. .Sas. U Joutel, 313, Oomara HUt Gen. c. 19& * 128 HISTORY OF [Book IV. '\ » f. ! A-' I poReOi a dance in prcKcrlbml nr. de Surin, i. 13!'. life;* nnil, having no relation to Invo or gnllan < try, are seldom common to the two sexes, but executed by the men and women apart.' [90] If, on some occasions, the women are permitted to join In the festival, the diameter of the enter- tain ment Is still the same, and no movement or gesture Is expressive of attachment, or encoura- ges famillai'ity.* An immoderate love of play, especlaUy at games of hazard, which seems to be natuval l<. all people unaccustomed to the occupations of regular industry, Is likewise universal among the Americans. The some causes, which so often prompt jtersons in civilized life, who are at their ease, to have rccoui-se to this pastime, render it the delight of the savage. The former are Independent of labour, the latter do not fed the necessity of It ; and as both are unem- ployed, they run with transport to whatever Is interesting enough to stir and to agitato their minds. Hence the Americans, who at other times are so indifferent, so phlegmatic, so silcnt> and animated with so tew desires, as soon as they engage in play become rapacious. Impatient, noisy, and almost frantic with eagerness. Their furs, their domestic utensils, their clothes, their arms, are staked at the gaming table, and when ail is lost, high as their sense of independence ix, In a wild emotion of despair or of hope, they will often risk their personal liberty upon a single cost.' Among several tribes, such gumini; parties frequently recur, and become their most acceptable entertainment at every great festival. Suiicrstltion, which is apt to take hold of those passions, which are most vigorous, frequently lends Its aid to confirm and strengtbcu this fa- vourite inclination. Their conjurors are ac- customed to prescribe a solemn match at play as one of the must efficacious methods of appeasing their gods, or of restoring the sick to hralth.' From causes similar to those which render iiiom fond of play, the Americans are extremely addicted to drunk<>nness. It seems to have been one of the first exertions of human ingenuity to discover some composition of an intoxicating quality ; and there is hardly any nation so rude, or so destitute of invention, as not to have suc- ceeded In this fatal research. The most barbar- ous of the American tribes have been so unfor- tunate as to attain this art; and even those which are so deficient in knowledge, ns to be 1 Dcscript of N. France. OslMmc ColL ii. 883. Oiar- lev. N. Fr. iii. 84. 5 Wafer's Account of Isthmui, &C. ICO. Lery ap. do Bry, iii. 177. Lozano Hist do Parag. L 119. Ilcrrera, dec. 2. Ill), vii. c. 8. dec. 4. lib. X. c. 4. C Rarrcrc Fr. Eiiiiiu. p. 101. 7 Chatlcv. N. Fr. iii. 201, 318. LafltaU, 11. ."08, &C. Ililias I'riiimf 13. Brickcll, 335. 8 rh.irlcv. N. Fr. UL 202. :^- [Book IV, to love or giillaii ■ e tvro aexeti, but !iinpart.'[0O] If, I are permitted to ter of the enter- 1 110 movement or sent, or encoura- \ay, CRpeclRily nt i to be natu^'al ti. lie occupations of universal among causes, which so zed iil'e, who are le to tills pastimn, Dge. The former the latter do not I both are unem- rt to whatever is d to agitate their ns, who at other cgmatic, so silent> esircs, as soon as lacious, impatient, I eagerness. Their heir clothes, their ; table, and when if independence is, or of hope, tliey al liberty upon n ribes, such gaming become their most ^cry great festival. :Hke bold of tliosu oruus, frequently Tengthcii tills fa- conjurors are ac- match at play as hods of appeasing sick to health.' ose which render »ns are extremely eems to have been iman ingenuity to an intoxicating ny nation so rude, not to have suc- The most barbar- re been so unfor- and even those >w ledge, ns to be c CulL U. 883. Cliar- c. ICO. Lcry np. do ag. L 110. Ilerrcro, Lafltau, U. S38, &c. m(i AMEIUCA. m unacquainted with the method of giving an In- ■briatiif itrsngth to liquors by fermentation, can acoompilsh the same end by other rneam. The pe«iple of the islands of North America, and of Calif«»ruia, used, for this purpoM, the smoka of tobacco, drawn up with a certain instrument iuto tb« nostrils, the fumes of which ascendiiif to tile brain, they felt ail th« transports and plireusy of intoaikeation.' [91] in almost every otli«r part of the New World, the natives po8> sessed the art of extracting an intoxicating liquor from maize or ths maDioe root, the same sub- stances which they convert into breau. Ths operation by which they effect this nearly re- sembles the common one of brewing, but with this difference, that in place of yeast, they use a nauseous infusion of a certain quantity of maias or manitif chewed by their women. The saliva excites a vigorous fermsntation, and In a few days the liquor becomes At for drinking. It is not disagreeable to the taste, andi whan swal- lowed ill large quantities, is of an intoxicating quality."' This is the general beverage of the Americans, which they distinguish by varioos names, and for which they feel such a violent and insatiable desire as it is not easy either to conceive or describe. Among polished nations, where a succession of various functions and amusements keeps the mind iu continual oecup»> tion, the desire for strong drink is regulated in a great measure by the climate, and increases or diminishes according to the variatimis of its temperature. In warm regions, the Uelicate and sensible frame of the inhabitants does not require the stimulation of fermented liquors. In colder countries, the constitution of the natives, more robust and more sluggish, stands in need of generous liquors to quicken and animate it. But among savages, the desire of something that is of power to intoxicate is in every situation the same. All the people of America, if we ex- cept some small tribes near the Straita of Magel- lan, whether natives of the tuiTid zone, or inha- bitants of its more temperate regions, or placed by a harder fiite in the severe climates towards its northern or southern extremity, appear to be equally under the dominion of this apfetite." Such a similarity of taate, among people in siiob different situations, must be ascribed to the in- fluence of some moral cause, and cannot he con- sidered as the effiect of any physical or constitu- tional want. While engaged ia wpr or in the chase, the savage ia often in the most interesting situations, and all the powers of his nature are 9 Oriedo Hitt. ap. Ramu>, iii. 113i Venegsa. i. 68. Nsufrag. de Cabecs de Vacs, c^i; 881 10 Stsdiua ap. de Bry. iii. III. Lery, ibid, nx 11 Gumilla, I.U7. Lossno Deicrlp. del Gran. Chaco,S6. 10& RU»a,8. UUos, 1. 249, 3»7. Marchaia, iv. 4.S6. Fer. nandea Mission, de la* Chequi*. S». Banrere, p. iNS. Blanco Convert, de Firitu, 31. roused to the moet vigorous exertions. But those animating scenes are suei^eeded by long in- tervals of repose, during which the warrior meets with nothing that he deems of sufficient dignity or Importance to merit bis attention. He languishes and mopes in this season of indo- lencie. The postura of his body is an emblem of the state of his mind. In one climate, cower- ing over the Hre in his cabin ; in another, stretched under the shade of some tree, he dozes away his time in sleep, or in an unthinking Joy- less inactivity not fur removed from it. As strong liquors awake him frdm this torpid state, givs a brisker motion to his i^irits, and enliven him more thoroughly than either dancing or gaming, his love of them is excessive. A sava age, when not engaged in action, is a pensive melancholy animal ; but us soon as he tastes, or has a prospect of tasting, the intoxicating draught, he becomes gay and frolickaome.'* Whatever be tlie occasion or pretexts on which the Americans assemble, the meeting always terminates in a debauch. Many of tiieir festi- vals have no other object, and they welcome the return of them with transports of joy. As the/ are not accustomed to restrain any appetite, thejr set no bounds to this. The riot often continues without intermission several days; and what- ever may be the fatal effects of their excess, they never cease from drinking aa long as one drop of liquor rcmaina. The persons of greatest emi- nence, the most distinguished warriors, and the chiefs most renowned for their wisdom, have no greater command of themselves than t*'e most obscure members of the community. Their eagerness for present enjoyment renders them blind to its fatal consequences ; and those very men, who in other situations seem to possess a force of mind more than human, are in this in- stance inferior to children, in foresight as well aa constdetation, and mere slaves of brutal ap- petite." When their passions, naturally strong, are heightened and inflamed by drink, they are guilty of the most enormous outrages, and the festivity seldom concludes without deeds of viu- lenee or bloodshed.'* But, amidst this wild debauch, there is one cirsumstanee remarkable ; the women, in most of the American tribes, are not peimitted to partake of It. [9S] Their provhice is to prepare the Hqnor, to serve it about to the guests, and to take care of their husbands and friends when their reason Is overpowered. This exclusion rf the women from an enjoyment so highly valued by savages, may be jastly considered as a m.. of their inferiority, and as an additional evidence of that contempt with which they were treated 12 Melendea Tetore* Veidad. ilL !)69. 13 Rlbaa, 0. Ulloa, i. 338. U Lettr. Edif. ii. 178. Torquemada Mond. Ind. L 339. »*■ 130 HISTORY OF [Book IV- IlL j^ f ' H In «h« New Worl4. Tha pMpI« of North Anuric*, wb«n lint dlieovand, wer* notM- qiialntad with any Intoxieating drink ; but m the £uropeMit Mtrly found it their intercat to ■upply them with apirituoua llquon, drunken- neea aoon became aa unirereal among them aa among their countrymen to the MUth ; and their women, having acquired thia new taate, indulge it with aa little i ency and moderation aa the men.' It were endlees to enumerate all the detached euetoma whioh have excited the wonder of tra- vellera in America ; but I cannot omit one aeemlnfcly aa lingular aa any that haa been mentiuned. When their parenta and other rela* tioni become old, or labour under any diitemper which their slender knowledge of the healing art cannot removt*, the Americana cut abort their days with a violent hand. In order to be relieved from the burden of eupporting and tending them. ThIa practice prevailetl among the ruder tribea in every part of the continent, from Hudion'a Bay to the river De la Plata ; and however shocking it may be to those sentU ments of tendcrnesa and attachment, which, in civilised life, we are apt to consider as congenial with our frame, the condition of man in the savage state leads and reeonciles him to it. The same hard«hi|ia and difficulty of procuring sub- sistence, which deter savages, in some cases, from rearing their children, prompt them to destroy . Sagard, 140. 8 Caauni HUto. de N. Reyno dc Gran. p. 300. Fiao, p. A. BIU Voy. 191. OumUla, I. 333. pared with that of more polished nations. A human being, as he comes originally from tha hand of nature, is every where the same. At bis first appearance in tha state of InAmey, whether it be among the rudest savages or in the must civillaed nation, we can discern no quality which marks any distinction or supe- riority. The capacity of improvement seems to be the same ; and the talents he may after- warda acquire, aa well as the virtues he may be rendered capable of exercising, depend, in m great measure, upon the state of society in which he is placed. To this state his mind naturally accommodates itself, and from it receives disci- pline and culture. In proportion to the wants which it accustoms a human Iwing to feel, and the functions in whioh these engage him, his intellectual powers are called forth. Accor- ding to the connections which It establishes be- tween him and the rest of his species, the affec- tions of his lieart are exerted. It Is only by attending to this great principle that we can discover what is the character of man in every diiferent period of his progress. If we apply It to savage life, and measure the attainments of the human mind In that state by this standard, we shall find, according to an ob- servation which I have already made, that the intellectual powers of man must be extremely limited In their operations. Thry are confined within the narrow sphere of what he deems necessary for supplying his own wants. What- ever has not some relation to these neither at- tracts his attention, nor is the object of liis lnquirie.1. But however narrow the bounds may be within which the knowledge of a savage is circumscribed, he pouesses thoroughly that small portion which ho has attained. It was not communicated to him by formal instruc- tion ; be does not attend to it as a matter of mere speculation and curiosity ; it is the result of his own observation, the fruit of his own ex- perience, and accommodated to bis condition and exigencies. While employed in the active occupations of war or of hunting, he often finds himself in difficult and perilous situations, from which the efforts of his own sagacity must extricate him. He is frequently engaged in measures, where every step depends upon his own ability to decide, where he must rely solely upon his own penetration to discern the dangers to which he is exposed, and upon Sils own wisdom in providing against them. In consequenea of this, he feels the knowledge which he possesses, and the efforts which he makes, and either in deliberation or action rests on himself alone. As the talents of individuals are exercised and improved by such exertions, much political wis- dom is said to be displayed in conducting tho affairs of their small communities. The council of old men in an American tribe, deliberating [Book IV. UhiKl nkUoiM. A triginally from th« ire the wme. At •Uto of inAuioy, iideat MvagM or In we can dlMom no Ittinotion or tup*. nprovem«nt aMnH cntt he iiiuy after- Tirtuet he may be ng, depend, In a of loeiely in whioh hii mind naturally n it receivM diici- 'tlon to the wants being to feel, and B engage him, hi* id forth. Accor- h it eetablithei be- ■pecie*, the nffec- d. It is only by iclple that we can : of man In every I, and measure the nd in that state by ceording to an ob- ly made, that the must be extremely They are confined >f what he deeme rn wants. What- these neither at- the object of hia rrow the bounds ivledgo of a savage s thoroughly that ittalned. It was r formal instruc- it as a matter of it is the result lit of his own ex- to his condition yed in the avtive ng, he often finds 9 situations, from sagacity must Hitly engaged in depends upon his be must rely m to discern the led, and upon his ainst them. In the knowledge efforts which he on or action rests are exercised and uch political wis- it conducting tho lies. The council ribe, deliberating AMERICA. 131 upon Its interests, and determining with respect to peace or war, has been compared to the senate In more polished republics. The proceedings of the former, we are told, are often no less formal and sagacious than those of the latter. Great political wisdom is exhibited In pondering ths various measures proposed, and In balancing their probable advantages against the evils of which they may be productive. Much address and eloquence are employed by the leaders, who aspire at acquiring such confidence with their countrymen as to have an ascendant in those as- semblies.* But, among savage tribes, the field fur displaying political talents cannot be exten- sive. Where the idea of private property Is in- complete, and no criminal Jurisdiction Is esta- blished, there Is hardly any function of internal government to exercise. Where there is n« commerce, and scarcely any Intercourse among separate tribes; where enmity is Implafeable, and hostilities are carried on almost without in- termission ; there will be few points of public concern to adjust with their neighbours ; and that department of their affairs which may be denominated foreign, cannot be so Intricate aa to require much refined policy in conducting it. Where ind' iduals are so thoughtless and Im- provident as seldom to take effectual precautions for self-preservation. It is vain to expect that public measures and deliberations will be regu- lated by the contemplation of remote events. It Is the genius of savages to act from the Impulse of present passion. They have neither foresight nor temper to form complicated arrangements with respect to their future conduct. The con- sultations of the Americans, Indeed, are so fre- quent, and their negotiations are so many, [03] and so long protracted, as to give their proceed- ings an extraordinary aspect of wisdom. But this Is not owing so much to the depth of their schemes, aa to the coldness and phlegm of their temper, which render them slow In determin- ing.* If we except the celebrated league, that united the Five Nations in Canada, into a federal republic, which shall be considered in its proper place, we can discern few such traces of political wisdom, among the rude American tribes, as discover any great degree of foresight or extent of Intellectual abilities. Even among them, we shall find public measures more fre- quently directed by the impetuous ferocity of their youth, than regulated by the experience and wisdom of their old men. As the condition of man in the savage state is unfavourable to the progress of the understand- ing, it has a tendency likewise. In some respects, to check the exercise of affection, and to render the heart contracted. The strongest feeling in a Cbarlev. Hitt M. Ft. iU. 866, &c * Ibid. Ui. 871. the mind of a savage Is a sense of his own inde- pendence. He has sacrificed so small a portion of his natural liberty by becoming a member of society, that be remains, In a great degree, the sole master of his own actions.' He often takes his resolutions alone, without consulting or feeling any connection with the persons around him. In many of his operations he stands as much detached rforuinn<:e of those mutual ofDoes of tendvr- iiuM which the inArmltles of our nature fre- quently vxact. Among some tribes, when any of their number are selxed with any violent dis- ease, they are generally abandoned by all around them, who, cari'less of their recovery, Hy In the utmost consternation from the supposed danger of infection.* Hut even where they are not thus deserted, the cold Indifference with which they arc attended can afford them little consola- tion. No look of syni|wthy, no soothing ck - pressions, no officious services, contribute to al- leviate the distress of the sufferers, or to make them forget what they endure.' Their nearest relations will often refjise tu submit to the smallest incouvenienry, or to part with the least trifle, however much it mny tend to their ac- commodation or relief.' So little is tlio brenitt of a savage susceptible of those sentiments which prompt men to that feeling attention which mi- tigates the calamities of human life, that, in some provinces of America, the Spaniards have found It necessary to enforce the common duties of humanity by positive laws, and to oblige liuibands and wives, parents and children, under severe penalties, to take care of each other dur- ing their sickness.' 'i'lio same harshness of temper is still more conspicuous in their treat- ment of the animal creation. Prior to their in- tercourse with the people of Europe, the North Americans had some tame dogs, which accom- panied them in tbeir hunting excursions, and served them with ail the ardour and fidelity pe- culiar to the species. But, instead of that fond attachment which the hunter naturally feels to- wards those useful companions of his tolls, they requite their services with negli!ct, seldom feed, and never caress them.* In other provinces the Americans have become acquainted with the domestic animals of Europe, and availed them- selves of their service ; but it is universally ob- served that they always treat them harshly,' and never employ any method either fur brcak- I De U Potherle, lU. sa •i Lettre de P. Cataneo «p, Muratorl Chriitian. L 309, Tertrc, 11. 410. Losano, 100. llcrrcra, dec. 4. lib. viU. c. 5. dec 5. lib, tv, c. 8. FalKner's Dewrlpt. of Patagonia, m. 3 Gumilla, L 3S0. Lozano, 100. 4 Oatcia Origcn, &c. 90. Herrcr.-), dec. 4. lib. vili. c. 5. 5 Cogulludo Hitt. de Yucathan, p. 300. Charlev. N. Vr. Hi. 119, 337. 7 Ulloa Notlc American. 312. ing or managing them, but force and cruelty. In every part of the deportment of roan In bis savage state, whether towards bis equala of the human spoolas, or towarda the animals below him, we recognise the same oharaoter, and traca the operations of a mind intent on Its own gra- tlfleatlons, and regulated by Ita own caprice, with little attention or sensibility to the senti- ments and feelings of the beings around him. After explaining how unfavourable the savage stale Is to the cultivation of tha understanding, and to the improvemeot of the heart, I should not have thought It neceesary to mention what may be devoMd its lesser defects, If the character of nations, aa well as of Individuals, were not often more distinotly marked by circumstaucca apparently trivial than by those of greater moment. A savage, frequently placed in silim- tiuns of danger and distress, depending on him- self alone, and wrapped up in his own thoughts and schemes. Is a serious melancholy aDlm.il. lihi attention to others is small. 'I'hc range of his own ideas is narrow. Hence that tacitur- nity which is so dincusting to men accustomed to the open Intercourse of social conversation. When they are not engaged in action, the Ame- ricans often sit whole days in one poature, with- out opening their lips.* When they go forth to war, or tu the chase, they usually march in a line at some distance from one another, and without exchanging a word. The same pro- found silence Is observed when they row to- gether in a canoe.' It la only when they nre animated by intoxicating liquora, or roused by the jollity of the frstival and dance, that they become gay and convcrsible. To the same causes may be Imputed tho re- fined cunning with which they form and exe- cute their schemes. Men who are not habitua- ted to a liberal communication of tbeirown sen- timunts and wishes, are apt to be so distrustful aa to place little confidence in others, and to have recourse to an Insidious craft In accomplishing their own purposes. In civilized life, those persons who by tbeir situations have but a few ol^ects of pursuit on which their minds inces- santly dwell, are most remarkable for low arti- fice in carrying on their little projects. Among savitges, whose views are equally confined, and their attention no less persevering, those circum- stances must operate still more powerfully, and gradually accustom them to a disingenuous sub- tlety in all their transactions. The force of this is increased by habits which they acquire In car- rying on the two roost interesting operations wherein they are engaged. With them war Is a system of craft, in which they trust for success to stratagem more than to open forae, and have 8 Voya!;e de nmiKuer, 102, S Chailcv. tu. StO. [Book IV. rom and criMlty. int of man in hl« I bU aqiMU of the h« aDimalt Iwlow liaraettr, and tract nt on ila own gra- ila own caprice, lilitjr to the lenti- ga around him. 'ourable the MTRge Jia undentanding, a heart, I ihould ' to mention what :ta, if the character viduaia, were not I by circumelaiicee thoM of greator tiy placed in eitiin- lependingon hiin- I hie own tboughta lelancholy aoim,il> U. 'i'hc range men accuitomcd icial converiatioii. I action, the Ame- one poeture, wiih- n they go forth to ■ualiy march in a one another, and . The eane pro- hen they row to* ly when they nre ore, or routed by 1 dance, that they imputed the re- ley form and exc- are not habitua- of their own len- be (o distruitful as hem, and to have in accomplishing vilixed life, thoie i have but a few heir mindt incca- kablc for low arti- prcjecti. Among ally oonflned, and 'ing, those circuni< 1 powerfully, and disingenuous sub- rheforceoftblaia ty acquire in car- resting operations ^ith them war is ly trust for success n force, and have Cbailcv. kU. SIO. A M E K I C A. thoir invention continually on th i stretch to circumvenl and surprise their enemies. As hunters, it Is their constant object to ensnare in order that thvy may tiestroy. Accordingly, art and cunning have been universally observed as distinguishing characteristics of all savages. The people of the rude tribes of America are remarlcabie for their artlAce and diipllcily. Im- |Mnelrabiy secret in forming their measures, they pursue them witli a patient undeviating attention, and there is no refinement of dissi> maiation which they cannot employ, in order to ensurs success. The nativea of I'eru were engaged above thirty years, in concerting the plan of that insurrection which took place under the vice-royalty of the Marquis de Villa Garcia ( and though it was communicated to a great number of persons, in ail dilTerent ranks, no in- ■nidation of it ever transpired during that long period ; no man betrayed hit trust, or, by an unguarded look or rash word, gave rise to any kuspioion of what waa intended." The dissi- mulation and craft of imlividuals is no less re- markable than that of nations. When set upon deceiving, they wrap themselves up so artifl- •iaily, that it is impassible to penetrate into their Intentions, or to detect their designs.'" Ifut if there be defects or vicea peculiar to the nnvage state, there nre likewise virtues which it inspires, attd good qualltiee, to the exercise ot which it is friendly. The bonds of society sit so loose upon the members of the more rude '.meri> can tribes, that they hardly feel any i .straint. Hence the spirit of Independence, which is the pride of a savage, and which he considers as the unalienable prerogative of man. Incapable of control, and disdaining to acknowledge any su- perior, his mind, though limited In its powers, and erring in many of its pursuits, acquires such elevation by the consciousness of Its own freedotn, that he acts on some occasions with astonishing force, and perseverance, and dig- nity. As independence nourishes this high spirit among javuges, the perpetual wars in which they are engaged rail it forth into action. Such long lnterv,\ls of tranquillity as are frequent In polished Rotietlea are unknown in the savage state. 1 sir enmities, as I hare observed, are implacabk and immortal. The valour of the young men Is never allowed to rust in Inaction. Th'! hatehet is always in their hand, either for attack or defence. £ven In their hunting ex- cursions, they must be on their guard against surprise from the hostile tribes by which they are surrounded. Accustomed to continual alarms, they grow famillnr with danger ; cour- age becomes an habitual virtue, resulting natu- rally from their situation, and strengthened by 10 Voy.iRC ilo Ullon, II. am. 1 1 Giimllln. i. 1«». Charier. constant exertions. The mo with warmth to public measures, diclatod by passions similar to those which direct his own conduct. Hence the ardour with which individuals undertake the most perilous service, when the community deems it necessary. Hence their fierce and deep rooted antipathy to the public enemies. Hence their seal for the honour of their tribe, and that love of their coantry, which prompts them to brave danger that it may triumph, and to endure the moat exquisite torment*, without a groan, that it may not be disgraced. Thus, in every situation where a human being can be placed, even in the most unfavour.ible, there aie virtues which peculiarly belong to it; there are affectlona which it calls forth; there is a specie* of happinees which it yields. Na- ture, with most beneficent intention, conciliates and forms the mind to its condition ; tb* ideas and wishes of man extend not beyond tin,, mh .>• of society to which he is habituated. ' ' ' , t it presents aa objecta of contemplation or enjoy- ment, fills and satisfies his mind, and he can hardly conceive any other mode of life to be pleasant, or even tolerable. The 'i .'irtar, accus- tomed to roam over extensive plains, and to subsist on th* product of Ms herds. Imprecates upon his enemy, aa the greatest of all curses, that he may be condemned to reside In one place, and to be nourished with the top of n weed. The rude Americans, fond of their own pursuits, and satisfied with their own lot, are equally unable to comprehend the intention or utility of the various accommodations, which in more polished society are deemed essential to the comfort of life. Far from complaining of their own situation, or viewing that of men in a more improved state with admiration or envy, they regard themselves aa the standard of 134 HISTOIlV OF [Book IV excellence, »» lietnga the beat entitled, as well as the most perfectly qualifled, to enjoy real happi- ness. Unaccustomed to any restraint upon their will or their actions, they behold with amaze- ment the inequality of rank, and the subordina- tion which takes place in civilized life, and con- sider the voluntary submission of one man to another as a renunciation no less base than un- ntcountable, of the first distinction of humanity. Void of foresight, as well as free from care themselves, and delighted with that state of in- dolent security, they wonder at the anxious pre- cautions, the unceasing industry, and compli- cated arrangements of Europeans, in guarding against distant evils, or providing for future wants; and they often exclaim against their preposterous folly. In thus multiplying the troubles and Increasing the labour of life.' This preference of their own manners is conspicuous on every occasion. Even the names, by which the various nations wish to be distinguished, are assumed from this idea of their own pre-emi- nence. The appellation which the Iroquois give to themselves is the chief of men.' Caraibe, the original name of the fierce Inhabitants of the Windward Islands, signifies the warlike people.* The Cherokees, from an idea of their own supe- riority, call the Europeans Nathingt, or the ac- cursed race, and assume to themselves the name of the beloved jieople.* The same principle regu- lated the notions of the other Americans con- cerning the Europeans; for although at first they were filled with astonishment at their arts, and with dread of their power, they soon came to abate their estimation of men whose maxims of life were so different from their own. Hence they called them the froth of the sea, men with- out father or mother. They supposed, that either they had no country of their own, and therefore invaded that which belonged to others ;* or that, being destituce of the necessaries of life at home, they were obliged to roam over the ocean, in order to rob such as were more amply provided. Men thus satisfied with their condition are far from any inclination to relinquish their own habits, or to adopt those of civilized life. The transition Is too violent to be suddenly made. Even where endeavours have been used to wean a savage from bis own customs, and to render the accommodations of polished society familiar to him ; even where he has b>:->n allowed to taste of those pleasures, and has been honour^ with those distinctions, which are the chief object* of our desire, he droops and languishes under the restraint of laws and tiarms, he seizes the first 1 Charlev. N. Fr. ili. 33a I^honUn, ii. 07. 2 Cotdan, i. a 3 Rochefort Hut dea Antilles, 4A5. 4 Adair HUt Amer. Indiana, p. 32. 6 Benion. Hiat Nov! Orbii, lib. ill c. 21. opportunity of breaking loose from them, and returns with transport to the forest or the wild, where he can enjoy a careless and uncontrolled freedom.* Thus I have finished a laborious delineation of the character and manners of the uncivilized tribes scattered over the vast continent of Ame- rica. In this, I aspire not at rivalling the great masters who have painted and adorned savage life, either in boldness of design, or In the glow and beauty of their colouring. I am satisfied with the more humble merit of having persisted with patient Industry, In viewing my subject in many various lights, and collecting from the most accurate observers such detached, and often minute featurt ^, as might enable me to exhibit a portrait that resembles the original. Before I close this part of my work, one ob- servation more is necessary, in order to justify the conclusions which I have formed, or to pre- vent the mistakes into which such as examine them may fall. In contemplating the inhabit- ants of a country so widely extended as Ame- rica, great attention should be paid to the diver- sity of climates under which they are placed. The influence of this I have pointed out with respect to several important particulars which have been the object of research ; '.uteven where it has not been mentioned, it ought not to be overlooked. The provinces of America are of such diff'erent temperament, that this alone Is sufficient to constitute a distinction between their inhabitants. In every part of the earth where man exists, the power of climate operates, with decisive influence, upon his condition and character. Ic those countries which approach near to the extremes of heat or cold, this influ- ence is so conspicuous as to strike every eye. Whether we consider man merely as an animal, or as being endowed with rational powers which fit him for activity and speculation, we shall find that he Las uniformly attained the greatest perfection of which his nature is capable, in the temperate regions of the globe, lliere his cor .'titution Is most vigorous, Ms organs most acute, and his form most beautiful. There, too, he possesses a superior extent of capacity, greater fertility of imagination, more enterprising cour- age, and a sensibility of heart which gives birth to desires, not onlyardent, but persevering. In this favourite situation he has displayed the ut- most efforts of bis genius, in literature, in poli- cy, in commerce, in war, and in all the arts which improve or embellish life.' This powerful operation of climate is felt most sensibly by rude nations, and produces greater effects than in societies more improved. 6 Charlev. N. Fr. iii. 3Wt.'. 7 Dr. Ferguwn'f Euay on the Hiat, of Civil Societr, ait. iii. ch. I. AMERICA. 135 Hilt, of Civil Society, The talenta of civlllud men are continually «■ erted in rendering their onrn condition more comfortable ; and by their ingenuity and inven- tions, they can in a great meaaure supply the defects, and guard against the inconTcniences of any climate. But the improvident sarage is affected by every circumstance peculiar to his situation. He takes no precaution either to mi- tigate or to improve it. Like a plant or an ani- mal, he is formed by the climate under which lie is placed, and feels the full force of its influ- ence. In surveying the rude nations of America, this natural distinction between the inhabitants of the temperate and torrid zones is very re- markable. They may, accordingly, be divided into two great classes. The one comprehends all the North Americans from the river St. Laurence to the Gulf of Mexico, together with the people of Chili, and a few small tribes to- wards the extremity of the southern continent. To the other belong all tbe inhabitants of the islands, and those settled in the various provin- ces which extend from the isthmus of Darien almost to the southern confines of Brasil, along the east side of the Andes. In the former, which comprehends all the regions of the tem- perate zone that in America are inhabited, the human species appears manifestly to be more perfect. The natives are more robust, more ac- tive, more intelligent, and more courageous. They possess, in the most eminent degree, that force of mind, and love of independence, which I have pointed out as the chief virtues of man in his savage state. They have defenc^ed their liberty with persevering fortitude against the Europeans, who subdued the other rude nations of America with the greatest ease. The natives of the temperate zone are the only people in the New World who are indebted for their freedom to their own valour. The North Americans, though long encompassed by three formidable European powers, still retain part of their ori- ginal possessions, and continue to exist as Inde- pendent nations. The people of Chili, though early invaded, still maintain a gallant contest with the Spaniards, and have set bounds to their encroachments ; whereas, in the warmer re- gions, men are more feeble in their frame, less vigorous in the eiForts of their mind*, of a gentle but dastardly spirit, more enslaved by pleasure, and more sunk in indolence. Accordingly, it is in the torrid zone that the Europeans have most completely established their dominion over Ame- rica ; the most fertile and desirable provinces In it are subjected to their yoke ; and if several tribes there still enjoy indiependence, it is either because they have never been attacked by an enemy already satiated with conquest, and pos- sessed of larger territories than he was able to occupy, or because they have' been saved from oppression by their remote and InacceMlble situiw tion. Conspicuous as this distinction may appear between the inhabitants of those different re- gions, it is not, however, universal. Moral and political causes, as 1 have formerly observed, affect the dispoeition and character of individu als, as well as nations, still more powerfully than the influence of climate. There are, according- ly, some tribes, in various parts of the torrid zone, possessed of courage, high spirit, and the love of independence. In a degree hardly inferior to the natives of more temperate climates. We are too little acquainted with the history of those people, to be able to trace the several cir- cumstances in their progress and condition, to which they are indebted for this remarkable pre-eminence. The fact, nevertheless, is cer- tain. As early as the first voyage of Columbus, he received information that several of the Is- lands were inhabited by the Caribbees, a fierce race of men, nowise resembling their feeble and timid neighbours. In his second expedition to the New World, he found this information to be just, and was himself a witness of their intrepid valour.' [95] The same character they have maintained invariably In all subsequent contests with the people of Europe ;* and even in oAr own times we have seen them make a gallant stand in defence of the last territory which the rapacity of the invaders had left in their posses- sion. [96] Some nations in Brasil were no less eminent for vigour of mind and bravery in war. "* The people of the isthmus of Darien boldly met the Spaniards in the field, and frequently re- pelled those formidable invaders." Other in- stances might be produced. It is not by attend- ing to any single cause or principle, how power- ful and extensive soever its influence may appear, that we can explain the actions, or ac- count for the character of men. Even the law of climate, more universal, perhaps. In its opera- tion than any that affects the human species. cannot be applied. In judging of their conduct, without many exceptions. »%»»%»%% ^%%%»»%»^%^*%^<^%%»%»^»%»»%^%»%%% BOOK V. Whxn Grijalva [1518.] returned to Cuba, he found the armament destined to attempt the con- quest of that rich country which he had discovered « lite of Columbus, c. 47, 4a 9 Rnchcfort Hiit des Antlllei, 531. 10 Lery ap. de Bry, Hi. 807, &c. 11 Herrera, dec. 1. lib. x, c, 15, &c \ dec 8. |«ulm. U 130 HISTORY OF [[Book almost complete. Not only ambition, but avarice, had urged Velasquez to hasten his preparations; and having such a proapeet of gratifying both, he had advanced considerable sums out of his private fortune towards defraying the expenses of the expedition. At the same time, he exerted his influence as governor, in engaging the most distinguished persons in the colony to undertake the service. [97] At a time when the spirit of the Spanish nation was adventurous to excess, a number of soldiers, eager to embark in any daring enterprise, soon appeared. But it was not so easy to And a person qualified to take the command in an expedition of so mubh import- ance ; and the character of Velasquez, who had the right of nomination, greatly increased the difBculty of the choice. Though of most aspiring ambition, and not destitute of talents for government, he possessed neither such cou- rage, nor such vigour and activity of mind, as to undertake in pei-son the conduct of the arma- ment which he was preparing. In this em- barrassing situation, he formed the chimerical scheme, not only of achieving great exploits by a deputy, but of securing to himself th^glory of conquests which were to be made by another. In the execution of this plan, he fondly aimed at reconciling contradictions. He was solicitous to choow a commander of intrepid resolution, and of superior abilities, because be knew these to be requisite in order to ensure success; but, at the same time, from the jealousy natural to little minds, he wished this person to be of a spirit so tame and obsequious as to be entirely dependent on liis will. But when he came to apply those ideas in forming an opinion eenecm- ing the several officers who occurred to his thoughts as worthy of being intrusted with the command, he soon perceived that it was impo»- sible to And such incompatible qualities united in one character. Such as were distinguished for courage and talents were too high spirited to be passive instruments in his hands. Those who appeared more gentle and tractable were destitute of capacity, and unequal to the charge. This augmented his perplexity and his fears. Ho deliberated long and with much solicitude, and was still wavering in his choice when Ama- dor de Lares, the royal treasurer in Cuba, and Andres Duero, his own secretary, the two per- sons in whom be chiefly confided, were encou- raged by this irresolution to propo...- a new candidate ; and they supported their recommen- dation with such assiduity and address, that, no less fatally for Velasques than hai^ily for their country, it proved successful.' The man whom tbey pointed out to him was Fernando Cortes. He was born at Medullin, I n. Dial, c. 19. 2. lib. iii. c. 11. Goinara Cron. r. 7. Hcrrcr.i, (!«!. a small town in Estremadura, in the year une thousand four hundred and eighty-five, anlay their valour; one tand of the Great Cap- New World. Cortea t was prevented by In- king with a reinforce- ples. Upon this disap» riewi towards America, by the prospect of the ;ht derive from the pe- I] the governor of His- kinsman. When he in one tlMusand five reception was such as uine hopes, and he was rnor in sever*! honour- ions. These, however, tion ; and, in the year Ired and eleven, he ob- mpany Diego Velasquci In this service he much, that notwith- intests witli Velasquez, rents unworthy of re- ngth taken into favour, oncession of lands and lensa usually bestowed New World.* >t hitherto acted in high tayed such qualities in ,j and danger, as rnised tnd turned the eyes of him as one capable of The turbulence of lod objects and occupa- of his mind, gradually to » habit of regular in- :he impetuosity of his to act with bis equals, ng kept under restraint, Hal soldierly frankness, cconpanied with calm in. r. 1, 3, 3 1518.] AMERICA. m prudence in concerting his schemes, with perse- vering vigour in executing them, and with, what is peculiar to superior genius, the art of gaining the confidence and governing the minds of men. To alt which were added the Inferior accomplishments that strike the vulgar, and command their respect; a graceful person, a winning aspect, extraordinary address in martial exercises, and a constitution of such vigour as to be capable of enduring any fatigne. As soon as Cortes was mentioned to Velas- quez by his two confidants, he flattered himself that he had at length found what he had hitherto sought in vain, a man with talents for command, but not an object for jealousy. Neither the rank nor the fortune of Cortes, as he imagined, was such that he could aspire at Independence. He had reason to believe that by his own readi- ness to bury ancient animositiee in ol>livion, as well as bis liberality in conferring several recent favours, he had already gained the good will <een so long the object of their thoughts and wishes. This declaration was received with transports of military ap- plause, accompanied with threats and impreca- tions against all who should presume to call in question the jurisdiction of their general, or to obstruct the execution of bis designs. -Every thing was now ready for their depart- ure; but though this expedition was fitted out by the united effort of the Spanish power in Cuba ; though every settlement had contributed its quota of men and provisions ; though the governor ha'i laid out considerable sums, and each adventurer had exhausted his stock, or strained his credit, the poverty of the prepara- tions was such aa must astonish the present age, and bore, indeed, no resemblance to an arma- ment destined for the conquest of a great empire. The fleet consisted of eleven vessels ; the largest of a hundred tons, which was dignified by >he name of Admiral ; three of seventy or eighty ions, and the rest small open barks, da board of these were six hundred and seventeen men ; of which five hundred and eight belonged to the land service, and a hundred and nine were sea- men or artificers. The soldiers were divided ^■io eleven companies, according to the number of the ships ; to each of which Curtcs appointed a captuin, and committed to him the command of th . vessel while at sea, and of the men when on shore. [lOfl] As the use of fire arms among the nations of T urope was bithertc coufined to a few battalions of regularly disciplined infan- try, only thirteen soldiers w./i armed with rausketa, thirty-two were cross bow-men, and the rest had swordk and spears. Instead of the usual defensive armour, which must have been cumliersome in a hot climate, the soldiers wore jackets quilted with cotton, which experience had taught the Spaniards to be a sufficient pro- tection against tlie weapons of the Americans, lliey had only sixteen horses, ten small field pieces, and four falconets.' With this slender and ill provided train did Cortes set sail [Feb. 10, 1519], to make war upon a monarch whose dominions were more extensive than all the kingdoms subject to the Spanish crown. As religious enthusiasm always mingled with the spicit of adventure in the New World, and, by a combination still more strange, united with avarice, in prompting the Spaniards to all their enterprises, a large cross was dis- played in their standards, with this inscription. Let w follow the croa,/or under this sign we thall conquer. So powerfully were Cortes and his followers animated with both these passions, that no less eager to plunder the opulent country whither they were bound, than zealous to propagate the Christian faith among its inhabitants, they set out, not with the solicitude natural to men go- ing upon dangerous services, but with that cob> fidence which arises from security of success, and certainty of the divine protect'ion. As Cortes had determined to ttuch at every place where Grijalva had visited, he steered di- rectly towards the island of Cozumel ; there he had the good fortune to redeem Jerome de Aguilar, a Spaniard, who had been eight years a prisoner among the Indians. This man was per- fectly acquainted with a dialect of their language understood through a large extent of country, and possessing besides a considerable share of pru- dence and sagacity, proved extremely useful as an interpreter. From Cozumel, Cortes pro- ceeded to the river of Tabasco [March 4], In 1 B. Dias, c 19. fBooK V. e«t of a great empire. I vesseU ; the largest iras dignified by Jie >f seventy or eighty n barks. 6n board md seventeen men ; eight belonged to the I and nine were sea- ildiers were divided )rdlng to the number lich Cortes appointed to him the command ind of the men when e of fire arms among bithertc couflned to rly r^tsciplined infan- ■ w./-< armed with cross bow-men, and ears. Instead of the hich must have been ite, the soldiers wore n, which experience o be a sufficient pro- is of the Americans, orses, ten small field II provided train did 1519], to make war lomintons were more gdoms subject to the lus enthusiasm always adventure in the New [ion still more strange, mpting the Spaniards large cro«s was dis- with this inscription, mder this sign we shall ;es and his followers passions, that no less lent country whither loua to propagate the inhabitants, they set le natural to men go- , but with that coi^ security of success, protection. ed to tench at every irisited, l. reign, and gmnted Cortes a supply of provisions with a preset. . of cotton garments, some gold,* and twenty female sliives. [101] Cortes continued his course to the westward, keeping as near the shore ns porsible, in order to observe the country ; but could discover no proper place for landing until he arrived at St. Jiun de Ulua.* As he entered this harbour [Aprils,] a Inrge canoe full of people, among whom were two who seemed to be persons of distinction, approached his ship with signs of peace and amity. They came on board without fear or distrust, and addressed him in a most respectful manner, but iir a language altogether unknown to Aguila.'. Cortes waa in the ut- most perplexity and distress at an event of which he Instantly foresaw allihc consequences, and already felt the hesitation and uncertainty with which he should carry on the great schemes which he meditated, if, in his transactions with the natives, he must depen ', entirely upon such an imperfect, ambiguous, and conjectural mode of communication as the use of signs. But be did not remain long in his embarrasstng situa- tion ; a foi innate accident extricate*! him when bis own sagacity could have .lontributed little towards his relief. One of the female slaves, whom he had received from the cazlque of Tabasco, happened to l>e present at the first interview between Cortes and his new guests. She perceived his distress, as well as the confu- sion of Agnilar; and, as she perfectly under- stood the Mexican language, she explained what they hikd said in the Yucatan tongue, with which Agnilar was acquainted. This woman, known afterwards by the name of Donna Ma- rina, and who makes a conspicuous figure in the history of the New World, where great revolu- tions were brought about by small causes and inconsiderable instruments, waa bom in one of the provinces of the Mexican Empire. Having been soli* >• a slave in the early part of her life, 10. ■r. ft .Jhivf S B. Diss. c. 31—16. Oomara Cron. c. 18-13. rera, dec. & lib. ir. c. II, &c. Ker- after a variety of adventures she fell into the handa of the Tabascans, and had resided long enough among them to acquire their language without losing the use of her own. Though it was iKtth tedious and troublesome to converi* by the intervention of two different interpreters, Cortes was so highly pleased with having dis- covered thin method of carrying on some inter- course with the people of a country into which he was determined to penetrate, that in the transports of his joy he considered it as a visible interposition of Providence in his favour.' Ue now learned that the two persons whom he had received on board rf his ship were depa* ties from Tentlle and Filpatoe, two officers in- trusted with the government of that province by a great monarch whom they called Montezuma ; and that they were sent to inquire what his in- tentions were in visiting their coast, and to offer him what assistance he might need, in order to continue his voyage. Cortes, struck witn the appearance of those people, as well as the tenor of the iuess»ge, assured them, in res- pectful terms, that he approached their country with most friendly sentiments, and came to propose matters of great importance to the wel- fare of their prince and his kingdom, which be would unfold more fully, in person, to the go- vernor and the general. Next morning, with- out waiting for any answer, he landed his troops, his horses, and artillery ; and, having chosen proper ground, began to erect huts for his men, and to fortify his camp. ' The natives, instead of opposing the entrance of those fatal guests into their country, assisted them In all their operations with an alacrity of which they had ere long j^ood reason to repent. Next iay Teutile and Filpatoe entered the Spanlrli camp with a numerous retinue; and Cortes, considering them as the ministers of a great monarch entitled to a degree of attention very different from that which the Spaniards were accustomed to pay the petty cazlquea with whom they had intercourse in the isles, received them with much formal ceremony. He in- formed tiiem, that he came as amtmsaador from Don Carlos of Austria, King of Castile, the greatest monarch of the East, and vnw intrusted with propositions of such moment, that he could impart them to none but the Emperor Monte- zuma himself, and therefore required them to conduct him, without loss of time, into the pre- sence of their master. The Mexican offieen could not einceal their uneasiness at a request which they knew would be disagreeable, and which they foresaw might prove extremely em- barrassing to their sovereign, whose mind had been filled with many disquieting apprefaenslim* 3 B. DIu, c. 37, 38, 96. Gomara Cron. c. 25, 26. Her. rera, dec. 2. lib. v. c. 4. sst^^^^tff Ps^l^ira 140 HISTOIY OF over kiuM tlio former uppearenM of the Span- iards oo hia coasts. But befora they attempted to dissuade Cortca from Insisting on his demand, they endeavoured to conoiliate hi* good will by entreating him to accept of certain presentSi which, aa humble slaves of Montesuma, they laid at bis feat. They were inti o luced with great parade, and consisted.of fine cotton doth, of plumea of various colouii, and of ornninents of gold and silver to a considerable value; the workmanship of which appeared tobeasraiious as the materials were rich. The display of theiie produced an effect very diflei-cnt from what the Mexicans intended. Instead of satis- ^yin;, it increased the avidity of the Spaniards, and rendered them so eager and impatient to become nunfcrs of a country which abounded with such prLisious productions, that Cortes could harrlly list«n with patience to the argu- ments whiuh Pilputoe and Teutile emjiioyed tu dissuade hia h-oui visiting the capital, and in a haughty dv'frmined tone bit iu>i'.flt«d on h>4 demand of being atlniiited to a ) 'rtoual audience of their sovereign. .Uuriiii; thiv miI^tvi^.v, snmo painters, in tbe train of the McdCtia rhici , !l(li«rs, Hn>i)Btever else attracted their eyes w: aintsulur. When Cortes obse'ved this, and wiia inluriued that these pictures were to be ^eiit lo Muntezuma, in order to convey to him a more lively idea of the strange and wonderful objects now presented to their view than any ivords could communi- :';tta, he resolved to render the representation nuH more animating and iiiveresting, by exhibit- ing ^uvh a spectacle as migbi give both them and their a>onarch an awful impression of the ex- traordir.try prowess of his followers, and the ir- resistible i:iKce of their arms. The trumpets, by his order, sounded an alarm ; the troops, in a moment, formed in order of battle, the infan- try performed such martial exerciboa as were best suited to display the effect of their different weapons ; the horse, in various evolutions, gave .1 sptximen of their agility and strength ; the artillery, pointed towards the thick woods which surrounded the camp, were fired, and made di-endful havoc among the trees. The Mexicans looked on witii that silent amazement which is natural when tiie mind is struck with objects which are both awful and above its comprehen- sion. But, at the explosion of the cannon, many of them ded, some fell to the groviid, and all were so much confounded at the jight of men whose power so nearly resembled that of the gods, that Cortes found it dilucult to compose and reassure them. The painters had now many new objects on which to exercise their art, and they put their fancy on the stretch in order to invent figures and symbols to represent the extraordinary things wbidi they had seen. [Book V. Messengers were immediately despatched to Montezuma with those pictures, and a full au- coi;..t of every thing tliat had passed since the ai-rival of the Spaniards, and by them Corte* sent a pr<>«out of soma European curiosities to Montezuma, which, though of no great valu", he bulievcd would be acceptable on account of t'vi'ir novelty. The Mexican monarchs, Ui order to iibtalu early information of every ucci'i'V!!n':u ill ell the corners of their extensive empiic, lia« unknovii a^ thaf. time in Europe. They h:>.J couriers ;> intelligence with sur- prising I :i|>idity. Tliuugh the capital iu which Montezuma resided was above a hundr- ! and eighty miles from St. Jjan dt Liua, t ortfa's presents we^c carried thither, and an luiswcr to his demands was received in a h\Y (J^js. Thu same ol'^oer.'i who had hitherto ircatvil they iuiew how repugnant the determina- tion ot' their master was to all the schemes and %vibhesufthe Spanish commander, they would \sot venture to make it known until they had }:reviously endeavoured to sooth and mollify him. For this purpose they renewed tiieir ne- gotiation, by introducing a train of a liimdred Indians loaded with presents sent to iiim by Montezuma. The magnificence of thcs'' was such as iMicame a great monarch, and far exceed- ed any idea which the Spaniards had hitherto formed of his wealth. They were placed on mats spreita on the ground in such order as showed them to the greatest advantage. Cortes and his officers viewed with admiration the va- rious manufactures of the country ; cotton stuffii so fine, and of such delicate texture as to resem- ble silk ; pictures of animals, trees, and other natural objects, formed with featheia of differ- ent colours, disposed and mingled with such skill and elegance as to rival the works of the pencil in truth and beauty of imitation. But what chiefly attracted their eyes, were two large plates of a circular form, one of mas&ive gold representing the sun, the other of silver, an emblem of the moon. [103] These were accom- panied with bracelets, colhu's, rings, and other trinkets of gold ; and that nothing might be wanting which could give the Spaniards u com- plete idea of what the country afforded, with some boxes filled with pearls, precious stones, and grains of gold unwrought, as they had been found in the mines or rivers. Cortes received all these with an appearance of profound vener- ation for the monarch by whom they were be- stowed. But when the Mexicans, presuming upon this, informed him that their master, though ho desired him tu accvpt of what he had sent us a token of ri'gurd fur that monarch whom [Book V. itrly despatched tu iret, and a full av- id paaaed linca the ad by tbeiu Corte» ipean curimltiRN (u I of no great vb1ii><, able on accniiru of monarobe, iii urder jf every occi'i'isn'a tensive empiic, ha*( police unknov'ii nt ■ baJ courier* i»vith the rlelivri' tbUanswi-r ; nnnt the deterniiiia- all the tchemea and lander, they would iwn until they bad sooth and mollify y renewed their ne- train of n iiiAndred Its sent to iiiin by cence of thusr' was ^cb, and far ezceed- niards had hi(b«rto ley were placed on in such order as advantage. Cortes admiration the va- untry ; cotton *tuff:i texture as to resem- ils, trees, and other featheis of dilTer- raingled with such the works of the of imitation. But syes, were two large lie of maul ye gold other of silver, an These were accom- 's, rings, and other nothing might be e Spaniards u com- itry aiforded, with Is, precious stones, t, as they bad been Cortes received of profound veuer- lom they were be- ixioans, presuming ,hat their master, pt of what he had iiat monarch whom 1519.] - AMERICA. 141 Cortes represented, would not give his consent that foreign troops shouhl approach nearer to his capital, or even allow them to continue lon- ger in his dominions, the Spanish gL'nei-al de- clared, In a manner more resolute and peremp- tory tbau formerly, that he must insist on his fii > t demand, as he could not, without dishon- oiii, I'l'turn to his own country until he was ad- ituttt t,' into the presence of the prince whom be w.ij I ;i^ D'nted to visit in the name of his sove- rcit^'i. i'he Mexicans, astonished at seeing any Ki.nt derable provinces to his doniinions. But though bis talents might be suited to the transactions of a state so imperfectly polished as the Mexican empire, and sufficient to conduct them while in their accustomed course, they were altogether inadequate to a conjuncture so extraordinary, and did nut qualify him either to Judge with th« discernment or to act with the decision requisitt in such trying emergence. From the moment that the Spaniards appear- ed on bis coast, he discovered symptoms of timi- dity and embarrassment. Instead of taking such resolutions as the consciousness of bis own power, or the memory of his former exploits, might have inspired, he deliberated with an anxiety and hesitation which did not escape tha notice of his meanest courtiei's. The perplexity and discomposure of Montezuma's mind upon this occasion, ss well as the general dismay of his subjects, were not owing wholly to the im- pression which the Spaniards had made by the novelty of their eppearaiice and the terror of their arms. Its origin may be traced up to a more remote source. There was au opinion, if we may believe the earliest and most autbentio Spanish historians, almost universal among tha Americans, that some dreadful calamity was impending over their heads, fron> a race of for- midable invaders, who should come from regions '' towards the rising sun, to overrun and dcsoiats their country. Whether this disquieting appre- hension flowed from the memory of some na- tural calamity which bad afflicted that part of the g]ol>e, and impressed the minds of the inha- bitants with superstitious fears and forebodings, or whether it was an imagination accidentally suggested by the astonishment which the first sight of a new race of men occasioned, it is impossible to determine. But as the Mexicans were more prone to superstition than any peo- ple in the New World, they wei« more deeply affeoted by the appearance of the Spaniards, whom their credulity instantly represented as the instrument destined to bring about this fatal revolution which tbey dreaded. Under those circu>nstances it ceases to he incredible that a handful of adventurers should alarm the monarch of a great empire, and all his sub- jects.' Notwithstanding the influence of this iupiei- S Cortes Relatione Scconda, sp. Ramus, iti. S34, 833^ Hcrrcra, dec. 8. lib. iil. r. I. lib. v. c. II. lib. vii c. 6. Go. niara Cron. c. (i6, Oi, U\, f -I 148 HISTOHY OF [Book V. J ill {■■ 'Flf ■ion, when the meeaenger MrrlTed from the Spa- niiih camp Mth an account that the leader of the itrangers, adhering to his original demand, refiued to obey the order eiijoining him to leave the country, Montezuma lutumed some degree of resolution ; and In a transport of -^e natural to a fierce prince unaccustomed to meet with any opposition to his will, he threatened to sa- crifice those presumptuous men to his gods. But his doubts and fears quickly returned ; and instead of Issuing ordein to carry his threats Into execution, he again called his ministers to con- fer and offer their advice. Feeble and tempor- ising measures will always be the result when men assemble to deliberate in a situation where they ought to act. The Mexican counsellors took no effectual measure for expelling such troublesome intruders, and were satisfied with issuing a more positive injunction, requiring them to leave the country ; but this they pre- posterously accompanied with a present of sueb vUue as proved a fresh Inducement to remain there. Meanwhile, the Spaniards were not without solicitude, or a variety of sentiments, in deliber- ating concerning their own future conduct. From what they bad already seen, many of them formed such extravagant Ideas concerning the opulence of the country, that, despising danger or hardships when they had in view treasures which appeared to be inexhaustible, they were eager to attempt the conquest. Others, estimating the power of the Mexican empire by its wealth, and enumerating the various proofs which had occurred of Its being under a well regulated administration, contended, that it would be an act of the wildest frenzy to attack such a state with a small body of men in want of provisions, unconnected with any ally, and already enfeebltod by the diseases peculiar to the climate, and the lossof several of their number.' Cortes secretly applauded the advocates for bold measures, and cherished their romantic hopes, as such ideas corresponded with his own, and favoured the execution of the schemes which he bad formed. From the time that the suspicions of Velasquez broke out with open violence In the attempts to deprive him of the command, Cortes saw the necessity of dissolving a connec- tion which would obstruct and embarrass all his operations, and watched for a proper opportuni- ty of coming to a final rupture with him. Hav- ing this in view, he had laboured by every art to secure the esteem and affection of bis soldiers. With his abilities for command. It was easy to gain their esteem ; and bis followers were quickly satisfied that they might rely, with per- fect confidence, on the conduct and courage of their leader. Nor was It more difficult to ae- I B. Dial, c. 40. quire their affection. Among adventurers nearly of the same rank, and serving at their own ex- pense, the dignity of command did not elevate a general above mingling with those who acted under him. Cortes availed himself of this free- dom of intercourse to insinuate himself into their favour, and by his affable manners, by well timed acts of liberality to some, by inspir- ing nil with vast hopes, and by allowing them to trade privately with the natives, [103] he at- tached the greater part of his soldiers so firmly to himself, that they almost forgot that the ar- mament had been fitted out by the authority and at the expense of another. During these intrigues, Teulile arrived with the present from Montezuma, and, together with it, delivered the ultimate order of that monarch to depart Instantly out of his domin- ions ; and when Cortes, instead of complying, renewed his request of an audience, the Mexi- can turned from him abruptly, and quitted the camp with lookr and gestures which strongly expressed bis surprise and resentment. Next morning, none of the natives, who used to fre- quent the camp in great numbers in order to barter with the soldiers, and to bring in provi- sions, appeared. All friendly correspondence seemed now to be at an end, and It was expected every moment that hostilities would commence. This, though an event that might have been foreseen, occasioned a sudden consternation among the Spaniards, which emboldened the adherents of Velasquez not only to murmur and cabal against their genera], but to appoint one of their number to remonstrate openly against his Imprudence in attempting the conquest of a mighty empire with such inadequate force, aud to urge the necessity of returning to Cuba, in order to refit the fleet and augment the army. Diego de Ordaz, one of his principal officers, whom the malecontents charged with this com- mission, delivered it with a soldierly freedc-u and bluntnes.1, assuring Cortes that he spoke the sentiments of t lie whole army. He listened to this remonstrance without any appearance of emotion ; and as he well knew Uie temper and wishes of his s>ildiers, and foresaw how they would receive a proposition fatal at once to all the splendid hopes and schemes which they had been forming with such complacrncy, he carried his dissimulation so far as to seei. to relinquish his own measures in compliance with the re- quest of Ordaz, and issued orders that the army should be in readiness next day to re-embark for Cuba. As soon as this was known, the dis- appointed adventurers exclaimed and threaten- ed ; the emissaries of Cortes, mingling witli them, inflamed their rage ; the ferment iweame geneitd; the whole camp was almost In open mutiny; all demanding with eagerness to see their commander. Cortes was not slow in ap- pearing ; when, with one voice, officers and ' [Book V. >g adventurers nearly ing at their own ex- and did not elevate a ith thoae who acted IhlmeelfofthUfree- inuKte himself into affable manners, by J to some, by insplr- by allowing them to latlves, [103] he at- ^is soldiers so firmly It forgot that the ar- ; by the authority and Teutile arrived with :uma, and, together limate order of that y out of his domin- istead of complying, audience, the Mexi- ptly, and quitted the ures which strongly I resentment. Next es, who used to fits Qumbers in order to id to bring in provi- endly correspondence I, and it was expected ies would commence. Iiat might have been udden consternation lich emiioldened the only to murmur and but to appoint one itrate openly against ng the conquest of a ladequate force, aud turning to Cuba, in augment the army, lis principal officers, irged with this com- a soldierly freedc-\i lortes that he spoke army. He listened ut any appearance of new the temper and foresaw how they fatal at once to all ^mes which they had iplaccncy, he carried seei. to relinquish iliance with the re- orders that the army :t day to re-embark known, the dls- imed and threaten- tes, mingling with the ferment became was almost in open ith eagerness to see was not slow in ap- voice, officers and 1519.] AMERICA. 14.S soldiers expressed tlieir astonishment and indig- nation at the orders which they had received. It was unworthy, they cried, of the Castliian courage to be daunted at the first aspect of dan- ger, and infamous to fly before any enemy ap- peared. For their parts, they were determined not to relinquish an enterprise that had hitherto been successful, and which tended so visibly to spread the knowledge of true religion, and to advance the glory and interest of their country. Happy under his command, they would follow him with alacrity through every danger in quest of those settlements and treasures which he had so long held out to their view ; but if he chose rather to return to Cuba, and tamely give up all his hope* of distinction and opulence to an en- vious rival, they would instantly choose another general to conduct them in that path of glory which he had not spirit to enter. ^ Cortfls, delighted with their ardour, took no offence at the boldness with which it was utter- ed, llie sentiments were what he himself had inspired, and the warmth of expression satisfied him that his followers had imbibed them thoroughly. He affected, however, to be sur- prised at what he heard, declaring that his orders to prepare for embarking were Issued from a persuasion that this was agreeable to his troops; that, from deference to what he had been informed was their Inclination, < >•■ had sa- crificed his own private opinion, which was firmly bent on establishing Immediately a settle- ment on the sea coast, and then on endeavouring to penetrate into the interior part of the coun- try ; that now ho was convinced of his errror ; and as he perceived that they were animated witi the generous spirit which breathed in every true Spaniard, he would resume, with fresh ardour, his original plan of operation, and doubted not to conduct them, in the career of victory, to such Independent fortunes as their valour merited. Upon this declaration, shouts of applause testified the excess of their Joy. The measure seemed to be taken with unani- mous consent ; such as secretly condemned it be- ing obliged to join in the acclamations, partly to conceal their disaffection from their general, and partly to avoid the imputation of cowardice from their fellow-soldiers.' Without allowing his men time to cool or to reflect, Cortes set about carrying his design into execution. In order to give n beginning to a colony, he assembled the principal persons in his army, and by their suffrage elected a council and magistrates, in whom the government was to be vested. As men naturally transplant the institutions and forms of the mother country into their new settlements, this was framed S B. Diss, c. 40, 41. 4Q. Herteta, dec. 3. lib, v. c 6, 7. upon the motlel of a Spanish corporation. Tha magistrates were distinguished by the same names and ensigns of office, and Wftre to exer- cise a similar Jurisdielion. All the persons chosen were most firmly devoted fo Cortes, and the instrument of their election was framed in the king's name, without any mention of their de- pendence on Velasqiiea. The two principles of avarice and enthusiasm, which prompted the Spaniards to all their enterprises in the New World, seem to have concn >ed in suggesting the name which Cortes bestowed on his infant settlement. Ue called it, The rich Tevm of the true Crosi.* The first meeting of the new council waa dis- tinguished by a transaction of great moment. As soon as it assembled, Cortes applied for leave to enter ; and approaching witli many marks of profound respect, which added dignity to the tribunal, and set an example of reverence for its authority, he began a long harangue, in which, wii governor of Cuba, nor the memory of the in- dignity with wliich tliey had been tivated, tempted them to swerve from an iaviulttble at- tachment to his interest.'. In this, as well as 1 n. Diaz, r. 43, 43. t», cicf. 3. III). ». c. 7. Gomara Cton. c 30, 31. Hcrrc his other negotiations at this critical conjunrturc, which derided with respect to his future funic and fortune, Cortes owed much of his surcms to the Mexican gold, which he distributed willi a llberul hand both amoii{! his fk-lends and hisi opponents.* Cortes, having thus rendered the union be- tween himself and his army indissoluble, by en- gaging it to Join him In dlaclal'nlngany depend- ence on the governor of Cubn, and In repented acts of disobedience to his authority, thought he now might venture to quit the camp In which he liad hitherto remained, and advance Into the country. 'I'o this he was encouraged by an event no less fortunate than seasonable. Some Indians having approached his camp in amyste- riuus manner, were introduced into his presence. He found that they were sent with n proffer of friendship from the cazique of Zempoalla, a con- siderable town at no great distance ; and from their answers to a variety of questions which he put to them, according to his usual practice In oery Interview with the neiiple of the coun- try, ho gathered, that their master, though sub- ject to the Mexican empire, was impatient of the yoke, and filled with such dread and hatred of Montezuma, that nothing could be more ac- ceptable to him than any prospect of deliverance from the oppression under which he groaned. On hearing this, a my of light and hope broke in upon the mind of Cortes. He saw that the great empire which he intended to attack was neither perfectly united, nor its sovereign uni- versally beloved. He concluded, that the causes of disaffection could not be confined to one pro- vince, but that in other corners there must Ih! malecontents, so weary of subjection, or so de- sirous of change, as to Ims ready to follow the standard of any protector. Full uf those Ideas, on which he beigan to form u scheme that time and more perfect information concerning the state of the country enabled him to mature, he gove a most gracious reception to the Zempoal- lans and promised soon to visit their cazique.' In order to perform this promise, it was not necessary to vary the route which he had already fixed for his inarch. Some officers, whom he had employed to survey the coast, having dis- covered a village named Quiabislan, about forty miles to tlin northward, which, both on account of the fertility of the soil and commodiousncss of the harbour, seemed to be a more proper sta- tion for a settlement than that where he was encamped, Cortes determined to remove thither. Zempoalln lay in his way, where the cazique received him. in the manner which he had rea- son to cxpiH t ; with gifts and caresses, like n man solicitous to gain his good will ; with re- iipect approaching almost to adoration, like one who looked up to him as a deliverer. From him 2 B. Diaz, c. 44. 3 B. Diaz, c. 41. Comara Cron e. S8. [Book V. ;rltlciil conjuni'tui'f, to Ilia future fuino ilicli of hli Rurcras he distributed witli hi« frieitdi and his ered the union bo- indiMolublr, by en- utiilnKnny ilepeiid- w, Rnd In rrpented ithority, thought hn ;ho camp In which id advance into the encouraged by an Keasonabie. Home liscampinaniyite- :ed into hit pretence. tit with H proffer of uf Zempoalla, a con- distance ; and from of questions which u his usual practice peoplo of the coun" master, though sub- I, was impatient of ich dread and hatred ig could be more ac- [>spect of deliverance which he gnMnod. ight and hope broke L He saw th.it the snded to attack wns [r its sovereign iini- ded, that the cause« confined to oni> pro- niers there must be ubjection, or so de- ready to follow the Full uf those tdvaa, a scheme that time tion concerning the him to mature, he on to the Zempoal- isit their cazique.' promise, it wa* not vhich he hud already officers, whom he coast, having dis- iabislan, about forty ich, both oil account nd commodlousness e a more proper sta- that where he was kI to remove thither, where the cazique which he had rea- and caresses, like a good will ; with rc- adoration, like one liverer. From him c. se. IS 11).] AMERICA. 14ft ,: lie learned many particutnrt with rwpcct to the character of Monteauma, and the ciroumttaaew which rendered l|is dominion odioua. 11* waa a tyrant, as tha eaaique told him with teara, haughty, cruel, and autploloua ; who treated bla own sul(|«cta with arrogance, ruined tha eon- quered provlnoai by •scatalve ezaotloiu, and often tore their sons and daughten from them by violence ; the former to be offered as victima to bis gods ; the latter to be reserved as concu- bines fur himself or favourites. Cortes, In re- ply to him, artfully insinuated, that one great utjjact of tha Spauianis In visiting a country so remote from their own, was to redreta grievan- ces, and to relieve tha oppretaed ; and having encouraged him to hope for this interposition in due time, he continued hU march to Quiablalan. Tha spot which hia oAoert had recommended lu a proper situation, appeared to him to be ao well choaan, that ha immediately marked out ground for a town. The housee to be erected were only huta ; but these were to be surround- ed with fortifleatlont of suiBcIent strength to resist the assaulu of an IndUin army. As the finishing of those fartiflcatioiis was essential to the existence of a colony, and of no less import- ance in proaeouting the designs which the leader and his followera meditated, both in order to se- cure a place of retreat, and to preserve their communication with tha sea, every man In tha army, officers as wall as soldiers, put his hand to the work, Cortea himself setting them an ex- ample of activity and perseveranoe in labour. Tlie Indians of Zempoalia and Quiabislan lent their aid ; and tliia petty station, the parent of so many mighty settlements, waa soon In a state of defence.* ^'hiie engaged in this necesMry work, Cortea had several intenrlews with the casiques of ZempoalU and Quiablalan; and aTalling him- self of their wonder and aatonishment at the new objects which they dally beheld, he gradu- ally inspired them with such a high opinion of the Spaniards, as beings of a superior order, and irresistible in arms, that, relying on their pro- tection, they ventured to insult the Mexican power, at the very name of which they were accustomed to tremble. Some of Monteauma's officers having appeared to levy the usual tribute, and to demand a certain number of human vie- tims, as an explaUon for their guilt in presume ing to hold intercourse with thoae strangers whom the emperor had commanded to leave hia dominiona ; instead of obeying the order, the caaiquea made them prisoners, treated them with great indignity, and aa their superstition was no leas barbarous than that of the Mexl * cans, they prepared to hacrifice them to their 4 a Diax, e. tt, 46, 4a Goniara Cron. r. :U, 33, ST. llerrera, dec. i. lib. v. c. B, 9. gods. Fruni tlii* lost danger they weM delivered by tha iutarpoaitlwi of Cortaa, who manifeated the utmost horror at the mention of such a deed. The two oaaiques having now been pushed to i an act uf such open rebellion, as left them no hops of safety but in attaching themselves in- , vieiahiy to the Spaniards, they soon completed their union with them, by formally acknow- ledging themselves to lie vaasala of tlia same monarch. Their example waa followed by the Totonaqnea, a fleroa people who inhabited tha mountainous part of the country. They will- ingly stttilected tbemsalvra to the crown of Cas- tile, and offered to accompany Cortea, with all thair forcea, in his march towards Mexico.* Cortea had now bean above three months in New Spain ; and though this period had not been distinguished by martial exploit*, every moment had been employed in oparationa which, though leaa aplendid, were more important. By his addreas in ciwdueting hia intriguce with hia own army, as well aa bis sagacity in carrying on bis negotiations with the natives, be had al- ready laid the foundations of hia future suocesa. But whatever confidence ha might place In the plan which he had formwl, ha could not but perceive, that as his tilla to command waa de- rived from a doubtful authority, ha held it by a precarious tenure. The Injuriea which Vehu- ques had received were such aa would naturally prompt him to apply for redrasa to their oom- mon sovereign ; and such a reprcaentation, he foresaw, might be given of his conduct that, he had reason to apprehend, not only that he might be degraded from hia present rank, but subjected to punishment. Before he began hi* march, it was necessary to take the moet effectual precau- tions against thla impending danger. Wltli thia view he perauaded the mag istratca of the colony at Vera Crux to addreea a letter to the king, the chief otject of which waa to Justify their own conduct in establishing a colony independent on the Jurisdiction of Velasquez. In order to ac« complish this, they endeavoured to detract from his merit in fitting out the two former arma- ments under Cordova and Grijalva, affirming that these had been equipped by the adventurera who engaged in the expeditions, and not by the governor. They contended tliat the sole object of Velksquea was to trade or barter with the nativca, not to attempt the conquest of New Spain, or to aettle a colony there. They assert- ed that Cortea and the officers who aenred under him bad defrayed the greater part of the expense of fitting out the armament On this account, they humbly requested their aorcreign to ratify what they had done in his name, and to confirm Cortaa in the supreme command by bis royal 5 B. Diu, c. 47. y. lib. v.c. 9,10,11. U Goniara Cron. 3A, W. Httrera, dec. HISTORY OF [Door V. !il ( ' U Kommlmlitn. that (tmrimi might Iw Intlueml to urant more readiljr what Ihejr dtmiind«l, Ihcy ({Avo him n pompoua dMorlptlon of the eonntrjr' which they had dlacorcrad ; of Ita richct, th« number oi'lU InhablUnU, their eWlllxation and nrtw ; they related the pronrcM whkh they had already made in annnclng iome parte of the country ittiiated 4111 the aea coait to the crown of Caitile : and mentioned the echeme* which they had formed, aa well a* the hopea which thay entertained, of ruduolng the whole to lal^- Jeetlon.' Cortea himulf wrote In • aimllar Mtrain ; and at he linew that the Spaniih court, aecuitomed to the exaggerated repreaentatlonaef tvtry new country by Ita diacorerera, would give little credit to their aplendid acooufita of New Spain, If theae were not accompanied with auoh a tpeelmen of what It contained aa would excite a high Idea of ita opulence, heaolieited bia aoldiera to rellnquieh what they might claim aa their part of the treaaurea which had hitherto been eoUeoted, in order that the whole might be aent to the king. Such was the ascendant which ha had aoquired over their mindi, andiuch their own romantic ezpectatlona of future wealth, that an army of indigent and rapacioM adven^ turen was capable of thia genrroua effort, and nITered to their sorereign the richest present that had hitherto been transmitted from the New World. [104] Fortocarrero and Montejo, the chief magistrates of the colony, were appointed to carry this present to Castile, with express orders not to toush at Cuba In their passage thither.* While a Tessd waa preparing for their de- parture an unexpected erent occasioned a general alarm. Some soldiers and sallora, secretly at- tached to Velasquez, or intimidated at the pros- pect of the dangers unaToidftble in attempting to penetrate into the heart of a great empire with such unequal furce, formed the design of seizing one of the brigantlnes, and making their escape to Cuba, in order to gire the governor such in- telligence as might enable him to intercept the ahip which waa to carry the treasure and d«a- patchea to Spain. This conspiracy, though I In thii letter it Uauerted, that though a coniiderabic number of Spaniards have been wounded in their variout iiioounten with the people of TObaieo, not one of them died, and all had recovered In a very ihort time. Thl> MsaM to oon6nn what 1 observe in p. 148, concern, ing the imparAptlon of the olSnidve weapons used by the Americans. In this letter, the human sacrifices ofikred by the Mexicans to theli deities are descrilied minutely, and with great horror ; some of the Spaniards, it Is said, had been eye-witnefies of those barlnrous rites. To the letter Is sul^olned a catalogue and description or the prcb sents sent to the emperor. That published by Oomara, Croa a 81), seems to have been copied firom it. Fet Martyr describes many of the articles in his treatiw, ' I)e Insulis nuper inventis,* p. 354, tec. t B. Diaz, c. 54. Gomara, Cron. c. 40. formed by persons of low rank, waa oendaeteil with profound secrecy | bat at the moment when every thing waa raady feraxacutlnn. they wera betrayed by one of their asaociatsa. Though the good fortune of Cortes interpoeed so asass n ably on this occasion, the dateetlon of this eonsplraey filled his mind with most dis- quieting apprehensions, and prompted him to execute a scheme which he had long revolved. He perceived that th« spirit of disalfrctlon still lurked among his troops ; that though hitherto cheeked by the uniform success of his schemes, or suppressed by the hand of authorUy, various events might occur which would encourage and eall it forth. He obaerved, that many of his men, weary of the fatigue of service, longed to revlsil their settlements In Cuba ; and that upon any appearanee of extraordinary danger, or any reverse of fortune, it would be Impossi- ble to restrain them trom returning thither. He was sensible that his forces, already too fee- ble, could bear no diminution, and that a very small defection of bis followers would oblige him to abandon the enterprise. After ruminating ofken, and with much solicitude, upon those particulars, he saw no hope of success but in cutting off all poulbillty of retreat, and In re- ducing his men to the necesalty of adopting the same resolution with which ha himself waa animated, either to conquer or to perish. With this view he determined to destroy his fleet ; but as he durst not venture to execute such n bold resolution by his single authority, he la- boured to bring his soldiers to adopt his idenit with respect to the propriety of this measure. His address in accomplishing this was not infe- rior to the arduous occasion in which It was em- ployed. He persuaded some that the ships had suffered so much by having been long nt seu, as to be altogether unfit for service ; to others he pointed out what a seasonable reinforcement of strength they would derive flwm the Junction of a hundred men, now .unprofltably employed as sailors ; and to all he represented the necessi- ty of fixing their eyes and wishes upon what was before'them, without allowing the Idea of a retreat once to enter their thoughts. With universal consent the ships were drawn ashore, and after stripping them of their sails, rigging, iron works, and whatever else might be of use, they were broke in pieces. Thus, from an ef- fort of magnanimity, to which there la nothing parallel in history, five hundred men voluntarily consented to be shut up in a hostile country, filled with powerful and unknown nations ; and, having precluded every means of escape, left themselves without any resource but their own valour and perseverance.* 3 Itt ;. di Cortes. Ramus, lii. 2-^3. B. Dial, c, m, £H. Iterrc.a, dec. 3. Ill), v. c. 14. \ [DooK V. mk| WM Mndncivit ml •! th« momriii f fornceution. thrjr Ir BNOolatM. of CortM Intarpourd «n, th« dtlMtion of ilnd with matt dli- d prompted bim to had loDf revolved. I of dlsaffbition (till :h»t though hitherto eeii of hie echetnee, if BUthorUy, varloui irould eneonrage and 1, that many of hts of lervice, longed to In Cuba ; and that xtraordlnary danger. It would be impoeal- t returning thither, rcea, already too fee- Ion, and that a very rers would oblige him After ruminating ilicltude, upon thoee >pe of cucecM but In r retreat, and in re- itity of adopting the lioh he himtelf waa r or to perieh. With to destroy hli fleet; ire to execute luch n {le authority, he 1a- n to adopt his ideRH ety of thie measure, ng this was not Infe- II In which it was em- ne that the ships bad ng been long at seu, or service; to other* lonable reinforcement 'ive from the Junction nprofltably employed presented the necessl- id wishes ujKtn what allowing the idea of leir thoughts. With k were drawn ashore, f their sails, rigging, else might be of use. Thus, from an ef- hich there is nothing idred men voluntarily in a hostile country, iknown nations ; and, neans of escape, left isource but their own ii. !»5. B.Diu,c.S7,£iU. lulO.] AMERICA.! 147 Nothing now retarded Cortes ; iho ulncrlty of his tr'iopa and the dlipoiltlon of his allies wera equally favourable. All the advantages, how- ever, derived from the latter, though procured by much assiduity and address, were well nigh l(Mt ill a moment, by an Indiscreet sally of ra- llgious seal, which on many occasions precipi- tated Cortes into actions luoonslstent with the prudence that distinguishes his character. Though hitherto he had neither time nor op- portunity to explain to the natives the errors of their own superstition, or to instruct them In the principles of the Christian faith, be com- manded his soldiers to overturn the altars and tu destroy the Idols In the chief temple uf Zem- poalia, and in their place to erect a crucifix and nn image of the Virgin Mary. The people be> held this with astonishment and horror ; the priests excited them to arms : but such was the authority of Cortes, and so great the ascendant which the Spaniards had acquired, that the commotion was appeased without bloodshed, and concord perfectly re-established.* Cortee began his march from Zempoalla, on the sixteenth of August, with five hundred men, fifteen horse, and six field pieces. I'he rest of bis troops, consisting chisfly of such us from age or infirmity were less fit for active service, he left as a garrison in Villa Rica, under the com- mand of Kscalante, an oiBcar of merit, and warmly attached to his Interest The eazique of Zempoalla supplied him with provisions, and with two hundnd of those Indians called Ta- metnet, whose office, In a country where tame animals were unknown, was to carry burdens, and to perform all servile labour. They were a great relief to thii Spanish soldiers, who hitherto had been obliged not only to carry their own baggage, but to drag along the artillery by main force. He offered likewise a considerable body of bis troops, but Cortes was satisfied with foar hundred ; taking care, however, to choose per- sons of such note as might prove hostages for the fidelity of their master. Nothing memora- ble happened in his progress, until he arrived on the confines of Tlascala. The inhabitants of that province, a warlike people, were implacable eilemies of the Mexicans, and had been united in an ancient oliianca with the caziquea of Zem- poalla. Though less civilized than the sutjects of Montesuma, they were advanced In im- provement far beyond the rude nationa of Ame- rica whose manners we have described. They had made considerable progress in agriculture ; they dwelt in large towns ; they were not strangers to some species of commerce ; and In the imperfect accounts of their Institutions and laws, traniimitted to us by the early Spanish writers, we discern traces both of distributive justice and of criminal jurisdiction in their in- 4 B. IXu, c. 41. 4t>. Herrera, dec. i. lib. v. c. 3, 4. terior police. But still, as th« degree of their oivillMtlon was Incomplete, and aathay d«p«n4> ed for subsistence not on agriculture aloiM, but trusted for it in a great meaaura to hantitig, they retained many of the qualltlcn natural to man in this state. Like them they were fierce and revengeful t like thtm, too, they were hinh spirited and independent. In consequence of the former, they were Involved In perpetual hostilities, and bad but • slender and occasional interoourse with neighbouring states. The lat- ter Inspired tbam with aueb deteetatlon of servi- tude, that they not only refused to stoop to a foreign yoke, and maintain an obetinate and suceassful conteet In defence of their liberty against the superior power of the Mexican em- pire, but they guarded with equal solicitude against domestic tyranny ; and disdaining to ac- knowledge any master, they lived under the mild and limited jurisdiction of a council elected by their several tribee. Cortes, though he had received information concerning the martial character of this people, flattered himself that his profeesiuns of deliver- ing the oppressed from the tyranny of Monte- auma, their inveterate enmity to the Mexicans, and the example of their ancient allies the Zem- poallans, might induce the Tiascalans to grant him a friendly reception. In order to diepoae them to tblSf four Zempoallans of great eminence wera eent ambassadors, to request in his nam*, and in that of tlieir cazlque, that they would permit the Spaniards (o pass through die terri- toriea of the republic In their way to Mexico. Bat instead of the favourable answer which was expected, the Tiascalans selied the ambas- sadors, and, without any regard to thsir public character, made preparations for sacrificing them to their gods. At the same time they assembled thair troops. In order to oppoee thoao unknown invadert If they should attempt to make their passage good by force of arms. Various motive* concurred In precipitating the Tiascalans into this resolution. A fleroe people, shut up within its own narrow precincts, and little accustomed to any interoourse with foreigners, is apt to consider every stranger as an eue.vjiy, and la caaily excited to arms, lliey concluded, from Cortes's proposal of visiting Montexuma in hli capital, that, notwithstanding all his prufesilotis, he courted the friendship of a monarch Whom they both hated and feared. 'I'he Imprudent seal of Cortes in violating the temples in Zem- poalla, filled the Tiascalans with horror ; and as they were no less attached to their super- stition than the other nations of New Spain, they were impatient to avenge their injured gods, and to acquire the merit of oVering up to them as victims, thoee Impious men who had dared to profane their altars ; they contemned the small number of the Spaniards, as they bad not yet measured their own strength with thut r M r I. k I 148 HISTORY OF [Book V. ofthwMnew cnemlei, and bad no idra of the •uptriority which they derived from their arms and discipline. Cortes, after waiting rome days, in vain, for the return of hia amhossadors, advanced [Aug. SO,] into the TfaMcalan territories. As the reso- lutions of people who delight in war are ese- onted with no less promptitude than they are formed, he found troops in the fleld ready to op- pose him. They attacked him with great in- trepidity, and, in the first encounter, wounded some of the Spaniards, and Icilled two horses ; a loss, in their situation, of great moment, be- cause it was irreparable. From v;bis specimen of their courage, Cortes saw the necessity of proceeding with caution. His army marched in close order ; he chose the stations where he halted, with attention, and fortified every camp with extraordinary care. During fourteen days he was exposed to almost uninterrupted assaults, the Tlascalans advancing with numerous ar- mies, and renewing the attack in various forms, with a degree of valour and perseverance to which the Spaniards had seen nothing parallel in the New World. The Spanish historians describe those successive battles with great pomp, and enter into a minute detail of particu- lars, mingling many exaggerated and inoredible circumstances [105] with such as are real and marvellous. But no power of words can ren- der the recital of a combat interesting, where there is no equaiHy of danger ; and when the narrative closes with an account of thousands slain on the one side, while not a single person falls on the other, the most laboured descriptions of the previous disposition of the troops, or of the various vioissitndes in the engsgement, com- mand no attention. lliere are some, circumstances, Imwever, in this war, which are memorable, and merit no- tice, as they throw light upon the character both of the people of New Spain, and of their conquerors. Though the Tlascalans brought into the field such numerous armies as appear sufficient to have over-.vhelmed the Spaniards, they were never able to make any impression upon their small battalion. Singular as this may seem, it is not inexplicable. The Tlas- dklans, though addicted to war, were like all un- polished cMtions, strangers to military order and diaeipUne, and lost in a great measure the ad- vantage which they might have derived from their numbers, and the impetuoeity of their at- tack, by their constant solicitude to carry off the dead and wounded. This point of honour, founded on a sentiment of tenderness natural to the human mind, and strengthene.1 by anxiety to preserve the budi) .' of their countrymen from being devoured by tn«ir enemies, was universal among the people of New Spain. Attention to this piuds office occupied thi-m even during tiie heat of combat,' broke tbefr anion, and dimi- nished the force of the impression which they might have made by a joint eiTort. Not only was their superiority in number of little avail, but the imperfection of their miliury weapons rendered their valour in a great mea- sure inoifensive. After three battles, and many skirmishes and assaults, not one Spaniard waa killed in the field. Arrows and spears, headed with flint or the bones of fishes, stakes hardened in the fire, and wooden swords, though destruc- tive weapons among naked Indians, were easily turned aside by the Spanish bucklers, and could hardly penetrate the etcavpUes, or quilted Jackets, which the soldiers wore. The Tlascalans ad- vanced boldly to the charge, and often tbught hand to band. Many of the Spaniards were V. ounded, though all slightly, which cannot be imputed to any want of courage or strength in their enemies, but to the defect of the arms with which they assailed them. Notwithstanding the fury with which the Tlascalans attacked the Spaniards, they seemed to have conducted their hostilities with some degree of barbarous generosity. They gave the Spaniards warning of their hostile intentions ; and as they knew that their invaden wanted provisions, and imagined, perhaps, like the other Americans, that thity had left their own country because It did not afford tbem subsist- ence, they sent to thr ir camp a large supply of poultry and maize, desiring them to eat plenti- fully, because they scorned to attack an enemy enfeebled by hanger, and it would be an affhtnt to their gods to offer them famished victims, as well as disagreeable to themselves to fted on such emaciated prey.' When they were tanght by the fint encounter with their new enemies, that it was not easy to execute this threat ; when they perceived, in the subsequent engagements, that notwithstanding all the efforts of their own valour, of which they had a very high opinion, not one of the Spaniards was slain or taken, they began to conceive them to be a superior order of beings, against whom human power could not avail. In this extre- mity, they had recourse to their priests, requir- ing them to reveal tht mysterious causes of such extraordinary events, und to declare what new means they should employ in order to repulse those formidable invaders. The priests, after many sa- crifices and incantations, delivered this response: That these strangers were the offspring of the sun, procreated by bis animating energy In the regions of the east; that, by day, while cherish- ed with the influence of his parental beams, they were invincible-, but by night, when bis I R. Dill, c ns. 2 llcrcrn, dec. 2. lib. vl. c. ii. Gomara t'ron. c. 47. 1 [Book V. mloB, uid dimi- nion which tbejr 'ort. ■ity in number of n of their militarjr ' in a great mea- Imttles, and many ine Spaniard was nd spean, headed s, stalcea hardened a, though deitruc- dians, wereeaailjr iclcleni, and coutd or quilted jacicetii be Tiaacalans ad- and often ibnght e Spaniards were which cannot be age or strength in t of the arms with with which the lards, they seemed tilities with some y. They gave the liostile intentions ; r invaders wanted perhaps, liiie the lad left their own ford them subsist- a large supply of hem to eat plenti- } attack an enemy Fouid be an afFhtnt mished victims, as naelTes to i^ed on the Urst enconitter it was not easy to ey perceived, in the t notwithstanding lour, of which they ne of the Spaniards n to conceive them gs, against whom In this extre- eir priests, reqnlr- lous eanscsof such dechire what new 'der to repulse those Its, after many sa- ered this response : he offspring of the ting energy in the lay, while cherish- is parental beams, night, when bis 15. jomara t'roii. c. 47. 1519.] AMERICA. 149 reviving heat wu withdrawn, their vigour de- clined and faded liiie the heA in the field, and they dwindled down into mortal men.' Theories less phiaaible have gained credit with more en- lightened nations, and have Influenced their con- duct In consequence of this, the Tlascalans, with the implicit confidence of men who fancy themselves to be under the guidance of Heaven, acted in contradiction to one of their most es- tablished maxims in war, and ventured to attacic the enemy, with a strong body, in the night time, in hopes of destroying them when en- feebled and .irpriscd. But Cortes had greater vigilance and discernment than to he deceived by the rude stratagems of an Indian army. The sentinels at his outposts, observing some extraordinary movement among the Tlascalans, gave the alarm. In a moment the troop* were under arms, and sallying out, dispersed the party with great slaugliter, witiiout allowing it to approach the camp. The Tlascalans con- vinced by sad experience that their priests had deluded them, and satisfied that they attempted in vain either to deceive or to vanquish their enemies, their fierceness abated, and they be- gan to incline seriously to peace. They were at a loss, however, in what man- ner to address the strangers, what idea to form of their character, and whether to corsider them as beings of a gentlb or of a malero'ient nature. Thera were circumstancts in tKeir conduct which seemed to favour fAch opinion. On the one hand, as the Spaniards constantly dismissed the prisoners whom they took, not only without injury, but often with presents of European toys, and renewed their offers of peace after every victory ; this lenity amazed people, who, according to the exterminating system of war known in America, were accustomed t* sacri- fice and devour without mercy all the captives taken in battle, and disposed them to entertain favourable sentiments of the humanity of their new en«mles. But, on the other hand, as Cor- tes had seized fifty of their countrymen who brought provisions to his camp, and, supposing them to be spius, had cut off their hands ;* this bloody spectacle, added to the terror o«^casIoned by the fire-arms and horses, filled them with dreadful Impressions of the ferocity of their in- vaders. [106] This uncei'tainty was apparent in the mode of addressing the Spaniards. " If," said they, " you are divinities of a cruel and savage nature, we present to you five slaves, that you may drink their blood and eat their flesh. If you are mild deities, accept an offering of incense and variegated plumes. If you are men, here Is meet, and bread, and fruit to nou- 3 B. Diu, c m. 4 Corin Relat. Ramui. iii. 828. ('. Gumara rroii. r. 48. rish you."* The peace, which both parties now desired with equal ardour, waa soon concluded. The Tlascalans yielded themselves as vassals to the crown of Castile, and engaged to assist Cor- tes in all his future operations. He took the re- public under his protection, and promised to de- fend their persons and possessions from injury or violence. This treaty was concluded at • seasonable juncture for the Spaniards. The &tigue of service among a small body of men, surrounded by such a multitude of enemies, was incredible. Half the army was on duty every night, and even they whose turn it was to rest, slept al- ways upon their arms, that they might be ready to run to their posta on a moment's warning. Many of them were wounded ; a good number, and among these Cortes himself, laboured under the distempers prevalent in hot climates, and several had died since they set out from Vera Cruz. Notwithstanding the supplies which they received from the Tlascalans, they were often in want of provisions, and so destitute oC the necessaries most requisite in dangerous service, that they bad no salve to dress their wounds, but what was composed with the fat of the Indians whom tbey had slain.' Worn out with such intolerable toil and hardships, many of the soldiers began to murmur, and, when tbey reflected on the multitude and bold- ness of their enemies, more were ready to de- spair. It required the utmost exertion of Cor- tes's authority and address to check this spirit of despondency in its progress, and to reanimate bis followers with their wonted sense of their own superiority over the enemies with whom they had to contend.' Thr submission of the Tlascalans, and their own triumphant entry into the capital city, where tbey were received with the reverence paid to beings of a superior order, banished at once from the minds of the Spaniards all memory of pait sufferings, dis- pelled every anxious thouglit with respect to their future operations, and fully satisfied them that there was not now any power in America able to withstand tiielr arms.' Cortes remained twenty days in llascaia, in order to allow his troops a short interval of re- pose after such hard service. During that time be was employed in transactions and inquiries of great moment with respect to his future schemes. In his daily conferences witii the Tlascalan chiefs, he received intbrmation coii- 5 B. Dial, c. 70. Gomars Cram. c. 47. Herrera, ita, a. lib. vi. c. 7. 6 B. Dia«, c. 63, W. 7 Cortc* Reiat. Ramiw. Hi. iiXO. B. niai, c. CO. Go. nara Cron. r. &\. 8 Cottes Relat. Ramus, iii. £30. B. Dial, c. 13. m wo HISTORY OF [Book V. n . 51 c. 83. p. 61. v; l'ectacle was any thing more than a dream. [109] As they advanced, their doubts were removed, but ?heir amazement in- creased. They were now fkVy satisfied that the country was rich beyond any conception which they had formed of it, and flattered themselves that at length they should obtain an ample re- compense for all their services and suiferlngs. Hitherto they bad met with nu enemy to op- pose their progress, though several circumstan- ces occurred which led them to suspect that some design was formrd to surprise and cut them off. Many messengers arrived successively from Montez" ja, peimitting them one day to ad- vance, requiring them on the next to retire, as his hopes or fears alternately prevailed ; and 8o wonderi'i Tas this infatuation, which seems to be unaccouutab'e on any supposition but that of a superstitious dr«.'Hu of the Spaniards, as beings of a sUjt.' Tior nature, that Cortes was almost at the gates of the capital, before the monarch bad determined ^vbether to receive bim as a friend, or to oppose him as an enemy. But as no sign of open hostility appeared, the Spaniards, with- out regarding the fluctuations of Montezuma's sentiments, continued their march along the causeway which led to Mexico through the lake, with great circumspection and the strictest dis- cipline, though without seeming to i>uspect the prince whom they were about to visit. When they drew near the city, about a thou- sand persona, who appeared to be of distinction, came forth to meet them, adorned with plumes and clad in mantles of fine cotton. Each of these in his order passed by Cortes, and saluted him according to the mode deemed most respect- ful and submissive in their country, lliey an- nounced the approach of Montezuma himself, and soon after his harbingers c^me in sight. 'Jliere appeared first two hundred persons in a uniform dress, with large plumes of feathers, alike in fashion, marching two and two, in deep silence, barefooted, with their eye* fixed on the ground. These were followed by a company of higher rank, in their most showy apparel, in the 'uidst of whom was Montezuma, in a chair or Utter richly oriiament'vl with gold, and fe.i- they were settled there, the great captain who cooduoted this colony returned to his own coun- I Cortu Uelat. Katn. iii. S23£— ij3!i. B. Diu, c. 83—88. Comara ( rmi. c, O, «5. Heircra, dec. Si. lilj. vii. c. 3, I [Book V. : the itreets with It iiot touch the D with profound I fashion. He re- Dg to the mode of le earth with his his ceremony, the Tbtiun from infe- re above them in condesrcnsion in a deigned to consider I same species witli ts firmly believed e humbled himself ing more than hu- marched through quently, and with nselves denomina- Nothing material Montezuma con- i which he had pre- I immediately took IS not unworthy of tare now," says he, ir own house ; re- tigue, and be happy allotted to the Spa- is a house built by It was surrounded at proper distances, IS well as for onia- vnd courts were so k the Spaniards and rat care of Cortes ir his security, *>y command the Jif- it, by appointing a t to be always on inels at proper sta- iserve the same vi- rere within sight of ua returned to visit )mp as in their first ents of such value, is ofilcers, but even red the liberality of o the opulence of his ce ensued, in which e opiniob of Monte- aniai'ds. It was an Id him, among the ors came originally conquered the pru- >minian ; that afi>.r great captain who led to hik own coun- iSb. B. Diu, c. 83—68. la, dec, 2. ttb. vU. c 3, 1519.] AMERICA. 153 } try, promising that at Rome i'uttiro period his descendants should vi«it them, assume the go- vernment, and reform their constitution and laws ; tliat from what he had heard and seen of C)t)rteg and his followers, he was convinced that tliey wore the very persons whose appearance tiiu Mexican traditions and prophecies taught lliem to expert ; that accordingly he had receiv- ed llicin, not as strangers, but as relations of the same blood and parentage, and desired that tl<: y ini;;ht consider themselves as masters In his do- minions, for both himself and his subject should be ready to comply with their will, and even to prevent their wislies. Cortes made a reply in liii usual style, with respect to the dignity and power of his sovereign, and his intention in sending him into that couuti'y ; artfully endea- vouring so to frame his discoui'ae, that it might coincide as much as possible with i\e idea which Montezuma had formed concerning- the orifi^in of the Spaniards. Next morning, Cortes and some of his principal attemlants were admitted to a public audience of the emperor. The three subsequent days were employed in viewing the city; the apiK-arance of which, so far superior in the order of its buildings and the number of its inhabitants to any place the Spaniards had beheld in America, and yet so little resembling tlie structure of a European city, filled them witli surprise nnd admiration. Mexictt, or Tenttchtitlan, as it was anciently railed by the natives, is situated in a large plain, environed by mountains of such height that, tliough within the torrid zone, the temperature of its climate is mild and healthful. All the moisture which descends from the high grounds is collected in several lakes, the two largest of Ti'ected than favoura- ble to their progress, they tad been allowed to penetrate into the heart of a powerful kingdom, and were now lodged in its capital without hav- ing once met with open opposition from its monarch. The TIascalans, however, had earn- estly dissuaded them from placing such confi-- dence in Alontczuma, as to enter a city of such peculiar situation as Mexico, where that prince would have them nt mercy, shut up as it were in a snare, from which it was impossible to es- cape. They assured them that the Mexican priests had, in tho name of the gods, counselled their sovereign to admit the Spaniards into tho capital, that he might cut them off there at one blow with peil'ect security.' They now per- ceived too pluiuly, that the a; .irehensions of their allies were not destitute of foundation; that, by breaking the bridges pluced at certain intervals on the causeways, or by destroying part of tiie causeways themselves, their re- treat would be rendered impracticable, and 3 F. Torribio M& 4 Cortes Hclat. Ram. iii. 239. D. Rclat. della gran Citta de Mexico, par un Gentelhuomo del Coitese. PiUD, ibid. 30*. E. Herrera, dec. 2. lib. viL c. 14, &C. 5 B. IHaz, c. 8d, 80, X I m HISTORY OF [Book V Ihejr must reiunin cooped up in the centre of a hostile city, surrounded by multitudes sufficient to overwhelm them, and without a possibility of receiving aid from their allies. Montezuma hnd, indeed, received them with distinguished respect. But ought they to reclcon upon this as real, or to consider it as feigned? Even if it were sincere, could they promise on its continu- ance ? Their safety depended upon the will of a monarch in whose attachment they had no reason to confide ; and an order flowing from his caprice, or a word uttered by him in passion, might decide irrevocably concerning their fate.' These reflections, so obvious as to occur to the mearpst soldier, did not escape the vigilant stigacity .u' tliw the Spaniards had encouraged to throw off tk>- jMexican yoke, Escalaute had marched oui .Vith part of the garrison to sup|>ort his allies ; tttnt ." engagement had ensued, in which though )liG >' !!' ards were victorious, Escalante, with seven of his men, had l)een mortally wound- ed, his horse killed, and one Spaniard had been surrounded by the enemy and taken alive ; that the head of this unfortunate captive, after being carried in triumph to different cities, in order to convince the people that their invaders were not Immortal, had been sent to Mexico.* Cortes, though alarmed with this intelligence, us an in- dication of Montezuma's hostile intentions, had continued his march. But as soon as he entered Mexico he became sensible, that, from an excess of confidence in the superior valour and disci- pline of his troops, as well as from the disad- vantage of having nothing to guide him in an unknown country, but the defective intelligence which he had received from people with whom his mode of communication was very imperfect, he had pushed forward into a situation where It was difficult to continue, and from which it was dangerous to retire. Disgrace, and perhaps ruin, was the certain consequence of attempting the latter, llie success of his enterprise de- pended upon supporting the high opinion whicki the people of New Spain hiid formed with re- spect to the irresistible power of his arms. Upon the first symptom of timidity on his part, their veneration would cease, and Montezuma, whom fear alone restrained at present, would yet loose upon him the whole force of kiti em- pire. At the same time, he knew that eke coun- tenance of his own sovereign was to be obtained only by a series of victories, and that nothing but the merit of extraordinary sucseas could 1 B. Dlsf, c. 94. 2 Cortef Rrlat. R«m. iii. S3S. C. 3 B. Diaz, c. 93,. 94., Hefrera, make the at- tempt. At his usual hour of visiting Mon- tezuma, Cortes went to the palace, accompanied by Alvarado, Sandoval, Lugo, Velasquez de Leon, and Daviic, five of his principal officers, and as many trusty soldiers. Thirty chosen men followed, not in regular order, but saun- tering at some distance, as if they had no object but curiosity ; small parties were posted at pro • per intervals, In all the streets leading from tlie Spanish quarters to the court : and the remain- der of his troops, with the TIascalan allies, were under arms ready to sally out on the first alarm. Cortes and his attendants were admitted willi- ont suspicion ; the Mexicans retiring, as usual, out of respect. He addressed the monarch in u tone very different from that which he had em- ployed in former conferences, reproaching hiin bitterly as the author of the violent assault made upon the Spaniards by one of his officers, and demanded public reparation for tlic loss which they bad sustained by the deoth of some of their companions, a; well as for the insult of- fered to the great pi u.-e whose servants llicy were. Montezuma, confounded at this unex- pected aiwusation, and changing colour, eltlicr froea consciousness of fuilt, or from fueling the indignity with whiek he was treated, as.sort- ed his own innocence with great earnestnpss, and, as a proof «>f it, gav ordei-s iiistutiily vo bring Qualpopasa and his accomplices prisu. oa«rs to Mexico. Cortrs replied with seem- Imc romfifaiiaarH-M. that a declaration so respect- aWf left DO duulit remaining in his own mind but that annctiiiiig more was requisite to satisfy bis »«lio»«rs, who tvuuU 'lever be convinced ces <'ftte woi far [Book \' 1519.] AMERICA. 155 mure ot Irretsu- ieratloni, It wnit on, and to extri let in which one ' venturing upon ttion was trying, ind after revolv- tention, be fixed ary iban daring, mtezuma in his Bk prisoner to the uperstitioui vene- i person of their icit submiuion to klontezuma in his direction of their ch a sacred pledge t of beU>^ KBcure ce. ed to his ofiirerii. sure so audacioust more intelligent was the only ro- d any prospect i make the at- of visiting Mon- iJace, hvcompanirU go, Velasquez de principal officers, 9. Thirty chosen order, but saun- they had no object fere posted at pro • leading from the and the remain- ascakn allies, were ton the first alnvm. re admitted with- retiring, as usual, 1 the monarch in a which be bud em- s, reproaching liiu> ,h« violent atisaiiU one of his oilicera, ation for the losi the death of some as for the insult o(- .-hose servants ll)ey nded at this unex- iging colour, either jr from feeling the iras treated, assert- great earnestnests, orders instuiitly accomplices pi'isii- replied with seem- laration so respect- ig in his own mind H requisite to satisfy <«Ter be convinced that Montezuma did not harbour hostile inten- tions ngninst them, unless, as an evidence of his confidence and attachment, he removed from his own palace, and took up his residence in the Spanish quarters, where he should be served and honoured as became a great monarch. The first mention of so strange a proposal bereaved Alontezuma of speech, and almost of motion. I At length Indignation gave him utterance, and he haughtily answered, " That persons of his rank were not accustomed voluntarily tc give up themselves as prisoners ; and were he mean enough to do so, his subjects would not permit such an affront to be offered to their sovereign." Cortes, unwilling to employ force, endeavoured alternately to sooth and to intimidate him. The altercation became warm ; and having continued above three hours, Velasquez de Leon, an im- petuoiu and gallant young man, exclaimed with impatience, "Why waste more time in vain? Let us either seize him instantly, or stab him to the heart." The threatening voice and fierce gestures with which these words were uttered, struck Montezuma. The Spaniards, he was sensible, had now proceeded so far, as left him no hope that they would recede. His own dan- ger was imminent, the necessity unavoidable. He saw both, and abandoning himself to his fate, complied with their request. His officers were called. He communicated to them his resolution. Though astonished and afflicted, they presumed not to question the will of their master, but carried him in silent pomp, all bathed in tears, to tl^o Spanish quarters. When it was known thnt the strangers were conveying away the Emperor, the people broke out into the wildest transports of grief and rage, threatening the Spaniards with immediate de- struction, as the punishment justly due to their impious audaeity. But as soon as Montezuma appeared, with a seeming gayety of countenance, and waved his band, the tumult was hushed ; mid upon his declaring it to be of his own choice that he went to reside for some time among his new friends, the multitude, taught to revere every intitr>Htion of their sovereign's pleasure, quietly dispersed.* Thus was a powerful prince seized by a few strangers in the midst of his capital at noonday, and carried onand traiiquilllly >t from coiiitrHliit, niHterii and olHcera louk cognisance of Blued 111 hilt unmu. I'liniont npprarini; formii being scru- were no little sen- y obeyed the mnii- bo same submissive is the dread whioii ibjects had of the tiun in which they rtm made to deliver Dent i and tbougli lant which be hod permitted him nut It to make hunting a guard of a few li a terror as tu in- secure the captive lerity of Cortes, in niards at once se- ciislve authority in It was possible to e of time by open ore absolute sway in they could have I'ts of polished na- are less iroproved, in every period, ureign usurpation, )rlty derived from ntry, the device of iind forms already to introduce a new ipt to boaxt as sub- peculiar to the pro- % more early period, iccess in the West ed In the East, the utmost of the y being able to act la. He sent some 1 best qualified fur ■ent parts of the em- ons of distinction, gd to attend them > They visited moat eir soil and produu- lar care the districts r, pitched upon se- 9ns for future colo- epare the minds of the Spanish yoke, yed, Cortes, in the of Montezuma, dv- liaz, c. 97, fS, 90. 1 520.2 AMERICA. 1.17 gruiled some of the principal ofllcer« In the em- pirn, whose abilities or inde|ieiident spirit ex- cited his jealousy, and substituted in their place pemons less capable or more obsequious. One thing still was wanting to complete his security. lie wished to have such command of the Inke as might ensure a retreat if, either from levity or disgust, the Mexicans should take arms against him, and break down th« bridges or causeways. This, too, his own Ad- dress, and the facility of Montezuma, enable' him to accomplien either voluntarily bestowed upon them at dif- ferent times by Montezuma, or had been ex- torted from his people under various pretexts ; and having melted the gold and silver, the vnlua of these, without Including jewels and orna- ments of various kinds, which were preserved on ucciiuiit of their curious workmanship, amounted to six hundred thousand pesos. I'lie soldiers wei-e impatient to have it divided, and Cortes complied with their desire. A fifth of the whole ivas first set npurt as the tax duo to the king. Another fifth was allotted to Cortes as commander in chief. The sums advanced by Velasquez, by Cortes, and by some of the officers, towards defraying the expense of fitting out the armament, were then deducted. The remainder was divided among the army, in- cluding the garrison of Vera Cruz, in propor- tion to their different ranks. After so many defalcotions, the share of a private man did not exceed a hundred pesos. This sum fell so far below their sanguine expectations, that some soldiers rejected it with scorn, and others mur- mured so loudly at this cruel disappointment of their hopes, that it required all the address of Cortes, and no small exertion of his liberali- ty, to appease them. The complaints of the ai-my were not altogether destitute of founda- tion. As the crown had contributed nothing towards the equipment or success of the ar- mament, it was not without regret that the soldiers beheld It sweep away so great a propor. tion of the treasure purchased by their blood and toil. What fell to the share of the gener- al appeared, according to the Ideas of wealth in the sixteenth century, an enormous sum. Some of Cnrtes's favourites had secretly appro- priated to their own use several ornaments of gold, which neither paid the royal fifth, nor were brought into account as part of the com- mon stock. It was, however, so manifestly the interest of Cortes at this period to make a large S Cortes ReUt. 238. O. J?. Diaz, c. 101. Cron. c, 02. Ucriera, dec. Z. lib. x. c. 4. Comara %^"^ M t i ^ h i k ft ill u^ i 1 m 1 -i. m t ^A i •1ft HISTORY OF [Bt)OK V. rrmlttsnA* to the king, thiit It U highly prolxt- lili> thoae conoaaiment* w«r« not of gn-ut v<> i|iinrica. The total rain amaMmi by th« Spaniards baan IK) proportion to the Ideai which might be Ibrm- cil, either by reflecting on the de«rlptlon* given liy hiatorian* of the ancient iplendour of Mexico, or by considering the productions of its mines in modern times. But among the ancient Mexi- cnns, gold and silver were not the standards by tvhich the worth of other commodities wim esti- mated ; and destitute of the artificial value de- rived from this circumstance, were no further In request than as they furnished materials for ornaments and trinkets. These were either consecrated to the gods In their temples, or were worn •• marks of distinction by their princes and some of their most eminent chiefs. As the consumption of the precious metals was inconsiderable, the demand for them was not such as to put either the ingenuity or industry of the Mexicans on the stretch In order to aug- ment their store. They were altogether unac- quainted with the art of working the rich mines with which their country abounded. What {(old they had was gathered In the beds of rivers, iiiitive, and ripened Into a pure metallic state.' The utmost effort of their labour in search of It was to wash the earth carried down by torrents from the mountains, and to pick out the grains of gold which subsided; and even tlu.i simple operation, according to the report -.ri- du<;ed to I'i'linquish a few notions and rites, so loose and arbitrary as hardly to merit the name of a public religion, the Mexicans adhered tena- ciously to their made of worship, which, hnw- ovrr barbarous, was accompanied with such order and solemnity as to render It an object of the highest veneration. Cortes, finding all his attempts Ineffectual ta shake the constancy of Montezuma, was so much enraged at his obsti- nacy, that In a transport of zeal he led out his soldiers to throw down the Idols in the grand temple by force. But the priests taking arms in defence of their altars, and the people crowd- ing wi'>) great ardour to support them, Cortes's prudence overruled his zeal, and induced him to desist from hi« rash attempt, after dis- lodging tlie Idols from one of the shrines, and placing in their stead an image of the Virgin Mary. [Hi] From that moment the Mexicans, who had permitted the Imprisonmeat of their sovereign, and suffered the exactions of strangers without a struggle, bfgan to meditate how they miftht expel or destroy the Spaniards, and thought themselves called upon to avenge their insulted deities. The priests and leading men held fre- quent consultations with Montezuma for this purpose. But as it might prove fatal to the captive monarch to attempt either the one or the other by violence, he was willing to try more gentle means. Having called Cortes into his presence, he observed, that now, as all the pur- poses of his embassy were fully accomplished, the gods had declared their will, and the people signified their desire, that he and his followers should instantly depart out of the empire. With this he required them to comply, or unavoidable destruction would fall suddenly on their heads. The tenour of this unexpected requisition, as well as the determined tone In which it was ut- tered, left Cortes no room to doubt, that it was the result M •^ome deep scheme concerted between JVIontezuui^ and his subjects. He quickly per- ceived that he might derive more advantage from a leeming compliance with the monarch's in- dilutions, than from an ill-timed attempt to cha nge or to oppose it ; and replied, with great COD posiire, that be had already begun to prepare for returning to his own country ; but as he hud deitroyed the vessels in which he arrived, some time was requisite for building other ships. This appeared reasonable. A number of Mexicans were sent to Vera Cruz to cut down timber, and some Spanish carpenters were appointed to superin- tend the work. Cortes flattered himself that during iIiIh interval he might either find means to avert the thi«at«ued danger, or rcceiva eaui> K.K V. I [Book V. lion, •mung tbts uch a regular und lliiUona natuniMv id while thff . I'U ica wera toiil' ^'i- Iniii and rltti, ao to marit tlia immo cuna adlierod tMin- iblp, which, how- IMnlad with auch der It an object of :ea, flnding all hia t the constancy of iragrd at hia obati- eal he led out hia idols In the grand riesta taking anna I the people crowd- tort them, Cortes's eat, and induced attempt, after dis- f the shrines, and age of the Virgin leslcans, who bud of their sovereign, ' atrangera without te how they inl(;lit «rdB, and tbouglit enge their insulted ding men held fre- lontezuma for this prove fatal to the t either the one or I willing to try more led Cortea into his now, as all the pur- fuily accomplished, iviil, and the people e and hia followers of the empire. With aply, or unavoidable snly on their beads, icted requisition, m in which it waa ut- doubt, that it waa le concerted between B. He quickly per- more advantage from 1 the monarch'a in- ll-tlmed attempt to 1 replied, with great idy begun to prepare nntry ; but as he had ich he arrived, some ng other ships. This her of Mexicans were nrn timber, and some ipointed to aupcrin- Bltered himself that ht either find means iger, or receive eauli 1520.1 A M R n I C A. l.<9 rfin''>reements ms would enable lilm to despise It. Almost iiioe roonthe werselapoed since Por- tocarrero and Montejo had sailed with his dr«> patches to Spain ; and he ilaily expected their return withacontirmatloii ot his authority front the King. Without this, his condition was In. seoure and precarious ; and af(<'r all the great things which he bad done, It miglit be bis doom to bear the name and suffer the punishment of a traitor. Rapid and extfnslve aa his progress had been, he could not ho]> to complete the re- duction of a grrnt empire with so small m body of men, which by this time diseases of varioua kinds considerably thinned; nor could Im apply for recruits to the Spanish settlement* in the islands, until he received the royal approbation of bis proceedings. While he remained in this cruel situation, anxious about what wns past, uncertain with rcKpect to the future, and, by the late declaration uf Montezuma, oppressed with a new addition of cares, a M<;xican courier arrived with an ac- count of some ships having appcarKil on the coast. Cortes, with fond credulity, imagining that his messengers were returned from Spain, and that the completion of all his wishes and hopes was at hand, imparted the glad tidings to his companii. ns, who received them with trans> ports of mutual gratulatlon. Their Joy waa not of long continuance. A courier from Sandoval, whom Cortes bad appointed to succeed Esca- lante In command at Vera Cruz, brought cer. tain information that the armament waa fitted out by Velasquez, governor of Cuba, and, Instead of bringing the aid which they expect- ed, threatened them with immediate destruc- tion. 'ilie motives which prompted Velasquez to this violent measure are obvious. From the circiim- aianr, 4 of Cortes' departure, It was impossible not to suspect his intention of throwing off ail dependence upon him. His neglecting to trnrts- mit any account of his operations to Cuba, strengthened this suspicion, which was at last confirmed beyond doubt by the indiscretion of the officers whom Cortes sent to Spain. I'hey, from some motive which is not clearly explained by the contem|N>rary historians, touched nt the islattd of Cuba, contrary to the peremptory or- ders of their general.* By this means Velasquez not only learned that Cortes and his followers, after formally renouncing, all connection with him, had established an independent colony in New Spain, and were soliciting the King to con- firm their proceediiigij by his authority ; but he obtained particular information concerning the opulence of the country, the valuable presents 4 B. DiM, c. 54, 55. Hrtrcra dec, 8. lib. v. c. U. mars Cron. c. 90. Go. mhim did Oil , Hiid krom which Cortes had received, and the Inviting proepecta of success that opeitmi to liw view. Every passion which can agitate an ambitioua mind ; shame, at haviug been so grossly over- reached ( indignation, at being betrayed by the man whom ha had selected as the object of hia favour and confidence ; grief, for having wasted his fortune to aggrandize an enemy ; and de- spair of recovering so fair an opportunity of es- tablishing his fame and e:itending his power, now raged in the bosom of Yeiiuquez. Ail these, with united force, excited him to make an extraordinary effort in order to li< 'nged on the author of bis wrongs, anrl t' hi* usurped authority and he want the appearance ot . such an attempt. The ngent Spain with an account of Grij, met with a most favourable recc) the specimens which he produced, such hi^li expectations were formed concerning the opu- lence of New Spain, that Velasquez was auihu- rized to proeecute the discovery of the country, and appointed governor of it during life, with more extensive power and privileges thnn hatl been granted to any adventurer from the time of Columbus.* Elated by this dlstlnguialiiiig mark of favour, and warranted to consider Cortes not onl> as intruding upon his jurisili . tion, but as disobedient to the royal mandnte, he determined to vindicate his own rights, and the honour of his sovereign by force of arms. [1 16] His ardour in carrying on his preparations was such OS might have been expected from the violence of the passions with which he wns ani- mated ; and in a short time an armament wbk completed, consisting of eighteen ships which had on board fourscore horsemen, eight hum'i'el foot soldiers, of which eighty were muskcteen<, e' da hundred and twenty cross-bow men, tj- g..t ler with a train of twelve pieces of catinon. As Velasquez's experience of the fatal conse- quence of committing to another what he ou.jht to have executed himself, hud not rendered him more enterprising, he vested the command of this formidable bod/, which, in the infancy of the Spanish power in America, merits the ap- pellation of an army, in Parapbilo do Narvaez, with instructions to seize Cortes and his prin- cipal officers, tQ fend them prisoners to him, and then to complete the discovery and conquest of the country in his nam?. Attir a prosperous voyage, Nnrvaez landed bis men without opposition near St. Juan de Ulua [April]. Three soldiers, whom Cortes had sent to search fur mines in that district, im- mediately joined him. By this (>ccid«nt he not only received information concerning the pro- gress and situation of Cortes, but, as these sol- II 5 Hcrrcra, dec. 8. lib. lii. c. II. ^ ^^^ ^«?^^^^ ^^^^..^. IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1/ /^^. &•. 1.0 I.I Ui|2£ §15 ■50 "^" liWH ■^ Uii |||Z2 ^ |1£ 12.0 m n^ U4 Fhotogra^^c Sciences Corporation 23 WIST MAIN STRUT WIBSTIR.N.Y. 145M (716) •71-4903 ^f^ ^ ^4^ in p I IGO HISTOUY OF [Book V. I I I .1 dlers bod mado aome progrera In tho knowledge of the Mexican langaage, he acqulrod interim- ttr», by whoee meana he wm enabled to hold •ome Intercoune with the people of the county. But, according to the low otuining of deaerten, they fhuned their Intelligence with more atten- tion to what they thooght would be agreeable than to what they knew to be true ; and repre- sented the ittoation of Cortes to be m desperate, and the disaffection of his followers to be so ge- neml, as increased the natural confidence and presumption of Narraez. His drst operation, however, might hate taught him net to rely on their partial aoconnti. Having sent to smnmon the governor of Vera Cms to surrender, Oue- vara, a priest whom he employed in that service, made the requisition with such insolence, that Sandoval, an officer of high spirit, and zealous- ly attached to Cortes, instead of complying with his demands, seized him and his attendants, and sent them in chains to Mexico. Cortes received them not like enemies, but as iViends, and, condemning the severity of San- doval, set them immediately at liberty. By this well timed clemency, seconded by caresses and presents, ho gained their coniidenee, and drew from them such particulars concerning the force and intentions of Narroez, as gave him a view of the impending danger in its full extent. He had not to contend now with half naked In- dians, no match for him in war, and still mora *nferior in the arts of policy, but to take the field against an army in counge and martial discipline equal to hb own, in number lar supe- rior, acting under the sanction of royal autho- rity, and commanded by an officer of known bravery. He was informed that Narvaez, more solicitous to gratify the resentment of Velasquez than attentive to the Iionour or inter- est of his country, had begun his intercourse with the natives, by representing him and his followers as fugitives and outlaws, guilty of re- bellion against their own sovweign, and of in- justice in invading the Mexican empire ; and had declared that his chief olject in visiting the country was to punish the Spaniards who had committed these crimet, and to rescue the Mexicans from oppression. He soon perceived that the same unfavourable representations of |iis character and actions had Iiecn convoyed to Montezunut, and that Narvaez had found means to assure him, tiiat as the conduct of those who kept him under restraint was higUy displeasing to the King his master, he had it in charge not only to rescue an injured monarch from confine- ment, but to reinstate him in the possession of his ancient power and independence. Animated with titis prospect of l>eing set fi-ee from subjec- tion to strangers, the Mexicans in several pro- vinces began openly to revolt iVom Cortes, and to regard Narvaez as a deliverer no iesx able than willing to save them. Montezuma himself kept up a secret interooorse with thannr command* er, and seemed t-> court him aa a person superior in power and dignity to these Spaniards whom he bad hitherto ravered aa tha first of men. [UOJ SuoU war* the varions «speeta af danger and diaicuhy wfaieh praaanted thansdvsa to the view of Cortes. No situation can be conceived mors trying to the capacity and firmness of a general, or where the choice of the pbu which ought to bo adopted waa mat* difliattlt. If ha should wait thw approach of Narvaea in Mexico* deatniethm aeomad to be nnavoidable; Aur, while the ^anianb prcaaed liim ftymt without, the inhabitanta, whoaa turbulent spirit ha ooidil hardly reatrain with all hia authority and atten- tion, woold eageriy lay hold on auch a &vour- able opportunity of avenging all their wrangx. If he should abandon the capital, set tlie captive monarch at liberty, and march out to meet the enemy, he muat at once fiirego the flruits of all his toils and vietoriea, and relinquish advantagen which could not be rec o vere d witbmt extraor- dinary efforts and infinite danger. If, inataad of employing force, he ahoaU have recenrao to conciliating meaanrea and attempt an aocomnio- dation with Narvaei ; the natiml hanghtioaaa of that officer, augmented by eanaoieusnsas of his present superiority, fbrbade Mm to eheriah any sangnine hope of success. After rtv execution waa meat haar- dous, but, if snccessftil, would prove moat bene- ficial to' himself and to hia country t and with the decisive intrepidity suited to deapemteaitna- tions, determined to make one bold eflltrt fbr victory under every disadvantage, rather than sacrifice his own eonqueala and the Spaniah in- terests !n Mexico. But though he foresaw that the oontast must be terminated finally by arms. It woold have been not only indecent but criminal to have marehed against his countrymen, vrithont atteaapthig to a^nat matters by an amicable negotiation. In this service he employed Ohnedo, hia diaplain, to whoso character the ftmetion vraawdlanited, and who possessed, besides, such prudence and address as qualified him to carry on the secret intrigues in which Curtes placed his chief eon- fidcnce. NArvaez rejected with scorn every scheme of accommodation that Ohnedo prdpos- ed, and waa with difficulty iratttiined from lay- ing violent hands on him and hia attendants. He met, li6wever, with a more favenrable re- ception Among the (Ulowen of Narvaez, tn many of whom he delivered lettera, either firom Ccrtea or hia officers, their anelci-t friends and comimnions. Cortes artfully accompanied these With ^tresents of rings, ehalns of gold, and other trinkets of value, which inspired those necily adventurers with high ideas of the wealth thnt he hsd acquired, and with envy of their good fortune who were engaged in biaservioe. Somiv [Book V. heMW •ommMMl- ■ a penon superior SpHilwdM whom lie Bnt of men* I^IOJ acta of dufer UHl illMB*dTW to tlM a oHi be ooncdved and flrmiNH of* of the plan vrhleh «• diAoull. If ha NarvMsbiMexioa, WMToidkble; ft>r> lUmfiromwldieHt, nlenteplrithaoould •Mthority •»*•»«««- 1 on oueh % &Tour- ing «U their wren*"- ipltiO, eet the eaptlr* iieh out to i»eet «he rego the tniu rf •« r«Uwiui8h«dv«itH(«" r«d without extnwr- dugM>. If, ineteod told haTO recwitto to oMMnpt an Meommo- B mtuna haughtineeo i by eoneetott in ee e of ,rlMde him to eherleh ««. AflwrrroWtag kttentioa, C*^J^ lUoD 1^20.] AMERICA. !^ im' roridprrwawetbone. kis eomtryt •"* ^'*" S»lto4«op«teilt«. to wie held effort Ibr idtantnKO. rather ttan I. and the 8pukiri> in- p that the contort «>««t nna, It would hare hem mlnal to hare watdied without attempting to loable negotiation. In Ohnedo, hii dwpWn, inethm Wm woU ■n'*^' lee, attch prudenee and X to carry on the necret es placed We chief eon- cted with «!om erery in that Ohnedo prdpoe- ltyn«trtaned«f«»'»y- n tfid hb attendants. I a more faTOutablo ro- lowere of Narraes, to •red letteri, either firom leir ancicr.t friend* ««'» Ptfully aeeompanled the** Bhalne of gold, and other Bh inspired thoee necly ideas of the weoUh that with enry of their grtod gedinbtoeertlee. So»r> from bopea of becomiiv eharert in thoee rieh spoils, declared for an immediate accommod». tlon with Cortes. Others, from public spirit, laboured to prerent a ciril war, which, what- ever party should prerail, most shake, and per- hape subvert the Spanish power in a country where it was so imperfootly established. Nar> iraea disregarded both, and by a public procla- ipation denounced Corteo and his adherents rebels and enemies to their country. Cortes, it is probable, was not much surprised at the un- traotable arrogance of Narvaea ; and after bar- ing given such a proof of his own pacific dispo- sition as might justify his recourse to other means, he determined to advance towards an enemy whom he had laboured in vain to appease. He left a hundred and fifty men in the capi- tal [May], under the command of Pedro do Alvarado, an officer of distinguished courage, for whom the Meidcana had conceived a Angu- lar degree of respect. To the custody of this slender garrison he committed a great city, with all the wealth he had amassed, and, what was of still greater importance, the person of the imprisoned monarch. His utmost art was enqployed {n concealing from Montezuma the real cause of his march. He laboured to per- suade him, that the strangers who had lately arrived were bis friends and fellow-suljecto ; and that, after a short interview with tbem, tiiey woidd depart together, and return to their own country. The captive prince, unable to comprehend the deeigna of the Spaniard, or to roconoile what he now heard with the declara- tions of Narvaea, and afraid to discover any symptom of suspicion or distrust of Cortes, pro- mised to remain quietly in the Spanish quarters, and to cultivate the eame friendship with Alv*- rado which he had uniformly maintained with him. Corte% with seaming confidence in this promise, but relying pi^jjielpally upon the iqjuno* tions which ho had g^««n Alvarpdo to guard bis prisoner with the most scrupulous vigilance set out from Mexico. ' His strength, even after it was reinforced, by the Junction of Sandoval and the gfu-rison of Vera Cnu, did not exceed two hundred and fifty man. As he hoped for snooesa chiefly from the n^idity of his motitms, hi* troopa wero not encumbered either with baggago or artillery. But as he dreaded extremely the impression which the enemy might mako with their caval- ry, be had provided againat this danger with the foresight and aagacity which distinguish a great commander. Having observed that the Indians in. the province of Chlnantla used spews of extraordinary length and force, he qrmed his soldier* with these, and accustomed them to that deep and compact arrangement which the use of this fitrmidable weapon, the best perhaps that ever was inYented for defence, enabled tbem to assume. With this small but firm battalion, Cortea odvsinced towarda Zempoalla, of which Narvaan had taluin possession. During his march, ha made repeated attempts towards some acooa»> modatioQ with his. opponent. But Narvaes requiring that Cortee and his followcf* sbonM instantly recognise his title to bo governor of New Spain, in virtue of the powers which he derived from VehMques ; and Cortee refqsing to submit to any authority which was not founded on a commimion from the Emperor himself, under wheeo immediate protection ho and his adherent* bad placed their infiuit colo- ny I all these attempte proved fruitless. The intercourse, however, which this oceaalonsd be- tween the two partita, proved of no small ad- vantage to Cortee, as it afforded him an oppor- tunity of gaining some of Narvaea'e officers by liberal preeents, of aoftening other* by a sem- blance of modoration, and of daaxling all by the appearance of wealth among his troops, most ot his soUiara having converted their share of the Mexican gold into chains,' bracelets, and other omamente, which they displayed with military ostentation. Narvaex and a littk Junto of hia creature* excepted, all the army leaned to- warde an accommodation with their country- men. This discovery of their inclination Irritat- ed hie violent temper almost to madness. In a transport of rage, he eet a price upon the head of Cortee^ and of hIa prinoipal offlcera ; andfaav- ing learned that he was now advanced within a league of Zempoalla with his email bcdy of men, he considered this as an insult which merited immediate chastisement, and mardied out with all his troope to offer him battle- But Cortes was a leader of greater abilities and ei^erience than, on equal ground, to fight an enemy so frr snperior in nnmber, and ao much, better i^pointed. Having taken hie station oa< the oppoeita bank of the river de Canoa*, where, he knew that he could not be attacked, he be- held the approach of the enemy TvlAout oon- eem, and disregarded tbiavain b'^ava de. It wa» then the beginning of the wet ^asou,' and th«- rain had poured down, during a great part of the day, with the violence peculiar to the torrid xone. The foilowera of Nor vaea, unaccustomed to the bardehipa ot military eervieo, murmur-- ed so much at being thus fimitlessly expoeed, that, firom their nneoidierllke impatience, as well aa bis own contempt of his adversary, their generaS permitted them to retire to Zempoalla. The very otreumstance which induced them to quit the fidd, encouraged Cortea to form •> Boheme by which he hoped at once to terminate- the war. He obecrvod, that bis hardy veterans, , though standing under th» torrents which con— lHaUaTt.voLiU.487. 881. Y Ds Last Dtwi. Ind. Oedd. 169 HISTORY OF [Book V. :t5 tkniad to AJI, wldMct k illigle toit or ray thd- tMr wiMtMOTMr to oorer thoani were m far ftom rt^aiof M hardihiro whioh were bo- AuMHlMr to thotai, that tbey war* itlll and otart for anrvlM. H« fotcMw that hy «MI4 ■atorally givo thtmMlvM vf to W f »w after thoir flitigtte, and that, Jndg- iog of tka oondael of othere ky their own effemi- naey, tkey wooM deem tbemielvea perftotljr ae> oufi at a eweneo nnllt for action. Heteeolved, tbeRforoi to Ml upon then in the dead of night, when tlwearprlM and terror of tbie nnezpeeted attack might ttore than oompeMatothe iiiferi> oHty of hie nambere. Hi* eoMien, ieiisibl« that no r i a e iir e u reaoalned bat in loaBe dceperata effort of etNinge, appnrod of the neeenra with aaeh wamth, that CottM, In a military oration which he addneeed to them beiiHv they bogaii their naroh, wae more eelieftoue to temper than to inflame their ardour. Ho ditided them Into tkre« partiee. Atthoheadof AefinthepfauMd Sandoval ; intruetlag thia galfamt oAoer with the DMMt daagenua and tmportani aervioe, that of eeiaing tlie enemy'* artillery, which wae planted befitre the prittdpal tower of Ae temple wheie Narvaea had Bxed hie heai-qnartera. Ghriatoval de Olid eommandod tiie eeoond, with orderc to Mtault the tower, and lay hold tm the (enaral. CortM himadf conducted the third atad emdlcet dlviklon, which Wae to act aa a body of rewrre, and to auppert the other two a* there ehouM be oeoieion. Haring paaeed the river de Canoea, which wae mueh eweHed with the raSna, not wHkoat diflcnlty, the water Ttoelilng almoet to their china, they advanced in profound ellenee, wlttwut beat of drum, or aound of any Wariiiw Inetrument ; each men armed with hia aword, hfii dagger, and hie Chinantlan apear. Marvaeii, remiaa In praportioti to hIa atourity, had poetod only two aentinda to watch the motiona of an femmy whom he had each good caoee to dread. One of theae wae aeind by the advaatfed guard of ObTtee'a troope ; Mm other made hia eaeape, andt hnrryfatg to the tatm vrith all tko ptwipitatiea of fMr and zeal, gkvo aneh tiaMly Mtlee of the ontany'a i^proadi, that tlMie wu Adl Maare to hav* p reparad fbr their r eee p tlen . Bui* through the arrogance acd Inlktaatlon of Narvfeea, thia Impartant ItttamU WM loal. Ho Imputed thia alarm to die cow- ~ aNiae of the aentteel, and treated with deriaiaa the Idea Of being attadnd by ibreea ao unequal to hia own. The ehonta of Corlea'a eddiera, mahlng on to Hie aaaault, eonvtnced him at laat tiiat the danger whkh he dte^iaad waa rmL The npidity witii which tiiey advanced waa aoeh that only one cannon could be fired before Sattdoval'a party doaed with the enemy, drove them from their guna, and began to force their way up the atep* of the tower. Narvaes, no lam btav* in action that preeumptuoua in con- duct, armed himaelf in haato, and by hia voice and example animated hie men to the oomliat. Olid hdvaaced to anatain hia companlona ; and CortM bimaelf ruahiitg to the IWmt, conducted rad added now vigour to the atuck. The com- pact order In which thia amall iiody preaeed on, and the impenetrable fWmt which they preaent- ed with their long apaara, bore down all oppoei- tion before Ik lley had now reached the gato, ud were atruggling to buret It open, when a aoldier feavlAg eet Hre to the reeda with which the tower vraa covered, compelled Marvaea to adly out. In the flrat encounter he waa wound- ed la the eye with the apMUr, and, failing to the gnmnd, wu dragged down the atepe, and In a ■noment clapped lb fettera. The cry of victory rtaolmded among the troope of Cortea. Thow who had tallied out with their leader now main- tained the conflict feebly, and began to aurren- der. Among the remainder of hia aoldiera, at«- tioned In two amaller towera of the temple, ter- ror and confuaion prevailed. The darknes* waa ao great, that they could not diallngoiab be- tween their friende and foea. Heir own artil- lery waa pointed againat them. IVherever thry turned their eyce, they beheld ligbta gleaming through the obecurity of the night, which, though proceeding only fk«m a variety of ahin- Ing tnaeita that abound in moiat and anltry cli- mate*, thair aUHghted imaglnatlona reprtaentcd aa numerona banda of muakcteera advancing with kindlad matchea to tho attack. After a ehoft raaUtance, the Mldieis eompelled their olR- cere to capitulate, and befon morning all hiid down tlheir arma^ and aubmltted quietly to their eonquerara. tliik eompteto victory proved more acceptoUe. aa It wa* guned almoal without bloodahed, only two aoldiera being killed on the aide of Cortaa, and two oiflcera, w' '^Utn private men of the advefee Ihetion. treated the vanqnithed not like anemic*, !' :wuntrymen and Menda, and otfbred either to tend theaa back directly to Cuba, or to take tb«A Into hia aervice, aa pari- ner* In hik OtrtuM, on equal terma with hiaown •i^J'wa. Thia latter prefoaltlon, aaconded by a •K-i«maale dtetrlbutlan of aome preeenta from C«rt«i, and liberal promiae* of mor^ opened p roape c ta ao agtMable to the romantic expccta- UooB which iMd invited them to engage in thia aervic*, that aU, a Ikw partiiana of Narvaea ex- cepted, chieed trith it, and vied with each otfter In proiiMalMia of fidelity and attochment to a go- nend, whoae rec«Bt anoeaM had giv^i them eueh a atriUtig proof of hia abilitlee flMr ooomand. Thua, by a aerla* of evorta no 1«« fiirtunate than uMomaMn, Certm not Mily ceeapod from perdition which eeemed Inevitable, but, when ho had leaatreaaoB to expect It, waa ^aead at the haad of a thoaaaad l^lard*, ready to ftUaw wherever he ehould lead them. Whoever re- fleeto upon the flusiiity with which thb victory waa obtained, or oenaidera with whatmdden and unanimoue trraaitioA tb* ftdjowwa of Nar- vaea ranged themaelvca under the Mandard ul 1520.] AMERICA. 1«9 bU rival, will b* apt to Mcriba both evenu m nuob to tht IntrlguM u to tk« mnau of Cortca, and eannat bat awpaut that the ruin of Narvawi was oceaalonod no l«n by tho trtaohcry of Ua own foUowan, thaq bjr tb« valour of th« enemy.' Bat iu one point the prudent ooniluct and good fortune of Cortca were equally eoneplououe. I (, by the rapidity of Ma operathma after ha ba- (an hie naareb, be had not branght mattera to each a apeady iaeue, eren thie deeieive victory would have eome too lato to have eaved hlaeoni. panloaa wbona he left in Mexico. A few daya after the diaoomflturo of Marvaea, a oourier ar> rived with an account that the MMdeana had taken araia, and, having aeiaed and dcatrayed the two brigaatinea which Cortea bad built lu order to aecuro the cammaiid of the lake, and attacked the ^^iavda in their ^narten, had killed eeveral of thenii and wonndfd man, had reduecd to aahea their nagaaina of provieiona, and carried on hoetilitiee with eneh ftiry, tluM though Alvarada and hie men defended them- iielvce with undaunted reeolutlop, they muit fithcr be eoon cut off by famim^ or eink nadar the multitude of their enemlee. Thia revolt waa eseitad by motivee which rendered it etiU more alarming. On the departure of Cortee for Z e mpoa l la, the Sfesleana flattered tbemedTw that the kmg expected opportunity of iMorlag their aovereign to liberty, and of Ti«dicatia« their eouatry firam the odioua dominioii of atnuH gen^ waa at length arrived; that wbU* the foreee of their opp r f e r e wore divided, and the arme of one party turned Hai"** tb< other, thay might triumph with greatar Aeility over both. Consultotieae were held, and aehmaa formed with thia intentfon. The Spaniarda in aieaico, comoiooe of tboir own f Jw bUn eee , ew^eetad and dreaded thoea maebinationa. Alvamda» Mmch a galhnt oAeer, p ewieei d neitber that etrtept of capacity nor dignity of ma nn e r s by wUab Cortee had aafulred eueb an aaeendaat ttv«r the minda of the Mexican^ aa never allowed them to form a juat mtlwale of hie weaknan or of their own etreagtb. Alvarado knew na mode «f anpporting hie authority but fiwee. laelead of amplaying addram to dhnene«t the plana er toaoothetbaapiritaof tbaMaxiMfM, ba waited the retam af a«i of their atlamB foativah. When the priadpai pdvena in tba ample* ware dancing, aeoording to cnatorn, in (ha oomrt af the great temple, be aeisad all tbaavannM wbi^ ledtolt; and allured partly by the riob aryuh menta which the/ wen in k^aint of (b«fr|adib and paraybythafodlUyof catting off at enoa the antbemi «f that oonepiraay which he dreaded* ha foil apoa tham, unarmadand nnanipicione af any danfar, and wa wan wd a gvoat number, 1 CartM|UbtSM.IX B, pui, & i|»«us, Hciww, dcCi S. Ub is. c. 18^ *c. OgoamC|oa.e.S7,ftc none eecaping but luoh aa made their way over the battlcmento of the temple. An aetlea ao cruel and treaoheroue fliled not only the city, but the whole empire with indignation and rage. All called aloud for vepgeaaoe; and re. gardleei of the aafety af their monareb, whoee life WM at the mercy of the Spanlardi^ or of their own danger in aewuUing an enemy who had been eo long the object of their terror, they committed all tboee acta of violence af wbkb Cortea received an aooonnt. To him the danger appeared ao imminent aa to admit neither of ddiberation nor dehiy> He aet otttinetantly with all hie foroei^ and returned from Zempoalla with no l«ea ni|iidity than ha had advanced tbither. At Tlaaoala be waa Joined by two tbouiand choeen warriora. On entering the Mexican territoriea, be found that di«Ubctioii to the Spaniard* waa not confined to the capital. The principal Inbabitante had deaerted the tovna through which be paieed ; no penoa of aoto appearin| to meet bim with thennial reepect; so provieion waa made for the enbeletence of bta tnwpe; and though be wae permitted to advance without oppoeitiop, (be aoUtude and alienee which reigned' in every |daoe, and the horror with which the people avoided all intarcouree with him, dboovered a deep-rooted antipathy that excited the meet Juat alarm. But iipplacable aa the enmity of the Mexieana waa, they wee* ep «nao|valnted with the eclence of war, that they knew not bpw to toketbapn^er meaaure* either ibr their own lafetyortbedeetmotkmoftbeSponbwde, Un> Inatmcted by their former error In Emitting a formidable enemy into their capital, inetaadof breaking down the cauaewaya and bridge*, by which they mlgh^ have enekteed Alvarado and hie party, and baT* affeetually etoppad 4w career of Cortoib they ^gainanflbred him to march into the city [ Juna 94] without moleatation, and to take quiet p ami MJ on of hie ancient etatfain. Ilia traneporta af Joy with wh^ Alvarado and hi* eoldiere reodvad their cwnpanlone can- not be e xp r ewed. Both portlee ware ao mudi elated, th« om with ^eir e e a eonabla dtUTenme*^ aad the other with the great eqdoita which Aey had aehlavadi tluit thia latoxloatlaa of aup- eem aeaan* to have readied Qertea hbn«*lf; aad be bdiavad on thia aeqaeion neither with hie vaad wywity nor attention. He pot only ne- gleeted to vialt Mefatepumai but embittered the iaealt by exp r eed one Aill of contempt ftr that anfortunato prince and bia people. The foreee of whi^ ha bad now the command appeared to lilm eo Irradatlble that be might anuma ^ higher tone, and lay atldo (he nwak of modara- UoQ und^ wbiob he bad bitberto ooi^iealed Wa dedgn*. Some Mexican*, who npdeiatoed the SpanUh language, beard tbe contemptuoue w eed e whieb Certee uttered, and, r e p ea t ing them to their cautitrymcn, bindlcd their rage X' 164 HISTORY OF II i' i anew. Thcjr were now oonTlneed that the In- tentions of the general were equally bloodjr with tKbae of Alvarado, and that hie original pur- poee in >iiiting their country had not beeui aa be pretended, to court the dlianee of their ao- vereign, but to attempt the conqueat of hie do- minlona. They reeumed their amw with the additional fury which thie dIeeoVery iniplred, attacked a oonalderable hody of Spaniard* who were marching towards the great iquare In which the public market was held, and compeU led them to retire with aome lees. Imboldened by this success, and delighted to And' that their oppressors were not Invincible, they advanced next day with extraordinary martial pomp to asaault the Spaniards In their quartera. lieir number waa formidable, and their nndannted courage etUl more ao. Though the artillery pointed against their numerous batalllona, crowded together In narrow streets, swept off multitudes at every discharge; though every blow of the Spanish weapons fell with mortal effect upon their naked bodlfe, the impetuoalty of the assault did not abate. Fresh men mslw ed fbrw^ to occupy the places of the slain, and, meeting with the same Ihte, were sneeeed- ed by others no lees intrepid and eager for von* geanoe. The utmost efforts of Cortea'a abOltlea and experience, seconded by the dIecipUned va- lour of hie troops, were hardly sufflcient to de- fend the fortiflcationa that snrroonded the post where the Spaniards were stationed, Into whfeb the enemy were more than once on the point of forcing their way. Cortee beheld with wonder the ImpIacaUa ferocity of a people who eeemed at first to sub- mit tamely to the yoke, and had continued so long passive under It. The soldiera of Nar- vaea, who fondly Imagined that thsy followed Cortes to share In the spoils of a conquered em- pire, were astonished to find that they were in- volved in a dangeroua war «rith an enemy whoee vlgeMr waa still nnbroken, and loudly execrated their own weaknces in giving such easy credit to the delusive promisee of their new leader.' But eurprlse and comphlnta were of no avail. Some Immediate and extraordinary affnt was requlaite to extricate themadvee out of their present sltoatlon. As soon as the ap- proach of evening induced the Mexicans to re- tire in compliance with their national enstotn of ceasing from hostiliUss with tha setting sun, Cortes began to prepare for a saUy, next day, with such a considerable force as might either drive the enemy oat of the city, or oom^ them to listen to term* of accommodation. He conducted in person the troops deatlned Mr tble important service. Every invention known in the European art of war, as well aa 1 B. DiUi c. 120. [Book V. every precaution suggested by his long acquaint- ance with the Indian mode of fighting, were employed to ensure success. But he found an enemy prepared and determined to oppoee htm. The force of the Mexicans was greatly aug- mented by tnA troepe, which poured in con- tinually flmn the country, and their animoalty WM In no degree abated. They were led by their noblee. Inflamed by the exhortatlona of their priests, and fought In defence of their templee and families, under the eye of their gods^ and In preeence of their wivee and ehll- dren. Notwithstanding their numbers, and en- thusiastic contempt of danger and death, wher- ever the Spanlarda could cloee with Aem, the superiority of their discipline and arms obligei the Mexicana to give way. But in narrow etreete, and where many of the bridges of oom- mnnleatlon were broken down, the Spanlarda could eeldom come to a fair rencounter with the enemy, and, as they advanced, were expoeed to showere of arrows and stonee tnm the tope of housee. After a day of incessant exertion, though vast numbera of the Mexicana fitll, and part of the city waa burnt, the Spaniards vreary with die slau^ter, and harassed by multitudes which anoeeselvely relieved each other, were obliged at length to retire, with the mortifica- tion of baring aoeompllsbed nothing so decisive aa to eonpensata the unueual calamity of having twdve eoldiera killed, and above sixty wonnded< Another eally, made with greater force, #ae not mere effeetoal, and in It tlie general himself was wounded in the hand. Cortes now perceived, too late, the fatal error into whldi he had been betrayed by hie own eontempt of the Mexicana, and vras satisfied that he oonld neither maintain hie present eta- tion In the centre of a hoatlie dty, nor retire Arom it without the meet Inunlnent dangert One resource still remained, to try what effect the interposition of Monteauma might have to soothe or overawe Us sutjeotek When the Mex- icana appraaehed next morning to renew the aa^ aanlt, that unfortunate prince, at the mercy of the Spanlarda, and reduced to the sad neceesity of beeoming the instrument of his own dia^ grace, and of the slavery of hie people, [117] advanced to the battlements In his royal robc^ and with all the pomp In whidi he used to ap- pear on eoleten aocaalons. At sight of their sovereign, whom they had long been accustomed to hononr, and almoet to revere aa a god, the we^ona dropped from theb hands, every tongue waa allent, all bowed their heade, and many prostrated tbemaelvee on the ground. Monte- auma addreeeed them with every argument that eoold mitigate tiielr rage, or persuade them to oeaee from hoetilitlee. When he ended his diecoune, a eullen murmur of disapprobatiun ran through tfhs ranks; to tbh suenecded re- proaches and threats; and the fury of the aut- ■ 1520.] AMERICA. IffS tltude rltlnf In « tnoment above «Tr re. latlng thU gsUsBt setkn of the two HegdcaiM, and Itar ■u|)|iailnB ttast Ibeie wase bsttleinenU wund the tfmiile of Mextca I telatcd the attempt to dcttroy Cortm ou the authority of Her. dec 8. Ub. x. c 9. and of Torque- msdo, UlK 4 c flB. I lUlowed them Ukewiie in mpixMinii theup|icfiBa tion periabed, f 118] and among tbeae Vehuquca do Leon, who having foraaken tha party of hia fclnaman, the governor of Cuba, to follow tbo fortune of bia companiona, waa, on that account, aa well aa fiir hia auparior merit, reapectcd by them aa the aeoond peraou in tho army. All tha artillery, ammunition, and baggage, were loot; tbo greater part of the hoktoit ai^td abovo two thouaand Thwcalana^ were killed, and only a very email portion of tho trcature which they bad amaaaad waa mved. 'llila. which bad boaa alwaya their chief olject,pravod a great eanaa of their cafaunity ; tat OMuny of the aoldlera hav- ing 80 orarioaded themoelvca with bare of gold aa rendered them unAt for action, and retarded thalr Might, fell Ignoroinioqaiy, the vktima oT their own Inoaiiaiderato avariee. Amidat ao aaany d laae t era, it waa aono eonaolation to And that Aguihw and Siarina, wbeae funetlen aa In- torpretera waa of aoeh aaaantial Importance, bad The Drat oar* of Cortea waa to And eon* aholtar for hh wearied trai^; far, aathe Mexl- cana Inloitad tbam on orery alde^ and the people of Taeuba began to tab* arm% be oouldnot con- tinuo In bh fraaml atation. He directed bto march towatde tba riaing ground, and, bavlaf Cartuaatdy diaoovartd • temple aituatcd on an emin c HB e, took poaicaalop of it. Therehefound not only the ahalter for which he wiahed, bn^ what waa no lew wanted, mime prvviaioMto r». fireah hh men ] and though the enemy did not intermit their atlacka thnugbout tbo day, they were with l«aa dUBenlty prevented from making any imprcaaioa. Owing t)il> time Cortea waa ongagad In de^ conaultation with hh ofleen^ eonoeming tbo route whiohtheyon^t totakela 1 Widk /ritfi; to UicBimeby which IttowaUtHbHuMi cd hi Now Hlwln. « Carte* Iktat. r MO. B. Oiu, c isa OflawraCna. c. IflOL Hcncn, dor. ». lUi. x. c. II, B. TBooR V. Mvlng takra •Uvt, to U tMriilotd to ■11 who bad m- But whm lli« Nd to tha view of in rtduocd to Icm iTond4 al Inportanca, ha4 waa to And aoma i; for.aathaMaxl- iida» Mid tba paopio i^haooHldnotcoB- Ho diraetad hta ouodt audi haTing pk altuatcd on aa it. There hafonad ;h he wiahcd, but, prwiaioBa to ra- the ancmy did not bout tho day, they cntadftvaa making iatima Cortea waa I with hia oflleara^ keyiM^ttotakaiii ditttoktWdMlacuUi. ,c»a OcnaraCno. I.». 1680.] AMERICA. 107 Ihalr retreat Thay ware now an the waat aide of tha Uke. TIaaeaU) the only plaoa where they eould hope for a firiendly reception, lay about aixty-lbur mllaa to the aaat af Mexico ;■ ao that thay ware obliged Mgo round the north end •ftho lake belbre they eould Ml into the road which led thither. A Tlaacalan aoldier under- •aak to be their g«ld% and oondnettd them through a oonnlry in eoma plaeee marahy, in othara aaountolnona, in all III enltlvated and thinly peopled. They mairched Ibr alx daya with little raaplta, and under continual ahurma, numarooa bodlaa of tha Mtxicana Iwrering around them, eomalinMa haraMing them at a diatanea with their miaalle weapona, and aomo* tiaaaa attaaking them ahiaely hi llront, in rear, in f anh» with graat boMnaaa, aa thay now knew that they were not InvindUe. Mor were the fWtlgua and danger of thoaa Inceaaant ccalleta tha woretoTlhi to whieh they ware expaaed. Aa tha barren country through which UMy paaaed air«rdad hardly any provlaionab thay were re- dnead to ttti on barriea, itota, and tha atalka of green malae ; and at the very time that (kmlne waa dapraaaing thair ipMU and waating their atrength, their aitnatlon nqubrad tha moat vlgvr- oue and unremitting axertiona af courage and aetivity. Amidat thoaa compUcaMd dIatraHaa, one cIraMMtaneo aupportad and animalid the flpaniarda. Their aenmander aoatalnad «hla aad raveree of Artune with unahakan magnani- mity. Hiaproaanceormlndnewibreookhim; hia aagaelty foreaaw every erant, and hia vigi- lance provided fir it. He waa fltramoat in •very danger, and anduNd every hardahlp with a h aa r flilneaa. The dlfflcultiaa with which ha waa anrroonded aeamed to call forth new tt^ lenta t and hia aoldlere, though daapairlng tkem- aalvea, oontinttad to Mlaw htm with Inereaaing oonfldMMa In hia abQItlea. On the alxth day thay arrived near to Otum- ba, not flff tnm the nad between Mexico and Thaeala. Eariy next momlng thay began to advanee toifarda it, flying partiea at tha enemy etUl hanging on their rear ; and, amidat tha in> aulta widi which they ac eompaniad their hoatl- litiaa, Marina remarked that they often exclaim- od with axultation, <• Oo an, robbera ; go to the plaoa where yon thall ^ulaUy meat the ven- gaance duato yoararimaa." Tha manning of thla threat the Bpantaida did not oomprehmd, until they reached tha aummil of an eminenoe before them. There a apaclona valley evened to their view, eoverad with a vaat army, extending aa hr aa the eye could nach. The Mnkana^ while with one body of their troopa they baraaa- ad the Spnntanla In thoir retreat, had aaaembled their principal force on the other aide of the Uka; t0A nwehing along tha road which lad 3 VUU Sagnor Thmltn AmvriCKio*, lib tL c. 11. directly to Thneala,poatod It InthaplainofOtuni. ba, through which they knew Cortea muat paaa. At the eight of thla Incredible multltade, which they eonid aurvey at once from the riaing ground, tha Spanlarda were aatonUhed, and even tho boldaat began to deepalr. But Cortce, without allowing lelaure for their feare to ae4alra atrength by rafleetltfn, after warning them brief- ly that iw alternative now renuined but to con- quer or to die, led them Inatontly to the charge. The Mexicana waited their approach with un- naual fbrtltoda. Snch, however, waa the aupe- rlority of the Spaniah diaclpline and arma, that tha Impraaalon of thla email body waa irrasiati- ble ; and whichever way ita force waa directed, it penetrated and diaperaed tha moot numeroua battaliona. Bnt while theae gave way in one quarter, new eonlbatonta advanced flmn another, and tha Spanlarda, though aueceaaAil In every attack, were ready to eink under thoaa repeated aflbrta, without aaeing any end of their toil, or any hope of victory. At that time Cortea oh- eerved the great atandard of tha empire, which waa carried before the Mexieiin general, advanc- ing ; and fbrtunately raoollaeting to have heani, that on the (kto of it depended the event of every battle, he aiaembied a few of hia braveat cfllcera, wkoee horaca were atlll capable of aervice, and, placing himaelf at their head, puihed forward towarda tha atandard with an impetuoalty which bora down every thing before it A choaen bady of noblaa, who guarded tha atandard, inatle aome reaiatonee, Imt were aoon broken. Cortea, with a atrokaof hta lance, wounded the Mexican general, and threw him on the ground. One of the Spanieh olBoera, alighting, put an end to hia life, and laid hold of the imperial atondard. Tha moment that their leader fell, and the atondard, tswarda which all directed their eyea, dlaqipcar- ed, a unlteraal panic atruek the MarV^ma ; and, aaif the bond which held them v ;,.:>er had been diaeolved, every enaigh waa lowe«- 4, eacli aoldier threw away hia wkapona, and all fled with preclpttotinn to the mountalna. I1ie Spa- nbii-Ja unable to irtirane them Ibr, returned to collect the apolh of the fleld, which were au vduaUe aa to be aome compenaation for the wealth which they had loat in Mexico ; for In the enemy'a Army were moat of theii* principal wurriora draaied cat in their richeal orttamenta aa If they had bceh marching to aaanred victory. Next day [July 8], to their great Joy, they en- tered the llaacalan territoriea.* But amidat their mtiafkctlon in having gvi beyond the preciueta of a hcatUe country, they could not look forward without eollcitude, aa they were atlll uncertain what reception tbey might meet with fhrni aliiea to whom they re- 5 Cortct HclaL (i, Sl». B. Diax. c ISd Gomara Crnn. c. 1 10. Hcrrcra, dec. V. liK x. c. I», I3L '] i"v I M' 168 HISTORY OF pjoo»V. ■I turnMl In a condition very difflmni tram that In which they h«d lately Mt out Irom (heir domlnlone. Happily for them, the enmity of the llaeoalana to the Mexloan name waa eo inreterate, their deaire to avenge the death of their countrymen eo vehement, and the aacend- ant which Cortea bad acqulrad over the chiefs of the republic eo complete, that, far A-om en- tertaining a thought of taking any advantage of the distreeeed eituation in which they beheld the Spaniards, they received them with a tender- nese and cordiality which quickly diasipatad all their suepieions. ^me Interval of tranquillity and Indulgenee was now abeoiutely neceeaary; not only that the Spaniards might give attention to the cure of their wounds, which had been too long ne- glected, but In order to recruit their etrengtb, ex- hausted by eueh a long succession of fatigue and imrdshipa. During thle, Cortes learned that he and his companions were not the only Spaniards who had felt the effects of the Mexican enmity. A considerable detachment which was march- ing from Zempoalla towards the capital, bad been cut off by the people of Tepcaea. A smal- ler party, returning firom TIaseaU to Vera Crux, widi the share of the Mexican gold allot* ted U> the garrison, had been surprised and dee- troyed In the mountains. At a Juncture when the life of every Spaniard waa of Importance, such losses were deeply felt. The aehemea which Cortes vraa meditating rendered them peculiarly afflictive to him. While his enemies, and even many of his own followers^ considered the disasteia which had beftllen him aa fatal to the progrese of hie arma, and im^^ncd that nothing now remained but speedily to abandon a country which he had invaded with niieqiial force, his mind, as eminent for persevcranoe as for enterprise, waa still bent on aAoompUshlng his original purpoae, of suljectlng the Mexican empire to the crown of Castile. Seven and unexpected as the check waa which he had re- ceived, it did not appear to him a aufflelent* reason for relinqalshing the eonqneata which he had already made, or againat resnmlng hia opera- tions with better hopee of siieeees. The colony at Vera Cms waa not only safe, but had re- mained unmdested. The people of Zei poalla and the adjacent districts had diacoveivd no symptoms of defection. The Tlascalans con- tinued faithfbl to their alliance. On thehr martial spirit, easily roused to arms, and in- flamed with implacable hatred of the Mexicans, Cortes depended for powerful aid. He bad still the command of a body of Spaniards, equal In number to that with which he had opened his way into the centre of the empire, and had taken possession of the capital ; so that with the benefit of greater experience, as well as more perfect knowledge of the country, he did not despair of qiileUy recovering all that ha bad been deprived of by untoward events. Full of this idsa, he courted the Tlaacalan ohietb with such attention, and distributed among them ao liberally the rich spoils of Otum- ba, that ha waa secure of obtelniiig whatever bo should rsqnire of the republic. He drew • small supply of ammunition and two or three ileldplsoea from bis stores at Vera Crua. Ha daspatohsd aa officer of confldeneo with four ehlpo of Narvaaa'a fleet U HIspaniola and Ja- maioa, to engage adventurers, and to porehasa horaee, gunpowder, and other military stores. As he knew that It would ba vain to attempt the reduction of Mexico, unleee he could eeeuratha coattmand of the lake, be gave orders to prepare in the mountains of Tlascala, materlida for building twelve brigantlnee, eo as they might be «arrJed thither In pieces ready to b^ put toge- ther, and launched when he stood in need of their service.' But while, with provident attention, he waa taking thoee neceeaary stops towarda the exec». tion of his measures, an obataele aroea in a quar- ter where it was least cxpoetad, but aaost for • mldable. Tha spirit of diseontent and mutiny broke out in hia own army. Many of Narvaaa'a followers wore plantera rather than soldisrs, and had aeeompanisd him to New Spain with aangulne liopea of obtaining aettlement% but with little inclination to engage in the hardships and dangsrs of war. Ae the eama motivea had in- duced them to enter into their new engage- menta with Cortes, they no sooner became ao- quainted with the nature of tha eervlce, than they bitterly repented of their choice. Such of them aa had tha good ftntune to survive the periloua adventures in which their own impmdenee had involved them, iwppy iq^ving made their ea- eape, trembled at the thooghta of being exposed a second time to airallar calamitlea. As soon as they discovered tlie intentiosi of Cortes, they be- gan aeeretly to murmur and cabal, and, waxing gradually more andaeiooa, they, in a body, of- fered a ramonstrance to their gen«ral against the imprudence of attacking a powerful empire with his shattered forces, and formally requir- ed him to lead them back directly to Cuba. Though Cortea, long practised in the arte of com- mand, employed argument*), entreaties, and pre- sento to convince or to sooth them ; thoiigh his own soldiers, animated with the spirit of their leader, warmly seconded his endeavours; ho found their feirs too violent and deep rooted to bo removed, and the utmost he could effect was to prevail with them to defer tbeir depar- ture for eome time, on a promise thatlie would. 1 Cortes Relat. p. SS3. E. Comoro Cron. c. 117. [Booit V. JlthalhahMlbMii lU. rt«d thaTlatodM Md dbtribatod Ichipolbof Otnm- lining whaMTOT ba bUc. H« drt«r • I and twa ar thraa ,t Vera Crua. Ha lAdanoa with faur Eiltpaniala and J»- I, and to pnreluM i«r mUllary itona. vaintoattamftiha baoonldMewadM • ordanto prapa r a ala, matarlala for to Mthay alight ba ady tob^puttaga- M atood in naad of t attantlon, ha waa towarda the ««eM- laUanMalnaqnar- letad, butmoatfar' saatant and inutlny Many of Narvaaa'a tlier tlian aaldiara, New Spain with rttlamenta, but. with 1 the hardehipa and ma notirea bad In- their new engaga- hiooner haeama ao- iaiarYica,thantbay tica. Saehorthaot lurrtra tha parilona wn Impmdanee had ring made their ca> ita of being expoaed nitiea. Aa aoon aa of Cortca, they be. cabal, and, waxing ley, in a body, of- lair general agaiaat a powerful empiFa d formally requir- . directly to Cuba, din the arte of coin- antreatiea, and pra- wn ; thoiigh hia tha aplrit of their endeavoun; ha it and deep rooted neat ha could effect defer their depar- miaa thatlia wonld, on Cron. e. 117 1520.} AMERICA. 169 Ml a mora propar Junetaro, dtanlai meh a> ahoold daairait That the maleeontenu might bare no lelaura to brood over the cauaaa of their diaaffection, ha raaoWed Inatanlly to call forth hIa troope into aetUn. He propoaed to chaatiaa the people of IVpaaca for tha outrage which they had eom- initted ( and aa the detachment which they had cat off happened to baoompoaed moatiyof aol- dtera who liad aarvad under Narvaaa, their com- paniona,~ from tha daaira of vangaanca, engaged tha mora willingly in thia war. Ha taok tha command In paraon, [Anguat] aoeompanied by a numaroua body of TIaa ca la n a , and in tha qiaoa af a few weeka, after Tarioua aneountara, with great alaughtar of tha T a p eaea n a, raduaad that provinca to aul^iaetion. Daring aaveral mentha, while he waited fortheauppUee of man and ammonition whleh ha «xpaattd,t and waa carrying on hia praparatiooa for eenatmoting the brigiintlnaa» ha kept hia troopa oonataatly em- ployed In varloua aapadltiona againat the a^Ja- oent prorlneee, all of which ware eondnetad with n uniform tanoar of auoeaai. By thaaa , hie m*n became ugf^ acouatomad to victory, and raaum- ed their wonted aenaa of auperiority ( tha Mexi- can power waa weakened { the Tlaaealan war- riora acquired the habit of aeting in eo^Junotion with the Spaniarda ; and tha chleia of the repub- lic delighted to aaa tbair oaontry aurkhed with tha apolla of . all tha paapla around tham } and aatoulahed every day with freah diaaovarlea of tha irrtalatible prowaaa of their aUiaa, they do- dined no eflbrt requieito to tupport tham. All tho«a preparatory arraugemente, however, though the moat prudent and afflcadoua which tha aitnatloa of Cortaa allowed him to BMfca, would hava been of littk avail without a rain- foroement of Spaniah aoMieiia. Of thIa ha waa ■o deeply aenaibla» that It waa the ehief ol||e«t of hia thonghta and wlahea; and yet hia only proa- peet of 4Atainlng It from tha return of the oAcar whom ho had aent to tha ialoa to aolicit aid, waa both diatant and uncertain. But what nelthait hie own aogaeity nor power eould have procured, he owed to a aariea of fortunate and un f e r wia n incldanta. The governor of Cuba, to whom tha auocaH «t Narvaaa appeared an event of infalll- blo certainty, having cent two email ahipa afker him with nawinatruetioiia^ and aaupply of man and military atorea, the oAoer whom Cortea had appointed to opmmand on the ooaat, artfiiUy de- coyed them into the - harbour of Vara Cms, Belied the veaeela, andeaaily parauadad tha aoU dien to follow the atandard of a mora able leader than him whom they waradeatined to join.* Soon after, three ihlpa of mora oonaidenble force came into tha harbour eepantdy. Theae belonged to an armament fitted out by Franciacoda Garay, C B.Diai.c, 131. governor of JanMlea, who, being poaMiaad with the raga of diaoovary and conquaat whieh anl> mated every Spaniard aattled In Amwiea, had lang aimed at intruding iato eeme dietriet of New Spain, and dividing with Cortee the ghiry and gain of annexing that emplra to the crown ct CaatUab They unadvlaedly BMde their attempt on tha northern pravineaa, whara tha eauntry waapaor, and tha people iarea and warlike; and after a eruel inccaaalon of dlaaatora, flunino compelled than to vantura Into Vara Crux, and eaat thamaalvaa upon tha mercy of their eoon- trymen. [ Oet. IB] Their fldailty waa not proof againat the aplaudid hopea and promiaee which had eaduned other adventuron t and, aa if tha apirit of ravolt had been eontagloua in New Spain, they likewiee abandoned the maater whom they wera bound to aerva, and enlisted under Cortea.* Nor waa It America alone that fur- nlahad aueh naaxpeetad aid ; a ahlp arrived from Spain, Aaighted 1^ eomaprtrate merchanto with military atorea. In hopea of a prafttabla market In a country, the fluaa of whoae opulence began to vread over Eurapa. Cortee eagerly pur- ehaaed a cargo which to him waa invaluable, and the oraw, following the general esampl^ Joined him at Tbaeala.* fVam thoao variooa quartara, tha army of Cortaa waa augmented with a hundred and eighty men, and twenty boreea^ anintbrerment too ineonaldenble to produce any ooniequenea which would ban entitled it to have been men- tioned in the hiatory of other parte of the globe. But In that of America, when great revolu- tlone wen braught about by cauaea which aeemcd to bear no proportion to their effecle, auch email avante riaa Into Importance, because they wera auflciant to dadda with reapaot to the flito of kingdoma. Nor la It tbaleaat ramarinble In- etanoe of the dngnlar felidty eonspicnoua in many pasaagsa of Cortee'a atory, that tho two paraona chiefly inatmmantal in fumiahing him with thoae saaae n able anp^iee, ehould be an V. vowed enemy, who aimed at hie deetmetion, and an anvlona rival who wlahed to eapplant him. Tha flrat eflhct of tha Jouctlon with hia new fblloWen waa to enable him to diemise such of Narvaex'aaddien aa remained with reluctanee in hie eervloe. After thdr departure, lie etiil mue- tarad Ave hnndred and f.f^/ infiintry, ot whieh fonracon wen armed vrith muakete or eroae-' bowa, forty horaaaMn, and a train of nine «T»wwl toA l ai u tmrto wwiHy toilw fl|iu< iiiHi would hawo %Mm MiAetont «* ptn tMv taAnt*«i althoaih ho lad boon low dbMngahh* od tat eonrofo and oofoelty. H« bad mi tai- modloto oniortuiiltf it •hotrtiif iIm* bo ww worthy of Ihotr eholof, bjr eondwtlm ki f Umt t Ihooe flwoo oltoebo wbbb compeUad tho tarda to obMidtm Mo oofiitai ; their rotroMt ogotdod him ■ny tooplto •etioii, ho took lu immm tm pnvwMMg thoir rotam to Moxloo, wMi pr«dclMo ofoal to tbo oplrit whleh !• h»A dtapbirod hi drlylng thon o«t of it. Ao Hvak tho vIelaHf of TlMiwki, he oimM Ml bo awM^mdatod with tho mMtaMoMtf faitentloM of Corteo, ho oboo r ri d tho otona IhM WM gathoring^ aad be|oa mrly t* |Nwr14o ogkhMt it. HoreiMarodwhotthoSpimtaHohadnihMl in tho eltjr, nd otroiigthMia* it with oueh now fortMcMlloM M the ikUl of Mo oaljeoto WM ««.. poble of ereetlng. Beoidho Mltaf Mo mimImi with tho aowd WMtpotw of wir, ho §trtt dteee- tloM toi mako tong ipMn h iadid with tho oworda and daggoro takoa irma tb» Bpiaitardo, In order to annoy the earalrjr. Ho oammoaod the fwople in orery pvorinea of tho ompiN to take anao agalnal tboto opp w oo ui i, and ae ■» rneoinragoment to exert t h omai l iio with il g — i , ho pi oaMloiid tlMm onniptloa from aM tho taMO wMeh Me p r odoowoo r o had h npi w d. * Bat what he tabmtred with the greatoat to deprive the Spaniardi of tho whieh they deriTod from the frieadablpi of tbo TlooeakuMk by endeavmnrtog t» poHuadu IhM people to ranounee all eoMMOtf ok wiMi ami who were Bot oaiy arowai eaearfm of tha gMit whom they woMrfpped, bat who woaMaot Ml lo oub* Jaet them at laat tothr aanM yoln wMek they among (he grtatnt ralamHIae I upon them by thrlr InvMlrra. In hie tho Mexhane mbed tu the throne OaotiaMaIn, napMnr aad aon-hi-kw of Moaleamaa, a young ai«i of each high npatatlon for 1*1111100 and taloar, that in thhi dmgorr « eriala, bia eoan- tfymen, with one voice, «% ' Mm to tho a«- impoae upon othera. Theae repreeentationa, ao lam atriUng than waU foabdid, #«w ailgod ao ibrcMOy by Mo ami anal art, that it laqaiaad idi tkeaddtamof Certm la prafraal thai* aaMag a ilaa gern iio imp r im l a a ' Bat wMle QJiiiilaianB i>aa aiiariglaii hiapkai of defenee, with a dapao of iawighl aneooa. mon in an Amarimi^ Ma daya wan oat aharl bythoamall-paa. TMo dlalampm, which t^gtk Nl. tlwl Mine hi New Spafa with lbl|imamwlty» WManlnM>WBinthal4|a*taref(lM|Ma wttU it waa Mte ad au a d by Ika F iira p aa a a, aad way he I Rabt8SS.A. B.Diat,c.lST. S Corte* Kaiat p. SSSl E. (54. A. B. Dial, e. 14a I a Dial, c. NB. Hamnwdac t lib, x. c. It. 10. lan.] Ao aeoa aa Cortao entered the MMny'w teifritoriaa^ ho dlaeoverea ▼arloua preparatieviN toobolruolMapragrNe. Bat hh ireopa «arced thoir way with IHfh dMeolty, aad took poa. w w lea of Taaeueo, Iho aecoad city of tbo iwpl r e. •NaaMoathebOBhi ofthe take abaal IWeaty mltao frMft MealeO.* Here he deter a i h wd to aotabliah hto head q w ataro, ai the meat proper atalloa tm taaaehing hta brigantlnaa, aa well ao
eed beibn tbw nwiertak ibrtha I ftatahed, and boibfa Iw heard aay < apoettotheeaw i wofttaoactrwhawrlahadMal ta llta pa ukil a. TMe,h«w«««r,waaaola«aMaof olMeiMfl tvabbiail'la ta ralMM The If and w eurtod taobx eoaqpdMlkem of other Mtroahe tan^ yet, diaami* haeoidd aothoUwiy iai •but by tlw i a l ar rantiaa od aU (ha dtaaAnwlHaaf that le- of ooaianmlcatiiW he hnowladgo o# tto «ADU<,e;taOL S Villa Benw Tbcetio Aueieiano, L ItO, a CoitM Rdat sao, Ac B. Oiai, e. 197. Qoauta Cnin c 191. HcRcta, dec. a cl. )i [IkKMY. ; n. In him iImmI hraM OMilflMNiln, MMiMUIi • yMMf n for tbUlllM Mi M^ir% atUl ntf|lM4 ibo naMatbruMta aT tkalr umImM Ukmif, mi bpra wIMl l«yatl«ii«a tha rigofWM jraM pT tkoir nair aw ta w . Cortaa^ MtIoc oorlr okanrvof •y»p«om« oT tbalr ^mUetUm, amilad MrndT •r Ikia knawMgo to fals tkair opnfldanea Mil Aritndaklf. Bjr oftwinf with eoaSdaaaa to 4or llviT tbt* flrwp tlw oiUoua domlaioa of tko Ma«l«NUia, ood %j llbarol premiwa otf afMN in- 4alnpt Iraatmant If tbaj wouU anlto wllkkim i^Mt tkaIr op pr iwa ra, ko pravailad ao tka paapla of lavonl contldmikk diatrlcta, not only to «ekMwl»4g« tka KIm of Caatila aa tktlr ao- yaralgn, knt to •nfftj Um Spanlik camp witk proTHlona, and to atrapftkan bla aniij wttk •axUbvf froopa. Oq«(iat«iln, oa tka int ap- ptaraaea of dafcation amonf hli Hil||aetai aart- ed kimaalf wl(k Tigour to prevMit or to panlak tbalr raralt; but, In apltoof kla afforti, tka aplrit qpnMBMd to opNfid. Tka Sponlarda gm* dvalljr aequlrad naw alH«a, and witk daap aan- ecra kf bokaM Cartaa arming agalnal kla am- pira tkaM vary kanda wkkk ongkt to kava baaa aetlvo la Ito dafcnaa, and raadp to adTsnaa afalnat tka rnpHal at tko kaad of ■ ■iMMrana bodr of kla own aal^tata.' Wblla, bp tkaaa variooa matkoda, Cortoa waa gradnallp drvumacrlbing tka Mnieaa powor fai auebotoonaar tkat kla praapaet af ortrtaming It aacmad naitkar to ba nneartaln nar ramota^ all kla MkaoMa wara wrll nigk daftatad fcp a eon- aplraey no lam untxpaetad tkan dan g et — a . Tka addltra of Narraaa kad narar nnitad parfactlp witk tka arlginal oompanlona af Cartaa, nar did tkap anter Into hia maoaorm witk tka mma e»- dial saal. Upon ararpoaeMlon tkat ra^ulrad anp extraordinary «ff»rt of eanrago or af pa- tianea, tbalr aplrlta wara apt to link | and naw, on a naar vlaw af wkat tkay kad to anattuntar, In attampting to radvM n aity ao Inaeewiibla aa Mallear and da^ n di d by n namarona aniy, tha raaol«tlaaai«miaf tbam among ibam who kad •dkarad to Cartm wkan ka waa dmw««Ji»y tkair ama a iatm , bigaa to ML TkaIr Aara lad tham to praaamptoooa and anaoMleriiln oaneamlng tka proprlaty tt tkaIr gHMoai'a Buraa, and tka impMbafcUity af tkpir aa( From thaaa tbay praaaadad tocMwaro and In- veativaa, and at but bagan todalibaratebow thay might provide for their own mfety, of which they deemed their commander to be totally neg- ligent. Antonio Vllleragna, a private eoldier, I 7 Cnrtci Rclat SSA-SOO. a TUbm, e. )37-)4A Oc mara Ciott. c. 1)», lit3. Hcmta. dec. 9^ lih i. c. I, X. but bald, iatrignlag, ar iarm man eanalataat with tka ganeral aewrlty. Dmpalvlaaplndtkaatwltkeaanca. Tkakour fvt patfatratlag tha srlipw, tka pormna wkom thay d«MlBa4 m vIetlaMi tko oSoan to aaacaad tkamin oomaiandt were all n«aad< and tka eampiratan algnad an ampeiation, by wkiek they haoad tkammlvw witk meet adiamn oatke to mntnal fldallty. Bat an tka avaning before tha appdatad day, one af Cartm'a aneieDt followera, wko kad koM aedaead Into tka conapiraeyi tonekad with eempanetlon at tha Imminent dapger of a man whom ha had long been acaua> tamed to rarare, or alruek with korror at kla owa treaekary, went privatdy to kla ganeral, and revealed to khn all that he know. Cortoa, tkongk deeply alanned, diaeemed at anea what eondnct waa proper In a eitnatlon eo eiitleal. Ha repaired Inetantly to Villelbgna'e quartera^ aeaampanled by aaaM af Me meat traaty edkara, Tka Mtenlifcmiat and oen fl ialan of tka bmb at tfcb aaaapaatad vWt aatleipated tka i arklagHlll. Cetti^ wkUaklaatlendantai tko traitor, a n a t » * ed torn kia boaam tf papar* ratara. laapatlant to kaow bow flur the daAa- tian estaaded, ha retired to read It, and foHa4 dmra namca wMab ftllad Mm with aarprlM afi4 aarmv. But awaio how dangarooa a atrial aarutiay might prove at MMk a Junctorat he oon> flaad hia indMal la«Miri«a to VIUaAgna alono. Aa tka prooA of kla guilt warn manifaat, he waa aeodemned after a ekart trial, and nmt mo r ning be wa« aaan kangiag before tko door of the bouae Inwhiehhobadiodgad. Cortm called hia troopa tagathar, and having aaplainad to them tha atr»- eiaaa pm^aaa of tha aawepl r a t e n s aa well aa the Jaatiea af the paniahaaant inflicted on VUlefi«- na, ka added, :wiMl an appearance of MtlafocMoq, tkat ka waa antirely ignofpat with rcapect to «U (ha al r a awHa wea e of |hia dark traneaotlon, aa tka traitor, when arreetod, had auddenly torn and^awallawad a paper which probably oontaln- p4 aia apopunt of it, and under the aevermt tor- turm peaaaaaed audi oonatancy aa to coneaai tha namm of hia aocompiioee. Thia artAil declara- tiaa rmtorad franfuilUty to many a brea«t that wpa thktibbing, while he apoke, with oonecloua- new of guiU and dread «f dptection ; and by thia prudent moderation, Cortea had the advaatngo of having d i a e o v e r ed, and of being aide to obaerve euch of hia foilowen aa were dlmflTected ; while they, flattering themeelvee that their paat crime waa uuknown, cndeaToured to avert any i !>, 'JJ Y) I i. > . lii' HISTORY OF [Book V. nuplelon of it bjr ndonUtng their activity and seal ill his Mrriee.' CortM did not allow t&nn Icliore to ruminate in what had happened ; and as the most effec- tual means of prerentinf the return of a mu- tinous spirit, ha determined to call forth hie troopa immediately to action. Fortunately, a oroper occasion for this occurred without his aeeming to eourt it. He recel\-ed intdligenee that the materials for building the brigantinea were at length completely finished, and waited only for a body of Spaniards to conduct them to Tezeuoo. The command of this couToy, eon- sintlng of two hundred foot soldiers, fifteen horsemen, and two field-pieces, he gave to San- doval, who, by the vigilance, activity, and courage which ho manifested on every occasion, was growing daily in his confidence, and in the esti- mation of his fellow-soldlors. The service was no lees singular than important ; ihe beams, the planks, the masts, the eordage, the sails, the ironwork, and all the infinite variety of articles requisite for the construction of thirteen brigan- tines, were to be carried sixty milea over land, through a mountainous country, by people who were unaoeriod!cal rains being now set in with their usual violence." 7 CoitM Rclat 207. B. B. DiBX, c. IU>. IIcncra.dGC. a lib. I. c. la H Cortci Hdat 2(T7. C. H. niai, c. 150. Gomara Cton. c. 131. Ilcrreia, due a. lib. i. c. 17. U CottCf RcUt. 270. F. 10 B, Dial, c. ISl. 174 HISTORY OF [Book V. H ' I :-n [ A^topithed »im1 dJMaaoertad with ^e length apd diQcultiet ok' this licgt, Corte* determinad to malce one grwt effort to get poeeewioa of the city, before he relin^wlthed the plan which he had hitbwtP foUowfdi «i>4 had recoune to any other node of attack. With this view he eent in»tructiioiu to Alvarado and Sandoval to ad'p vanca with thair divUlonia to a general asiaiilt, and took the cpiniiuiiid In peraon [July S] of that poetul on the cauaeway ot' Cuyocaa. Animated by hla preaence, and the expectation of (o«te de- cialv» event, the Spaniards pushed fivrward with irresistible impetuosity. They broke through one barricade after apother, forced their way over the ditdvaand canals, and, having entered the city, gained ground incessantly in spite of the multitude and ferocity of their opponents. Cortes, though delighted with th* rapidity of his progress, did not forget th»t he might stiU find it necessary to retreat ; and, in order to secure it, appointed Jnllen de Alderete, a captain of chief note in the troops which he had received from Hispanlela, to flji up the canals and gups In the causeway as the main body advanced. That oflcer, deeming it inglorious to ba thus em^oyed, while his companions wm« In the heat of action and the career of victory, neglect- ed the important charge committed to him, and hurried on, inccmslderately, to mingle with the combatants. The Mexicans, whose military attention and skill were daily improving, no sooner observed this than they carried an ac- count of it to their monarch. Guatlmoaln instantly discerned the conse- quence of the nror which the Spaniards had committed, and, with admirable preeence of mind, prepared to take advantage of it. He commanded the troops posted in the front to sladcen their efforts, in order to allure the Spa- niards to push forward, while he despatched a large body of chosen wasrlors through diiferent streets, some by land, and othen by water, t»r wards the great breach in the caussway which had been left open. On a signal which he gave, the priests in the principal temple strudc the great drum consecrated to the god of war. No sooner did the Mexicans hear its dcdeful solemn sound, calculated to inspire them with contempt of death, and enthusiastio u^our, than they rushed upon the enemy with frantic rage. The Spaniards, unable to resist men urged on no less by religious fury than hope of success, began to retire, at first leisurely, and with a good coun- tenance ; but as the enemy pressed on, and their own impatience to escape increased, the terror and confusion became so general, that when they arrived 4t the gap in tlie causeway, Spaniards nnd Tlascalans, horsemen and infantry, pliuiged in promiscuously, while the Mexicans rushed upon them fiercely from every side, their light canom carrying them through sihoais which the brigontincs could not approach. In vahi did Cortes attempt to stop and rally his flying troops ; fear rendered them regardless of his en- treatlea or commands. Finding all his endea- vours to reuaw the sombat fruitless, his next can was tosavo soma of those who had thrown thewsalvea Into the water ; but while thus em- ployed, with mora attention to their situation than to hie wm, six Mexican captains suddenly laid hold of him, and were hurrying him oif in triumph ; and though two of hi* offioen rescued him at the expense of dieiv own lives, hs receiv- ed several dangerous wounds befora he could break loose. Above siz^r Spaniards perished in the rout ; and what rendered the disaster mora afflicting, forty of these fidl aUva taito the hands «f an eneqay never known to show mercy to a captive.' The typransh of night, though it delivered the dejected Spaniarda from the attacks of the enemy, ushered in whnt was hardly less grie- vous, the noise of their barbarous triumph, and of the horrid festival with which they celebrated their victory. Every quarter of the city was illuminated ; the grea t temide shone with sneh peculiar splendour, that the Spaniards could plainly see the people in motion, and the prieets busy in hastening the preparations for ths death of the prisoners. Through the gloom, they fancied that they discerned their companions by the wfaitenees of their skins, as they wera stript naked, and compelled to dance befiiwe the Image of the god to whom they wera to be oifcred. They heard the dirleks of those who wera naeri- ficed, and thought that they eould distinguish each unhappy victim by the well known sound of Us voice. Imagination added to what they really saw or heard, and augmented its hoitror. The most unfiling melted into tears of com- passion, and the stoutest heart trembled at the dreadftil spectacle which they beheld. [ISO] Cortes, who, besides all that he felt In common with his soldiers, was oppr es s e d with the ad- ditional load of anxious reflections natural to a general on such an unexpected calamity, could not, like them relieve his mind by giving vent to its anguish. He was obliged to assume an air of tranquillity, in order to revive the spirit and hopes of his followen. The juncture, in- deed, required an extraordinary exertion of fbr- titude. The Mexicans, elated with their vic- tory, snilied out next morning to attack him in his quarters. But they did not nly on the eflTorts of their own arms alone. They sent the heads of the Spaniards whom they had sacrific- ed to the leading men in the a^Jaeent pravin:;e8, and assured them that the god of war, appeased by the blood of their invaders, which had been shed so plentifully on his altars, bud declared I rortcf Relat. p. 87a B. Dlsf, c. Ijtt. Conara Cioa c. las. Ilenera, dec. 3. liU. i. c, 83. [Book V. md nUy hb flying rcgwrdlaM of his eii> uUng idl bit eudea- t fruitlM, Ui nnt •M who hud thrown but wbilB thnacm- A to thtir ■ituktion Ma captains suddenly hurryiof him oflT in >f liit offloors rsseued own lives, hs reesiv- nds iiefors he ooulil Spaniards perished nadsred tlu disastw w fitll aliva into the lown to bIww mercy lOUgh it delivered the the attacks of the raa hardly lessgrle- barous triumph, and rhich they oelebrated rter of the city was de shone with sneh tlw Spaniards could tion, and the priests rations for the death ;h the gloom, they their companions by I, as they were stript ice beffw« the image nrore to be oflbred. loae who were naeri- f eould distinguish w«U known sound tddsd to wiiat they mMited its honror. into tears of oem- trembled at the beheld. [ISO] he felt In common seed with the ad- ctions natural to a (d calamity, could id by giving vent ged to assume an to revive the spirit The juncture, In- ry exertion of ftir> with their vie- to attack him in not rely on the e. They sent the they had saeriflc> ^aeent prsvin:;e8, of war, appeased whirli had brrn hud declared 1521.] AMERICA. 175 138. Oonara t'loa with nil audible roW, tlM In e?t;li* days tIMe those hated snemies should be finally destroyed, and peace and p^Mp«rity re-established in th« empire. A prediction nttefed with sileh confidence, and in terms M v6Kt of ambiguity, gained unU vermri credit aihong a people prone to stipersti- tlon. The zeal of the provinces, which had already declared agaiiMt the Spaniard^ aug- mented; and teveral which had hitherto re- mained Inactive, took arms, with enthusiastic ardour, to execute the decree of the gcids. The Indian anxiliarie* whof had Jollied Cortes, ac- customed to venerate the same deities with the Mesicahs, and to receive the responses of their priests with the «ame Implicit Mth, abandoned the S^iards as a race of men devoted to cer- tain destruction. Evert tlie fidelity of the Tlas- efdans was shaken, and the Spanish troops were left almost alone in their stations. Cortes, finding that he attenspMd In vain to dl«p(9 the Mrperstitioas fears tt- M* confederate* bf argn> ment, took advaftta)^, froM «h« imprudence of those who had framed the proplieey in fixing Its aroemplhhment so near at liand, to give a strik- ing demonstration «t its falsity. He suspended all military operations, diirln^g the period iitarl;- ed otat by the ora«i«. Undei^ covM* of the brig- antines, which kept the eneiny at a distance, his troops lay In safety, Md the fiital term ex- pired Without any dia«st#.' Many of his dlies, ashamed of thelf own credttHty, retn^ed to flMr station. Othet tribes, jt^dging that the golfs, whorhad now de- eeived the Mekieans, Iiad decreed finally to withdraw fhehr pnitection froM them, Joined his standard; and swih was (he levKy of a sim- ple people, iffoved by every sllgnt nnpftsifon, that in It short time after such a geMMd Mtci- tion of his confederates, Cortes saw htafself, tf w« m«f bdle^ iiM oWit Meonnt, at the fe nf any purf of the town, the honsMV^erfe irtiMMy letdlcd with the Kroond. Day by day, 4b» Mexkans, fbroed to retire as their enemies gained ground, were hemmed in «rtf1liH tt«iN mOKW lln&Iti. Guatimoain, though unable to atop the career of the enemy. S R DUt. e. 103. . Gonura Cron, c IM cont'nurvd t« defend hfs capital with obstinate resolutlMi, and dUputed every inch ait grMndf. The Slnniardt not only varied their ihodA of ttUuSk, but, by orders of Cortes, changed thA weapont with which they fon^^t. Th«y were agiifti arnied with, the long Chinantla'n spears which they had employed with such success against Narraez; and, by the firm array in which this enabled them to range themselves, thty' repelled, with little danger, the loose as- sault 6f the Meklctns : incredible numbers of them fen lit the conflicts which they renewed every day.* While war lasted withodt, famtfi« began to consume them within the city. Tht Spanish brigantines having the entire command of the lake, rendered it idmost Imposalble to convey to the besieged any supply of provisidns by water. The immense number of bis Indian auxilaries enabled Cortes to shut up theavenlits to the city by land. The stores which Guatf- mozln had laid up were exhausted by the multi- tndes which had crowded iiito the capital to de- fend their so'tereign and the temples of their gods. Not only the people, but persons of the highest rank, felt the utmost distresses of fa- mine. What they suffered brought on infec- tious and mortal distempers, the last calamity that visits besieged cities, and which filled up the measure of their woes.* But, under the pressure of so many and suc6 various evils, the spirit of Ouatimozin remain- ed ihrm and unsubdued. He rejected witli scArn every overture of peace from ^ Cortes ; and, disdaining the it^ea of submitting to the oppreteora of his country, determined noi fo survive its ruin, 'the Spaniards continued their progress. At length all the three divisions penetrated into the great square in the centre of the city, and maide a secure lodgmeni there [July 87.] Three-fourths of the city were now reduced and laid In ruins. i!1ie remain- ing quarter was so closely pressed', that It could not long withstmu^ assailants, who attacked it from their new station with superior advan- tage, and more assured expectation o^ succeis. The Mexican noises, aoflcitons to save (tut life of a monarch whom they revered, prevailed on 6uatimoxin to retire firom a place where resis- tance was now vain, tfiaf he might ruuse the more distant provinces o^ the empire to arms, and maintain there a more successful struggle with the public enemy in order to facilitate the execution of this measure, they endeavoured to amuse Cortea witfi overtures of submission, that, while his attention was employed in ad. Justing the article* of pacification, Ouatimoiiu might caeapa oiiptrceivied. But thiey made thit a. CertM Retat. |v V7&, C 8TO. F. KDUs,clA3. 4. Cortc* Retat S7a E, 877. F. EkDias.l&X Oomnta Cron. R. 141. M 176 HISTORY OF [Book V. attempt upon a leader of greater sagacity and dUeernment than to be deceived by their arte. Cortei, luipecting their intention, and aware of wliat moment it wua to defeat it, appointed Sandoval, the officer on whoee vigilance he could meet perfectly rely, to take the command uf the brigantines, with itriot injunctions to watch every motion of the enemy. Sandoval, attentive to the charge, observing some large canoes crowded with people rowing across the lalce with extraordinary rapidity, instantly gave the signal to chase. Garcia Holguin, who com- manded the swiftest sailing brigantine, soon overtoolc them, and was preiwring to fire on the foremost canoe, which seemed to carry some iwrson whom all the rest followed and obeyed. At once the rowers dropped their oars, and all on board, throwing down their arms, conjured him with cries and tears to forbear, as the emperor was there. Holguin eagerly seized his prize ; and Guatimozin, with a dignified composure, gave himself up into his hands, requesting only that no insult might be offered to the empresa or his childran. When conducted to CortM, he appeared neither with the sullen fierconaM of a barbarian, nor with the dejection of a mip- plicant. " I have done," said h|, addreadng himself to the Spanish general, " what became a monarch. I have defended my people to the last extremity. Nothing now remains but to die. Talce this dagger," laying his hand on one which Cortes wore, " plant It in my breast, and put an end toallte which can nolongerbeof use." ' As soon as the fate of their sovereign was known, the resistance of the Mexican* censed ; and Cortes took possession of that small part of the capital which yet remained undestroyed [Aug. IS]. Thus terminated the siege of Mex- ico, the most memorable event in the conquest of America. It continued seventy-five days, hardly one of which passed without some extra- ordinary effort of one party in the attack, or of the other in the defence of a city, oi^ the ikte of which both knew that t^ fortune of the empire depended. As the struggle here was more ob- stinate, it was likewise more equal than any between the inhabitanU of the Old and New Worlds. The great abilities of Guatimozin, the number of his troops, the peculiar situation of his capital, so far counterbalanced the supe- riority of the Spaniards in arms and discipline, that diey must have relinquished the enterprise if they had trusted for success to themselves alone. But Mexico was overturned by the jeal- ousy of neighboun who dreaded its power, and by the revolt of subjects impatient to shake off its yoke. By their effectual aid, Cortes was en- abled to accomplish what, without such support. I Coitci ReUt Sm. B. Diai. c. IS& IM Hencra, dec. a lUx ii. c. 7. OomaraCron. c he would hardly have ventured to attempt. How much soever this account of the reduction of Mexico may detract, on the one hand, fi-om the marvellous relations of some Spanish wri- ters, by ascribing that to simple and obvious causes which they attribute to the romantic val- our of their countrymen, it adds, on the other, to the merit and abilities of Cortes, who, under every disadvantage, acquired such an ascendant over unknown nations, as to render them in- struments towards carrying his schemes into ex- ecution. [181] The exultation of the Spaniards, on accom- plishing this arduous enterprise, was at first ex- cessive. But this was quicldy damped by the cruel disappointment of those sanguine hopea which had animated them amidst so many hard- ships and dangers. IiiStead of the inexhaustible wealth which they expected from becoming ma»> ters of Montezuma's treasures, and the orna- ments of so many temples, their rqMtclouaneas could only collect aa inoonslderable booty amidst ruins and dewdation.* Oautlmoaln, aware rf his impending firte, had ordered what remain. 1 of the riches amassed by his ancestors, to be thrown into the lake. The Indian auxiliaries, while the . Spaniards were engaged in eonflict with the enemy, had carried off the most valu- able part of the spoiL The sum to be divided among the conquerora was so small that many of them disdained to accept of ths pittanee wliich fell to their share, and all murmured and exclaimed ; some against Cortes and his con- fidents, whom they suspected of having secret- ly appropriated to their own uae • large portion of the riches which should have been brought into the common stock ; others, against Guati- mozin, whom they accused of ottitinacy in re- fusing to discover the place where he had hidden hlstreosure. Aiyuments, entreaties, and promiata were employed in order to sooth them, but with so little eflhct, that Cortes, from aoUdtude to check this growing spirit of discontent, gave way to a deed which stains the glory of all his grsat ac- tions. Without regarding the former dignity of Guatfanozin, or feeling any reverence for those virtues which he had displayed, hr sul^ected the unhappy monarch, together widi his 'okief fa- vourite, to torture. In order to force fimn th>"** a discovery of the royal treasuree, wLltiii it was supposed they hod concealed. ^ Onatimoaia bore whatever the refined cruelty of his tormentors could inflict, with the InTlnciUa fortitude of iRi American \nrriar. His lUlow suffierer, overcome by the violence of the anguish, tamed a directed S The gold and iDver according to Cortct, ameonted only to ISO,000 pcao*. Relat £90. A. a mm much interior to tliat which the Spaniard! hod fotmcriy divided in Mex- ico. [Book V. urcd to attempt. It of the reduction ) one band, from ime Spanish wri- naple aod obviout I the romantic val- dda, on the other, brte«, who, under luoh An ascendant I render them in- ia •chemet Into ex- niards, on accom> se, was at first ex- Jy damped by the le sanguine hopea idst so many hard- f the inexhaustible "om lieeoming maa ea, and the oma- heir n^taciouaneai irable booty amidst timoain, aware cf ■ed what remain^ 1 la ancestors, to be Indian auxiUariea, ngaged in conflict off tlte moat valu- lum to be divided > small that many tt of tha pittance nd all murmured Cortsa and his oon- of having secret- lae • large portion tave been brought rs, against Ouati- olMinaey in re- vere he had hidden id promisee were hem, but with so solicitude to check ent, gave way to a all his gnat ac- e f«»rmer dignity of iverence for those id, he sul^ected the ritii his eklef fa> force from th>"x rea, wLlui it was ^ Ouatimoxin bore at his tormentors da fortitude of ini ■ttifcrer, overcome I, turned a dijectod to Cortei, amounted a lUDi much Interior mcrlydividsdlnMex. 1321.] AMERICA. oye towards Ms master, which seemed to implore his permission to reveal all that he knew. But the hifth spirited prince, darting on him a look of authority mingled with scorn, checked his weakness by asking, ■< Am I now reposing on a bed of flowers ?" Overawed by the reproach, the fuvourite persevered in his dutiful silence, and ex- pired. Cortes, oshamed of a scene so horrid, rescued the royal victim from the hands of his tortiireni, and prolonged a life reserved for new indignities and sufferings.* The fhte of the capital, as both parties had foreseen, decided that of the empire. The provinces submitted one after another to the conquerors. Small detachments of Spanianis marching through them without interruption, penetrated in different quarters to the great Southern Ocean, which, according to the ideas of Columbus, they imagined would open a short OS well as easy passage to the East Indies, and secure to the crown of Castile all the envied wealth of those fertile regions ;* and the active mind of Cortes began already to form schemes for attempting this important discovery.* He did not know, that during the progress of Ills victorious arms in Mexico, the very scheme, of which he began to form some idea, had been undertaken and accomplished. As . this Is one of the most splendid events in the history of the Spanish discoveries, and has been productive of effects peculiarly intereating to those extmsive provinces which Cortes had now subjected to the crown of Castile, the account of its rise and progress merits a particular detail. Ferdinand Magidhaens, or Magellan, a Portu- guese gentleman of honourable birth, having served several years in the East Indies, with distinguished valour, under the ftunous Albu- querque, demandpd the recompense which he thought due to his services, with the boldness natural to a high spirited soldier. But as his general would not grant his suit, and he expect- ed greater justice from his sovereign, whom he knew to be a good judf;p and a generous rewarder of merit, he quitted India abruptly, and return- ed to Lisbon. In order to induce Emanuel to listen more favourably to his claim, he not only stated his past services, but offered to add to them by conducting Us countrymen to the Mo- lucca or Spice Islands, by holding a westerly course; which he contended would be both shorter and less hazardous than that which the Portuguese now followed by the Cape of Good Hope, through the immense extent of the East- em Ocean. This was the original and fiivourite project of Columbus, and Magellan founded his 3 B. niai, c. 157. Gomars Cron. c. 146. Herrera, dec. S. lib. il. c. a Torquem. Mon. Ind. I. 574 4 Cortes Rclat. 280. D. &c. B.' Dlw!, r. 197. 5 Hrrrera, dee. 3. lib. IL c. 17. Oomara Cron. c. 149. hopes of success on the ideas of that great navi- gator, conflrmed by many observations, the result of his own naval experience, as weU an that of his Countrymen in their intercourse with the East. But though the Portuguese monarchs had the merit of having first awakened and en- couraged the spirit of discovery in that age. It was their destiny, in the course of a few years, to reject two grand schemes for this purpose, the execution of which would liave been attended with a great accession of glory to themselves, and of power to their kingdom. In consequence of some ill founded prejudice against Magellan, or of some dark intrigue which contemporary historians have not explained, Emanuel would neither bestow the recompense which he claimed, nor approve of the scheme which he proposed ; and dismissed him with a disdainful coldness intolerable to a man conscious of what he de- served, and animated with the sanguine hopes of success peculiar to those who are capable of forming or of conducting new and great under- takings. In a transport of resentment [1617], Magellan formally renounced his aUegiuice to an ungrateful master, and fled to the court of Castile, where he expected that his talents would be more justly estimated. He endeavoured to recommend himself by offei-ing to execute, under the patronage of Spain, that scheme which he had laid before the court of Portugal, the accom- plishment of which, he knew, would wound the monarch against whom he was exasperated In the most tender port. In order to establish the justness of his theory, he produced the same arguments which he had employed at Lisbon ; acknowledging, at the same time, that the un- dertaking was both arduous and expensive, aa It could not be attempted but with a squadron of considerable force, and victualled for at least two years. Fortunately, he applied to a minister who was not apt to be deterred, either by the boldness of a design, or the expense of carrying it into execution. Cardinal Ximenes, who at that time directed the affidrs of Spain, discern- ing at once what an increase of wealth and glory would accrue to his country by the success of Magellan's proposal, listened to it with a most favourable ear. Charles V., on his arrival in his Spanish dominions, entered into the measure with no less ardour, and orders were issued for equipping a proper squadron at the public charge, of which the command was given to Magellan, whom the King honoured tvith the habit of St. Jngo and the title of Captain general.* On the tenth of August, one thousand five hundred and nineteen, Magellan sailed from Seville with five ships, which, according to the 6 Herrera, dec. 2. lib. ii. c. 19. lib. W. c. 9. Oomara HM. c 9 1 . Dalnmple'i Collect, of Voyagss to tlie South Pacifle Ocean, vol. i. p. I, &c. ,. . , „^;; -An 178 HISTORY OF [Book V. idcM «r tlu •§», ware deeiiMd M be of eouildtr- •ble foroe, though the burden of the brgest did not exceed one hundred and twenty tons, llie crews of the whole amounted to two hundred and thirty-four men, among whom were some of the moet ddlAil pilots in Spain, and seyeral Portu- guese sailors, in whose experience, as more exten- sive, Magellan placed still greater eonlidcnoe. After touching at the Canaries, he stood directly south towards the equinoctial line along the coast of America, but was so long retarded by tedious calms, and spent so much time in searching every bay and inlet for that communication with the Southern Ocean which he wished to discover, that he did not reach the river Do la Plata till the twelfth of January [IMO]. That spacious opening through which its vast body of water pours into the Atlantic allured him to enter ; but after sidling up it for some days, he concluded from the shallowness of the stream and the freshness of the water, that the wished- fur strait was not situated there, and continued his course towards the south. On the thirty- first of March he arrived in the Port of St. Julian, about forty-eight degrees south of the line, where he resolved to winter. In this un- comfortable station he lost one of bis squadron ; and the Spaniards suffend so much from the ex- cessive rigour of the climate, that the cnws of three of his ships, headed by their officers, rose in open mutiny, and insisted on relinquishing the visionary project of a desperate adventurer, and returning directly to Spain, lliis dan- gerous insurrection Magellan suppressed, by an effort, of courage no leas prompt than in- trepid, and inHicted exemplary punishment on the ringleaders. With the remainder of his followers, overawed but not reconciled to his scheme, he continued his voyage towards the south, and at length discovered, notr the fifty- third degree of latitude, the mouth of a strait, into which be entered, notwithstanding the murmurs and remonstrances of the p«ople un- der his conunapd. After sailing twenty days in that winding dangerous channel, to which he gave his own name, and where one of his ships deserted him, thtf great Southern Ocean opened to his view, and with tears of joy he returned thanics to heaven for having thus far erawned his endeavours with success.' But he was still at a greater distanoe than he imagined from the otjeot of his wishes. He sailed during three months and twenty days in a uniform direction towards tlMuorth- west, with- out discovering land. In tliis voyage, the long- est that had ever been made in the unbounded ocean, he suffered incredible distress. His stock of provisions was almost exhausted, the water I Herrtn, dec & Ulx It. c IA Uh ix. c 10, te. Go. men Hlrt. c. W. Pisafietta Vugglo a|x Raiuui. U. p. a59;.ftc beeame putrid, th« men wart reduced to the shortest allowance with which It was poesiUa to sustain life, and the scurvy, the most dread- ful of all the maladies with which seafaring people aro afflicted, began to spread among the crow. One circumstance alone afforded them some cousdation ; they enjoyed an uninterrupt- ed course of fair weather, with such ikvourabie winds that Magellan bestowed on that ocean the name of Padjic, which It still reUins. When reduced to such extremity that they must have sunk under their sufferings, they fell in with a cluster of small but fertile Islands [March 6], which afforded them rofrsshmenta in such abundance, that their health was soon ra>establlshed. From thsse islee, which he cal- led iV Ax Ladronet, he proceeded on his voyage, and soon made a mon important discovery of the islands now known by the name of the PhUiiypine*. In one of these he got into an un- fortunate quarrel with the natives, who attacked him with a numerous body of troops well arm- ed; and while ha fought at the head of bis men with his usual vakur, ho fell [April S6l by the hands of those barbarians, together with several of his principal oiBeers. The expedition was prasecuted under other commaudm. After visiting many of the small- er isles scattered in tlie eastern part of the In- dian ocean, they touched at the great island of Borneo [Nov. 8], and at length landed in Tl. dure, one of the Molueeaa, to the asteniahment of the Portugoaae^ who could not comprehend how the Spaniards, by.holdinga weeterlyooursa had atrivod tA that sequestered asat of their most valuahia cemmaree, which they themselves had discovered by sailing la an opposita direc- tion. There, and in the adjacent isles, the Spa- niards found' a people acquainted with the bene- fits of extendve trade, and willing to open an intercourse with anew nation. They took in a cargo of the precioas spices, which are the distiaguishsd prodnetioB of these islands ; and with that, as wdl as with specimens ot the rleh commodities yieldsd by tho other countries which they had visited, tiM Pfetorj/, which of the two ships that remained of the squadron, was most fit fbr a long voyage, set sail for Europe [Jan. 1082], under the command of Juan Sebastian del Cano. He followed the course of the Portnguese, by the Cape of Good Hope, and after many disasters and enffiirings he arrived i^t St. Lucar on the seventh of Sep- tember, one thousand ive hundred and twenty- two, having sidled round the globe in the space of three years and twenty-eight daye.* Though an untimely fate deprived Magellan of the satisiaction of accomplishing this great undertaking, his contemporaries^ just to bis 9 HsTTprs, dec a lib. L B. S, 91 HlKiv.e. I. Ooaura Cron. c. 99, &c- Picafiitta a^ Ramus. U. p. 361, &c. [Book V. m nduMd to tha ih It WM poMibI* ', th« aumt drcad- I which Mafering spread among the one afforded them ad an uninterrupt- ih luch fiivourable red on that ocean I It ttlll reUini. ramlty that they lufferings, they fell but fertile ialands hem refrtshmenta r health was soon ilea, which ha cal- ded on his voyage, rtant discovery of tha name of the he got into an an- tlves, who attacked f troopa well ann- le head of hia men [ April 8«1 by the ether with aovaral Mmted under other many of the small* D part of the In- he great Island of (th landed in TU the asteniahmant Id not eomprchend g a westeriy ooursa erad ssat of their ch they thaafudroa an oppoaito direo- eent isles, the Spa- ited with the bene- rilling to open an n. They took in ee, which are tha these islands; and eclmens of the rieh , other eonntriea Pktory, which of i of the squadron, i>y*e> *ct Mil for the command of He followed the the Cape of Good are and snffsrings he seventh of Sep- ndred and twenty- gtoba in the apace ;ht days.* deprived Magellan plishing this great sries^ Just to bis I. mx Iv. e. I. Ooaura nu*. U. p. 361, &C. 1522.] AMERICA. no memory and talents, aaoribed to him not only the honour of having formed the plan, but of having surmounted almost every obstacle, to the completion of it ; and in the present age his name is still ranked among the highest In the roll of eminent and successful navigators. The naval glory of Spain now eclipsed that of every other nation ; end by a singular felicity she had the merit, in the course of a few years, of discovering a new continent almost as large as that part of the earth which was formerly known, and of ascertaining by experience the form and extent of the whole of the terraqueous globe. The %ianiards were not satisfied with the glory of having first encompassed the earth ; they expected to derive great commercial advan- tages from this new and boldeet effort of their maritime skill. The men of science among them contended, that the spice islands, and several of the richest countries in the East, wero so sit- uated as to belong of right to the crown of Cas- tile, in consequence of the partitions made by Alexander VI. The merchants, witiiout attend- ing to this discussion, engaged eagerly in that lucrative and alluring commerce, which was now open to them. The Portugueee, alarmed at the intrusion of such formidable rivals, re- monstrated and negotiated in Europe, while in Asia they obstructed the trade of the Spaniards by force of arms. Charles V., not sufficiently Instructed vHth respect to the importance of this valuable branch of commerce, or distracted by the multiplicity of his schemes and operations, did not afford his subjects proper protection. At last, the low state of his finances, exhausted by the efforts of bis arms in every part of Eu- rope, together with the dread of adding a new war with Portugal to thoee in which he was already engaged, induced him to make over his claim of the Moluccas to the Portugueee for three hundred and fifty thousand ducats. He reserved, however, to the crown of Castile the right of reviving its pretensions on repayment of that sum ; but other otfjects engroesed his atten- tion and tiiiat of his successors ; and Spain was finally excluded from a branch of commerce in which It was engaging with sanguine expecta- tions df profit.* Though the trade with the Moluccas was re- linquished, the voyage of Magellan was follow- ed by commercial eflSgcts of great moment to Spain. Philip II., in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-four, reduced those is- lands which he discovered in the Eastern ocean to suljection, and established settlements there ; between which and the kingdom of New Spain a regular intercourse,- the nature of which shall be explained in Its proper place, is still carried S Herrcra, dec 3. lih -'. c. 9, fte. dec i lib, v. c. 7, &c. on. I return nbw to the trttaMtitai In Mtw Spain. At the time that Cortea waa acquiring such extensive territories for his native country, and preparing the way for future conquests, it ww his singular fate not only to be destitute of aby commission or authority firom the aovereign whom he was serving with such sueceesftol aeal, but to be regarded as an undutlfiil and seditioua subject. By the influence of Fonseca, Bishop of Burgos, his conduct In assuming the govern- ment of New Spain was declared to ha an irre- gular usurpation, in contempt of the royal autho- rity ; and Christoval do Tapla received a com- mission, empowering him to supersede Cortes, to seiae his person, to confiscate his effects, to make a strict scrutiny into his proceedings, and to transmit the result of all the inquiries car- ried on in New Spain to the Council of the In- diee, of which the Bishop of Burgos was presi- dent. A few weelis after the reduction of Mex- ico, Tapia landed at Vera Cms with the royal mandate to strip its conqueror of his power, and treat him as a criminal. But Fonseca had choeeo a very improper instrument to wreak hia vengeance on Cortes. Tapia had neither the reputation nor the talents that suited the Ugh command to which he was appointed. Cortee, while he publicly expressed the most respectful veneration for the emperor's authwity, secretly took measures to defeat the effect of hia commis- sion { and having involved Tapla and his fol- lowers in a multiplicity of negotiations and con- ferenoee, in which he sometimes had recourse to threats, but mA« frequently employed bribee and promises, he at length prevailed upon that weak man to abandon a province which ha was ■nworthy of governing.* But notwithstanding the fortunate dexterity with which he had eluded this danger, Cortee waa so ssnsible of the precarioua tenure by which he hdd his power, that he deepatched depntiee to Spain [May 16], with a pompous account of the succeesof hisarms, with further specimens of the productions of the country, and with rich presents to the emperor, as the earnest of future contributions from his new conquests ] request- ing, in recompense for all his services, the ap- probation offals proceedings, and that he might be intrusted with the government of those do- minions, which his conduct and the valour of his followers had added to the crown of Castile. The Junctture in which his deputies reached the court was fhvourable. The internal commo- tions in Spain, which had disquieted the begin- ing of Charles's reign, were Just appeased.* The ministers had leisure to turn their atten- ( 4 Hpiren, dec. a lib. iiL c. IS. a dec iv, RcM. SBI. £ B. DUi. c. 'US. b HiM. of Charlei V. vol. ii. b. iii. c I. Coft 180 HISTORY OF [Book V. I'. ' \ : tion toward! forelfn •flUn. The aooount of CorteH'i vlctoricg ftlled hU countrymen with wl- mlration. The extent and ralue of his eon- queata became the object of vaat and interesting hope*. \ Wiuktarer stain he might have contract- ed, by tlie irregularity of the steps which he toolc in order to attain power, was so fuliy aflhced by the splendour and merit of the great actions which tills had enabled him to perform, 'that erery heart revolted at the thought of in- flicting any censure on a man whose senrices en- titled him to the highest marics of distinction. The public voice declared warmly in favour of his pretensions ; and Charles, arriving in Spain about this time, adopted the sentiments of his subjects with a youthful ardour. Notwithstanding the claims of Velasquei, and the partial representa- tions of theblshop of Burgoe, the emperor appoint- ed Cortes captain-general and governor of New Spain, Judging that no person was so capable of maintaining the royal authority, or of establish- ing good order both among his Spanish and Indian subjects, as the victorious leader whom the former had long been accustomed to obey, and the latwr had been taught to fear and to respect.' Even befitre bis Jurisdiction received this le- gal sanction, Cortes ventured to exercise all the powers of a governor, and, by various arrange- ments, endeavoured to render his conquest a secure and beneficial acquisition to his country. He determined to establish the seat of govern- ment in its ancient station, and to raise Mexico again firom its ruins; and having conceived high ideaa concerning the future graudeor of the state of which he was laying the foundation, he began to rebuild its capital on a plan which had gradually formed the most magnificent city in the New World. At the same time he employ- ed skilful persons to search for mines in dlihr- ent parts of the country, and opened some which were found to be richer than any which the Spaniards had hitherto discovered in America. He detached bis principal officers into the re- mote provinces, and encouraged them to settle tbere, not only by bestowing upon them large tracts of land, but by granting tliem the same dominion over the Indians, and the same right to their service, which the Spaniards had as- sumed in the islands. ' It was not, however, without difficulty that the Mexican empire could be entirely reduced into the form of a Spanish colony. Enraged and rendered desperate by oppression, the na- tives often forgot tho superiority of their ene- mies, and ran to arms in defence of their liber- ties. In every contest, however, the European valour and discipline prevailed. But fatally I Herrera, dec. S. lib. iv, c. 3. 165. B. Dial, 1«7, 108. GousraCron. c. 164, for the honour of their country, the Spanlarda sullied the glory redounding from these repeated victories by their mods of treating the van- quished people. After talcing Ooatimoiln, and becoming masters of his capital, thsy supposed that the king of Castile entered on poesss s lon of all the rights of the captive monarch, and affected to eonnider every eifort of the Mexicans to assert their own independence, ns the rebel- lion of vassals against their sovereign, or the mutiny of slaves against their master. Under the sanction of those ill founded maxims, they violated every right that should be held sacred between hostile nation*. After each insurreo- tion, they reduced the common people, lu the provinces which they subdued, to the most bu- mlllating of ail conditions, that of personal ser- vitude. Their chiefs, supposed to be more cri- minal, were punished with greater severity, and put to death In the moet ignominious or the most excruciating mode that the insolenee or the cruelty of their conquerors could devise. In almost every district of the Mexican empire, the progress of the Spanish arms is marked with blood, and with deeds so atrocious as dis- grace the enterprising valour that conducted them to success. In the country of Panneo, sixty cazlques or leaders, and four hundred nobles, were burned at one time. Nor was this shocking barbarity perpetrated in any sud- den sally of rage, or by a commander of in- ferior note. It was the act of Sandoval, an officer whose name is entitled to the second rank in the annals of New Spain, and executed after a solemn consultation with Cortes; and to complete the horror of the scene, the children and relations of the wretched victims were as- sembled, and compelled to be spectators of their dying agonies.* It seems hardly possible to ex- ceed in horror this dreadful example of severi- ty ; but it was followed by another, which af- fected the Mexicans still more sensibly, as it gave them a most feeling proof of their own degradation, and of the small regard which their haughty masters retained for die ancient dig- nity and splendour of their state. On a slight suspicion, confirmed by very imperfect evidence, that Guatlmoziu bad formed a scheme to shake oif the yoke, and to excite his former suljects to take arms, Cortes, without the formality uf a trial, ordered the unhappy monarch, together with the caziques of Texeuco and Tacuba, the two persons of greatest eminence in the empire, to be hanged ; and the Mexicans, with astonish- ment and horror, beheld this disgraceful punish- ment inflicted upon persons to whom they were accustomed to look up with reverence hardly inferior to that which they paid to the gods 8 Cottei Relat. iOI. C. Ooniara Cron. e. ISft. [Book V. , the Spaniard* n th«M rapaaUd •ting the Tan- inatlmoiin, and , they ■uppoead d on poeeeeeion e monarob, and of the Mexicam !•, at the rebfl- »verelgn, or the maater. Under i maxima, they I be held aacred r each inaurree- n people, iii the to the moat hu- of peraoual aer- 1 to be more cri- [reater aeverity, ignominioua or lat the inaolenee ira could deviae. Mexican empire, 4rma ia marked •troeloua a* die- that condaeted n(ry of Panueo, 1 four hundred time. Nor waa ated in any aud- tmmander of in- of Sandoral, an d to the aeeond lin, and executed ith Cortea; and sene, the children victima were aa- «ctatora of their ly ponible to ex- ample of aererl- »ther, which af- e acnaibly, a* U tof of their own igard which their the ancient dig- te. On a alight perfect evidence, scheme to ahake former anijeeta the formality of onarch, together md Tacuba, the In the empire, a, with astonlah- igraceful punish- irhom tbey were 'CTerence hardly nid to the goda m. e. 195. 1622.] AMERICA. 181 themaelvea.' [1«] The example of Cortea and hie principal ofHcera encouraged and Juatifled peraona of aubordlnate rank to venture upon committing greater exceaaea. Nudo de Gu»- mau, in particular, atained an illustrioua name by deeda of peculiar enormity and rigour, in varlouaexpcditiona which he conducted.* I One circumatttnce, however, saved the Mexl- eaiia from further conaumption, periiapa from aa complete aa that which had depopulated th« lahinda. The flrat conquerora did not attempt to aearch for the precloua metala in the bowela of the earth. They were neither aufficiently wealthy to carry on the expenaive work* which are requlaite for opening thoae deep receaaea where nature haa concealed the velna of gold and ailver, nor aufficiently akiifui to perform the Ingenioua operatlona by which thoae precloua metala are aeparatcd from their reapeotlve orea. They were aatiafled with the more aimple method, praetiaed by the Indiana, of washing the earth carried down rivera and torrenta from the moun- tains, and ooUeoting the graina of native metal deposited there. The rich minea of New Spain, which have poured forth their treasures with such profusion on every quarter of the globe, were not discovered for several years after the conquest.* By that time, [1658, &c.] a more orderly government and police were introduced into the colony ; experience, derived from for- mer errors, had suggested many uaeftil and humane regulationa for the protection and pre- aervation of the Indiana ; and though it then be- came ncceaaary to increaae the number of those employed In the mine*, and they were engaged in a apeciea of labour more pernicioua to the human oonatitution, they suffered leaa hardahip or diminution than from the ill judged, but laaa extensive, acheroea of the flrat conqueror*. While It waa the lot of litti Indiana to miinir, their new maatera aeemed not to have derived any eonaiderable wealth from their ill conducted reaaarchea. According to the uaual fate of first aettler* In new colonies, it waa their lot to en- counter danger and to atmggle with diffienltle* ; the fruit* of their vietorle* and toll* were re- avrved for time* of tranquillMy, and reaped by aucce**or* of great indmtry, but of Inferior merit. The early hiatorlan* of America abound with account* of the auifering* and of the pover- ty of it* conqueror*.* In New Spain, their condition was rendered more grievou* by a pe- culiar arrangement. When Charie* V. advanced Corte* to the government of that country, he at the lame time appointed certain oommisaloner* 5 Ooman Cron, c 170. B. Dlai, c. 177. Herren, der. a tib. vUi. c S. 4 Herrers, dec. 4 and 5. pauim. 6 Ibid. dee. & Ub, x. c 81. Cottei Relat 883. F. B. Dias, c. SOU, to receiti and adminl;iter the royal revenue there, with independent Jurisdiction.^ These men, chosen from inferior station* In variou* department* of public buaineaa at Madrid, wrra ao much elevated with their promotion, that they thought they were called to act a part of the flrat conaequence. But being accuatomed to the minut* formalitiea of office, and having contracted the narrow Ideaa aulted to the aphere in which they had hitherto moved, they were aatoniahed on arriving in Mexico, [IMi] at th« high authority which Corte* exeroleed, and could not conceive that the mode of admlniatra- tion. In a country recently aubdued and aettled, must be different from what took place in on* where tranquillity and regular government ha4 been long establiahed. In their lettem, they ra- preaentcd Cortea aa an ambltioua tyrant, whO| having uaurped a jurisdiction auperior to law, aspired at independence, and, by hia exorbitant wealth and extenaive influence, might accom- pliab thoae dialoyal schemea which he apparent- ly meditated.* Theae inainuationa made auoh deep impression upon the Spanish miniater*^ most of whom had been formed to buslnew under the Jealous and rigid adminiatration' of Ferdinand, that, unmindful of all Cortea's pakt aervicca, ond regardleaa of what he waa then auifering In conducting that extraordinary ex- pedition, in which he advanced from the lake of Mexico to the western axtremitiea of Honduraa; [18S] they infused the same anaplciona Into the mind* of their maater, and prevailed on him to order a aolemn inqueat to lie made Into hia con- duct, [1586] with powcra to the licentiate Ponce de Leon, intruated with that commiaalon, to seize hia person, if he ahould find that expedient, and aend him priaoner to Spain.* The sudden death of Ponce de Leon, a few dayt after hi* arrival in New Spain, prevented the execution of thi* commiaalon. But a* the ob- ject of hi* appointment wa* known, the mind oi Corte* waa deeply wounded with thi* unexpect- ed return for aervice* which far exceeded what- ever any aubject of Spain had rendered to hia aoverelgn. He endeavoured, however, to main, tain hi* *tation, and to reeover the confidence of the court. But every pereon In office, who had arrived from Spain linca the conqueet, waa a •py upon hi* conduct, and With malioioua Inge- nuity gave an unfavourable reprteentatlon of all hia action*. The'apprehenalons of Charie* and hia minl'tera inereaaed. A new commI**Ion of inquiry wa* iMued, [1688] with more extenaive powers, and various precautions were taken lu order to prevent or to puniah him. If he should be ao preaumptuou* aa to attempt what was in- 7 Herrera, dec 3. lih iv. c. 3. 8 Ibid. dec. 3. lib. v. c. II. Ibid. dec. a Ub. vUi. c U, 15. 18S HISTORY OF [Book V. eontUtent with tht fldtlily of • •atjae!.' Cor- tM balicld the appraMkiDi erUU u( hit furtun* with Mil the Woltat •motlom nmtunti to ■ haugh- ty mind eonicioiu of high dwort, ud rweiving unworthy trMtntnt. But though lomo of bit dMparata followan ttigad him to aaaart hia own righta againat hIa ungrateful country, and with a boM hand to aalae that powor whieh the oour> tiara meanly aoeuaed him of coveting,* he ro> tained auoh aelf-eonunand, or waa actuated with aneh aentlmanta of loyalty, aa to r^eet their dan- geroua eounaela, and to ohooea the only coarae in which ho could aaenre hia own dignity, with* ont departing flrom hie duty. He raeolved not to expoae himaelf to the Ignominy of a trial In that country which had bean the aeano of hi* triumphs; bnt, without waiting for the ar- riTal of hia Judgee, to repair directly to Caatile, and commit himaelf and hia cauie to the Jiutice and generority of hie •orcreign.* Cortea appeared in hia native country with the splendour that suited the conqueror of a mighty kingdom. Ha brought with him a great part of hia wealth, many jewels and cmaments of great value, eeveralcurioua productloua of the country [ISi], and waa attoidedby some Mex- icans of the first rank, as wall ae by the meet conalderable of hie own offleera. Hb arrival in Spain removed at once every suspicion and fear that had been entertained with reiipect to hia intentions. The emperor, having now nothing to apprehend from the designs of Cortee, reoeiv ed Um like a perean whom oonaeiousneaa of his own innocence bad brought into the presence of bis master, and who waa entitled, by the emi- nence of hia aarvioee, to the higheet uuulcs of distinction and respect. The order of St. Jago, the title of Marquis del Valla de Guaxaca, the grant of an ample territory in New Spain, were ancceasivaly bestowed upon him ; and as his mannov were correct and elegant, although be liad passed the greater part of hia lift Mnoog rough adventurera, the emperor admitted him to the same familiar intercourse witb him- adf, that waa enjoyed by noUemcn of the flrat rank.* But, amidst those cKtemal proofs of regard, symptoms of remaining distrust appeared. Though Cortea cameetly eolidted to be reinstat- ed in the government of New Spain, Charles, too sagadotts to commit such an important charge to a man whom he had once suspected, peremptorily refused to Invest him again with powevB wMAbe might And it impossible to eon- I Hcneta, dee. 3. libi vUL c. 1& dec. 4 lUx ii. e. 1. liU vr. c. 9, 10. B. Diss, c. 179. IM Oamais Cron. c lOBL 9 a Diu, c. 191. 3 Hcrrera, dec a lih. Iv. c a 4 Ibid, dec a lib. Iv. c I. Uh vL c 1 a DUi, c. IU6. Com. Cron. e. 198. trol. Cortea, though dignifled with new titles, returned to Mexico [1630], with diminished authority. The military department, witb powers to attempt new diacovcries, was left In hia bands { but the supreme direction of civil ailUn was pbced in a board called The Audi- tnce of New Sjiain, At a eubsequent periodi when, upon the increase of the colony, the ex- ertion of authority mora united and extensive became necessary, Antonio de Mendoaa, a noble- man of high rank, waa aant thither as Viceroy, to take the govamment Into bis bands. This division of power in New Spain proved, aa waa unavoidable, the aource of perpetual dhi- sension, which imbittered the life of Cortee, and thwarted all his schemes. As he had now no opportunity to dispky his active talenta but in attempting new discoveries, be formed various schemes for that purpoee, all of which bear im- preaeions of a genius that delighted in what waa bold and splendid. He early entertained an idea, that, either by steering through the Gulf of Florida along the east coast of North America, some strait would be found that com- municated with the weetem ocean ; or that, by examining the iathmus of Darien, some passage would be dieeovered between tha North and South Seas.* But having been disappointed in his expecUtions with respect to both, he now confined his views to such voyages of discovery aa he could make from the parts of New Spain in the South Sea. There he fitted out succeo- sively several small squadrons, which either peridied In the attempt, or returned without making any discovery of moment. Cortes, weary of intrusting the conduct of his operationa to othere, took the command of a new armament in person [15S6] ; anO, after enduring incredible hardships, and enconnterlng dangera of every speciea, he dieeovered the large peninsula of Cali- fornia, and surveyed the greater part of the gulf which separataa It from New Spain. The dia- eovtry of a country of auch extent would have reflected credit on a common adventurer ; but it eooU add little new honour to the name of Cortes, and waa fiur from satisfying the sanguine eKpeetatkinawhicbbebad formed.* DIagasted with ill success, to which he bad not been ac- customed, and weary of contesting with adver- saries to whom he conaidered it as a dlegraoe to be opposed, he once more sought for redress in his native country [1640]. But his reception there was very different from that which gratitude, and even decency, ought to have secured for him. Tlie merit df his ancient exploits was already, in a great 5 Corte* ReUt Run. lU. 99*. B. 6 Herrera, dec i. lib. tUL c. 9, 10. dec a lib. vL c 14 Venega* HUt of Cslifoin. 1. I8Sl Loreariuia HiiL ^ 322, Ac !•■ '•' [Book V. with new UUm, with dlmlnlihad tpartRumti with erlaa, wm left In direction of «lvU dOled The Audi. ibwquent fwUtit I oolonjrt th« tx- •d and extcMlv* Ifmdoa*, »noble- ilthor M Vicerojf, I hand*. «w Spain proved, of perpetual dia- Jfe of Cortes, and he had now no ve talents hut la R formed various f which bear Im- hted in what was jr entertained an hrough the Gulf coast of North I found that com- gean ; or that, by rien, some passage \ the North and a disappointed in to both, he now rages of discovery rU of New Spain fitted out succee- is, which either returned without loment. Cortea, t of his operations 'anewannanMnt idurinc ineredihis dangers of ererjr peninsula of Cali- ir part of the gulf Spain. The dis- (tent would have adrentorer; but to the name of ying the sanguine med.* Di^rttsted uid not been ac- itingwith adver- as a disgrace to be Tor redress in his as verjr dlffinrent nd even deeeney, The mwit of eady, in a great I. dec. a lib. vi. c. 14. LonasUiia HiiU p. lfl«9.3 A M E ttl C A. 188 measure, forgotten or eclipsed by the fiuno of recent and mora valuable' con«|uests in another quarter of America. No service of moment ^vaa now expected firom a man of declining years, and who began to be unfortunate. The emperor behaved to him with cold civility; his minis- ters treated him sometimes with neglect, eom^ times with insolence. Hb grievances received no redress; his claims were urged without eihet ; and after several yeara spent in fruitleas application to ministers and Judges, an oecupar tion the most irksome and mortifying to a man of high spirit, who had moved In a sphere whera ha was more accustomed to command than to solicit, Cortes ended his days on the second of December, one thousand five hundred and Ibrty-seven, in tho sixty-second year of his age. Hie fate was the mme with that of all thepereona who distinguish- ed themeelves in the disoovery or eonquest of tha New World. Envied by his oonUmporariee, and ill requited by the court which he ssnred, he has l>een admired and celebrated by euccecd- Ing agee. Which has formed the most Just esti- mate of his character, an Impartial conslder». tlon of his actions must determine. »%»»»»%%%»»»» »%»^»»*»»*»^»%*»»»»*»^»» BOOK VI. laSS.] FaoM the time that Nugnea de Balboa discovered the great Southern ocean, and re- ceived the first obscure hints concerning the opulent countries with which It might open a communication, the wishes and sehemea of every enterprising person in the colonies of Darlen and Panama were turned towards the wealth of thoae unknown regions. In an ago when the spirit of adventure waa so ardent and vigorous, that large fortunes were wasted, and the meet alarming dangers braved, in pursuit of discoveries merely poeeible, the ihlnteet ray of hope was followed with an eager expectation, and the slightest Information was sufficient to inspire such perfect confidence as conducted men to die meet arduous undertakings [ISfi.] Accordingly, several armaments were fitted out in order to explore and take pdeseseion of the countriee to the east of Panama, but under the conduct of leadera whn Though so illiterate that he could not even read* he was soon considered aa a man formed ta command. Every operation committed to hia eonduct proved euccessfU, as, by a happy but rare conjunction, he united perseverance with ardour, and was as cautious In executing aa he was bold in forming his plans. By engaging early in active life, without any reaouroe but his own talents and industry, and by depending en himself alone in his strugglee to emerge firaaa ebecnrlty, be acquired such a thorough knoww Isdge of affidrs, and of men, that he waa fitted to assume a euperior part in condncting the foiw mer, and in governing the latten* Almagro had as little to boast of his dasoent as Plaarro. The one was a bastard, tha other a foundling. Bred, like his companion, in the camp, he yielded not to him In any of the eol- dierly qualitiee of Intrepid valour, Indefiitlgable activity, or inaurmountablo constancy In en- 8 Herrera, dee. IAS. peuim, dee. 4Ub, vL c IVI. Oo. mars Hiik e. 141 Zarate. Ilix iv. c ft 184 HISTORY OF [DooK vr. iliirlng iha hardilil|W liufparabU IVom mlllurjr ■vi-vtvn In th« New World, lint in Alniniro thc«« vIrtiiM wtre Mcompanltd with tlia opcn- II ran, grtipitralty, Knd candour, natural to man whoM prureiwlon U arm* ; In I'lxarro, thajr were united with the addrem, the crai\, and the dliilmulatlon of n politician, with the art of conrenlliig hl« own purpoeeo, and with lagaclty to |i«netrate Into those of other man. Hernando dn I.uqua wa« an eccleiiaitlc, who acted both ai prieet and ichoolmaiter at I'anama, and, by meani which the contem- porary writere Iimvo not deicribed, had amaeaed richea that inipired him with thoughts of rlilog to greater eminence. 8uoh were the mrn deelined to oTrrtum on* of tha most extenilve empires on the (mat of the earth. Their confederacy for this purpoee waa authorixei<:v days rith mush danger and Incessant fiti'^u . P(:'...«'.y^progrc'.at towards the I Henvir^, dec. 3. iUx vl. c la Zarate, Ilh, L e. I t Herrera, dec, 4. lib. il. C. 8. Xeres, p. 179. souih-eMt waa not greater than what a skilful navigator will now make In as many hours. Ha touched at several |>lai-es on the coast cf Tierra FIrme, but found every where the r n« uninviting country which former advanturkPS had described ; the low grounds converted Into swamps by an overflowing of rivers t the higher coveretl with impervious woods; few inhabi- tants, and those fierce and hostile. Famine, fhtlgua, frequent rencounter* with the nativca, and, above ail, the distampert of a moist, sultry climate, combined In wasting his slander band of followers. flOSA.] Tha undaunted resolution of their leader continued, however, fur soma time, to sustain their spirita, although no sign had yet appeared of discovering those golden re- gions to which ho had promised to conduct them. At length he was obliged to abandon, that Inhospitable coast, and retire to Chuchama, oppoelte to the prnri iHlands, where he boprl to receive a supply of provisions and troops U i>m Panama. Uut Almagro, having sailed from ilint port with seventy men, sto«>d directly towai'ds that part of the continent where he hoped to meet with hla associates. Not finding him there, he landed his soldiers, who, in searching for their companions, underwent the same distresses, and were exposed to the same dangers, which had driven Ihem out of the country. Repulsed at length by the Indians In a sharp conflict, in xrbleb their leader lost one of his eyes by tha wound of an arrow, they likewise were com- pelled to re-embark. Chance led them to the place of Pisarro'a retreat, where they found soma consolation In recounting to each other their adventures, and comparing their suffer- ings. As Almagro had advanced as far as tha river St. Junn [June 84], in the province of Popayao, where both the country and Inhabi- tants appeared with a more promising aspect, that dawn of better fortune was sufBcient to de- termine such sanguine projectors not to abandon their scheme, notwithstanding all that they l>ad suffered In prosecuting it.' [1S$6] 158 atire to Chuchamn, whara he hoprM Imaginatlan af tkaaa wh i lltt ' led u> tkaflii Plaarra and Alma* gm ri*ii t I Jt rentmra tit Intada a eoautryaa pe, >i . (h '■andfU af matt attflMblad by utlgua lUa .,4.1a. Tkay Mthnwl to tka anall ,Maii(t of OaHn. wkara Piaafro ramalnad witk ,.\ti :' ho troopa, and kla aMttelata t«tnniad la I'anaiii H in hopaa af bringtni aUvh a talafbroa- munt aa mlgkt anaUil tkant t« laha peaaaaalan of tha apiilant tarrltorlaa #koaa atlatanc* aaamatf to ba no lofi far dauktAiL* But aona of tha advantnrarai laaa antarj^ria- Ing, or l*sa hardy, tkan tkalr laatfara, kaving aecrcily conveyed lantautaUla ataauNte of tkair aufferlngti and loaMt to tkalr mtritft at t^uiAflM, Alnugim mat witk an onflivouniblB raeapdaa from Padra da loa Rloa, Who kad aaeeaetfed PedrariM in tke gatamiMHt bt tkat tattlenani. After walgking itia u.attar «rltk tkat cald acotfomleal pmdtnoa wkieS appaan tka firat of all virtoaa to ^raana irki«t llmitad Ikenltiaa ara ineapable af eenoalving or axaentii;; great dealgna, he oonclndad aA ekpedltlon, attandtd witk auck certain vlraato nt ttien, to ba ao detri- mental to an infant and faabla colony, that ha not only proklblted tka ralalhg of naw laviaa, but daapatekad a Tamal to bring homa PliarTo and kla oompaniona Arom tke iaiand of Oallo. Alwagro and Ln^ua, tbaiigh daepty affMtad witk tkoaa nManntaa, iMileh thay aoald not pra- vent, and darat not oppaaa, fonnd ttaaM af communicating tkalr aentiaoanta privately to Pliarro, and eithonad kirn not to rtUnquiak ah entarpriaa tkat waa tka Ibundation of all thair bopaa, and tka »nly mMna of r^^atablUkiiqi tkalr reputation and fortnna, whfcli w«ra both am tka decline. PIsarra'a mind, baait iTltb iniaxiUa 0^ atlnaW Bpanlih hi'H«(1«Me reaerd wittk d(afiv*d praiaa, aa tka peraaaa to i»km^ pcrarrering ibr^ titada tkatf eoiMitry is Indebtod «m< «ka Metl viluabla af M iu Amerleaii paaacaataku, iNail tkato naManaa la tka iaUM of Ourgeno. 1 hMi aa It waa Itortkar f«*ata< Amr tha eaaat than Oalloi an« In k a k lta d , Ikay imat d sia d aa a mar* aaaara faHaat, wk«r% uiratohatad, tbay might wan Ikr «u|ipllaa iraai PMmiiiat whink tkay lnHta« Ihat tha MUMiy af tkeir I wwtM ba aM* to ptaatMt Alaaagr* and 1 Iran aai Inattontlva ar aald aalMtaft, aad tkekr kiaaaaant intportanlty waa aeaondail ky 4ie ga^ naral rolca of the colony, wkiek eaelalmed leifd" ly agalnat tka talbniy of txpaaing brava maay aagagad in tka pablio Mr*iaa» anfl ikargtaMa tiltk no arrar knt wkat lawal fltoa aa mmm of Mai and courage, to periak Ilka the moat a«a«a arimhmla Ik a dtaaH iakaiA OrarcMne ky thato antiaatlaa and oa|«alakitlo*a, the 'm varnar at latt aaNoMiMd I* ami a aaiaB Tcasc . tA tkalr foliar. Bui tkat U iMgkl not aaam tq aaaonrag* Plaarra to any now aAlaryttea^ Mr aroaM not pirttit ana hmdman to amfearh aau, kaardaflt. By ihia tlaiei Plaarra atfti bla eoOp m letia had ramaiaed Iva montka in aa lahiaid iklk«MNM fer tka maM anhaaitky aMmato In tkat rMlon of Amariaa. [It7] Dtiring aM tkk pMladi thrir ayaa wan inniati toUrorda PWMifaa< IM kopea of aaaeonr IMa tkalr ooantryaMii t bat warn out at lengtk whk llMiMa eapaetolioMi and dhpl- riiad wHk aaflMag hardaMpa *t wfciah tkey aaw no andt tkoy, in daapakr, tmm to k raiala- tiaa af aaamhliag tkemarttai to tka aaean on a than aaniiniw la that deteatakia Bkit, oa tka arrival af tba veaaU fraat naUMM, tkey «rara trakapanad with auck Joy tkat all tkalr aaibrhika wtH Argattan. Their kopaa ravWad i and, with a Hipkl tranaltlan not ■naalural aaoaag men aeaaatoaiad by tkdr mode of life to aaddan vMaaitadM of ftartaaa, high oanfldeiMa auaaaadlag to oxtrema d^eailOn, Ptaarro aaiHy Induced aal only kla own follow- iNt kat tka craw of the vaaaal fVom Phwana, to raaaaaa kia tomar aekeme witk flreab ardour. Inataad of retkrning to Panama, they atood towardb tbo aonth-eaat, and, more fortanate in tkia tbaa hi any of their paat eflbrta, they, on tba twaatleth day after their departure from Ooivanai dlaoavarad tka coaat of Peru. After touaktaig at aevaral viilagea near the shore, which they found to ba nowise inviting, they hinded at Tumbaa, a plaoa of aomo note about three de- greea aouth of the line, diatinguished for iu atute- 'li 8 Herrers, dec. 3. lib. x. e. i, X Xnei, m. Oomata Hltt. c. 109. Bb ZoTSto, liK I. c a. 186 HISTORY OF CBooK VI. ly temple, and a palnca of th« Inca* or soverelgni of the country,' There the Spaiilurds feasted their eye* with the first view of the opulence •nd civilization of the Peruvian empire. They beheld a country fully peopled, and cultivated with an appearance of regi'lar industry ; the natives decently clothed, and poaaessed of in- gsnuity so far surpassing the other inhabitants of the New World as to have the use of tame domostio animals. But what chiefly attracted their notice was such a show of gold and silver, not only in the omaments of their persons and temples, but in several vessels and utensils tve c .lumon use, formed of those precious metals, as left no room to doubt that they abounded with profusion in the country Pizarro and his companions seemed now to tuve attained to the completion of their most sanguine hopes, and fancied that all their wishes and dreams of rich domains, and inexhaustible treasures, would soon be realiied. But with the elender force then under his com- mand, Pizarro could only view the rich country of which he hoped hereafter to obtain possession. He ranged, however, for some time along the coast, maintaining every where a peaceable in- tercourae with the natives, no less astonished at their new visitants than the Spaniards were with the uniform appearance of opulence and cultivation which they beheld. [1687.] Having explored the country as far as was requisite to ascertain the Importance of the discovery, Pi- zarro procured from the inhabitants some of their Uamat or tame cattle, to which the Spaniards gave the name of sheep, some vessels of gold and silver, as well as some specimens of their other works of ingenuity, and two youug men, whom he propoae ited to aiithorizH WW would b« ao province in wbich ond it* strcugth. lot in any degree Hoeiates ; but they sarry tlieir scheme tuntenance of lu- icit their eovereign ch they could not th this view, after bat Pizarro should , Aliuagro that of }ue the dignity of k they proposed to as their agent to (vere now so much irts wbich they had ifficulty iuborrow- towards equipiiing 'cpairing to court; be to him, he ap- vith the unembar- Dus of what his ser- ted his negotiations y of address, wbich either from bis edu- "e. His feeling de- {«, and bis pompous I he had discovered, of its prndoctions uch an impression isters, that they not led expedition, but the success of its dispositions in his attention to the In- the pretensions of th his own, he ob- cal dignity to which le claimed only the ch should be erected secured whatever Id desire. He wim lor, captain-general, lutry which he had quer, with supreme miliury; and with es and emoluments :ur«ni in the New IS declared to extend tb« coast to the south independent of the le had power to no- nrere to aerre under concessions, which Vega, 2. lib. 1. c I». 1529.] AMERICA. cost the eourt of Spain T^jthing, a* the enjoy- Dient of them depended upon the success of Pi- zarro's own efforts, he engaged to raise two hundred and tifty men, and to provide the ships, arms, and warlilie stores requisite towards sub- jecting to the crown of Castile the country of wbich the government was allotted him. IS39.] Inconsiderable as the body of men was which Pizarro bad undertaken to raise, his funds and credit were so low that he could hardly complete half the number ; and after ob- taining bis patents from the crown, he was ob- liged to steal privately out of the port of Seville, in order to elude the scrutiny of the officers, who liad it in charge to examine whether he had fulfilled the stipulaitions in his contract.* Before his departure, however, hn received some supply of money from Cortes, who having re- turned to Spain about this time, was willing to contribute his aid towards enabling an ancient companion, witii whose talents and courage he was well acquainted, to begin a career of glory simllarto that which he himself bad finished.* He landed at Nombra de Dioa, and marched across the Isthmus to Panama, accompanied by his three brothers Ferdinand, Juan, and Oon- zrIo, of whom the first was bom in lawful wed- lock, the two latter, like himself, were of illegi- timate birth, and by Francisco de Alcantara, his mother's brother. They were all in the prime of life, and of suoh abilities and courage as fitted them to take a dlatinguiabed part in his subsequent transactions. 1&30.] Or. his arrival at Panama, Piaarro found Almagro so much exasperated at the man- ner In which he had conducted his negotiation, that he not only refused to act any longer '-^ concert with a man by whose perfidy he baL been excluded from the power and honours to which he had a just claim, but laboured to form H new association, in order to thwart or to rival his former confederate in his discoveries. PL. znrro, however, had more wisdom and address than to suffer a rupture so fatal to ail his ■schemes, to become irreparable. By offering voluntarily to relinquisli the oifice of adelantado, and promising tu concur in soliciting that title, with an independent government for Almagro, he gradually mitigated the rage of an open-heart- ed soldier, which had been violent, but was not implacable. Luque, highly satisfied with hav- ing been successful in all his own pretensions, conllally seconded Pizanro's endeavours. A re- oonelliatlon was effected, and the confederacy renewed on Ita original terms, that the enter- prise should be carried on at the common ex- pense of the associates, and the profits accruing from it should be equally divided among them.* : 4 Ilorrera, dec. 4. lib. vli. c. 0. 5 Ibid. lib. viL c. 10. fl Hernra, dec. i, lib. vli. c. P. Zsrate, Jib. i. c. 3. ' Vi)i.i, 'i. lib, i. V. It. Kven after their reunion, and the utmost ef- forts of their Interest, three small vassals, with a hundred and eighty soldiers, tbirty-siz of whom wera horsemen, compoaed the armament which they were able to fit out. But the astonishing progress of the Spaniards in America had in- spired them with such ideas of their own supe- riority, that Pizarro did not hesitate to sail with this contemptible force, [Feb. I6S1] to invade a great empire. Almagro was left at Panama, as formerly, to follow him with what reinforce- ment of men he should be able to master. At the season for embarking was properly chosen, and the course of navigation between Panama and Peru was now better known, Pizarro com- pleted the voyage in thirteen days ; though by the force of the winds and currents he was car- ried above a hundred leagues to the north of Tumbez, the place of his destination, and obliged to land his troops in the bay of Saint Matthew. Without losing a moment he began to advance towards the south, taking care, however, not to depart tar from the seoshore, both that he might easily effect a junction with the supplies which he expected from Panama, and secure a retreat in case of any disaster, by keeping tf near aa possible to his ships. But aa the country In se- veral parts on the coast of Pern is barren, un- healthful, and tlilnly peopled ; as the Spaniarda had to pass all the rivers near their mouth, when the body of water is greatest ; .and aa the imprudence of Pizarro, in attacking the natives when he should have studied to gain their con^ fidence, had forced them to abandon their habi- tations ; famine, fatigue, and diseases of varioua kinds brought upon him and his followers, cala- mities hardly inferior to those which they had endured in their former expedition. What they now experienced corresponded so ill with the al- luring description of the country given by Pizar- ro, that many began to reproach him, and every soldier must have become cold to the service, if even in this unfertile region of Peru, they had not met with some appearances of wealth and cultivation, which seemed to justify the report of their lender. At length they reached the province of Coaque [April 14] ; and having sur- prised the principal settlement of the natives, they seized their vessels and omainents of gold and silver, to the amount of thirty thousand pesos, with other booty of such value aa dispelled all their doubts, and inspired the most despond- ing with sanguine hopes.' Pizarro himself was so much delighted with this rich spoil, wbich he considered aa the first fruits of a land abounding with treasure, that he instantly despatched one of his ships to Pana- ma with a large remittance to Almagro ; and another to Nicaragua with a considerable sum 7 Hcrtera, dsCMtb. vli. c. whoao aqieet Aiut mannera were lo stninga, and whoae power »n;tn«d t« be ao irretiatible, made the aame draadful impretaisn as in other parta ol Amerl- ««, JPiswro hardly wft with raaiatanee until he attaelced the iti; .^4 of Puna in tbe bay of QuHy«4uU. Aa that waa baltff peopled than th» ciMintry through whioh ha had paawd, and its iubahitants fiercer and Uta oiviilMd than t*i««a of the continent, they defended tbemielvcs -with euob obstinate valour, tbitt Piaarro apent six aiontbs in reduning tiMm to eubjeotion. Kram Puna he proceeded to Tumbea, where the dittempera which raged among his men compelled him to remain fiw tluwe months.' Wliile he waa thus employed, he began to reap advantage lirom his attention to spread tbe fame of hia firat sucoeaa to CiMU|wa. Two dif- ferent dcta4shm«nta arrivod from Nicaragua [lUB}, which, though neither cxcaeded thirty men, he considered aa • reinfomamant of great consequence to his feeble baud, especially aa the one was under the command of Sebastian B*- nakaaai^ and the other of Hernando Soto, oiBcers net inferior in merit and reputation to any who had aeryod in America. From Tumbes he proceeded to the river Pium [May 16J, and in an advantagewta station near the mouth ef it ha astab)lsbed tbe first Spanish co- lony in PUru ; to whioi^ be gave tbe naa^ of St. Biichael. As Piaarro contini|ed to advanoo towards the centre of tbe Peruvian empire ha gradually re- ceived mors Alii infermation concerning its ex- tent and policy, as vrall fN the situation of its uHairs at tbyt juncture. Without ecsne know- ledge of tliase, be could not have conducted his operations with propriety ; and without a suit- able attention to them, it is impossible to ac- count for tha pngrsM which the Spaniards had already mi^e, or to unfold the causea of their aubsequent aucccas. At this tima when the Spaniarda invadsd Pa- ru, the dominions of its sovereigna extended in length, from north to south, above fifteen hun- dred miles along the Pacific Ocean. Its bi«adth, from eaat to west, was much less aonsiderable ; 1 P. Suicho ap Runu*. ill. pi. T71. F. Heriera, ntaf dcMTve cre- Uie moet unim- litwifere to every • induetry, wlth- uqutlntod with mt which form they BM eatd to ibe fereetc, with iverod, more Ulie After they h«d th the hardehipa ritaUe !■ euch » 100 aeened to in- unoQinnion eifort « told thnt thero le Uko Titiaoi, • fcrai, clothed in irad themeelTce to y their beneficent ty the mlewriM of id to reclaim them. i by reverence for key were anppoeed fted aaracea nnited Sir oommanda aa I them to Cusco, I to hy the foun- , OooUoi for auch raordlnary peraon- aoma wandering on which, by mul- itlng the efforta of Induatry andleada kpao inatructad the ither uaeful aria, taan to epin and to la one aex. aubaiat- i; by that of the mora eomforubla. tf firat neceaaity in food, raiment, and la af whom ha took d hia attention to- wa and policy ae pineaa. By hia in- tra particularly cx- I relationa In private the dutlee reaulting I auch propriety, *e ta people to daoency idminiatration, the bority were to pre- 1532.] AMERICA. 180 ci^y defined, and the eubordiDatioa of tboae under their juriidiction maintained with auch a steady hand, that the looiety in which he pro- sided auon assumed the aspeot of « regular and well governed at«te> Thus, according to thf Indian tradition, WM founded the empire of the /ncqi or lMrd$ of Peru. At first Ita extent wap «ifaf\. The ter- ritory pf Manco Capao did not reach ^above eight leaguea from Cuzco. But within its nar- row preoincts he exercised ahsoluta and uncon- trolled authority, tlis suocesaors, as their do- minlona extended, |trr«mated a similar Jurisdie- tion over the new subject* which they acquired i thedeepotism of Aei» waa not more complete. The Incaa were not only obeyed as monarchs, but revered as divinities. Tiieir Uaod waa held to be sacred, and, by prohibiting intermarriage* with the people, WM never contiuninatad by mining wiMi that of any other raoe. Th« fami- ly, thu* *epar*te4 from the rest of th* nation, wa* distinguished by pefuliaritiea in dress and ornamenta, which it was unlawful for others to auume. The monarch himself appeared with eusigns of royalty reserved for him alone { and received from hia sul^jects marks of obsequioaa homage and respect which approached almoat to adoration. But, among the Peruvian^ this unbounded power qf their monarch* sesm* to have been uni- formly accompanied with attention to the good of thrir aul^aot*. It wa* not the rage of eon- queet, if w* may holieve th* aooounta of their oonntrymen, that prompted the Incaa to extend their dominions, but the deaira of dUAising th* bl**8ing* of civllisatipn« and the knowledge of the arte which $hey p o e s ss ssd , among th* bar- baroii* peopl* whom they reduced. During a aueceeflop af nounoe the government of Quito, and to ac- knowledge him as his lawful superior. But it had been the first care of Atahualpa to gain a large body of troopa which bad accompanied hia Aithar to Quito. The** w«r* the flower of the Peruvian warrior*, to who** valour Huana Ca^ pac had been indebted for all hi* victories. Be- lying on their support, Atohualpa first eluded his brother's demand, and then marched against bim in hoatile array. Thu the ambition of two young men, th* titla of th* on* founded on ancient usage, and that of th* other asserted by the vetoran troops, involv- ed Peru in oivil vMr, a calamity to which, under a aucceaslon of virtuous princes, it had hitherto been a stranger. In such a contest the issue wa* obvious. I'he force qf arm* triumphad ever th* authority of lawa. Atahualpa remained victor!- eua, and made a cruel use of his victory. Con- seloua of the defect in hia own title to the crown, he attempted to exterminate the tx>yal race, by putting to death all the children of th* Sun de- scended fh>m Maneo Capae, wham ha could sola* either by force or stratagem. From a po- litical motive, the life of his unfortunate rival Huascar, who bad been taken prisonsr in a bat- tle which decided the fate of th* empire, wa* prolonged for some time, that by issuing orders in his name, the usurper might mora eaaily cs- t*bli*h his own authority.* Wbsn Pixarro landod in the bay of St. Mat- thew, thi* civil war raged between the two brother* in it* gr*ate*t fury. Had h* made any hoatil* attempt In hi* former visit to Peru, in the year on* thousand five hundred and twenty- seven, he must then have encountered the fore* of a powerful state, united under a monarch pox- seseed of capacity as well as courage, and nnl embarrassed with any care that eould divert him tfom oppoaing bis progress. But at this time, the two competitors, though they received early aeeonnte of the arrival and violent proceedinga of th* Spaniards, were so Intent upon th* opera- S Zarate, lib. i. c. \b. Vega, 1. lib. ix. c It. ar.d 3»~ 40. Hetrers, dec. & Mx I. c. » liii. tit. c. R. Wb HISTORY OF [Book VI. 1 1 tlons of a wnr which thoy deemed more interMt- 'u)g, tlint they paid no attention to the motions ol' an enemy, too inrouftiderable in number to excite any great alarm, and to whom it would bn posy, tw they imagined, to give a checic when more at ieiaure. Uy this fortunate coincidence of erents, whereof Pizarro could have no foresight, and of which, from his defective mode of intercourse with '.he people of the country, he remained long ignorant, he was permitted to caiTy on bis operations unmolested, and advanced to the cen- tre of a groat empire before one effort of its Iioiver was exerted to stop his career. During their progress, the Spaniards had acquired some Imperfect knowledge of this struggle betveen the two contending factions. The first complete information with respect to it they received from messengers whom Huascar sent to Pizar- ro, In order to solicit his aid against Atahualpa, whom he represented as a rebel and a usurper.' Pizarro perceived at once the importance of this intelligence, and foresaw so clearly all the ad- vantages which might be derived from this di- vided state of the kingdom which he had in- vaded, that without waiting for the reinforce- ment which he expected from Panama, he de- termined to push forward, while intestine dis- cord put it out of the power of the Peruvians to attack him with their whole force, and while, by taking part, as circumstances should incline him, with one of the competitors, he might be enabled with greater ease to crush both. En- terprising as the Spaniards of that age were in all their operations against Americans, and dis- tinguished as Pizarro was among his country- men for daring courage, we can hardly suppose that, after having proceeded hitherto slowly, hnd with much caution, he would have changed at once his system of operation, and have ventured upon a measure so hazardous, without some new motive or prospect to justify it. As he was obliged to divide his troops, in order to leave a garrison in St. Michael, suffi- cient to defend a station of equal importance as a place of retreat in case of any dii«ster, and as a port for receiving any supplies which should come from Panama, he began his march with a very slender and ill-accoutred train of followers. They consisted of sixty- two horsemen [188,] and a hundred and two foot soldiers, of whom ttventy were armed with cross bows, and three with muskets. He directed bis course towards Caxamalca, a small town at the distance of twelve days' march from St. Michael, where Atahualpa was encamped with a considerable body of troops. Before he had proceeded far, an oRicer despatched by the Inca met him with a valuable present from that prince, accompanied 1 Zarate, Ub.ii.caL with a proffer of his alliance, and assurances of a friendly reception at Caxamalca. Pizarro, according to the usual artifice of his countrymen in America, pretended to come as the ambassa- dor of a very powerful monarch, and declared that he was now advancing with an intention to offer Atahualpa his aid against those enemies who disputed his title to the throne.* As the object of the Spaniards in entering their country was altogether Innomprehenaible to the Peruvians, they hnd formed various con- jectures concerning it without being able to de- cide whether they should consider their new gtiests as beings of a superior nature, who had visited them from some beneflcont motive, or as formidable avengers of their crimes, and enemies to their repose and liberty. The continual pro- fessions of the Spaniards, that they came to en- lighten them with the knowledge of truth, and lead them in the way of happiness, favoured the former opinion ; the outrages which they com- mitted, their rapaciousness and dk^uelty, were awful confirmations of the latter. 'While in this state of uncertainty, Pizarro's declaration of his pacific intentions so far removed all the Inca's fears that he determined to give him a friendly reception. In consequence of this resolution, the S|mniards were allowed to march in tran- quillity across the sandy desert between St. Michael and Motupe, where the most feeble effort of an enemy, added to the unavoidable distresses which they suffered in passing through that comfortless region, must hare proved fatal to them. [189.] From Motupe they advanced towards the mountains which encompassed the low country of Peru, end passed through a de- file so narrow and inaccessible, that a few men might have defended it against n numerous army. But here likewise, from the same in- considerate credulity of the Inca, the Spaniards met with no opposition, and took qniet posses- sion of a fort erected for the security of that im- portant station. A* they now approached near to Caxamalca, Atahualpa renewed his profes- sions of friendship ; and, as -an evidence of their sincerity, sent them presents of greater value than the former. On entering Caxamalca, Pizarro took posses- sion of a large court, on one side of which was a house which the Spanish historians call a palace of the Inca, and on the other a temple of the Sun, the ^vhole surrounded with a strong rampart or wall of earth. When he bad posted his troops in this advantageous station, he des- patched his brother Ferdinand and Hernando Soto to the camp of Atahualpa, which was about a league distant from the town, i He instructed them to confirm the declaration which he had formerly made of his pacific disposition, and to •i Ilvrrcra, dec, 5. lib, i, c, 3, Xeres> p. laVL [Book VI. d iwauranoes of laloa. Plziirro, his countrymen u the ambaiM- h, and deolarcd th an intention It those enemies one.* rds in entering n comprehensible led various con- leing able to de- isider their ncnr lature, who had )nt motiTt, or as nes, and enemies le continual pro- they came to en- ge of truth, and less, favoured the vhlch they com- id *uelty, were cr. While in this declaration of his ed all the Inca's e him ■ friendly r this resolution, I march in tran- •ert between St. the most feeble > the unavoidable n passing tlirough Imre proved fatal pe they advanced encompassed the ed through a de- that a few men nst a numerous om the same in- ica, the Spaniards »ok quiet posses- cnrity of that im- approaehed near ■ewed his profes- evidence of their of greater valua zarro toolc posses- de of which was historians call a other a temple of sd with a strong hen he bad posted station, he des- id and Hernando which was about , i He instructed on which he had iispositiun, and to 1539.] ^ AMERICA. ini desire an interview with the Inea, that he might explain mora fully the intention of the Spani- ards in visiting his country They were treated with all the respectful hospitality usual among the Peruvians in the reception of their most cordial friends, and Atahualpa promised to visit the Spanish commander next day in his quar- ters. The decent deportment of the Peruvian monarch, the order of his court, and the reverenoa with which his sul\jects approached his person and obeyed his commands, a^^nished those Spaniards who had never mit in America with any thing more dignified than the petty cazique of a Imrbaraus tribe. Hut their eyes were still powerfully attracted by the vast profusion of wealth which they observed in the Inca's camp. The rich ornaments worn by him and his atten- dants, the vessels of gold and silver in which the repast offered to them was served up, the multitude of utensils of every kind formed of those precious metals, opened prospects far ex- ceeding any idea of opulence that a European of the sixteenth century could form. On their return to Caxamaica, while their minds were yet warm with admiration and desire of the wealth which they had lieheld, they gave such a description of it to their countrymen as confirmed Pizarro in a resolution which ho hud already taken. From his own observation of American manners during his long service in the New World, as well as from the advantages which Cortca had derived .from seising Mon- tezuma, he knew of what consequence it was to have the Inca in his power. For this purpose, he formed a plan as daring as it was perfidious. Notwithstanding the character that he had as- sumed of an ambassador from a powerful mon- arch, who courted an alliance with the Inca, and in violation of the repeated offers which ho liad made to him of his own friendship and as- sistance, be determined to avail himself of the unsuspicious simplicity with which Atahualpa relied on his professions, and to seise the person of the loca during the interview to which he bad invited him. He prepared for the execu- tion of his scheme with the same deliberate ar- rangen the heMe sallied out fieroely to the charge, the Uifontry rushed on sword In hand. The Peravttitt, astonished at the suddenness of on attack Which they did not oxpeet, and dismayed with the (l^trnetive eMet of the firearms, and the irr»- sistible Impression of the cavalry, fl«il with oni- \-ersal constematloa on every sM^ without attempting either to annoy the enemy, or to defend theauelves. PIzarro, at the head of his chosen band, advanoed directly towards the luca ; and though his noUes crowded aroond him with officious seal, and fell In numben at his feet, while they vied one with another in sacriflciag their own lives, that they might cover the swffad person of their sovereign, the Span- iards soon penetrated to the royal seat ; alid riaarre, seising the Inca by the ann, dragged him to the ground, and carried hfan as a prisoner to his qnarters. The fate of the monarch in- crniaed the precipitate flight of his Mlowers. The Spaniards punmed them towards every quarter, and with deliberata and unrelenting barfaatMy oontinaed^to slaughter wretched fbgi-. tives, who never once offered to resist. The ramoge did not cease until the elose of day. Above four thousand Peruvians were killed. Not a shigle Spoahurd (M, nor was MW Wounded bat Pisarro himself, whose hahd was slightly Inurt by one of his own soldiers, while strug- gling eagerly to by hold on the Inca. [ISl] The plunder of the field was rich beyond any idea which the Spaniards had yet formed con- eemiag the wealth of Pkru ; and they were so transported witli the value of the acquisition, as well as the greatness of their success, that they passed the night In the extravagant exulta- tion natural to Indigent adventurers on such an extraordinary change of fortune. At first the captive monarch could hardly be- lieve a udamlty which he so little expected to be reaL Bat he soon fch all the mikery of hit fiite, and the dejection Into which he sunk was In proportion to the height of grandeur from which ho had fldkth Plnrro, afraid of hMlng aU the advantages wbieh he hoped to derive from the peOMSsion of sttch a prisoner, laboured to ooaaole hhn with prafessions of kindaeis and respect* that eorrespended ill with his aetions. By re- siding among the Spaniards, the Inca quickly discovered their ruling passion, which indeed they were nowiso solleltous to conceal, and, by applylHg to that, made an attempt to recover his liberty. He oifontd as a ransom what astonished the Spaniards, even after all they now knew ooneemhig the opnleneo nf his kingdamt The apartatent ii which he was confined Was twenty-two ti«t in length and sixteen in breadth ; he undertook to fill It with vessels of gold as Mgh as he coold rcack Pfatorrt) eleeed eagerly with thhi tenptiag proposal, aikd a line was drawn upon the walk til the chamber, to BMric the ttlpniated height to wMek the tMoaura was ta rise. Atahwdpa, tramported vrttk having obtained some prospect of Mberty, took mta S M rt a |n*tantly for ftiMIlli^ hit paH of the agreement, by send- ing messengerti to Coaea, Quito, and afher pla c e s , where gold had becA Mnsgsed in largest quan- titleo, either for adorning the temples «f the gods, or the hodua of the Inca, to bring what waa aeceasary for cmapletlng Ms ransoM directly to Caxamako. Though Atahualpa Wta now in the cntody of his eneiiilcs, yet so madi were the Pernvians acMstomed to respect evAry man- date isBUcd by tlHir sovereign, that his orders were executed with the greatest (dacrity. Sooth- ed with hopes of raoovering his lihMrty by this means, the euljeets of the lAca trcre afraid of endangering his life by forming otiy aMier scheme for his relief ; and thoagh the force of tho em- pire was still ntire, no prep ara tio n s Were made, and no army assembled to avenge their own wrongs or those of their monarch.' The Spa- niards remai- -.ed ift Caxamaka tranqnil and un- molested, ijmall detatehmenta of theif numbf r marched into remote provinces of the empire, lXetei,2(B [Book VI. hd WM •Uflhtly ra, while •tfug- InM. [1S11 rich b«yond my yet foraMd con> nd they were to f the •cquieition, leir iuccess, that tnTii««nt exulta- fotm on euch tn ne. I eonld hM*y b«- ttie expected to be mlMry»fW»***« he lunk WM in ndeur from which d ef teeidl "U *><« » derlre from the lahwired to ooawle dneM Mid re«i»«ot» tMthme. By w- the Inc* qnlehly Ion, whfeh Indeed M> eoncealt wid. by empt to recover hie m whnt nrtonWied II th*y now knew his kingdom* The WM eonflneo wm h Md ehtteen in ill it with tremeU of ttofoml, and m Une ^ the ebamber, to wMehthetreMure IthhwrhiR «***»<» kmeMaTM|p*tuit)y «g»eem«nt,hyeeBd- ito, and otlier ptaeee, In lan^t quan- templce of the gods, to bring what wm ranMMi directly to loalfn WM now in yet Ml moeh were J respect eY hualpa perceived his own destruction to be inevi- table ; and suspecting that their insatiable thirat for gold would tempt them to lend a favourable ear to It, he determined to sacrifice his brother's life that he might save bis own ; and his orders for this purpose were executed, like all his other commands, with scrupulous punctuality.* Meanwhile, Indians daily arrived at Caxamal- ea from diflirent parts of the kingdom, loaded with trcMure. A great part of the stipulated quantity WM now amasssd, and Atahualpa as- sured the Spaniards that the only thing which prevented the whole from being brought In, wm the remoteness of the provinces where it wm deposited. But such vast piles of gold presented continually to the view of needy soldiers, had so inflamed their avarice, that it wm impossible any longer to restrain theii impatience to obtain possession of this rich booty. Orders were given tor melting down the whole, exnept some pieces of curious fabric reserved m a present for the emperor. After Mtting apart the fifth due to the crown, and a hundred thousand pesos m a donative to the soldiers which arrived with Al- magro, there remained one million five hundred and twenty-eight thousand five hundred pesos to Pizarro and his followers. The festival of St. 3 Xerei, iOL Herrera, dec. &. lib. Ul. c 1, 2. 3 Zarate, lib. ii. c. 6. Gomara HiiL c. 115. Hnwm. dec. & Ub. UL c 8. James [July S5], the patron Mint of Spain, was the day choMn for the partition of this enonnoas sum, and the manner of conducting it strongly marks the strange alliance of fanaticism with avarice, which I have more than once had oeca- slon to point out m a striking fMture in tha charMter of the oonquerars of the New World. Though assembled to divide the spoils of an in- nocent people, proeurari^y deceit, extortion, and cruelty, the transMtion began with a solemn in- vocation of the name of God,* m If they could have expected the gnidanM of hwven in distri- buting UiOM wages of iniquity. In this division above eight thouwnd pesos, at that time not in- ferior In effective value to m many pounds ster- ling in the present century, fell to the share of each horseman, and half that sum to each foot soldier. PiMrro himself, and Lis officers, re- ceived dividends in proportion tu the dignity of their rank. There is no example in history of such a sud- den acquisition of wealth by military snrvioo, nor WM ever a sum m great divided among w small a number of soldiers. Many of them hav- ing received a reeompenw for their services tu beyond their mwt sanguine hopes, were m im- patient to retire from fatigue and danger. In order to spend the remainder of their days in their native country In eaM and opulence, that they demanded their discharge with clamorous Importunity. Pinrro, sensible that from such men he could expect neither enterpriM in action nor fortitude in suffiMring, and persuaded that wherever they went the display of their riehM would allure adventurers, less opulent but mora hardy, to his standard, granted their suit with- out reluctance, and permitted above sixty of them to accompany his brother Ferdinand, whom ha sent to Spain with an account of his success, and the prewnt deetined for the em- peror.* The l^anlards having divided among them the trcMure amassed fbr the Inca's ransom, he inristed with them to fulfil their promise of set- ting him at liberty. But nothing wm further from Pirarro's thoughts. During bis long ser- vice in the New World, he had imbibed thoM idcM and maxims of his tellow-Mldiors, which led them to eonaider its inhabitants m an infe- rior race, neither wwthy of the name, nor en- titled to the rights of men. In his compact with Atahualpa, he had no other object than to amuse his captive with such a prospect of i«- oovering his liberty, m might Induce him to lend all the aid of his authority towards collecting the wealth of his kingdom. Having now accom- plished this, he no longer regarded his plighted faith ; and at the very time when the credulous A i 4 Henera, dec 5. Ub. UL c. S. 5 Hsnren. dec. 5. Ub. UL c. 4i Cc Vetra. p. 2. Ub. i. c 3& f^ HISTORY OF [Book VI. if' |iriiic« hoped to be replaeed on hli tbrou«i he had Morelly reiol?ed to bereikve him of Hit. Many circuinitanoe* leem to hava concurred in iwomptlng him to thio nction, tho moM criminal and iUMcioua that iitaint the Spaniah name, amidrt mU the deed* of vlolenoe committed in carrying on the cunqnef ts of the New World. Thaugh Pixarro luul aeiaed the Inca in Iiui- tatloB of Cortee'a conduct toward* the Mexican monarch, he did nut poes ci e talent* fur carrying on the aame artful plan of policy. Duatltute of the temper and addre** requUita for gaining the Mufidence of his priioner, he never reaped all the advantage* which might have been de- rived from being master of his peraon and au- thority. Atahualpa waa, indeed, a prince of grtiattr abilities and discernment than Montezu- ma, and seems to have penetrated more tho- roughly into the chaiveter i^id intentioua of the Spaniards. Mutual suspicion and distrust cc- c«rdingly toolt place between them. The strict attention with which it was necesury to guard a oaplive of such importance, grwtly iracrsnsed tha fatigue of military duty. Tha uUlity of keeping him appeareil Inoonsiderabla ; and 1*1. sarro felt him as a «r by present* of great value, they still eontinaed diotttiafied. They were apprehoneive, that as long as Atahiulpa remaioed a prisoner, Piiar- c«'il soldiers would apply whatever treMure should be acquired, to make up what waa want- ing of tha quantity stipulated for his ransom, and under that pretext exclude them from any part of it. They iniiisted fogerly on putting the Inca to death, that all the adventurers In Peru might thereafter be on an equal ^ting.* PJaitrro himself b^gan to bo alarmed with a^ooiwta of forces assembling in the remote pro- vino^a of tkfi empire, and suspected Atahualpa of having hif ucd oi-ders for that purpoae. These fisars and suHpicions were artfully increased by l^hUipplHo, one of the Indians, whom Pi-Mrfo bad carried off from Tumbex iu the year one thouMnd five hundred and twenty-seven, and wh^m he employed a* an interpreter. The function which ha performed admitting this m^n to familiar intercourse with the r^ptive monarch, he presumed, notwithstauding the meanness of bis birth, to mi*e bia affeetion* to a Coya, or descend«int of the 8uu, one of Ata- hualpa'* wiirfii ; and seeing oo prospect of grati- fying that passion during tJie life of the »on- I Elcrrera, d«c. 5. lib. iil. e. 4. « Zarate, lib, U. c 7. Veg*. p. ». liK i. c. 7. Hentn, dec. 5. lib. iit. c. 4'. anih, he endeavoured to fill the ear* of tli« SpnnUrds will *uch accounts of the Inca's *•* cret design* and preparation*, oa might awaken their Jenlwiey, and incite them to out him ulT. While Almagro and his follower* openly de- manded the life of the Inea, and Philippilio laboured to ruin bim by private machinaiiuiis, that unhappy prince inadvertently contributed to hasten his own fate. During his contiue- ment be had attached himsalf with peculiar af- feolioii to Ferdinand Piaurro and Hernando Suto ; whok as they were persog* of birth and education superior to the rough adventurers with .whom tboy eerved, were aooustomed to behave with more decency and attention to tho captive monarob. Soothed with this respect from person* of *uch high rank, he delighted i» their iwciety. But in the presence of the gover- nor he was always mieaay and overawed. This dread soon catua to be mingled with contempt. Among all the European arts, wb»t he ad- mired most was that of reading an'i writing ; and he hwg deliberated with himaclt; whether he should rpgard it aa a natural o.* acquired talent. In order to detormina this, ha iesired oaaof tbesokllere, who guarded him, to write the noma of God on the nail of bia thumb. This he showed iucee*sively fo several Span- iard*, asking ita meaning ; and to his amaxe- ment, they oU, without hesitation, returned the same answer. At length Pixarro . entered ; and, on presenting it to him, he bluabed, and with soma confusion was obliged to aekuowledge hi* ignorance. From that uaoment Atahualpa oonsiderad him aa a mean person less instructed than his own soldiers ; and he had not addriM enough to conceal the aentimsnte with which tbia diicovery inspired him. To be the ob- ject of a barbarian's acorn, not only mortifled the pride of Pisurro, but excited such reseuU m«nt in bia breast, as added force to all the other eonaideratlons which prompted him to put the Inca to death.* But in order to give soma colour of Juitioo to this violent action, and that he himself might bo exempted tntm atonding singly reaponaiblo for the oommiMion of it, Pixarro reeolved to try the Incp. with all.thoformalitie* observed In the criminal courts of Spain. Pizarro himself, and Almagro, with two asslstaute, were ap- pointed Judges, with full power to acquit or to condemn ; an ttttomey-generr.l was named to carry on the proeeitution In the kinft's name; eowisellora were ohoaen to assist the prisoner In hi* defence ; and clerk* were ordained to rrnord the proceeding* of court. Before this strange tribunal, a charge was exhibited ntill more amazing. It conaisted of vArious articles; that Atahualpa, though a bmitard, had diipos- sesscd the rightful owner of the throne, and 3 Hcrrcra, dec. 6. lib. iii. c. 4. Vega, p. 11. liU i. c 3S. [Book VI. le MUM of tli« Uto luut't **■> might awaken > out hiiu ulT. •n op«iily «l«- Md FbilipitUlo nuuslilimtiuikiti lly contribiiUd iig hU conflue- Ith peculiar af- aiid Harnauilo )• of birth null |h adventurer* I acouatomed to attention to t)t« Itii tJ»la rc»p«et , ha clellghtwl i» lice of the gover- ivcrawed. Tbla with conumpt. ■, wb»t he ftd- ng aiKi writings ilmocll^ whether iiral o* aciiuirad , ihlm ha Iwlrwl ed him. to write a of hia thumb, (o aareral Spau- iid to hia amaia- lioHi returned the Fiaarro . entered ; , he bluahed, and ndtoaekuowledge Lmaot Atabualp* ion leaa Inatructcd had not ad4r«M onta with which To b« the ob- lot only mortified oiled auch reeent- irco to all the other d him to put tho ■lour of juitioo to he biinaelf might ■ingly reaponaible laarro reaolved to lalitiei obeerved in FizaiTO himaelf, liatauta, were ap> rer tu acquit or to rrJ waa named t» the king's name ; lilt the prisoner In ordaincii to rcMird Wfore this strange libited ntlll more various articles ; wtard, had dltpos- Df the throne, and i>g3,p. 11. UK ic 3»- 15S3.J AMERICA. uaurped the regal poWer; that lin hnd pot hit brother and lawful sovereign to death ; that h« waa an Idolater, and had not only permit- ted but eomminded the offvring of human aaeriflees ; that he had a great number of con- oubinea; that ainee his imprlsonuMnt he had waated and ambeiitlMl tho royal treasurae, whiob now belonged of right to the conquerors ; that he had Incited hi* aubjecta to take arma against the Spaniard!. On these heads of accusation, soma of whieh are ao ludioroua, others so absurd, that the efl^ntery of Pitarro, In making them the foundation of a serious procedure, is not leas surprising than hie Injustice, did this atrange court go on to try the aoverelgn of a grtbt em- pire, over whom it had no jurisdiction. ViMt reapeot to each of the artiehs, witness** were examined : but ns they dellTered their evManea In their native tongue, PhiU|lpUlo had it In hi* power to give their word* Whatever turn beat suited his malev4dent Ihtention*. To judge* predetermined in their opinion^ thi* evldenee appeared sufficient. They pronounced Atahual- IKi guilty, and condemned him to be burnt alive. Vriar ValVerde proatltuted the author- ity of his sacred function to confirm this sen- tence, and by his signature warranted it to be just. Astonished at Ma fate, Atahualpa en- deavoured to avert it by tears, by promises, and by entreaties that ho might be tiept to Spain, where a monarch would be the arbiter of hh lot. But pity never touched the unffeellng heart of PItarro. He orderfed him to be led Instant- ly to execution j and what added io the bitter- ness of his last moment*, the same monk who had- .just ratified hia doom, offered to console and attempted to convert him. The moat powerful argument Valverde employed to pr«- vail with him to embrace the Christian iaith, waa a promise of mitigation In his punislutaent. The dread of a cruel death extorted from the trembling victim a desire of receiving baptism. The ceremony was performed ; and Atahualpa, instead of being burnt, was strangled at the stake.* Hi^plly for the credit of the Spanish nation, even among the profligate adventurers which it sent forth to conquer and desolate the New World, there were persons who retidned some tincture of the Caatilian generoelty and honour. Though, before the trial of Atahualpa, Ferdi- nand Flzarro had set out for Spain, and Soto was sent on a separate command nt a distance from Cbxamalea, this odious transaction was not carried on without censure and opposition. Several officers, and among those some of the greatest reptitation and most respectable families In the service, not only remonstrated but pro- i Zinte, lib. U. e. 7. Xcres. p. 83S. Vega, p. U. Ub i. c. 3fl, 77. Gomtra Hlrt. c. 117. Herrers, dec. 3< Ubk UL c. 4. tasted against this mcamre of their general, as diagneeAil to th«ir eonntry, as repugnant to every nutxlm or«quity, as a violation df public Ihith, and a nstarpation of Jurisdiction over an Independent monarch, to which they had no title. But their laudable endeavours were vain. NttUbef*, aild the opinion of sneh as held every thing to be lawAil which they deemed advonta- geoua, prevailed. History* however, records even the unsneeesMAil exertions of vlrtne * ith applause; and the Spanish writers. In relating eventa where the valour of their iMtlon Is more oonspionous than Ita humanity, have not Adled to preserve the names of those who made this laudaUe effort to save' their country from the infhmy of having perpetrated nueh a crime.* On the death of Atahualpa, PIzarro invested one of his sons with the ensigns of royalty, hoping that « yovag man without experleiieii might prav* a mors passive Instrtimf nt In hi* hands than an «Mbltifi(n monarch, who had been aeeustomed to Independent command. The people of Cusoo, and the ai^acent country, acknowledged Matioo Chpae, a hrMher oif Huascar, as Inoa.* But neither posaeaaed the authority which belonged to a sottnsign of Pern. The violent convulsion* Into Which the empire had been thrown, first by the elvU war between the .two brothers, and then by the Iti- taaion of the Spaniards, had net only deranged the order of the Peravlaa government, bnt al- most dissolved Its firame. When they beh«iM their monarch a t. c. 126, &c. Remetal Hist Gua- limaL lib. Ill c. 6. Herrera, dec. S. lib. vi. c. 1, 2, 7, 8. 5 Zaratc, Ub. 111. c. S. Vega, p. 11. lib. ii. c. I». Her. lera, dec. ft. Ub. vl. c 13. than pretending that Cuxeo, the Imptrlal resi- dence of the Inoas, lay within lu boundaries he attempted to render himself master of that Important station. Juan and Oonzalei Plxarro prepared to oppoae him. Each of the contend- ing parlle* wa* *upported by powerful adher> ent*, and the disput* wa* on th* point of being terminated by the aword, whan Francis Pliarro arrived In th* capital. The r*eonclllatlon be- tween him and Almagro bad never baon cordial. ' Th* traaohery of Plaarro in angroeaing to him-; self all the honours and emoluments, which ought to hav* bean divided with his associate, was always present in both their thoughts. ' The former, conscious of his own perfidy, did not expect forgiveness ; the latter, feeling that he (had been deceived, was Impatient to b* avenged ; and though avarice and ambltlor had indnoad them not only to dissemble their senti- ments, but even to act In concert while in pur. suit of wealth and power, no sooner did they obtain possession of these, than thsMunepa*- •lon* which had formed thi* temporary union, gave rise to Jealousy and discord. To each of them was attached a small band of interested dependant*, who, with the mallciou* art pecu- liar to auch men, heightened their suspicions, and magnified every appearance of offence. But with all tboee seed* of enmity in their minds, and thus asslduoualy cherlehed, each wo* *o thoroughly acquainted with the abllitle* and eourag* of hi* rival, that they equally dreaded the consequences of an open rupture. The for. tnnate arrival of Pisarro at Cuzco, and the addreee mingled witfi flrmnees which he mani- fested In his expostulation* with Almagro and hia partiaana, averted that evil for the preaent. A new reconciliation took place ; the chief ar- ticle of which waa, that Almagro should at- tempt the conquest of Chill ; and if he did nut find In that province an eatabliahment adequate to his merit and expectationa, Pisarro, by way of indemnification, ahould yield up to blm apart of Peru. Thie new agreement, though con- firmed [June IS] with the aame sacred solem- nities as their first contract, was observed with aa little fidelity.* Soon after he concluded this Important trans- action, Pizarro marched back to the countrlee on the seacoast ; and as he now enjoyed aa in- terval of tranquillity undisturbed by any enemy, either Spaniard or Indian, he applied himself with that persevering ardour, which distinguish- es his character, to introduce a form of regu- lar government Into the extensive province* subject to his authority. Though 111 qualified by his education to enter into any disquisi- tion concerning the principle* of civil policy, 6 Zorate, lib. ii. c. la Vega, p. 11. Ub. il. c. 10. Benio, lib. iU. c. 6. Herrera, dec. 5. Ub. Tit c. 8. 198 HISTORY OF [Hook VI. h\ ^ tnd lluU aoaiutoiMd by his formw iMblU of lire to atund to lla UTUgoaiMttOi hli MlunU MfBclly MipplM tho want both of loltiHM and •xptrlwioo. II« dbtrlbutod tho country into voriout dUtriolo; bo appolnttd propor ma|lo- tntM to prwido in aaeht and Mtabllthad ro- gulatlona oonoarnlng tho adminUtration of ju^^ tloo, the eoUeetlon of the royal rovenus, the working of tho nlneo, and the treatment of tho Indiana, extreaely aittW*! but well naleulatod to pronoU the pubile preeperlty. But thought for the pmaent, he adapted hie phin to thein- fant itale of hli colony, hia aepiring mind loali» ed forward to it* future grandeur. He eonel- dered himaelf ae laying the foundation of a great nnpire, and delibemted long, a»d with much noUcituda, in what plaiw he ahou.*d fls the eeat of KOToruDent. Cuzoe, the imperial city of the Incao, WM altuated in a comer of the empire, ikbove four huidrtd mile* fnnn the eea, aud much Airther from Quito, a province of whoee Taluo be had finrmed a high idea. No other lettlemenl of tba PeruTlana wae m conaidMrable aa to mu-it th« name of a town, or to aUure the Spaniarda to flu their residenre in it. But In marckiag tbrmigk the country, Fiaarro bad beea atruek with the beauty and fertUity of the Tallay of Himao, one of the moit eztrnaiTO and best cul- tivated in Prro. There, ou iho banka of a amall riTer, of the tame name with the vale which it waters and enriches, at the distance of lis mile* irom theFaeiflc destined to be the capital of his government [Jan. 18, 1565]. He gave it the name of Ciudad deloe Reyes, either from the cireumstanoe of having laid the first stone, at that aeaaon wheti the church cdebratea the festival of the Three Kings, or, as is more probable. In honour of Juana and Cbarlea, the joint sovereigns of Cas- tile. This name It still retains among the Spa- iiiaNs in all legal and formal deeds ; but it is better known to fordgners by that of lAmmt a corruption of the aneient appdlation of the valley in which it ie situated. Under his inspeetion, the buildings advanced with such rapidity, that it soon assumed the form of a city, which, by a magnifleeBt palace that be erected for himself, and by the statdy housea built by several of his officers, gave, even ia its infancy, some indieation of Its subsequent gramieur.' In consequence of what had been agreed with Piaarro, Almagro began bis march towards Chili ; and as he possessed in an eminent degree the virtues most admired by soldiers, boundless liberality and fearlees courage, his standard was followed by five hundred oiid seventy men, the greatest boidy of Europeans that hod hitherto I Herren, «ec. ft. lib. vi. c. IS. lib. vil. c. la Cilancho, Coronica, lib. i. u. U7. Bamcuvo, Lima ftindata, il. SM. ^allao, the most commodloua harbour In 'aeiiic Ocean, he founded a city which he •embled in IVni. From Impatience tu flnieb the expedition, or frxna that contempt of hardship and danger acquired by all the Spa- nhurds who bad served long in America, Aim*, gro. Instead of advancing along the level country on the coast, choee to march across tks moun- tains by a route that was shorter indeed, but almoet Impracticable. In this attempt his tronpe were exposed to every aahunlty which men can suffer, from flillgue, fron mine, and from the rigour of the elimato in those elevated regions of the torrid sons, where the degree of cold is hardly InAnlor to what Is felt within the polar olreie. Many of thsm perished ; and the sur- vivors, when they devcended into the fertile plains of Chill, bad new dliHculties to encounter. They found tliere a race of men very dlflterent trtm the people of Vwu, Intrepid, hardy, inde- pendent, aiKl in their bodily constitution, as well a* vigour of spirit, nearly resembling the warlike tribes In North America. Though Ailed with wonder at the first appearance of the Spa- niards, and still moie aatonished at the opera- tions of their cavalry and the effects of their firearms, the Chilese soon recovered so for tVoM their surprise, as n«t only to defend themsdves with obstinacy, but to h\:^ek their new enemies with mora determ; >ed flercenem than any Amerlean nation had hitherto discovered. The Spaniards, however, continued to penetrate into the eountry, and collected some considerable qmmtltlea «f gold ; but were so far ft-om think- ing of making any settlement amidst such for- midable nelghbaunt that, in spite of all tho ex- perleneo and valour of their loader, tho final issue of the sspadltiea still remained extremely dubkma, when they were recalled from It by an unexpected revolution at Peru.' The causes of this important event I shall sndeavour to trace to their source. 8o many adventurers had flocked to Peru trma every Spanish colony in America, and all with such high expeetations of aeenmulating In- dependent fortuiMS ait onae, that, ta men possessed with notioM so extravaga**, any mention of acquiring wealth gradually, and by scbsmea of patient industry, would have been not only a disappointment, but an insult. In order to find occupation for men who could not with safety be allowed to remain Inactive, Fiaarro encourag- ed some of the most dlsfinguished oflieers who had lately joined him, to invade different pro- vinces of ths empire whhJi the Spaniards had not hitherto visitod. Several large bodies were formed for this purpose; and about the time that Almagro set out for Chili, they marched into remote dinriets of the eotuitry. No sooner a Zarate, lib. 111. c. 1. Ooman Hiat c. 191. Vugs, p •i. lib. li. e. tm. Ovale Hilt de Chile, lib iv. A 15, Ac. Uerrcra, dec. 5. lib. vl. c. 0. iib. x. c. I, Ac. [Hock VI. t tmimtimiM lu •t cMitompt of ly bU th« 8r^ LincrtMh AlflM- row tkt moun- rur Indtwi. fcM* ttcinpthU troop* whkh m«n «»•« le, and trtm the ietBt«drfgloi«of fptt olf coM 1» nrlthla »h« P"**" d ; wnd the •»»- into th« f«»tU« Itln to encounter, en very dllfcren* .pid, hwdy, Inde- ' coiutltutlon, M ly reMmblliitl th« lc». Though MM imnce ol' tho 8p»- hed at the opera- te t«eei» of their covered no for tVort dcfmd themeeiirte their new enemiee rceneae thm «»? o dlKOvered. The ■4 to penetmte Into Mine conilderable ao far from thlnk- itimldet luch fer- ■piu of aU the *x- iMukr, the inal _ined extremely ^ed from It by an lirii.' The eaaeea of endekTOur to trace , flocked to Peru .. America, and all of aeeamiilating in- tf ta men poeeeeaea any tnention of uid by Bckemea of ve been not only a It. In order to find [uld not with eafety I, Plaarro enconrafc aUhed oflleera who iTade different pro- the Spaniard* had a lariie bodle* were und about the Um* :hUl, tUcy marched Kontry. No wnmer 1AS6.] AMERICA. lOI Hut c. 131. Vci», n phite. »«». l»- «■ '*» **• , c. I, Ac. did Manru C'apa, under Juan and CJonaalea Itaarro, thau li thought that the happy period wat at length ivme for vlndkallag liU own rlghta, for avenging the wrongi of hi* cituntry, and extirpating iu oppreaeora. lliough atrlctly watched by tlui SpaaLinb, who allowad him to reeide in the palace of his anaeitor* at Cuxcoi he found meona of eommunlcating hla wheme to the peraona wlio were to be intniatcd •.vith the execution of it. Among people accua- tomed to revere their aovereign aa a dlviulty, every hint of hla will oarriea the authority of a command ; and they tbemaalva* were now con- vlnred, by the dally increaae In the number of tlipir luvadera, that the fond hope* which they had long entertained of their voluntary depart* ure were altogether vain. AU perceived that a viguroua ctfort of the whole nation waa requleit* to expel them, and the preparation* fi»r It wore carried on with the aecrecy and eilanoe peculiar to American*. After aome unsueceaaful attempta of the Inoa to make hla eicape, Ferdinand Pixorro happen- ing to aiTive at that tim* in Casco, [16S0J he obtained permlaalon (ton him to attend a great feetival which wa* to be celebrated a few league* from the capital. Under pnlntt of that loUm- nityi th« great mMi of the empire were amem- bled. Ae aoon a* the Inca Jolaed them the •tandord of war wa* erected ; and In a ihort time all the lighting men, flrom the oonflne* of Quito to the frontier of Chili, were in arm*. Tfivtf Spaniard*, living aecurely on the aettle- menta allotted them were maeeaered. Several detachmenta, a* tb*y narchad carcleialy through a country which aeemed to be tamely *ubml»> •Iv* to their dominion, were cut off t<.> f nten. An vrmy amounting (if w* may believe the Spanitb writere) to two hundred tbouaand men, attacked Cuxoo, which the three brother* en» deavoured to defend with only one hundred and aeventji Spaniard*. Another formidable body inveated Lima, and kept the governor doaely (but up. There wa* no longer any oomnluni- eation between the two citie* ; the numerou* force* of the FeruvlaD* (preadlog over the coun- try, intercepted every meeaenger; and a* the parties in Cuzco and Lima were equally unac- quainted with the fate of their countrymen, each boded the wont oonceming the other, and ima- gined that they tbemaelvea were the only per- aoD* who had lurvived the general extinctlou of the Spaniah name in Peru.' It was at Cusco, where the Inca commanded 3 Vega, p. II. lib. ii. c. !9. Zarate, lit). HL c. 3. Cleca de Lean, c («. Gomara HUt, c. 13\ Herrera, dec i. I Ub. Till. c. & 1 In pei;^on, that the Peruvian* made their chief effortib UuriHg nine moiitha they carried on the elege with iuceswuil ardour, and In vartou* form* I and though tliey displayed iii>t the eama undaunted ferocity a* tlie JUexican warrlonb they conducted some of their o|Mratlous In a manner which diaiwvered greater aagaolty, aiul a geniu* moN (wceptible of improvement In the military art. Thay not only obterred the ad- voutagea which th* Spaniard* derived from tlielr dlaciplln* and their weapons, but they endea- voured to imitate the farmer, and turned tbo latter against them. Tbey armed a considoru- ble body of their bravest warriors with the swords, tlis spears, and buckler*, which they had taken from the Spanish •oldlers whom they bad cut off in different parts of the country. Theee tbey endeavoured to marshal in that re- gular compact order, to which experience hod taught them that the Spaniards were Indebted for their irreeistlble force In action. Some ap- peared In th* field with Spanish muskets, and had acquired •kill and resolution snough to use them. A few of the boldest, among whom waa the Inra himself, were mounted on the horse* which they had taken, and advanced briildy to tbu charge like Spanish cavaliers, with their lance* In the reek It was more by their num- ber*, however, than by those Imperfect essays to imitate European nrt* and to employ Europeaa arme, that the Peruvian* annoyed the Span- iards. [IS6] In spite of the vnlour, heightened by despair, with which tbo three brothers de- fended Cuzco, Manoo Capac recovered posses- sion of one half of his capital ; and in their va- rious efforts to drive him out of it, the Spaniard* lost Juan Pixarro, the b**t beloved of all the brother*, together with *ome other persons of note. Worn out with the fatigue of incessant duty, distressed with want of provisions, and despairing of being able any longer to resist aa enemy whoee number* daily increased, the sol- diers became impatient to abandon Cuzco, in hope* either of Joining their countrymen, if any of them yet survived, or of forcing their way to the sea, and finding some means of escaping from a country which had been so fatal to the Span- ish name.* While they were brooding over tho*e desponding thoughts, which their officers laboured in vain to dlapel, Almagro appeared auddenly In the neighbourhood of Cuzco. llie accounts transmitted to Almagro concern- ing the general insurrection of the Peruvians, were such as would have induced him, without hesitation, to relinquish the conqueet of Chill, and hasten to the aid of his countrymen. But in this resolution he was confirmed by a motive less generous, but more interesting. By the same messenger who brought bim intelligence JL" 4 Herrera, dec. ft. lib. vUi. c 4 200 HISTORY OF [Book VI. H of the Inca's revolt, he recetved the royal patent creatinif him ffovemor of Chili, and defining the limit! of his jurisdiction. Upon considering the tenor of it, he deemed it manifest beyond con- tradiction, that Cuzco lay within the boundaries of his government, and he was equally solicitous to prevent the Peruvians from recovering pos- session of their capita], and to wrest it out of the hands of the Pizarroa. From impatience to accomplish both, he ventured to return by a new route ; and in marching through the sandy plains on the coast, he suiTered from heat and drought, calamities of a new species hardly in- ferior to those in which he had been involved by cold and famine on the summits of the Andes. 1537. ] His arrival at Cuzco was in a critical moment. The Spaniards and Peruvians fixed their eyes upon him with equal solicitude. The former, as he did not study to conceal his pre- tensions, were at a loss whether to welcome him as a deliverer, or to take precautions against him as an enemy. The latter, knowing the points in contest between bim and his country- men, flattered themselves that they had more to hope than to dread from his operations. Al- magro himself, unacquainted with the detail of the events which had happened in his absence, and solicitous to learn the precise posture of af- fairs, advanced towards the capital slowly, and with great circumspection. Various negotia- tions with both parties were set on foot. I1ie Inca conducted them on his part with much address. At first he endeavoured' to gain the friendship of Almagro ; and after many fruit- less overtures, despairing of any cordial union with a Spaniard, be attacked him by surprise with a numerous body of chosen troops. But the Spanish discipline and valour maintained their wonted superiority. The Peruvians were repulsed with such slaugh.i/jr that a great part of their army dispersed, and Almagro proceeded to the gates of Cuzco without interruption. The Pizarros, as they had no longer to make head against the Peruvians, directed all their at- tention towards their new enemy, and took mea- sures to obstruct his entry into the capital. Pru- dence, however, restrained both parties for some time from turning their arms against one an- other, while surrounded by common enemies, who would rijoice in the mutual slaughter. Different schemes of accommodation were pro- posed. Each endeavoured to deceive the other, or to corrupt his followers. The generous, open, affable temper of Almagro gained many adher- ents of the Pizarroa, who were disgusted with their harsh, domineering manners. Encouraged by this defection, he advanced towards the city by night, surprised the sentinels, or was admit- ted by them, and, investing the house where the two brothers resided, compelled them, after an obstinate defence, to surrender at discretion. Almagro's claim of jurisdiction over Cuzco was universally acknowledged, and a form of admin- istration established in his name,' Two or three persons only were killed in this first act of civil hostility; but it was soon fol- lowed by scenes more bloody. Francisco Pizar- ro having dispei-sed the Pen'vlans who had in- vested Lima, and received some considerable reinforcements from Hispaniola and Nicaragua, ordered five hundred men, under the command of Alonso de Alvarado, to march to Cuzco, in hopes of relieving his brothers, if they and their garrison were not already cut off by the Peru- viana. This body, which at that period of the Spanish power in America must be deemed a considerable force, advanced near to the capital before they knew that they had any enemy more formidable than Indians to encounter. Ic was with astonishment that they beheld their coun- trymen posted on the banks of the river Aban- cay to oppoae their progress. Almagro, how- ever, wished rather to gain than to conquer them, and by bribes and promises, endeavoured to seduce their leader. The fidelity of Alvarado remained imshaken; but his talests for war were not equal to his virtue. Almagro amused him with various movements, of which he did not comprehend the meaning, while a large dC" tachment of chosen soldiers passed the river by night, [July IS] fell upon his ramp by surprise, broke his troops before they had time to form, and took him prisoner, together with his prin- cipal officers.* By the sudden rout of this body, the contest between the two rivals must have been decided, if Almagro had known as well how to improve as how to gain a victory. Rodrigo Orgognez, an officer of great abilities, who having served under the Constable Bourbon, when he led the impe- rial army to Rome, had been accustomed to bold and decisive measures, advised him instantly to issue orders for putting to death Ferdinand and- Oonzalo Pizarroa, Alvarado, and a few other persons whom he could not hope to gain, and to march directly with his victorious troops to Li- ma, before the governor had time to prepare for his defence. But Almagro, though he discerned at once the utility of the counsel, and though he had courage lu have carried it . into execution, suffered himself to be influenced by sentiments unlike tfaoee of a aoldler of fortune grown old in service, aud by scruples which suited not the chief of a party who had drawn his sword in civil war. Feelings of humanity restrained him from shedding the blood of his opponents; ahd the dread of being deemed a rebel deterred him from entering a province which the King bad I Zarate, lib. IIL c. 4. Vega, p. II. lib. IL c. S9, 31. Go. mara HUt c. I3t. Herrera, dec. 6. lib. 11. c. 1— A 8 Zarate, lib. ill. c. 6. Gom. Hi>t. c. I3S.' Vega, p, II. lib. il. c. as, 34. Herrera, dec. & lib. ti. c. 9. Book VI. snn of admin- e killed in this t was soon foU rancisco Pizar- B who had in- i« considerable ind Nicaragua, r the Rommand (i to Cuzco, in r they and their if by the Peru- at period of the St he deemed a ir to the capital my enemy more aunter. It wm leld their coun- the river Aban- Almagro, how- :han to conquer see, endeavoured eiityof Alvarado talents for war Almagro amused of which he did while a large de- used the river by ramp by surprise, ittd time to form, M with hb prin- Ibody, the contest lave been decided, II how to improve lrlgoOrgogne«,an wing served under » he led the impe- Rccustomed to bold i him instantly to ith Ferdinand an* and a few other ope to gain, and to riooa troops to Ll- iime to prepare for hough he discerned isel, and though he It. into execution, iced by sentimenU rtune grown old in ich suited not the fawn hie sword in nlty restrained him lis opponents; ahd rebel deterred him hich the King had lI.Ub.U.c.89,Sl. Go- 6. lib. 11. c 1-4. Hilt. c. 138.' Vega, p, . fl. lib. 11. c. ». 1637.] AMERICA. «01 allotted to another. Though he Itnew that arm* must terminate the dispute between him and Pizarro, and resolved not to shun that mode of decision ; yet with a timid delicacy, preposter- ous at such a juncture, he was so solicitous that his rival should be considered as the aggressor, that he marched quietly back to Cuzco, to wait hi* approach.* Pizarro was still unacquainted with all the interesting events which had happened near Cuz- co. Accounts of Almagro's return, of the loss of the capital, of the death of one brother, of the Imprisonment of the other two, and of the defect of Alvarado, were brought to him at once. Such a tide of misfortunes almost over- whelmed a spirit which bad continued firm and erect under the rudest shocks of adversity. But the necessity of attending to his own safety, a* well a* the deeiro of nvenge, preserved him from sinking under it. He took measure* for both with hi* wonted sagacity. As he had the com- mand of the seacoast, and expected considerable supplies both of men and military stores, it was no less hi* intereet to gain time, and to avoid action, than it wa* that of Almagro to precipi- tate operation*, and bring the contest to a speedy issue. He had recourse to arts which he had foraTerly practised with success ; and Almagro wa* again weak enough to luffer himself to be amuecd with a prospect of terminating their diifereace* by aome amicable accommodation. By varying hi* overtkirea, and shifting his ground 0* often a* it suited his purpose, some- times seeming to yield to every thing which his rival could desire, and then rotracting all that he had granted,. Pizarro dexterously protracted the negotiation to such a length, that, though every day was precious to Almagro, several months elapsed without coming to any final agreement. While the attention of Almagro, and of the officers with whom he consulted, was occupied in detecting and eluding the fraudulent intentions of the governor, Gonzalo Pizarro and Alvarado found means to corrupt the sol- diers to whose custody they wero committed, and not only made their escape themselves, but persuaded sixty of the men who formerly guard- ed them to accompany their flight.* Fortune having thus delivered on* of his brothers, the governor scrupled not at one act of perfidy more to procure the release of the other. He proposed that every point in controversy between Alma- gro and himself should be submitted to the de- cision of their sovereign ; that until hia award wa* known, each should retain undisturbed po« * e *i ion of whatever part of the country he now «oe«ipied ; that Ferdinand Pizarro should be sat at liberty, and return inatantly to Spain, S Henen, dec. 6. lib. 11. c. 10, 1 1. « Zarate. Ub. ill. c a Herrera.dcc. & lib, U. e. II. together with the officer* whom Almagro pur- poeed to send thither to ropresent the justice of his claims. Obvious as the design ot Pizarro was in those propositions, and ftmillar a* hi* artifice* might now have been to hi* opponent, Almagro, with a credulity approaching to inia- toation, relied on hi* *inc*rity, and conoluifVith this ctive officers to tlon of various to submitted to Jard erected by |f those new ex- ith the ardour Bveral of Alma- thus Pizarro rercd both from ted friends, and k several months sh of suspense, ennined by the he fell into tbeSr m to defer gratl- lie soldiers who several of their uld not perfectly loon as they set litions, Almagro nally tried, and tenca astonished sn braved death ltd, its approach appalled him so to abject suppli- 11. Hb. II. c. 96-«. It. c. I-* . lib. «. c. 38. Ut c. Ul. llCTiers. 1540.] AMERICA. ! 203 cations unworthy of bis former fame. Pie be- sought the Pizarros to remember the ancient friendship between their brother and him, and how much he had contributed to the pros- perity of their family; he reminded them of the humanity with which, in opposition to the repeated remonstrances of his own most at- tached friends, he bad spared their lives when he had them in his power ; he conjured them to pity his age and infirmities, and to suffer him to pass the wretched remainder of his days in be- wailing his crimes, and in making his peace with Heaven. The entreaties, says a Spanish histo- rian, of a man so much beloved touched many an unfeeling heart, and drew tutn from many a «tern eye. But the brothers remained inflexible. As soon as Almagro knew his fate to bo inevit- able, he met it with the dignity and fortitude of a veteran. He was strangled in prison, and afterwards publicly beheaded. He suffered in the suventy-fiflth year of his age, and left one son by an Indian woman of Panama, whom, though at that time a prisoner in Lima, he named as successor to his government, pursuant to a power which the emperor bad granted him.* IS39.3 As, dui'ing the civil dissensions in Peru, all intercourse with Spain was suspended, the detail of the extraordinary transactions there did. not soon reach the court. Unfortunately for the victorious faction, the first intelligence was brought thither by some of Almagro's officers, who left the country upon the ruin of tlieir cause ; and they related what had happen- ed, with every circumstance unfavourable to Pizarro and his brothers, llieur ambition, their breach of the most solemn engagements, their violence and cruelty, were painted with all tlie malignity and exaggeration of party hatred. Ferdinand Pizarro, who arrived soon after, and appeared in court with extraordinary splendour, endeavoured to efface the impressior which (heir accusationshad made, and to justify his brother and himself by representing Almagro as the aggressor. The emperor and his minis- ters, though they could not pronounce which of the contending factions was most criminal, clearly discerned the fatal tendency of their dis- sensions. It was obvious, that while the leaders, intrusted with the conduct of two infant colo- nies, employed the arms which should have beea turned against the common enemy, in destroying one another, all attention to the public good must cease, and there was reason to dread thai the Indians might improve the ad- Tantage which the disunion of the Spaniards presented to them, and extirpate both the victors •cd vanquished. But the evil was more appa- ll Zurste, lib iii. c IS. Oomura Hist. c. Ul. V(«a. p. 1 1 . lib. 11. c. 39. Hc-.Ten, dec. 0. Ub. W. r. 9. lib. v. c. I. rent than the remedy. Where the information which had been received was so defective and suspicious, and the scene of action so remote, it was almost impossible to chalk out the line of conduct that ought to be followed ; and before any plan that should be approved of in Spain could be carried into execution, the situation of the parties, and the circumstances of affairs, might alter so entirely as to render its effects extremely pernicious. Nothing therefore remuned but to send • person to Peru, vested with extensive and dis- ' cretionary power, who, after viewing deliberately the posture of affairs with his own eyes, and in- quiring upon the spot into the conduct of the different leaders, should be authorized to esta- blish thr (government in that form which he deemed most conducive to the haterest of the parent state, and the welfare of the colony. The man selected t^ * this important charge was Christoval Vaca de Castro, a judge in the court of royal audience at Valladolid ; and his abilities, integrity, and firmness Justified the choice. His instructions, though ample, were not such as to fetter him in his operations. According to the different aspect of affairs, he had power u> take upon him different characters. If he found the governor still alive, he was to assume only the title of Judge, to maintain the appearance of acting in concert with him, and to giuuxl against giving any just cause of offence to a man who had merited so highly of his country. But if Pizarro were dead, he was intrusted with a commission that h*; might then produce, by which he was appointed his successor in the government of Peru. This attention to Pizarro, however, seems to have flowed rather from dread of his power than from any approbation of his measures ; fur, at the very time that the court seemed so solicitous not to irritate him, his brother Ferdinand was arrested at Madi-id, and confined to a prison, where he remained above twenty years.' 1540.] While Vaca de Castro was preparing for his voyage, events of great moment happen- ed in Peru. The governor, considering himself, upon the death of Almagro, as the unrivalled possessor of that vast empire, proceeded to parcel out its territories among the conquerors; and had this division been made with any degree of impartiality, ths extent of country which he had to bestow was sufficent to have gratified his friends and to have gained his enemies. But Pizarro conducted this transaction, not with the equity and candour of a judge attentive to discover and to reward merit, but with the illi- beral spirit of a party leader. Large districts, in parts of the country most cultivated and po- 7 Oamara Hitt c. 142. Vega, p. tl. lib. IL r. tO. Kct. rers, dec. 6. lib. vlU. r. IP, II. lib. x. c. 1. 204 HISTORY OF [Book VI. -'i ^!' .! •|i i i f ■ ;P lis I I \ ■ I fi ])ut )us, were set apart ai hia own proparty, or grauted to his brothers, hb adherents, and &vou- rites. To others, lots lew valuable and inviting were assigned. The followera of Almagro, amongst whom wore many of the original adven- turers to whoee valour and perseverance Fizarro was indebted for his success, were totally exclud- ed from any pmrtion in those lands, towards the acquisition of which they had contributed so largely. As the vanity of every Individual set an immoderate value upon his own services, and the idea of each concerning the recompense due to them rose gradually to a more exorbitant height in proportion as their conquests extended, all who were disappointed in their, expeotation* exclaimed loudly against the rapaciousneaa and partiality of the governor. The partisans of Al- magro murmured in secret, and meditated re- venge.' Rapid as the progress of the Spaniards in South America had been since Plzarro landed in Peru, the!r avidity of dominion was not yet sa- tisfied. The oflSeers to whom Ferdinand Piaarro gnve the command of different detachments, penetrated into several new provinces ; and though some of them were exposed to great hardships in the cold and barren regions of the Andes, and others suffered distress not inferior amidst the woods and marshes of the plains, they made discoveries and conquests which not only extended their knowledge of the country, but added considerably to the territories of Spain in the New Worid. Pedro de Valdivia reassumed Almagro's scheme of invading Chili, and, notwithstanding the fortitude of the natives in defending their ]K.ase8sions, made such pro- gress in the conquest of the country, that he founded the city of St. Jago, and gave a begin- ning to the esUdbliahment of the Spanish domin- ion in that province.* But of al'. the enterpriiee undertaken about this period, that of Gomalo Fiaarro waa the most remarkable. The go- vernor, who aeems to have t'eaolved that no per- son in Peru should possess any station of dis- tinguished eminence or authority but thoae of Us own family, had deprived Benalcazar, the conqueror of Quito, of hia command in that kingdom, and appointed his brother Gonzalo to take the government of it. He instructed him to attempt the discovery and conquest of the country to the east of the Andes, which, accord- ing to the informatiou of tbe Indians,, abounded with dnnamon and otLer valuable cpices. Gon- zalo, not Inferior to any of his brothers in conrage, and no less ambitious of acquiring dis- tinction, eagerly engaged in this difflcult service. He aet out firom Quito at the head of three I Vega. p. II. Ub. tti. e. C Hcrms, dee. «. lib. riU. C.5. S Zante. lib. ill. c 13. Ovalle, Ilk II. c. I. tie. hundred and forty soldiers, near one half of whom were horsemen ; with four thousand In- dians to carry their provisioM. In forcing their way through the deftlea, or ever the ridge* of the Andee, excess of cold and fatigue, to neither of whieh they were accustomed, proved fttal to the greater part of their wretched attendants. Tbe Spaniards, though more robust, and Inured to a variety of climate*, suffered considerably, and lostaome men: but when they descended Into the low country, their distress Increased. Dur- ing two months It rained Ineeaaantly, without any interval of fair weather long enough to dry their clothe*.* The immense pUlns upon whieh they were now entering, either altogether with- out Inhabitants, or occupied by the rudest and least Industrious tribe* in the New Worid, yielded little subsistence. They could not ad- vance a step but as they cut a road through woods, or made it through marshes. Such in- cessant toil, and continual scarcity of food, seem more than sufficient to have exhausted and dis- pirited any troops. But the fortitude and par- severance of the Spaniards in the sixteenth cen- tury were Insopeiable. Allured by frequent but false accounts of rich countries before them, they persisted in struggling on, until they reach- ed tb* banks of the Coca or Napo, one of the large rivers whose water* pour into the Marag- non, and contribute to its grandeur. There, with infinite labour, they built a bark, which they expected would prove of great utility in conveying them over rivers. In procuring provi- sions, and in exploring the country. This was manned with fifty ^Idlers, under the command of Francis Orellana, the officer next in rank to Pizarro. "llie stream carried them down with anch rapidity, that they were soon far ahead of their countrymen, who followed slowly and with difficulty by land. At this dlatanee from hia commander, Orella- na, a young man of an aapiring mind* began to fancy hlmadf Independent ; and tranaported with the predominant paaaien of the age, he formed the scheme of diatinguiahing himaelf a* a dbcoverer, by following the ceurae of the Ma- ragnon until It Joined the ocean, and by aurrey- ing the vaat region* through which It fiow*. Thia acheme of Orellana'a waa aa bold a* it wa* treacheroua. For, if he be chargeable with the guilt of having violated hia duty to hia com- mander, anu with having abandoned hia fellow- Boldiera in a pathleaa deaert, where they had hardly any hope* of *uooe**, or even of aafety, but what were founded on the aervlea which they expected from the bark ; hia crime is. In some measure, balanced by the glory of having ventured upon a navigation of near tw thousand leagues, through unknown nation*, in a vaesal S Zarate.Ui), Iv.c.X. r ■ lOOK VI. one lialf of IiousiumI In- forelnc their ridge* of the 10 neither of d&taltothe duita. The 1 Inured to k denhljr, »n4 iieeuded into ewed. Dur- tHj, without nough to dry • uponwhleh ggether with- le rudeet end New World, could not ad- road through es. Such in- of food, aeem usted end dle- tude and per- eixteenth cen- 1 by frequent M before them, mil they roech- ipo, one of the ito the Marag- ideur. There, a bark, which Eit utility in - uring proTi- This was r'the command lext in rank to lem down with on fcr ahead of ed alowly and nander, OrelU- mindt began to tnd tranaported of the age, he thing himaelf aa inrae of the Ma- and by eurrey- whlch it flowt. » bold aa it waa geable with the ity to hi* com- Joned hia fellow- irhere they had eren of safety, le aerrice which hie crime it, in glory of haring _ ir two thouiand iona, in a vewtel 1541.] AMERICA. 203 hiutily constructed, with green timber, nnd by very unskilful hands, without provisions, with- out a compass, or a ]iiIot. But his courage nud Maorlly supplied every defect. Committing himself fearlessly to the guidance of the stream, the Mapo bore him along to the south, until he reached the great channel of the Marag- non. 'i\iming with it towards the coast, he held on his course In that direction. Ho made fVequent descents on both sidee of the river, sometime* seizing by force of arms the pro- visions of the fierce savages seated on its banks; and sometimes procuring a supply of food by a fUendly Intereourse with more gentle tribes. After a long series of dangers, which he encountered with amuing fortitude, and of diatresses which he supported with no lese magnanimity, he reached the ocean [137], where new perils awaited him. These he likewise surmounted, and got safe to the Spa- nish settlement in the island Cubagua; from thence he eailed to Spain. The vanity na< tiiral to travellera who visit regions un- known to the rest of mankind, and the art of an adventurer solicitous to magnify his own merit, concurred in prompting him to mingle an extraordinary proportion of the marvellous In the narrative of his voyage. He pretended to have discovered nations so rich, that the roofs of their temples were covered With plate* of gold; and described a republio of women so warlike and powerful, as to have extended their dominion vver a considerable tract of the fertile plains which he had viaitcd. Extravagant as these tale* were, they gave riee to an opinion, that a region abounding with gold, distinguished by the name of El Dorado, and a community of Amasona were to be found in this part of the world ; and such is the propensity of mankind to believe what i* wonderfbl, that it has been Biowly and with dlflleulty that reason and ob- aervatlon have exploded thoee fiibles. The voyage, however, even when stripped of every romantic embellishment, deserve* to be recorded not only as one of the most memorable occur- rence* In that adventuron* age, but as the first event whleh led to any t. rtain knowledge of the extensive countries tbft (tretoh eastward flwm the Andes to the ocean.* No word* can dcecribe the oonetemation of Piwrro, when he did not find the bark at the confluence of the Napo and Maragnon, where he had ordered Orellana to wait for him. He would not allow himself to suspect that a man, whom he had intrusted with such an Important command, could be so base and so unfeeling as to desert him at such a juncture. But imputing 4 Xante, lib, Iv. e. 4 Oorura HiiL c. 80. Vega, p. II. lib. iU. e. 1 Herrcra, dee. A lib xl. c. »-&. Rodiifues el Haraincn y Anuuonai, UU L c. S. his abaence fk-om the place of rcmlezvoua to some unknown accident, he advanced above fifty league* ahing the banks of the Maragnon, ex- pecting every moment to see the bark appear with a supply of provisions [1641]. At length he eame up with an officer whom Orellana had left to perish in the deeert, because he had the courage to remonstrate against his perfidy. From him he learned the extent of Orel^itna** crime, and hia tbilowers perceived at once their own desperate aituation, when deprived of their only resource. The spirit of the stoutest hearts cd veteran sunk within him, and all demanded to be Icl back instantly. Piaarro, though he assumed an appearance of tranquillity, did no* oppose their inclination. But he was now twelve hundred mile* from Quito ; and in that long march the S]taniard8 encountered hardship^ greater than thoee which they had endured In their progreei outward, without the alluring hope* which then eoothed and animated them under their aufferlng*. H unger compelled th nn to feed on root* and l>erries, to eat all their doga and horse*, to devour the most iMthaome rep- tilee, and even to gnaw the leather of their sad- dle* and awordbelie. Four thousand Indians, and two hundred and ten Spaniards, perished in this wild disastrous expedition, which con^ tinned near two years ; and as fifty men wen aboard the bark with Orellana, only fourscore got back to Quito. These were naked like sav»- gee, and ao emaciated witli famine, or worn out with fatigue, that they had more ttie appearance of spectre* than of men.* But, instead of returning to enjoy the repoM which his condition required, Pizarro, on en • tering Quito, received accounts of a fatal event that threatened calamitiea mi ■ dreadful to him than those through which he liad passed. Hrom the time that his brother made that partial divi- sion of his conquests which has been mentioned^ the adherent* of Almagro, considering them- selves as proscribed by the party in power, no longer entertained any hope of bettering tbehr condition. Great numbers in deapair resorted to Lima, where the house of young Almagro waa alway* open to them, and the slender por> tion of hia fother'a fortune, which the governor allowed him to enjoy, was spent in affoirding them subsistence. The warm attachment with which every person who had served under the elder Almagro devoted himself to his interests, was quickly transferred to hi* *on, w^o wa* now grown up to the age of manhood, and pos- sessed all the qualities whioh captivate the affieo- tions of soldiers. Of a graceful appearance, dexterous at all martial exercise*, bold, openi 'I 5 Zaratc, lib. tv. c. Z-5. Vega, p. 1 1, lib. ill. e. 3, 4, 4 U. Herrcra. dee. a llh Till. c. 7, & lib. Ix. c T ■ '— 7. lib. ib. :. 14 Plsar. Varans* lUuit Sttf. &c. 206 HISTORY OF [Book VI. (cneroiM, he leeined to be formed for command ; ■lid at hU father, cunscbua of his own infe- riority from the total waut of education, had been extremely attentive to have him initruct- ed in every eoience becoming a gentleman ; the acoompliahmenta which he had acquired height- ened the respect of bis followers, as they gave him distinction and eminence among illi- terate adventurers. In this young man the Ai- magrians found a point of union which tl^ey wanted, and, loolting 'jp to him as their head, were ready to undertake any thing for his ad- vancement. Nor was affection for Almagro their only incitement ; they were urged on by their own distresses. Many of them, destitute of common necessaries [IS8,] and weary of loitering away life, « burden to their chief, or to such of their associat>« as had saved some remnant of their fortune from pillage and confiscation longed impatiently for an occasion to exert their activity and courage, and began to deliberate how they might be avenged on the author of all their misery. Their frequent cabals did not pass unobserved ; and the governor was warned to be on his guard against men who meditated some desperate deed, and had resolution to exe- cute it. But either from the native intrepidity of his mind, or from contempt of persons whose povei'ty seemed to render their machinations of little consequence, he disregarded the admo- iiitioiif of his frieids. " Be in no pain," said he carelessly, " about my life ; it is perfectly safe, as long as every man in Peru Icnows that I can in a moment cut off any head which dares to harbour a thought against it." This security gave the Almagrians full leisure to digest and ripen every part of their scheme ; aud Juan de Hen-ada, an officer of great abilities, who had the iiliarge of Almagro's education, took the dh-ection of their consultations with all the zeal which this connection inspii-ed, and with all the authority which the ascendant that he was known to have over the mind of his pupil gave him. On Sunday the twenty-sixth of June, at mid- day, the season of tranquillity and repose in all sultry climates, Herrada, at the head of eighteen of the most determined conspirators, sallied out of Almagro's house in complete armour ; and, di-awing their swards, as they advanced hastily towards the governor's palace, cried out," Long live the K^ng, but let the tyrant die !" Their aa:aciates, warned of their motions by a signal, were in arms at different stations ready to r ^p- port them. Though Piiarro was usually sur- rounded by suoii a numerous train of attendants as suited the magnificence of the most opulent subject of the age in which he lived ; yet as he was J list risen from table, and most of his do- mestics had retired to their own apartments, the conspirators passed through the two outer courts of the ptUace unobserved. They were at the bottom of the staircjiso bcfora a page in wait- ing could give the alarm to his master, who was conversing with a few friends in a large hall. The governor, whose steady mind no form of danger could appal, starting up, called for arms, and commanded Francisco de Chaves to make last the door. But that officer, who did not re- tain so much presence of mind as to obey this prudent order, running to the top of the stair- case, wildly asked the conspirators what they meant, and whither they were going ? Instead of answering, they stabbed him to the heart, and burst into the hall. . Some of the persons who were there threw themseivea from the win- dows ; others attempted to fly ; and a few draw- ing their swords followed their leader into an inner apartment. The conspirators, animated with having the object of their vengeance now in view, rushed forward after them. I'ixarro, with no other arms than his sword and buckler, defended the entry ; and, supported by his half brother Alcantara, and his little knot of friends, he maintained the unequal contest with intre- pidity worthy of his past exploits, and with the vigour of a youthful comlmtant. " Couiiige,'' cried he, " companions ! we are yet enow to make those traitors repent of their audacity." Put the ai-mour of the conspirators protected them, while every thrust they made took effect. Alcantara fell dead at his brother's feet ; his other defenders were mortally wounded. Th« governor, so wear) that he could hardly wield his sword, and no longer able to parry the many weapons furiously aimed at him, received a deadly thrust full in his throat, sunk to the ground, and expii-ed. As soon as he was slain, the assauins ran out into the streets, and, waving their bloody swords, proclaimed the death of the tyrant. Above two huiidi-ed of their associates having joined them, they conrlucted young Almagro iit solemn procession through the city, and, assem- bling the magistrates and principal citizens, compelled them to acknowledge him as lawful successor to his father in his government. The palace of Pizarro, together with the houses of several of his adherents, was pillaged by the soldiers, who had the satisfaction at once of being avenged on their enemies, and of enriching themselves by the spoils of those through whose hands all the wealth of Peru had passed.' The boldness and success of the conspiracy, as well as the name and popular qualities of Al- magro, drew many soldiers to his standard. Every adventurer of desperate fortune, all who were u.ssatlsfied with Pizarro (and from the rapaciousness of his government in the latter I Zarate, lib. iv. c. fl-8. Gomara H\tt c 144, lUk VcRa, |i. 1 1. IIU iil. c. .^-7. Ilcrrcra, dec 0. lib. x. c. 4—7 Pliarro Var. llluit. p. 183. 3ooK VI. wge lu wait- er, who WM k Urge hall- no form of led for •rmt, ves to make 10 did DOt re- to obey thli of the itair- « what they ng ? Instead to the heart, le persons who •«m the wln- d a few di-aw- euder into an 4>rs, animated engeance now lem. riwuTo, rd and buckler, ed by his half knot of friends, at with intre- 8, and with the [. " Couraise, ' e yet enow to their audacity.' [■ators protected tade took effect, rther's feet ; his wounded. The d hardly wield > parry the many lim, received a It, sunk to the iBsasslnt ran out g their bloody of the tyrant, ssociates having ung Almagi'o in slty, and, assem- rincipal citiwns, . him as lawful vernment. 'Ihe h the houses of pillaged by the n at once of being nd of enriching thmugh whose ad passed.' the conspiracy* as ir qualities of Al- to his standard, fortune, all who . (and from the ent In the latt«r Hilt c 144, 14IW , dec 0. lib. «•«•♦-' 1542.] AMERICA. 207 years of his life the numlier of malecoi>:«nt« was considerable), declared without hesitation In Akvour of Almagro, and he was soon at tY e head of eight hundred of the most gallant veterans in Pern. As his youth and inexi'«rience disquali- fied him firom taking the command of theui him- self, he appointed Herrada to act as general. But though Almagro speedily collected such a reapeo- table force, the acquiescence in his govern- ment was far fiwm being general. PIzarro had left numy friends to whom his memory was dear ; the barbarous assassination of a man to whom his country was so highly Indebt- ed, filled every impartial person with horror. The ignominious birth of Almagro, as well as the doubtful title on which he founded his pre- tensions, led others to consider him as a usurp- er. The officers who commanded In some pro- vinces refused to recognise his authority until it was confirmed by the emperor. In others, par- ticularly at Cuioo, the royal standard was erect- ed, and preparations were begun in order to re- venge the murder of their ancient leader. Those seeds of discord, which could not have lain long dormant, acquired great vigour and ac- tivity when the arrival of Vaca de Castro was known. After a long and disastrous voyage, he was driven by stress of weather Into a small har- bour In the province of Popayan ; and proceed- ing from thence by land, after a Journey no less tedious than difficult, he reached Quito. In his way he received account* of Fixarro's death, and of the events which followed upon it. He Im- mediately produced the royal commission ap- pointing him governor of Peru, with the samo privileges and authority; and his jurisdlGtlon was acknowledged without hesitation by Benal- casar, adelantado or lieutenant general for the emperor In Popayan, and by Pedro de Fiielles, who, in the absence of Oonzalo PIzarro, had the command of the troops left in Quito. Vaca de Castro not only assumed the supreme authority, but showed that he possessed the talents which the exercise of it at that juncture required. By his influence and address be soon assembled such a body of troops, as not only to set him above r.ll .ear of being exposed to any insult from the i i ver.'iS party, but enabled him to advance from («,'jlta ivlth the dignity which became his char- acter. By despatching persons of confidence to the dlfliBrent settlements in Peru with a formal notification of his arrival and of his commission, he communicated to his countrymen the royal pleasure with respect to the government of the country. By private emissaries, he excited such officers as had discovered their dlsapprobi^ tlon of Almagro's proceedings, to manifest their duty to their sovereign by supporting the person hononreJ with his commission. Those mea- sures were productive of great effiects. Encour- aged by the approach of the new governor, or prepared by his mashiuations, the loyal were confirmed In their principles, and avowed them with greater boldness; the timid ventured to declare their sentiments ; the neutral and wa- vering, finding It necessary to choose a side, be- gan to lean to that which now appeared to be the safeat as well as the most Just.' Almagro observed the rapid progress of this spirit of disaiTeotlon to his cause ; and in order to give an elFectual check to it befora the arrival of Vaca de Castro, be set out at the head of his troops for Cuzco, [164S] where the most con- siderable body of opponents had erected the royal standard, undar the command of Pedro Alvarez Holguln. During his march thither, Herrada, the skilfu! guide of his youth and of his coun- sels, died ; and from that time his measures were conspicuous for their violence, but concert- ed with little sagacity, and executed with no address. Holguln, who, with forces for inferior to those of the opposite party, was descending towards the coast at the very time that Almagro was on his way to Cuzco, deceived his unex- perienced adversary by a very simple stratagem, avoided an engagement, and efiiscted a junction with Alvnrado, an officer of note, who bad been the fint to declara against Almagro as a usurper. Soon after, Vaca de Castro entered their camp with the troops which he brought from Quito ; and erecting the royal standard before his own tent, he declared that, as governor, he would discharge in person all the functions of general of their combined forces. Though formed by the tenor of his past life to the habits of a se- dentary and pacific profession, he at once assum- ed the activity and discovered the decision of an officer long accustomed to command. Knowing his stnngth to be now far superior to that of the enemy, he was impatient to terminate the con- test by a battle. Nor did the followen of Alma- gro, who bad no hopes of obtaining a pardon for a crime so atrocious as the murder of the governor, decline that mode of decision. They met at Chu- paz, [Sept. 16] about two hundred miles from Cuzco, and fought with all the fierce animosity Inspired by the violence of civil rage, the rancour of private enmity, the eagerneu of revenge, and the last efforta of despair. Victory, after remain- ing long doubtful, declared at last for Vaca de Castro. The superior number of his troops, his own intrepidity, and the martial talenta of Fran- cisco de Carvi^al, a veteran officer formed under the great captain In the wan of Italy, and who on that day laid the foundation of his futura fame in Peru, triumphed over the bravery of his op- ponents, though led on by young Almagro with a gallant spirit worthy of a better cause, and de- serving another fate. The carnage was great In proportion to the number of the combatants. ii i> 4 m 8 Benion. Wa, iii. r. 0. Zarate, lib. iv. c 11. Gonuiis, c IM, 147. Heirers, dec 6. lib. x. c. I, ■ ,3, T, Ac. ! i 208 HISTORY OF [Book VI. ! 1 W Many of the vanquUhod, espccialljr luuh nn wrre coiiaciout that thtf ini|ht be charged with beiiiK aceesMrjrto theaiMMinalionof PImuto, raihlnf on the •\rordi of the enemy, choee to fall like ■oldien rather than wait an ignominlouf doom. Of fourteen hundred men, the total amount of eombatanti on both aidea, fire hundred lay dead on the ileld, and the number of the wounded WM Btill greater.' If the military talenta displayed by Vaea de Cutro, both in the council and In the Held, rar- prieed the adventurers in Peru, they were etlll more aitonlshed at Mi conduct after the victory. As he was by nature a rigid dispenser of Justice, and persuaded that it required examples st ex- traordinary severity to restrain the licentious spirit of soldiers so fltr removed from the seat of government, he proceeded directly to try his prisoners as rebels. Forty were condemned to st-ffer the death of traitors, others were banished from Peru. Their leader, who made his c«- cape from the battle, being betrayed by some of his offlcers, was publicly beheaded in Cuioo ; and In him the name of Almagro, and the spirit of ths party, was extinct.* During thoee violent convulsions In Peru, the emperor and his ministers were intently em- ployed in preparing regulations, by which they hoped, not only tore-establish tranquillity there, but to introduce a more perfect system of in- ternal policy into all their eettlements In the New World. It Is manifest from all the events recorded in the history of America, that, rapid and extensive as the Spanish conquests there had been, they were not carried on by any regular exertion of the national force, bat by the oeca- sional efforts of private adventurers. After fit- ting out a few of the first armaments for dis- covering new regions, the court of Spain, daring the busy reigns of Ferdinand and Charles V. the former the ntSrat Intrigning prince of the age, and the latter the meet ambitioiis, waa en- cumbered with sach a multiplicity of aohemea, and involved in war with so many bations of Europe, that he Lad not leisure to attend to dis- tant and less interesting objects. The care of prosecuting discovery, or of attempting con- quest, was abandoned to individuals ; and with such ardour did men push forward in this new career, on which novelty, the spirit of adventurtr, avarice, ambition, and the hope of meriting heaven, prompted (hem with combined Infiuence to enter, that in less than half a cen- tury almost the whole of that extensive empire which Spain now posseaies In the New World, I Zarate, lib. Ir. c IS— lU. Ponuum, c. I4a Vega. p. II. lib. UL c. II— la Hcrrera, dec. 7. lib. i. c. I, S, 3. lib. lU. c. I-ll. S Zsrate, lib. iT. c. 21. Oomam.c. ISOi Herrcrn.dec. 7. lib. m. c 12. lib. vi. c. I. was subjected to its dominion. An the Spunlah court contributed nothing towards the various expeditions undertalien In America, it was not entitled to claim much from their success. The sovereignty of the conquered provinces, with the fifth of the gold and silver, was reserv- ed for the crown ; every thing else was selaed by the associates in each expedition as their own right. The plunder of the countries which they invaded served to iademnify them for what they had expended in equipping themselves for the service, and the conquered territory was di- vided among them, according to rules which custom had introduced, as permanent establish- ments which their succeuful valour mciited. In the Infancy of thoee settlements, when their extent as well as tbcir value was unknown, many irregularities escaped obeervation, and it was found necessary to connive at many exces- ses. The conquered people were frequently pillaged with destructive rapacity, and their country parcelled out among its new masters in exorbitant shares, flir exceeding the highest r«- eompense due to their servioee. lite rude con- querors of AminrSaa, incapablf of forming their eetablishmenta upon any general or extensive plan of policy, attentive only to private interest, unwilling to forego preeent gain from the pros- pect of remote or public benefit, seem to have had no object but to amass sudden wealth, with- out regarding what might be the consequences of the means by w eh they acquired it. But when time at length discovered to the Spanish court the importance of ito American pos s e s sions, the necessity of new-moddling their whole ft«me became obvious, aud in place of the maxims and praeticee prevalent among military adventurers, it was found requisita to subetitule the institutions of regular government. One evil in particular called for an immediate remedy. The conquerors of Mexico and Peru Imitated the fatal example of their countrymen settled in the islands, and employed themselves in searching for .old and silver with the same InooRsidarato eagerness. Similar effecto follow- ed. The natives employed in this labour by masters, who in impesiiig tasks had no ngard either to what they felt or to what they were able to perform, pined away and perished so fast, that there was reason to apprehend that Spain, instead of possessing countries peopled to suck a degree as to be susoeptlUe of progressive im-. provement, would soon remain proprietor only of a vast uninhabited desert. The emperor and his ministors were so sensi- ble of this, and so solicitoas to prevent the ex- tinction ot the Indian raoe, wkich threateiied to render their aoqnlsltions of n« value, that fhrni time to time various laws, which I have men- tioned, had been made for securing to that un- happy people more gentle and equitable treat- ment. But the distanoe of America from the !■■ 1 8ooK VI. I the Spuniik I the varlow I, It was not iMlr MMCCM* id pro»liie«» r, WM xmurr. la WM mIm<1 1 M their own intrieo which them for what ihemMlves fur xitory was dl- » rulea which Milt eataMleh- klour mcilted. ta, whan their ira* unknown, rvatlon, and It ktmany excea- er« frequently ity, and their new maatere In dM highest ra- ITie rude con- f formlui their «1 or estenalre private Interest, I from the pros- it, seem to have len wealth, with- the consequences Dqulrcd It. But I to the Spanish Lmerican peas es .modelllnK their ud in place of the t anoaff military Islta to aubetltute imment. for an Immediate Mexico and Peru their countrymen ployed themMlvea rer with the same liar elfeeu foUow- in thU labour by ks had no vtfpsti what they were id perished so fisst, ■ehend that Spain, 1 peopled to such a >f progressive Im- kin proprietor only Iters were so sensl- to prevent the ex- rhleh threatened to i« value, that from ihloh I havemm- Bcnring to that nn- nd equitable treat- America from the 1542.3 AMERICA. 800 Heat of empire, the feeblenes* it government in the new eoloniee, the av- and audacity of soldiers unaccustomed to reetraint, pre- ven,ted theee salutary rsgolations iVom operat- ing with any considerable influence. The evil eontinoed to grow, and at this time the em- peror found an interval of leisure from the af- fairs of Europe to take It into attentive consi- deration. He consulted not only with hie ministora and ths members of the council of the Indies, but called upon several persons who had resided long in the New World to aid them with the result of their experience, and obaervation. Fortunately for the people of America, among these was Bartholomew de las Caaas, who hap- pened to be then at Madrid on a mission fircm a Chapter of his order at Chiapa.' Though since the miscarriage of his former aehemca for the relief of the Indhms, he had continued shut up in his clointer, or occupied In religions funo- tiona, his leal in behalf of the former objeeu of hi* pity was so far from abating, that, fipom an increased knowledge of their sufferings, ite ar- dour had augmented. He seiud eagerly this opportunity of reviving his fkvourlto maxims concerning the treatment of the Indians. With the moving eloquence natural to a man on whoee mind the seenee which he bad beheld had made a deep impression, he described the irreparable waste of the human species in the New World, the Indian i«oe almoet totally swept away in the islands In less than fifty years, and hasten- ing to extinction on the continent with the same rapid decay. With the decisive tone of one strongly prepciscssed vrith the truth of his own system, he imputed all this to a single cause, to the exar'' ns and cruelty of his countrymen, and contended that nothing could prevent the depopulation of America, but the declaring of ita natives to be freemen, and treating them as ' subjects, not as slaves. Nor did he ooniide ivt the suocees of this proposal in the powers of his oratory alone. In order to enforce them, lio eompoeed hie fkmons treatise concerning thr^ destruction of Amerip<«,* in which he relates, vrith many horrid circumstances, but with ap- parent marks of exaggerated description, the de- vastation of every province which had been visited by the Spanlaida. llie emperor was deeply afflicted wlti\ the re- cital of so many actions shocking to humanity. But as bis vievrs extended far beyond thoee of Las Caaas, be pert^eived that relieving the In- dians from oppression was but one step towards rendering his possessions in the New World a valuable acquisition, and would be of little avail, unless he could circumscrilw the power and usurpations of his own subjeota there. The conquerors of America, however great their merit had been towards their country, were moetly persona of such msan birth, and of such an alijsot rank In society, as gave no distlnetloa in the eye of r monarch. The exorbitant wealth with which eome of them returned, gava nmbrage to an age not aecustonisd to see men In inferior condition elevated above their level, and rising to emulate or to surpass the ancient no- bility In splendour. The territuries which their leaders had appropriated to themselves were of such enormous extent, [180] that, if the coun- try should ever be improved in proportion to the fertility of the soil, they must grow too wealthy and too powerful for sul^ecta. It ap- peared to Charlee that this abuse rsquired a remedy no less than the other, and that the r»> gulatlons concerning both must be enforced by a mode of government more vigorous than had yet been introduced into America. With this view he framed a body of laws, containing many salutary appointmenta with respect to the constitution and powers of the supreme council of the Indiee ; concerning the station and Jurisdiction of the royal audiencea in different parta of Amorica; the admlDlatration of Jup*ice ; the order of govemment> both ecdesU astloai and civil. These were approved of by all ranks of men. But together with them were issued the following regulations, which excited universal alarm, and occasioned the most violent convulsions : " That as ths repartimientoi or shares of land seised by several persons appeared to be excessive, the royal audiences are em- powered to reduce them to a moderate extent : That upon the death of any conqueror or plan* ter, the lands r^nd Indians granted to him shall not descend to h!f widow or children, but return to the crown ; That the Indiana shall henceforth be exempt from perianal service^ and shall not be compelled to carry the baggage of travellers, to labour in the mines, or to dive in the pearl fisheries:- That the stated tribute due by them to their superior shall be ascertaiP'jd, and they shall be paid as servanto for any work they voluntarily perform : That all persons who are or have been in public offices, all ecclesiastics of every denomination, all hospitals and monas- teriee, shall be deprived of the lands and Indians aUotted to them, and these l>e annexed to tho crown: That every person in Pern, who had any criminal concern in the contesta between Piiarro and Almagro should forfeit his lands and Indians."* All the Spanish ministers who had hitherto been intrusted with the direction of American affairs, and who were best acquainted with the state of the country, remonstrated against those regulations as ruinous to their infant colonies. They represented, that the number of Spaniarda a Remeul Hiit. de ChUpa, p. IM 4 Remetal. p, IW, ISA i|. ;■ '1 i*j 6 Heitcra. dec 7. lib, vi. c. i. Femandei Hit. Ub. I. a 1,8 Ee 210 HISTORY OF [Book VI. B who had hitherto •mlfntad to the New WorM WM to Mtremeljr mall, that nothlug ooold b« a- pected from iny effort of theira t»warda impror- ing tbe Taat reglona ovar whicb thaj were leikt- tered ; that the aaeoMa of erery aehema km thia pnrpoae miut depead apon the aalniatryaadaMw vice of the Indiana, whoaa natWe Indoleneo and averaion to labour, no pnapeol of heneflt or pi*. mlae of reward eoiiM aurmount ; that the hm- ment the right of Impoalof a Utk, and exacting the perrormanee of it, waa taliinf from their inaslera, eyerjr work of Indmtrjr mutt oeaae, and all the Murcea from which areallh began to pour In upon Spain mnet be atopped far arer. But Charlee, tenaclooa at all timea of hia own opinloni, and ao mnch imp r eeee d at preaent with the Tiew of the diaorden which reigned In America, that he waa willing to haaard the application even of a dangerooa remedy, peraiat- ed in hie reaolatlon of pnbthklng the laws. That they might be carried into execution with greater Tlgonr and authority, he antboriiad Franelsro Tello de Sandoval to repair to Mexi- co as Vmtaior, or anperintondant of that eooa- try, and to co-operate with Antonio de Mendoaa, the Ticeroy, in enforcing them. He appointed Blaaeo Nugnes Vela to be goremor of Pern, whh the title of Tioeroy ; and In order to strengthen his administration, heeetabliahed a court of royal audience in Lima [ISM], In which four lawyers of eminence were to prMide aa Judges.' The Ticeroy and superintendent sailed at the same time ; and an aeeonnt of the laws which they were to enforce reached America before them. The entry of Sandoval Into Mexico was viewed as the prelude of general rain. The un- limited gran* of liberty to the Indians allbcted every Spaniard in America without distinction, arid then was hardly one who might not on Rome pretext be Indnded under the other regu- lations, and suiTer by them. But the colony in New Spain had now been so long acenstomed to-the reetraints of law and authority under the steady and pradent administration of Mendoaa, (hat, how much eoever the spirit of the new statutes was detested and drended, m»atteni|>t WAS made to obstmet the pnUieatlon of them by any act of violence unbeeoming sutjeets; The magistrates and principal Inhabitanta, however, presented dutiful addressee to the viceroy and sUpeitetendant, repreeenting the fetal consequences of enforcing (hem. Happily for them Mendoza, by long residenee In the country, was ao tholwa|hl'y aoiuahited with ito state, that he knew what was for Its interest aa well as what it could bear; and Sandoval, though new In office^ displayed a degree of ms- dention seldom possessed by persons Just entar- 1 Zsnte. llh Ui. e. St. Bb. iU. c £0. Gomara, c. 151. Vcgo, p. 2, ing upon the exercise of power, lliey engaged to suspsnd, for soms time, the execution of what was offensive In the new Uws, aad not only conseutod that a deputation of citlsens should be sent to Europe to by befora the cm- paror the apprehensions of hia subjsets in New Spain with roepeet to their tondeuey and af- fects, but they eoncurrad with them in support- ing their sentimento. Charles, moved by the opinion of oaen wheee abUitiee and integrity en- titled them to decide eoneeming what fell Im- mediately under their own view, granted such a refaumtlMi of the rigour of tlM laws as re- establishsd the eohwy in its foraoer tranquil- lity.* In Pern the storm gathered with an aspect still aaore fleree and threatening, and was not ae soon dispelled. The conquaron of Peru, of a rank much infcvisr to those who had snbjseted' M«aeo to the Spanish erown, farther removed tnm the Inspection of the perciit eiate^ and in- toxicated with the sudden aoquisltioa of wsnlth, oarrisd on all their opsratlona with greater li- cense and irreguhirity than any body of adven- tnren in the New World. Amidst the general subversiMi of hw and order, occasioned by tiro sueoessive civil wars^ when each indlvMual was at liberty to decide for himself, without any guide bat his own interest or passions, this turbulent spirit rose above all sense of sub- ordination. To men thiu corrupted by anarchy, the introduction of regular government, the power of a viceroy, and the authority of a re- spsetablo court of Jndieature, would of them- sslves have appeared fermhbble restraints, to which they would have submittsd with relne- tanea But they revolted with indignatioa against the Idea of eoaaply ing •with laws, by whieh they wen to be stripped at once of all they had earned so hardly during many yean of service and soffiiring^ As the account of the new bwa qnread suetisssivdy thrangh the dif- fennt settlements^ tbe inhabitants n(n together, the women in tears, and the men exclaiming againat the injnstioa and ingratitude of their so- venign In depriving them, unheard and uncon- victed, of their posseesien*. •< Is this," cried they, "the recompense due to persons, who, without public aid, at their own expanse, and by their own valour, batve subjected to the rrewa of Castile territories of such imm inse extent and opulenee ? An theee the n ward bestowsd fot having endured unparalleled distress, for hav- ing snoocntered every spedee of danger in the service of their country? Wheee merit is s» grsat, whoss condoct lias been so irreproaehaUer that he may not be condemned by some penal i Fernuidei HiiL lib. I. c. 3, 4. 5. Vega, f. II. lib. H. c. 81, 88. Hetreta, dec 7. Ub. v. c. 7. Ub. va c. 14, IS Toiquem. Mond. Ind. lib. v. c. 13. Book VI. Iiejr engaged exeeulion of we, aad not of elUatne for* tho cm- JMsta ia New •uey and ef- In eupport- loved by tbo Integrity en- rhat fell Im. granted cuch lawi aa re- et trauquU- th an aipeet ■ad was not of Peru, of had sabjeeted' ther remoTed iiate^ and in- loa of wealth, th greater lU )dy of adren- et the general iloned by two idlvidual wae wlthont any Nueions, tbia enee of eub- i by aMRby, imment, tho ority of a re> mid of tbeai- reatrainte, to 1 with relae> li indigoatioa rltk lawa, by at once of all ; many yeare iceount of tbo »ugb the dif. nin together, M ezelaiming 1« of their ao> 'd and Hneon> » tbiB," cried tenoni, who, tasf^nae, and 1 to tho rrown ■ae extent and beatowed fov wa, for h»T' langar in tho • merit ia a» TeproachaUe> >yi ga, F- II- lib. H. ib. vU. & It, IS 1543.] AMERICA. 811 ciiuiae In regulatlani, oonceired In terme aa looae and oompreheiMlv% aa If It bad been in- tended that all (hould bo entangled In their Muu-e ? Every Spaniard of note In Paru baa held •uuM pubilo oOce, and all, without diatiuotlou, have been constrained to take aa aetive part in the conteat between the two rival chlefe. Were the former to be robbed of their property be- cauae they had done their duty ? Were the latter to be punkhed on account of what they could not avdd ? Jihall the oonquerera of this great em- pire, initeeU of reedvlng marlu of diatinotion, be deprived of the natural cooaoiation of pro- viding for their widowa and children, and leave them to depend for aubiisteiice on tho acanty aupply they can extort fittoi unteeling courtiera?' We are not able now, continu- ed they, to explore unknown regiona in queat of more aecure aettlcmenta ; our canatitutloua debilitated with age, and our bodiea covered with wounda, are no longer flt for active aer- vlce; but atill we poaaeaa vigour anffielent to aasert our Juat rigbtii, and we will not tamely suffer them to be wreated from uj."* By diacouraca of thia aort, uttered with vehe- mence, and liatened to with univeraal approbu- ;ion, their paaaiena were Inflamed to euch a pitch that they were prepared for the moet vio- lent measnree ; and began to hold conaultationa In ditferent placee, how they might oppoee the entrance of the viceroy and Judges, and prevent not only the execution but the promulgation of the new lawa. From this, however, they were diverted by the address of Vaca de Castro, who flattered them with hopes, that, as soon as the viceroy and Judges should arrive, and had leisure to examine their petitions and remonstrances, they would concur with them in endeavouring to procure some mitigation In the rigour of laws which had been framed without due attention either to the state of die country, or to the sen- timents of the people. A greater degree of ac- commodation to these, and even some oonceestons on the part of government, were now become requisite to compose the preaent ferment, and to sobthe the colonists into submission, by inspiring them with conflr'ence in their superiors. But without profound discernment, conciliating manners, and flexibility of temper, such a plan could not be carried on. The viceroy possessed none of these. Of all the qualities that flt men fur bigh command, he was endowed only with integrity and courage ; the former harsh and uncomplying, the latter bordering so frequently on rashness or obstinacy, that, in bis situation, they were defects rather than virtues. From the moment that he landed at Tumbez [March 3 Heirera, dec 7. Hb vU. a 11^ 1& 4 Gomara, c. 159. Herrera, dec 7. lib. vi. c< 10, II. Vcgs, p. II. lib. 111. c. SO. iS. Ub. It. c. S, i 4], Nugnes Vela seems to have oottsldered him- self merely as an executive officer, without any discretionary power; and, regardless of what- ever he obaerved or heard concerning the stuie of the country, he adhered to the letter of the regulationa with unrelenting rigour. In all the towns through which he passed, tho uutivea w«e deoUred to be ft«e, every person in public oflUs waa deprived of his hutds and sarvanu ; and as an oxample of obedience to others, he would not suffer a single Indian to be employed in carrying his own baggage In his march to- wards Lima. Amaaement and .consternation went before hini aa he approachod t and ao little solicitous was he to prevent these from augment- ing, that, on entering the capital, he openly ovowed that he rame to obey tho orders uf his sovereign, not to disponse with his laws. This harsh declaration was accompanied with what rendered it still more intolerable, haughtiueaa in deportment, a tone of arrogance and dechdon la dieeoarae, and an insolence of oflloe grievoua to men little aocuatomed to bold civil a«tberity in high reepoct. £very attempt to pracm« a aua- penakm or mitigation of the new laws, the vice- roy considered aa flowing from a apirit of diaaf- fection that tended to rebellion. Several peraons of rank were conflned, and aome put to death, without any form of trial. Vaca do Caatra was arrested; and notwithstanding the dignity of his former rank, and his merit, in having pre- vented a general insurrection in tho ookmy, he was loaded with chains, and abut up ia the common gaol.* But however general the indignation waa against such proceedings, it ia probable tho hand of authority would have been strong enough to supprces it, or to prevent it bursting out with open violence, if the malecontenta bad not been pnovided with a leader of credit and eminence to unite and to direct their efforts. From the time that the purport of the new regulations was known In Peru, every Spaniard there turned his eyes towards Gonaolo Pixarro, as the only, person able to overt tho ruin with which thqr threatened the colony. From all quartern, let- ters and addrsssaa vrere sent to him, conjuring blaa to stand forth as thair common protector, and offering to support him in the attempt with their Uv«s aad isrtunsa. Gonxote, though in- ferior In talents to his other brothers, was equal- ly ambitions, aad of courage no leaa daring. The behaviour of an ungrateful court towarda bia brothers and himself dwelt continually on hia mind. Ferdinand a state prisoner In Eu- rope, the children of the governor in custody of theTleeray, and sent aboard bis fleet, himself reduced to the condition of a private citizen in a 5 Zaiatc, Ub. W. c. S3, 84. 23l Gomaza, c. 153— lU Vega, p. II. Ub. iv, c. 4, S. Fcniandca, Uh 1. c ti— lU 812 HISTORY OF CB viceroy'* adher- •nt*, aa it forcego Centeno, a bold and aetiv* odlcer, exasperated by the cru- elty and «ffr«aaion of Piiarro'a lieut«uant-g»- vemor In the province of Charcaa, formed a eonapiraoy againat his life, cut him off, and de- clared for the viceroy.* 1546.] Piaarro, though alarmed with thoae appearance* of hoetllity in the opposite extremp^ of the empire, waa not diaoonoerted. He pre- pared to aaaert the kuthorlty, to which he had attained, with the spirit and OMidoot of an offi- cer aeouatomed to command, and marched di- rectly againat the viceroy aa tha enemy who was nearest as well as moat formidable. A* he wa* nuwter of the public revenue* in Peru, and moat of the military men were attached to Ida family, his troops were so numerous, that the viceroy, unable to fooe them, retreated towards Quito. Plaarro followed him ; and in that long march, 4 Zsnle. hb. v. c. 0. Oomara, c. IK>. Feriundei, lib. I c sa Hcrrera, dec. 7. Ub. vUl. c 15. & Zuatc. m. V. c. 1& Oomua. c. 160. Uemia. dec. 7. Ub U. c. 87. through a wild mountainous country, suffered hard*hipe, and encountered diflloultiea, whioh no troopa but thoae aeeuatomed to aerve in America could have endured or surmounted. [140] The viceroy had scarcely rtached Quito, whan tha vanguard of Piaarro'a forces appeared, lad by Carvi^al, who, though near fourscore, waa aa hardy and active aa any young aoiiiler under bla command. Nugnea Vela inatantiy abandoned a town incapable of defence, and, with a rapidity more resembling a flight than a retreat, marched into the province of I'opayan. I'isarro continued to pursue ; but, flnding it im- possible to overtake him, returned to Quito. From thence he despatched Carv^al to oppose Centeno, who was growing formidable in the southern provinces of the empire, and he him- self remained there to make head against the vteeroy.* Oy his own activity, and the aRsiitanee Of Banalcaaar, Nugnes Vela aoon assembled four hundred men in Popayan. As he retained, amidst all his diiMSters, the same elevation of mind, and the aame high aepae of hia own dig- nity, ha rejected with diadain the advice of some of his followers who urged him to make over- tures of accommodation to Piznrro, wn asj^ring valoor and personal merit." Picarro listened attentively to both, and could not conceal the satisfaction with which he con- templatfed the olject that they presented to his view. But, happily lor the tranquillity of the world, few men possess that superior strength of mind, and extent of abilities, which are eapaUe of forming and executing such daring schemes, aa cannot be aocomplithed without overturning the estaUished order of society, and violating those maxims cf duty which men are aeeustomsd to bdd sacred. The medioority of Pixarro's talents eircnueeribed his ambition within more narrow limits. Instead of aspir- ing at independent power, he confined his views to the obtaining from the court of Spain a oon- firmatioa of the authority which he now pos- sessed ; and for that purpose he sent an ofTicer of distlnetioa thither, to give such a representation of his oondMCt, and of the state of the country, •8 might induce the emperw and his ministers, either ftom inclination or ikom necessity, to con- tinue him in hi* present station. While Pisarro vnm deliberating with re- spect to 'tht part which h* dwuld take, con- sultations were held In Spain, with no kim solidtnde, ooneeming the measm-es which ought to be pursued la order to re-establish the emperor's authority in Peru. Though un- acquainted with the kst cxceeses of outrage to whkih the maleooatents had proceeded in that country, the court bad reoeived an account of the insurreetion against the viceroy, of his im- prisonment, and the usurpation of the govern • ment by Pixarro. A revolution so alarming called for an immediate interposition of the em- peror's abilities and antherity. But as he wus fully occupied at that time in Germany, in oon- dneting tfao war against the famous league of Smalkalde, one of the most interesting and ar- duous enterprises in his reign, the care of provid- ing a remedy fiir the disorders ic Peru devolved upon his son Philip, and the counsellors whom Charles had appointed to assist him in the S Vega, p. 1 1, lib. Iv. e. 40. Fcmandei, lib. I. c. St. lib 11. e: 1, 4ft Hencn, dec. a Ub, ii. c. 10. '.^hiSfk: loOK VI. lent prineee, wrt of your • ancient in- new Mttlera M {tower of feebVa force !." C«iwd», a't confiden- )arvi\}id'ii ex- ' learninK be i the founders d to pre-emi- ir lineage, or ly their own t rth, and could hid) he con- tented to hli [uiility of the erior strength I, which are f (uch daring thed without jfwciety, and rhich men are mediocrity of hi* ambition itcad of aapbr- 9ned hi* views ' Spain a con- h iMnow poi- nt an officer of representation f the country, his ministers, xssity, to con- ing with re- iihl tales, oon- wlth no kss which ought .establish the Though un- of outrage to oeedod in that an account of ■oy, ofhis iin- sf the govern- so alarming ion of the em- Jut as h« wus ~many, in oon- sotts league of «ting and ar- I of provid- Pera devolved isellors whom him in the Ub. I. c SI. liU 1546.] AMERICA. 215 government of Spain daring his absence. At flrst view, the actions of PiBarro and bit ad- herents appeared so repugnant to the duty of subjects towards their sovereign, that the great- er part of the ministers insisted on declaring them instantly to be guilty of relMllion, and on proceeding to punish them with exemplary rigour. But when the fervour of their zeal and Indignation began to abate. Innumerable obstacles to the execution of this measure pre- sented themselves. The veteran bands of inftn- try, the strength and glory of the Upanlsh ar- mies, were then employed in Germany. Spain, exhausted of men and money by a long series of wars. In which she had been involved by tha rest- less ambition of two successive monarehs, could not easily equip an armament of sufficient force to reduce Pizarro. To tranuport any respectable . body of troops to a cotmtry so remote as Peru, appeared almost impossible. While Flzarro continued master of the South Sea, the direct route by Nombre de Dice and Panama was impracticable. An attempt to march to Quito by land through the new kingdom of Granada, and the province of Popayan, across regions of prodigious extent, desolate, unhealthy, or In- habited by fierce and hostile tribes, would be at- tended with insurmountable danger and hard- ships. The passage to the South Sea by the Straits of Magellan was so tedious, sonncertain, and so little known In that age, that no confi- dence could be placed in any eifort carried on In a course of navigation so remote and preearioos. Nothing then remained but to relinquish the system which the ardour of their loyalty had first suggested, and to attempt by lenient mea- sures what could not be effected by force. It was manifest from Pizarro's solicitude to repre- sent his conduct In a fevourable light to the em- peror, that notwithstanding the excesses of which he had been guilty, he still retained sentiments of veneration for his sovereign. By a proper application to these, together with some such concessions as should discover u spirit of mode- ration and forbearance in government, there was still room to hope that he might be yet reclaim- ed, or the ideas of loyalty natural to Spaniards might so Ikr revive among his followers, that they would no longer lend their aid to nphoM his usurped authority. The success, however, of this negotiation, no less delicate than it was Important, depended en- tirely on the abilities and address of the person to whom it should be committed. After weigh- ing with much attention the comparative merit of various persons, the Spanish ministers fixed with unanimity of choice upon Pedro de la Gasca, a priest in no higher station than that of uounsellor to the Inquisition, lliough In no public office, he had been oceasionaDy employed by govemm ut in affiairs of trust and conse- quence, and had oonducted them with no iesii skill than sueeeas ; displaying a g«ntle and insi- nuating temper, aoeompanied with much firm- ness ; probity, supei-ior to any feeling of privnto Interest; and a cautious drcumspection In con- certing measures, followed by such vigour In ex- ecuting them as Is rarely found in allianee widi the other. These qualities marked him out for the ftmetlon to which he was destined. The emperor, to whom Gasca was not unknown, warmly approved of the choice, and communi- cated it to him in a letter containing expressions of good will and confidence, no less honoorablo to the prince who wrote, than to the subject who received it. Gasca, notwithstanding his advanc- ed age and feeble constitution, and though, firom the apprehenftions nattural to a man who during the course of his life had never been out of his own country, he dreaded the eifects of a long voyage, and of an unhealthy climate," did not hesi- tate a moment about complying with the will of his sovereign. But as a proof that it was from this principle alone he acted, he refused a bishop- ric which was ofltered to him in order that he might appear in Pern with a more dignified character ; he would accept of no higher title than that of President of the Court of Audience in Lima ; and declared that he would receive no salary on account of his discharging the duties of that office. All h« required was, that the expense of supporting his family should be de- firayed by the public ; and as he was to go like a minister of peace with his g»wn and brevfavy, and without any retlnna bat a few domestics, this would not load the reTonue with any enor- mous burden.* But while he discovered neh disinterested moderation vrith respect to jrhatever related personally to himself, he demanded his official powers in a very difierent tone. He insisted, as he was to be employed in a eoontry so remote from tii? seat of goveniment, where he could not have recoune to his sovereign for new in- structions on every emergence ; and as the whde success of his negotiations most depend upon the confidence which the people with whom he had to treat could place in tlie extent of his powers, that he ought to be Invested with unlimited au- thority.; that his jnrtsdietion must reach to all persons and to all canses ; that he must be em* powered to pardon, to punish, or to reward, as circumstances and tl^e behaviour of diflTercnt men might require; that in case of resistance firom the malecontents, he might be authorized to reduce them to oltedienee by force of arms, to levy troops for that purpose, and to call for as- sistance firom the governors of all the Spanish 3 Femandei. Ub. ii. c IT. 4 Zante, lib. vL c 6. Oonirs, c. 174 Fentsiides, lib. II. 0. 14—16. Vegs, p. II. lib. V A L HfRMa. dso. S. lib. I. c 4, ftc. 216 HISTORY OF [Book VI. fiettlements in AmTica. These powers, though manifestly conducive to the great objects of his mission, appeared to the Spanish ministers to be inalienable prerogatives of royalty, which ought not to be delegated to a subject, and they refused to grant them. But the emperor's views were more enlarged. As, from the nature of his employment, Gasca must be intrusted with din- cretionary power in several points, and all his efforts might prove ineffectual if he was oircum- scribed in any one particular, Charles scrupled not to invest him with authority to the full extent that he demanded. Highly satisfied with this fresh proof of hi-i master's confidence, Gasca hastened his departure, and, without either money or troops, set out to quell a for- midaUe rebellion.* On his arrival at Nombre de Dioa [July 87], he found Herman Mexia, an officer of note posted there, by order of Fliarro, with a consi- derable body of men, to oppose the landing of any hostile forces. But Gasea appeared in such pacific guise, with a train so little formidable, and with a title of no auch dignity as to emita terror, that he was received with much respect. From Nombre de Dios he advanced to Panama, and met with a similar reception ftmn Hinqjo. sa, whom FIzarro had intrusted with the go- vernment of that town, and the command of hia fleet stationed there. In both places he held the same language, declaring that he was sent by their sovereign as a massenger of peace, not as a minister of vengeance ; that he came to re- dress all their grievances, to revoke the laws which had excited alarm, to pardon past offences. and to re-establish order and justice in the go- vernment of Peru. His mild deportment, the simplicity of his manners, the sanctity of his profession, and a winning appearance of can- dour, gained credit to his deolarations. The veneration due to a person clothed with legal au- thority, and acting in virtue of a royal commis- sion, began to revive among men accustomed tot some time to nothing more rsapeetable than a usurped jurisdiction. Hinn ones accustomed to supreme command, he ooulu not bear the thoughts of dsaeending to a privat . station. Conscious of bis own demerit, he sus- pected that the emperor studied only to deceive him, and would never pardon the outrages which he had committed. His chief confidants, no less guilty, entertained the same apprehensions. The approach of Gasca without any military force axeitad no terror. There were now above six thousand Spanhnds settled in Peru ;* and at the head of these he doubted not to maintain his own Independence, If the court of Spain should refuse to grant what he required. But he knew not that a spirit of defection had already began to spread among thoae whom ho trusted most. HInojosa, amazed at Plzarro's preoiplute ro»»- lution of setting himself In opposition to the em- peror's oommlsaion, and disdaining to b« his Instrument In perpetrating the odious crimes pointed out In his secret Instructions, publicly recognised the tiUe of the president to the su- preme authority in Peru. The officers under his command did the same. Such was the con- tagious Influence of the example, that It reached even the deputies who had been sent flrom Peru; and at the Ume when Pizarro expected to bear either of Oasea's return to Spain, or of his death, he received an account of his being master of the fleet, of Panama, and of the troops stationed there. 16417.] IrriUted almost to madnen by events 3 Zarate. Ub. vL e. a Fcrnanilet, lib. 11. e. 33, 91k Henera. dec. 8. lib. II. c », 10. 4 Hcrrera, dec. 8. lib. ill. c. 1. K VI. •OMpting n fiiiiiog •tatioau rUntly te- into Parui luritdletion 1 h« added tantwde- luct, and to H in Fero> t to bimM^f preMrring nutedwith be intention iquired Wm« % and return leret tnetruo- iffer GMca • e would eom- demuided of lUnatOttocut poieon.' In poeblng on Having l'*n , iund,b«ooiilu igtoaprivat emerit, be eue- only to deceive ontragea whloh confidante, no upprehenelone. It any miUtury »^ere now above Peru i* »n* •* to maintain ble of Spain ibonld I. But be knew d already begun 10 trueted moet. precipitate reirt- wltlontotheem- ^ning to be ble w odloue Crimea uotlone. publicly lident to tbeeu- he officere under iucb wai tbe con- I., tbat it reacbed BeentfiromP«"»t , oxpeeted to bear in, or of ble death, • being roMUit of Mtroopeatatloned nadneta by eyente lei, Ub. «. c. 33. »*• 1547] AMERICA. «17 so unexpected, he openly prepared for war; and ill order to give tame uolour of justice to hie arms, he appointed the court of audience in Li- ma to proceed to the trial of Gaaca, for the crimes of having seiaed his ships, seduced his officen, and prevented his deputies from proceeding in tlieir voyage to Spain. Cepedo, though acting as a judge in virtu* of the royiU commission, did not scruple to proetitute the dignity of his function by finding Gasca guilty of treason, and coji> demning him to death on tbat account.* Wild and even ridiculous as this proceeding was, it imposed on the low illiterate adventurers, with whom Peru was filled, by the semblance of a legal sanction warranting Piaarro to carry on hostilities against a convicted traitor. Soldiers accordingly resorted from every quarter to his standard, and he was soon at the head of a thou- sand men, the best equipped that had ever taken the field in Peru. Gasca, on his part, perceiving that force must be employed in order to accomplish the purpose of his mission, was no less assiduous in collect- ing troops from Nicaragua, Carthagena, and other settlements on the continent; and with such success, that he was soon in a condition to detach a squadron of his fleet, with a consider- able body of soldiers, to the coast of Peru [April]. Their appeaianee excited a dreadful alarm : and though they did not attempt for some time to make any deecent, they did mora effectual ser- vice by setting ashore In different placee persons who dispersed copies of the act of general in- demnity, and the revocation of the late edicts ; and who made known every where the pacific intentions, as well as mild temper, of the presi- dent. The effect of spreading this information was wonderful. All who were dissatisfied with Pizarro's violent administrRtion, all who n- tained any sentiments of fidelity to their sove- reign, began to meditate revolt. Some openly deserted a cause which they now deemed to be unjust. Centeno, leaving the cave in which he lay concealed, assembled about fifty of his former adherents, and with this feeble half-armed band advanced Iwldly to Cuxoo. By a sudden attack in the night-time, in which he displayed no less military skill than valour, he rendered himself master of that capital, thongh defended by u gar- rison of five hundred men. Most of these hav. ing ranged themselves under hii banners, he had soon the command of a respectable body of troop*.* Pizarro, though astonished at beholding one enemy approaching by sea, and another byiand, at a time when be trusted to the union of all Peru in his favour, was of a spirit more un- daunted, and more accustomed to the vicissi- tudes of fortune, than to b« disconccrte<^ or ap- palled. As. the danger from Centeno's opera- tions Mas th* most urgent, be Instantly set out to oppose him. Having provided horses for ail his soldiers, be marched with amazing rapidity. But every morning h* found his force d!3io« ished, by numbers who had left him during tb* night; and though he became suspicious to ex- cess, and punisheC without mercy all whom he suspected, the rage of desertion w«« too violent to be checked. Before he got within sight of the enemy at Huarina, near the lake of Titlaca, he could not muster mora than four hundred soldiers. But these he justly considered as men of tried attachment, on whom he might de- pend. They were indeed tbe boldest and most desperate of his followers, conscious, like him- self, of crimes for which they could hardly ex- ftet forgiveness, and without any hopt> but in th* success of their arms. With these he did not heslUte to attack Centeno's troops [Oct. 80], though double to bis own in number. Tbe royalists did not decline the combat. It was the most obstinate and bloody tbat had hithert been fought in Peru. At length the intrepia valour of Pizarro, , and tbe superiority of Cai'- vi^al's military talents, triumphed over num- bers, and obtained a complete victory. The booty was immense [141], and the treatment of the vanquished crueL By this signal success the reputation of Pizarro was re-established ; and being now deemed invincible In the field, his army increased daily in number.' But events happened in other parti tl 9lPP> which more than counterbalanced the splandid victory at Huarina. Pizarro had scarcely left Lima, when the citizens, weary of his oppres- sive dominion, erected the royal standard, and Aldana, with a detachment of soldiers from the fleet, took posseesion of the town. About the same time,* Gaaca landed at Tumbez with five hundred men. Encouraged by his presence, every settlement in the low country declared for the king. The situation of the two parties was now perfectly reversed ; Cinco and the ad- jacent provinces were po*ses*ed by Pizarro ; all the reat of the empire, from Quito southward, acknowledged tb* jurisdiction of the p- tident. As his numbers augmented fast, Gasca od of i.is eonntrynien, began to move towards Cuzco [Dee. S9] at the head of sixteen hundred men. Fiaarro, confident of victory, suffered the roy- alists to pass all the river* wMch lie between Gnamangaand Cuxeo without opposition [1548], and to advance within four leagues of that capi- tal, flattering himself that a defeat in such a si- tuation as rendered escape impracticable would at once terminate the war. He then marched out to meet the enemy, and Carvajal chose his ground, and made the disposition of the troops wMtthe discerning eye and profound knowledge In the art of war conspicuous In all his opera- tions. As thn two armies moved forwards slowly to the charge [April 9], the appearance of each was singular. In that of Pizarro, com- posed of men enriched with the spoils of the most opulent country- in America, every officer, and almost all the private men, were clothed In stufib of sUk, or brocade, embroidered with gold and silver ; and their horses, their arms, their Standards were adorned with all the pride of military pomp.* That of Oasca, though not so splendid, exhibited what liras no less striking. He himsftlf, accompanied by the ar«hbishop of Lima, the bishop* of Quito atid Cusoo, and a great number of eedeaiastie*, marching along the lines, blessing the men., and encouraging them to a resolute discharge of their duty. When both armies were Just ready to engage, Cepeda set tyan to his hone, galloped off, and surrendered hinkadf to the president. Oarcilasso de la Vega, and other officer* of note, followed hi* exampls. The ivvolt of persons in such high rank struck all with amazement. The mutual I iatate, Ub. vii. c P. Femandei, lltx. U. c. 77, i a Xante, Ub. VU. s. n. Vegs, p. 1). lib, t. c, S7. SZante,nb.v:.c.ll. [Book VI. confidence on whioli the union and strength of armies dtpend, ceased at once. UistrusI and consternation spread from rank to rank. Some silently slipped away, others threw down their arms, the greatest nnmber went over to the royalists. Pizarro, Carv4jal, and some leaders, employed authority, threats, and entreaties, to stop them, but In vain. In lea* than half an hour, a body of men, which might have decided the fate of the Teruvian empir*, waa totally dis- persed. Plsarro, seeing all irretrlera^iy lost, cried oui In amazement to a few o'Ficers who still faithfVill, adhered to him, " What remains for us to do?"—" Let us rush," renlied one of them, " upon the enemy's firmest bt tallon, and die like Uomans." Dejected with sneh A re- verse of fortune, be had not spirit to tuLow this soldierly counsel, and with a tameness disgrace- ful to his former fame he surrendered to one of Gasca's officers. Carvajal, endeavouring to es- cape, was ovL^rtake- and seized. Oasca, happy in this bloodless victory, did not stain It with cruelty. IMzBrro, Carvajal, and a small number of the most distinguished or noto- rious offenders, were punished capitally. Pi- zarro was beheaded on the day after he surren- dered. He submitted to his fkte with a composed dignity, and seemed desirous to atone by repent- ance for the crimes which he had committed. The end of Carvajal was suitable to bis life. On his trial he offered no defence. When the sentence adjudging him to be hanged was pro- nounced, he carelessly replied, " One can die but once." During the interval between the sentence and execution, he discovered no sign either of remorse for the past, or of solicitude about the future ; scoffing at all who visited him. In bis usual sarcastic vein of mirth, with the same quickness of repartee and gross plea- santry as at any other period of his life. Cepe- da, more criminal thati either, ought to have shared the same fate ; but the merit of having deserted his associate* at such a critical moment, and with such dedslve effect, saved him from Immediate punishment. He was sent, how- ever, as a prisoner to Spain, and died in confine- ment.* In the minute detai! which the contemporary historians have given of the civil dissensions that raged In Peru, with little interruption, durlpg ten years, many circumstances occur so striking,, and wh'cb indicate such an uncommon state of manners a* to merit particular atten- tion. Though the Spaniards who first invaded Peru were of the lowest order In society, and the greater part of those who afterwards joined 4 Zarate, Ub. vil. c. 6, 7, ft Oomara, o. 185, 188. Ve- ga, p. 11. Uh V. c. 30, Ac. Fernandez, lib. It. c. 80, Ac Herrera, dec. 8. Ub. iv. c. 14, Ac. »VeR^^ BFenu 7ZanteJ 8 GomaiT ,OOK VI. strength of ilstrurt uid ink. SomB itown their •rer to the raiiele*ders« ntmtiee, to than half an liaTO decided M totally dli- rleraMy loet, oTicere who ?hat remalna etiUed one of bt taUon, and th »neh * ro- to to~ow thle inets dl«f«>««- iered to one of vourlng to e«- rlctory.dldnot ;arv«Jal, and a ikihed or noto- eaplUlly. P«- fter he eurren- rlthacompow^ itonehyrepent- lad committed, kbie to hU life. ice. When the anged was pro- <' One can die ral between the covered no sign or of aoWcimde all who Ti»lted of mirth, with and gross ploa- his life. Cepe- , ought to have merit of having critical moment, saved him from waa ••■*• how- ddledincon&ne- ihe contemporary civU dissensions »tl« Interruption, instances occur ao loh an uncommon (particular atten- first Invaded Peru society, and the afterwards joined un, ft !», 198. Ve- ilKlci:, lib, II. c. W, »«. 1548.] AMERICA. if* them were peiiwns of desperate fortune, yet in all the bodies of troops brought into the field by the different leaders who eontended for superi- ority, not '>n» man aeted as a hired aoldier, that follows bis standard finr pay. F\ery adventurar in Pern eonsldered himsint' aa a conqueror, en- titled, by his asrviecs, to an establishment in that eountrjr which had been acquired by his valour. In the oonteats between the rival ehiefi^ each ehoae his sldo as he was directed by his own judgment or affections. He joined bis commander as a companion of Ms fortune, and disdained to degrade himself by receiving the wages of a mercenary. It was to their sword, not to pre-emlnetiee in office, or nobility of birth, that most of the leadera whom they fol- lowed were indebted for their elevation ; and each of their adherents hoped, by the same means, to open a way for himself to the pos s es •ion of power and wealth.* But though the .troops in Peru aerred without any regular pay, they vrere raised at immense expense. Among men accustomed to divide the spoils of an opulent country, the desire of ob- taining wealth acquired incredible force. The ardour of pursuit augmented in proportion to the hope of success. Where all were intent on the same olject, and under the dominion of the same passion, there was but one mode of gaining men, or of secui'ing their attachment. Offioers of name and influence, besides the promise of future establishments, received in hand Urgt gratuities from the chief with whom tlwy en- gaged. Gonaalo Piaarro, in order to raise a thousand men, advanced five hundred thousand pesos.* Gaaea expended in ]e>-ying the troops which he led agUnst Pizarro nine hundred thousand pesos.' The distribution of property, bestowed as the Mwaid of services, was still more exhorbitant. Cepedn, as the recompense of his perfidy and addreas, in persuading the court of royal audience to givA the sanction of its authority to the usurped jurisdiction of Pi- sarro, received a grant of lands which vielded an annual income of a hundred and fifty v. >usand peoxM.* Ilincjoaa, who by his early defection from Pizarro^ and surrender of the fleet to Gasca, decided the fhte of Peru, obtained a dis- trict of cuuntry affording two hundred thouiuutd pesos of yearly value.* While such rewards were dealt out to the principal officers, with mora thai i royal munificence, proportional shares were conferred upon those of inferior rank. Such a rapid change of tbrtune produced its natural effects. It gave birth to new wants and new desires. Vetemas, long accustomed to 5 VecB, p. li. lib. It e. 38, «l. n FcTiiandei, lib. II. c. 54, 7 Zarate, lib. \ll. c, 10. Herren, dec. 8. lib. v. c. 1 8 Gomara, c. 164. Vega, p. 1 1, lib. vi. c. 3 hardship and toil, acquired of a sudden a taste for profuse and inconsiderate dissipation, and in- dulged in all the exoesses of military licentious- ness. The riot of low debauchery occupivd some; a relish for expensive luxuries spread among others.'* The meanest soldier in Peru would have thought himself degraded by march- ing on fo<>t ; and at a time when the prices ot horses in that country were exorbitant, each in- sisted «a being furnished with one before he would take the field. But though less patient under the fotlgue and hardships of service, they were ready to face danger and death with as much intrepidity as ever; aud animated by the hope of new rewards, they never failed, on th« day of battle, to display all their ancient valour. Together with their courage, they retidned all the ferocity by which they were originally dis- tinguished. Civil discord never raged with a more fell spirit than among the Spaniards in Peru. To all the paadons which usually en- venom contests among countrymen, avarice was added, and rendered their enmity more ranco- rous. Eagerness to seise the valuable forfeit- ures, expected upon the death of every opponent, shut the door agaljost mercy. To be wealthy was of itself sufficient to expose a nuut to accu- sation, or to sul^ect him to punishment. On the slightest suspicious, Pizarro condemned many of the most opulent inhabitants in Peru to death. Carvi^al, without searching for any pretext to justify his cruelty, cut off many more. The number of those who suffered by the hands of the ev utioner vras not much inferior to that fell in the field [113] ; and the greater part was condemned without the formality of any legal trial. Thf Gonzalo Fi- aarro's revolt were the first to forsake him, aud 10 Herrcr«, ilcc, 5. lib. ii. c. 3. dsc. 8. lib. viii. e. lU. t'?n 220 HISTORY OF r [Book VI. y* ! I ■ubmlt to Ua enainlM. His fleet wm glren up to Guca by the num whom he had singled out among hi* officers to intrutt with that import- ant command. On the day that was to decide his flite, an army of reterans, in sight of the enemy, threw down their arms without striking a blow, and deserted a leader who had often con- ducted them to victory. Instances n' such ge- neral and avowed contempt of the principles and obligations which attach man to man, and bind Ihem together in sochd union, rarely occur in history. It is only where men are fiur removed firom the seat of government, where the re- straints of law and order are little felt, where the prospect of gain is unbounded, and where immense wealth may cover the crime* by which it is acquired, that we can And any paralle! to the levity, the rapaciousness, the perfidy, and corruption prevalent among the Spaniards in Peru. On the death of Pixarro, the malecontents in every comer of Pern laid down their arms, and tranquillity seemed 1o be perfectly re-establlsbed. But two very interesting objects still remained to occupy the president's attention. The one was to find immediately such employment for a multitude of turbulent and daring adventurers with which the country waa filled, ab might prevent them, from exciting new commotion*. The other, to bestow proper gcatificatlons upon those to whose loyalty and valour he had been in- debted for his success. The former of these was In some measure accomplished, by appointing Pedro de Valdivia to prosecute the conquest of Chili ; and hjr empowering Diego Centeno to nndertake the discovery of the vast regions bor- dering an the river De la Plata. The reputa- tion of those leaders, together with the hope* of acquiring wealth, and of rising to consequence in some unexplored country, dluring many of the most indigent and desperate aoldier* to fol- low their standard*, drained off no inconsidera- ble portion of that mutinous spirit which Gasoa dreaded. The latter was an aihir of greater diffionity, and to be adjusted with a more attentive and delicate hand. The repartinUentot, or allotments of lands and Indians which fell to be distribut- ed, in consequence of the death or forfeiture of the former posse ss ors, exceeded two millions of pesos of yearly rent.' Oasca, when now abso- lute master of this immense property, retained the same disinterested sentiments which he had originally professed, and refueed to reserve the smallest portion of it for himself. Bnt the num- ber of claimants was great ; and whilst the va- nity or avarice .* every individual fixed the value of his own services, and estimated the re- compense which bethought due to him, the pre- 1 Vega, p. II. lib. v! c. i tensions of each wara ao extravagant tliat it waa inposaibie to satisfy all. Gasca listened to them one by one, with the most patient attention; and that ha might have leicure to weigh the comparative merit of their eeveral claim* with aceuraoy, be retired, with the archbishop of Li- ma and a single secretory, to a village twelve leagues Awm Cuseo. There he spent several days In allotting to each a district of lands and number of Indians, in proportion to bis idea of their past services and fkitnre importance. But that he might get beyond the reach of the fierce storm of clamour and rage, which he foresaw would burst out on the pnblicatioK .f his de- cree, notwithstanding the impartial equity with which he had framed It, he set out for Lima, leaving the Instrument of partition sealed up, with order* not to open it for some days after his departure. The Indignation excited by publishing the de- cree of partition [Aug. 8 j was not less thiin Oasca had expected. Vanity, avarice, emula- tion, envy, shame, raw, and all the other pas. sions which most vehemently agitate the minds of men when both their honour and their inte- rest are deeply affected, conspired in adding to its violence. It broke out with all the fury of military insolence. Calumny, thicato, and curses, were poured out openly upon the pi-esl- dent. He was accused tif Ingratitude, of par- tiality, and of injustice. Among soldier* prompt to action, *nch *editious discourse would have been soon followed by deeds no less violent, and they already began to turn their eyes towards some discontented leader*, expecting them to' stand forth in redress of their wrongs. Sy' some vigorous interpoeitions of government, a timely check wa* given to thi« mutinous spirit, and the danger of another civil ww was averted for the present.* 1640.^ Gaseo, however, perceiving that the flame was suppressed, rcther than extinguished, laboured with the utmoat assiduity to soothe the maleeontenta, by bestowing large gratultle* on *ome, by promieing repmiimiaaos, when they fell vacant, to other*, and by car***ing and flat- tering all. But that the public eecurlty might reet on a foufldation mtm ttabie than their good affection, he endeavoured to etrengthen the hands of his suceessor* In office, by re-establishing the regular administration of Justice in every part of the empire. He introduced order and simplicity into the mode of collecting the royal revenue. He issued regulations oonceming the treatment of the Indians, well calculated to proteot tlivm from oppression, and to provide for their instruc- tion in the principles of religion, witfaout de- the JongI S Zarate, lib. tU. c. S. Gomara, c 187. Vega, p. II lib. vH. c. I, Ac. Fernandes, p. II. lib. Lc I, &c Her- rers, dee. 8. lib. Iv, c. 17, &c 3 Fen lOK VI. I'jat It WM led to them •ttcntion ; weigh the IkIbm with ihop of LI- lege twelve Mnt eeveral if Undt and > hie ide» of «nee. But of the fierce he forcMW u .f hie de- cqulty with It for Llin»» n eealed up, le day* after ■hing the de- lot leu than srice, emnia- the other pae- It* the mindi nd their int«- In adding to II the fury of threats, and pon the pi-esl- .Itude, of par- loldier* prompt ■e would have M vldcnt, and > eyw towards eoting them to' wrongs. By goTemment, ■ lutlnous spirit, rar was averted eiving that the ,n extinguished, ity to soothe the |e gratuities on ttot, when they ressing and flat- j security might » than their good ngthen the hands yestablishtng the B in every part ol' lerandaimpliclt} e royal revenue. ng the trentment to protect tlit-m forthrlvlnstruo- ion, without de- 1549.] AMERICA. Ml privtng the Spanhurd* of the benefit aoeralng from their labour. Having now aeeompllshed every olject of his mission, Gaaca, longing to return again to a private station, committed the government of Fern to the court of audience, and set out for Spain [Feb. 1, ISM]. As, dur> ing the anarchy and turbulence of the four last years, there bad been '-.o remittance made of the royal revenue, he carried with him thirteen hundred thousand peeoe of f ablie money, which the economy and order of his administration enabled him to save, after paying all the expen- ses of the war. He was received In his native country with universal admiration ot his abili^!e8 and of his virtue. Both were, indeed, highly conRpiouous. Without army, or fleet, or public funds ; with a train so simple, that only three thousand ducats were expended In equipping him,' he set out to oppose a formidable rebellion. By hi* address and talent* he supplied all those defccts, and seemed to create instruments for executing his deeigns. He acquired ench a naval force as gave him the command of the sea. He raised a body of men able to cope with the veteran bands which gavr '■"» to Peru. He vanquished their leader, on « anas victory had hitherto attended, and in place of anarchy and usurpation, he establlHhed the government of laws, and the authority of the rightful sove- reign. But the praise lieetowed on his abilities was exceeded by that which his virtue merited. After residing in a country where wealth pre- sented allurements which had seduced every person who had hitherto poeseesed power there, he ratumed from that trying station with in- tegrity not only untainted but unsuspected. Af- ter distributing omong hie countrymen posses- sions of greater extent and value than had ever been in the disposal of a snt{)ect In any age or nation, he hlraaidf remained In hie original etate of poverty; and at the very time when he brought such a large recruit to the royal trea- sury, be was obliged to apply by petition for a small sum to disohargfi some petty debts which he had contracted dur.' g the course of his ser- vice.* Charles was not insensible to such dis- interested merit. Gasca was received by him with the most distinguishing marks of esteem ; and being promoted to the bishopric of Fhlen- oia, he passed the remainder of bis days In the tranquillity of r«-tirement, respected by his coun- try, honoured by his sovereign, and beloved by ail. Notwithstanding all GasraV wise regulations, the tranquillity of Peru was nnt of long con- tinuance. In a country where the authority of government had l>een almost forgotten during the long prevalence of anarchy and misrule. where there were disappointed leader* ripe for revolt, and seditions soldier* ready to follow them, it was not dlfflcnlt to raise combustion. Several successive Insurrections desolated the country for some year*. But as those, though fierce, were only transient storms, excited ra- ther by the ambition and turbulence of particu- lar men, than by general or public motives, the detail of them Is not the olject of this history. These commotions In Peru, like every thing of extreme violence either In the natural or politi- cal body, were not of long duration ; and by carrying off the corrupted humours which hnd given rise to the disorders, they contributed in the end to strengthen the society which at first they threatened to destroy. During their fierce contents, several of the first invaders of Peru, and many of those licer 'Jous adventurers whom the fame of their success had allured «b' ' er, fell by each other's ' ands. Ench of the . I. c. I, *c Hrr. 3 Femsndei, lib. 11. r. IS. 4 MS. per.ci mc. As the conquest of the two great empires of Mexico and Peru forms the most splendid and interesting period In the history of America, a view of their political institutions, and a de- eerlptlon of their national manners, will exhibit the human specie* to the contemplation of intel- ligent obierver* in a very eingular stage of Ite progress, [lii] When compared with other parts of the New World, Mexico and Peru may be considered as polished states. Instead of small, independent, hostile tribes, struggling for subsistence amidst woods and marshes, strangers to industry and arts, unacquainted with subordination, and al- most without the appearance of regular go\-ern- ment, we find countries of great extent sub- jected to the dominion of one sovereitjn, the iii- habitanU collected together In cities, the wis- dom and foresight of rulers employed in provid- ing for the maintenance and security of ttie people, the empire of laws in some measure established, the authority of religion recognized, many of the arts essential to life brought to some degree of mnturity, and the dawn of such as are ornamental beginning to appear. But if the comparison lie made with the peo- ^ 222 HISTORY oS" [Book VII. f ,.! fi i pl« of the uicl«ot eAiitliMDl, tba inferiority of America in impntTomut will bo oomploMiWi and neitlier tlie Mnicana nor PaniviamwUI Im entitled to ranli witli thoaa nationa which ir qualnted with the uaeful metab, and the pro- grcM which they bad made in extending their dominion over the animal creation waa inaon- •iderable. The Mexicana had gone no further than to tame and rear turkeya, dooka, a apecioa of email doge, and rabbiti.' By tbia Aeblo ea- aay of ingenuity, the meana of cubaiatence ware rendered aomewhat more plentiful and aaeura than when men depend eoldy on hunting ; but they had no idea of atleiLriUng to eubdue the more robuat animala, or of deriring any aid from their ministry in carrying on worka of la- bour. The FernvianseeemtohaTe neglected the Inferior animala, and had not rendered any of them domeetic except the duck ; but they were more fortunate in taming the Llama, an animal pecu- liar to their country, of a form which beare aome reaemblance to a deer, and some to n camel, aqd iaofaaiae somewhat larger than a sheep. Un- der the protection of man, thiaepeoiea multiplied greatly. lu wool fUmiahed the Peruviana with clothing, its flesh with food. It waa even em- ployed as a beast of burden, and carried a mo- derate load with much patience and docility.* It waa never used for draught ; and the breed being confined to the mountainous country, ita aervioe, if we may Judge by incidents which oc- cur in the early Spanish writers, waa not very extensive among the Peruvians in their original slate. In tracing tUe line by which nations proceed towards civilization, the discovery of the useful mt'.ils, and the acquisition of dominion over the animal creation, have been marked as atapa of capital Importance In their progress. In our continent, long after men bad attained both, ao* ciety continued in that state which ia denomi- nated barbarous. Even with all that command over nature which these confer, many ageo elapse before industry becomes so regular as to render subsistence secure, before the arta which supply the wanta and funiish the accommoda- tions of life are brought to any considerable de- gree of perfection, and before any idea is con- ceived of various Instltutiona requisite in a well ordered society. The Mexicana and Peruviana, without knowledge of the useful metals, or the aid of domestic animals, laboured under disad- vantages which must have greatly retarded their progress, and In their highest state of improve- ment their power was so limited, and their I Herrera, dec II. lib. viL c. 12. i Vega,' p. I. lib. via c. Ki. Zuale, lib. 1. c. 1 1. operations ao faeUe, that they can hardly be con- aidarad aa having advanead beyond the infanity ofeivUUfb. After this general obaarvation concerning the moat aingular and diatlnguiahing clreumatance In the state of both tha gml tmplrea in Ame- rica, I ahall eodaavour to giro aoeh a view af the flooatitutlea and interior polico of aaeh aa may anaLlo n« to aaeartain tbair plaoe in tha political aoale, to allot them tbair prapor atatlon between the rode tribee in tha New World, and tha po- lished atatea of tha ancient, and to determine how Ar they had risen above the former, aa wall aa how mneb they fell below the kttar. Maioo waa first aul^eeted to Um Spanish crown. But our aequaintanea with itelawa and mannara la not, from th«l elroumatanee, more complete. What I have rsnMU'ked conctming the defective and inaccurate information on which wo must rely with reepaet to the condi- tion and customs of the savi^a tribea In Ameri- ca, may be applied likowiaa to our knowledge of the Mexican empire. Cortea, and tha rapacious adventurere who accompanied him, had not lei- sure or capacity to anrioh cither civil or natural history with new obecrvationa. They under- tow their expedition in queat of ona vibitct, and seemed hardly to have turned their eyaa towarda any other. Or, if daring aome short interval of tranquillity, when the occupationa of war ceased, and the ardour of plunder was suspended, the institutione and manners of the people whom they had invaded, drew tbair attention, the in- quiries of illiterate eoldiera were conducted with eo little aagacity and praeision, that the accounts given by them of the policy and order esiablish- ed in tba Mexican monarchy arc superficial, confused, and inexplicable. It ia rather from incldente which they relate occasionally, than from their own deductions and remarks, that we aro enabled to form eome idea of the t-iuius and manners of that people. The obscurity in which the ignorance of ita outiqufrora involved the annals of Mexico, waa augmented by the snperatition of those wiio succeeded them. Aa the memeiry of paat eventa waa preaerved among the Mexicana by flgnree painted on akins, on cotton cloth, on a kind of pasteboard, or on the bark of trees, the early missionaries, unable to comprehend their meaning, and struck with their uncouth forms, conceivad tbem to be mo- namerste of idolatry, which ought to be deatroy- ed in order to facilitata the convareiou of the Indians. In obedience to an edict iesued by Juan de Zummaraga, a Franciaean monk, the firat bishop of Mexico, as many records of tha ancient Mexican story aa could ba ooUeott'd were committed to the flames. In conseque.ice of tbie fanatical zeal of the monka who first v.'sited New Spain (which thflr successors soon legan to lament), whatever knowledge of remote rivents such rude monuments contained was almost en- whatooukll faction witi cdoun it] might battj ^^■rrsrl, l. the prints] neirer •ured, tl. Imperial] witliout a. endslMde,! ■crorequirf vn. I itt ^ . . ij 1 AMERICA. 223 lly b« con- ic lnfuM7 grnlDg Uie DUOMtMIC* I In An*- rlawaftb* h* political tnbotwMn ii4 tba p»- mlne how M w«U M M 8|»niih lUUwtuid tanee, mon coDCornlng mwUoB oil I thooondi- • In Anwrl- jMwtodf • of horapadoui kad not Ul- II or natural rhejr undor- « oldM<> *"<* •ywi toward! rt Intnrral of if waroeaaed, itpcndedi the peopl* whom ition, the in- lulucted with ttheaucounU A«r cataUisb- •e ■uperflcialt rather from ilounlly. than remarks, that nf the c^niua » obwurity in prora Involved tented by the •d thenk Aa ■aerved among on skint, on ard, or on the ries, unable to struck with bem to be mo- ( U» be deatroy- ivarsieu of the diet Issued by can monk, the records of tba I ooUeoti'd were conaeque.ice of vho first v.'slted sors soon Irgan Bf remote ijvents was almost en- tirely lost, and no Information remained con- cerning the ancient revolutions and policy of the empire, but what was derived from tradition, or from some fragmenU of their historical paint- ings that etcapod the barbarous researches of Zummaraga.* From the experience of all na- tions it Is manifest, that the memory of past transactions can neither be long preserved, nor be transmitted with any fidelity, by tradition. The Mexican paintings, which are supposed to have servad aa annals of their empire, are few in number, and of ombiguous meaning. Thu% amidst the uncertainty of the former, and the obscurity of the latter, we must glean what In- telligence can be collected from the scanty mate- rials scattered In tha Spanish writers.* « AeiMta. Ub. vl. c T. Torquem. Fnem. lib. U. Uh UL c. 6. lib. xiv. 0, 6, 4 In the Ant edition, I obterved that In ooniequenee of the dcitfuctioB of the ancient Mexican pabittagf, oces. iloned by the seal of Sammaiacs, whatever knowledge Ihejr might have eonveyed waa mtinlii Mt, Every can- did reader muat have perceived that the expreuion was Inaccurate i aa in a few Una afterwaidi I mention lome ancient paLitln|f to he itlU extant M. Clavlgero, not wtiifled with laying hold of this Inaccuracy, which \ corrected In the tubiequMrt editfawi, laiiouti to render U moi* glaring, by the manaer in whioh be qnolet the i*. maining part of Ilia ieMcnce. He nprshendt with great aiperity the account which I gave of the wanty matiriali for writing the ancient hUtory ot Mexica Vol I. Ac- count of Wrlten, p. xxvl. Vol 1 1. SBIX Hy words, how. ever, arc almoat the tame with tJioieaf Torquenada, who leema to have been better aoquaiatad wi'.h the t. lOOS, ftc S24 HISTORY OF [Book VII. \l •if •ntiquity, and to hav* ■ubtistcd during suoh • Itnglh of time as tha SpanUh aecounta of iu cIvlllMtlon wouM naturally laad ua to conclude, it U dlAoult to concelva bow, among a paopia who poaaa w d tba art of raeording evanta bjr pioturaa, and who conaidarad it aa an eaaantial part of their national education, to teach their children to repeat tha hiatorical longa which colebrated the exploit* of their anceitora,' tba hnowledge of paat trauaactiona ahould be ao •lender and limited. If, on the other hand, wo adopt Ibeir own syetem with respect to the an- tiquities of Ibeir nation, it ia no less difficult to account either for tlint improved state ofaociety or for the extenaive dominion to which their empire had attained when flrst visited by the Spaniards, llie Infancy of nations la so long, and, even when every oircamstanoe Is favourable to their progress, they advance so slowly towards any maturity of strength or policy, that the re- cent origin of the Mexicans aeems to be a strong pi-vsumption of some exaggeration in the splon- did descriptions which have been givan of their government and manners. But it ia not by theory or eonjeeturea that history decides with regard to tha atata or cha- racter of nations. It produces beta as the foun> dation of every Judgment which it venturea to pronoonoe. In collecting those whiob mnat r^ gulate our opinion In the p r eaent inquiry, aome occur that suggest an Idea of considerable pro- greas in civili'«ation in tha Mexican empire, and others which aeem to indicate that it bad ad- vanced but little beyond theaavaga tribea around it. Both aball be exhibited to the view of tha reader, that, from eonptring them, he may dar termine on which aide tba evidence preponder- In the Mexican empire, the right of private property waa perfectly understood, and eatabliah- ed in ita full extent. Among laveral aavi^ tribee, we have aeen, that the Idea of a title to the separata and exeluaive poaseaaion of any ob- ject waa hardly known ; and that among all it was extremely limJted and III def ned. But in Mexico, where agriculture and induatry bad made some progreaa, the dlstlnotion between property in land and property in gooda had taken place. Both might be transferred from one per- son to another by sale or barter ; both might descend by inheritance. Every person who €ould be denominated a freeman had property in land. Thie, however, they held by various tenuree. Some posaessed it in full right, and It descended to their heirs. The title of others to their landa waaderived from the office or digni- ty which thay enjoyed ; and when deprived of the latter, they lost possession of the former. Both these modea of occupying land were deem> ed noble, and peculiar to cltizena of the highest 1 Heireia, dee.,3. UtK II. c. 18. olasa. The tenure by which the great body of the people held tbeir property, waa very dllTtr- ont. In every district a certain quantity of land waa measured out iii proportion to the number of families. This was cultivatsd by the joint labour of the whole ; its produce was de- posited in a common storehouse, and divided among them according to their respective exi- gencea. The members of the CaljmOte, or asso- ciations, could not alienate their share of the common eatate ; it was an Indivisible permanent property, deatined for the support of their iiimi- Ilea.* Ta consequence of this distribution of the terrltofy of the state, every man had an Interest in Its welfare, and the happiness of the indivi- dual was connected with the public security. Another striking circumstance, which dlstln- gulsbea the Mexican empire from those nations in America we have already described, is the number and greatness of its cities. While so- ciety continuee In a rude slate, the wants of men are so few, and they stand so little in need of mutual assiatanee, that their inducement* to crowd together are extremely feeble. Their in- dustry at the sama time Is so imperfect,, that it cannot aaeure subsistence for a .y considerable number of fiunillea settled In one spot. They live dispersed, at this period, from choice, ae well aa from neoeaaity, «r at the utmoat aaaembia in email hamleta oo the banka of the river whieb Buppllea them with food, or on the border of aoma pUla left open by natara, «r cleared by their own labour. The Spaniarda, Mieastomad to thia mode of habitation among all the savage tribea wttfa which tbey were hitherto aeqenint- ed, were aatoahlied, on entarlag New Spain, to And tha nati vaa reaiding In towns of aueh axteot aa reae m b l ed thoaa of Europe. In the Srst fer^ Tour of tbeir admiration, they compared Zem- poalla, thoogh a town only of the second or third elae, to the eltlea of greateat note in tbeir own country. When, afterwards, they visited In sucoeaaloB TIaacala, Cholula, Tacnba, Teieueo, and Mexico itaelf, their amaaement Inc r eased so mueb, that it led them to convey idsaa of their magnltode and popukmsosss bordaring on what la inercdible. Even when there ia leianre for obaervatlon, and nd intereet that leade to deceive, conjectural estlmatas of the number of people In cities are extremely looee, and nsnaily much ex- aggerated. It ie not surprising, then, that Cortea and hia eompanions, little accustomed to such eompntations, and powerfully tempted to magnify, in order to exalt the merit of their own diacoveriee and conquests, sboold have been be- trayed Into thie common error, and have raieed tbeir descriptions eonsiderably above truth. For tWe reason, aome eonsiderable abatement ought to be made from their calculations of the num. S Henera, dee. a nb. iv. e. IS. UtKXiv.e.7. CorlUM& Toiquem. Mee. Ind. 3 Corteil IB Torqu^ IS, &c. t VII. It body «f •ry dlffcr- iwntlly of ion to tho ktadbyth* M WM d«- nd dUld«d •etlv* wl- te, or HM>- laro uf the permanent their ikml- ition of the •n kntereet the IndlYl- lecurity. hieh dlitln- OM nation* ■ihti, it the While so- le want* of ttle in need tucenunta to u Their in- pfect,. that it eoneMcrable ■pot. They im ebolo*» as noataMenbl* of the riTor on the border or dewed hf t, Mcnelomed ■II the MTH* irto aeqnalnl- Now Spidn, to of aoeh extent B the Bret fer> tmpored Zom- ■econd or third e in their own hey Tistted In cabm TeMOCo, >nt Inoreaee d eo f ideu of their lering on what e ii itirare for leads to deceire, bar of people in •nally much •>- o(, then, that e •eenstomed' to fully tempted to eiit of their own Id iMTe been ho- and have raised iboTO troth. For abatement ought ions of the num. AMERICA. 225 Men. In* ber of inbiO>itanU In the Mexican oitiee, ami we may (Ix the lUndard of th«ir population much lower than they have done ; but still they will a|>pear to be oitiee of euch consequence as are not to bo found but amonf people who have made soma oonatderable progress In the arts of social lift. [I4A.] From their accounts, we can hardly suppose Mexico, the capital of the empire, to have eontained fewer than sixty thousand In- habitant*. Tlic separation of professions among the Mexi- cans is a symptom of improvement no less re- markable. Arts, in the early age* of society, m-e so few and so simple, that each man Is suffl- ctently muter of them all, to gratify every de- mand of his own limited desires. The snviige can form bis bow, point his arrows, rear hifi hut, and hollow his canoe, without calling in the aid of any hand more skilful than hh own. Time must have augmented the wants of men, and ripened their Ingenuity, before the productions of art became so complicated in their structure, or so curious in their fabric, that a particular lourse of education was requisite towards forming the artlflcer to expertness incontrivance nnd workmanship. In proportion as reflnement spreads, the distinction of professions increases, and they branch out Into more numerous and minute subdivisions. Among the Mexican*, this separation of the arU necessary in life had taken place to a considerable extent. The fun». tlon* of the maeon, the weaver, the goldsmith, the painter, and of several other crafts, were carried on by dlArent persons. Each was re- gularly Instructed In his calling. To it alone his industry was confined, and by auiduous ap- plication to one object, together with the perse- vering patience peculiar to Americans, their ar- ti*an* attained to a degree of neatness and perfec- tion In work, far beyond what could have been ex- pected ftvm the rude tool* which they employed. Their various productions were brought into commerce ; and by the exchange of them in the I to the Idea of stated market* held in the cities, not only were their mutual wants supplied,* in such orderly intercourse as characterises an improved state of society, but thetr industry was daily rendered persevering and inventive. The dbtinotion of rank* established in the Mexican empire, la the next circumstance that merits attention. In surveying the savage tribes of America, we observed, that conscious- ness of equality, and impatience of subordina- tion, are sentiment* natural to man In the In- fancy of civil life. During peace, the authority of a superior is hardly felt among them, and even in war it Is but little acknowledged. Stran- 3 Cortei RcUt ap. Ramui. iii. 239, &c. Com. Cron. c. 19. Torquem. lib. xlii. c. 34. Herrera, dec. 8. lib. »ll. c. IS. &c. properly, the diffiirtnce in condition resulting from the inequality of it Is unknown. Birth or titles confer no pre-emi- nence ; It Is only by personal merit and aecom* pllshmenu that distinction can be acquired. The form of society wa* very different among the Mexicans. The great body of the people was In • most humiliating state. A considerable number, known by the name of Mat/eyuei, nearly resembled in condition thoee peasants who, under various denominations, were considered, during the prevalence of the feudal system, a* Instru- ments of labour attached to the soil. The Maytquet could not change their place of rwiidence with- out permission of the auperlor on whom they depended. They were conveyed, together with the land* on which they were settled, from one proprietor to another ; and were bound to cul- tivate the ground, and to perform several kind* of servile work.* Other* were reduced to the loweet form of subjection, that of domestic ser- vitude, and felt the utmost rigour of that wretched state. Their conditio.^ was held to be so vile, and their lives deemed of so little va- lue, that a person who killed one of these slaves was not subjected to any punishment.* Even those considered as freemen were treated by their haughty lords as beings of an inferior specie*. The Doblee, possessed of ample territories, were divided into various classes, to each of which pe- culiar titles of honour belonged. Some of these titles, like their lands, deeeended fW>m father to son in perpetual succession. Others were an- nexed to particular offices, or conferred during life a* marks of peraonal diatinction.* The monarch exalted above all, enjoyed exteneivo power and supreme dignity. Thus the distinc- tion of ranks was completely established, in a line of regular aubordifiation, reaching from the highest to the lowest member of the communi- ty. Each of these knew what he could claim, and what he owed. The people, who were not allowed to wear a dress of the same fashion, or to dwell in houses of a form similar to those of the nobles, accosted them with the most submis- sive reverence. In the presence of their sove- reign, they durst not lift their eyes fi«m the ground, or look him In the face.' llie nobles themselves, when admitted to an audience of their sovereign, entered barefooted, in mean garmenta, and, as his slaves, paid him homage approaching to adoration. This respect, duo from inferiors to thoee above them in rank, waa prescribed with such ceremonious accuracy, thtit it incorporated with the language, and Influenced its genius and idiom. Tlie Mexican tongue 4 Herrera, dec. 3. lib. Iv. c. 17. 5 Herrera, dec. a lib. Iv. c. 7. 6 Ibid. c. 15. Corlta Ma 7 Herrera, dec. 3 lib, 11. c 1* Cotita M& ■■"3k!5C. 220 H I S T O H Y OF [UooK VII. abouiMlvil III MprcMioDt of nvarenc« and cour-> l«iy. The tlyle Mid apptilatioiM utad In ibt In- trrooun* ImIwmii w|iuU would h«r« bean m unlMcomiDC in Ui« mouth of on* In • loiror •pborot wkon bo Meoatod n paraon In blghar nuiki M to b« daamad an inault. [146] It la on- ly in aoelatlaa, which time and tba inatitution of rcfular (ovarnmant liara mouldad into form, that wa And aueh an ordarly arrangamant of man into diifarant ranka, and auob nioa attention paid to tbair varloua rlghta. Ilia aplrit of the Mexleana, thua famlUarliad and banded to aubordlnatlon, waa prepared for aubmlttlng to moiiarohical government. But the deaorlptlon of their policy and lawa, by tha Spaniard* who overturned them, are ao inaccu- rate and contradictory, that It la diffleult to de- lineate the form of their conatitution with any preclaion. Sometimee they repreeent the moii- aroha of Mexico a* aiiaolute, deciding according to their pleaiure with reapect to every operaiiuii oftheatate. On other occailone, we diaoover the tracca of eatabllabad cuatoma and lawa, fram- ed in order to circumacribe tba power of the crown, and we meet with rlghta and privUagea of the Dobiea which aeemed to be oppoaed aa barrlera agalnat itaencroachmente. Tbla appearance of inconalctency baa ariien Arom inattention tu the innovationa of Monteauma upon the Mexican policy. Hia aaplring ambition aubverted the original ayatem of government, and introduced a pure deapotiam. lie disregarded the ancient lawa, violated the privllegea held moat aaerad, and reduced hia aubjaeta of every order to the level of aUvea.' The ohiefa, or noblea ^f the firat rank, anbmitted to the yoke with aoch re- luotanee that, flwm Impatience to ahaka It off, and hope of recovering their rlghta, many of them courted the proteetlon of Cort«a« and Joined a foreign power agalnat their domeatio op p reaaor.' It la not then under the dominion of Monteiuma, but under the government of hia p r edacaaaora, that we can diaoover what waa tha original form and geniua of Mexican policy. From the foundation of the monarchy to the election of Montesuma, it aeema to have anh- alated with little variation. That body of citU lena, which may be diatinguiahed by the uame of nobility, formed the chief and moot nepeota- Ue order In the etate. They wore of varloua ranka, aa baa been already obaerved, and their honoura ware aequired and tranamitted in dif- ferent mannera. Their number aeema to have been great. According to an author accuatom- ed to examine with attention wliat he relatea, there were in the Mexican empire thirty of thie order, each of whom had in his territories about 1 Herrera, dec. a lib; li. c. U. Torqucm. lib, il. c 60. 2 Herrera, dec. 8. lib. v. c. 10, 11. Torquem. UU Ir. c «9. a hundred thouaand people i and aubordlnate to theee, tbero were about three thouaand noblea at a lower olaaa.* 'Jlia terrltoriee belonging to tlut chiefe of Teieuco and Tacuba wen hanlljr In- ferior In extent to Ihoae of the Mexican mo- narch.* Each of thaae poeaaeaed eompleta ter- ritorial Jurledlotlon, and levied taxee from their own vaaaala. But all followed the alandai d of Mexico in war, aerving with a number of men In proportion to their domain, and mvat ol' them paid tribute to Ita monarch aa tbalr supe- rior lord. In tracing tboae great llnea of the Mexican oenslitution, an image of feudal policy, In its meet rigid form, rises to view, and we discern its three distinguishing characteristics, a nobi- lity posseeeing almost Independent authority, a people depressed into the lowest state of subjec- tion, and a king Inlrusted with the executive power of the state. Its spirit and princlpleM seem to have operated in the New World in the same manner as in the ancient. The Jurisdic- tion of the crown was extremely limited. All real and effective authority was retained by the Mexican noblea in their own hands, and the ahodow of It only left to the king. Jealoua to exceaa of their own rtghta they guarded with the moot vigilant anxiety agalnat the encroach- ments of their Boverelgna. By a fundamental law of the empire. It wm provided that the king ahould not determine- concerning any point of general Importance without the appro- bation of a council compoeed of the prime nobility.' Unless he obtained their consent, he could not eiigHgi! the nation In war, nor could he dispose of the most considerable branch of the public revenue at pleasure ; it waa appropri- ated to certain purpoeee from which it could not be diverted by the regal authority alone.* In order to secure full effect to those constitutional restraints, the Mexican nobles did not permit their crown to descend by Inheritance, but dis- posed of It by election. The right of election eeems to have been originally vested in the whole body of nobility, but waa afterwards committed to six electors, of whom the chiefs of Texeuco and Tacuba were always two. From reapect for the family of their monarcha, thu choice fell generally upon aome person sprung from It. But aa the activity and valour of their prince were of greater moment to a people perpetually engaged In war, than a atrict ad- herence to the order of birth, coUaterala of ma- ture age or of distinguished merit were often preferred to those who were nearer the throne 8 Herrera, dec. S. lib, Till. e. \S. 4 Toiquem. lib. IL c m. CorlU M& a Herrera, dec. a lib. IL c. 10. lib. It. c la Corita Ma Herrera, dec. a lib. Iv. c. 17.. 7 Acuta Corita MS. K VII. irdliwU to 1 noblm of (Ing U> tlin tonUy I"- wlcMi mo- lapUM tcr- froiu tb«lr •tandMd uf ib«r of men N-'me obeervatlon ma^ ■>• applied to the *trui'(krti -.f the aqueducts, or conidait*, by which t ey conveyed a stream of fresh water from a oonsideraU* distance, into the city, along on* of the causeways. [1 46] The appointment of a number of persons to clean the streets, to light them by lire* kindled in dlflitrent places, and to patrol as watchmen during the night,* discovers a degree of attention which even polish- ed nations art late In acquiring. The progresa of the Mexicans in various arts is considered as the moet decisive proof of their euperior reflnement. Cortes and the early Spa- nish authors describe this with rapture, and maintain, that the moet celebrated European artists could not surpass or even equal them In ingenuity and neatness of workmanship. They represented men, animals, and other ob- jects, by such a disposition of various coloured feathers, as Is said to have produced all the effects of light and shade, and to have Imitated nature with truth and delicacy. Their ornaments of gold and silver have been described to lie of a fabric no less curious. Hut in forming any idea, firom general descriptions, concerning the state of arts among nations imperfectly polished, wn are extremely ready to err. In examining the works of people whose advances In improvement, are nearly the same with our own, we view them with a critical and often with a Jealous eye. Whereas, when conscious of our own su- periority, we survey the arts of nations compa^ ratively rude, we are astonished at works exe- cuted by them under such manifest disadvanta- (•■Hcrrera, get, and, in the warmth of our admiration, are apt to represent them as productions more finish- ed than they really are. To the influence of this illusion, without supposing any intention to deceive, we may impute the exaggeration of some Spanish authors, in theii' account* of the Mexican arts. It is not from those descriptions, but from considering such bpecimens of their arts as are still preserved, that we must decide concerning their .degree of merit. Al the ship in which Cortes sent to Charles V. the most curious pro> ducttons of the Mexican artisans, which were collected by the Spaniards when they first pil- laged the empire, was taken by a French cor> sair,' the remains of their ingenuity are less numerous than those of the Peruvians. Whether any of their works with feathers, in imitation of painting be still extant in Spain, I have not learned ; but many of their ornaments in gold and silver, as well as various utensils employed in common life, are deposited in the magnificent cabinet of natural and artificial prodi iions lately opened by the king of Spain ; and I am informed by persons on whose judgment and taste I can rely, that these boasted efforts of their art are uncouth representations of common ob- jects, or very coarse images of the human and some other forms, destitute of grace and pro- priety. [149] The justness of these observa- tions is confirmed by inspecting the wooden prints and copper plates of their paintings, which have been published by various authors. In them every figure of men, of quadrupeds, or birds, aa well as every representation of inani- mated nature, is extr«mely rude and awkward.* I i^«iat de Cort. Rainui, iii. 894. F. ' 8 At a ipeclnien of the ipirit and ntyle tn which Mr. Claviscn make* hii itrieturoi upon niy Hiitory of AmerU ca, I diall publiih hU remarki upon thU psiMge. " Thiu tu Robertion { to whom we aniwer, tint. That there U no reaion to believe that thaw rude woiku were really Mexican : wcondly. That neither do we know whether thow penoni in whote Judgment he confldei, may be penoni flt to merit our fUth, becauie we have obaenred, that Robertton tnisti Oequently to the totimany of Gage, Correal, Uagnei, and other luch authora, who are entirely undeaerving of credit ; thirdly. It ii more pro- bable that the arms of copper, believed by thoae intelli- gent Judges to be certainly Oriental, are really Mexieaa." Vol. II. aoi.— When an author, not entirely deitltute of integrity or diicemment, and who has lome loUcitude about hii own character, anerti that he received hii in- formation concerning any particular point from penon* " on whole Judgment and taate he can rely ;" a very (len- der degree of candour, one ihouM think, might induce the reader to believe that he dom not endeavour to inu poae upon the public by an appeal to teitimony altogether unworthy of credit My information concerning the Mexican workiof art, depoiited in thekingofSpain'i ca- binet, was received ttom the late Lord Grantham, am- bassador extraordinary fhim the court of London to that of Madrid, and ftom Mr. Archdeacon Waddilove, chap- lain to the embassy ; and it wu upon their authority The hardest Egyptian style, stiff and imperfect as it was, is more elegant. The scrawls of child- ren delineate objects almost as accurately. But however low the Mexican paintings may be ranked, when viewed 'merely as works of art, a very different station belongs to them when considered as the reconis of their country, as historical monuments of its policy and transac- tions ; and they become curious as well as in- teresting objeeta of attention. The noblest and most beneficial invention of which human in- genuity can boast, is that of writing. Bnt th* first essays of this art, which hath contributed more than all others to the improvement of the species, were very rude, and it advanced to- wards perfection slowly, and by a gradual pro- gression. When the warrior, eager for fame, wished to transmit some knowledge of his ex- ploits to succeeding ages ; when the gratitude of a people to tiieir sovereign prompted them to hand down an account of his beneficent deeds to pos- terity ; the first method of accomplishing this, which seems to have occurred to them, was to delineate, in the beat manner they could, figures representing the action, of which they were so- licitous to preserve the memory. Of this, which has very properly been called jticlure writing,* we find traces among some of the most savage tribes of America. When a leader re- turns firom the field, he strips a tree o^its bark, and with red paint scratches upon it some un- couth figures which represent the order of bia march, the number of his followers, ths enemy whom he attacked, the scalps and captives which be brought home. To thosa simple annals he trust* for renown, and sootlMs himself with hop* that I pronounced the coat of armour, mentioned in the note, to be of Oriental lUMrle. As they were both at Madrid In their public character, when the Bnt edition of »he History of America waa published, I thought It improper at that time to mention their names. Did their decision concerning a matter of taste, or their testimony concerning a point of fkct, stand in need of con6nnation, I might produce the evidence ef an IntalUgent traveller, who, in describing the royal cabinet of Madrid, takes no- tice that it contains " specimens of Merican and Peruvian utensils, vases, &c. In earthenware, wretehed both In taste and execution." Dillon's Travels through Spain, p. 77. As Gage composed his Survey of New Spain with all the seal and acrimony of a new convert, I have paid little regard to his testimony with respect to points reUtiag to rdlglon. But u he resided In leveial provlncei In Mew Spain, which tisvellers ieldom vUlt, and aa he seems to have observed their manners and lawi with an inteiligcrt eye, I have availed myself of hit Intbnnallon with re. spect to matters where religious opinion could have little Influence. Correal 1 have seldom quoted, and never rested upon his evidence alone. The station In which Ibagnes wa* employed in America, as well as the credit given to his veracity, by printing his Regno Jesultloo among the large collection of documents published (u I believe by authority) at Madrid, A. D, 1707, Justlflet m* fbr appealing to his authority. 3 Divine Lcgat of Moie>, ilL 73 I VII. imperfect I of chtld- Aj, ting* nay rks of art, lem when mntry, •• d traniao- rell as in- loUest and buman in- , Bat th* nntributed lent of the ivanced to- wdaal pr»- t for fame, ) of hU «*- ■ktitudeofa lem to hand eed« to po*- lUhiDg this, lem, was to Duld, llgures ley were «►- Of this, (lied jncture i of the most a leader re- ao^itohaik, it some un- order of his I, the enemy iptives which lie annals he «lf withhcHpe entloned In the , were both st the flnl edition d, I tboufht It ime«. Did their their testimony of confirmation, iUigent tnTcUer, Mrid. t«ke« no. ansndPerUTlui rretched both In hrough Spiln, p. ew Spain with all I have paid little nlnU reUtiM to roTlncea In New d aa he leemt to rlth an InteUlgcrt nnatlon with re. could have little pted, and rever itation in whWh well a* the credit Regno Jeiwltlco I publUhcd (ai I 1707, iuitlAci me AMERICA. 320 that by their means he shall receive praise from the warriors of future times.* Compared with those awkward essays of their savage countrymen, the paintings of the Mexi- cans may be cqpsidered as worlts of composition and design. They were not acquainted, it is true, with any other method of recording trans- actions than that of delineating the objects which they wished to represent. But they could exhibit a more complex series of events in progressive order, and describe, by a proper dis- position of figures, the occurrences of a king's reign from his accession to his death ; the pro- gress of an infant's education from its birth until it attain to the years of maturity ; the dif- ferent recompenses and marks of distinction conferred upon warriors, in proportion to the exploits which they had performed. Some singular specimens of this picture writing have been preserved, which are jiutly considered as the most curious monuments of art brought from the New World, llie most valuable of these was published by Purchas in sixty-six plates. It is divided into three parts. The first contains the history of the Mexican empire un- der its ten monarchs. llic second is a tribute roll, representing what each conquered town paid into the royal treasury. The third is a code of their institutions, doQicstio, political, and military. Another specimen of Mexican painting has been published in thirty-two plates, by the present archbishop of Toledo. To both is annexed a full explanation of what the figures were intended to represent, which was obtained by the Spaniards from Indians well acquainted with their own arts. The style of painting in all these is the same. They represent Mngi not words. They exhibit images to the eye, not ideas to the understanding. They may therefore be considered as the earliest and most imperfect essay of men in their progress towards discovering the art of writing. The defects In this mode of recording transactions must have been early felt. To paint every occurrence was fnim its nature a very tedious operation ; and as affairs became more complicated, and events multiplied in any society, its annals must have swelled to an enormous bulk. Besides this, .'<* oljeets could be delineated but those of sense ; the conceptions of the mind had no cor- poreal form; and as long as picture writing could not convey an idea of these, it must have been a very Imperfect art. The necessity of improving It must have roused and sharpened invention; and the human mind, holding the same course in the New World as in the Old, might have advanced by the same succeiisive 4 sir W. Johnson, Phllos. TransacL vol. Ixiii. p. 143. Mem. dc la Ilontan, 11. 191. Laillau Mccura dc Sauv. U.iH. steps, first, from an actual picture to the plain hieroglyphic; next to the allegorical symbol; then to the arbitrary character; until, at length, an alphabet of letters was discovered, capable of expressing all the various combinations of sound employed in speech. In the paintings of the Mexicans we accordingly perceive that this pro- gress was begun among them. Upon an atten- tive Inspection of the plates, which I have men- tioned, we may observe some approach to the plain or simple hieroglyphic, where some prin- cipal part or circumstance in the subject is made to stand for the whole. In the annals of their kings, published by Purchas, the towns con- quered by each are uniformly represented in the same manner by a rude delineation of a house ; but in order to point out the particular towns which submitted to their victorious arms, pecu- liar emblems, sometimes natural objects, and sometimes artificial figures, are employed. In the tribute-roll published by the Archbishop of Toledo, the house which was properly the pic- ture of the town, is omitted, and the emblem alone is employed to represent it. The Mexi- cans .seem even to have made some advances beyond this, towards the use of the more figu- rative and fanciful hieroglyphic. In order to describe a monarch who had enlarged his do- minions by force of arms, they painted a target ornamented with darts, and placed it between him and those towns which he subdued. But it is only in one instance, the notation of num- bers, that we discern any attempt to exhibit ideas which had no corporeal form. The Mexi- can painters had invented artificial marks, or tignt of convention, for this purpose. By means of these, they computed the years of their kings' reigns, as well as the amount of tribute to be paid into the royal treasury. The figure of a circle represented unit, and in small numbers, the computation was made by repeating it. Larger numbers were expressed by a peculiar mark, and they had such as denoted all integral numbers, from twenty to eight thousand. The short duration of their empire prevented the Mexicans from advancing further in that long course which conducts men from the labour of delineating real objects, to the simplicity and ease of alphabetic writing. Their records, notwithstanding some dawn of such ideas as might have led to a more perfect style, can be considered as little more than a species of pic- ture writing, so far improved as to mark their superiority over the savage tribes of America; but still so defective as to prove that tbcy had not proceeded far beyond the first stage in that progress which must be completed before any people can be ranked among polished nations. [160J Their mode of computing time may be consi- dered as a more dcci^i^e evidence of their pro- gress In improvement. They divided tbeir year 830 HISTORY OF [Book VII, into eighteen montha consUting of ttrenty days, amounting in all to three bandrtd and tixty. Uut as they observed that the eoune of the san nraa not completed in that time, they added Ave day* to the year. These, which were properly in- tercalary days, they termed ti^)ermimfrari/ or watte I and as they did not belong to any month, no woric was done, and no sacred rite performed on them ; they were devoted wholly to festivity and pastime.' This near approach to philoso- phical aocaracy is a remarlcable proof, that the Mexicans had bestowed some attention upon inquiries and speculations to which men in a very rude state never turn their thoughts.* Such are the most strilciiig particulars in the manners and policy of the Mexicans, which ex- hibit them to view as a people considernbiy re- iined. But from other circumstances, one is apt to suspect that their character, and many of their institutions, did not diifer greatly from those of the other inhabitants of America. Lilte the rude tribes around them, the Mexi- cans were incessantly engaged in war, and the motives which prompted them to hostility seem to have been the same. They fought in order to gratify their vengeance by shedding the blood of their enemies. In battle they were chiefly intvnt on tailing prisoners, and it was by the number of these that they estimated the glory of victory. No captive was ever ransomed or spared. All were saeriflced without mercy, and their flesh devoured with the same barbar- ous Joy as among the fiercest savages. On some occasions it arose to even wilder excesses. Their priniiipal warriors covered themselves with the slcins of the unliappy victims, and danced about the streets, boasting of their own valour, and exulting over their enemies." Even in their civil institutions we discover traces of that bar- barous disposition which their system of war inspired. The four chief counsellors of the em- pire were distinguished by titles, which could have been assumed only by a people who de- lighted In blood. [Ifil] This ferocity of chai-ac- ter prevailed among all the nations of New Spain. The Tlascalaus, the people of Meohoa- can, and other states at enmity with the Mexi- cans, delighted equally in war, and treated their prisoners with the same cruelty. In proportion as mankind combine in social union, and live under the influence of equal laws and regular policy, their manners soften, sentiments of hu- I Acoata, lib. vi. c. 8. S The Mexican mode of computing time, and every nther particular relating to their chronology, have been eonaiderably elucidated by M. Clavlgcro, vol I. 288 1 voL II. SS9, &C. The olMcrvatloni and theorlei of the Mexi. cans concerning those subject! discover n greater pmgresi ■n speculative icicncc than wc And among any people In the New World. 3 HeriCf-a, dec, 3. Hi,. II. r. I& Com. Cron. c, 217. manity arise, and the rights of the specifs come to be understood. The fierceness of war abates, and even while engaged in hostility, men re- member what they owe one to another. The savage fights to destroy, the citizen to conquer. The former neither pities nor spares, the latter has acquired sensibility which tempers his rage. To this sensibility the Mexicans seem to liave been perfect strangers, and among them war was carried on with so much of its original bar- barity, that we cannot but suspect their degree of civilization to have been very imperfect. Their funeral rites were not less bloody than those of the most savage tribes. On the death of any distinguished personage, especially of the emperor, a certain number of his attendants were chosen to accompany him to the other world ; and those unfortunate victims were put to death without mercy, and buried in the same tomb.* Though their agriculture was more extensive than that of the roving tribes who trusted chiefly to their bow for food, it seems not to have sup- plied them with such subsistence as men require when engaged in efforts of active industry. The Spaniards appear not to have been strncii with any superiority of the Mexicans over the other people of America in bodily vigour. Both, Ac- cording to their observation, were of sueh a fee- ble frame as to l>e unable to endure fatigue, and the strength of one Spaniard exceeded that of several Indians. This they imputed to their scanty diet, on poor fare, sufficient to preserve life, but not to give firmness to their constitu- tion. Such a remarlc could hardly have been made with respect to any people furniahed plen- tifully with tlie necessaries of life. The diffi- culty which Cortes found in procuring subsist- ence for his small body of soldiers, who were often constrained to live on the spontaneous pro- ductions of the earth, seems to confirm the re- mark of the Spanish writers, and gives no high idea of the state of cultivation in the Mexican empire.* A practice that was universal in New Spain appears to favour this opinion. The Mexican women gave suck to their children for several years, and during that time they did not cohabit with the'r husbands.* This precaution against a burdensome Increase of progeny, though neces- sary, as I have already observed, among savages, who from the hardships of their condition^ and the preeariousness of their subsistence, find it impoasible to rear a numerous family, can hardly be supposed to have continued among a people who lived at ease and in abundance. 4 Hcrrorn, Ate. !1. lib. 11. c. 18. Com. Cron. c. 802. 6 Rclat. np. Ramus, iii. 30a A. Herrcra, dec. S. lib. Ir. c. 17. dcf. !!. lib. vl. c. 16. 6 Com. Tron, c. am. Hcrrcra, dec. a 11). W. c. Ift 7 Hei 8 H«i |) -'F, OK VII. A M E R I C A. 231 fteW» come mrabBtaa, f, men re- thep. The to conquer. , the latter in hh rage, em to )iavc ; them war irlginnl bar- their degree terfect. bloody tlian n the death cially of the I attendant* the other ma were put [ in the same are extensive rusted chiefly to have eup- 1 men require idustry. The I strncic with tet the other r. Both, «o- of such a fee- 3 fatigue, and ceded that of tuted to their nt to preserve their constitu- Jly have been irnished plen- e. The diffi- uring subsitt- irs, who were ontaneoue pro- tnfirm the re- I gives no high the Mexican In New Spain The Mexican ren for several did not cohabit caution against r, though neccs- among savages, condition, and listence, find It nily, can hardly among a people Dce. Cron. c. S(H. crrcra, dec. S. a U). Iv. c. le. lib. The vast extent of the Mexican empire, which l.aa been considered, and with justice, as the most (fecisiva proof of a eonalderable progress in regu- lar government and police, is one of those facta in the history of the New World which seems to have been admitted without due examination or aufficlent evidence. The Spanish historians, in order to magnify tha valour of their country- men, are accustomed to represent the dom'nion of Montezuma as stretching over all the provin- ces of New Spain from the Northern to the Southern Ocean. But a great part of the mountainous country was possessed by the CHo- mies, a fierce uncivilized people, who seem to have been the residue of the original inhabitants. The provinces towards the nortli and west of Mexico, were occupied by the Chichemecas, and other tribes of hunters. None of these recog- nised the Mexican monarch as theit superior. Kvea in the interior and more level country, there were several cities and provinces which had never submitted to the Mexican yoke. Tlascala, though oniy twenty-one leagues from the ' 'pital of tha enpire, was an independent and hostile republle. Cholula, though still nearer, bad been subjected only a short time be- fore this arrival of the Spaniards. Tepeaca, at the distance of thirty leagues from Mexico, seems to have been a separate state, governed by ita own laws.' Mechoican, the frontier of which extended within forty leagues of Mexico, was a powerful kingdom, remarkable for its implacable enmity to the Mexican name.* By these hostile powers the Mexican empire was circumscribed on every quarter, and the high ideas which we are apt to form of it from the description of the Spanish historians, should be considerably moderated! In eonseqnenor of this independence of se- veral atates in New Spain upon the Mexican empire, there was not any considerable inter- course between Its various provinces. Even in the interior country not far distant from the capital, there seem to have been no roads to la- cllltate the communication of one district with another ; and when the Spaniards first attempt- ed to penetrate Into its several provinces, they had to open their way through forests and marshes.* Cortes, in his adventurous march firom Mexico to Honduras, in 1625, met with obstructtons, and endured hardships little infe- rior to thoee with which he must have struggled in the most uncivilized regions of America. In some places he could hardly force a passage through impervious woods, and plains overflow- ed with water. In others he found so little cultivation, that his troops were frequently in danger of perishing by &mine. Such facts eor- 7 Hemra, dec. 3. Ub. x. c 1& 91. B. DIas, c. 130. B Hcncra, dec. a UU ii. c. 10.' -U B. niac, c. 166, >V. respond iU with the pompous description which the Spanish writers give of Mexican police aiid industry, and convey an idea of a country nearly similar to that possessed by the Indian tribes in North America. Here and there a treading or a war path, as they are called In North Ameri ca, led from one settlement to another ;■<* but generally there appeared no sign of any establish- ed communication, few marks of industry, and fewer monuments of art.' A proof of this imperfection in their commer- cial intercourse no less striking is their want of money, or some universal standard by which to estimate the value of commodities.' The dis- covery of this is among the steps of greatest con- sequence in the progress of nations. Until it has been made, all their transactions must be so awkward, so operoae, and so limited, that we may l>oldly pronounce that they have advanced but a little way in their career. The invention cf such a commercial standard is of such high antiquity in our hemisphere, and rises so far beyond the era of authentic history, as to ap- pear almost coeval with the existence of society. The prticious metals seem to have been early em- ployed for this purpose ; and firom their perma- nent value, their divisibility, and many other qualities, they are better adapted to serve asacom- mon standard than any other substance of which nature has given us the command. But in the New World, where these metals abound most, this use of them was not known. The exigen- ces of rude tribes, or of monarchies iiQperfectly civilized, did not call for it. All their commer- cial Intercourse was carried on by barter ; and their ignorance of any common standard by which to facilitate that exchange of commodi- ties which contributes so much towurds the comfort of life, may be justly mentioned as an evidence of the infant state of their policy. But even In the New World the inconvenience of wanting some general instrumcui of commerce began to be felt, and some efforts wero making towards suppljing that defect. The Mexicans, among whom the number and greatness of their cities gave rise to a more extended commerce than in any other part of America, had begun to employ a common standard of value, which ren- dered smaller transactions much more easy. As chocolate was the favoiurite drink of perbons in every rank of life, the nuts or almonds of cacao, of which it is composed, were of such universal consumption, that, in their stated markets, t^cse were tvillingly received In return for commodi- ties of small price. Thus they came to be con- sidered as the instrument of commerce, and the value of what one wished to dispose of was esti- mated by the number of nuts of the cacao, which he might expect in exchange for it. 'I'his 10 Hcircra, dec. 3. Ub. vll. c. a HISTORY OF [Book VI I. ■eenis to be the utmoat length which the Ame- ricans had advanced totvarda the discovery of any expedient for supplying the use of money. Aud if the want of it is to be held, on one hand, asapro*'! - J? their barbarity, this expedient for supplying tlut want should be admitted, on the other, a an svJdence no less satisfying of some VrogretiK wb' -a the Mexicans had made in re- fineme< t aad civilization beyond the savage tribes around them. In such a rude state were many of the Mexi- can provinces when first "isited by ti^^ir con- querors. Even their cities, extensive and po- pulous as they were, seetci more fit to be the habitation of men Just emerging from barbarity, than the residence of a polished people. The description of Tlascala nearly resembles that of an Indian village. A number of low straggling huts, scattered about irregularly, according to the caprice of each proprietor, built with turf and stone, and thatched with reeds, without any light but what they received by a door, so low that it could not be entered upright.' In Mexi- co, though, from the peculiarity of its situation, the disposition of the houses was more orderly, the structure of the greater part was equally mean. Nor does the fabric of their temples, and other public edifices, appear to have been such as entitled them to the high prtdse bestowed upon them by many Spanish authors. As far as one can gather from their obscure and inac- curate descriptions, the gi-eat temple of Mexico, the moct famous in New Spain, which has been represented as a magnificent building, raised to ■uch a height, that the ascent to it w • by a flight of a hundred and fourteen steps, was a solid 0UI8S of earth of a square form, fiwed partly with stone. Its base on each side ex- tended ninety feet ; and decreasing gradually as it advanced in height, it terminated in a quadrangle of about thirty feet, where were placed a shrine of the deity, and two altars on which the victinu were sacrificed.' All the other celebrated temples of New Spain .-xactly resembled that of Mexio. [IS8] Such struc- tures convey no high idea of progress in art and ingenuity ; and one can hardly conceive that a form more rude and sircple could have occurred to a nation in its first eiforts towards erecting any great worlc. Greater skill and ingenuity were displayed, if we may believe the Spanish historians, In the houses of the emperor, and in those of the prin- cipal nobility. There, some elegance of design was visible, and a commodious arrangement of the apartments was attended to. But if build- ings corresponding to such descriptions had ever existed in the Mexican cities, it is probable that I Herrcn, dec. i. lib. vi. -.. 12, a Herreri, dec S. lib. vil. c. 17. some remain* of them wou'd still be visible. From the manner in which (fortes conductcti the siege of Mexico, we c: n indeed easily ac- count for the total destruction of whatever had any appearanca of splendour in that capital. But as c jly two centuries and a half have elaps- ed since the conquest of New Spain, it seems altageth«r incredibie that in a period so. short, every vestige of this boasted elegance and gran- deur should have disappeared ; and that in the other cities, particularly in those which did not suATer by the destructive hand of the conquerors, there nre any ruins which can be considered as monuments of their ancient magni^'i mce. Even in a village of the rudest Indians, there are buildings of greater extent and elevation than common dwelling houses. Such us are destined for holding the council of the tribe, and in which all assemble on occasions of public fes- tivity, may be called stately edifices, when com- pared with the rest. As among tlie Mexicans the distinction of ranks was established, uti property was unequally divided, the number of distinguished tructures in their .towns would of course be greater than in other parts of America. But these seem lot to have been either so solid or magnificent as to merit the pompous epithets which souie Spanish authors employ in describing them. It is probable that, though more ornamented, and built on a larger scale, they were erected with the same slight materials which the Indians employed in their common buildings, [153] and Time, in a space much less than two hundred and fifty years, may have swept away all remains of them. [164] From this enumeration of facts, it seems, upon the whole, to be evident, that the state of society in Mexico was conaideiably advanced beyond that of the savag« tribe* which we have delineated. But it is no less manifest that, with respect to many particulars, the Spanish ac- counts of their progress appear ■Ut be highly embellished. There is not a more frequent or a more fertile source of deception in describing the manners and arts ot savage nations, or of such as are imperfectly civilized, than that of applying to them the names and phrases ap< propriated to the instifitions and refinements of polished life. When the leader of a small tribe, or the head of a rude loommunity, is ^dignified with the name of King or Emperor, the place of his residence can receive no other name but that of his palace ; and whatever his attendants may be, they must be called his court. Under such appellations they ac \re, in our estima- tion, an importance and dignity which does not belong to them. The illusion spreads; and giving a false colour to every part of the narra- tive, the imagination is so much carried away with the resemblance, that it become* difficult to discern objects as they really are. I'he Span- iards, when they first touched on the Mexican 3M. !• K VII. E/y AMERICA. 233 Im visible, conducted eMily BC- ittever had at capital, have elap«- n, it Meina id so. tbort, 9 and gran- tliat in the ich did not Bonquerorii contidercd i''i mce. liaui, tbera d elevatiun uch M are le tribe, and f public fei- when com- ic Mexican* blisiied, Mid i number of owns would ler parte of I have b«8D to merit the inish authors trobabletbat, t on a larger t same slight >yed in their le, in a space 1 fiftjr years, f them. [154] ts, it seems, i the stato of bly advanced tich wr have rest that, with I Spanish ac- .tu be highly e frequent or in describing lations, or of than that of 1 phrases ap- refinemente of fa small tribe, f, is .dignified eror, the place her name but bis attendant* court. Under in our estiroa- ivhlch does not spreads; and t of the narra- h carried away ecomes difficult ire. I'he Span- the Mexican CoRst, Were so much strucl< with the appenrnnee of attalnmente in policy and in the arts of life, far superior to those of the rude tribes with which they were hitherto acquainted, that they fancied they had at length discovered a civilized people in the New World. This comparison between the people of Mexico and their uncul- tivated neighbours, they appear to have kept constantly In view ; and observing with admi- ration many things which marked the pre-emi- nence of the former, they employ, in describing their Imperfect policy and infant artii, such terms as are applicable to the institutions of men. far beyond them In Improvement. Both these circumstances concur in detracting firom the credit due to the descriptions of Mexican manners by the early Spanish writers. By drawing r\ parallel between them and those of people so much less civUitedt they rained iheir own ideas too high. By theiv mode of describ- ing them, they conveyed Ideas to others no less exalted above truth. Later writers have adopt- ed the style of the original historians, and im- proved iipon it. The colours with which De Soils delineates the character and describes the actions of Montezuma, the splendour of his court, the laws and policy of his empire, are tlie same that be must have employed in exhibiting to view the monarch and Institutions of a high- ly polished people. But though we may admit, that the warm Imaginalion of the Spanish writers has added some embellishment *3 their descriptions, this will not jostifv the decisive and peremptory tone with wVi ;h several ituthors pronounce all their accounts of the Mexican power, policy, and Ibv.a, to be the fictions of men who wished to deceive, or who delighted In the marvellous. There are few historical facto that can be ascei-- tained by evidence more unexceptionable, than may be produced in support of the material ar^ tides In the description of the Mexican consti- tution and manners. Eyewitnesses relate what they beheld. Men who had resided among the Mntlcans, both before and after the conquest, describe institutions and customs which were famHiar to them. Persons of professions so dif- ferent that objecta must have presented them- selves to thehr view imder every various aspect ; soldiers, priesto, and lawyers, all concur in their testimony. Had Cortes ventured to Impose upon his sovereign, by exhibiting to him a pic- ture of Imaginary manners, there wanted not enemies and rivals who were qualified to detect his deceit, and who would have njoiced In ex- posing it. Eut according to the just remark of an author, whose ingenuity has illustrate^'i, and whose eloquence has adorned, the histiiry of America,* this supposition is in itself as impro- 3 M. I* Abbe Raynsl HUt. PbUcs. et poUt Ac. Ui. I«7. bable as the attempt ^ vould have been audacious. Who, among the destroyers of this great em- pire, was so enlightened by science, or so atten- tive to the progress and operations of men in social life, as to fVame a fictitious system of policy so well combined and so consistent, as that which they delineate In their accounts of the Mexican government? Where could they hare borrowed the Idea of many institutions in legishition and police, to which, at that period, there was nothing parallel In the nations with which they were acquainted ? There was not, at the beginning of the ilxteenth century, a regular rstablishment of posto for conveying in- telligence to the sovereign of any kingriom in Europe. The same ob8erva^.on will ; ..^ly to what the Spaniards relate with respect to the "tructure of the city of Mexico, the regulations concerning Its police, and various laws establish- ed fbr the administration of justice, or securing the happiness of the community. Whoever is accustomed to contemplate the progress of na- tions will often, at very early stages of it, dis- cover a premature and unexpected dawn of those ideas which gaverise to institutions that are the pride and ornament of ito most advanced period. E^«n in a state as imperfectly polished as the Mexican empire, the happy genius of some sagacious observer, excited or aided by circum- stances unki^ vn to us, may have Introduced institutions which ore seldom found but in soci- eties highly refined. But it is almost impossible that the iUiterate conquerors of the New World should have tormid in any one instance a con- ception of customs and laws beyond the stand- ard of improvement in their own age and coun- try. Or if Cortes had been capable of this- what Inducement had those by whom he was superseded to continue the deception? Why should Cortia, or Motolinea, or Acosta, have amused their sovereign or their f<>l!<s were clothed wltli terror, and Vlightod in 'Vitiigeance. They wer« exhibited to the i.iii\Ae under detest- able forms, w'Mch create<) huiTor. The £tj^ures of serpents, o/ tigers, and oi' <..ther destruaiv animals, decorate ? their teiiii>!' s. Feai wm the only principle that inspired their votaries. Fadta, mortiftrations, and penances, t» rigid, and many of them .■xcruclatint; tf> an extreme decree, w«re the means employed to apitaase tlie wrath of their gods, and the Mexic»".s nt-rtnT approached the!r altars without sprinkling tli«m with blood drawn from their owti bodies. But, nf all offnijign, human sacrifices were deemed rhi> tnwt HcirptaUe. This religious belief mttif;- Ung with the implacable spirit of vengeance, and adding new force to it, every captive taken in ■war WK.S brought to tho temple, was devoted as a victim to the deity, and sacrificed with rite*, no leas solemn than cruel.' [155] The heart rmd head were the portion consecrated to the go(! > ; the warrior, by whose prowess the prisoner hati been seized, carried oif the body to feast upon It with his friends. Under the impression of ideas so dreary and terrible, ^nd accustomed daily to scenes of bloodshed rendered awfiil by rell^on, the heart of man must harden and be steeled to every sentiment of humanity. The spirit of the Mexicans was accordingly un- feeling ; and the genius of their religion so for counterbalanced the Influence of policy and arts, tliat notwithstanding their {Hvgress In both, their manners, instead of softening, became more fierce. To what eircumstances it was owl ng that luperstitlon assumed such a dreadful form among the Mexicans, we have not sufficient knowledge of their history to determine. But Its influence is visible, and produced an tSatt thMt is singular In the history of the human species. The manners of the people in the New World, who had made the greatest progress in the arts of policy, were, in several respects, the most ferocious, and the barbarity of some of their customs exceeded even those of the savage state. The empire of Peru lioasts of a higher anti- quity than that of Mexico. According to the traditionary accounts collected by the Spaniards, It had subsisted four hundred years, under twelve successive monarchs. But the know- ledge of their ancient story, which the Pemvi- 1 Coit Relat ap Ramui. iiL S40, &c. B. Diss, c 89. Acoita, lib. V. c. 13, Ac Herrers, dec. a lib. ii. c. IS Ite. Oom.U'a Chron. c. 80, &c. ans cniild communicate to their conquerors, iniidf j.ttve been Iioth imperfect and uncertain. [I'M] Like th« tuber /. trorican nations, they were f ori',r means by which Uie tviiiinury of past tr<)nt; ' flons can be pre- 'i-rve'i iv!i'. aoT 'egr.«^ in <, curacy. Even niuung iiv>ttpl>i to whom ''>m use of letters is kiK'wn, the era where the siitbenticity of his- toi j^ commences Is much posterior to (he intro- duction of writing. That nMa invention con- tinued every where to be long subservient to the comm :n business andwiuitf ' f life, before it was limployed In riiiMflin., event.', with a view of conveying iuformatim from one age to another. But in n(« oountry diid ever tradition alone car- ry down hls' . . 'M knuwledge, in any full con- tlnuevi ell!on, but of Impiety, to dispute or oppose his will. Obedience be- comes a duty of religion ; and as it would b^ profane to control a monarch who Is bellcvsd to be under the guidance of Heaven, and presur/ip- tuous to advise him, nothing remains but to sub- mit with implicit respect. This must necessa- rily be the effect of every government established on pretensions of intercourse with superior powers. Such accordingly was the blind sub- mission which the Peruvians yielded to their sovereigns. The persons of highest rank and greatest power in their dominions acknowledged them to be of a more exalted nature ; and in testimony of this, when admitted into their presence, they entered with a burden uiion their shoulders, as au emblem of theit servitude, and wiUingtfess to bear whatever the Inca. waa pleased to impose. Among their subject force was not requisite to. second their commands. Every ofli.cer intrusted with the execution of them was revered, and, according to the ac- count* of an intelligent observer of Peruvian manners, he might proceed alone from one ex- tremity of the empice toauother without meeting opposition ; for, oa producing a fringe from the royal boHa, an ornament of the head peculiar to the reigning Inca, the lives and fortunes of the people were at bis dlsjioMil. Another consequence of establishing govern- & Zaratr, lib. i. c. 13. i.>\ 236 HISTORY OF tBooK vn. ment in Peru on the foundation of religion wm, that all (irlvteii were puniehed eapitidly. Thejr were not considered m tnuKgreseioni of buman In -.VI, but ai Ineult* offered to tbe Delt/. £aob, witliout any diitloction between each aa were «ligbt and such aa were atrocious, cafled for ven- Kcnnce, and oauld b« expiated only by tbe blood uf the offender. Consonantly to the same ideaa, punishment followtd tbe treqtass with inevita- ble certainty, because an of/enee against Heaven was deemed suob a high enormity as could not be pardoned.' Among a people of corrupted morals, masims of Jurisprudence so severe and unrelenting, by rendering men ferocious and desperate, would be more apt to multiply crimes than to restrain them. But tbe Pemvians, of dimple manners and unsuspicious faith, were held in such awu by this rigid dlsoipliiu^ that the Humber of offenders was extremely email. Veneration for monarcha enlightened and di- I'ucted, as they believed, by the divinity whom they adored, prompted them to their duty ; the dread of punishment, which they were taught to consider as unavoidable vengeance inflicted by offended Heaveb, withheld them firom eviL The system of superstition, on which the In- cos ingrafted their pretensions to suob high au- thority, was of a genius very different from that established among tbe Mexicans. Manoo Capac turned tbe veneration of his followers entirely towards natural objects. The Sun, as the great source of light, of Joy, and fertility In the creation, attracted their principal homage. The Moon and Stars, as co-operating with him, were entitled to secondary honours. Wherever the propensity in the human m'r:d to acknow- ledge and to adore some superior power takes this direction, and is employed in contemplating the order and b«netlrj«nce that really exists lu nature, the spirit of superstition Is wild. Wherever imaginary beings, created by the fim- cy and the fears o"' men, are supposed to preside in nature, and beeume the objects of worship, superstition always aasnmea a more severe and atrocious form. Of tbe latter we have an ex- ample among the Mexicans) of tbe '' rmer among the people of Peru. The Peruvians had not, indeed, made such progress In observation or in- quiry, aa to have attained Just conceptions of the Deity ; nor was there in their luiguage any proper name or appellation of the Supreme Power, which intimated that they had formed any idea of him aa the Creator and Governor of the world.' But by directing their veneration to that glo- rious luminary, which, by its universal and vi- vifying ener^gy, is the liest emblem of Divine be- nvHcence, tbe rites ani* '->>«ervanees which tiiey deemed acceptable to him were innocent and Vcgi, Ub, ii, c 6. i Acoeta, lib. v. c, 3. humane. They offered to the Sun a part of tbose productions which his genial warmth had called forth from the boitum of the earth, and reared to maturity. Thty sacrificed, as an oblation of gratitude, some of tbe animals which were in- debted to his influence for iieuriahnMnt They pNsantwi to him choice apeoimsns of those worlis of ingenuity which his light had guided the hand of man in forming. But tbe Incaa never stain- ed bis altars with human blood, nor could they conceive that their beneficent father, the Sun, would be delighted with such horrid victims. [IA7] Thus the Peruvians, unacquainted with those barbarous rltca which extinguish senslMll- ty, and suppress the feelings of nature at the sight of buman sufferings, were formed, by the spirit of the superstition which they bad adopt- ed, to a national character more gentle than that of any people in America. The inftuenee of this superstition operated in the same manner upon their civil institutions, and tended to correct in them whatever was ad- verse to gentleness of character. The dominion of the Incas, though the moot absolute of all despotisms, was mitigated by its aliinote with religion. Tbe mind was not humbled and de- pressed by the idea of a forced subjection to the will of a superior ; obedience, paid to one who was believed to bo clothed with Divine authori- ty, was willingly yielded, anU implied no degra- dation. The sovereign, conscious that the sub- missive reverence c^ bis people flowed from their belief of hie heavenly descent, was conti- nually reminded of a distinction which prompt- ed him to imitate that beneficent power which he was supposed to represent. In consequence of those impressions, there hardly occurs In th« I tiaditional history of Peru, any Instance of re- bellion against the reigning prince, and among twelve sueceasive monarcbs there was not one tyrant. Even the wars in which the Incas engaged were carried on with a spirit very different from that of other American nations. Tbey fought not, like savages, to destroy and to extcrmlnalo ; or, like tbe Mexicans, to glut blood-thirsty divi- nMea with human sbcrifioes. They conquered. In order to reclaim and civilise the vanquished, and to diffuse the kncrwledge of their own insti- tutions and arts. Priaoners aeem not to have been expoeed to the inaulta and torturea which were their lot in every other part of tbe New World. The Incas toik the pe(^>ule whom tbpy aubdued under their protection, and admitted them to a participation of all tbe advantagea en- Joyed by their original aul^eeta. This practfce, so repugnant to American ferocity, and rescm- bliug the humanity of the most pjlished nations, must be ascribed, like other peculiarities which we have observed In the Peruvian manners, to the genius uf their religion. The Incas, consi- dering the homage paid to any otiiar object than AMERICA. 237 to til* liMveuly po«ven which tii«y adored •■ iinpiuus, wei'H fond of gaining proaalytm to their favourite Hystem. The Idola of every con- quered province were carried in triumph to the great temple at Cuseo,* and placed there aa tro- pbiea U the auperior power of th<' divinity who wae the protector of the ein|i . u. The people were treated with Seuity, and inetruoted in the religiou* toneta of their new uiastera,* that the conqueror might have the glory of having added to the number of the votariea of hit father the Stun. The atato of property In Peru waa no leea aln- gular thaa that of religion, and contributed, liicewise, towarda gtviiw a mild turn of charac- ter to the people. All the landa capable of cul- tivation were divided into three iharea. One wae conaacrated to the Sun, and the product of it wi« applied to the erection of templea, and furniihing what waa requiaito towarda oele- bra'iing the public ritea of religiot.. The ae- cond belonged to the Inoa, and waa aet ^part as the proviaion made by the community for .*he support of government. The third and largeet share waa reserved for the maintenance of the people, among whom it was parcelled out. Nei- ther individuals, however, nor oommunitica had a right of ekolusive property in the portion set apart for their use. Tliey pos s eesed it only for a year, at the espiration of which a new division was made in proportion to the rank, the number, and exigencies of each family. All those lands were cultivated by the Joint industry of the community. The people aum- moned by a proper officer, repaired in a body to the fields, and performed their common task, while songs and musical instruments cheered them to their labour.* By thla singular distri- bution of territory, aa well as by the mode of cultivating it, the idea of a common intereat, and of mutual subserviency, was continually in- culcated. Each Individual felt his connexion with those around him, and knew that he de- pended on their friendly aid for what increase he was to reap. A state thus constituted may be considered as one great family, in which the union of the members was so complete, and the exchange of good offices so perceptible^ aa to create stronger attochment, and to bind man to man in cloaer intercourse than subsisted under any form of society established in America. From this resulted gentle manners and mild virtues unknown in the savage state, and with uhich the Mexicans were little acquainted. But, though the institutions of the Incas were 80 framed aa to strengthen the bonds of all'ection among their sul^ects, there was great 3 Herrera, dec. 6. lib. iv. c. 4. i Hencra. dec. \ lib. iv. a B. !i lb. c. i. Vega, lib. V. r, 5. Vcgn, lib. T, 0. 18. Inequality in their condition. The distinction of ranks was fully cstablltihed in Peru. A greut bod) of the inhabitants, under the deno- mination of YanaconoM, were held in a stale of aervitude. llielr garb and houses were of a form diiferent from those of freemen. Like the Tamene$ of Mexico, they «Tere employed in car- rying burdens, and in performing every other work of drudgery.* Next to them, In rank, were such of the people as were free, but diii- tinguished by no official or hereditary honours. Above them were raised those whom the Spa- niard scall Or^ofM*, from tiie ornaments worn in tb*ir ears, 'lliey formed what may be denomi- nated the order of nobles, and in peace as well as war held every office of power or trust.' And the head of all were the children of the Sun, who, by their high descent and peculiar prlvllegea, were as much exalted above the Ore- Jcnee, aa tfaeee were elevated above the people. Such a form of aooiety, from the union of its members, aa well as from the distinction In their ranks, was iisvourable to progress in the arts. But the Spaulards, having been acquaint- ed with the Improved state of various arte in Mexico several years before they discovered Peru, were not so much struck with what they observed in the latter country, and describe the appearanceo of Ingenuity there with less warmtli of admiration. The Peruvians, nevertheless, had advanced iar beyond the Mexicans, both in the neetjssary arte of life, and in such as have some title to the name of elegant. In Peru, agriculture, the art of primary ne- cessity in aocial life, was more extensive, and carried on with greater skill than in any part of America. The Spaniarda, in their progress through the country, were so fully supplied with provisions of every kind, that In the rela- tion of their adventures we meet with few of those dismal soenea of distress occasioned by famine, in which the conquerors of Mexico were so often involved. The quantity of soil under cultivation was not left to the discretion of in- dividuals, but regulated by public authority in proportion to the exigencies of the community. Even the calamity of an unfruitful seaaon was but little felt ; for the product of the lands con- secrated to the Sun, as "veil as those set apart for the Incas, being deposited in the ram^o*, or public storehouses, it remained there as a stated provision for times of scarcity." As the extent of cultivation was determined with such provi- dent attention to the demands of the state, the invention and industry of the Peruvians were called forth to extraordinary exertions, by cer- tain defects peculiar to thvir climate and soil. 6 Herrera, dec. S. lib. iii. c. 4. lib. x. c. 8, 7 lb. lib. iv. c. I. 8 Zatate, lib. I. r. 14. Vega, lib. 1. c. 8. 1] 238 HISTORY OF [Book VII. All th« VMt river* that flow ft«m the Andoi Uke tb«lr count evitivaril to the Atlantic Ocmii. I'cru In watered only by lunie itreanui which ruih down from th« mountalni Ilk* torrents. A great part of the low country li landy and barren, and never refreehed with rain. In or- der Ut render such an anpromiilns reflon fertile, tha ingenuity of the Peruvian* had reoouree to variou* expedient*. By mean* of artlHcial canal*, conducted with much patlene* and eonelderable art from tha torranu that poured acroea their country, they conToyed a regular aupply of moUture to their Held*.' [158] They enriched the coll by manuring It with the dung of *ea fowl*, of which they found an in> exhaustible utore on all the Uland* *e«ttered uloiig the coaits.* In describing the cuctom* of any nation thoroughly civUlMd, «uch pmcllce* would hardly draw attention, or be mentioned H« In any degree remarkable ; but in the hiatory of the Improvident race of aaen In the New World, they are entitled to notice a* eingular proof* of lndu*try and of art. The u*e of the plough, Indeed, wraa unknown to the Peruvian*. They turned up the earth with a kind of mat> tock of hard wood.' Nor wa* thi* labour deem- ed *o degrading a* to be devolved wholly upon the women. Both aexea Joined in performing thi* neceeiary work. Even the children of the Sun let an example of induetry, by cultivating a tield near Cuzco with their own band*, and they dignified thi* function by denominating it their triumph over the earth.* The superior ingenuity of the Feruvlan* is obvious, likewise. In the construction of their house* and public building*. In the extensive plains which stretch along the Facilic Ocean, where the sky 1* perpetually eerene, and the climate mild, their hnuaes were very properly of a fabric extremely alight. But in the higher region*, where rain falls, where the Ticlasitude of aeaaons is known, and their rigour felt, houaea were constructed with greater aolidity. They were generally of a square form, the vralla about eight feet high, built with brick* hardened In the *un, without any window*, and the door low and atraigbt. Simple a* tbeee structures were, and rude as the material* may seem to be of which they were formed, they were so dura- ble that many of them still subsist in diiferent part* of Peru, long after everyinonument that might have oonveyed to u* any idea of the do- mestic itate of the other American nation* ha* vanithed from the face of the earth. But it wa* in i'.he temples consecrated to the Sun, and in the buildings destined for the residence of their monarchs, that the Peruvians displayed the nt- 1 Zarate, lib. I. c. 4. Vega, Ulx \.c.\ti H. 2 Acoita, lib. iv. c. 37. Vega, lib. v c. a U Zaiatc, lib. 1. c. 8. .4 Vega, lib. v. c. 2. moet extent of their art and contrivance. The description* of them by luch of the Spanish writer* aa had an opportunity of contemplating them, while In some measure entire, might have appeared highly exaggerated, if the ruins which still remain did not vouoh the truth of their re- lations. Tbeee ruins of sacred or royal bullil- inga are found in every province of the enipirv, and by their frequeney demonstrate that they are monumenta of a powerful people, who must have subsisted, during a period of some extent, in a Stat* of no Inconsiderable Improvement. They appear to have been ediflce* variou* In their dimenelon* : *ome of a moderate *lze, many of immenea extent, ull remarkable far ao- lidity, and resembling each other in the style of architecture. The temple of Fachacamae, to- gether with a palace of the Inoa, and a forlress, were so connected together as to form one great etructure above hriit' a luogue In circuit. In this prodlgiou* pile, the lame singular taste in build- ing is con*plcuou* a* In other work* of the Peruvian*. Aa they were unacquainted with the nee of the pulley, and other mechanical powers and could not elevate the large atone* and brick* which they employed in building to any eonelderable height, the walls of this edlMce, in which they seem to have made their greatest eifort towarda magnificence, did not rise above twelve fret fVom the ground. Though they had not discovered the use of mortar or of any other cement in building, the bricks or stone* were joined with so much nicety, that the srama can hardly b« diaeemed. [IW] The apartmenta, a* far a* the distribution of them can be traced hi the ruins, were ill disposed, and afforded little accommodation. Thare was not a single win- dow in any part of the building; and as no light could enter but by the door, all the apart- menta of largest dimensions must cither have been perfectly dark, or illuminated by some other means. But with all these, and many other imperfeotiona that might bo mentioned in their art of building, the worka of the Peruvians which still remain must be considered aa *tu- pendoua effort* of a people unacquainted with the use of iron, and convey to us a high idea of the power possessed by their ancient monarchs. lliese, however, were not thr noblest or most useful works of the Inca*. The two great rrads from Cuzco to Quito, extending in an uninter- rupted stretch above fifteen hundred miles, are entitled to still higher praise. The one wos conducted through the interior and mountainous country, the other through the plains on the sea coast. From the language of admiration in which some of the early writers express their a*tonl*hment when they first viewed those roads, and from the more pompous description of later writers, who labour to support some fa- vourite theory concerning America, one might be led to coin pare this work of the Incas i^tkt Rook VII. rlvmicc. Thfl ' thu Spanish contempUting ■e, might have truint which !h of their re- >r royal bullil- >f th« ttmplrv, nit that they pie, who muit ' tome extent, Improvement. M various in nodcrate else, urkable far co- in the atyle of lehacamao, to- uid a fortrew, form one great rcult. In this taate In build- worlw of the qualnted with er mechanical le larg« atones in building to ■ ofthlaediAce, I their greatest not riM above liough they had or of any other ir Btonea were the srame can ipartmenta, aa tn be traced in afforded little a aiogla win- iig; and aa no all the apart- •t either have ated by some nd many other loned In their ;he Peruvians lidered as stu- quainted with a h!gh idea of nt monarchs. lobleit or most HTO great rfwds in an unintcr- red miles, are The one was mountainous plains on the idmlration in express their viewed those us description •port some &- :a, one might Incast«tlie AMERICA. S230 famous military ways wliloli remain as monu- ments of the Roman power ; but in a country where there was no tame animal exrept the ilama, which was never used for draught, and but little as a beast of burden, where the high rwuls were seldom trod by any but a human foot, no great degree of lalmur or art was requisite In forming them. The Peruvian roads were only firtecn feet In breadth,* and in many places so slightly formed, that time has eifaceecame a regular oljeot of national police to form such roads as render intercourse commodious. It was a capital object of Roman policy to open a communication with all the provinces of their extensive empire by means of those roads which are Justly considered as one of the nobleat mon- uments both of their wisdom and their power,; But during the long reign of barbarism, the Roman roads were neglected or destroyed ; and at the time when the Spaniards entered Pern, no kingdom in Europe could boast of any work of public utility that could be compared with the great roads formed by the Incas. The formation of those roads Introduced an- jther improvement in Pern equally unknown over all the rest of America. In its course firam south to north, the road of the Incas was 5 Cieea, e. oa e Xeres, p. 180, 101. Zarate, Itbi I. c. 13, 14. Vega, lib. ix. c la Bourguer Voysge. p. ItB. Ullos Entre- tencmientoa, p. 305. ntersected by ail the torrents which roil from the Andes towards tlie Western Ocean. From the rapidity of their course, as well as trrnn the frequency and violence of their inundation, these were not fordable. Seme expedient, how- ever was to be found for passing them. Th ' Peruvians from their unacqualntanca with the use of arches, and their inability to work In wood, eould not construct bridges either of stone or timber. But necessity, ths parent of invention, suggested a device which supplied that defect. They formed cables of great strength, by- twisting together some of the plia- ble withs, or osiers, with which their country abounds; six of these cables they stretched across the stream parallel to one another, and made them fast on each side. These they bound firmly together by interweaving smaller ropes so close as to form a compact piece of network, which being covered with branches of trrt-s and •arth, they passed along it with tolerable secu- rity. [160] Proper persons were appointed to attend at each bridge, to keep It in repair, and to assist passengers.' In the level country, where the rivers became deep and broad and still, they are passed in balxcu, or floats ; in the construction, as well as navigation of which the ingenuity of the Peruviana appears to be far su- perior to that of any people in America. These Lad advanced no further In naval skill than the use of the paddle or oar ; the Peruvians ventured to raise a roast, and spread a sail, by means of which their lialzas not only went nimbly before the wind, but could veer and tack with great celerity.* Nor were the ihgenuity and art o< the Peru- vians confined solely to objects of essential uti- lity. They had made some progress in arts, which may be called elegant. They possessed the precious metals In greater abundance than any people of America. They obtained gold io the same manner with the Mexicans, by search- ing in the channels of rivers, or washing the earth in which particles of It were contained. But in order to procure silver, they exerted no incci.(U7.rrabie degree of skill and invention. Th«y luj ; -t indeed, attained the art of sinldng a fcTittft 'sitllcKtlon of ftr*, or, whar* the ore wu more itnbbom itnd Impreg- nated with forelfti labetMieee, by plMlnf It In ■mall oven* or Aimaoee. on high gronnde, m ar- tlfiolally oonstraeted that the draught of air performed the Ainctlon of a bellowa, an engine with which they were totally anaeqtulnted. By thk almpla devlcit, the purer orea were amelted with flwillty, and the qoantlty of illrer In Peru waa ao oonalderable, that many of the utenalla employed In the funetloni of common life were made of It.' Several of tboae veeaeU and trln- kela are aald to have merited no email degree of eatlmatlon, on aecoui' t of the neatneia of the workmanihlp, a« well aa tha Intrlnale value of the materiali. But aa the eonquerora of Ame- rlea were well acquainted with the latter, but had acarealy any conception of the former, moat of the allver vcaaala nnd trinketa were melted down, and rated aooordiug to the weight and flneneea of the metal in the divlalon of the apoll. In other worki of mere enrloelty or ornament, their Ingenuity haa been highly e^bratcd. Many apeclmena of thoae have been dug out of the CrMorajtormounde of earth, with which the Pe- ruviana covered the bodiea of the dead. Among theae ara mlrrora of varioua dlmenaiooa, of bard ahinlng atonea highly pollihed ; veaeela of earthen ware of different forma; hatehete, and other inatrumente, eome destined fur war,' and othare for labour. Some wen of flint, eome of copper, hardened to auoh a degree by an un- known proeeee, aa to aupply tho place of Iron on aeveral ooeaaione. Had the uee of thoee toola, formed of copper, been general, the progreaa of the Peruviana In the arte might have been such aa to emulate that of mora cultivated nations. But either the metal waa so rara, or the opera- tion by which it waa hardened ao tedious, that their liutriunenta of copper wera few, and ao extramely amaU, that they eeem to have been employed only in slighter works. But even to audi a circumscribed use of this imperfect metal, the Peruvians were Indebted for their superiori- ty to the other people of Amerlcn in varioua arta.* The aama obaervation, however, may bo applied to them, which I formerly made with reepeet to the arta of the Mexicana. From ae- veral apeclmena of Peruvian utenalle and onut- menta, which are depoaited in the royal cabinet of Madrid, and from some preacrved in dUhreat coUectlona In other parte of Europe, I hnve rea- aon to believe that the workmanship la mora to be admired on account of the rude toola with which It waa executed, than on account of Ita intrlnale neatneea and elegance; and that the Peruvians, though the most improved of all the I AcoMa, a tv. e. 4, Si Tega, p. 1. Ilh. viU. c. 85. Ul. loa Fjitnten. •OS. e Ulloa, Voy. toin, i. 381. &c. Id. Entreten. p. aos, &c. Amerlcatis, wen not advanced beyond the In. flincy of arts. But notwithstanding so many pwrllculars, which saemad to Indicate a high degree of Im- pravement In Peru, other circumstances occur that suggeet the idea of a society still In the lint stagea of Its transition fVom barbarism to oivlllaatlon. In all the dominlona of the In- eaa, Cuaco was the only place that had the ap- pearance, or waa entitled to the name, of a city. Kvery when else tho people lived moetly In de- tached habitations, dlepened over the country, or, at the ntmoet. settled together in small vll- lagsa.* But until men an brought to assemble In numeraus bodiee, and incorporated In such close union as to e^Joy (Vw|uent intercourse, and to feel mutual dependence, they never Imbibe perfectly the spirit, or assume the mannen of aoclnl life. In a country of immenae extent, with only one city, the progresa of mannen, and the improvement either of the neceeeary or more refined arts, must have been so slow, and car- ried on under such disadvantagss, that it Is more surprising the Peruviana should have advanced so far In refinement, than that they did not pro- ceed further. In consequence of this state of Imperfect union, the separation of prafeaalons in Peru was not so complete aa among the Mexicans. The lees eloeely men aeeociate, the more simple are their mannera, and the fewer their wants. The crafts of common and most necessary use in life do not. In such a state, become eo complex or diffi- cult as to render It requisite that men should be trained to them by any particular courae of edu- cation. An the arts, aooordlngly, which wera of dally and Indispensable utility, wera exenhed by every Peruvian Indlaerimlnately. None but the artlata employed in works of mere curiosity, or ornament, oonatltuted a separate order of men, or mra distinguished (Vom other citlaens.* From the want of cities In Peru, another con- sequence followed. Tben waa little commercial intenourae among the Inhabitants of that great empire. Theactlvity of oommeree'ls coeval with the foundation of citlea ; and firom the moment that the mamben of any community settle In considarable numben in one place, ita operatione become vlgoroua. Tha citisen must depend for Hubelstenoa on the labour of thoea who cultivate the ground. They, In ntum, mutt receive some equivalent Thua mutual Intercourse is established, and the productions of art arc regu- larly exchanged for the fruits of agricultura. In the towna of the Mexican empira, atated mar- kets wera held, and whatever could supply any want or desln of man was an object of com- 3 Zante. lib. I. c. 9. 4 AcMta, lib. vl. 0. dec6.Ub. iv. 0.4 Henrcn, dea & lib. vL c. ^ 15. Veg(, Ub. v. c. 9. Herrcn OOK VII. yond lh« In- purllculiin, ItgTMof Im- lUnsM oerur f rtlll in Ui« n tarbarUm naoflhs In- t had Iht ap- me, of a eltjr. moatljr in d»- tlit country, in iirall vll- it to aMMdbla rated In luch WKourM, and ncTwr imbllM • mannwt of nanaa Mlciit, manners, and MMury or more low, and ear> that it is more hare advanced ly did not pro- iperfect union, sru was not su ns. Tlie less imple are tlieir Its. The crafts use In life do nplex or dlffl- men should lie course of cdu- which were of irere exercised ly. None but nare eurioally, irate order of tther cltiiens.* I, another con- tie commercial I of that great ris coeval with a the moment mity settle In Its operatione lit depend for who oultlTate must reeeive Intercourse is fart are regu- [culture. In stated mar- Id supply any [bjeot of com> |Ub. Tt. c «, , c. 9. HeiKTs A M E in C A. U\ merc«>. Uiit in I'rru, from tlio >lii({ulnr mmln of dividing pruperty. and the msniuir In whii'li the people were aettleii, thrre wns iinrdly any epecles of eommsrco carried on bntween dltTerrnt provlnct*,' and th« rommuiilly wm Icm ac- qi nted with that nctlvf liiternoune, which is at once a bond of union and on liicviitlve to Im- provrment. But the unwarilice spirit of the I'eruTlans was the most remarkable ns well m the moat i\itnl defect in their charactrr." 'I'iie grrnter part of the rude nations of America opiwird their in- raders with undaunted ferocity, though with little conduct or ancccae. The Mexicans main- tained the struggle In defence of Iheir liberties, with such persevering fortitude, tlint itwas with ilifflnuity the Spaniards triumphed over them. I'eru wns subdued nt once, and nimoit without rcsislRoce ; and tlin mnKt favourable opportuni- ties of regaining Ihvir freedom, and of crushing their oppreason, were lout through the timidity of the people. Though the traditionni history of the I'eruvinns represents ail the Incas os wnr- lilce princes, frrt-n less known to the ancient Mexicans than tht pro- vinces wliicb I have mentioned. It was disco- vered by Cortes in the year' 1536. During a long (i!riod it continued to be so little frequent- ed, that even its form was . unknown, and in most charts it was represented as an island, not as a peninsula. [168] 'Ihough the climate of this country, if we may judge from its situa- tion, must lie very desirable, the Spaniards have made small progress in peopling it. Towards the close of the last r<>ntury, the Jesuits, who had great merit in exploring this neglected pro- vince, and in civilizirig its rude inhabitants, imperceptibly acquired a dominion over it as complete as that which they possessed in their minsions in Paraguay, and they laboured to in- troduce into it the same policy, and to govern the natives by the same maxims. In order to prevent the court of Spain from conceiving any jealousy of their designs and operations, they seem studiously to have depreciated the country, by representing the climate as so disagreeable and unwholesome, nnd the soil as so barren, that nothing but a zealous desire of converting the natives could have induced them to settle there.* Several public spirited citizens endeavoured to undeceive their sovereigns, and to give them a better view of California; but in vain. At ) ' 1 Book v. 8 VencgM, Hist, of CaUromia, i. 90. lOOK VII. lards niarcb- ley seem not le, and disco- I aitonishing ches contain'. World. At ira, they en- in extent, in I inches, they that tome of such quanti- '.w labourers, I of gold in ! to waiih the ipeared to be puted that it a value to a 1 of the year were settled mt of proper several cede- I not inferior lave been diB- Da, [161] it is hinly inhabi>- populoua and ish empire of the tither side bave b-H-n less than t(>e pro- It was disco- i. During a ttle frequent- aown, and in in island, not le climate of om its situa- paniards have Towards Jesuits, who leglected pro- inhabitants, I over it as Bssed in their Mured to in- nd to govern In order to nceiving any rations, they the country, disagreeable o barren, that inverting the settle there.* deavonred to > give them a n vain. At i. sa Jr AMERICA. 243 length, on the expulsion of the Jesuits from the Spanish dominions, .he court of Madrid, as prone at that juncture to anspect the purity of the Order's intentions, as formerly to conAde in them with implicit trust, appointeid Don Joseph Galvec, whose abilities have since raised him to the high rank of minister for the Indies, to visit that peninsula. His account of the coun- try was favourable ; he found the pearl fishery on its coasts to be valuable, and he discovered mines of gold of a very promising appearance.* From its vicinity to Cinaloa and Sonora, It is probable that, if th« population of these provin- ces shall increase in the manner which I have supposed, California may, by degrees, receive from them such a recruit of inhabitants, as to be no longer reckoned among the desolate and use- less districts of the Spanish enr pire. ' On the east of Mexico, Yucatan and Hon- duras are comprehended in the government of New Spain, though anciently they can hardly be said to have formed a part of the Mexican empire. These large provinces, stretching from the bay of Campeachy beyond Cape Gracias a Dios, do not, like the other territories of Spain in the New World, derive their value either from the fertility of their soil, or the richness of their mines : but they produce in greater abun- dance than any part of America, the logwood tree, which, in dyeing some colours, is so far preferable to <>ny other material, that the con- Humption of it in Europe is considerable, and it has become an article in commerce of great value. During a long period, no European nation intruded upon the Spaniards in those pro- vinces, or attempted to obtain any share in this branch of trade. But after the conquest of Jamaica by the English, it soon appeared that a formidable rival was now seated in the neigh- bourhood of the Spanish territories. One of the first objects which tempted the English settled in that island, was the great profit j-ising from the logwood trade, and the facility of wresting some portion of it from the Spaniards. Some adventurers from Jamaica made the first at- tempt at Cape Catoche, the south-east pror.ion- tory of Yucatan, and by cutting logwood ihere oan-ied on a gainful traffic. When most of the trees near the coast in that place were felled, they removed to the island of Trist, in the bay uf Campeachy, and in later times their prineipd station has been in the bay of Honduras. The Spaniards, alarmed at this encroachment, en- deavoured by negotiation, remnnsti-ances, and open force, to prevent the English from obtain- ing any footing on that part of the American continent. But after struggling against it for more than a century, the disaMtcrs of last wai' extorted from the court of Madrid a ivluctant 3 I,orcii2.ino, 310, 350„ consent to tolerate this settlement of foreigners in the heart of its territoritis.* The pain which this humbling concession occasioned seems to have pi-ompted the Spaniards to devise a me- thod of rendering it of little consequence, more effectual than all the efforts of negotiation or violence. The logwood produced on the west coast of Yucatan, where the soil is drier, is in quality far superior to that which grows ifa the marshy grounds where the English are settled. By encouraging the cutting of this, and permit- ting the importation of it into Spain without paying any duty,* such vigour has been given to thlsbi-anch of commerce, and the logwood which the English bring to market has sunk so much in value, that their trade to the bay of Hondu- ras has gradually declined [163] since it obtained a legal sanction ; and, it is probable, will soon be finally abandoned. In that event, Yucatan and Honduras will become possessions of considei*- able importance to Spain. Still further east than Honduras lie the two provinces of Costa Rica and Veragua, which likewise belong to the viceroyalty of New Spain ; but both have, been so (much [neglected by the Spaniards, and are apparently ',of such small value, that they merit no particular attention. The most important province depending on the viceroyalty of Peru is Chili. The Incas had established their dominion in some of its northern districts ; but in the greater part of the country, its gallant and high spirited inhabitants maintained their independence. The Spaniards, alliu-ed by the fame of its opulence, early at- tempted the conquest of it under Diego Alma- gro ; and after his death Pedro de Valdlvia re- sumed the design. Both met with fierce op- position. The foimer relinquishfd the enter- prise in the manner which I have mentioned." The litter, after having given many displays both of courage and military skill, was cut ofl', together with a considerable body of troops under his command. Francisco de Villagra, Valdlvia's lieutenant, by his'spirited conduct checked the natives in their career, and saved the remainder of the Spaniards from destruction. By degrees, all the champaign country along the coast was subjected to the Spanish dominion. The mountainous country Is still possessed by the Puelches, Araucos, and other tribes of its original inhabitants, foi'midable neighltours to the Spaniards ; with whom, during the course of two centuries, they have been obliged to maintain almost perpetual hostility, suspended only by a few inter>-als of insecure peace. That pait of Chili, then, which may properly be deemed a Spanish province, is a narrow dis- 4 Treaty of Paris, Art xvlli. & neal Cedilla, Cainpoinann, Ui. Iti. Ilonit vl 844 HISTORY OF [Book VII. I" ' trict, extended along the eoMt Awm the desert of Atacamaa to the island of Chiloe, above nine hundred miles. Its climate is the most delicious in the New World, and is hardly equalled by that of any region on the face of the earth. Though bordering on the Torrid Zone, it never feels the extremity of heat, being screened on the east by the Andes, and refreshed firom the west by cooling sen breezes. The temperature of the air is so mild and equable, tliat the Spa- niards give it the preference to that uf the south- ern provinces in their native country. The fer- tility of the soil corresponds with the benignity of the climate, and is wonderfully accommodated to European productions. The most valuable of these, corn, wine, and oil, abound in Chili as if they had been native to the country. All the fruits. im]>orted Irom Europe attain to full ma- turity there. The animals of our hemisphere not only multiply, but improve in this delight- ful region. The horned cattle are of larger size than those of Spain. Its breed of horses sur- passes, both in beauty and spirit, the famous Andoiusian itice, from which they sprung. Nor has nature exhausted her bounty ou the surface of the earth ; she has stored its bowels with riches. Valuable mines of gold, of silver, of copper, and of lead, have been discovered iu various ports of it. A country dUtinguislied by so many bless- ings, we may bo apt to conclude, would early become a favourite station of thu Spaniards, and must have been cultivated with peculiar predi- lection and care. Instead of this, a great pnrt of it remains unoccupied. In all this extent of country, there are not above eighty thousand white inhabitants, and about thi'ee times thut number of Negroes and people of a mixed race. The most fertile soil in America lies unculti- vated, and some of its most promising mines re- main unwrought. Strange as this neglect of the Spaniard:! 'o uvail themselves of advantages whiuh seemed tu court thc'.r acceptance may ap- pear, the causes of it can be traced. The only inteixourse of Spain tvith its colonies in t**« South Sea was carried on during two centuries by thu annual flouutli of Ulo du lu Plata. 'I'he former comprehendd i'uraguay, the famous mis- sions of the Jesuits, and several oilier districts. But ns disputes have loog subsisted lietween the courts of Spain and Portugal, cuuuerning its boundaries, wliich, it is probable, will bo soon finallv ascertained, either umlcalily or by the de- cision uf the sword, I chouse to reserve my ac- count of this northern divisiun, until I enter upon the history of Portuguesu .fUnerica, with whicli it is intimati>ly connected ; and in relating it, I shall bo able, from authentic materials sup- (died both by Spain and Portugal, to give a full and accurate deiscription of the oi..i'ations und views of the Jesuits, in rearing that singular fabric of |iolicy in America, which lias drawn so much attention, and has Been so imperfectly understood. The latter division of the province contains the governments of 'I'ucumaR and Bue- nos Ayres, and to these I shall at present con- fine my ubserval °ans. The Spaniards entered this part of America by the river Ue la Plata'; and though a suc- cession of cruel disasters befell them in their enrly attempts to establish their doininion in it, they were cncouitiged to persist in the design, 1 Camiwmnncs, ii, lj7. 1 s K)K VII. Bhief incite- im motWes • adopted a msrce with pa which go tn is opened intry. The imodities of ts own har< rope. Chili ance wnong t ia entitled become the viuces along ' them with I hemp, and ey now de- aew system ycui'S: those bserved.' If teadiness for foretell that will advance I. provinces of ler on Chili, e viceroy alty (tense extent th above thir- I more than a j larger than y forms itself 10 north and I'iatii. liio famous rais- liiT distrir.ts. between the Diiufvning its will br soon or by the de- serve my ac- jiitil 1 enter merlca, witli iid in relating latei'ials sup- give a full I'ations and that singular has drawn imperfectly the province lun and Bue- present con- of Amerira lOugh a Nuc- lipm in their ninion in it, \ the design, AMERICA. 245 U first by the hopes of diacoverlng mines in the interior country, and afterwards by the necessity of occupying it, in order to prevent any other nation from settling there, and penetrating by this route into their rich possessions in Peru. But, except at Buenos Ayres, they have made no settlement of any consequence in all the vast space which I have mentioned. There are indeed, scattered over it, a few places on which they have bestowed the name of towns, and to which they have endeavoured to add some dig- nity, by erecting them into bishoprics ; but they are no better than paltry villages, each with two or three hundred inhabitants. One circum- stance, however, which was not originally fore- seen, has contributed to render this district, though thinly peopled, of considerable import- ance. The province of Tucuman, together with the country to the south of the Plata, instead of being covered with wood like other parts of America, forms one extensive open plain, almost without a tree. The soil is a deep fertile mould, watered by many streams descending from the Andes, and clothed In perpetual verdure. In this rich pasturage, the horses and cattle import- ed by the Spaniards from Europe liave multiplied to a degree which almost exceeds belief. This has enabled the inhabitants not only to open a lu- crative trade with Peru, by supplying it with cattle, horses, and mules, but to carry on a com- merce no less beneficial, by the exportation of hides to Europe. Fram both, the colony has derived great advantages. But its eommodious situation for carrying on contraband trade has been the chief source of its prosperity. While the court of Madrid adhered to its ancient sv^ tcin, with respect to its communication v. '' ' America, the r:ver De la Plata lay so much out, of the course of Spanish navigation, that inte>'- lopers, almost without any risk of being either (ibserrcd or obstructed, could pour in Europ^un nianufRctures in suvh quantities, ihat they not only supplied the wants of the colo ... ! ut were conveyed into all tlie eastern districts of Peru. Wlieu tliu I'ortuguesB in llra/.il extended their settlements to the banks of Uio de la Plata, a new cliannel was opened, by whirh prohibited commodities lioweU into the Spanish territories with still more facility, and in gi'eiter nbun- daiice. This illegal traffic, however detrimental to the parent state, contributed to the increase of the settlement which had the immediate bene- lit of it, and Buenos Ayres became gradually > populous and opulent town. What may bu the effect of the alteration lately mad j in the go- vennuent of this coluny, the nature of which shall bo described in the subsequent Book, can- not hitherto be known. All the other territories of Spain in the New World, I'.ie islands excepted, of whose discovery mid ri'duotian 1 have former iy yiven an accoiiiil, are '.innprolii'inlcd untU-r two great divisions; the former denominated the kingdom of Tierra Firme, the provinces of which stretch along the Atlantic, from the eastern frontier of f^ow Spain to the mouth of the Orinoco ; the latter, the New Kingdom of Granada, situated in the interior country. With a short view of these I shall close this part of my work. To the east of Veragua, the last province sub- ject to the viceroy of Mexico, lies the Isthmus of Darien. Though It was in this part of the continent that the Spaniards fii-st began to pS ir colonies, they have made no conslde-..ble pro- gress in peopling it. As the count y . \ ,- tremely mountainous, deluged with raia i-^.ii,: a good part of the year, remarkably un!,. j;h- ful, and contains no mines of great value, the Spaniards would probably have abandoned it al- together, if they had not been allured to continue by the excellence of tiie harbour of Porto Bello on the one sea, and -that of Panama on the other. These havs been called the keys to the communication between the north and south sea, between Spain and her most valuable colo- nies. In consequence of this advantage, Pana- ma has become a considerable and thriving town. The peculiar noxiousness of its climate has prevented Porto Bello from increasing in the same proportion. As the intercourse with the settlements in the Pacific Ocean is now car- ried on by another channel, it is probable that both Porto Bello and Panama will decline, when no longer nourished and enriched by that commerce to which they were indebted for their prosperity, and even tlieir existence. The provinces of Cwthcgena and Santa ]\Iar- tha stretch to the eastward of the isthmus of Darien. The country still continues moun- tainous, but its valleys begin to expand, are well watered and extremely fertile. Pedro de He- reUia subjected this part of America to the crown of Spain about the yeai- 153^. It is thinly peopled, and of course ill cultiv.aed. It produces, however, a variety of vaiualile drugs, and some ]irecii>us stones, particularly emeralds. But its chief impurcance is derived froir the harbour ot Carthagena, the safest and best for- tified of any ;n the American dominions uf Spain. In a situation so favourable, commerce soon began to liourish. As early as the year l&M, it seems to have been a town of some note. But when Carthagena was chosen as the port in wlilrh the galeona should fii'st begin to trade on their arri-. 1 from Europe, and to which they were directed to return, in order to prepare for their voynyo homeward, the commerce of its in- habitants was so much favoured by thisorrange- ment, that it soon became one of the nost popu- lous, opulent, and beautiful cities ia America. There ia, however, reason to apprehend that it has reached its highest point uf exaltation, and that it will bo so fur affected by the change in riic Spanish svhtcni of trade witli America, 11 ii 246 HISTORY OF [Book VII. ^ f lit w. which has withdrawn trom it the desirHble visits of the galeona, as to feel at least a temporary de- cline. But the wealth now collected there will soon find or create employment for itself, and may be turned with advantage into some new channel. Its harbour is so safe, and so conve- niently situated for receiving commodities from Europe, its merchnnts have been so long accus- tomed to convey these info all the adjaoeat pro- vinces, that it is probable they will still r<*tain this branch of trade, and Carthagcna continue to be a cily of great importance. The province contiguous to Santa Martha on tlie east, was first visited by Alonso de Ojeda, in the yeir 1499 ;' and the Spaniards, on their lauding there, having observed some huts in an Indian village, built upon piles, in order to raise them above the stagnated water which covered the plain, were led to bestow upon it the name of Venezuela, or Little Venice, by their usual propensity to find a resemblance be- tween what they discovered in America, and the objects which were familiar to them in Eu- rope. They made some attempts to settle there, but with little success. The final reduction of the province was accomp''^' •■'' by means very dif- ferent from those to wi.ich Spain was indebted fur its other acquisitions in the New World. The ambition of Charles V. oficn engaged him in operations of such variety and extent, that his revenues were not sufficient to defray the expense of carrying them into execution. Among other expedients for supp'/ing the deficiency of his funds, he had borrowed large sums from the Velsers of Augsburg, the most opulent mer- chants at that time in Europe. I3y way of retribution for these, or in hopes, perhaps, of obtaining a new loan, he be^owed upon them the province of Venezuela, to be held as an here- ditnry fief from the crown of Castile, on condi- tion that within a limited time they should render themselves masters of the country, and establish a colony there. Under the direction of such persons, it might have been expected that n settlement would have been established on maxims very different from those of the Spaniards, and better calculated to encourage such useful industry, as mercantile proprietors might have Iinown to be the most cerUin source of prosperity and opulence. But unfortunately they committed the exenition of their plan to some of those soldiers of fortune with whici. Germ.iny abounded in the sixteenth century. These adventurers, impatient to amass riches, that they might speedily abandon a staticii which they soon discovered to be very uncom- fortable, instead of planting a colony in order to cultivate and improve the country, wandered from district to district in search of mines, plun- . 1 IJoolv ii, p. 18. dering the natives with unfeeling rapacity, or oppressing them by the imposition of intolerable tasks. In the course of a few years, their ava- rice and exactions, in comparison with which those of the Spaniards were moderate, desolated the province so tiimpletely, that it could hardly afford them subsistence, and the Velsers relin- quished a property from which the inconsiderate conduct of their agents left them no hope of ever deriving any advantage.* When the wretched remainder of the Germans deserted Venezuela, the Spaniards again took possession of it ; but notwithstanding many natural advantages, it is one of their most languishing and unproductive settlements. The provinces of Caraccas and Cumana at ^ the last of the Spanish territories on this coast ; but in relating the origin and operations of the mercantile company in which an exclusive right of trade with them has been vested, I shall hero- after have occasion to consider their state and productions. The New Kingdom of Granada is entirely an inland country of great extent. This important addition was made to the dominions of Spain about the year 1SS6, by Sebastian de Beualr«zar and Gonzalo Ximenes de Quesada, twu of the bravest an^I most accomplished officers employed in the conquest of America. The former, who commanded at that time in Quito, attacked it from the south ; the latter made his invasion from Santa Martha on the North. As the original inhabitants of this region were further adviinced in improvemenc than any people in America but the Mexicans and Peruvians," they defended themselves with great resolution and good conduct. , llie abilities and persever- ance of Benaicazar .ind Quesada surmounted all opposition, tliough not without encounter- ing many dangers, and reduced the country into ihe form of a Spanisli province. The New Kingdom of Grariada is so far ele- vated abovn the level of the pea that, though it approaches almost to the ('nnator, the climate is remarkably temperate. The fertility of its val- leys is not inferior to thai of the richest districts in America, and its higher grounds yield gold and precious stones of various kinds. It is not by digging into the bowi'is of the earth that this gold is found ; it Is mingled with the soil near the surface, and sepai'utcd from It by repeated washing with water. This operation is caiTiud on wholly by Negro (slaves ; fur though the chill lubtcrranean air has been discovered, by expuri- c»''; to be so fatal to them, that they cannot be vtapl yod with advantage in the deep silver mines, they are more capable of performing the other species of labour than Indians. As the a Civcdo J Ilagnos Iliat. ilu Vcneiiic'a, p. II, Sc. 311oukiv. p. Ill, &c. loOK VII. { rapacity, or of intolerabln in, their avB- I with which 'ate, desolated could hardly Velsers relin- inconsiderate 10 hope of ever the wretched ed Venezuela, Ion of it ; but vantages, it is unproductive 1 Cumana ar > on this coast ; rations of the exclusive right d, I shall hero- tbeir state and a is entirely an riils important nions of Spain de Benalmzar la, twu of the Beers employed le former, who ito, attacked it ie his invasion lorth. As the m were further any people in id Peruvians," reat resolution IS and persever- ja surmounted out encounter- id the country rice. la is so fur ele- that, though it ■, the climate is tlHty of its val- richestdistricu )unds yield gold .nds. It is not ti earth that this itli the soil near n It by I'epeated ration is caiTied though the chill ■cred, by experi- t they cannot be the deep silver performing the idiaus. As the riic'a, p. II, fxe. ;c, AMERICA. 247 nativeii in the New Kingdom of Granada ai--^ exempt from that service, which has wasted their race so rapidly in other parts of America, the country is still remarkably populous. Some districts yield gold with a profusion no less wonderful than that in the vale of Cineguilla, which I have formerly mentioned, and it is often found In large petilas, or grains, which manifest the abundance in which it is produced. On a rising ground near Pamplona, single la- bourers have collected in a dey wlmt was equal in value to a thousand pesos.* A late governor of Santa Fe brought with him to Spain a lump of pure gold, estimated to be worth seven hun- dred and forty pounds sterling. This, which is perhaps the largest and finest specimen ever found in the New World, is now deposited in the royal cabinet of Madrid. But without founding any calculation on what is rare and ex- traordinary, the value of the gold usually col- lected in this country, particularly in the pro- vinces of Popayan and Choco, is of considerable amount. Its towns are populous and flourish- ing. The number of inhabitants in almost every part of the country dully increases. Cultivation and industry of various kinds begin to be en- couraged, and to prosper. A considerable trade is carried on with Carthagena, the produce of the mines, and other commodities, being con- veyed down the great river of St. Magdalene to that city. On another quartv^r, the New King- dom of Granada has a communication with the Atlantic by the river Orinoco ; but the country which stretches along its banks towards the east. Is little known, and imperfectly occupied by the Spaniards. ««^«%««%« «>« BOOK VIII. After tracing ihe progress of the Spaniards in their discoveries and conquests during more than half a century, I have conducted them to that period when their authority was established over almost all the vast regions in the New World still subject to their dominion. The ef- fect of their settlements upon the countries of which they took possession, the maxims which they adopted in forming their new colonies, the interior structure and policy of these, together with the influence uf their progressive improve- ment upon the pareut state, and upon the com- mercial intercourse of nations, are the objects to tvhlch we now turn our attentiou. The first visible consequence of the establi.nh- ments made by the Spaniards in America, was 4 Plcdrjhlta Hirt, del N. Rcyno, p. 481. MS. penes mc. the diminution of the ancient inhabitauts, to a degree equally astonishing and deplorable. I have already, on different occasions, mentioned tho O.isastrous influence under which the con- n>:&] But nations seldom extend their views to otgects so remot«. or lay their plans so deep ; aad for the honour of humanity we may observe that no nation ever deliberately formed such an exerrable scheme. Thu Spanish rao- narchs, far fS'yim acting upon any such system of AettriKHiun, wen- unifum>i> solicitous for the prwervation of the«- new subjects. NVilh Isn- t I Tmnni— lis. :. 613. i % Uia-, c. Hi. Herreni, •«• J I'orqiieni, 015, 64«, 04;). [IM.J . lib. V c. 4. UUoa bclla, zpnl for propagating the Christian fuith. together with the desire of communicating the knowledge of truth, and the consolations of re- ligion, to people destitute of spiritual light, were more than ostensible motives for encouraging Columbus to attempt bis discoveries. Upon his success, she endeavoured to fulfil her pious purpose, and manifested the moat tender con- cern to secure not only religious instruction, but mild treatment, to thai inoifensive race of men subjected to her crown. [166J Her successors adopted the same ideas ; and, on many occasions, whicli I have mentioned, their authority was interposed, in the most vigorous exertions, to protect the people of America from the oppres- sion of their Spanish subjects. Their regula- tions for this purpose were numerous, and often repeated. Tlicy were framed with wisdom, and dictated by humanity. After their posses- ti'rinu in the New World t>ecame so extensive, as lalj^ht have excited some apprehensions of diffi- culty in retaining their dominion over them, the spirit of their regulations was as mild as when their settlements were confined to the islands alone. Their solicitude to protect the Indians seems rather to have augmented as their acqui- sitious increased : and from ardour to accomplish this, they enacted, and endeavoured to enforce the execution of laws, which excited a formi- dable rebellion in one of their colonies, and spread alarm and disafiection through all the rest. But the avarice of individuals was too violent to be controlled by the authority of laws. Rapacious and daring adventurers, far removed from the seat of government, little accustomed to the restraints of military discipline while in service, and still less disposed to respect the feeble jurisdiction of civil power in an infanc colony, despised or eluded every regulation that set bounds to their exactions nod tyranny. The parent state, with persevering attention, issued edicts to prevent the oppression of the In- dians; the colonists, regardless of these, or trusting to their distance for impunity, conti- nued to consider and treat them as slaves. Tbu governors themselves, and other oflicers employ- ed in the colonies, several of whom were as in- digent and rapacious as the adventurers over whom they presided, were too apt to adopt their contemptuous ideas of the conquered people ; and, instead of checking, encouraged or con- nived n- their excesses. The desolation of the New V\ i'ld should not then be charged on the court ot Spain, or be considered as the elTect of any system of policy adopted there. It ought to be imputed wholly to the indigent and often unprincipled adventurers, whose fortune it was fo be the conquerors and first planters of Ameri- ca, who, by measures no less incoDsiderate than unjust, counteracted the edicts of their sover- eign, aud have brought disgrace upoAt their , country. With rcpreser Catholi< the Am ecclesias the slauf tors and slouarf's and illit espoused cated thel conquero of being coraprehc tended, t men, on \ mark of i I have gi zeal of th the helph they appei their funo who ende hands of c position th regulation •heir fate. mcnts, I'fgi ■idered by ians, to wl hardships a often expos But, no( of Americi iiagive I'ace Pern, espcc exposed to i desolated b; "till more Nicaragua, I he Mcxica South Sea, •'US. Their |K>pnlou8 as in the three divided, thei dians ; a pit population, i pie .superior inhabitants i Peru several dom of Qii:t Indians. Ii with th. S{M ments are all the mechanic stations in s( Mexico and residence, an dustry, less ' them to sMn niodfs of i:iv >> VIII. Ian fultli. eating the i>n« of re- light, wore icouragiiig !g. Upon her pious Bnder con- uction, but ice of men succeMom f occasions, bority was (crtiooSf to the oppvcs- leir regula- g, and often ;h wisdom, heir posses- ixtensive, as 008 of diffi- er them, the ild as when I the islands the Indians their aoqui- to accomplisii jd to enforce ted a formi- solonics, and ough all the juaU was too |ority of laws, far removed accustomed ino while in respect the in an infanc y regulation bind tyranny. iiig attention, liou of the In- of these, or luuity, conti- slaves. Tho icers employ- were as in- [enturers over to adopt their lered people ; [raged or con- [olation of the larged on the tho effect of jre. It ought rent and often [fortune it was of Ameri- isiderate than if their sover- Ice upoji their ■-'J AMERICA. 249 With still greater injustice Imve many authors represented the intolerating spirit of the Itoman Cathollo religion, as the cause of exterminating the Americans, and have accused the Spanish ecclesiatitlos of animating their countrymen to the slaughter of that Innocent people, as idola- tors and enemies of God. But the first mis- siouarfos who visited America, though weak and illiterate, were pious men. They early espoused the defence of the natives, and vindi- cated their character from the aspersions of their conquerors, who, describing them as incapable of being formed to the offices of civil life, or of comprehending the doctrines of religion, con- tended, that they were a subordinate race of men, on whom the hand of nature had set the mark of servitude. From the accounts which I have given of the humane and persevering zeal of the Spanish missionaries, in protecting the helpless flock committed to their charge, they appear In a light which reflects lustre upon their function. They were ministers of peace, who endeavoured to wrest the rod from tho hands of oppressors. To their powerful inter- position the Americans were Indebted for every regulation tending to mitigate the rigour of their fate. The clergy in the Spanish settle- ments, regular as well as secular, are still con- sidered by the Indians as their natural guard- ians, to whom they have recourse under the hardships and exactions to which they are too often exposed. [167] But, notwithstanding the rapid depopulation nf America, a very considerabit; number of the iiaCirn face still remains both in Mexico and Pern, especially in those part* whieti were not exposed to the first fury of the Spni>ish arms, or desolated by tht^ fii-st eiTovts of their industry, Ntill more ruinnus. In Guutiin.«la, Chiapa, Nicaragua, and the other delightl'iii provlncci< of Ihc Mexican emvli'i-', which stretch along the South Sea, the i ice of Indians is still numer- ous. Their settl meiitx in some places arc so |K>pulou8 OS to merit the name of cities. [168] In the three audiences into wlilch New Spain is divided, there are at least two millions <>t In- dians ; a pitiful remnant, indeed, of its ancient population, but such as siill forms a body of peo- ple superior in number to that of ail the other inhabitants of tMs extensive cutintry. [169] In I'eru several districts, particularly in the king- dom of QuUo, are occupied almost entirely by Indians. In otkwr provinces they are mingled with thi Sitaniords, and in muiy uf their settle- ments ai-e almoet tht only pMreuns who practise the mechanic arts, and fill most of the inferior stations in society. As the inhabitants both of Mexico and Peru were accustomed to a fixed residence, and to a certain degree of regular in- dustry, less violence was requisite In bringing them to sMne conformity with the Kuropenn modes of livil lifv, But wherever the Span- iards settled among the savage tribes of Ame- rica, their attempts to incorporate with them have been always fruitless, and often fatal to the natives. Impatient of restraint, and dis- daining labour as a mark of servility, they ei- ther abandoned their original seats, and sought for independence in mountains and forests inac- ' cessible to their oppressors, or perished when reduced to a state repugnant to their ancient ideas and habits. In the districts adjacent to Carthagena, to Panama, and to Buenos Ayres, the desolation is more general than even in diose parts of Mexico and Peru of which the Span- iards have taken most full possession. But the establishments of tho Spaniards In the New World, though fatal to its ancient in- habitants, were made at a period when that monarchy was capable of forming them to best advantage. By the union of all its petty kingdoms, Spain was become a powerful state, equal to so great an undertaking. Its monarchs, having extended their prerogatives far beyond the limits which once circumscribed the regal power In every kingdom of Europe, were hardly subject to control, either in concerting or in ex- ecuting their measures. In every wide-extended empire, the form of government must be sim- ple, and the sovereign authority such, that its resolutions may be taken with promptitude, and may pervade the whole with sufficient force. Such was the power of the Spanish monarchs when they were called to deliberate concerning the mode of establishing their dominions over the most remote provinces which had ever been subjected to any European state. In this de- liberation, they felt themselves under no consti- tutional restraint, and that as independent mas- ters of their own resolves, they might issue the edicts requisite for modelling the government of the new colonies, by a mere act of preroga- tive. I'his early interposition of the Spanish crown, in order to regulate the policy and trade of ita colonies, is a peculiarity which distinguishes their progi'ess froia that of the colonies of any other European n«tlon. When tho Portuguese, the English, and French took possession of the ref,r!on8 in America which they now occupy, the advantage which these promised to yield were so ri'mote and uncertain, that their colonies were sutFei'ed to sti u^kIc through a hard infaney, almost witltout ):uidunce or protection from the parent state. Hut gold and silver, the first pro- ductions of the Spanish settlements in the New World, were more itlliiring, and immediately attracted the attention of their monarchs. Tiiough they had contributed little to the dis- covery, and almost nothing to the conquest of the New 'World, they instantly assumed the function of its legislators ; and having acquired a species of dominion formerly unknown, they foiined a plan for exorvising it, to which no- Kk i \\m 1 950 HISTORY OF [Hook VIII. thlpg alinlliir ocoun in the liktury ut' human Hflikln. The Amdamental muim of Spanish Juri»> prudence, with respect to America, is to con- sider wlwt has been acquired there at vested in the crown, rather than in the state. By the bull of Alexander VI., on which, as its great charter, Spain founded its right, all the regions that had been or should be discovered were be- stowed as a free gift upon Ferdinand and Isa- bella. They and thc;r succesiuirs were uni- formly held to bo the universni proprietors of the vast ten'itorles which the arms of tlieir sub- jects conquered in the New World. From them all grants of land there flotved, and to them they finally returned. The leaders who conducted the vartoas expeditlcsa, the governors who pre- sided over the jihcront colonies, the officers of Justice, and the ministers of religion, were all appointed by their authority, and removable at their pleasure. The people who composed in- fant settlements wera i Utled to no privileges independent of the soverKi;(i!, or that served as a barrier against the power of the crown. It is true, that wlien towns were built, and formed into iMidies corporate, the citizens wei-e permlf- ted to elect their own magistrates, who governed them by laws which the community enacted. Even in the most despotic states, this feeble spark of liberty is not extinguished. Hut in the cities of Spanish America, this jurisdiction is merely municipal, and is confined to the re- gulation of their own interior commerce and police. In whatever relates to public govern- ment, and the general interest, the will of the sovereign is law. No political power originates from the people. All centres ill the crown, and in the officers of its nomination. When the conquests of the Spaniards in Ame- rica were completed, thuir monarchs, in form- ing the plan of internal policy for their new do- minions, divided them into two immense govern- ments, one subject to the viceroy of New Spain, the other to the viceroy of Peru. The jurisdic- tion of the former extended over all the pro- vinces belonging to Spain in the northern divi- sion of the American continent. Under that of the latter, was comprehended whatever she possessed in South America. This arrange- ment, which, from the beginning, was attended iMth many inconveniences, became intolerable when the remote provinces of each viceroyalty began to improve in industry and population. The people complained of their subjection to a superior, whose place of residence was so dis- tant, or so inaccessible, as almost excluded them from any intercourse with the seat of govern- meot. The authority of the viceroy over dis- tricts so far removed from his own eye and ob- servation, was unavoidably both feeble and ill dhrected. Aa a remedy for those evils, a third viceroyalty boa Iwen established in the present oentury, at Santa Fe de Rogota, the capital of the new kingdom of Granada, the jurisdiction of which extends over the whole kingdom of TIerra FIrme and the province of Quito.' Those viceroys not only represent the person of their sovereign, but possess his regal preroga- tives within the precincts of their own govern- ments in their utmost extent. Like him, they exerciso supreme authority in every department of government, civil, military, and criminal. They have the sole right of nominating the per- sons who hold many offices of the highest im- portance, and the occasional privilege of supply- ing those which, when they become vacant by death, are in the royal gift, until the successor appointed by the king shall arrive. The exter- nal pomp of their government Is suited to its real dignity and power. Their courts are form- ed upon the model of that at Madrid, with horse and foot guards, a household regularly establish- ed, numerous attendants, and ensigns of com- mand, displaying such magnificence as hardly retains the appearance of delegated authority.' Hut as the viceroys cannot discharge In per- s>in the functions of a supreme magistrate In every part of their extensive jurisdiction, they ore aided in their government by officers and tribunals similar to those in Spain. The con- duct of civil affairs in the various provinces and districts. Into which the Spanish dominions in America are divided, is committed to magis- trates of various orders and denominations; some appointed by the king, others by the viceroy, but all subject to the command of the latter, and amenable to his jurisdiction. The administration of justice is vested in tribunals, known by the name of Audiences, and formed upon the model of the court of Chancery in Spain. These are eleven iu number, and dis- pense justice to as many districts into which tho Spanish dominions in America are divided. [170] The number of judges in the Court of Audi- ence is various, according to the extent and im- portance of their jurisdiction. Tlfe station is no less honourable than lucrative, and Is com- monly filled by persons «f such abilities and merit as render this tribunal extremely respec- table. Both civil and criminal causes come un- der their cognizance, and for each peculiar judges are set apart. Though It is only in the most despotic governments that the sovereign exercises in person the formidable prerogative of administering justice to his subjects, and, in absolving or condemning, consults no law but what is deposited in his own breast ; though, in all the monarchies of Europe, judicial autho- rity is committed to magistrates, v^hose deci- sions are regulated by known laws and establish- 1 Voy. dc VUos, i. 83. S66, 8 VlloM, Voy, i. 438. Onge, 61. 3 Hcco .17. 4 .Solon lilx ii. tit. .') ncco| (i Rccni H)K VIII. AMERICA. thu copltal of e jurisdiction B kingdom of e of Quito. ■ the person of regiU preroga- own govern- Ike him, they ry department and cvlroina]. latlng the per- le highest im- lege of supply- line vacant by [ the successor e. The exter- Is suited to its iourts are forra- Irld, with horse ilarly estaWlsh- mslgna of com- icence as hardly led authority.* iacharge In per- e magistrate in irisdictlon, they by officers and lain. The con- us provinces and sh dominions in iiitted to magis- denominatlons ; [, others by the command of tiie irisdictWn. The ited in tribunals, nces, and formed of Chancery in lumber, and dis- its into which the are divided. [170] Court of Audi- ieext«ntand im- . t£) station is itlve, and is com- mch abilitiea and extremely respec- il causes come un- for each peculiar I it is only in the that the sovereign lidable prerogative B subjects, and, in nsults no law but breast ; though, in pe, judicial autho- tratei, v/hose deci- laws and cstablish- ». S&6. !. Gage, 61. 851 ; ed forms; the Spanish viceroys have often at- tempted to intrude themselves Into the seat of justice, and,, with an ambition which their dis- tance from the control of a superior rendered bold, havraspired at a power which their master does not venture to oMume. In order to check a usurpation which must have annihilated jus- tice and security in the Spanish colonies, by Nubjectlng the lives and property of all to the will of a single man, the viceroys have been prohibited in the most explicit terms, by repeated laws, from interfering in the judielnl proceed- ings of ihe Courts of Audience, or from deliver- ing an opinion, or giving a voice, with respect to iny point litigated before them.' In some par- ticular caseei, In which any question of civil right is involved, even the political regulations of the viceroy may be brought under the review of the Court of Audience, which in those instances may be deemed an intermediate power placed between him and the people, as a constitu- tional barrier to circumscribe his jurisdiction. Uut AS legal restraints on a person who repre- sents the sovereign, and Is clothed with his au- thority, are little suited to the genius of Spanisli policy ; the hesitation and reserve with which it confers this power on the Courts of Audience are remarkable. They may advise, they may re- monstrate ; but, in the event of a direct collision between their opinion and the will of the vice- roy, what lie determines must be carried int(> execution, and nothing remains for them, but to lay the matter before the king and the Coun- cil of the Indies.* But to be entitled to remon- strate, and inform against a person before whom all others must be silent, and tamely submit to his decrees, is a privilege which adds dignity to the Courts of Audience. This is further aug- mented by another circumstance. Upon the death of a viceroy, without any provision of a successor by the king, the supreme power is vested in the Court of Audience resident in the capital af the viceroyalty ; and the senior judge, assisted by his brethren, exercises all the func- tions of the viceroy while the office continues vacant.' In matters which come under the cognizance of the Audiences, in the course of their ordinary jurisdiction, as courts of justice, t'.eir sentences are final in every litlgntion con- cerning property of less value than six thousand pesos ; but when the subject in dispute exceeds that sum, their decisions are subject to review, and may be caiTied by appeal before the royal Council of the Indies." In this council, one of the most considerable 3 nccop. lib. ii. tit. XV. L 35, 38, 41. lib. Hi. tit. iii. 1. 3(1, 37. 4 Solorz. do.Tiirc Ind. lib. i». c. 3. ii, 10, 11. nccop. lib. ii. (it. XV. I. .36. lib. iii. tit. iii. I. 31. Iil>. v. tit. ix. I. I. ,') Rccop. lib. 11. (it. XV. 1. .^7, A'-. 6 ncc"p. lib. V. tit. xiii. I. 1, ftr. in the monarchy for dignity and power, Is vested the supreme government of all the Spnnish do- minions in America. It was first established by Ferdinand, in the year 1611, and brought Into • more perfect form by Charles V. in the year 1684i. Its jurisdiction extends to every de- partment, ecclesiastical, civil, military, and commercial. All laws and ordinances relative to the government and police of the colonies originate there, and must be approved of by two thirds of the members before they are issued in tlu! name of the king. All the offices, of which th« norr ! nation Is reserved to the crown, are conferred in this council. To it each person employed in America, from the viceroy down- wards, is accountable. It reviews their eon- duct, rewards their services, and inflicts th« punishments due to their malversations.' Be- fore It Is laid whatever intelligence, either pub- lic or secret, Is received from America ; and every scheme of improving the administration, the police, or the commerce of the colonies, it suumltted to its consideration. From the first institution of the Council of the Indies, It has been the constant object of the Catholic mon- archs to maintain its authority, and to make such additions /rom time to time, both to its power and its splendour, as might render it for- midable to all their subjects in the New World. Whatever degree of public order and virtue still remains in that country, where so many cir- cumstances conspire to relax the former, and to corrupt the latter, may be ascribed in a great measure to the wise regulations and vigilant in- spection of this respectable tribunal." As the king is supposed to be always present in his Council of the Indies, its meetings ore held in the place where he resides. Another tribunal has been instituted, in order to regulai? such commercial affairs as required the imme- diate and personal inspection of those appointed to superintend them. This is called Casa de la Contratacion, or the house of trade, and was established in Seville, the port to which com- merce with the New World was confined, as early as the year 1501. It may be considered both us a board of trade, and as a court of judi- cature. In the former capacity it takes cogni- zance of whatever relates to the intercourse of Spain with America, it regulates what commo- dities should be exported thither, and has the Inspection of such as are received in return. It decides concerning the departure of the fleets for the West Indies, the freight and burden of the ships, their equipment and destination. In the latter capacity, it judges with respect to every question, civil, commercial, or criminal, arising in consequence of Oje transactions of 7 llecop. lib, ii, (i(. ii. 1. 1,2, &c. 8 Solorz, (Ic Jure I ml. lib, iv c. 12. 252 II IS TORY OF [Book VIII. (•ji VI !..' Spilln with America; Mid in both tliete do|Mi' ' menti lU decisions am exempted fi'om the re- view of auy court but that of the Council of the Iniliea.' Such ii the great outline af that eyiitem f goTentmcnt which Spain has eitabtlahed In li«i- American oolonlei. To enumerate the various ■ubordinate board* and officers employed in the administration of Justice, In collectinK the pub- lic revenue, and In regulating the interior polio* of the country i to describe their dilTcrent func- tion*, nnd to Inquira Into the mode nnd effect ol' their operation* ; would prove a detail no leas intricate than minute and uninteresting. The firNt object of the Spanish monarchs was to securi' tlie productions of the colonies to the parent state, by an absolute prohibition of any intercourse with foreign nations. They took possessioa uf America by right of conqueat, and conscious not only of the feebleness of their In- fant settlements, but aware of the diillculty in establlihlng their dominions over regions so •xtenslre, or In retaining so many reluctant nation* under the yoke, they dreaded the intru- alon of stranger* ; they even shunned their in - ■pection, and endeavoured to keep them at a dis- tance from theircoasU. This spirit of Jealousy and exclusion, which at first was natural, and per- haps necessary, augmented as their possessions in America i'\ tended, and the value of them came to be more fully understood. In conse- quence of it, a system of colonising was intro- duced, to which there had hitherto been nothing almilar among mankind. In the ancient world, it wa* not uncommon to send forth colonies. Jiut they were of two kinds only. They were either migrations, whlcli served to disburden a ■tate of its superfluous subjects, when they multiplied too fust for the territory which they occupied; or they were military detachments, stationed a* gairlsons in a conquered province. The colonies of some Greek republics, and the awarma o** ii-rthern barbai-ians which settled in different >>-i.vtS of Europe, were of the first species. The Roman colonies were of the second. In the former, the connection with the uotiter country quickly ceased, and they became inde).<'!ndent state*. In the latter, as the die- juuct on was not complete, the dependence cou- tinue-i. In their American settlements, the Spanish monarchs took what was peculiar to each, and studied to unite them. I)y sending colonies to regions so remote, by estubllshiug in cnch a form of inferior policy and administra- tion, under distinct governors, and with peculiar laws, they disjoined them from the mother country. liy retaining in their own hands the rights of ifglolation, as well ns that of imposing I Itprnp, lib. ix. tit. i. ib. i. I. Vcilia Norte ile lu Coiilratacidn, larm, together with the power of nominating the persons who filled every de|>artnient n{' exe- cutive government, civil or military, tlioy se- cured their dependence upon the parent state. Happily for Spain, the situation of tier colon os was such a* rendered it poesible to reduce this new idea into praollre. Almost all the coun- tries which she had discovered and occniiled, lay within the tropic*. The productions «f that large portion of the globe arc different from those of Europe, even In it* most southern provinces. The qualities of the climate and ul the *oil natu- rally turn the induitry of such as settle there into new channel*. When the Spaniard* Hist took pos.iession of their dominions in Amerii .4, the precious metals which they yielded were the only object that attracted their attention. Even when their effr.rts began to take a better direc- tion, they employed themselves almost wholly in rearing such peculiar productions of the cli- mate OS, from their rarity or value, were of chief demand in the mother country. Allured by vast prospect* of immediate wealth, they dis- dained to waste their industry on what was less lucrative, but of superior moment. In order to render it impossible to ci> -rect this error, and to prevent them from making any effort* in in- dustry which might interfere with those of the mother country, the establishment of several species of manufactures, and even the culture of the vine or olive, are prohibited in the Spanish colonies [171], under severe penalties." Thoy must trust entirely to the mother country for the olijects of primary necessity. Their clothes, their furniture, their instrumenu of- labour, their luxuries, and even a conaiderable part of the provisions which they consume, were im- ported from Spain. During a great part of the sixteenth century, Spain, possessing an extensive commerce and ttourlshing manufactures, could supply with ease the growing demands of her colonies from her own stores. The produce of their mine* and plantations was given in ex- change for these. But all that the colonies re- ceived, a* well a* all that they gave, was con- veyed in Spanish bottoms. No vessel belonging to the colonies wa* ever permitted to carry the commodities of America to Europe. Even the commercial intcrcoune of one colony with an- other wa* either absolutely prohibited, or limited by many jealou* restriction*. All that Amerlrit yields flow* into the ports of Spain ; ail that it consume* must issue from them. No foreigner cnn enter its colonies without express permis- sion ; no vessel of any foreign nation is received Into their harbours ; and the pains of death, with confiscation of moveables, are denounced against every inhabitant who presumes to trade with a n. tril(i.i Itclab. r CM- •y, tlii'jr ••- arent ttate. her colon '<■! reduce titia 1 the coun- io(Mi|>ted, lay oni uf that it from tlioae ri provincv*. he foil natu- Mttle there aniai-ds Ki^t in Amei'i> 1, Jed wei'o tlie ition. Even better direc- moat wholly B of the cll- were of chief Allured by th, they dis- irhat was lesa In order to error, and to ilTurtii in in- Ihose of the nt of several the culture uf I the Spauiih Ities.' Thoy ' country for I'hcir clotheit, M of' labour, irable part of ue, were Im- at part of the g an extensive tctures, could mands of her he produce of given in ex- e colonies re- ive, was con- isael belonging I to carry the pe. Even the lony with an- ited, or limited that Ameririi in; all that it No foreigner uprpss permis- tion is received of death, with Dunced against to trade with it; Ihem.* Thus the colonies are kept In n state of perpetual pupilage ; and by thu intr«iductlon of this commercial dependence, a reflnemeiit in policy of which Spain set the flrst example to European nations, the supremacy of the parent state hath been maintained over remote colonies during two centuries and n linif. Such aro the capital mnxims to which the Spanish monarchs seem to hnv. ttended In forming their new settlement" ' ic^. lint they could not plant witli Htytliiit they had destroyed ; and 'ng causes, their progrexs liis it- m filling; up the immense void ,is- tatiuiis had occasioned. Asa« .^i ..efor discovery and adventiuv begin tu abnte, the Spaniards opened their eyes to dangers nn J dlt- tresaes which at flr*t they did not perceive, ui- had despised. The numorouii hardsliiiii with which the members of infrtnt colonies have In striigg'c, the diseaus of unwliolivsoinn cliiniitvs fatal to the constitution of Europoaiii ; the difficulty of bringing a country covered with foresti into culture ; the want of hands neces- sary for lab. jr In some provinces, and tlic slow reward of InduMry in all, uiiievH tvlu.'i'c the accidental discovery of mines enriched a lew fortunate adventurers, were evils unlvccKiUly felt and magnitied. Discouraged by the view of these, the spirit of migration ivaa so much damped, that sixty years after the discovery of the New World the number of Spaniards in all its provinces Is computed not to have cveeed ed fifteen thousand. [178] The mode in which property was distriiiutcd In the Spanish colonies, and the reguiiilionM es- ':;\)Iished with rc!<(M!Ct to the transmission of it, whether by descent or by sale, were extremely unfavourable to population. In order to pro- mote a rapid increase of i» iple in any new set- tlement, property in land ought to be divided Into small shares, and the alienation of it should be rendered extremely easy.* But the rapa- ciousness of the Sjiani'sli conquerors of the New World paid no regard to this fundamental max- im of policy; and, as they possessed power which enabled them to gratify the utmost ex- travagance of their wishes, many seized districts of great extent, and held them as cncomieiitlas. By degrees they obtained the privilege of con- verting a part of these into Maynrasgos, a spe- cies of fief, introiluced into the Spanish system of feudal jurisprudence," which can neither be divided nor alienated. Thus a great |iortion of landed property, under this rigid form of entail, Is withheld from circulation, and de- scends from father to son unimproved, and of 4 Rccnpil. lib. ix. tit. xxvil. I. I, i, 7, &('. 6 Dr. Smith't Inquiry, il. IfiO. Ilccop. lib. iv. tit, ill. lilt. little value either to the proprietor or to th<« com- munity. In the account which I have given of the reduction of Peru, various examples occur of enormous tracts of country occupied by soma of the conquerors.' The excesaea in other pro- vinces were similar; for, as the value of the land* which the Spaniards acquired was oriKiti- ally estimated according to the number of In- dians which lived upon them, America was In general so thinly peopled, that only districtH great extent could afford such a number o.' ' bourera as might be employed in the mines wi U any prospect of consideruble gain. The pet- nicioua effeota of those radical errors in the dis- tribution and nature nf pm|teity in the Spnniab settlements are felt through every drpiirtmcnt uf industry, and may be considered as one great - cause of a progress in population so mucli slow- er than that which hits taken place in better constituted colonies. [173] To this wo may add, that the support of the enormous and expensive fabric of their ecclesi- astical establishment has been a burden on the Spanish colonies, which ha* greatly retarded the progress of pojmlation and indu>iry. The pay- ment of tithes is a heavy tax on industry ; imd if the exaction of them be nut regulated and circumscribed by the wisdom of the civil magis- trate, it becomes intuleralile and ruinous, Itut, instead of any restraint on the ciMims of ecclesias- tics, the inconsiderate zeal of the Spanish legis- lators admitted them into America in their full extent, and at once imposed on their Infant colo- nies a burden which is in no slight degree op- pressive to society, even in its most improved state. As early as the year 1501, the payment of tithes in the colonics was enjoined, and tlie mode of it regulated by law. Every nrticle of primary necessity, towards which the attention of new settlors must naturally be turned, is sub- jected to that grievous exaction." Nor were the demands of the clergy confined to articles of simple and easy culture. Its morcartiticiai und operose pi'oductions, such us sugar, iiuligu, nnd cochincitl, were soon declaved to be titheable ;" and thus the Industry of the planter was taxed in every stage of its progress, from its rudest essay to its highest Improvement. To the weight of this legal lm|>osition tlie bigotry of the American Spaniards has made many volun- tary additions. From their fond delight in thu external pomp and parade of religion, and from superstitious reverence for ecclesiastics of every denomination, they have bestowed profuse do- natives on churches and monasterieN, and have unprofitably wasted a large |iroportion of that wealth, which might have imurishcil ami given vigour to productive labour in growing colonies. 7 nook vi. 8 Recop lib. i. tit. xiv. I a, <) l!eco|>. lili. i tit. xiv. I. .1, t. If, .1 •'.ft m 1^! ^ ^ •w^. IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) /> ^ >^. % 1.0 1.25 ^1^ m ■tt Ui2 12.2 ttiuu Hiotogra(M] Sciences Corporation S5 \ '§^ <^ '-^ >J^ ^.V' 23 WIST MAIN STRUT WnSTIR.N.Y. MSM (716) 172-4303 .% *!»^ ^ c\ \ r tM. HISTORY OF [Book VIII. But so fertile and inviting are tlie regions of America! which the Spaniards have occupied, that, notwithstanding all the circumstances which have checked and retarded population, it has gradually increased, and filled the colonies of Spain with citizens of various orders. Among these, the Spaniards who arrive from Europe, distinguished by the name of Chape- tonet, are the first in ranic and power. From the Jealous attention of the Spanish court to se- cure the dependence of the colonies on the parent state, all departments of consequence are filled by persons sent from Europe ; and in or- der to prevent any of dubious fidelity fimn being employed, each must bring proof of a dear de- scent from a family of Old CHtuliant, untainted with any mixture of Jewish or Mahometan blood, and never disgraced by any censure of the Inquisition.' In such pure hands power is deemed to he safely lodged, and almost every function, from the viceroyalty downwards, is committed to them aidne. Every person, who, by his bii-th or residence in America, may be suspected of any attachment or interest adverse to the mother country, is the object of distrust to such a itgtet, as amounts nearly to an ex- clusion from all offices of confidence or authorl ty. [174] By this conspicuous predilection of the court, the Chapetones are raised to such pre- eminence in America, that they look down w! .h disdain on every other order of men. The character and state of the Creoles, or des- cendants of Europeans settled in America, the second dass of subjects in the Spanish colonies, have enabled the Chapetones to acquire other advantages, hardly less considerable than those which they derived from the partial favour of government. Though some of the Creolian race are descended from the conquerors of the New World ; though others can trace up their pedi- gree to the noblest families in Spain ; though many are possessed of ample fortunes ; yet, by the enervating infiuence of a sultry climate, by the rigour of a Jealous government, and by their despair of attaining that distinction to which mankind naturally aspire, the vigour of their minds is so entirely broken, that a great part of them waste life in luxurious indulgences, min- gled with an illiberal superstition still more de- basing. Languid and unenterprising, the operations of an active extended commerce would be to them so cumbersome and oppressive, that in almost every part of America they decline engaging in it. Ilie interior traffic of every colony, as well as any trade which is permitted with the neigh- bouring provinces, and with Spain itself, is car- ried on chiefly by the Chapetones ,' who, as the I Rocnp, lib. Ix. tit, xxvl. I. 1ft, Ifi. K Voy. lie L'llon, i. 27. a,M. Voy. dc Frei:ici-, ^dl. recompense of their industry, amasa immense wealth, while the Creoles, sunk In sloth, are sa- tisfied with the revenuea of their paternal es- tates. From this stated competition for power and wealth between those two orders of citiiena^ and the various pasdons excited by a rivalship so interesting, their hatred is violent and impla- cable. On every occasion, symptoms of this aversion break out, and the common appella- tions which each bestows on the other are as contemptuous as those which flow from the most deep rooted national antipathy.* The court of Spain, from a refinement of distrustful policy, cherishes those seeds of discord, and foments this mutual Jealousy, which not only prevents the two most powerful classes of its subjects in the New World from combining against the parent state, but prompts each, with the most vigilant zeal, to observe the motions and to counteract the schemes of the other. The third dass of inhabiUnts in the Spanish colonies is a mixed race, the offspring either of a European and a Negro, or of a European and Ivdian, the former called Mulattoei, the latter lUestixot. As the court of Spain, solidtous to incorporate its new vassals with its ancient sub- jects, early encouraged the Spaniards settled in America to marry the natives of that country, several alliances of this kind were formed in their infant colonies.* But it has been more ow- ing to licentious indulgence, than to compliance with this injunction of their sovereigns, that this mixed breed has multiplied so greatly as to constitute a considerable part of the population in all the Spanish settlements. The several stages of descent in this race, and the gradual variations of shade until the African black or the copper colour of America brighten into a European r^nnplexion, are accurately marked by the Spaniards, and each distinguished by a pe- ■^uliar name. Those of thk first and second ge- nerations are considered and treated as mere Indians and Negroes ; but in the third descent, the characteristic hue of the former disappears ; and in the fifth, the deeper tint of the latter Is so entlrdy effaced, that they can no longer be distinguished from Europeans, and become Mi- titled to all their privileges.* It is chiefly by this mixed race, whose frame is remarkably ro- bust and hardy, that the mechanic arts are car- ried on in the Spanish settlements, and other active functions In society are discharged, which the two higher classes of citizens, from pride, or from indolev.re, disdain to exercise.* 3 Oagc'a Survey, p. 9. Freilcr, S8fi. 4 Rccopil. lib. vi. tit. i. 1. 9. Hcrrera, dec. I. lib. v. r. 12. (1«\ .'L lib. vil. c. Si. ft Voy. lie Ulloa, i. p. 27. Voy. lie llllon, i. 20, Voy. ilc noliRlirr, p. 101. Mo- Iriulc?, 'risniiis ViTilndori'H, i 3.'>t. [ 3ooK VIII. tman immeiiM In doth, are n- lir paternal cs- for power and en of citlieni, I byarlvalship lent and impla- mptoma of this mmon appella- lie other are aa 7 from themoft ■ The court of fruitful policy, I, and foments it only prevents f its subjects in Ing against the with the most notions and to ber. in the Spanish pring either of a > European and liloffi, the latter In, aolicitous to its ancient sub- niards settied in )f that country, irere formed in IS been moreow- >n to compliance Mvereigns, that so greatly as tw the population u llio several ind the gradual African bhusit or brighten into a atelymarlced by uished by a pe- and second ge- kreated as mere lie third descent, mer disappears ; : of the latter is in no longer be and become mi- [t is chiefly by remaricnbly ro- nic arts are car- lents, and other scharged, which IS, from pride, or Ue.* rn, dec. 1. lib. v. r. uglier, i> 101. Mo AMERICA. 255 The Negroes hold the fourth rank among the inhabitants of the Spanish colonies. The intro- duction of that unhappy part of the human species into America, together with their services and sufferings there, shall be fully explained in an- other place ; here they are mentioned chiefly in order to point out a peculiarity in their situation under the Spanish dominion. In several of their settlements, particularly in New Spain, Ne- groes are mostly employed in domestic service. They form a principal part in the train of lux- ury, and are cherished and caressed by their su- periors, to whose vanity and pleasures they are equally subservient. Their dress and appear, anee are hardly less splendid than that of their masters, whose manners they Imitate, and whose passions they imbibe.* Elevated by this distinc- tion, they have assumed such a tone of superi- ority over the Indians, and treat them with such insolence and scorn, that the antipathy between the tiro races has become implacable. Even in Peru, where Negroes seem to be more numerous, and are employed in field work as well as domestic service, they maintain their ascendant over the Indians, and the mutual hatred of one to the other subsists with equal violence. The laws have industriously fo- mented this aversion, to which accident gave rise, and, by most rigorous injunctions, have en- deavoured to prevent every intercourse that might form a bond of union between the two races. Thus, by an artful policy, the Spaniards derive strength from that circumstance in popu- lation which Is the weakness of other European colonies, and have secured, as associates and de- fenders', those very persons who elsewhere are objects of jealousy and terror.* The Indians form the last and the most de- pressed order of men in the country which be- longed to their ancestors. I have already traced the progress of the Spanish ideas with respect to the condition and treatment of that people; and have mentioned the most important of their more early regulations, concerning a matter of so much consequence in the administration of their new dominions. But since the period to which I have brought down the history of America, the Information and experience ac- quired during two centuries have enabled the court of Spain to make such improvemer ts in this part of its American system, that a short view of the present condition of the Indians may prove both curious and interesting. By the fkmous rsgulations of Charles V. in 164C, which have been so often mentioned, the high pretensions of the conquerors of the New World, who considered its inhabitants as slaves 7 Gage. p. aa Voy. dc Ulloa, i. 151. 8 Recopil. lib. vll. tit. V. 1. 7. Herrera, dec. 8. lib. vii. c IS. I^eticr,«44. to whose service they had acquired a full right of property, were Anally abrogated. From that period, the Indians have been reputed freemen, and entitled to the privileges of subject*. When admitted into this rank, it was deemed just that they should contribute towards the support and improvement of the society which had adopted them as members. But as no considerable ben- efit could be expected from the voluntary eflforts of men unacqiuinted with regular industry, and averse to labour, the court of Spain found it ne- cessary to fix and secure, by proper regulations, what it thought reasonable to exact from them. With this view, an annual tax was imposed upon every male, from the age of eighteen to fifty ; and at the same time the nature as well as the extent of the services, which they might be required to perform, was ascertained with precision. This tribute varies in ditferent pro- vinces ; but if we take that paid in New Spain as a medium, its annual amount is nearly four shillings a head ; no exorbitant sum in countries where, as at the source of wealth, the value of money is extremely low.* [17fi] The right of levying this tribute likewise varies. In Ame- rica, every Indian is either an immediate vassal of the crown, or depends upon some subject to whom the district in which he resides has been granted for a limited time, under the denomina- tion of an encomunda. In the former case, about three fourths of the tax is paid into the royal treasury ; in the latter, the same propor- tion of it belongs to the holder of the grant. When Spain first took possession of America, the greater part of it was parcelled out among its conquerors, or those who first settled there, and but a small portion reserved for the crown. As those grants, which were made for two lives only,'* reverted snocessively to the sovereign, he had it in his power either to diffuse his favours by grants to new proprietors, or to augment his own revenue by valuable annexations. [1V6] Of these, the latter has been firequently chosen ; the p.'imber of Indiaiis now depending immediately i'A the crown is much greater than in the first stage after the conquest, and this branch of the royal revenue continues to extend. The benefit arising from the servieea of the Indians accrues either to Ibe crown, or to the holder of the encomienda, according to the same role observed in the payment of tribute. Those services, however, which can now be legally ex- acted, are very different from the tasks origi- nally imposed upon the Indians. The nature of the work which they must perform is defined, and an equitable recompense is granted for their labour. The stated services demanded of the V RecopU. lib. vi. tit v. L 48. Hakluyt, vol Hi. p. 461, 10 Recopil. lib. vi. tit. vUl. L 48. Solon, de Ind. Jul* lib. ii. c. 10. 25G HISTORY OF [Book VIII, Indians inny be divided into two branches. They are cither employed in worlcs of primary necenity, without which society cannot subsist comfortably, or are compelled to labour in the mines, from which the Spanish colonies deriye their chief value and importance. In conse- quence of the former, they are obliged to assist in the culture of maize, and other grain of n*- cesssary consumption ; in tending cattle ; In erecting edifices of public utility ; in building bridges and in forming high roads ;' but they cannot be constrained to labour in raising vines, olives, and sugar-canes, or any species of cultiva- tion which has fur its object the gratification of luxury or commercial profit.* In consequence of the latter, the Indians are compelled to un- dertake the more unpleasant task of extracting ore from the bowels of the earth, and of refining it by successive processes, no less unwholesome than operose. [177] The mode of exacting both these services is the same, and is under regulations framed with a view of rendering it as little oppressive as possi- ble to the Indians. They are called out succes- sively in divisions, termed MUas, and no person can be compelled to go but in his turn. In Peru, the number called out must not exceed the seventh part of the inhabitants in any district.' In New Spain, where the Indians are more numerous, it is fixed at four in the hundred.* During what time the labour of such Indians as are employed in agriculture continues, I have not been able to learn. [178] But in Peru, each mita, or division, destined for the mines, remains there six months; and while engaged in this service, a labourer never receives less than two shillings a day, and often earns more than double that sum.' No Indian, residiug '<* a greater distance than thirty miles from a m' is included in the mita, or division emplc working it;* nor are the inhabitanU of the k / country exposed now to certain destruction, as they were at first when under the dominion of the conquerors, by compellinix them to iremove from that warm climate to the joIO elevated i«. gioos where minerals abound. [179] The Indians who live in the principal towns are entirely sulject to the Spanish Uws and magistrates ; but in tiieir own villages they are governed by caziques, some of whom are the descendants of their ancient lords, others are named by the Spanish viceroys. These regu- late the petty afllbirs of the people under them. 'ik I RcGopiL Ub. vl tit xill. L 19. Solon, de Ind. Jure. U. lib.!. 0.6,7,9. 8 Becop. m. vL tit. xiii. 1. 8. Solon, lib. L c 7. No. 41, &c . 3 Recop. Ub. vl. tiL xii. L 81. 4 Recop. Kb. vi. I. it. 6 Vltos Entreten. S65. 866. e Recop. liU vi. tit xiL L a 7 RecopU. Ub, Tl. tit xa L S9. tit I L 11 according to maxima of Justice transmitted to them by tradition from 'bsir ancestors. To the Indians this Jurisdiction, lodged in such friendly hands, affords some consolation ; and so little formidable is this dignity to their new masters, that they often allow it to descend by hereditary right.* For the further relief of men so much exposed to oppression, the Spanish court has appointed an officer in every district with the title of Protector of the Indians. It is his function, as the name Implies, to assert the rights of the Indians; to appear as their de- fender in the courts of Justice; and, by the in- terposition of bis authority, to set bounds to the encroachments and exactions of his country- men.* A certain portion of the reserved fourth of the annual tribute Is destined for the salary of the caziques and protectors ; another is ap- plied to the maintenance of the clergy employ- ed in the Instruction of the Indians. '° Another part seems to be appropriated for the benefit of the Indians themselves, and is applied for the payment of their tribute in years of famine, or when a particular district is affected by any ex- traordinary local calamity." Besides this, pro- vision is made by various laws, that hospitals shall be founded In every new settlement for the reception of Indians." Such hospitals have accordingly been erected, both for the indigent and infirm, in Lima, in Cuzco, and in Mexico, where the Indians are treated with tenderness and humanity." Such are the leading prlncip^ in the juris- prudence and policy by which the Indians are now governed in the provinces belonging to Spain. In those regulations of the Spanish monarohs, we discover no traces of that cruel system of extt.-mination, which they have been iiarged with adopting ; and if we a^nit that the icessity of securing subsistence for their colo- nies, or the advantages derived from working the mines, give them a right to avail themaelvcs of the labour of the Indians, we must allow, that the attention with which they regulate and re- compense that labour is provident and sagacious. In no code of law* is greater solicitude display- ed, or precautions multiplied with more prudent concern, for the preservation, the security, and the happiness of the subject, than we discover in the collection of the Spanish laws for the In- dies. But those latter r^ulations, like the more early edicts which have been already mentioned, have too often proved ineffectual remedies against the evils which they were intended to prevent. In every age, if the same causes continue to 8 Solon, de Jure Ind. lib j. c. 86. Recopil lib. vL tit viL 9 Solon, lib. L c. 17. p. 801. Recop. lib. vi. tit vi. 10 Recop. Ub. vl. Ut v. L 30. tit xvl. L 18-15. 11 Recopil. lib. vi; tit iv.Lia 18 Id. Ub. i. tit iv. 1. I, &c. 13 Voy. de Ulloa, i. 439, 500. Churchill, iv, 490. DK VIII. AMERICA. 257 lusmittcd to CMtors. To ged In ■uoh ulation ; and their new 1 detMDd by ler relief of the Spaniah rery dletriot Indians. It es, to aaiert r ae their de- , by the in- oundi to the lis country- crved fourth r the aalary lother is ap- rgy employ- ."> Another he benefit of plied for the f famine, or 1 by any ex- lesthis, pro- hat hospitals ittlement for loepitals have the indigent I in Mexico, h tenderness in the juris- Indians are belonging to the Spanish if that cruel )y have been dmit that the ir their colo- working the ihemseWes of allow, that date and re- nd sagacious, nde display- acre prudent msurity, and we discover s for the In- like the more f mentioned, iSdies against to prevent. I continue to I lib. vL tit vil. vi. tit Ti. 2—15. , iv. 490. operate, the same tifects must follow. From the immense distance between the power In- trusted with the execution of laws, and that by whose authority they are enncted, the vigour even of the most absolute government must re- lax, and the dread of a superior, too remote to observe with accuracy or to punish with des- patch, must insensibly abate. Notwithstanding tbe numerous injunctions of the Spanish ipi>- naroh, the Indians still suffer, on many occa- sions, both from the avai-ice of individuals, and from the exactions of the magistrates who ought to have protected them ; unreasonable tasks are imposed ; the term of their labour is. prolonged beyond the period fixed by law, and they groan under' many of the insults apd wrongs which are the lot of a dependent people. [180] From some information on which I can depend, such oppression abounds more ii^ Peru than in any other colony. But it is not gener- aL According to the accounts even of those authors who are most disposed to exaggerate the sufferings of the Indians, they, in several pro- vinces, enjoy not only ease but affluence ; they possess large farms ; they are masters of numer- ous herds and flocks ; and, by the knowledge which they have acquired of European arts and industry, are supplied not only with the neces- saries but with many luxuries of life." After explaining the form of civil government In the Spanish colonies, and the state of the various orders of persons sulject to it, the peca- liaUties in tfaeir ecclesiastical constitution merit consideration. Notwithstanding the supersti- tious veneration with which the Spaniards are devoted to the Holy See, the vigilant and jea- lous policy of Ferdinand eariy prompted him to take precautions against the introduction of the Papal dominion in America. With this view, he solicited Alexander VI. for a grant to the crown of the tithes in all the newly-discovered countries,'* which he obtained on condition of bis making provision for the religious instruc- tion of the natives. Soon after Julius II. oon- fierred on him, and his successors, the right of patronage, and the absolute disposal of all eccle- siastical benefices there." But these Pontiffs, unacquainted with the value of what he de- manded, bestowed these donations with an in- considerate llberjillty, which their successors have often lamented, and wished to recall. In consequence of those grants, the Spanish mo- narehs have become in effect the heads of the American church. In them the administration of its revenues is vested. Their nomination of persons to supply vacant benefices is instantly confirmed by the Pope, llius, In all Spanish It Otge'B Survey, p. «», 00, 1(H, 110, &c. 15 BuUb Alex. VI. A.U. 1501, ap. Solorx, dc Jure Ind. II. p. 408. 10 Bulla Juai II. t). 15in, np. Solon, de Jure Ind, 11. 501). America, authority of every species centres in the crown. There no collision is known between spiritual and temporal jurisdiction. The King is the only superior, his name alone is heard oi^ and no dependence upon any foreign power has been Introduced. Papal bulla ('.annot be ad- mitted into America, nor are they of any force there until they have been previously examined and approved of by the ru^al council of the In- dies ;" and if any bull should be surreptitiously introduced and circulated in America without obtaining that approbat' i, ecclesiastics are re- quired not only to prevek.. it from taking effect, but to seize all the copies of It, and transmit them to the council of the Indies." To this limiution of the Papal jurisdiction, equally singular, whether we consider the age and na- tion in which it was d: .'ised, or the jealous at- tention with which Ferdinand and his succes- sors have studied to maintain it in full force," Spain is indebted, in a great measure, for the uniform tranquillity which has reigned in her American dominions. The hierarchy is established in America in the same form as in Spain, with its full train of archbishops, bishops, deans, and other digni- taries. The inferior clergy are divided into three classes, under the denomination of Cunu, Doctrmeros, and ' Miuimteros. The first are parish priests In those parts of the country where the Spaniards have settled. The second have the charge of such districts as are inhabited by Indians suljected to the Spanish govern- ment, and living under its protection. The third are employed in Instructing and converting those fiercer tribes which disdain submission to the Spanish yoke, and live in remote or inaccessible regions to which the Spanish arms have not penetrated. So numerous are the ecclesiastics of all those various orders, and such the profuse liberality with which many of them are en- dowed, that the revenues of the church in AmM-ica are immense. The Romish superati- tiun appears with its utmost pomp In the New World. Churches and convents there are mag- nificent, and richly adorned ; and on high festi- vals, the display of gold and silver, and precious stones, is such as exceeds the conception of a European.** An ecclesiastical establishment so splendid and extensive is unfavourable, as has been formerly observed, to the progress of rising colonies ; but in countries where riches abound, and the people are so delighted with parade that religion must assume it in order to attract their veneration, this propensity to oatenta' tlon has been Indulged, and becomes less perni cious. 17 Reeopil. lib, i. tit ix. L S. and Autai del Comejo de lai Inillas, clxl. 18 Recop. lib. 1. tit vil. I. 55, 19 Id. lib. I. tit vil. I. 55. pkMim. 20 Vojr. de Ulloa, i. 430. LI M m 258 HISTORY OP [Book VIH. The early inatltution of raonuterlea In the Spanish coionlee, and the inconiiderate zeal in multiplying them, have been attended with con- eequences more fatal. In every new settlement, the firet object ehould be to encourage popula- tion, and to incite every citizen to contribute to- wards augmenting the number and etrength of the community. During the youth and vigour ef society, while there Is room to spread, and sustenance is procured with facility, mankind increase with amazing rapidity. But the Spa- niards had hardly taken possession of America, when, with a most preposterous policy, they began to erect convents, where persons of both sexes were shut up, under a vow to defeat the purpose of nature, and to counteract the first of her laws. Influenced by a misguided piety, which ascribes transcendent merit to a state of celibacy, or allured by the prospect of that list- less ease which in sultry climates is deemed su- preme-felicity, numbers crowded into those mansions of sloth and superstition, and are lost to society. As none but persons of Spa- nish extract are admitted Into the monasteries of the New World, the evil is more sensibly felt, and every monk or nun may be consi- dered as an active person withdrawn from civil life, llie Impropriety of such foundations In any situation where the extent of territory requires additional hands to improve It, Is so obvious, that some Catholic states have expressly pro- hibited any person in their colonies from taking the monastic vows.' Even the Spanish mo- narchs, on some occasions, seem to have been alarmed with the spreadingof a spirit so adverse to the increase and prosperity of their colonies, that they have endeavoured to check it.* But the Spaniards in America, more thoroughly un- der the Influence of superstition than their coun- trymen In Europe, and directed by ecclesiastics more bigoted and illiterate, have conceived such a high opinion of monastic sanctity, that no re- gulations can restrain their zeal ; and, by the excess of their ill judged bounty, religious houses have multiplied to a degree no less amazing than pernicious to society. [181] In viewing the state of colonies, where not only the number but Influence of ecclesiastics is so great, the character of this powerful body is an object that merits particular attention. A considerable part of the secular clergy in Mexico and Peru are natives of Spain. As persons long accustomed, by their education, to the re- tirement and indolence of academic life are more incapable of active enterprise, and less disposed to strike into new paths than any order of men, the ecclesiastical adventurers by whom the Ame- I Voy. de Unos, ii. 124. S Herrera, dec. v. lib. Ix. c. 1, 8. Hecop. Illi. L tit 111. I. I, S: tit iv. c. ii. Solon. Ub. iii. c. sa rican church Is recruited, are commonly such as, from merit or rank In life, have little prospect of success in their own country. Accordingly, the secular priests in the New World are still less distinguished than their brethren in Spain for literary accomplishments of any species ; and though, by the ample provision which has been made for the American church, many «f its membera enjoy the ease and independence which are favourable to the cultivation of sci- ence, the body of secular clergy has hardly, dur- ing two centuries and a half, produced one au- thor whose works convey such useful informa- tion, or possess such a degree of merit, as to be ranked among those which attract the attention of enlightened nations. But the greatest part of the ecclesiastics In the Spanish settlements are regulars. On the discovery of America, a new field opened to the pious zeal of the monas- tic ordera ; and, with a becoming alacrity, they Immediately sent forth' missionaries to labour In it. The first attempt to instruct and convert the Americans was made by monks; and as soon as the conquest of any province was com- pleted, and its ecclesiastical establishment be- gan to assume some form, the Popes permitted the missionaries of the four mendicant orders, as a rewai-d for their services, to accept of paro- chial charges in America, to perform all spiritual functions, and to receive the tithes and other emoluments of the benefice, without depending on the jurisdiction of the biihop of the diocess, or being subject to his censures. In consequence of this, a new career of usefulness, as well as new objects of ambition, presented themselves. Whenever a call is made for a fresh supply of missionaries, men of the most ardent and aspir- ing minds, impatient under the restraint of a cloister, weary of its insipid uniformity, and fatigued with the irksome repetition of its frivolous functions, offer their service with eagerness, and repair to the New World in quest of liberty and distinction. Nor do they pursue distinction without success. The highest eccle- siastical honoun, as well as the most lucrative preferments in Mexico and Peru, are often in the hands of ivgulara ; and it is chiefly to the monastic ordera that the Americans are indebted for any portion of science which is cultivated among them. They are almost the only Spa- nish ecclesiastics from whom we have received any accounts either of the civil or natural histo- ry of the various provinces in America. Some of them, though deeply tinged with the indelible superstition of their profession, have published books which give a favourable idea of their abili- ties. The natural and moral history of the New World, by the Jesuit Acosta, contains more accurate observations, perhaps, and more sound science, than are to be found In any de- scription of remote countries published in the sixteenth century. 3uoK VIII. imonljr lueh at, little prospect Accordingly, tVorld an Mill hren in Spain r any speoiet ; lion which ha* turcb, many «t' I independence ivation of eci- aa hardly, dur- tduced one au- iseful informa- nerit, as to be ;t the attention e greatest part ish settlements of America, a il of the monas- g alacrity, they 'ies to labour in ct and convert monks; and as 'ince was com- ablishment be- 'opes permitted ndicant orders, accept of paro- irm all spiritual tbes and other hout depending of the diocess, In consequence less, as well as ted themselves, fresh supply of dent and aspir- restraint of a niformity, and ^petition of its service with World in quest do they pursue le highest eccle- I most lucrative , are often in chiefly to the ms are indebted ih is cultivated the only Spa- e have received r natural bisto- Biarica. Some ith the indelible have published ta of their abili- history of the costa, contain* baps, and more und in anyde- ublishbd in the AMERICA. 869 But the same disguit with monaatio life, to which America i* indebted for lome instructor* of worth and abilltie*, Ailed It with other* of a very different character. The giddy, the proflU gate, the avaricious, to whom the poverty and rigid discipline of a convent are intolerable, eon- alder a mlsaion to America a* a release iVom mortification and bondage. There they soon obtain tome parochial charge ; and far removed, by tbeir aituatlon, from the inspection of their monastic superiors, and exempt, by tbeir char- acter, from the Jurisdiction of tbeir dioce* aan,' tbey are hardly aubjected to any control. According to the testimony of the most sealou* catholics, many of the regubr clergy In the Spaniah aettlement* are not only deatltute of the virtue* becoming their profeealon, butregardlea* of that external decorum and respect for the opinion of mankind, which preaerve a eemblance of worth where the reality I* wanting. Secure of impunity, aome regular*. In contempt of their vow of poverty, engage openly In commerce, and are ao rapaciously eager In amauing wealth, that they become the most grievous oppre**or* of the Indian* whom it wa* their duty to have protected. Others, with no less flagrant viola- tion of their vow of chastity, indulge with little disguise in the most dissolute licentiousness. [182] Various scheme* have been propoaed for re- dressing enormltie* *o manifeat and so offensive. Several persons, no less eminent for piety than discernment, have contended, that the regulars, in conformity to the canons of the church, ought to be confined within the walls of their clois- ters, and should no longer be permitted to en- croach on the functions of the secular clergy. Some public-spir]|ed magistrates, from convic- tion of its being necessary to deprive the regu- lar* of a privilege bestowed at first with good intention, but of which time and experience had discovered the pernicious effects, openly countenanced the secular clergy in their attempts to assert their own rights. The prince D'£s- quilache, viceroy of Peru under Philip III., took measures so decisive and effectual for cir- cumscribing the regulars within their proper aphere as struck them with general consterna- tion. [183] They bad recourse to their usual arts. They alarmed the superstitiou*, by repre- *enting the proceedings of the viceroy as inno- vations fatal to religion. They employed all the refinements of intrigue In order to gain per- sons in power ; and seconded by the powerful influence of the Jesuits, who clidmed and en- Joyed all the privileges which belonged to the Mendicant order* in America, they made a deep impreaaion on a bigoted prince aud a weak mi- nistry. The ancient practice was tolerated. The abuses which it occasioned continued to in- 3 AvendanoTlicf. Indie. iL 2S3 crease, and tba corruption of monks, exempt from the rcstraiuU of discipline, and the In- spection of any superior, became a disgrace to religion. At Ust, as the veneration of the Spaniards for the monastic orders began to abate, and the power of the Jesuiu was on the decline, Ferdinand VI. ventured to apply the only effectual remedy, by l**ulng an edict [June 83, 1757,] prohibiting regulars of every deno- mination firom taking the charge of any parish with the cure of soul* ; and declaring that on the demlae of the present Incumbents, none but secular priests, subject to the Jurisdiction of their diocesans, shall be presented to vacant bene- fices.* If this regulation i* carried Into execu- tion with ateadiness in any degree proportion- al to the wisdom with which It is framed, a very considerable reformation may take place in the ecclesiastical state of Spanish America, and the secular clergy may gradually become a re- spectable body of men. The deportment of many ecclesiastics, even at present, seems to ha decent and exemplary ; otherwise we can hard- ly suppose that they would be held in such high estimation, and possess such a wonderful as- cendant over the minds of their counti'ymen throughout all the Spanish settlements. But whatever merit the Spanish Ecclesiastics in America may possess, the success of their en- deavour* in communicating the knowledge of true religion to the Indian*, ha* been more im- perfect than might have been expected, either from the degree of their xeal, or from the domi • nion which they had acquired over that people. For this, various reasons may be assigned. The first missionaries. In tbeir ardour to make prose- lytes, admitted the people of America into the Christian church without previous instruction in the doctrines of religion, and even before they themselves bad acquired such knowledge in the Indian language, as to be able to explain to the na- tive* the myeteriei of faith, or the precepts of du- ty. Resting upon a subtle distinction in scholas- tic theology, between that degree of assent which is founded on a complete knowledge and convic- tion of duty, and that which may be yielded when both theae are imperfect, they adopted this strange practice, no less inconsistent with the spirit of a religion which addresses itself to the understanding of men, than repugnant to the dictates of reason. As soon as any body of peo- ple, overawed by dread of the Spanish power, moved by the example of tbeir own chiefs, in- cited by levity, or yielding from mere ignorance, expressed the slightest desire of embracing the religion of tbeir conquerors, they were instant- ly baptiied. While this rage of conversion con- tinued, a single clergyman baptized In one day above five thousand Mexicans, and did not de- 4 Real CeduU MS. penes me. m m HISTORY OF [DooK VIII. ■Ut until h« irn* ■<> ntisusled by fiitlgu* that he was unnbie to lift hit bandi.* In the eonne of a feir yean after the reduction of the Mexi- can empire, the •aerament of baptlun waa ad- mlnittcred to more than f((ur miUione.* Proie- lytaa adopted with luoh inoonslderate haate, and who Were ntlther Inetructed in the na^ tiire of the tenet* to which It waa luppoaed they had given aMcnt, nor taught the abaurdity of those which they were required to relinquith, retained their veneration for their ancient lu- perstltlont in full feroe, or mingled an attach- ment to Its doetrtnea and rite* with that slender knowledge of Christianity which they had ac- quired. These sentiment* the new convert* transmitted to their poaterlty, into whose minds they have sunk so deep, that the Spanish eccle* aiastics, with all their Industry, have not been able to eradicate them. The religious institu- tions of their anccators, are still remembered and held in honour by many of the Indians, both in Mexico and Peru ; and whenever they think themselves out of reach of inspection by the Spaniard* they assemble and celebrate their idolatrous rites.' But this is not the moat unsurmountable ob- atade to the progrew of Christianity among the Indians. The powers of their uncultivated un- derstandings are so limited, their observationa and reflections reach so little beyond the mere ohject* of sense, that they teem hardly to have the capacity of forming abstract ideaa, ar.J poa- acta not language to expreaa tbem. To tueb men the tubllme and apiritual doctrineaof Chri»- tianity muat be, In a great meatnre, incompre- hentlble. The numeroui and aplendid cere- moniet of the Poplth worthip catch the eye, pleaae and interett them; but when their inttructora attempt to explain the article* of faith with which those external observance* are connected, though the Indian* may litten with patience, they to little conceive the mean- ing of what they bear, that their acquieicenoe doei not merit the name of belief. Their indif- ference i* btiU greater than their incapacity. At* teutive only to the present moment, and en- grossed by the objects before them, the Indiana to teldom reflect upon what is past, or take thought for what is to come, that neither the promisee nor threats of religion make much Im- pression upon them ; and while their foresight rarely extends so far aa the next day. It is almost impossible to inspire them with solicitude about the concern* of a future world. Aatonished equally at their slownes* of comprehension, and at their insensibility, some of the early mlsslon- I P. Torribio, MS. Torqucm. iland. Ind. lib, xvi. c. 0. » Torribio, MS. Torqucm. lib. xvl c. 8. a Voy. dc Ulkw, i. 3il. Torqucm. lib. xv. r. -a. lib. xvi. c. 28. Gage, 171. arlet pronounced them a race of men to brutish at to be Incapable of underttanding the first prin> ciplea of religion. A council held at Lima de- creed, that, on account of thii incapacity, they ought to he excluded firom the tacrament of the Eucharitt.* Though Paul III., by hit fhmout bull litued In the year ISS?, declared them to be rational creaturet entitled to all the prlvileget of Chrlttlant ;* yet, after the lapse of two centuries, during which they have been membeit of the church, to imperfect are their attainmenta in knowledge that very few poetett tuch a portion of tplritual ditcemraent aa to be deemed worthy of being admitted to the holy communion.* From thit idea of their incapacity and imperfect knowledge of religion, when the zeal of Philip il. eatabllthcd the inquisition In America in the year ISTO, the Indians were exempted from the Jurisdiction of that severe tribunal,' and still continue under the Inspection of their diocesans. Even after the most perfect Instruction, their faith is held to be feeble and dubious; and though some of them have been taught the learn- ed languages, and have gone through the ordi- nary course of academic education with aoplanse, their r.'ailti' Is still so much suspected, that few Indiana are either ordained priests, or received into any religious order.* [184.] From this brief survey tome idea may be formed of the Interior ttate of the Spanith colo- nlet. The varlout produotiont with which they lupply and enrich the mother country, and the tyitem of commercial intercourse between them, come next in order to be explained. If the do- minion* of Spain in the New 'World had been of tuch moderate extent at bore a due proportion to the parent ttate, the progret* of her colonising might have been attended with the tame benefit at that of other nationt. But when, in leti than halt a century, her inconsiderate rapacity had seized on countries larger than all Europe, her inability to flU such vast regiona with a number of inhabitants sufficient for the cultiva- tion of them waa so obvious, at ttf give a wrong direction to all the efforU of the ooIonisU. They did not form compact aettlements, where Indut- try, circumtcrlbed within proper limltt, both in itt viewa and operationt, it conducted with that tober persevering apirit which gradually con- verta whatever is in Its poatetaion to a proper ute, and derives thence the greateat advantage. Inttead of thit, the Spaniardt, teduoed by the boundleta protpect which opened to them, di- vided their pottestiont in America into govem- menta of great extent. Aa their number waa too email to attempt the regular culture of the 4 Torquem. lib. xvi. c. !0. 5 Id. lib. xvl. c 8S. Garcia Origin. 311. 6 Voy. de Ulloa, i. 34.3. T Reeop. lib. vi, lit. i. I, 35. R Torquem, lit), xvii, c. 13. A OK VIII. in M brutUh ;he flrst prill- It Lima de- ipacity, they unent of the J hU flimoui d them to be I priviteget of irocenturici, mbcrs of the tainmentt in iich a portion emed worthy communion.* md imperfect ceal of Philip America in Ecmpted from inal,' and lUll eir dioccMni. ruction, their iubiooi; and ght the learn- >ugh the ordi- irithavplauM, sted, that few s, or received idea may be Spanieta colo- ith which they wtry, and die lietween them, d. If the d»- orldliad lieen lue proportion her colonising e same l>enefit when, in less lerate rapacity mail Europe, fgions with a br the oultlva- I give a wrong olonisU. They where indus- iimits, both in cted with that gradually con- m toa proper est advantage, leduoed by the d to them, di- ca into govem- r number waa culture of the AMERICA. •n III. lib. vi. tkt. I. .35. immanee provinces which they occupied rather than peopled, they bent their attention to a few objects that allured them with hopes of sudden and exorbitant gain, and turned away with con- tempt from the humbler paths of Industry, wliich lead more slowly, but with greater cer- tainty, to wealth and increase of national strciigtii. Uf all the methods by which riches may be acquired, that of searching for the precious me- tals is one of the most Inviting to men who are either unaccustomed to the regular assiduity with which the culture of the earth and the operations of commerce must be carried on, or who are so enterprising and rapacious as not to Ite satisfied with the gradual returns of profit which they yield. Accordingly, as soon as the several countries In America were subjected to the dominion of Spain, this was almost the only method of acquiring wealth which occurred to the adventurers by whom they were conquered. Such provinces of the continent as did not allure tliom to settle, by the prospfot of their aifording gold and sliver, were totally neglected. I'hose in which they met with a disappointment of the sanguine expectations they had formed, were abandoned. Even the value of the islands, the first fruits of their discoveries, and the first ol>- Ject of their attention, sunit so much in their estlmiitlon, when the mines which had been opened in them were exhausted, that they were deserted by many of the planters, and left to be occupied by more industrious possessors. Ail crowded to Mexico and Peru, where the quan- tities of gold and silver found among the natives, who searched for them with little industry and less aicill, promised an unexhausted store, as the recompense of more intelligent and persevering elforts. During several years, the ardour of their re- searches was kept up by hope rather than suc- cess. At length, the rich silver mines of Potosi hi Peru were accidentally discovered in the year 1545' by an Indian, as he was clambering up the mountains in pursuit of a llama which had strayed from his floclc. Soon after, the raiucs of Sacotecas in New Spain, little inferior to the other In value, were opened. From that time successive dlsooveries have been made in lioth colonies, and silver mines are now so nu- merous, that the working of them, and of some few mines of gold in the province* of Tierra Firme, and the new kingdom of Granada, has become the capital occupation of the Spaniards, and is reduced into a system no less complicated than interesting. To describe the nature of the various ores, the mode of extracting them from the bowels of the earth, and to explain the seve- ral processes by which the metals are separated Fcniandtii, i>. I. lib. xi. r. II. ft-om the substances with which they are min- gled, either by the action of fire, or the attrac- tive power* of mercury, I* the province of the natural philosopher or chymlst, rather than of the historian. The exuberant profusion with which the mountain* of the New World poured forth their treaaure* astonished mankind, who had been accustomed hitherto to receive a penurious supply of the precious metal* from the more scanty stores contained iu the mines of the an- cient hemisphere. According to principles of computation, which appear to be extremely mo- derate, the quantity of gold and sliver that has been regularly entered in the ports of Spain, is equal in value to four millions sterling annually, reckoning from the year 1408, In which America was discovered, to the present time. This, in two hundred and eighty-three years, amount* to eleven hundred and thirty-two millions. Im- mense as this sum is, the Spanish writers con- tend, that as much more ought to be addpd to It in consideration of treasure which has been ex- tracted from the mines, and Imported fraudu- lently into Spain without paying duty to the King. By this account, Spain has drawn from the New World a supply of wealth amounting at least to two thousand millions of pounds ster- ling. [185]" The mines, which have yielded this amazing quantity of treasure, are not worier became immense. They range over the vast plains which extend from Buenoe Ayres to- wards the Andes, in herds of thirty or forty thousand ; and the unlucky traveller who once fails In among them, may proceed several days before he can disentangle himself from among the crowd that covers the face of the earth, and seems to have no end. They are hardly leas nu- merous in New Spain, and In several other pro- vinces : they are killed merely for the sake of their hides ; and the slaughter at certain seasons is so great, that the stench of the carcases, which are left in the field, would infect the air, If large packs of wild dogs, and vast flocks of gallinazoi, or American vultures, the most voracious of all the feathered kind, did not instantly devour them. The number of those hides exported in every fleet to Europe, Is very great, and is a lucrative branch of commerce.* Almost all these may l>e considered as staple commodities peculiar to America, and different, if we except that last mentioned, from the pro- ductions of the mother country. When the importation into Spain of those va- rious articles from her colonies first became ac- tive and considerable, lier Interior Industry and manufactures 'vvi'ts in a state so prosperous, that with the product of these she was able both to purchase the commodities of the New World, and to answer its growing demands. Under the reigns of Ferdinand and Isaliella, and Charles V., Spain was one of the most industri- ous countries In Europe. Her manuthctures In wool, and flax, and silk, were so extensive, as not only to furnish what waa sufficient for her own consumption, but to afford a surplus for exportation. When a market for them , former- ly unknown, and to which she alone had access, n Oviedo ap. Ramui. IlL 101. B. Haklujrt, iU. 466. 511. 4 Actwts. lib. iU. c. 3a Ovallo Hilt of Chill. Church. Collect iii. 47. lept. Ibid. *. p. flSO, 002. Lettret Edif. slit. 835. Feuille, 1. 846. opened In America, she had recourse to her do- mestic store, and found there an abundant sup- ply. [187) This new emplojment must natu- rally have added vivacity to the splni nf Indus- try. Nourished and Invigorated by it, the m«. nufactures, the population, and wealth of Spain, might have gone on increasing In the same pro- portion with the growth of her colonies. Nor waa the state of the Spanish marine at this pe- riod lesa flourishing than that of its manufac- tures. In the beginning of the sixteenth centu- ry, Spain Is said to have poesessed above a thou- sand merchant ships,* a number probably far superior to that of any nation In Europe In that age. By the aid which foreign trade and do- mestic Industry give reciprocally to each other in their progress, the augmentation of both must have been rapid and extensive, and Spain might have received the same accession of opulence and vigour from her acquisitions In the New World that other powera have derlted from their colo- nies there. But various causes prevented this. The sama thing happens to nations as to Individuals. Wealth, which flows in gradually, and with moderate increase, feeds and nourishes that ac- tivity which Is friendly to commerce, and calia It forth into vigorous and well conducted exer- tions ; but when opulence pours in suddenly, and with too full a stream, it overturns all sa- ber plans of Industry, and brings along with it« taste for what Is wild and extravagant and dar- ing in business or in action. Such was the great and sudden augmentation of power and revenue that the possession of America brought into Spain ; and some symptoms of its pernici- ous influence upon the political operations of that monarchy soon l>egan to appear. For a considerable time, however, the supply of trea- sure from the New World waa scanty and pr»- carious ; and the genius of Charles V. conducted public measures with such prudence, that the effects of this influence were little perceiv- ed. But when Philip II. ascended the Spanish throne, with talents far inferior to thoee of his father, and remittances from the colonies be- came a regular and considerable branch of reve- nue, the fatal operation of this rapid change in the state of the kingdom, both on the monarch and hia people, was at once conspicuous. Philip, possessing that spirit of unceasing assiduity which often characterizes the ambition of men of moderate talents, entertained such a high opinion of his own resources that he thought nothing too arduoua for him to undertake. Shut up himself in the solitude of the Escurial, he troubled and annoyed all the nations around him. He waged open war with the Dutch and English ; he encouraged and aided a rebellious 5 Campomanct, ii. 140. m m ,M illSTOU Y OI- [UOOK VIII. Action In Knne«; ht oonqiimd I'ortufal, and m«inuln«tl u-mlM and garriMni In Italy, Afri- ca, and both the IndlM. Uy lueh a mulllplloi- ly oi (Ttat and complicatad optrations, punuad wlili ardour during tha courM of a long rcign, Spain waa dralnad both of men and :.ion«y. Vu- d«r tha wiak admlnlttration of hia luccMaor, Philip III. [A. n. 1811], tha vigour of tha na- tion oontlnuad to dwraaaa, and tunk Into tha lowMt daelina, whan tha incomldarata bigotry of that monarch txp«ii«d at once near a million of hia moat Induitrioua lul^ecte, at tha very time whan tha exhauatad atate of the kingdom requir- ed eome extrnordinary eaertlon of political wla- dom to augment .ita numben, and to revive Ita alrength. Early in tha leventeentb oantury, Spain felt luch a diminution in tha number of her people, that from inabiiliy to recruit her armlea •he waa obliged to contract her operatlona. Her flouriahing manufaoturee ware fallen into decay. Her fleeta, which had been the terror of all Eu- rope, were ruined. Her estenalve foreign com- merce waa loet. The trade between diiferent parte of her own domlnlone waa Interrupted, and tha ■hipe which attempted to carry it on were taken and plundered by cnemiee whom aha once dea- pieed. Even agriculture, the primary ol^ect of induatry in every proeperoua atate, waa neglect- ed, and one of the moet fertile countriea in Eu- rope hardly raiaed what waa auffldent for the eupport of ita own inhabitanla. In proportion aa the population and manu- ftusturea of the parent atate declined, the d*> manda of her coloniee continued to increaae. The Spaniarde, like their monarche, Intozioated with the wealth which poured in annually upon them, deeerted the patha of Induitry to whleh they had been accuatomed, and repaired with eagemeee to those regions from which this opu- lence issued. By this rage of emigration ano- ther drain was opened, and the strength of the coloniee augmented by exhausting that of the mother country. Ail thoae emigrants, as wall ■a the adventurers who had at first settled In America, depended abaolutely upon Spain for almoat every article of necesaary consumption. Engaged in more alluring and lucrative pqr- auite, or prevented by reatralnts which govern- ment impoeed, they could not turn their own attention towards eetablishing the manufactures requisite for comfortable aubeiatence. Tliay re- ceived (aa I have observed in another place) their clothing, their fumitnre, whatever minia- ters to the ease or luxury of life, and even their instruments of labour, fi«m Europe. Spain, thinned of pei^le and deoreaaing In industry, waa unable to supply their growing demands. She had reeonrae to her nelghbonrs. The manu- factures of the Low Countriee, of England, of France, and of Italy, which her wanta called into existence or animated with new vivacity, furnished in abundance whatever site required. In vain did the fundamental law, roiieernlngthe •xcluRlon of foreigners from trailM with Ameri- ca, oppose this innovation. Neeeeslty, more powerful than any statue, defeated iu operation, and constrained the Spaniarde themselvee to concur in eluding It. The English, the French, an-' >uteh, relying on the fldelity and honour of hj Ish merehanle, who lend their namea to cover ihe deceit, send out their manufacturea to America, and receive the exorbitant price for which they are sold there, either in specie, or in the rich commoditiee of the New World. Nei- ther the dread of danger nor the allurement of profit ever induced a Spanish factor to betray or defraud the person who confided in him ;' and that probity, which Is the pride and distinction of tha nation, contributee to Its ruin. In a short time, not above a twentieth part of the commodities exported to America waa of Spa- nish growth or fabric* All the rest was the pro- perty of foreign merchants, though entered in the name of Spaniards. The treasure of the New World may be said henceforward not to have belonged to Spain. Before It reached Eu- rope it waa anticipated aa tha price of goods purchased from foreigners. That wealth whleh by an internal circulation, would have spread through each vein of industry, and have convey- ed life and movement to every branch of manu- facture, Mowed out of the kingdom with such a rapid course aa neither enriched nor animated it. On the other hand, the artisans of rival nations, encouraged by this quick sale of their commodities, Improved so much in skill and in- dustry as to be able to aiford them at a rate so low, that the nutnufacturea of Spain, which could not vie with theire either In quality or cheapneee of work, were still further depressed. This destructive commerce drained off the riuhee of the nation faster and more completely than even the extravagant schemee of ambition carried on by its monarchs. Spain was so much astonished and distressed at beholding her Ame- rican treasures vanish almost as soon aa they were imported, that Fhillp III., unable to sup- ply what was requisite in circulation, issued an edict, by which he endeavoured to raise copper money to a value in currency nearly equal to that of silver ;* and the lord of the Peruvian and Mexican minea waa reduced to a wretched expedient, which is the last resource of petty Impoverished statee. Thus the possessions of Spain in America have not proved a source of population and of wealth to her In the same manner aa those of other nations. In the countries of Europe, where the spirits of industry subsists in full vi- gour, every person settled in such colonies as are I Zavala Rcproentacion, p. 836. 8 Caropomanct, ii. ISH. 3 Uitarei. c. lOt. OK VIII. iiMriiliin the ¥tth A mart- MMlty. mora iu opanillon, MmMlVN to , tht Frtnch, •nd honour leir namM to nMiufactuno untprico for I ipoolri or In WotM. Nii- Klluromcnl ol' r to betray or ill hlnii' Md id dkttlnotlon ruin. In • h part of the WM of Spa- It WM til* pro- fit ontered In reuuro of th« brward not to It raacbed Bu- prlM of goods t wtallh which Id havo spread idhaveconvey- aneh of manu- im with lueb a nor animated titan* of rival ik lale of their In tklU and In- im at a rate to f Spain, which ir In quality or rther depreeeed. rained off the more completely nee of ambition ain wai >o much oldlngher Ame- at ioon as they „ unable to sup- latlon, Issued an to raise copper nearly equal to of the Peruvian id to a wretched resource of petty pain In America Mpulatlon and of inner as those of tries of Europe, lubsisU in full vi- ich colonies as are Uitarei. c. lOt. AMERICA. SOfi •lalbr in their situation le those of Mpitlii U sup- posed to give employment to three ur I'uur at home in supplying bis want*.* Out wherevti th * mother country cannot alTunl this supply, every emigrant may be eonsldersd us n cltlirn lost to tlie eommuiiily, and strungeni must rsap I all the beneflt of answering bis demuiids. Bueh has been the interiinl state of Npulii from the class of the sixteenth century, and such her insbllily to supply tbs growing wants of her colonies. The faliil effvcis of llils dis- proportion between their demaixU, and her ca- pacity of answering them, huve been iiiuiJi in- creased by the mods in which iSpulii has eiidea- voiiri!ii to regulate th* iutercourae betwren the mother country and her colonies. It is from hsr Idea of monopolising th* trad* with Amsriua, and dsbarring her sul|)sct* ther* ttom any com- muoioatlon with foreigner*, that all her Jealou* and *y*t*matlo arrang*m*nts have arisen. Three an so ■Ingular in their nature and consequence* as to merit a particular explanation. In order to **oui« th* monopoly at which she aimed, Spain did not vest th« trade with her colonies In an exclusive company, a plan which has been adopt • •d by natloua more commercial, and at a period when mercantile policy was an ol^ect of greater attention, and ought to have been better under- etood. Th* Dutch gav* up th* whol* trad^ with their colonies, both in th* East and W««t Indl**, to axdustv* oompanie*. Th« English, th* French, th* Dan**, bar* imiutod thair ex- •mpl* with r**p*ot to th* East Indlaa com- n*ro* i and th* two former have laid a eiarilar roetralnt upon som* branch** of thdr trad* with th* N*w World. Th* wit of man cannot, p*r> hap*, devise a method for checking the p r og r eee of industry and population in a colony aner* af- feotual than till*. The interest of tii* colony, and of the exdueiv* company, au*t In •very point b* diaiMtriaaUy oppiMit* ; and a* th* lat- t*r po* i ea s ** MMh advantage* in thi* unequal eonteet, that it can prcwTib* at pleaaur* th* t*rma of inlereoura*, the former muat not only buy daar and aeU cheap, but muat auffer the mortlilratlon of having the lnor*a** of iu aur- plua atock dl*iourag*d by those Tory persons to whom alone it can dlqio** of it* produetloiia.* Spftin, it Is probable, waa preaerved from fall- ing Into tb>v error of policy by the high idea* which ah* early formed concerning the riehea of the New World. Gold and ailver were oom- modltiea of too high a value to vest a monopoly of them In privat* hands. Th* crown wislied to retain the direction of a commerce eo Invit- ing ; and, in order to secure that, erdained the cargo of every ship fitted out for America to be inspected by the offieera of the Caia dc Contra- 4 Child on Tnde and ColcniM. 5 Smith's Inquiry, U. 171. loclon in Nd villi' b«>rura it could receive a license to niski) the vuyagv | and that, on lie return, a i-fport of tbs commuilitica which It lirought should be made to tbe earns board before it could be permitted to land tb«m. In consr- quenee of thie regulation, all the trade of Spain with the New World cenirsd originally In the port of Seville, and was gradually brought Inic a form. In which It has been cuaductvd, with little variation, from the middle of the sixteenth i-enlury almost to our own times. I'or the grraler security of the valuable cargoes sent to Amrrlca, as well as for tbe more easy preven- tion of fraud, the <:amm«ri« of Spain with its colonies Is curried on by Herts which soil under strong convoys. These fleets, consisting of two squadrons, one distinguished by the name of th* GaU'uiit, th* other by that of the I'/uIn, are equipped annually. Formerly they took their depnrture (Vum Seville ; but lu the port of C'ndiz has been found more commndloiis, they iinve sailed from it since the year 17:30. ' The Gnlcoiis destined to supply TIerra I'lrmr, and the kingdoms of IVrii and Chill, with ul- moet every article of I' - n'yor ntfcrssnry con- sumption, that nn opulent people can demand, touch first at Carthagcna, niid then at I'orto Dello. To tbe formrr, thv inprchunts of Siiiitn Martha, Caraccas, the New Kingdom of Gra- nada, and several other provinces, resort. Tbe latter le the great mart for the rich commerce of Peru and Chill. At the season when the Ca- laona are expected, th« product of all tlie mine* in thaae two kliigdoma, together with their other valuable commoditlea. Is transported by tea to Panama. From thence, as soon as the appcornnre of the fleet from Europe Is aiinouiiceil, they nre conveyed across the Isthmus, partly on mules and partly down the river Chugre to I'orto Bcllo. This paltry village, the climate of n lilcb, from th* pernlcioua union of excessive heat, continual moisture, and the putrid cxbulntioiis arbing from a rank soil, is more fatal to I lie than any perhaps in the known world, Is imme- diately filled with people. From being the resi- dence of a few Negroes and Mullattocs, and^'of a miserable garrison relieved every three months, Porto Bello assume* suddenly a very different aspect, and iU streeU are crowded with opulent roerohanta from every comer of Peru and tho a4Jacent provinces. A fair Is opened, the wcoltii of America is exchanged fur the manufhctuies of Europe ; and, during iU prescribed term of forty days, the richest traffic on the face of tiu] earth is begun and finished with that simplicity of transaction, and that unbounded confidence, which accompany extensive commerce. [188] The Flota holds its course to Vera Cruz, The treasures and commodities of New Spain, and the depending provinces, which were depositeti at Puebia de loe Angeles, In expectatrnn of its arrival, are carried thither j and the commer- Mm m 266 HISTORY OF [Book VIH. U I ciol operations of Vera Cruz, conducted in the lame manner with thoM of Porto Bello, are in- ferior to tliem only in importance and value. Both fleeta, as soon as they have completed their cargoes from America, rendezTous at the Ha- Tanna, and return in company to Europe. The trade of Spain with her colonies, while thus fettered and restricted, came necessarily to be conducted with the same spirit, and upon the same principles as that of an exclusive company. Being confined to a single port, it was of course thrown into a few hands, and almost the whole of it was gradually engrossed by a small number of wealthy houses, formerly in Seville, and now in Cadiz. These by combinations, which they can easily form, may altogether prevent that competition which preserves commodities at their natural price ; and by acting in concert, to which they are prompted by their mutual in- terest, they may raise or lower the value of them at pleasure. In consequence of this, the price of European goods in America is always high, and often exorbitant. A hundred, two hundred, and even three hundred per cent., are profits not uncommon in the commerce of Spain with her colonies.' From the same engrossing spirit it frequently happens that traders of the second order, whose warehouses do not contain a complete assortment of commodities for the American market, cannot purchase from the more opulent merchants such goods as they want at a lower price than that for which they are sold in the colonies. With the same vigilant jealousy that an exclusive company guards against the intrusion of the firee trader, those overgrown monopolists endeavour to check the progress of every one whose encroachments they dread.' This restraint of the American com- merce to one port not only affects its domestic state, but limits its foreign operations. A mo- nopolist may acquire more, and certainly will hazard less, by a confined trade which yields ex- orbitant profit, than by an extensive commerce in which he receives only a moderate return of gain. It is often his interest not to enlarge, but to circumscribe the sphere of his activity ; and, instead of calling forth more vigorous exertions of commercial industry, it may be the object of his attention to check and set bounds to them. By some such maxim the mercantile policy of Spain seems to have regulated its intercourse with America. Instead of furnishing the colo- nies with European goods in such quantity as night render both the price and the profit mo- lerate, the merchants of Seville and Cadiz seem ^ have supplied them with a sparing hand, that the eagerness of competition, amongst customers 1 a Ullos Retabliu. part ii. p; 191. S Smith's Inquiry, 11. 171. Campomanoi, Educ, Ptipul. obliged to purchase in a scanty market, miglit enable the Spanish factors to dispose of their cargoes with exorbitant gain. About the mid- dle of the last century, when the exclusive trade to America from Seville was in its most flour- ishing state, the burden of the two united squa- drons of the Galeons and Flota did not exceed twenty-seven thousand five hundred tons.* Tlie supply which such a fleet could carry must have been very inadequate to the demands of those populous and extensive colonies, which depended upon it for all the luxuries and many of the ne- cessaries of life. Spain early became sensible of her declension from her former prosperity ; and many respect- able and virtuous citizens empioyed their thoughts in devising methods for reviving the decaying industry and commerce of their coun- try. From the violence of the remedies pro- posed, we may judge how desperate and fatal the malady appeared. Some, confounding a violation of police with criminality against the state, contended that, in order to check illicit commerce, every person convicted of carrying it on should be punished with death, and confisca- tion of all his effects.* Others, forgetting the distinction between civil offences and acts of Im- piety, insisted that contraband trade should be ranlced among the crimes reserved for the cog- nisance of the Inquisition ; that such as were guilty of it might be tried and punishea accord- ing to the secret and summary form in which that dreadful tribunal exercises its jurisdiction.* Others, uninstructed by observing the pernici- ous effects of monopolies in every country where they have been established, have proposed to vest the trade with America in exclusive companies, which interest would render the most vigilant guardians of the Spanish commerce against the encroachment of the interlopers.* Besides these wild projects, many schemes, better digeuted and more beneficial, were sug- gested. But under the feeble monarchs with whom the reign of the Austrian line in Spain closed, incapacity and indecision are conspicuous in every department of government. Instead of taking for their model the active administra- tion of Charles V., they affected to imitate thi cautious procrastinating wisdom of Philip II.; and destitute of his talents, they deliberated per- petually, but determined nothing. No remedy was applied to the evils under which the national commerce, domestic as well as foreign, lan- guished. These evils continued to increase ; and Spain, witii dominions more extensive and more opulent than any European state, possessed 3 Camponancs, Educ. Popul. i. 43S. ii. 14U. 4 M. (le Santa Cruz Commcrcia Suclto, p. 148. 5 Moncada Rettauracion politlra de Eapagns, p. 41. 6 Zavalla y Augnon Reprcientacion, &c. p. IIX). [Book VFII. nty market, miglit to dispose of their About the mid* the exclukive trade in Its most flour- le two united squa- Dta did not exceed lundred tons.* The lid carrjr must have demands of those es, which depended id many of the nc- e of her declension and many respect- s employed their Is for reviving the erce of their coun- the remedies pro- desperate and fatal ne, confounding a linality against the Jer to check illicit ricted of carrying it death, and confisca- bers, forgetting the nces and acts of im- Tid trade should be served for the cog- that such as were id punishea cccord- ary form in which ^eb its jurisdiction.* erving the pernici- very country where ave proposed to vest Kclusive companies, the most vigilant imerce against the Brs.' i», many schemes, sneflclal, were sug- l>le monarchs with trian line in Spain ion are conspicuous ernment. Instead active administra- ted to Imltete th« lom of Philip II.; ley deliberated per- bing. No remedy which the national I as foreign, Ian- nued to increase ; lore extensive and •can state, possessed 95. ii. 14U. uclto, p. 143. deEipagiia, p. 41, :lon, Ac. p. lUO, AMEBIC A. 267 neither vigour, nor money, [189] nor Indus- ' try At length, the violence of a great national convulsion roused the slumbering genius of Spain. The efforts of the two contending par- ties in the civil war kindled by the dispute con- cerning the succession of the crown at the be- ginning of the century, called forth, in some degree, the ancient spirit and vigour of the i.,t- tlon. While men were thus forming, tapable of adopting sentiments more liberal than those which had Influenced the councils of the mo- narchy during the course of a century, Spain de- rived from an unexpected source the means of availing itself of their talents. The various powers who favoured the pretensions either of the Austrian or Bourbon candidate for the Spanish throne, sent foiinidable fleets and ar- mies to their support; France, England, and Holland remitted immense sums to Spain. These were spent in the provinces which became the theatre of war. Part of the American trea- sure, of which foreigners had drained the king- dom, flowed back thither. From this era one of the most Intelligent Spanish authors dates the revival of the monarchy ; and, however humi- liating the truth may be, he acknowledjoinanca, i. 120. goods which they imported were conveyed to every province of Spanish America in such abundance as had never been known in any former period. If this intercourse had been continued, the exportation of European commo- dities from Spain must have ceased, and the de- pendence of the colonies on the mother country have been at an end. The most peremptory Injunctions were therefore Issued [I71S], prohU biting the admission of foreign vessels into any port of Peru or Chili;' and a Spanish squadron was employed to clear the South Sea of intrud- ers, whose aid was no longer necessary. But though, on the cessation of the war which was terminated by the treaty of Utrecht, Spain obtained relief from one encroachment on her commercial system, she was exposed to another which she deemed hardly less pernicious. As an inducement that might prevail with Queen Anne to conclude a peace, which France and Spain desired with equal ardour, Philip V. not oaly conveyed to Great Britain the Aiiiento, or contract for supplying the Spanish colonies with Negroes, which had formerly been enjoyed by France, but granted it the more extraordinary privilege of sending annually to the fair of Porto Bello a ship of five hundred tons, laden with European commodities. In consequence of this, British factories were established at Carthage- na, Panama, Vera Cruz, Buenos Ayres, and other Spanish settlements. liii> veil with which Spain had hitherto covered the state and ttims- actions of her colonies was removed. The agents of a rival nation, residing in the towns of most extensive trade, and of chief resort, had the best opportunities of becoming acquainted with the interior condition of the American provinces, of observing their stated and occasional wants, and of knowing what commodities might be im- ported Into them with the greatest advantage. In consequence of information ho authentic and expeditious, the merchants of Jamaica and other English colonies who traded to the Spanish main were enabled to assort and proportion their cargoes so exactly to the demands of the market, that the contraband commerce was carried on with a facility and to an extent unknown in any former period. This, how- ever, was not the most fatal consequence of the Assiento to the trade of Spain. The agents of the British South Sea Company, under cover of the importation which they were authorized to make by the ship sent annually to Porto Bello, poured in their commodities on the Spa- nish continent without limitation or restraint. Instead of a ship of five hundred tons, as stipu- lated in the treaty, they usually employed one which exceeded nine hundred tons in biurthen. i m i R Freiier Voy. 8S0. B. Ulloa Rctab. il. 104, ftc. cedo y Hcrrera, Aviso, &c. 896, Al. 9M HISTORY OF [Book VIII. ,1 1. [ I 6h« was aeconiiMUiieil bjr two or thrn smnller twmIs, ivhich, mooring in lonie neighboiirinf ereck, lupplied her claiideillneiy with fresh bales of goods to replace such as were sold. The in- spectors of the fair, and olBcers of the revenue, gained by exorbitant presents, connived at the fi-aud. [190] Thus, partly by the operations of the eompany, and partly by the activity of private intsrtopers, almost tbe whole trade of Spanish Amnrica was engrossed by foreigners. The immense commerce of the Galeons, formeriy the pride of Spain, and the envy of other nations, sunk to nothing [I7S7] ; and the squadron itself, reduced from fifteen thousand to two thousand ton%' served hardly any purpose but to fetch home the royal revenue arising from the fifth on silver. While Spain observed those encroaehmenfai, and felt so sensibly their pernicious eflTects, It was impossible not to make some elTort to r». strain them. Her first expedient was to station ships of force, under the appellation of guarda cottas, upon the coasts of those provinces to which interlopers most frequently resorted. As private interest concurred with the duty which they owed to the public, in rendering the officers who commanded those vessels vigilant and active, some check was given to the progress of the con- traband trade, though In dominions so extensive and so accessible by sea, hardly any number of cruisers was sufficient to guard against its inroads in every quarter. This interruption of an inter- course which had been carried on with so much facility, that the merchants in the British colo- nies were accustomed to consider it almost as an allowed branch of commerce, excited murmura and complaints. These, authorised in some measure, and rendered mom interesting by seve- ral unjustifiable acts of violence committed by tbe captains of the Spanish guarda costos, preci- pitated Great Britain into a war with Spain [1739] ; in consequence of which the latter ob- tained a final release from the Assiento, and was left at liberty to regulate the commerce of her colonies without being restrained by any engage- ment with a foreign power. As the formidable encroachments of the Eng- lish on their American trade, had discovered to the Spaniards the vast consumption of £ui-opean guods in their colonies, and taught them the ad- vantage of accommodating their importations to the occasional demand of the various provinces, they perceived the necessity of devising some method of supplying their colonies, diiferent from their ancient one of sending thither period- ical fleets. That mode of communication had been found not only to be uncertain, as the de- parture of the Galeons and Flota was sometimes 1 Alcedo y Ilerrcrs, p. 3S0. Cbmpomanev, i. 486. retarded by various accidents, and often prevent- ed by the wars which raged in Europe; but long experience had shown it to be ill adapted to ailbrd America a regular and timely supply ot what It wanted. The scarcity of European goods (n the Spanish settlements frequently be- came excessive ; their price rose to an enormous height ; the vigilant eye of mercantile attention did not fail to observe this favourable opportuni- ty ; an ample supply was poured in by inter- lopers flrom the English, the French and Dutch islands ; and when the Galeons at length arrived, they found the markets so glutted by this illicit commerce, that there was no demand for the commodities with which they were loaded. In order to remedy this, Spain has permitted a considerable part of her commerce with America to be carried on by regiiter ah^u. These are fit- ted out during the intervals between the stated seasons when the Galeons and Flota sail, by mer- chants in Seville or Cadiz, upon obtaining a li- cense from the council of the Indies, for which they pay a very high premium, and are destined for those ports in America where any extraor- dinary demand is foreseen or expected. By this expedient, such a regular supply of the commo- dities for which there is the greatest demand is conveyed to the American market, that the in- terloper is no longer allured by the same prospect of excessive gain, or the people in the colonies urged by tbe same necessity to en- gage in the hazardous adventures of contraband trade. In proportion as experience manifested the advantages of carrying on trade in this mode, the number of register ships increased ; and at length, in tbe year 1748, the Galeons, after hav- ing been employed upwards of two centuries, were finally laid aside. From that period there has been no intercourse with Chili and Peru but by single ships, despatched from time to time as occasion requires, and when the merchants ex- pect a profitable market will open. These ships sail round Cape Horn, and convey directly to the ports in the South sea the productions and manufactures of Europe, for which the people settled in those countries were formerly obliged to repair to Porto Bello or Panama. These towns, as has been formerly observed, must gra- dually decline, when deprived of that commerce to which they owed their prosperity. This dis- advantage, however, is more than compensated by the beneficial effects of this new arrange- ment, as the whole continent of South America receives new supplies of European commodities with so much regularity, and in such abundance, as must not only contribute greatly to the hap- piness, but increase the population of all the co- lonies settled there. But as all the register ships destined for the South seas must still take their departure from Cadiz, and are obliged to return Book VIII. id often preveiit- n Europe; but I be ill adapted to timely lupply ot ty of European ta fluently be* I to an enormous vantlle attention irableopportuni- ired in by luter- 'ench and Dutch It length arrived, ed by this illicit demand for the rere loaded. In has permitted a irewith America . These are fit- ween the stated Iota sail, by mer- 1 obtaining a 11- idles, for which and are destined ere anyeztraor- pccted. By this Y of the comrao- eatest demand is Icet, that the in- I by the same he people in the necessity to en- res of contraband manifested the n this mode, the "eased ; and at leous, after hav- two centuries, hat period there ili and Peru but time to time as merchant!! ex- I. These ships ivey directly to >rodiiotions and hich the people brmerly obliged 'anama. These inred, must gra- that commerce rity. Thisdis- n compensated new arrange- South America in commodities nch abundance, tly to the hap- un of all the co- he register ships still take their bilged to rctura AMERICA. 269 thither,* this branch af the AmMrlcan eommerea, tTca in its new and (mproYad form, continues aubjeot to the restraints of a ■paelaa of nwnopoly, and feels those pemicions effecta of it which I hUTe already deaoribed. Nor has the attention of Spain been confined to regulating the trade with its more flourishing oolonles ; it has extended likewise to the revlv- Ing commerce in those settlements where it was neglected, or had decayed. Among the new tastes which the people of Europe have acquired in consequence of Importing the productions of those countries which they conquered In Ameri- ca, that fur chocolate is one of the meet unirer- sal. The use of this liquor, mads with a paste formed of the nut or almond of the cacao tree compounded with various ingredients, ths Spa- niards first learned from the Mexicans ; and it has appeared to them, and to the other European nations, so palatabl<>, so nourishing, and so wholesome, that it bos become a commercial article of considerable importance. The cacao tree grows spontaneously in several parts of the torrid zone ; but the nuts of the best quality, next to those of Guatlmala on the South sea, are produced in the rich plains of Caracoas, a province of Tierra FIrme. In consequence of this acknowledged superiority In the quality of cacao in that province, and Its communioatlon with the Atlantic, which facilitates the convey- ance to Europe, the culture of the cacao tliere is more extensive than in any district of America. But the Dutch, by the vicinity of their settle- ments in the small islands of Curaxoa and Buenos Ayres, to the coast of Caraccas, gradual- ly engrossed the greatest part of the cacao trade. The traffic with the mother country for this valuable commodity ceased almost entirely; and such was the supine negligence of the Spaniards, or the defects of their commercial arrangementsi that they were obliged to receive from the hands ef foreigners this production of their own colo- nies at an exorbitant price. In order to remedy an evil no less disgraceful than pernicious to his subjects, Philip V., in the year 1788, granted to a body of merchants an exclusive right to the commerce with Caraccas and Cumana, on con- dition of their employing, at their own expense, a sufficient number of armed vessels to clear the coast of Interlopers. This society, distinguished sometimes by the name of the Company of Gul- puscoa, from the provihce of Spain in which it is established, and sometimes by that of the Company of Caraccas, from the district of America to which it trades, has carried on its opitrations with such vigour and success, that Spain has recovered an important branch of commerce which she had suffered to be wrested from her, and is plentifully supplied with an article of extensive consumption at a moderate 8 Csinpomanes, i. 434, 4t0. price. Notonly the parent state, but the colony of Caraccas, has derived great advantages from this institution ; for although, at the first aspect, it may appear to be one of thgee monopolies whose tendency is to check the spirit of industry instead of calling it forth to new exertions, it has Iwen prevented from operating in this man- ner by several salutary regulations framed upon foresight of such bad effects, and en purpose to obviate them. Tlie planters in. ths Caraccas are not left to depend entirely en the company, either for tlie importation of Ewropcan commo- dities or the sole of tlieir own productions. The inhabitants of the Canary Islands have the pri- vilege of sending thither annually a register ship of considerable burden ; and from Vera Crus, in New Spain, a fi'ee trade is permitted in every port comprehended In the charter of the company. In consequance of this, there is such a competition, that both with respect to what the colonies purchase and what they sell, the price seems to be fixed at its natural and equi- table rate. The company has not the power of ridsing the former, ur of degrading the latter, at pleasure ; and accordingly, since it was estab- lished, the increase of culture, of population, and of live stock, in the province of Caraccas, has been very considerable. [191] But as it is slowly that nations relinquish any aystem which time has rendered venerable, and as it is still more slowly that commei*ce can l>e diverted from the channel in which it has long been accustomed to flow, Philip V., in bis new regulations concerning the American trade, paid such deference to the ancient maxim of Spain, concerning the limitation of importa- tion from the New World to one hai'bour, as to oblige both the register ships which returned from Peru, and those of the Guipusooan Com- pany from Caraccas, to deliver their cargoes In the port of Cadiz. Since his reign, sentiments more liberal and enlarged begin to spread in Spain. The spirit of philosophical inquiry, which it is the glory of the present age to have turned from frivolous or abstruse speculations to the business and affairs of men, has extended its influence beyond the Pyrenees. In the researches of ingenious authors concerning the police or commeroe of nations, the errors and defects of the Spanish system with respect to both met every eye, and have not only been exposed with seve- rity, but are held up as a warning to other states. The Spaniards, stung with the reproaches of these authors, or convinced by their arguments, and admonished by several en!:s!iipe for a more '« to enter the he usual duties, at once broke the jealous po- or two centuries nmeroial inter- 18 soon after ex- he provinces of on, which may I eifurt of Spa- rom its effects, the free trade, St from its ne- I, Porto Rico, commerce with hat of Yucatan almost entirely a general liberty ntercourse with I gone on with a li there are few ttions. In less ta has been more tlements where, ndustry, greater Its activity, their It is computed already employ- onnage of tbem and Flota at the sontmerce. The ) not confined to I favourite port. f province of the new market for 1 manufactures, y to the industry ir does the king- ports ; it derives it receives in re- eing soon able to dities of extensive erly depended on »f sugar in Spain m to the number ' any European ised of countries AMERICA. 271 in the New World whose soil and climate are most proper for rearing the sugar-cane ; though the domestic culture of that valuable plant in the kingdom of Granada was once considerable ; such has been the fatal tendency of ill judged in- stitutions in America, and such the pressure of improper taxes in Europe, that Spain has lost almost entirely this branch of industry, which luks enriched other nations. This commodity, which has now become an article of primary ne- ceuity in Europe, the Spaniards were obliged to purchase of foreigners, and had the mortifica- tion to see their country drained annually of great sums on that account.* But, if that spirit which the permission of free trade has put in motion shall persevere in Its efforts with the same vigour, the cultis'atlon of sugar in Cuba and Porto Rico may increase so much, that in a few years it is probable that their growth of sugars may be equal to the demand of the king- dom. Spain has been induced, by her experience of the beneficial consequences resulting from hav- ing relaxed somewhat of the rigour of her an- cient laws, with respect to the commerce of the mother country with the colonies, to permit a more liberal intercourse of one colony with an- other. By one of the jealous maxims of the old system, all the provinces situated on the South seas were prohibited, under the most severe penalties, from holding nny communication with one another. Though each of these yields pecu- liar productions, the reciprocal exchange of which might have added to the happiness of their re- spective inhabitants, or have facilitated their progress in industry, so solicitous was the Council of the Indies to prevent their receiving •ny supply of their wants but by the periodical fleets firom Europe, that, in order to guard •gainst this, it cruelly debarred the Spaniards in Perut in the southern provinces of New Spain, in Guatimala, and the new kingdom of Granada, from such a correspondence with their fellow subjects as tended manifestly to their mutual prosperity. Of all the numerous re- strictions devised by Spain for securing the ex- clusive trade with her American settlements, none perhaps was more Illiberal, none seems to hf ve been more sensibly felt, or to have produced more hurtful effects. This grievance, coeval with the settlements of Spain in the countries situated on the Pacific Ocean, is at last redress- ed. In the year 1774, Charles III. published an edict, granting to the four great provinces which I have mentioned the privilege of a free trade with each other.' [I9S] What may be the effects of opening this communication between i Ustarii, c. 94 9 Real Cedula penes me. Pro1flgo,p. 2. Ponti Viagc de E>pagna vi. countries destined by tbeir situation for recipro- cal intercourse, cannot yet be determined by ex- perience. They can hardly fail of being benefi- cial and extensive. The motives for gi-anting this permission are manifestly no less laudable than the principle on which It Is founded is li- beral ; and both discover the progress of a spirit in Spain, far elevated above the narrow preju- dices and maxims on which her system for regu- lating the trade and conducting the government of her colonies was originally founded. At the same time that Spain has been Intent on Introducing regulations, suggested by more enlarged views of policy, into her system of American commerce, she has not been Inatten- tive to the interior government of her colonies. Here, too, there was much room for reforma- tion and improvement ; and Don Joseph Golvez, who has now the direction of the department for Indian affairs in Spain, has enjoyed the best opportunities, not only of observing the defects and corruption In the political frame of the colo- nies, but of discovering the sources of those evils. After being employed seven years in the New World on an extraordinary miision, and with very extensive powers, as inspector-general of New Spain ; after visiting in person the remote provinces of Cinaloa, Sonora, and California, and making several important alterations in the state of the police and revenue ; he began his ministry with a general reformation of the tri- bunals of justice in America. In consequence of the progress of population and wealth in the colonies, the business of the Courts of Audience has increased so much that the number of judges of which they were originally composed has been found inadequate to the growing la- bours and duties of the ofRce, and the salaries settled upon them have been deemed inferior to the dignity of the station. As a remedy for both, he obtained a royal edict, establishing an additional number of judges in each Court of Audience, with higher titles, and more ample appointments.* To the same intelligent minister Spain is in- debted for a new distribution of government in its American provinces. Even since the esta- blishment of a third viceroyalty in the new king- dom of Granada, so great is the extent of the Spanish dominions in the New World, that se- veral places subject to the jurisdiction of each viceroy were at such an enormous distance from the capitals in which they resided, that neither their attention nor their authority could reach so far. Some provinces subordinate to the vice- roy of New Spain lay above two thousand miles from Mexico. There were countries subject to the viceroy of Peru still further from Lima. Tha 6 Gsieta de Madrid, lOth March, 1770. i' m m m 37, .■.(. 91. 27S HISTORY OF LBooK VIII. |>enp1« In thoM remote dlitrict* couM hitrdly b« snid to enjoy the benefit of civil gorernment. TliR oppreieion and insolence of ita inferior ininlstert tliey often feel, and rather submit to these in silence than involve themselves in the expense and trouble of resorting to the dis- tant capital, where alone they can find redress. As a remedy for this, a fourth vieeroyalty has beer, erected, [Aug. 1776] to the Jurisdiction of Hvhiuh are subjected the provinces of Kio de la Fiata, Buenos Ayres, Paraguay, Tucuman, Po- Mi\, St. Cruz de la Sierra Charcas, and the towns of Mendoza and St. Juan. By this well judged aiTiingement, two advantages are gained. All the inconveniences occasioned by the remote situation of those provinces, which bad been long felt, and long complained of, are in a great measure removed. The countries most distant from Lima are separated from the vieeroyalty of Peru, and united under a superior, whose seat of government at Buenos Ayres will be commo- dious and accessible. The contraband trade with the Portuguese, which was become so ex- tensive as must have put a final stop to the ex- portation of commodities from Spain to ber southern colonies, may be checked more tho- roughly, and with greater facility, when the supreme magistrate, by his vicinity to the places in which it is carried on, can view its progress and effe«!ts with bis own eyes. Don Pedro Zo- valloe, who has been raised to this new dignity, with appointments equal to those of the other viceroys, is well acquainted both with the state and the Interest of the countries over which ke la to preside, having served in them long, and with distinction. By tbta diamembermesrt, ■acoeeding that which took place at the erection of the vieeroyalty of the new kingdom of Gra- nada, almost two-third parts of the territories originally subject to the viceroys of Fern, are now lopped off from their jurisdiction. The limits of the vieeroyalty of New Spain have likewise been considerably circumscribed, and with no less propriety and discernment. Four of its most remote proyincee, Sonora, Ci- nklon, CaHfemia, and New Navarre, have been formed into a separate government. The Che- valier da Croix, who is Intrusted with this com- mand, ia not dignified with the title of viceroy, nor does he enjoy the appointments belonging to that rank ; but his jurisdiction is altogether in- dependent on the vieeroyalty of New Spain, llie eoreotion of thia last governaaeiit seems to have been suggested net only by the considera- tion of the remote situation of thoae provinoea from Mexico, but by attention to the late dii- eoTcries made there which I have mentioned.' Countries containing the richest mine* of gold that have hitherto been discovered in the New 1 Bookvii. World, and which probably may rise into great- er importance, required the immediate inspec- tion of a governor to whom they should be spe- cially committed. As every consideration of duty, of interest, and of vanity, must concur in prompting those new governors to encourage such exertions as tend to diffuse opulence and prosperity through the provinces committed to their charge, the beneficial effects of this arrange- ment may be considerable. Many districts in America, long depressed by the hnguor and feebleness natuml to provinces which compose the extremities of an overgrown empii-e, may be animated with vigour and activity when brought so near the seat of power as to feel iU invigorating influence. Such, since the accession of the princes of the bouse of Bourbon to the throne of Spain, has been the progress of their regulations, and the gradual expansion of their views with respect to the commerce and government of their Ameri- can colonies. Nor has their attention been so entirely engrossed by what related to the more remote parts of their dominions, as to render them neglectful of what was still more impor- tant, the reformation of domestic errors and de- fects in policy. Fully sensible of the causes to which the declension of Spain from her former prosperity ought to be Imputed, they have madn it a great object of their policy to revive a spirit of industry among their subjects, and to give such extent- and perfection to their manufac- tures as may enable them to supply the demands of America from their own stock, and to ex- clude foreigners from a branch of commerce which has been so fatal to the kingdom. This they have endeavoured to aeoompllsh by a va- riety of edicts issued since the peace of Utrecht. They have granted bountiea for the encourage- ment of some branches of Industry ; they have lowered the taxea on others ; they have either entirely prohibited, or have loaded with addi- tional duties, such foreign manufactures as come iu competition with their own ; they have in- stituted soeietiea for the improvement of trade and agrieuUure; they have planted colonies of hnsbandmen in some uncultivated districts of Spain, and divided among them the waste fields ; they have had recourse to every expedient de- vised by commercial wisdom or oommerial jea- lousy, for reviving their own industry, and di«- eountenaneing that of other nations. These, howeTcr, it is not my province to uplain, or to Inquire into their propriety and effects. There ia no effort of legislatton more arduous, no ex- periment in policy more uncertain than an at- tempt to revive the spirit of industry where it has declined, or to introduce it where it is un- known. Nations, already possessed of extensive commerce, enter into competition with such ad- vantages, derived ft«m the large capitals and ex- tensive credit of their merchants, the dexterity of OOK VIII. Iii« Into grcat- ediate iiitpco" liould be *pii- nilderatiuii of uit concur in to encourage opulence and cammiited to f ihU arrange- ijr districts In I Imiguor and hinh compose empii'e, may ictivity when ' as to feel it* princes of the of Spain, lias tlons, and the irith respect to thuir Anaeri- intlon been so d to the more , as to render 1 more impor- errors and dc- ' the caases to om her former hey hare made revive a spirit ts, and to give heir manutiM> ly the demands )k, and to rx- I of commerce ingdom. This iplish by a tr- teeof Utrecht, the eneournge- ry; they have ley hare either led with addi- Bctures mt come they have in- ement of trade ited ookmiee of ted districts of he waste fields ; f expedient 4e- oommerlal jen- ustry, and die- itlons. These, > fcxplain, or to effects. There rduuus, no ex- dn than an at- nstry where it where it is un- sed of extensive I with such ad- eapltals and ex- the dexterity of AMERICA. 273 their manufacturers, and the alertness acquired by habit in every department of business, that the state which aims at rlTalling or supplanting them, must expect to struggle with many diffi- culties, and be content to advance slowly. If the quantity of productive industry, now in Spain, be eompared with that of the kingdom under the last listleu monarobs of the Austrian line, its progress must appear considerable, and is sufficient to alarm the Jealousy, and to call forth the most vigorous eiforts of the nations now in possession of the lucrative trade which the Spaniards aim at wresting from them. One circumstance may render those exertions of Spain an object of more serious attention to the other European powers. They are not to be ascribed wholly to the Influence of the crown and its ministers. The sentiments and spirit of the people seem to second the provident care of their monarchs, and to give it greater eifeck The nation has adopted more liberal Ideas, not only with respect to commerce but domestic po- licy. In all the later Spanish writers, defects in the arrangements of their country concerning both are acknowledged, and remedies proposed, which ignorance rendered their ancestors inca- pable of discerning, and pride would nut have allowed them to confess. [193] But after all that the Spaniards have done, much remains to do. Many pernicious institutions and abuses, deeply incorporated with the system of Internal policy and taxation, which has been long estab- lished in Spain, must be abolished before Indus- try and manufactures can recover an extensive activity. Still, however, the commercial regulations of Spain with respect to her colonies are too rigid and aystematical to be carried into complete ex- ecution. The legislature that loads trade with Impositions too hsavy, or fietters it by restrictions too severe, defeaU its own Intention, and is only multiplying the inducements to vioiate its sta- tutes, and proposing a high premium to encou- rage illicit traffic The Spaniards, both in Europe and America, being circumscribed in their mu- tual intercourse by the Jealousy of the crown, or oppressed by ita exactions, have their invention continually on the stretch how to elude its edicts. The vigilance and ingenuity of private interest discover means of effecting this, which public wisdom cannot foresee nor public authority pre- vent. This spirit, counteracting that of the laws, pervades the commerce -of Spain with America in all its branches ; and from the high- est departments in government descends to the loweat. The very officers appointed to check contraband trade are often employed as instru- ments in carrying it on ; and the boards institut- ed to restrain and punish it are the channels through which it flows. The King is supposed by the meet intelligent Spanish writers, to be defrauded, by various artifices, of more than one half of the i-evenue which he ought to receive from America ;* and as long as it is the interest of so many persons to screen those artifices from detection, the knowledge of them will never reach the throne. " How many ordinances," says Corita, " how many instructions, how many letters from our sovereign, are sent in order to correct abuses ! and how little are they observed, and what small advantage is derived from them ! To me the old observation appears just, that' where there are many physicians and many medicines, there is a want of health ; whore there are many laws and many Judges, there is want of Justice. We have viceroys, presidents, governors, oydors, corrigidors, adcaldos; and thousands of alguazils abound every where; but notwithstanding all these, public abuses continue to multiply.'" Time has increased the evils which he lamented as early as the reign of Philip II. A spirit of corruption has infect- ed all the colonies of Spain in America. Men far removed from the seat of government ; im- patient to acquire wealth, that they may return speedily from what they are apt to consider as a state of exile in a remote unhealthful country ; allured by opportunities too tempting to be re- sisted, and seduced by the example of those around them ; find their sentiments of honour and of duty gradually relax. In private life they give themselves up to a dissolute luxury, while in their public conduct they become un- mindful of what they owe to their sovereign and to their country. Before I close this account of the Spanish trade in America there remains one detached but important branch of it to be mentioned. Soon after his accession to the throne, Philip II. formed a scheme of planting a colony in the Philippine islands which had been neglected since the time of their discovery ; and he accom- plished it by means of an armament fitted out from New Spain* [1564]. Manila, in the is- land of Luconia, was the station chosen for the capital of this new establishment. From it an active commercial intercourse began with the Chinese, and a considerable number of that in- dustrious people, allured by the prospect of gain, settled in the Philippine islands under the Spa- nish protection. They supplied the colony so amply with all the valuable productions and manufactures of the East as enabled It to open a trade with America, by a course of navigation the longest from land to land on our globe. In the infancy of this trade, it was carried on with Callao, on the coast of Peru ; but experience having discovered the impropriety of fixing upon that as the port of communication with II ■.M t Solnra. de. Ind. Jure, U. lib. v. 3 MS, penes me. 4 Torquem. i. lib. v, c. 14. Nu =XMialli k^i Hi HISTORY OF [Book VIII. Manila, thn staple of the commfrcn between the linit and West wae remored from Callao to Acapuico, on the coast of New Spain. After various arranKementa it has been brought Into a regular form. One or two shipe depart annually from Acapuleo, whioh are per- mitted to carry out stlrer to the amoimt of Uto hundred thousand pesos ;' but they have hardly any thing else of value on board ; In return fii^ which they bring back spices, drngs, ohina, and Japan wares, calicoes, chintz, muslins, slilis, and every precious article with which the benignity of the climate, or the ingenuity of its people has enabled the £ast to supply the rest of the world. For some time the merchants of Peru were admitted to participate in this traffic, and might send annually a ship to Acapuleo, to wait the arrival of the vessels from Manila, and re- ceive a proportional shore of the commoditiea which they Imported. At length the Peru- vians were excluded firom this trade by most rigorous edicts, and all the commodities from the East reserved solriy for the consumption of New Spain. In consequence of this Indulgence, the Inhabi- tants of that country enjoy advantages un- known In the other Spanish colonies. The manufactures of the East are not only more suited to a warm climate, and more showy than those of Europe, but can be sold at a lower price ; while, at the same time, the profits upon them are so considerable as to enrich all thoee who are employed either in bringing them from Manila or vending then in New Spain. As the interest both of the buyer and seller concurred in favouring this branch of commerce, it has continued to extend in spite of regulations con- certed with the most anxious Jealousy to cir- cumscribe it. Under cover of what the laws permit to be imported, great quantities of India goods are poufed Into the markets of New Spain ; [194] and when the Flota arrives at Vera Cruz from Europe, it often finds the wants of the people already supplied by cheaper and more acceptable commodities. There is not, in the commercial arrangements of Spain, any circumstance more Inexplicable than the permission of this trade between New Spain and the Philippines, or more repugnant to its fundamental maxim of holding the colo- nies in perpetual dependence on the mother country, by prohibiting any commercial inter- course that might suggest to them the idea of receiving a supply of their wants from any other quarter. This permission must appear still more extraordinary, fW>m considering that Spidn herself carries on no direct trade with her settlements in the Philippines, and grants a privilege to one of her American colonies I Recop. lib. Ix. c. 45. 1. 6. which she denies to her subjects in Europe. It Is probable that the colonists, who originally took possession of the Philippines, having been sent out ft«m New Spain, began this Intercourse with a country whioh they considered. In some measure, as their parent state, before the court of Madrid waa aware of Its conaequences, or oould establish regnlatlons in order to prevent It. Many remonstrances have been presented against this trade, aa detrimental to Spain, by diverting into another channel a large portion of that trtasure which ought to flow into the kingdom, as tending to give rise to a spirit of Independence in the colonies, and to encourage Innumerable frauds, against which it is impos- sible to guard. In transactions so far removed from the inspection of government. But as it requires no slight effort of political wisdom and vigour to abolish any practice whioh numbers are Interested In supporting, and to which time has added the sanction of its authority, the com- merce between New Spain and Manila seems to be aa ebnstderable as ever, and may be con- sidered as one chief cause of the elegance and splendour ooiisplouous In thhi part of the Spanish dominions. But notwithstanding this general corruption In the colonies of Spain, and the diminution of the Income belonging to the public, occasioned by the illicit Importations made by foreigners, as well as by the various frauds of which the colonists themselves are guilty in thefar com- merce with the parent state, the Spanish mo- narehs receive a very considerable revenue from their American dominions. This arises from taxes of various kinds, which may be divided into three capital branches. The first contains what Is paid to the King, as sovereign, or su- perior lord of the New World : to this class be- longs the duty on the gold and silver raised from the mines, and the tribute exacted from the Indians ; the former is termed by the Spa- niards the right of tigniory, the latter Is the duly of tHunUage. The second branch comprehends the numerous dutiea upon commerce which ac- company and oppresa it in ever; step of its pro- gress, from the greateet tntnsactions of the whdesale merchant to the petty traffic of the vender by retail. The third indndes what ac- crues to the king, as head of the church, and ad- ministrator of ecclesiastical funds in the New World. In consequence of this he receivee the first fruits, annates, spoils, and other spiritual revenues, levied by theapoatolle chamber in Eu- rope ; and is entitled likewise to the profit arising from the sale of the bull of Crozado. This bull, which 1* published every two years, contains an abaolntion firom past offences by the Fttpe, and, aifiong other immunities, a permission to eat several kinds of prohibited food during Lent, and on meagre days. The monks employed ih dispersing those bulls extol their vjrtuea irith all OK VIII. Europe. It o originally having boeii Intcrcoune , In Mmie re the coart •quencee, or to preTent en preaentcd to Spain, by arge portion low into the a spirit of to encourage It i« impoe- far remoTcd But a* It wiadom and ieh numben which time rity, the com- Manila eeemi may be con- eleganoe and if the Spaniib «! corruption diminution of io, occasioned )y foreigners* of which the kn their com- Spanlsb mo- revenue from s arises from ay be divided first oonlains ereign, or su- a this class be- I sliver raised I exacted from i by the S|m- tter Is the dulif I comprehends ree which ac- itep of its pro- ctions of the traffic of the ades what ac- hnrob, and ad- la in the New le receives the other tpiritaal lamber la Eu- e profit arising io. This bull, ears, contains by the Pope, permission to i during Lent, ( employed ih IHues with all A M E It I C A. liia the fervour of Interested eloquence ; the people, ignorant and credulous, listen with Implicit as- sent ( and every person In the Spanish colonise, bi European, Creolian or mixed race, purcbasee a bull, whieh Is deemed essential to h'a, saivittlon, at the rate set upon it by government. [1.96-] What may be the amount of those various funds, it Is almost Impossible to determine with precision. Theextentof the Spanish dumhiions ill America, the jealousy of government, which renders them inauceasible to foreigners, the mys- terious silence which the Spaniards are accus- tomed to observe with respect to the interior state of their colonies, combine ih covering this sul^ect with a veil which it is not easy to re- move. But an account, apparently no less ac- curate than it is curious, has lately been pub- lished of the royal revenue in New Spain, from which we may form some idea with r«*pcet to what is eullected in the other provinces. Ac- cording to that account the crown does not re- ceive from all the departments of taxation in New Spain above a million of our money, from which one half must be deducted as the expense ofthe provincial establishment. [196] Peru, It Is prolwble, yields a sum not inferior to this ; and if we suppose that all the other regions of America, iiicluding the islands, furnish a third share of equal value, we shall not perhaps be far wide from the truth if we conclude thai the net public revenue of Spain, raised in America, does not exceed a million and a half sterling. This fails far short of the immense sums to which suppositions, founded upon conjecture, have raised the Spanish revenue in America. [197] It is remarlcable, however, upon one account. Spain and Portugal are the only European powers who derive a direct revenue from their colonies. All the advantage that occrues to other nations from their American dominious arises from the exclusive enjoyment of their trade : but beside this, Spain has brought her colonies towards increasing the power of tiie state, and, in return for protection, to bear a proportional share of the common burden. Accordingly, the sum which I have computed to be the amount of the Spanish revenue from America arises wholly from the taxes collected there, and is far from being the whole of what accrues to the king from his dominions in the New World. The heavy duties imposed on the commodities exported from Spain to America, [198] as well as what is paid by those which she sends home in return ; the tax upon the Negro slaves with which Africa supplies the New World, together with several smaller branches of finance, bring large sums into the treasury, the precise extent of which I cannot pretend to ascei'tain. But if the revenue which Spain draws from America be great, the expense of administration in her colonies bears proportion to it. In every department, even of her domestic police and fi- nances, Spain has adopted a system more com- plex, and more incumbered with a variety ol tribunals and a multitude of olfivers, th(Mi that of any European nation in which the sovereign possssses such extensive power. From the j«'u- lous spirit with which Spain watches over her American settlements, and her endeavours to guard against fraud in provinces so remote from inspection ; boards and officers have lieen mul- tiplied there with still more anxious attention. In a country where the expense of living is great, the salaries allotted to every person in public office must be high, and must load the re- venue with an immense burden. The parade of government greatly augments the weight of it. The viceroys of Mexico, Peru, and the new kingdom of Granada, as representatives of the king's person, among people fond of ostentation, maintain all the state, and dignity of royalty. Their courts are formed upon the model of that at Madrid, with horse and foot guards, a house- hold regularly establlKhed, numerous attendants, and ensigns of power, displaying sucli pomp as hardly retains the appearance of a delegated au- thority. All the expense Incurred by support- ing the external and permanent order of govern- ment i« defrayed by the crown. The viceroys have, besides, peculiar appointments suited to their exalted station. The salaries fixed by law are Indeed extremely moderate ; that of the viceroy of Peru is only thirty thousand ducats ; and that of the viceroy of Mexico twenty thou- sand ducats.* Of late they have been raised to forty thousand. These salaries, however, constitute but a small part of the revenue enjoyed by the viceroys, llie exercise of an absolute authority extending to every department; of government, and the power of disposing of many lucrative offices, af- ford them many op]iortuniti«s of accumulating wealth. To the is, which may be considered us legal and allowed emoluments, large sums are often added by exactions, whieh, in countries so far removed from the seat of government, it in not easy to discover, and impossible to restrain. By monopolising some branches of commerce, by a lucrative concern in others, by conniving at the frauds of merchants, a viceroy may raise such an annual revenue as no subject of any Eu- ropean monarch enjoys. [199] From the single article of presents made to him on the anniver- sary of his Name-day (whicli is always observe*! as a high festival), I am informed that a vice- roy has been known to rer^ive sixty thousand pesos. According to a Spanish saying, the le- gal revenues of a viceroy are unknown, iiis real profits depend upon his opportunities and his conscience. Sensible of this, the kings of Spain, 2.Rccap. lib. Ui. Ut. iii. c. 7?. S70 HISTORY OF AMERICA. f M I hare formwly obMrrtd, gimt • eonmlMlon to thtir Yiecrojrt only for • f«w yean. ThU olnumitanM, bowtrw, rraden thani often mora raiMolout, and adda to the Ingenuity and ardour wharawlth th«y labour to improve erery mo- ment of a power wbleb they know la baetaning fact to a period i and abort aa lu duration la, It uBually aflbrda aufficlent time for repairing a abattarad fortune, or for creating a new tmt. [Book VIII. But even In iltnatlona ao trying to buman flrall. ty, tbara are Inalaneea of virtue tbat remalna un- aedneed. In the year I77S« tba Mar^uie da Crolk flniabad the term of hie vleeroyalty In New Spain with nnauapeetad integrity { and, Inateod of bringing home exorbitant wealth, returned with tha admiration and applanaa of a grateful people, whom hia govemutent had renderod happy. Book VIII. tohuBum fnilU •t nomUd* un- Ii6 Marquit d« njraltjrinNew '; and, ItntMid ealUi, ntumad w of « (ratcfal ; bad nndarad THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOKS IX. AND X. CORTAININO Till HISTORY OF VIRGINIA TO THE YEAR lOBSj *N0 IBB HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND TO THE YEAR ie5& ''1 • i s i ADVERTISEMENT. Tiiic original pUn ci my father, the Intn Dr. Hobcrtion, with rkipuct to the hl«tury uf Ameri- ca, comprehended nut onljr an account of the diecovery of that country, and of the conqueete and coloniee of the Sftanlarde, but embraced aleo the history of the Britlth anil Portugucee ee- Ublif hmenU in the New World, and of the eet- tlementi made by the ecTeral nations of Europe In the W eat India Itlanda. It was hie Inten- tlon not to have published any part of the Work until the whole was completed. In the Preface to his History .,f America, he baa stated the reasons which induced him to depart from that resolution, and to publish the two volume* which contain un account of the diioovery of the New World, and of the proKress of th« Spa- nish arms and colonies in that quarter of tho globe. He say*, " he had made some progress in the History of British America;" and he annouo)>.eii his intentioa to return to that part of his Work a* soon the ferment which at that time prerailed In the BritUh Colonies in Ameri- ca should subside, and regular government be re-eetablished. Various canies concurred In pre- venting him from fulflUIng hi* Intention. During the course of a tedious lUne**, which he early foresaw would havea fatal term'.' if .>n Dr. Robertacn Atdiffirenttimesdestraysdmany | of his papers. But after hi* death, I f(> ■< i ^h» ; part of the History of British Amen he had wrote many years before, and wtiiuh is now offered to the Public It Is written with his own hand, a* all hi* Work* were ; it I* u* carefully corrected as any part of his manu- MripU whfch I have ev«r teen ; and he had thought it worthy of being prem-rvd, iia it es- caped the Hame* to whicii so many other papers had li en committed. I read it with the utmoiit attention ; but, before I cam* to atiy resolution about the publication, I put the IMS. into the hands of some of thoee friends whom my father used to consult on such occasion*, a* it would have been raahnes* and presumption In luo to have trusted to my own partid decision. U was perused by some other persons also, in whose taste and Judgment I have the greatest confldence : by all of them I was encouraged to offer it to the Public, as a fragment curious and Intereeling In Itself, and not inferior to any of my father's works. When I determined to follow that advice, it was a circumstance of great weight with me, that as I never could think myulf at liberty to destroy those papers which my father bad thought worthy of being preserved, and as I could not know Into whose hands they might hereafter fall, I considered It as certain that thoy would be published at some future period, when they might meet with an Editor who, not being actuated by the eame eacred regard for the repu- tation of the Author, which I feel, might make .<,ion* and addition.-, and obtrude the whole II' trie public a* a genuine and »i ihentio work. ' IH. I* now .^led, such as It was left D^ .1(1 Author; nor have I presumed to make any addition, alteration, or correction whatever. Wm. ROBERTSON. Queen Stheet, EniNBuaoH, April, 1706. ii>rv")|, la it «•- iiiy other pitp«i'a with the utmoiit o any retolutloii lie IMS. into the Nrhom my father one, M it would nptlon in me to lid decision. It peraone alao. In ave the greatest ai encouraged to nent curioua and nferlor to any of r that advice, it weight with me, myself at iilwrty li my father had lerved, and ae I lundi they might certain that tliey ure period, when >r who, not being ^rd for the repu- f«el, might make ibtrude the whole »i ihentio work, eh HI it was left resumed to make ■ection whatever. >B£RTSON. IHh. HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK IX. Thi donlnionaof Great Britain In Amerioaare next in extent to tboea of Spain. Its ocquisi- tions there are a recompense due (o thoee enter- prising talents which prompted the English to enter %?tlf on the career of diseovery, and to pursue it with pereeverlDg ardour. £nglaiM< was the second nation that ventured to visit ths New World. The account of Columbus's sva- oMsAil voyage fllled all Europe with astonlsh- usnt and admiration. But in England it did something mors; it excited a vehement desire of emulating the glory of Spain, and of aiming to obtain some share in thoee advantagee which were expected in this new field opened to nation- al activity. The attention of the English court had been turned towards the dieoovery of un- known countries by its negotiation with Bar- th«domew Columbus. Henry VII. having lis- tened to his propositions with a more favourable ear than could have been expected from a caution*, dielrustful prince, averse by habit as well as by 'temper to new and haurdous pro- jects, he was more eaally induced to approve of a voyage for dieeovery, propoeed by some of hie own subjects soon afier th« return of Chrlsto- pbor Columbus. But though the English had epirit to form the scheme, they had not at that period attained toeuch skill in navigation as qualified tliem for carrying it into execution. From the incon- siderate ambition of ita monarchs, the nation had long wasted its genius and inactivity in per- nicious and ineffectual efforts to conquer France. When thie ilUMrected ardour began to abate, the fiital oontaet between the houses of York and Lancaster turned the arms of one half of the kingdom against the other, and exhausted the vigour of both. During the course of two centuries, ^^'hile industry and commerce wert making gra ual progress, both in the south and north of Europe, the English continued so blind to the a4vRi»tagea of their own situMtlon that tbey k*rdly hpg»ti to bend their thuughto to- wards tboae ot .it'its and pursuits to which they are indebted *'ui- their preeent opulence and power. Whll. tlie trading vessels of Italy, Spain, and I'ortughi, as well as those of the Hans Towns, visited the moet remote ports In Europe, and carried on an active intrrcourse with Ita various nations, the English di ' little more than creep al«i«g their own coasts, iu small barks, which conveyed the productions of one eountry to anotbe-. Their commerce was al- most wholly passl <.'. Their wants were sup- plied by strangers ; and whatever noceatary or luxury of life their own country did not yield was imported iu foreign bottoms. The croes of St. George was sbl>i«m displayed beyond the precincts of the narrow setts. Hardly any English ship t i-aded w ith Spain or Portugal be- fore the b^itiiiing of the fifteenth century ; and half a century mure eUpsed before the Eng- lish marines became so adventurous as to enter the Mediterranean. In this infancy of navigation, Henry could not commit the conduct of an armament des- tined to explore unknown regions to his own subjects. He invested Giovanni Onboto, a Ve- netbtn adventurer, who had settled in Bristol, with the chief command; and issued a com- mission to him and his three sons, empower- ing them to sail, under the banner of England, towards the east, north, or west, in order to dis- •over countries unoccupied by any ChriRtlan state ; to take possession of them in his name, and to carry on an exclusive trade with the in- habitants, under condition of paying a fifth part of the free profit on every Voyage to the crown. Thie commission was granted on \March 5th, 1495, in less than two years nfter ■;v 280 HISTORY OF [Book IX. the return of Columbus from America.' But Cabot (for that Is the name he assumed in England, and by which he is best known) did not set out on his voyage for two years. He, together with his second son Sebastian, emlmric- ed at Bristol [May, U97], on board a ship fur- nished by the king, and was accompanied by four small barks fitted out by the merchants of that city. As in that age the most eminent navigators, formed by the instructions of Columbus, or ani- mated by his example, were guided by ideas de- ri .jd from his superior knowledge and experi- ence, Cubot had adopted the system of tliat great man concerning the probability of opening a new and shorter passage to the East Indies by Voiding a western course. The opinions which Columbus had formed with respect to the islands which he had discovered, were universally re- ceived. They were supposed to lie contiguous to the great continent of India, and to constitute a part of the vast countries comprehended under that general name. Cabot accordingly deemed it probable, that, by steering to the north-west, be might reach India by a shorter coarse than that which Columbus had taken, and hoped to fall in with the coast of Cathay, or China, of whose fertility and opulence the descriptions of Marco Polo had excited high ideas. After sail- ing for some weelu due west, and nearly on the parallel of the port from which he took his de- parture, he discovered a large island, which he called Prima VUta, and his sailors Neufound- land : and in a few days he descried a smaller isle, to which he gave the name of St. John. He landed on both these [June S4], made some ob- servations on their soil and productions, and brought off three of tiie natives. Continuing his course westward, he soon reached the continent of North America, and sailed along it firom the fifty-sixth to the thirty-eighth degree of latitude, from the coast of Labrador to that of Virginia. As his chief object was to discover some inlet that might open a passage to the west, it does not appear that he landed any where during this extensive run ; and he returned to England without attempting either settlement or conquest in any part of that continent.* If it had been Henry's purpose to prosecute the object of the commission given by bim to Cabot, and to take possession of the countries which he had discovered, the success of this voyage must have answered his most sanguine expectations. His subjects were undoubtedly the first Europeans who had visited that part of the American continent, and were entitled to whatever right of property prior discovery is supposed to confer. Countries which stretched I Hokluyt, Ui. 4. S Monson's Naval Trarta, in Churchill's Collect ill. 111. in an uninterrupted course through such a large portion of the temperate zone, opened a prospect of settling to advantage under mild climates, and in a fertile soil. By the time that Cabot re- turned to England, he found both the state of affairs and the king's inclination unfavourable to any scheme the execution of which would have required tranquillity and leisure. Henry was involved in a war with Scotland, and his kingdom was not yet fully composed after the commotion excited by a formidable insurrection of his own subjects in the west. An ambassa- dor from Ferdinand of Arragon was then in London ; and as Henry set a high value upon the friendship of that monarch, for whose char- acter he professed much admiration, perhaps from its similarity to his own, and was endea- vouring to strengthen their union by negotiating the marriage which afterwards took place be- tween his eldest son and the Princess Catharine, he was cautious of giving any offence to a prince jealous to excess of all his rights. From the position of the islands and continent Which Ca- bot had discovered, it was evident that they lay within the limits of the ample donative which the bounty of Alexander VI. had ieonferred upon Ferdinand and Isabella. No person in that age questioned the validity of a papal grant ; and Ferdinand was not of a temper to relinquish any claim to which he had a shadow of title. Submission to the authority of the Pope, and deference for an ally whom he courted, seem to have concurred with Henry's own situation in determining him to abandon a scheme in which he had engaged with some degree of ardour and expectation. No attempt towards discovery was made in England during the remainder of his reign ; and Sebastian Cabot, finding no encour. agement for his active talents there, entered into the service of Spain.* This is the most probable account of the sud- den cessation of Henry's activity, after such success in his first essay as might have encour- aged him to persevere. The advantages of com- merce, as well as its nature, were so little un- derstood in England about this period, that by an act of parliament in the year 1488, the taking of interest for the use of money was prohibited under severe penalties.* And by another law, S Some icbemes of dtwovery leem t-i have been (brmed in England towardi the beginning of the •IxtecnUi cen. tury. But ai there ii no other memorial of them than what remaim in a patent granted by the King to the ad. ventureri, it it probable that they were feeble or abortivo project!. Ifany attempt had been made in conaequence of thii patent, it would not have cacaped the knowledge of a compiler ao induatriout and inquiaitive aa Hakluyt. In hia patent, Henry rectricta the adventurers flrom en- croaching on the countriea dlacovered by the kinga of Portugal, or any other prince In confederacy with £ng. land. Rymer'a Fccdera, vol. xlil. p. 37. 4 3 Hen. VII. c. 5. [Book IX. >ugh Buch a large ipened a prospect illd climates, and i that Cabot re- both the state of ion unfavourable of which would leisure. Henry Scotland, and his mposed after the lable Insurrection it. An ambassa- igon was then in high value upon I, for whose char- niration, perhaps and was endea- lion by negotiating 'ds took place be- rincess Catharine, offence to a prince Ights. From the itinent which Ce- dent that they lay le donative whicli 'I. had ieonferred la. No person in :y of a papal grant ; imper to relinquish I shadow of title, of the Pope, and le courted, seem to L own situation in a scheme in which U-ee of ardour and ards discovery was I remainder of his finding no encour. ats there, entered iccount of the sud- ictivity, after such light have encour- advantages of com- were so little un- liis period, that by ear 1488, the taking ley was prohibited d by another law, m ti have been formed g of the lixtecnth cen- emotisl of them than by the King to the ad- were feeble or abortivo made in consequence neaped the knowledge Inquisitive as Hakluyt. > adventurers flrom en- veied by the kings of confederacy with Eng. p. 37. AMERICA. 981 i the protit arising from dealing in bills of ex- change was condemned as savouring of usury." It is not surprising, then, that no great effort should be made to extend trade by u nation whose commercial ideas were still so crude and illiberid. But it is more difficult to discover what prevented tliis scheme of Henry VII. from being resumed during the reigns of his son and grandson ; and to give any reason why no attempt was made, either to explore the north- ern continent of America more fully, or to set- tie in it. Henry VIII. was frequently at open enmity with Spain : the value of the Spanish acquisitions In America had become so well known, as might have excited his desire to ob- tain some footing in those opulent regions ; and during a considerable part of his reign, the pro- hibitions in a papal bull would not have re- strained him from making encroachment upon the Spanish dominions. But the reign of Hen- ry was not favourable to the progress of dis- covery. During one period of it, the active part which he took in the affairs of the continent, and the vigour with which he engaged in the contest between the two mighty rivals, Charles V. and Francis I., gave full occupation to the enterprising-spirit l>oth of the king, and his no- bility. During another period, of bis adminis- tration, his famous controversy with the court of Roma kept the nation in pei-petual agitation and suspense. Engrossed by those objects, neither the kinc nor the nobles had inclination or leisure to tut.i their attention to new pur- suits ; and without their patronage and aid, the commercial part of the nation was too in- considerable to make any effort of consequence. Though England by its total separation from the church of Rome soon after the accession of Edward VI., disclaimed that authority which, by its presumptuous partition of the globe be- tween two favourite nations, circumscribed the activity of every other state within very narrow limits; yet a feeble minority, distracted with faction, was not a juncture for forming schemes of doubtful success and remote utility. The bigotry of Mary, and her marriage with Philip, disposed her to pay a sacred regard to that grant of the Holy See, which vested in a husband, oa whom she doted, an exclusive right to every part of the New World. Thus, through a singular succession of various causes, sixty-one years elapsed from the time that the English discovered North America, during which their monarchs gave little attention to that country which was destined to be annexed to their crown, and to be a chief source of its opulence and power. But though the public contributed little to- wards the progress of discovery, naval skill. 5 3 Hen. VII. I. «. I knowledge of commerce, and n spirit of enter- prise, began to spread among the English. During the reign of Henry VIII. several new channels of trade were opened, and private ad- venturers vis'*ed remote countries, with which England had formerly no intercourse. Some merchants of Bristol, having fitted out two ships for the southern regions of America, com- mitted the conduct of them to Sebastian Cabot, who had quitted the service of Spain. He visit- ed the coasts of Brasil, and touched at tlie islands of Hispaniola and Puerto Rico; and though this voyage seems not to have been be- neficial to the adventurers, it extended the sphere of English navigation, and added to the national stock of nautical science.' Though disappointed in their expectations of profit in this first essay, the merchants were not dis- couraged. They sent, successively, several ves- sels from different ports towards the same quar- ter, and seem to have carried on an interloping trade in the Portuguese settlements with suc- cess.' Nor was it only towards the West, that th« activity of the English was directed. Other merchants began to extend their commercial views to the East; and by establishing an in- tercourse with several islands in the Archipe- lago, and with some of the towns on the coast of Syria, they found a new market for woollen cloths (the only manutacture which the nation had begun to cultivate,) and supplied their countrymen with various productions of the East, formerly unknown, or received from the Venetians at an exorbitant price." But the discovery of a shorter passage to the East Indies, by the north-west, was still the fa- vourite project of the nation, which beheld with envy the vast wealth that flowed into Portugal from its commerce with those regions. The scheme was accordingly twice resumed under the long administration of Henry VIII. [1527 and 1536;] first, with some slender aid from the king, and then by private merchants. Both voyages were disastrous and unsuccessful. In the former, one of the ships was lost. In the latter, the stock of provisions was so 111 propor- tioned to the number of the crew, that, although they were but six months at sea, many perisheti with hunger, and the survivors were constrain- ed to support life by feeding on the bodies of their dead companions.* The vigour of a commercial spirit did not re- lax In the reign of Edward VI. llie great fish- bry on the banks of Newfoundland became an object of attention ; and from some regulations for the encouragement of that branch of trade, it seems to have been prosecuted with activit> and success.'" But the prospect of opening a in a Ilakliiyt. ii. 4m. 1 Id. iii. 7C0. 8 Id. '.i 99, &i\ !> Id. i 'iU, Ac. iii. ISO, I3U. 10 Iii. iii. 13!. 388 HISTORY OF [Book IX. communication with China and the Spice Ih- Inndo, by some other route than round the Cape of Good Hope, still continued to allure the English more than any scheme of adventure. Cabot, tvhose opinion was deservedly of high authority in whatever related to naval entprpriae, warmly urged the English to make another attempt to discover this passage. As it had been thrice searched for in v&in, by steering towards the north-west, he proposed that a trial should now be made by the north-east ; and supported this advice by such plausible reasons and conjectures as excited sanguine expectations of success. Se- veral noblemen and persons of rank, together with some principal merchants, having associat- ed fur this purpose, were incorporated, by a charter from the King, under the title of The Company of Merchant Adventurers for the Discovery of Regions, Dominions, Islands, and Places unknown. Cabot, who was appointed governor of this company, soon fitted out two ships and a bark, furnished with instructions in his own hand, which discover the great extent both of his naval skill and mercantile sagacity. Sir Hugh Willoughby, who was intrusted with the command, stood directly northwards along the coast of Norway [May ]0], and doub- led the North Cape. But in that tempestuous ocean, his small squadron was separated in a violent storm. Wllloughby's ship and the bark took refuge in an obscure harbour in a desert part of Russian Lapland, where he and all liis companions were frozen to death. Richard Chancelour, the captain of the other vessel, was more fortunate ; he entered the White Sea, and wintered in safety at Archangel. Though no vessel of any foreign nation had ever visited that quarter of the globe before, the inhabitants re- ceived their new visitors with an hospitality which would have done honour to a more po- lished people. The English learned there, that this was a province of a vast empire, subject to the Great Duke or C>ar of Muscovy, who re- sided in a great city twelve hundred miles from Archangel. Chancelour, with a spirit becom- ing an officer employed in an expedition for dis- covery, did not hesitate a moment about the part which he ought to take, and set out for that distant capital. On his arrival in Moscow, he was admitted to audience, and delivered a letter which the Captain of each ship had re- ceived from Edward VI. for the sovereign of whatever country they should discover, to John Vasilowitz, who at that time filled the Russian throne. John, though he ruled over his sub- jects with the cruelty and caprice of a barbarous despot, was not destitute of political sagacity, lie instantly perceived the happy consequences that might flow from opening an intercourse between his dominions and the western nations of Europe; and, delighted with the fortunrte event to whl«h lie wsis indebted for thiH uiirx- pected benefit, he treated Chancelour with great respect ; and, by a letter to the King of England [Feb. 1554], invited his subjects to trade in the Russian dominions, with ample promises of protection and favour.' Chancelour, on his return, found Mary seated on the English throne. The success of this voy- age, the discovery of a new course of navigation, the establishment of commerce with a vast em- pire, the name of which was then hardly known in the West, and the hope of arriving, in this direction, at those regions which had been so long the object of desire, excited a wonderful ardour to prosecute the design with greater vigour. Mary, implicitly guided by her hue- l>and in every act of administration, was not unwilling to turn the commercial activity of her subjects towards a quarter where it could not excite the jealousy of Spain by encroaching on its possessions in the New World. She wrote to John Vasilowitz in the most respectful terms, courting his friendsliip. She confirmed the charter of Edward VI., empowered Chan- celour, and two agents appointed by the com- pany, to negotiate with the Czar in her name ; and, aecording to the spirit of that age, she granted an exclusive right of trade with Russia to the Corporation of Merchant Adventurers.* In virtue of this, they not only establishe r. But in those tms not to hare were exposed to with successivo ipen a communi- in this channel, actors to accom- ich travelled into and the Caspian ite as far as pos- endeavour not 1 those countries, tion that might icovery of a pas- ■ast.' ^otwith- s to which they brough so many nd licentious na- lached Bokara in 1 though prevent- y the civil wars they returned to tending the corn- Persia, and with [l-c. W. i, 3CI. AMERICA. 283 much intelligence concerning the state of those remote regions of the east.* The successful progress of the Merchant Ad- venturers in discovery roused the emulation of their countrymen, and turiivd their activity into new channels. A coniuiercial intercourse, hitherto unattempted by the English, having been opened with the coast of Barbary, the spe- cimens which that afforded of the valuable pro- ductions of Africa invited some enterprising navigators to visit the more remote provinces of that quarter of the globe. They sailed along its western shore traded in different ports on both sides of the Line, and, after acquiring con- siderable knowledge of those couutries, returned with a cargo of gold dust, ivory, and other rich commodities little known at that time in Eng- land. This commerce with Africa seems to have been pursued with vigour, and was at that time no less innocent than lucrative; for, as the English had then no demand for slaves, they carried it on for many years without violating the rights of humanity. Thus far did the English advance during u period which may be considered as the infant state of their naviga- tion and commerce ; and feeble as its steps at that time may appear to us, we trace them with an interesting curiosity, and look back with satisfaction to the early essays of that spirit which we now behold in the full maturity of its strength. Even in those first efforts of the English, an intelligent observer will discern presages of their future improvement. As soon as the activity of the nation was put in motion, it took various directions, and exerted itself in each, with that steady, persevering industry which is the soul and guide of commerce. Neither discouraged by the hardships and dan- gers to which they were exposed in those north- ern seas which they first attempted to explore, nor afi-aid of venturing into the sultry climates of the torrid zone, the English, during the reigns of Henry VIII., Edward VI., and Mary, opened some of the most considerable sources of their commercial opulence, and gave a beginning to their trade with Turkey, with Africa, with Russia, and with Newfoundland. By the progress which England had already made in navigation and commerce, it was now prepared for advancing fui'ther; and on the ac- cession of Elizabeth to the thron«, a period commenced extremely auspicious to this spirit which was rising in the nation. The domestic tranquillity of the kingdom, maintained, almost without interruption, during the course of a long and prosptsrous reign; the peace with foreign nations, tlmt subsisted more than twenty years after Elizabeth was seated on the throne ; the Queen's attentive economy, wiiicli exempt- ed her subjects from tlin burden of taxes oppres- sive to trade ; the popularity of herndministru- tion ; were all favourable to commooial enter- prise, and called it forth into vigorous exertion. The discerning eye of Elizabeth having early perceived that the security of a kingdom en- vironed by the sea depended on its uuval iu-.-o, she began her government with adding to the number and strength of the royal navy ; which, during a factious minority, and a reign intent on no object but that of suppressing heresy, bad been neglected, and suffered to decay. Slio tilled her arsenals with naval stores ; she built several ships of great force, according to the ideas of that age, and encouraged her sub- jects to imitate her example, that they might no longer depend on foreigners, from whom the English had hitherto purchased all vesseln of any considerable burden.' By those efforts the skill of the English artificers was improved, the number of sailors increased, and the atten- tion of the public turned to the navy, as the most important natiomal object. Instead of abandoning any of the new channels of com- merce which had been opened in the three pre- ceding reigns, the English frequented them with greater assiduity, and the patronage of their sovereign added vigour to all their efforts. In order to secure to them the continuance of their exclusive trade with Russia, Eiizabetii cultivated the connection with John Vasilowitz, which had been formed by her predecessor, and, by successive embassies gained his confidence so thoroughly, that the English enjoyed that lucrative privilege during his lung reign. She encouraged the Company of Merchant Adven- turers, whose monopoly of the Russian trado was confirmed by act of parliament," to resume their design of penetrating into Persia by land. Their second attempt, conducted with greater prudence, or undertaken at a more favourablo juncture than the first, was more successful. Their agents arrived in the Persian court, and obtained suck protection and immunities from the Shah, that for a course of years they carried on a gainful commerce in his kingdom ;' and by frequenting the various provinces of Persia, became so well acquainted with the vast riches of the Eaat, as strengthened their design of opening a more direct intercourse with those fertile regions by sea. But as every effort to accomplish this by tiie north-east had proved abortive, a scheme was formed, under the patronage of the Earl of Warwick, the head of the enterprising family of Dudley, to make a new attempt, by holding an opposite course by the north-west. The con- duct of this enterprise was committed to Martin 4 Unkluyt, 1. 310, &c. t:i?; ft Camd. Aim.iles, p. 78. edit. 1615 ; fol. HalsUiyt, i. 300. ^ Id. i all, &c. 284 HISTORY OF [Book IX. Frobiiher, an officer of experlenoo and reputa- tioo. In three lucccMlve voyages [1576, 1577, and 1678,] he explored the inhoepitable mast of Labrador, and that of Greenland (to which EU- vabeth gave the name of Meta Incognita), with- out discovering any probable appearance of that passage to India for which he sought. This new disappointment was sensibly felt, and might have damped the spirit of naval enterprise among the English, if it had not resumed fresh vigour, amidst the general exultation of the nation, upon the successful expedition of Francis Drake. That bold navigator, emulous of the glory which Magellan had acquired by sailing round the globe, formed a scheme of attempting a voy- nge, which ail Europe had admired for sixty years, without venturing to follow the Portu- guese discoverer in his adventurous course. Urake undertook this with a feeble squadron, in which the largest vessel did not exceed a hundred tons, and he accomplished it with no less credit to himself than honour to his coun- try. Even in this voyage, conducted with other views, Drake seems not to have been inattentive to thi> favourite object of his coun- trymen, the discovery of a new route to India. Before he quitted the Pacific Ocean, in order to stretch towards the Philippine Islands, he rang- ed along the coast of California, as high as the Intltuue of forty-two degrees north, in hopes of discovering, on that side, the communication between the two seas, which had so often been searched for In vain on the other. But this was the only unsuccessful attempt of Drake. The excessive cold of the climate, intolerable tu men who had long been accustomed to tropical heat, obliged him to stop short in his progress towards the north ; and whether or not there be any passage from the Pacific to the Atlantic Ocean in that quarter is a point still unascer- tained.' From this period, the English seem to have confided In their own abilities and courage, as equal to any naval enterprisie. They had now visited every region to which navigation ex- tended In that age, and had rivalled the nation of highest repute for naval skill in its most splendid exploit. But notwithstanding the knowledge which they had acquired of the different quar- ters of the globe, they had not hitherto attempted any settlement out of their own country. Their merchants had not yet acquired such a degree either of wealth or of political influence, as was requisite towards carrying a scheme of coloni- zation into execution. Persons of noble birth were destitute of the ideas and information which might have disposed them to patronise such a design. The growing power of Spain, however, and the ascendant over the other na- 1 Hakluyt, iii. V\0. Camd. Annal, 301, ftc. tlons of Europe to which it had attained under Charles V. and his son, naturally turned the attention of mankind towards the importance of those settlements in the New World, to which they were so much indebted for that pre-emi- nence. The intercourse between Spain and England, during the reign of Philip and Mary ; the resort of the Spanish nobility to the English court, while Philip resided there ; the study of the Spanish language, which became fashion- able; and the translation of several histories of America into English, diffused gradually through the nation a more distinct knowledge of the policy of Spain in planting its colonies, and of the advantages which it derived from them. When hostilities commenced between Elizabeth and Philip, the prospect of annoying Spain by sea opened a new career to the enter- prising spirit of the English nobility. Almost every eminent leader of the age aimed at distin- guishing himself by naval exploits. That service, and the Ideas connected with It, the discovery of unknown countries, the establishment of dis- tant colonies, and the enriching of commerce by new commodities, became familiar to persons of rank. In consequence of all those concurring causes, the English began seriously to form plans of set- tling colonies in those parts of America which hitherto they hud only visited. The projectors and patrons of these plans were mostly persons of rank and influence. Among them, Sir Hum- phry Gilbert, of Compton in Devonshire, ought to be mentioned with the distinction due to the conductor of the first English colony to Ameri- ca. He had aariy rendered himself conspicuous by his military services both in France and Ire- land ; and having afterwards turned bis atten- tion to naval affairs, he published a discourse concerning the probability of a north west pas- sage, which discovered no inconsiderable portion both of learning and Ingenuity, mingled with the enthusiasm, the credulity, and sanguine expectations which incite men to new and ha- zardous undertakings.* With those talents he was deemed a proper person to be employed in establishing a new colony, and easily obtained from the Queen letters patent [June 11, 1578,] vesting in him sufficient powers for this pur- pose. As this is the first charter to a colony gran'ed by the crown of England, the articles In it merit particular attention, as they unfold the ideas of that age with respect to the nature of such settlements. Elizabeth authorizes him to discover and take possession of all remote and barbarous lands, unoccupied by any Christian prince or people. She vests in him, his heirs and assigns for ever, the full right of property SHuliluyt.m. II. iUi. [Book IX. kttained under lly turned the I importance of »rld, to which that pre-eml- en Spain and lip and Mary ; to the English ; the atudy of came fashion* veral histories sed gradually net Itnowiedge ig its colonies, derived from need between t of annoying to the enter- lity. Almost med at distin- That service, the discovery ihment of dis> ' commerce by r to persons of urring causes, n plans of set- merica which rhe projectors lostly persons im. Sir Hum- [inshire, ought on due to the ny to Amerl- If conspicuous vnce and Ire- led his atten- >d a discourse rth west pas- lerable portion mingled with md sanguine new and ha- Me talents he I employed in lasily obtained une 11, 1678,] for this pur- olony granted articles in it By unfold the the nature of orizes him to U remote and iny Christian lim, his heirs It of property AMERICA. 285 in the soli of those countries whereof he slinli take possession. She permits such of her sub- jects as were willing to accompany Gilbert In his voyage, to go and settle in the countries which he shall plant. She empowers him, his heirs and assigns, to dispose of whatever por- tion of those lands he shall judge meet, to per- sons settled there, in fee simple, according to the laws of England. She ordains, that all the lands granted to Gilbert shall hold of the crown of England by homage, on payment of the iifth part of the gold or silver ore found there. She confers upon him, his heirs and assigns, the complete jurisdictions and royalties, as well marine as other, within the said lands and seas thereunto adjoining ; and as their common safe- ty and interest would render good government necessary in their new settlements, she gave Gilbert, his heirs and assigns, full power to con- vict, punish, pardon, govern, and rule, by their good discretion and policy, as well in causes capital or criminal as civil, both marine and other, all persons who shall, iVom time to time, settle within the said countries, according to such statutes, laws, and ordinances, as shall be by him, his heirs and assigns, devised and es- tablished for their better government. She de- clared, that ail who settled there should have and enjoy all the privileges of free denizens and natives of England, any law, custom, or usage to the contrary notwithstanding. And finally, she prohibited all persons from attempting to settle within two hundred leagues of any place which Sir Humphry Gilbert, or his associates, shall have occupied during the space of six years.* With those extraordinary powers, suited to the high notions of authority and prerogative prevalent In England during the sixteenth cen- tury, but very repugnant to more recent ideas with respect to the rights of free men, who voluntarily unite to form a colony, Gilbert be- gan to collect associates, and to prepare for em- barkation. His own character, and the zealous clfoVts of his half brother Walter llalegh, who even in his early youth displayed those splendid talents, and that undaunted spirit, which create admiration and confidence, soon procured him a sufficient number of followers. But his suc- cess was not suited either to the sanguine hopes of his countrymen, or to the expense of his preparations. Two expeditions, both of which he conducted in person, ended disastrously 11580]. In the last he himself perished, with- out having effected his intended settlement on the continent of America, or performing any thing more worthy of notice, than the empty formality of taking possession of the island of Newfoundland in the name of his sovereign. 3 Hakliiyl, m. 135. The dissensions among his officers ; the licen- tious and ungovernable spirit of some of his crew ; his total ignoranre of the countries which he purposed to occupy ; his misfortune in ap- proaching the continent too far towards the north, where the inhospitable coast of Cape Breton did not invite them to settle ; the ship- wreck of his largest vessel ; and, above all, the •canty provision which the funds of a private man could make of what was requisite for es- tablishing a new colony, were the true causes to which the failure of the enterprise must be im- puted, not to any deficiency of abilities or reso- lution in its leader.* But the miscarriage of a scheme, in which Gilbert had wasted his fortune, did not dis- courage llalegh. He adopted all his brother's ideas; and applying to the Queen, In whose favour he stood high at that time, he procured a patent [March 86, 1584], with jurisdiction and prerogatives as ample as had been granted unto Gilbert.* Halegb, no less eager to execute than to undertake the scheme, instantly despatched two small vessels [April S7], under the com- mand of Amadas'and Barlow, two officers of trust, to visit the countries which he intended to settle, and to acquire some previous know- ledge of their coasts, their soil, and productions. In order to avoid Gilbert's error, in holding too far north, they took their course by the Cana- ries and the West India islands, and approach- ed the North American continent by the Gulf of Florida. Unfortunately, their chief re- searches were made in that part of the country now known by the name of North Carolina, the province in America most destitute of com- modious harbours. They touched fint at an island, which they call Wokocon (probably Ocakoke,) situated on the inlet into Pampllcoe sound, and then at Iloanoke, near the mouth of Albemarle sound. In both they had some intercourse with the natives, whom they found to be savages with all the characteristic qualities of uncivilized life, bravery, aversion to labour, hospitality, a propensity to admire, and a will- ingness to exchange their rude productions for English commwlivies, especially for iron, or any of the useful metals of which they were desti- tute. After siKtnding a few weeks in this traffic, and in visiting some parts of the adjacent con- tinent, Amadns and Barlow returned to Eng- land [Sept. 15], with two of the natives, and gave such splendid descriptions of the beauty of the country, the fertility of the soil, and the mildness of the climate, that Elizabeth, delight- ed with the idea of occupying a territory supe- rior, so far, to the barren regions towards the north hitherto visited by her subjects, bestowed on it the name of Virginia; as a memorial that i f~f' *'I 'F r 14 t i1 u' m "'H I Hakluvt, lii. 313. &r. 5 Ibid. ill. SU if86 HISTORY OF [Book IX. : j tbis happy discovery had been made under a virt|tn queen.' Their report encouraged Ualegh to hasten his preparations for talcing possession of such an in> viting property. He fitted out a squadron of seven small ships, under the command of Sir Illchard Greenville, a man of honourable birth, and of courage so undaunted as to be conspicu- ous even in that gallant age. But the spirit of that predatory war which the English carried on against Spain, mingled with this scheme of settlement ; and on this account, as well as from unacquaintauce with a more direct and shorter course to North America, Greenville sailed by the West India islands. He spent some time in cruising among these, and in taking prizes ; so that it was towards the close of June before be arrived on the coast of North America. Pie touched at both the islands where Amadas and Barlow had landed, and made some excursions into different parts of the continent round Pam- licoe and Albemarle sounds. But as, unfor> tunately, he did not ad\'ance far enough towards tlie north, to discover the noble bay of Chesa- peiik, he established the colony [Aug. S5], which he left on the island of Hoanolce, >• ■ incommo- dious station, without any safe harbour, and al- most uninhabited.* This colony consisted only of one hundred and eighty persons, under the command of Cap- tain Lane, assisted by some men of note, the mvst distinguished of whom was Harlot, an eminent mathematician. Their chief employ- ment, during a residence of nine months, was to obtain a more extensive knowledge of the country ; and their researches were carried on with greater spirit, and reached further than could have been expected from a colony so feeble, luid in a station so disadvantageous. But from tile same impatience of indigent adventurers to acquire sudden wealth which gave a wrong direction to the industry of the Spaniards in their settlements, the greater part of the English seem to have considered nothing as worthy of attention but mines of gold and silver. These they sought for wherever they cunie : these they inquired after witii unwearied eagerness. The savages soon discovered the favourite objects which allured them, and artfully amused them with so many talcs concerning pearl fsheries, and rich mines of various metals, thr t Lane and his companions wasted their time and activity in the chimerical pursuit of these, instead of labouring to raise provisions for tl' tir own sub- sistence. On discovering the deceit of the In- dians, they were so much exasperated, that from expostulations and reproaches they proceeded to open hostility [1586J. The supplies of provision which they had been accustomed to receive from I Hakluyt, iii, titO. •i Id. iii. t;51. the natives «vere of course withdrawn. Through their own negligenco no other precaution had been taken for their support, lialegh, having engaged in a iioheme too expensive for his narrow funds, had not been able to send them that re- cruit of stores with which Greenville had pro- mised to furnish them early in the spring. The colony, reduced to the utmost distress, and ou the point of perishing with famine, was prepar- ing to disperse into different districts of the country in quest of food, when Sir Francis Drake appeared with his fleet [June I], return- ing from a successful expedition against the Spaniards in the West Indies. A scheme which he formed, of furnishing Lane and his associates with such supplies as might enable them to re- main with comfort in their station, was disap- pointed by a sudden storm, in which a small ve'iyl that he destined for their service was daithcd to pieces ; and as he could not supply them with another, at their joint request, us they were worn out with fatigue and famiue, he carried them home to England' [June 19]. Such was the inauspicious beginning of the English settlements in the New World ; and, after exciting high expectations, this first at- tempt produced no effect but that of affording a more complete knowledge of the country ; as it enabled Harlot, a man of science and observa- tion, to decribe its soil, climate, productions, and the manners of its inhabitants, with a de- gree of accuracy which merits no inconsiderable praise, when compared with the childish and moi-veilous tales published by several of the early visitants of the New World. There is another consequence of this abortive colony impoitant enough to entitle it to a place in history. Lane and his associates, by their constant intercourse with the Indians, had acquired a relish for their favourite enjoyment of smoking tobacco ; to the use of which, the credulity of that people not only ascribed a thousand imaginary virtues, but their superstition considered the plant itself as a gracious gift of the gods, fur the solace of hu- man kind, and the most acceptable offering which man can present to heaven.* They brought with them a specimen of this new commodity toEngland, and taught their coun- trymen the method of using it ; which Ralrgh and some young men of fashion fondly adopted. From imitation of them, from love of novelty, and from the favourable opinion of its salutary qualities entertained by several physicians, the practice spread among the English. The Spa- niards and Portuguese had, previous to this, introduced it in other parts of Europe. This habit of taking tobacco gradually extended from the extremities of the north to those of tlit- 3 Haltluyt, U. 355. Cimil. Aniial. 'JS7. •1 Haript ap. Ilakluyt, iii. a7l. Dc Bry. America, pat»i. 0tam [Book IX. idrawii. Through er precaution bad lialegh, having live for his narrow nd them that re- eenviile had pro- I the spring. The dlslresf, and on nine, was prepar- t districts of the 'hen Sir Francis [June IJ, return- itioa against the A scheme which and his lusociutes labie them to re- ttion, was disap- in which a small their service was could nut supply joint request, us itigue und famine, and' [June 19]. be^riuning of the n8, this first at- that of affording ' the country ; as ience and observa- late, productions, itants, with a de- no inconsiderable the childish and leveral of the early There is another colony important in history. Lane istuDt intercourse d a relish for their ig tobacco ; to the f that people not inary virtues, but the plant itself as ' the solace of hu- ;ccptable offering heaven. * They aen of this new lught their coun- t; which Ralegh n fondly adopted. > love of novelty, im of its salutary il physicians, the iglish. The Spa- previous to this, >f Europe. This ly extended from to those of tlif 387. Dry. America, p,it» i. AMERICA. 287 south, and in one form or other seems to be equally grateful to the inhabitants of every cli- mate ; and by a singular caprice of the human species, no less inexplicable than unexampled (ao bewitching is the acquired taste for a weed of no manifest utility, and at first not only un- pleasant but nauseous), that it has become almost as universal as the demands of those appetites originally implanted in our nature. Smoking was the first mode of taking tobacco in Eng- land ; and we learn from the comic writers towards the close of the sixteenth century and the beginning of the seventeenth, that this was deemed one of the accomplishments of a man of fashion and spirit. A few days after Drake departed from Roa- noke, a small bark, despatched by Ralegh with a supply of stores for the colony, landed at the place where the English had settled; but on finding it deserted by their countrymen, they returned to England. The bark was hardly gone, when Sir Richard Greenville appeared with three ships. After searching in vain for the colony which he had planted, without being able to learn what had befallen it, he left fifteen of his crew to keep possession of the island. This handful of men was soon overpowered and cut in pieces by the savages.' Though all Ralegh's efforts to establish a co- lony in Virginia had hitherto proved abortive, and had been defeated by a succession of disas- ters and disappointments, neither his hopes nor resources were exhausted. Early in the follow- ing year [15871, ^^ fitted out three ships, under the command of Captain John White, who car- ried thither a colony more numerous than that which had been settled under Lane. On their arrival in Virginia, after viewing the face of the country covered with one continued forest, which to them appeared an uninhabited wild, as it was occupied only by a few scattered tribes of savoged, they discovered that they were des- titute of many things which they deemed essen- tially necessary towards their subsistence in such an uncomfortable situation ; and with one voice, requested White, their commander, to return to England, as the person among them most likely to solicit, with efficacy, the supply on which depended the existence of the colony. White landed in his native country at a most unfavourable season for the negotiation which he had undertaken. He found the nation in universal alarm at the formidable preparations of Philip H. to invade England, and collecting all its force to oppose the fleet to which he had arrogantly given the name of the Invincible Armada. Ralegh, Greenville, and all the most zealous patrons of the new settlement, were called to act a distinguished part in the opera- 6 Hakliiyt, ill. !«&, SKf . tions of a year [1588], equally Interesting and glorious to England. Amidst danger so immi- nent, and during a contest for the honour of their sovereign and tlie independence of their country, it was impossible to attend to a less important and remote object. The unfortunate colony in Roanoke received no supply, and perished mis- erably by famine, or by the unrelenting cruelty of those barbarians by whom they were sur- rounded. During the remainder of Elizabeth's reign, the scheme of establishing a colony in Virginia was not resumed. Ralegh, with a most aspir- ing mind and extraordinary talents, enlightened by knowledge no less uncommon, had the spirit and thb defects of a projector. Allured by new objects, and always giving the preference to such as were most splendid and arduous, he was apt to engage in undertakings so vast and so various as to be far beyond his power of accomplishing. He was now intent on peopling and improving a large district of country in Ireland, of which he had obtained a grant from the Queen. He was a deep adventurer in the scheme of fitting nut a powerful armament against Spain, in or- der to establish Don Antonio on the throne of Portugal. He had begun to form his favourite but visionary plan, of penetrating Into the pro- vince of Guiana, where he fondly dreamed of taking possession of inexhaustible wealth flow- ing from thejricbest mines in the New World. Amidst this multiplicity of projects, of such pro- mising appearance, and recommended by novel- ty, he naturally became cold towards his ancient and hitherto unprofitable scheme of settling a colony in Virginia, and was easily induced to assign his right of property in that country, which he had never visited, together with all the privileges contained in his patent, to Sir Thomas Smith and a company of merchants in London [March, 1596]. This company, »:ntis- fied with a paltry traffic carried on by a few small barks, made no attempt to take possession of the country. Thus, ifter a period of a hun- dred and six years from the time that Cabot discovered North America in the name of Henry VII., and of twenty years from the time that Ralegh planted the first colony, there was not a single Englishman settled there at the demise of Queen Elizabeth, in the year one thousand six hundred and three. I have already explained the cause of this dur- ing the period previous to the accession of Kliza- beth. Other causes produced the same effsct under her administration. Though for one half of her reign England was engaged in no foreign war, and commerceenjoyed that perfectsecurity vhich is friendly to its progress ; though the glory of her later years gave the highest tone of elevation and vigour to the national spirit ; the Queen herself, from her extreme parsimony, and her nversion to demand extraordinary supplies of \i| ' >^ 4. 288 HISTORY or [Dooh IX. her ■ubjectt, wan more apt to restrain than to ■econd the ardent geiiiui of her people. Several of the mott ipleudld untsrprlse* in her reign were concerted and executed by private ndven- tureri. All the schemes for colonization were carried on by the funds of individiials, without •ny public aid. Even the felicity of her govern- ment was adverse to the establishment of re- mote colonies. So powerful is the attraction of our native soil, and such our fortunate partiality to the laws and manners of our own country, that men seldom ohoose to abandon It, unless thxy be driven away by oppression, or allured by vast prospects of sudden wealth. But the provinces of America, in which the English at- tempted to settle, did not, lilce those occupied by Simin, invite them thither by any appear- ance of silver or gold mines. All their hopes of gain were diiitHnt ; and they saw that nothing could be earned but by persevering exertions of industry. .The maxims of Elizabeth's ad- ministration were, in their general tenor, so popular, Hs did not force her subjects to emi- grate in order to escape from the heavy or vexa- tious hand of power. It seems to have been with difficulty that these slender bands of plant- ers were collected, on which the writers of tliat age bestow the name of the first and second Virginian colonies. The fulness of time for English colonization was not yet arrived. But the succession of the Scottish line to the crown of England [1603] hastened its approach. James was hardly seated on the throne before he discovered his pacific Intentions, and he soon terminated the long war which bad been carried on between Spain and England, by an amicable treaty. From that period, uninterrupted tran- quillity continued during his reign. Many per- sons of high rank, and of ardent ambition, to whom the war with Spain bad aiforded i«n- stnnt employment, and presented alluring prospects not only of fame but of wealth, soon became so Impatient of languishing at home without occupation or object, that tlieir Inven- tion was on the stretch to find some exercise for their activity and talents. To both these North America seemed to open a new field, and schemes of carrying colonies thither became more general and more popular. A voyage undertaken by Bartholomew Go»- nold In the last year of the Queen, facilitated as well as encouraged the execution of these schemes. He sailed frdm Falmouth in a small bark with thirty-two men. Instead of follow- ing former navigators in their unnecessary cir- cuit by the West India isles and the Gulf of Florido, Gosnold steered due west as nearly as the winds would permit, and was the first Eng- lish commander who reached America by this shorter and more direct course. That part of the continent which he first descried was a prO' montory in the province now called MassachU' sets Bay, to which he gave the name of Cape Cod. Holding along the roast as it stretched towards the south-west, he touched at two Islands, one of which he called Martha's Vine- yard, the other Elizabeth's Island ; and visited the adjoining continent, and traded with its lu" habitants. He and his companions were so much delighted every where with the Inviting aspect of the country, that notwithstanding the smallness of their number, a part of them con- sented to remain there. But when they had leisure to reflect upon the fate of former settlers In America, they retracted a resolution farmed in the first warmth of their admiration ; and Gosnold returned to England In less than four months from the time of his departure.' This voyage, however inconsiderable it may appear, bad important effects. The English now discovered the aspect of the American con- tinent to be extremely inviting far to the north (if the place where they had formerly attempted to settle, 'i'hc coast of a vast country, stretching throijgh the most desirable climiites, lay beforo them. The richness of its virgin soil promised a certain recompense to their industry. In its interior provinces unexpected sources of wealth might open, and unknown objects of commerce might be found. Its distance from England was diminished almost a third part by the new course which Gosnold had pointed out. I'lans for establishing colonies began to be formed In different parts of the kingdom ; and before these were ripe for execution, one small vessel was sent out by the merchants of Bristol, another by the Eiarl of Southampton and Lord Arundel of Wardour, In order to learn whether Gosnold's account of the country was to be considered as a just representation of Its state, or as the exaggerated description of a fond dis- coverer. Both returned with a full confirma- tion of his veracity, and with the addition of so many new circumstances in favour of the. coun- try, acquired by a more extensive view of It, as greatly Increased the desire of planting it. The most active and efficacious promoter of this was Richard Hakluyt, prebendary of West- minster, to whom England Is more indebted for its American possessions than to any man of that age. Formed under a kinsman of the same name, eminent for naval and commercial knowledge, he imbibed a similar taste, and ap- plied early to the study of geography and navi- gation. These favourite sciences engrossed his attention, and to diffuse a relish for them was the great object of his life. In order to excite his countrymen to naval enterprise, by flatter- ing their national vanity, he published, in the year one thousand five hundred and eighty-nine, bis valuable collection of voyages and discoveries I Purchaa, iv. p. 1647. i. aMltaM [Book IX. ;lie name of Cape ist aa it atretcbed touched at two d Mnrtha'i Vine- land ; and vlilted i-aded witli it* ln'< npnniona were «o with tho inviting twithstanding the part of them con- t when they had of former settlera resolution formed admiration; and in IcM than four leparture.' nsiderabie it may :r. The English he American con- g far to the north Drmerly attempted ountry, stretching imiites, lay before rgin soil promised industry. In its sources of wealth jects of commerce ce from England 1 part by the new inted out. I'lans [an to be formed ;dom; and before one small vessel lanta of Bristol, impton and Lord to learn whether untry was to be ttion of its state, }n of a fond dis- • full confirma- the addition of so Tour of the. coun- ye Tiew of it, as planting it. lioos promoter of ibendary of West- is more indebted ban to any man kinsman of the and commercial ar taste, and ap- praphy and navi- ces engrossed bis h for them was 1 order to excite prise, by flatter- jiublislied, in the I and eighty-nine, es and discoveries 47. A M E R I C A. 289 mode by Englishmen. In order to supply them with what information might be derived from the experience of the most successful foreign navigators, he translated some of tho best accounts of the progress of the Spaniards and Portuguese in their voyages both to the East and West Indies, into the English tongue. He was consulted with respect to many of the attempts towards discovery or colonization during the latter part of Elizabeth's reign. He corresponded with the officers who conduct- ed thum, directed their researches to proper ob- jects, and published the history of their exploits. By the zealous endeavours of u peruon equally respected by men of ranlc and men of business, many of both orders formed an association to establish colonics in America, and petitioned the king for the sanction of his authority to warrant the execution of their plans. James, who prided himself on his profound skill in the science of government, and who had turned his attention to consider the advantages which might bo derived from colonies, at a time when he patronized his scheme for planting them in some of the ruder provinces of his an- cient kingdom, with a view of introducing in- dustry and civilization there,' was now no less fond of directing the active genius of his Eng- lish subjects towards occupations not repugnant to his own paciflc maxims, and listened with a favourable ear to their application. But as the extent as well aa value of the American conti- nent began now to be better known, a grant of the whole of such a vast region to any one body of men, however respectable, appeared to him an act of impolitic and profuse liberality. For this readon he divided that portion of North America, which stretches from the thirty-fourth to the fifty-fifth degree of latitude, into two districts nearly equal ; the one called the first or south colony of Virginia, the other, the second or north colony [April 10, 1616]. He autho- rized Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Summers, Richard Hakluyt, and their associates, mostly resident in London, to settle any part of the former which they should choose, and vested in them a right of property to the land extending along the coast fifty miles on each side of the place of their first habitation, and reaching into the interior country a hundred miles. The lat- ter district he allotted, as the place of settlement to sundry knights, gentlemen, and merchants of Bristol, Plymouth, and other parts in the west of England, with a similar grant of territory. Neitker the monarch who issued this charter, nor his subjects who received it, had any con- ception that they were proceeding to lay the foundation of mighty and opulent states. What James granted was nothing more than a simple S Hilt of Scotland, vol U. charter of corporation to a trading company, empowering the members of It to have n com- mon seal, anil to act as a body politic. But aa the object for which they associated was i ew, the plan established for the administration of their atfairs was uncommon. Instead of the power usually granted to corporations, of elect- ing oflicers and framing by-laws for the conduct of their own operations, the supreme govern- ment of the colonies to be settled was vested in a council resident in England, to be named by the king, according to such laws and ordinances as should be given under his sign manual ; and the subordinate jurisdiction was committed to a council resident in America, which was like- wise to be nominated by the king, and to act conformably to his instructions. To this im- portant clause, which regulated the form of their constitution, was added the concession of several immunities to encourage persons to settle in the Intended colonies. Some of these were tho same which had been granted to Gilbert and Ilalegh ; such as the securing to the emigrants and their descendants all tho rights of denizens, in the same manner as if they had remained or had l>een born in England ; and granting them the privilege of holding their lands in America by the freest and least burdensome tenure. Others were more favourable than those grant- ed by Elizabeth. He permitted whatever was necessary for the sustenance or commerce of the new colonies to be exported from England, during the space of seven years, without paying any duty ; and, as a further incitement to in- dustry, he granted them liberty of trade with other nations, and appropriated the duty to be levied on foreign commodities, for twenty-one years, as a fund for the benefit of the colony.^ In this singular charter, the contents of which have been little attended to by the historians of America, some articles ore as unfavourable to the rights of the colonists as others are to the in- terest of the parent state. By placing the legis- lative and executive powers in a council nomina- ted by the crown, and guided by its instruc- tions, every person settling in America seems to be bereaved of the noblest privilege of a fre« man ; by the unlimited permission of trade with foreigners, the parent state is deprived of that exclusive commerce which has been deemed the chief advantage resulting from the establish- ment of colonies. But in the infancy of colo- nization, and without the guidance of observa- tion or experience, the ideas of men, with re- spect to the mode of forming new settlements, were not fully unfolded or properly arranged. At a period when they could not foresee the future grandeur and importance of the commu- 3 Stith. Hist of Virginia, p. 35. Append, p; 1. chsi, V, 16B3. Pur. u S90 HISTORY OF [Book IX. nitim which Ihpy won about to call Into nlit- rncf, they were ill quallfled to conoert the beet plan for goTmilii(^ them. Betides, the Kiigliih of that age, aocuitomed to the high prerogative and arbltary rule of their monarubs, were not animated with such liberal sentiments, either coaoeming their own personal or political rigblSt as hare become familinr In the more mature and Improved statu of tlioir constitution. Without hesitation or reluctance the proprie- tors of both colonies prepared to execute their respective plans ; and under the authority of a charter, which would now be rejected with disdain as a violent invasion of the sacred and Inalienable rights of liberty, the flrst permanent settlements of the £nglish in America were es- tablished. From this period, the progress of Um two provinces of Virginia and New £ngland forms a regular and connected story. The for- mer in the south, and the latter in the north, may be considered as the original and parent colonies: in imitation of which, and under whose shelter, all the others have been succes- slvjely planted and reared. The first attempts to occupy Virginia and New England were made by very feeble bodies of emigrants. As these settled under great disadvantages, among tribes of savages, and in an uncultivated desert ; as they at'nined gradu- ally, after long struggles and many Uiwsters, to that maturity of strength, and order of p3licy, which entitle them to be eousldered as respect- able states, the history of their persevering ef- forts merits particular attention. It will exhibit a spectacle no less striking than instructive, and presents an opportunity, which rarely occurs, of contemplating a society in the first moment of its political existence, and of observing how its spirit forms in its infant state, how its prin- ciples begin to unfold as It advances, and how those characteristic qualities which distinguish its maturer age are successively acquired. The account of the establishment of the other Eng- lish colonics, undertaken at periods when the importance of such possessions was better under- stood, and eiTected by more direct and vigorous exertions of the parent state, is less interesting. I shall therefore relate the history of the two original colonies In detail. With respect to the aubsequetat settlements, some more general ob- servations concerning the time, the motives, and circumstances of their establishment will be sufficient. I begin with the history of Vir- ginia, the most ancient and most valuable of the British colonies iu North America. Though many persons of distinction b«iame proprietars ia the company which undertook to plant a colony in Virginia, Its funds seem not to have been considerable, and its first effort was certainly extremely feeble. A small vessfel of a hundred tons, and two barks, under the command of Captain Newport, sailed [Dec. 19] with a hundred and Ave men destined toremnln in the country. Some of these were of respectable families, particularly a brother of the Earl of Northumberlaud, and several officers who hod served with i-eputatlon in the reign of Ellzitbeth. Newport, I know not for what reason, followed the ancient course by the West Indies, and did not reach the coast of North America for four months [April 86, 1607]. But he approached it with better fortune thon any former naviga- tor; for, having been driven, by the violence of a storm, to the northward of Itoanoke, the place of his destination, the first land he discovered was a promontory which he called Cape Henry, the southern boundary of the Bay of Chesapenk. The '^i^ngllsh stood directly into that B|iBvious Inlet, which seemed to invite them to enter; and ij they advanced, contemplated, with a mi (iurn of delight and admiration, that grand mervoir, into which are poured the watem of all tl;« vast rivers, which not only diflTuse ferti- lity through that district of America, but open the interior parts of the country to navigation, and render a commercial intercourse more ex- tensive and commodious than in any other re- gion of the globe. Newport, keeping along the southern shore, sailed up a river, which the natives called Powhatan, and to which he gnve the name of James lUver. After viewing its banks, during a run of above forty miles from i(a mouth, they all concluded that a country, where safe and convenient harbours seemed to be nu- merous, would be a more suitable station for a trading colony than the shoaly and dangerous coast to the south, on which their countrymen had foruerly settled. Hero theil they deter- mined to abide; and having chosen a proper spot for their residence, they gave this infant settlement the name of James Town, which it still retains ; and though it has never become either populous or opulent, it can boast of being the most ancient habitation of the English in the New World. But however well chosen the situation might be, the members of the colony were far from availing themstlves of its advantages. Violent animosities had broke out among some of their leaders, during their voyago to Virginia. These did not subside on their arrival there. The first deed of the council, which assumed the government In virtue of a commission brought from England under the seal of the company, and opened on the>day after they landed, was an act of injustice. Captain Smith, who had lieen appointed a member of the council, was excluded from his seat at the lioard, by the mean jealousy of his colleagues, and not only reduced to the condi- tion of a private man, but of one suspected and watched by his superiors. This diminutiou of his infiuence, and restraint on his activity, was an essential injury to the colony, which at that juncture stood in need of the alJ of [Book IX. itlnril torRmnIn ire of reipec table of the Earl of ifflcert who had gn of Ellxnbeth. reaion, followed Indie*) and did \merica fur four It he approached ' former naviga- f the violence of uiinoke, the place nd he discovered led Cape Henry, ay of Chempeak. ito that epauioui them to enter; mplated, with a ition, that grand id the waten of Illy diffuse fertU merica, but open 'y to navigation, rcoune more cx- in any other re- leeplng along the river, which the to which he gave After viewing its irty miles from it* : a country, where seemed to be nu- ble station for n 1y and dangerous their countrymen theri they deter- chosen a proper gave thislnfimt Town, which it has never become »tn boast of being >f the English in ever well chosen members of the themselves of its ties had broke out uring their voyage subside on their 1 of the council, mt in virtue of a ngland under the >ened on the>day act of injustice, been appointed a ixduded from his m jealousy of his uced totheoondi- one suspected and This diminutiou nt on his activity, ;be colony, which leed of the alJ of AMERICA. t9l \ both. For soon after they bogan to settle, the English were Involved in a war with the na- tives, partly by their own indiscretion, and partly by the suspivion and ferocity of those barbarians. And although the Indians, scatter- ed over the'cfluntrles acyacent to James Itiver, were divided into independent tribes, so ex- tremely feeble that hardly one of them could muster above two hundred warriors,' they teased and annoyed an infant colony by their incessant hostilities. To this was added a calamity still more dreadful ; the stock of provisions left for their subsistence, on the departure of their ships for England [June 15,J was so scanty and of such bad quality, that a scarcity, approach- ing almost to absolute famine, soon followed. Such poor unwholasome fare brought on dis- eases, the violence of which was so much in- creased by the sultry heat of the climate, and the moisture of a country covered with wood, that before the beginning of September one half of their number died, and most of the survivors were sickly and dejected. In such trying ex- tremities, the comparative powers of every in- dividual are discovered and called forth, and each naturally takes that station, and assumes that ascendant, to which he is entitled by his talents and force of mind. Every eye was now turned towards Smith, and all willingly de- volved ot> him that authority of which they had formerly deprived him. His undaunted temper, deepiy tinctured with the wild ro- mantic spirit characteristic of military adven- turers in that age, was peculiarly suited to such a situation. 'I'he vigour of his constitution continued fortunately still unimpaired by dis- ease, and his mind was never appalled by dan- ger. He Instantly adopted the only plan that could save them from destruction. He began by surrounding Jamea Town with such rude forti- fications as were a sufficient defence against the assaults of savages. He then marched, at the head of a small detachment, in quest of thbir enemies. Some tribes he gained by caresses and presents, and procured from them a supply of provisions. Others lie attacked with open force; and defeating them on every ficcasioii, whatever their superiority in numbers might be, compelled them to impart to him some por- tion of their winter stores. As the recompense of all bis toils and dangers, he saw abundance and contentment re-established in the colony, and hoped that he should be able to maintain them in that happy state, until the arrival of ships from Eugland in the spring ; but in one of his excursions he was surprised by a numerous body of Indians, and in making his escape from them, after a gallant defence, he sunk to the neck in a swamp, and was obliged to surrender. 1 PurchM, vol. iv. 1608. Smith's Travels, p. i!3. Though he knew well what a dreadful nte awaits thd prisoners of savages, his presence of mind did not forsake him. He showed those who bad token him captive a mariners' com- pass, and amused them with so many wonder- ful accounts of its virtues as filled them with astonishment and veneration, which began to operate very powerfully in his favour. They led him, however, in triumph through various parts of the eountry, and conducted him at last to Powhatan, the most considerable Saohim In that part of Virginia. There the doom of death being pronounced, he was led to the phiue of execution, and his head already bowed down to receive the fatal blow, when that fond attach- ment of the American women to their Euro- pean invndPD, thu beneficial effects of which the Spaniai'ds often cxperienocd, interposed in hi* behalf. The favourite daughter of Powhatan rushed in between him and the executioner, and by her entrentles and tears prevailed on her father to spare his life. The beneficence of his deliverer, whom the early English writers dig- nify with the title of the Princess Pocahuntas, did not terminate here ; she soon after procured his liberty, and sent from time to time season- able presents of provisions.* Smith, on his return to James Town, found the colony reduced to thirty-eight persons, who in despair were preparing to abandon a country which did not seem destined to be the habitation of Englishmen. He employed caresses, threats, and even violence, in order to prevent them from executing this fatal resolution. With dif- ficulty he prevailed on them to defer it so long, that the succour anxiously expected from Eng- land arrived. Plenty was instantly sestored; a hundred new planters were added to tbeir number ; and an ample stock of whatever was requisite for clearing and sowing the ground was delivered to them. But an unlucky inci- dent turned their attention from that species of industry which alone could render their situa- tion comfortable. In a small stream of water that Issued from a bank of sand near James Town, a sediment of some shining mineral sub- stance, which had some resemblance of gold, was discovered. At a time when the precioua metals were conceived to be the peculiar and only valuable productions of the New World, when every mountain was supposed to contain a treasure, and every rivulet was searchad for its golden sands, this appearance was fondly considered as an infallible indication of a mine. Every hand was eager to dig ; large quantities of this glittering dust were amassed. From some assay of its nature, made by an artist as unskilful as his companions were credulous, it was pi-o- I' 2 Smith's Travcb, p. 44, &c. p. 45, &c. Furchsi, iv. I'M. Stith. Mff HF STORY O tBooK IX. li noiinetd to be axtrtmvly rieh. " llierc wit now," Mjri Smith, " no talk, no hop«, no work, but dig gold, WMh gold, reflna golf*..'" With thli imaginary ircalth tha tint vnael re- turning to England wa« loadtd, while the cul- ture of the land and every uieful occupation were totally neglected. The effecti of thie fatal deluilon were toon felt. Notwlthitnndlng nil the provlden ctl- vlty of Smith, In procuring corn from tnu na- tive! by traffic or by force, the colony began to ■uffer ae much a« formerly from icarclty of food, and waa waited by the lame dlitempere. In hopoi of obtaining iome relief, Smith pro- poi«d, ae they had not hitherto extended their resenrchri beyond the countriee contiguoue to Jamee Itlver, to open an interoouree with the more remote tribei, and to examine Into the itate of culture and population among them. The execution of thli arduoua design he under- tool< himaelf, in a email open boat, with a feeble crew, and a very acanty atock of provislona. He began his aurvey at Cape Charles, and In two different excursions, which continued above four months, he advanced aa fur na the river Suaquehannah, which flowa into the boK.^m of the buy. He vlalted ail the countrit both on the eaat and weat ahorea; he entered most of the considerable creeks; he sailed up many of the great rivers aa far aa their fails. He traded with aome tribes , he fought with othera ; he obaerved the nature of the territory which they occupied, their mode of aubslatence, the peculla- ritiea in their mannera ; and left among all a wonderful admiration either of the beneficence or valour of the English. After aailing above three thouaand milea In a paltry vessel, ill fitted for such an extensive navigation, during which the hardships to which he was exposed, aa well aa the patience with which he endured, and the fortitude with which he surmounted them, equal whatever Is related of the celebrated Spanish discoverers in their most daring enterprises, he returned to James Town ) he brought with iilm an account of that large portion of the American continent now comprehended In the two provinces of Virginia and Maryland,* ao full and exact, that after the progress of infor- mation and research for a century and a half, his map exhibita no inaccurate view of both countries, and is the original upon which all subsequent delineations and descriptions have been formed.* But whatever pleasing prospect of future be- nefit might open upon this complete diacovery of a country formed by nature to be the aeat of an exclusive commerce, it afforded but little relief for their preaent wants. The colony still '.. *- t Smith's Travels, p. sa 9 lb. p. dS, Ac. 3 Stith, p. sa depended for subslatcnca chiefly on luppllesfrom the nalivea ; aa, after ail the efforts of their own industry, hardly thirty acres of ground were yet cleared so aa to be capable of culture.* Uy Smith'a attentlcn, however, the atorea of the English were so regularly filled that i'or some time they felt no considerable distress ; and at this Juncture a change was made in the consti- tution of the company, which seemed to promise an increase of their security and happiness. That supreme direcMon of all the company's operations, which the King by his charter had reserved to himself, discouraged persons of rank or property from becoming members of a society ao dependent on the arbitrary will of the crown. Upon a repreaenlntlon of thia to Jamcu, he granted them a new charter [May 83, KMH)], with more ample privllegea. He enlarged the boundarlea of the colony ; he rendered the powera of the company, aa a corporation, morn explicit and complete; he abolished the juris- diction of the council resident in Virginia ; he veatt'd the government entirely in a council re- aiding in London ; he granted to the proprietors of thn company the right of electing the persons wlio were to compose this council, by a majority of voices ; he authorized this council to establUb such laws, orders, and forma of government and magistracy, for the colony and plantation, osi they In their discretion should think to be fittest for the good of the adventurers and inhabitants there ) he empowered them to nominate n governor to have the administration of affalra In the colony ; and to carry their orders into execu- tion.' In consequence of these concessions, the company having acquired the power of regula- ting ail its own transactions, the number of proprietors Increased, and among them we find the most respectable names in tlie nation. The first deed of the new council was to appoint Lord Delaware governor and captain- general of their colony in Virginia. To a person of his rank those high sounding titles could be no allurement ; and by his thorough acquaintance with the progress and state of the- settlement, he knew enough of the labour and (llfliculty with which an infant colony is reared, to expect any thing but anxiety and care in dis- charging the duties of that delicate office. But, from zeal to promote an establishment which he expected to prove so highly beneficial to his conn- try, he waa willing to reliniquish all the comforts of an honourable station, to undertake a long voy- age to settle in an uncultivated region, deatltute of every accommodation to which he had been accus- tomed, and where he foresaw that toil, and trouble, and danger awaited him. Butas hecould not Im- mediately leave England, the council despatched Sir Thomas Gates and Sir George Summers, the 4 Stlth, p. U7. 5 Stith, Append. R. , [[Book IX. oniupptletflroin irt« of their own of ground wer« if culture.* Uy h« iturei of th« ti timt ibr loino dlitrcM; mid •! In In the ronttl- lemed to promlae and hupplneii. the company'* hli charter had pertoni of mnk ibert of a lovlety ill of the crown. • to JamcH, ha [May 89, 16(H)], He enlarKcd the ie rendered the (irporatlon, morn Hulled the Jurli* in Virginia ; he r in n council re- o the proprletora ctlng the penona cil, by a majority uncll to eitabliiib government and lantation, an they L to be fittest for iihabltants there} iiate H governor >f nifHlra In the 'dei's into execu- ) concenlont, the lower of regula- the number of ng them we find the nation, council wa» to lor and captain- /irginia. To a sounding titlee by his thoiiiugh niid state of the- >f the labour and colony is reared, and care in dis- late office. But, shment which he ificial tohlscoan- h all the comforts trtahealongvoy- cglon, destitute of lehadbeenaccus- t toil, and trouble, he could not im- [>uncil despatched 'ge Summers, the Ippcnd. ft AMERICA. •299 former of whom had been apiMilnted lieutenant. general and the latter adiuiral, with nine sliip* itnd Ave hundred piaiilers. 'i'hey carried with them cuinmisaliiiis by which they were em- powered toiupenedH the Jurlsdictlun of the for- mer council, to proclaim Lord Delaware gover- nor, and until he should arrive, to take the ad- miuiitratlon of alluirs into their own hands. A violent hurrlcaFie separated the vessel in which Gates and Suiiiiiiers had embarked from the rest of the lleet, and stranded It on the coast of Derm udus [ Aug. II J. The other ships ar- rived safely at James Town, liut the lute of their commanders was unknown. Their com- mission for new modelling the government, and all other public papers, were supposed to bo lust together with them. The present form of go- vernment, however, was held to be abolished. No legal warrant could be produced fur esta- blishing any other. Smith was not in a con- dition at this Juncture to assert his own rights, or to act with his wonted vigour. Uy an ac- cidental explosion of gunpowder, he j^ad been s«< miserably scorched and mangled that he was incapable of moving, and under the neces«iiy of committing himself to the guidance of his friends, who carried him aboard one of the ships returning to England, In liupet that he might recover by more skilful treatment than he could meet with in Virginia.' AlUr his departure, every thing tended fust to the wildest anarchy. Faction and discontent bad often risen so high among the old settlers that they could hardly be kept within' bounds. The spirit of the new comers was too ungovern- able to bear any restraint. Several among them of better rank were such dissipated hopeless young men, as their friends were glad to send out in quest of whatever fortune might betide them in a foreign land. Of the lower order many were so profligate, or desperate, that their country was happy to throw them out as nui- sances in society. Such persons were little capable of the regular subordination, the strict economy, and persevering industry, which their situation required. The Indians observing their misconduct, and that every precaution for sustenance or safety was neglected, not only withheld the supplies of provisions which they were accustomed to furnish, but harassed them with continual hostilities. All their subsistence was derived from the stores which they had brought from England ; these were soon con- sumed ; then the domestic animals sent out to breed in the country were devoured ; and by this inconsiderate waste, they were reduced to such extremity of famine, as not only to eat the most nauseous and unwholesome roots and ber- ries, but to feed on the bodies of the Indians 7 Purchu, Iv. 1731, &c. p.I(»,&r. Smith's Travels, p. 89. Stitii, whom they slew, and even on those of tlieir coiiipuniuns who sunk under the oppression of such complicated distress. In le«» than six months, of Ave hundred persons whom Smith left III Virginia, only sixty remained ; and these so feeble and dejected that they could not have survived fur ten days, If succour had not ar- rived from a quarter whence they did not ex- pect it.' When Gate* and Summers wore thrown ashore on Bermudas, fortunately not a singin liersoii on board their ship perished. A con- siderable part of their provisions and stores too, was saved, and In that delightful spot Nature, with spontaneous tiounty, presented to them •uch a variety of her productions, that a hun- dred and fifty people subsisted in iilHueni-o fur ten months on an uninhabited lilaiid. Iiiipu- tittnt, however, to escape from a place where they were cut off from all Intercourse witii mankind, they set about building two barks with siiuli tools and u.iiterlals as they had, and by amazing elTurts of persevut'iince and ingenuity tliey finished them. In these they embarked, luid steered directly towards Virginia, in hopes of finding an mnple considatiun fur all their toils and duugers in the embraces of their com- panions, and ainldal the comforts of a flourish- ing colony. After u more prosperous navigation than tliey could have expected In their ill con- structed vessels, they landed at James Town [May 8,'i]. But instead of that Juyful Inter- view fur which they fondly looked, a spectacle presented Itself which struck them with horror. They beheld the miserable remainder of their countrymen emaciated witli famine and sick- ness, sunk in despair, and in their figure and looks rather resembling; spectre* than human beings. A* Gates and Summers, In full con- fidence of finding plenty of provisions In A'ir- glnia, had brought with them no larger stock than was deemed necessary for their own sup- port during the voyage, their Inability to afford relief to their countrymen added to the an- guish with which they viewed this unexpected scene of distress. Nothing now remained but instantly to abandon a country where it wits impossible to subsist any longer; and though all that could be found in the stores of tlio colo- ny when added to what remained of the stork brought from Bermudas, did not amount to more than what was sufficient to support them fur sixteen days, at the most scanty allowance, they set sail, in hopes of being able to reach New- foundland, where they expected to be relieved by their countrymen employed at that season in the fishery there.* 7 Stith, p. 116. Purchas, iv. 1748. S A minute and curious accuunt of the ihipwrcck of Gates and Summers, and of their adventures in Bcrm-,:. das, was compoiied by Stiachy, a gentleman who accom- panied tlicm, and was published by Purchas, iv. 1731. II u tt I « 'I 294. HISTORY OF [Book IX. But it was not tlie will of Heaven that all tlie labour of the English, in planting tliis colony, as well aa all their hopen of benefit from its future prosperity, should be for ever lost. Be- fore Gates and the melancholy companions of his voyage had reached the mouth of James lllver, they were met by Lord Delaware with three ships, that brought a large recruit of pro- visions, a considerable number of new settlers, and every thing requisite for defence or cultiva- tion. By persuasion and authority he prevailed on them to return to James Town, where they found their fort, their magazines, and houses entire, which Sir Thomas Gates, by some hap- py chance, had preserved from being set on fire at the time of their departure. A society so feeble and disordered in its frame required a tender and skilful hand to cherish it, and re- store its vigour. This it found in Lord Dela- ware : he searched into the causes of their mis- fortunes, as far as he could discover them, amidst the violence of their mutual accusations; but instead of exerting bis power in punishing crimus that were past, he employed his pru- dence in healing their dissensions, and in guard- ing against a repetition of the same fatal errors. By unwearied assiduities, by the respect due to an amiable and beneficent character, by know- ing how to mingle severity with indulgence, and when to assume the dignity of his office, as well as when to display the gentleness natural to his own temper, he gradually reconciled men corrupted by anarchy to subordination and disci- pline, he turned the attention of the idle and profligate to industry, and taught the Indians ugain to reverence and dread the English name. Under such an administration, the colony began once mor; to assume a promising appearance; .when unhappily for it, a complication of dis- eases brought on by the climate obliged Lord Delaware to quit the country' [March S8, 1611]; the government of which he committed to Mr. I'ercy. He was soon superseded by the aiTlval [May 10] 'if Sir Thomas Dale ; in whom the com- pany had vested more absolute authority than in any of his predecessors, empowering him to rule by martial law; a short code of which, founded on the practice of the armies in the Low Countries, the most rigid military school at that time in Europe, they sent out with him. This system of government is so violent and arbitrary, that even the Spaniards themselves had not ventured to introduce it into their set- tlements ; for among them, as soon as a planta- tion began and the arts of peace succeeded to the operations of war, the jurisdiction of the civil magistrate .was uniformly established. But however unconstitutional or oppressive this may appear, it was adopted by the advice of Sir 1 SUth, p. 117. rurchoa, Iv. 17&1. Francis Baron, the most enlightened philoso- pher, and one of the most eminent lawyers of the age.' The company, well acquainted with the inefficacy of every method which they had hitherto employed for restraining the unruly mutinous spirits which they had to govern, eagerly adopted a plan that had the sanction of such high authority to recommend it. Hap- pily for the colony. Sir Thomas Dale, who was intrusted with this dangerous power, exercised it with prudence and moderation. By the vigour which the summary mode of military punishment gave to his administration, he in- troduced into the colony more perfect order than bad ever been established there; and at the same time he tempered his vigour with so much discretion, that no alarm seems to have been given by this formidable innovation.' The regular form which the colony now be- gan to assume induced the king to issue a new charter for the encouragement of the adven- turera [March IS, 1618], by which he not only confirmed all their former privileges, and pro- longed the term of exemption from payment of duties on the commodities exported by them, but granted them more extensive property, as well as more ample jurisdiction. All the is- lands lying within three hundred leagues of the coast were annexed to the province of Virginiu. In consequence of this, the company took pos- session of Bermudas, and the other small is- lands discovered by Gates and Summers, and at the same time prepared to send out a consider- able reinforcement to the colony at James Town. The expense of those extraordinary etforts was defrayed by the profits of a lottery, which amounted nearly to thirty thousand pounds. This expedient they were authorized to employ by their new charter ;* and it is re- markable, as the first instance in the English history of any public countenance given to this pernicious seducing mode of levying money. But the House of Commons, which towards the close of this reign began to observe every measure of government with jealous attention, having remonstrated against the institution, as unconstitutional and impolitic, James recalled the license under the sanction of which it had been established.' By the severe discipline of martial law, the activity of the colonists was forced into a pro- per direction, and exerted itself in useful in- dustry. This, aided by a fertile soil and favour- able climate, soon enabled them to raise such a large stock of provisions, that they were no longer obliged to trust for subsistence to the pi-e- carious supplies which they obtained or ex- torted from the Indians. In proportion as the 8 Bacon, Eesay un Flantatioiia, p. 3. 3 Stith, p. 1 1!>. 4 lb. p. 101. Appendix, 83, &c 5 Chalmeri' Annalfi, i. 3'i. [Book IX. ;htene(l phlloso- iient lawyers of icquaintcd with ivliich they had iug the unruly had to govern, the sanction of nend it. Hap- Dale, who was lower, exercised ration. By the lode of military istmtion, he in- lerfect order than ire ; and at the ur with so much 18 to have been ition.' colony now be- ; to issue a new It of the adven- liich he not only vileges, and pro- n from payment xported by them, sive property, as ion. All the ta- red leagues of the rinceof Virginia, impany took pos- le other small is- Summers, and at d out a consider- ;olony at James 86 extraordinary ofiu of a lottery, thirty thousand were authorized er;* and It is re- in the English ince given to this levying money. , which towards to observe every enlous attention, ie institution, as I, .Iamc8 recalled of which it had martial law, the orced into a pro- self in useful in- lle soil and favour- in to raise such a lat they were no istence to the pre- r obtained or e%- proportion as the Appendix, t3, Ac. m A M E R I C A. aOi) English became more independent, the iintlves courted thuir friendship upon more eqiinl terms. The happy effects of this were qulc1le were now so increased, and their settlements so dispersed, that eleven cor- porations appeared by their representatives in this convention, where they were permitted to assume legislative power, and to exercise the noblest function of free men. The lii ws enacted in it seem neither to have been many nor of great importance ; but the meeting was highly acceptable to the people, as they now beheld among themselves an image of the English con- stitution, which they reverenced as the most perfect model of free government. In order to render this resemblance more complete, and the rights of the planters more certain, the company issued a charter or ordinance [July 84], which gave a legal and permanent form to the govern- ment of the colony. The supreme legislative authority in Virginia, in imitation of that in Great Britain, was divided and lodged partly in the governor, who held the place of the sover- eign ; partly in a council of state named by the company, which possessed some of the distinc- tions, and exercised some of the functions be- longing to the peerage; partly in a general council or assembly composed of the represen- tatives of the people, in which were vested powers and privileges similar to those of the House of Commons. In both these councils all questions were to be determined by the majority of voices, and a negative was reserved to the governor ; but no Uw or ordinance, though ap- proved of by all the three members of the legis- lature, was to be of force until it was ratified in England by a general court of the company, and returned under its seal.* Thus the con- stitution of the colony was fixed, and the 4 Beverley, p. 37. fi Stith, A|>pcndix, p. 32, &c. ,-ii.'.^*fi^„. [Book 1\. with means of :ility. A Dutch having sailed up icr cargo of Ne- that hardy rac^e induring fatigue Buropeansi their wntinual impor- be essential to the greater part rformed by ser- lolony improved, :ame more inde- e summary and however tem- tvernors, appear- 1 they longed to li they had been form of govern- In compliance ardly, in the year general assembly and the num- increased, and that eleven cor- epresentatives in 'ere permitted to ; tn exercise the The laws enacted en many nor of Btiug was highly they now beheld the English con- iced as the most int. In order to iomplete, and the tain, the company July Si], which m to the govem- ipreme legislative tation of that hi 1 lodged partly tn ace of the sover- ite named by the ,e of the distinc- the functions be- tly in a general of the represen- lich were vested r to those of the these councils all !d by the majority 8 reserved to the lance, though ap- ibers of the legis- II it was ratified of the company, ' Thus the con- fixed, and the k|>pcndix, p. 32, &t'. i', AMERICA. 297 U tl members of it are henceforth to be considered, not merely as servants of a commercial com- pany dependent on the will and orders of their ■uperior, but as free men and citizens. The natui-al effect of that happy change in their condition was an increase of their industi-y. The product of tobacco in Virginia was now equal) not only to the consumption of it in Great Britain,' but could famish some quantity for a foreign market. The company opened a trade for it with Holland, and established warehouses for it in Middelburg and Flushing. James and his privy council, alarmed at seeing the com- merce of a commodity, for which the demand was daily increasing, turned into a channel that tended to the diminution of the revenue, by de- priving it of a considerable duty imposed on the Importation of tobacco, interposed with vigour to check this innovation. Some expedient was found, by which the matter was adjusted for the present; but it is remarkable as the first instance of a difference in sentiment between the parent state and the colony, concerning their respective rights. The former concluded, that the trade of the colony should be confined to England, and all its productions be landed there. The latter claimed, not only the general privi- lege of Englishmen to carry their commodities to the best market, but pleaded the particular concessions in their charter, by which an un- limited freedom of commerce seemed to be granted to them.' The time for a more full discbHsion of this Important question was not yet arrived. But while the colony continued to increase so fast that settlements were scattered, not only along the banks of James and York rivei-s, but began to extend to the Rapahannock, and even to the Potowmack, the English, relying on their own numbers, and deceived by this appearance of prosperity, lived in full security. They neither attended to the mov nents of the In- dians, nor suspected their machinations; and though surrounded by a people whom they might have known from experience to be both artful and vindictive, they neglected every pre- 6 It la a nutter of iome curioaily to trace the progress of the consumption of this unnecessary commodity. The UK of tobacco seems to have been first introduced into England about the year 1586. Possibly a few seafaring persons may have acquired a relish for It by their inter- course with the Spaniards previous to that period ; but the use of it cannot be denominated a national habit sooner than the time I have mentioned. Upon an average of the seven years immediately preceding the year Vrii, the whole import of tobacco Into i:nglund amounted to a hundred and forty-two thousand and ciglity-flve pounds weight. Stith, p. 246. From this it appears, that the taste hod spreail with ■ rapldy which Is remarkable. IJut how Inconsiderable Is that quantity to what is now con- sumed in Great Britain 1 7 Stith, p. 200, &c. caution for thi^lr own safety that was requisite in such a sittmtion. Like the peaceful inhabi- tants of a society completely established, they were no longer soldiers but citizens, and were so intent on what was subservient to the com- , fort or embellishment of civil life that every martial exercise began to be laid aside as unne- cessary. The Indians, whom they commonly employed as hunters, were furnished with fire arms, and taught to use them with dexterity. They were permitted to frequent the habitations of the English at ail hours, and received as in- nocent visitants whom there was no reason to dread. This inconsiderate security enabled the Indians to prepare for the execution of that plan of vengeance, which they meditated with ail the delilierate forethought which is agreeable to their temper. Nor did they wiiiit a leader ca- pable of conducting their schemes with address. L>. the death of Powhatan, in the year 1618, Opechancanough succeeded him, not only as wirowanee, or chief of his own tribe, but in that extensive influence over all the Indian nations of Virginia, which induced the English writers to distinguish him by the name of Emperor. According to the Indian tradition, he was not a native of Virginia, but came from a distant country to the south-west, possibly from some province of the Mexican empire." But as he was conspicuous for all the qualities of highest estimation among savages, a fearless courage, great strength and agility of body, and crafty policy, he quickly rose to eminence and power. —Soon after his elevation to the supreme com- mand, a general massacre of the English seems to have been resolved upon ; and during four years, the means of perpetrating it with the greatest facility and success were concerted with amazing secrecy. All the tribes contiguous to the English settlements were successively gain- ed, except those on the eastern shore, from whom, on account of their peculiar attachment to their new neighbours, every circumstance that might discover what they intended was carefully concealed. To each tribe its station was allotted, and the part it was to act pre- scribed. On the morning of the day conse- cmted to vengeance [March S2], each was at the place of rendezvous appointed, while the English were so little awaroiof the impending destruc- tion that they received witli unsuspicious hos- pitality several persons sent by Opechancan- ough, under pretext of delivering presents of venison and fruits, but in reality to observe their motions. Finding them perfectly secure, ut uiidiluy, the moment that was previously fixed for this deed of horror, the Indians rushed at once upon them in all tiieir different settle- ments, and murdered men, women, and children, Qq 9 rcvcilcy, p. jl. 298 HISTORY OF [Book IX. with undistlngiiibhlii{i; rngp, and thnt rancorous cruelty with wliich savngvs treat their encmiea. In Olio hour nearly n Tourth part of the whole colony wai cut otT, almost without knowing by whose hands they fell. The slaughter would have been universal, if compassion, or a sense of duty, had not moved a converted Indian, to whom the secret was communicated the night before the massacre, to reveal It to his master in such time as to save James Town and some ad- jacent settlements ; and if the English in other districts had not run to their arms with resolu- tion prompted by despair, and defended them- selves so bravely as to repulse their assailants, who, in the execution of their plan, did not discover courage equal to the sagacity and art with which they had concerted It.' but though the blow was thus prevented from descending with its full effect, it proved very grievous to an infant colony. In some settlements not a single Englishman escaped. Many persons of prime note iu the colony, and among these several members of the council, were slain. The survivors, overwhelmed with grief, astonishment, and terror, abandoned all their remote settlements, and, crowding toge- ther for safety to James Town, did not occupy a territory of greater extent than had been planted soon after the arrival of their country- men in Virginia. Confined within those nar- row boundaries, they were less intent on schemes of industry than on thoughts of re- venge. Every man took arms. A bloody wai* against the Indians commenced; and, bent on exterminating the whole race, neither old nor young were spared. The conduct of the Spa- niards in the southern regions of America was openly proposed as the most proper model to imitate;* and regardless, like them, of those principles of faith, honour, and humanity, which regulate hostility among civilized nations and set bounds to its rage, the English deemed every thing allowable that tended to accomplish their design. They hunted the Indians like wild beasts rather than enemies; and as the pursuit of them to their places of retreat in the woods, which covered their country, was both difllcult and dangerous, they endeavoured to al- lure them from their inaccessible fastness by otfers of peace and promises of oblivion, made witdsuuhan artful appearance of sincerity as deceived their crafty leader, and Induced them to return tu their former settlements, and re- sume their usual peaceful occupations [16S3J. The behaviour of the two people seemed now to be perfectly reversed. The Indians, like men acquainted with the principles of integi-ity and good faith, on which the intercourse between na- 1 Stith, p. 203, &c. 8 Mtltli, |>. 233. Pucchu, iv. 1788, &c. tions Is founded, confided in the reconciliation, and lived in absolute security without suspicion of danger; whlln the English, with perfidious craft, were preparing to imitate savages in their revenge and cruelty. On the approach of har- vest, when they knew a hostile attack would be most formidable and fatal, they fell suddenly upon all the Indian plantations, murdered every person on whom they could lay hold, and drove the rest to the woods, where so many perished with hunger, that some of the tribes nearest to the English were totally extirpated. This atrocious deed, which the perpetrators laboured to represent as a necessary act of retaliation, was followed by some happy effects. It de- livered the colony so entirely from any dread of the Indians, that its settlements began again to extend, and its industry to revive. 13ut unfortunately at this juncture the state of the company in England, in which the pro- perty of Virginia and the government of the colony settled there were vested, prevented it from seconding the efforts of the planters, by such a reinforcement of men, and such a supply of necessaries, as were requisite to replace what they had lost. The company was originally composed of many .adventurers, and increased so fast by the junction of new members, al- lured by the prospect of gain, or the desire of promoting a scheme of public utility, that its general courts formed a numerous ansembly.' The operation of every political principle and passion, that spread through the kingdom, was felt in those popular meetings, and influenced their decisions. As towards the close of James's reign more just and enlarged sentiments with respect to constitutional liberty were diffused among the people, they came to undemtand their rights better and to assert them with greater boldness; a distinction formerly little known, but now familiar in English policy, began to be established between the court and country parties, and the leaders of each endca~ voured to derive power and consequence from ' every quarter. Both exerted themselves with emulation, in order to obtain the direction of a body so numerous and respectable as the com- pany of Virginian adventurers. In conse- quence of this, business had been conducted in every general court for some years, not with the temperate spirit of merchants delibenkting con- cerning their mutual interest, but with the ani- mosity and violence natural to numerous as- semblies, by which rival factions contend for superiority.* As the king did not often assemble the great council of the nation in parliament, the general courts of the company became a theatre on 3 Stlth, p. 272, 210. 4 Stith, p. 221«, &f. Chalmers, p .60. ^v [Book IX. reconciliation, thout auHpicion tvith perfldious lavages in their proach of bar- I attack would y fell suddenly nurdered every old, and drove many perished ibes nearest to irpated. lliis rators laboured of retaliation, effects. It de- n any dread of began again to cture the state ivhich the pro- ernment of the d, prevented it lie planters, by d such a supply :o replace what was originally and increased r members, ul- r the desire of itility, that its rous BRsembly.* 1 principle and kingdom, was and influenced close of James's entiments with were diffused to undemtand ert them with formerly little English policy, the court and of each endea- nsequence from ' hemsetves with ) direction of a lie as the com- s. In conse- n conducted in rs, not with the iliberating con- it with the ani- » numerous as- ms contend for imble the great int, the general e a theatre on AMERICA. 290 which popular orators displayed their talents; the proclamations of the crown, and acts of the privy council, with respect to the commerce and police of the colony, were canvassed there with freedom, and censured with severity, ill suited to the lofty ideas which James entertained of his own wisdom, and the extent of his prero- gative. In order to check this growing spirit of discussion, the ministers employed all their address and influence to gain as many members of the company as might give them the direc- tion of their deliberations. But so unsuccessful were they in this attempt, that every measure proposed by them was reprobated by a vast ma- jority, and sometimes without any reason but because they were the proposers of it. James, little favourable to the power of any popular assembly, and weary of contending with one over which he had laboured in vain to obtain an ascendant, began to entertain thoughts of dis- solving the company, and new modelling its constitution. Pretexts, neither unplausible nor destitute of some foundation, seemed to justify this measure. The slow progress of the colony, the large sums of money expended, and great number of men who had perished in attempting to plant it, the late massacre by the Indians, and every disaster that had befallen the Eng- lish from their first migration to America, were imputed solely to the Inability of a nu- merous company to conduct an enterprise so complex and arduous. The nation felt sensibly its disappointment in a scheme In which it had engaged with sanguine expectations of advan- tage, and wished impatiently for such an iita- partial scrutiny into former proceedings as might suggest more salutary measures in the future administration of the colony. The pre* sent state of its affairs, as well as the wishes of the people, seemed to call for the interposition of the crown ; and James, eager to display the superiority of his royal wisdom, In correcting those errors into which the company had been betrayed by inexperience in the arts of govern- ment, boldly undertook the work of reformation [May \j, 1683]. Without regarding the rights conveyed to the company by their charter, and without the formality of any judicial proceed- ing for annulling it, he, by virtue of his prero- gative, issued a commission, empowering some of the judges, and other persons of note, to examine into all the transactions of the com- pany from its first establishment, and to lay the result of their Inquiries, together with their opinion concerning the most effectual means of rendering the colony more prosperous,* before the privy council. At the same time, by a strain of authority still higher, he ordered all the re- cords and papen of the company to be seized. a Stith, p. 288. and two of its principal officers to be arrested. Violent and arbitrary as these acts of authority may now appear, the commissioners carried on their inquiry without any obstruction, but what arose from some feeble and Ineffectual remon- strances of the company. The commissioners, though they conducted their scrutiny with much activity and vigour,* did not communi- cate any of their proceedings to the company ; but their report, with respect to its operations, seems to have been very unfavourable, as the king, in consequence of It, signified to the com- pany [Oct. 8], his intention of vesting the su. preme government of the company In a gover- nor and twelve assistants, to be resident in Eng- land, and the executive power in a council of twelve, which should reside in Virginia. The governor and assistants were to be originally appointed by the king. Future vacancies were to be supplied by the governor and his assis- tants, but their nomination was not to take effect until it should be ratified by the privy council. The twelve counsellors in Virginia were to be chosen by the governor and assistants ; and this choice was likewise subjected to the review of the privy council. With an intention to quiet the minds of the colonists, it was declared that private property should be deemed sacred ; and for the more effectual security of it, all grants of lands from the former company were to be confirmed by the new one. In order to facili- tate the execution of this plan, the king re- quired the company instantly to surrender its charter into his hands.' But here James and his ministers encountered a spirit of which they seem not to have been aware. 'I'liey found the members of the com- pany un .illing tamely to relinquish rights of franchises, conveyed to them with such legal formality, that upon faith in their validity they had expended considerable sums ;* and still more averse to the abolition of a popular form of government. In which every proprietor had a voice, in oi-der to subject a colony, in which they were deeply interested, to the dominion of a small junto absolutely dependent on the crown. Neither promises nor threats could induce them to depart from these sentiments ; and in a ge- neral court [Oct. SO], the king's proposal was almost unanimously rejected, and a resolution taken to defend to the utmost their chartered rights, if these should be called in question in any court of justice. James, highly offended at their presumption in daring to oppose his will, directed [Nov. 10] a writ of quo warranlo to be issued against the company, that the vali- dity of iu charter might be tried in the Court of King's Bench ; and in order to aggravate the ii!|' !^ B Smith's Travels, p, 105, &e. 7 Stith, !>. aU3,&c. 8 Chalmers, p. 61. ■dks *■ 300 HISTORY OF [Book IX. titarge, bjr collecting additional proorii of mal- udmlnliitratlon, he appointed some persons In whum he could confide, to repaii* to Virginia to inipect the state of the colony, and Inquire Into the conduct of the company, and of its officers there. The lawsuit in the King's Bench did not bang long In suspense. It terminiitcd, as was usual In that reign. In a decision perfectly conso- nant to the wishes of the monarch. The char- ter was forfeited, the connpany was dissolved [June, 1084], and all the rights and privileges conferred upon It returned to the King, from whom they flowed.' Some writers, particularly Stitb, the most hitdligent and best Informed historian of Vlr- glnla> mention the dissolution of the company as a most disastrous event to the colony. Ani" mated with liberal sentimcnti), imbibed in an nge when the principles of liberty were more fully unfolded than under the reign of James, they viewed his violent and arbitrary proceed- ings on this occasion with such Indignation that their abhorrence of the means which he employed to accomplish his designs, seems to have rendei-ed them Incapable of contemplating Its elFects with discernment and candour. There is not perhaps any mode of governing an infant colony less friendly to Its liberty than the dominion of an exclusive corporation possessed of all the powers which James had conferred upon the company o' adventurers in Virginia. During several years the colonists can hardly be considered In any other light than us servants to the company, nourished out of its stores, bound implicitly to obey its orders, and subjected to the most rigor- ous of all forms of government, that of martial law. Even after the native spirit of English- men began to rouse under oppitweion, and had extorted from their superiors the right of enact- ing laws for the government of that community of which they were members, as no act, though approved of by all the branches of the provincial legislature, was held to be of legal force until It was ratified by a general court In England, the company still retained the paramount authority In its own hands. Nor was the power of the com- pany more favourable to the prosperity of the colony than to Its freedom. A numerous body of merchants, as long as Its operations are purely commercial, may caiTy them on with discern- ment and success. But the mercantilb spirit seems ill adapted -to conduct an enlarged and liberal plan of civil policy, an'" colonies have sel- dom grown up to maturity and vigour under Its narrow and interested regulations. To the un- avoidhble defects in administration which thlu occasioned, were added errors arising from In- experience. The English merchants of that age 1 Ryiner, vol. x.li. p. CIS, &c. Chalmers, p. 62. % had not those extensive views which a general commerce opens to such as have the direction of it. When they first began to venture out of the beaten track, they groped their way with timi dity and hesitation. Unacquainted with the climate and soil of America, and ignorant of the productions best suited to tliem, they seem to have bad no settled plan of Improvement, and their schemes were continually varying. Their system of government was equally fluctuating. In the course of eighteen years ten different persons presided over the province as chief go- vernors. No wonder that, under such adminis- tration, all the efforts to give vigour and stability to the colony should prove abortive, or produce only slander effects. These efforts, however, when estimated according to the Ideas of that age, either with respect to commerce or to poli- cy, were very considerable, and conducted with astonishing perseverance. Above a hundred and fifty thousand pounds were expended in this first attempt to plant an English colony in America;' and more than nine thousand persons were sent out from the mother country to people this new settlement. At the dissolution of the company, the nation, in return for this waste of treasure and of people, did not receive from Virginia an annua! importation of commodities exceeding twenty thousand pounds in value ; and the colony was so far from having added strength to the state by an increase of population, that In the year one thousand six hundred and twenty-four scarcely two thousand persons survived ;' a wretched remnant of the numerous emigrants who had flocked thither with sanguine expectations of a very different fate. The company, like all unprosperous societies, fell unpitied. The violent hand with which prerogative had invaded its rights was forgotten, and njw prospects of success opened, under a form of government exempt from all the defects to which past disasters were imputed. The King and the nation cononrred with equal ar- dour in resolving to encourage the colony. Soon after the final judgment in the Court of Knd with which Its was forgotten, opened, under a >m all the defects imputed. The 1 with equal ar- the colony. Soon Court of K'ng's imes appointei' a jg. 26], to tnkv Fairs in Virg'.rJa frame with deli- (ulations for the oiony.* Pleased xercising his tii- turn his atteii- death prevented to the throne I father's maxims lymcr, xvii. CIS, &e. AMERICA. 301 with respect to the colony In Virginia. He de- clarsd it to be a part of the empire annexed to the crown, and immedlate'y subordinate to its jurisdiction : he conferred the title of Governor on Sir George Yardely, and appointed him, in conjunction with a council of twelve, and a secretary, to exercise supreme authority there, and enjoined them to conform, in every point, to such instructions as from time to time they might receive from him.' From the tenor of the king's commission, as well as from the known spirit of bis policy, it is apparent that he intended to invest every power of government, both legislative and executive, in the governor and council, without recourse to the representa- tives of the people, ns possessing a right to enact laws for the community, or to impose taxer upon it.— Yardely and his council, who se«in to have been ftt instruments for carrying this system of arbitrary rule Into execution, did not fail to put such a construction on the words of their commission as was most favourable to their own jurisdiction. During a great part of Charles's reign, Virginia knew no other law than the will of the Sovereign. Statutes were published and taxes imposed, without once call- ing the representatives of the people to autho- rize them by their sanction. At the same time that the colonists were bereaved of political rights, which they deemed essential to freemen and citizens, their private property was violent- ly invaded. A proclamation was Issued, by which, under pretexts equally absurd and frivo- lous, they were prohibited from selling tobacco to any person but certain commissioners ap- pointed by the king to purchase it on his ac- count ;' and they had the cruel mortification to behold the sovereign, who should have afforded them protection, engross all the profits of their industry, by seizing the only valuable commo- dity which they had to vend, and retaining the monopoly of it in bis own hands. While the staple of the colony in Virginia sunk in value under the oppression and restraints of a mono- poly, property in land was rendered insecure by various grants of it, which Charles inconsider- ately bestowed upon his favourites. These were not only of such exorbitant extent as to be unfavourable to the progress of cultivation, but from inattention, or imperfect acquaintance with the geography of the country, their boun- daries were so inaccurately defined, that large tracts already occupied and planted were often included in them. The murmurs and complaints which such a system of administration excited, were aug- mented by the rigour with which Sir John Har- vey, who succeeded Yardely in the government of the colony,' enforced every act of power 6Rymcr,xvUL72,311. eib.xvUi, 10. 7 lb. xviii. OSO. [10S7]. Rapacious, unfeeling, and haughty, he added insolence to oppression, and neither re- garded the sentiments nor listened to thfc re- monstrances of the people under his command. The colonists, far from the seat of government, and overawed by authority derived from a royal commission, submitted long to his tyranny and exactions. Their patience was at last exhaust- ed ; and in a transport of popular rnge and in- dignation, they selzvd their governor, und sent him a prisoner to England, accompanied by two of their number, whom they deputed to prefer their accusations against him to the king. But this attempt to redress their own wrongs, by a proceeding so summary and violent as is hard- ly consistent with any idea of regular goverii- acient, and can be justified only in cases of such urgent necessity m rarely occur in civil society, was altogether i-epugnant to every notion which Charles entertained with respect to the obedience due by subjects to their sovereign. T. him the conddct of the colonists appeared to be not only a usurpation of his right to judge and t punish one of his own officers, but an open and auda- cious act of rebellion against his authority. Without deigning- to admit their deputies Into his presence, or to hear one article of their charge against Harvey, the king instantly sent him back to his former station, with an ample renewal of all the powers belonging to it. But though Charles deemed this vigorous step ne- cessary in order to assert his own authority, and to testify his displeasure with those who had presumed to oiTer such an insult to it, he seems to have been so sensible of the grievances under which the colonists groaned, and of the chief source from which they flowed, that soon after [1689] he not only removed a governor so justly odious to them, but named a successor Sir Wil- liam Berkeley, a person far superior to Harvey in rank and abilities, and still mo.'e distinguish- ed, by possessing all the popular virtues to which the other was a stranger.* Under this government the colony in Virgi- nia remained, with some short intervals of in- terruption, almost forty years ; and to his mild and prudent administration its increase and prosperity are in a great measure to be ascribed. It was indebted, however, to the king himscli for such a reform of its constitution and policy, as gave a different aspect to the colony, and ani- mated all its operations with new spirit. Though the tenor of Sir William Berkeley's commission was the same with that of bis pre> decessor, he received instructions under ths great seal, by which he was empowered to de- clare, that in nil its concerns, civil as well as ecclesiastical, the colony was to be governed ac- H Bcvcrlcy'i Hist of Virg. p. 50. 119, &c. Cliabiicia'3 AnBal8,i>. 302 HISTORY OF [Book IX. cording to the laws of England i he wan direct- ed to Issue writs for electing representatives of the people, who> in conjunction with the gover- nor and council, were to form a general assem- bly, and to possess supreme legislative authority in the community : he was ordered to establish courts of justice, in which all questions, whether civil or criminal, were to be decided agreeably to the forms of judicial procedure in the mother country. It is not easy to discover what were the motives which Induced a monarch, tenaci- ous in adhering to any opinion or system which he had once adopted, jealous to excess of his own rights, and adverse on every occasion to any extension of the privileges claimed by his people, to relinquish his original plan of ad- ministration in the colony, and to grant such immunities to his subjects settled there. From the historians of Virginia, no less superficial than ill informed, no light can be deiived with respect to this point. It is most probable, the dread of the spirit then rising In Great Britain extorted from Charles concessions so favourable to Virginia. After an intermission of almost twelve years, the state of hit uifairs compelled him to have recourse to the great council of the nation. There his subjects would find a jurisdiction independent of the ciown, and able to control its authority. Thera they hoped for legal redress of all their grievances. As the colonists in Virginia had applied lor relief to a former parliament, it might be expected with certainty that they would lay their case before the first meeting of an assembly in which they were scour? of » favourable audience. Charles knew that, if the spirit of his administration in Virginia were to be tried by the maxims of the English constitution. It must l>e severely repre- hended. He was aware that many measures of greater moment in his government would be brought under a strict review In parliament ; and, unwilling to give malecontents the advan- tage of adding a charge of oppression in the re- mote parts of his dominions to a catalogue of do>nestic grievances, he artfully endeavoured to take the merit of having granted voluntarily to his people in Virginia such privileges as he fore- saw would be extorted from him. But though Charles established the internal government of Virginia on a model similar to that of the Eng'lah constitution, and conferred on his subjects there all the rights of freemen and citizens, he was extremely solicitous to maintain Its connexion with the parent state. With this view he instructed Sir William Berke- ley strictly to prohibit any commerce of the colony with foreign nations ; and In order more certainly to secure exclusive possession of all the advantages arising from the sale of its produc- tions, he was required to take a bond from the master of each vessel that sailed from Virginia, to land his cargo in some part of the King's dominions in Europe.' Even under this re- straint, such is the kindly InHuence of iree go- vernment on society, the colony advanced so rapidly In Industry and population that at the beginning of the civil war the English settled In it exceeded twenty thousand.' Gratitude towards a monarch from whose hands they had received immunities which they had long wished but hardly expected to enjoy, the influence and example of a popular governor passionately devoted to the interests of his mas- ter, concurred in preserving Invioiated loyalty among the colonists. Even after monarchy was abolished, after one King had been behead- ed, and another driven into exile, the authority of the cronn continued to be acknowledged and revarcd In Virginia [1650]. Irritated at this open defiance of its power, the parliament issuendent upon the English commonwealth, and aul^t to such laws and regulations as are or shall be made in parliament ; that, instead of iiiis dutiful submission, the colonists hud dis- claimed the authority of the state, and audaci- ously rebelled against it ; that on this account they were denounced notorious traitors, and not only all vessels belonging to natives of England, but those of foreign nations, n-ere prohibited to enter their ports, or carry on any commerce with tb .. It was not the mode of that age to wage a war of words alone. The eiforts of a high spirited government in asserting its own dignity were prompt and vigoroup. A powerful squa- dron, with a considerable body of land forces, was despatched to reduce the Virginians to obe- dience. After compelling the colonies in Bar- badoes and the other islands to submit to the commonwealth, the squadron entered the Bay of Chesapeak [1651]. Berkeley, with more courage than prudence, took arms to oppose this fokmidable armament; but he could not long maintain such an unequal contest. His gallant resistance, however, procured favourable terms to the people under his government. A general indemnity for all past offences was granted ; they acknowledged the authority of the com- monwealth, and were admitted to a participation of all the rights enjoyed by citizens." Berkeley, firm to his principles of loyalty, disdained to make any stipulation for himself; and, choosing to pass his days far removed from the 6eat of a government which be detested, continued to reside in Virginia as a private man, beloved and 1 Chalmert'i Annals, p. 810,238. 8 Chalmen's Annals, p. 185. S Thurlow's State Papers, i. 107 p. 188. Beverley's Hist p. 63. Clmlmcrs's Anuols, [Book JX. ren under this re- riueiice of I'ree go- olony advaiiueil so >ulHtioii that at the the EiiglUb settled nd.' narch from whose luiilties which they expected to enjoy, a popular governor iterests of his maa- ; inviolated loyalty n after monarchy g had been behead- ixile, the authority I acknowledged and Irritated at this le parliament issued ; as the settlement t the cost and by the ;o be subordinate to ish commonwealth, regulations as are It ; that, instead of I colonists had dis- state, and audaoi- lat on this account ius traitors, and not natives of England, trere prohibited to any commerce with that age to wage a effurta of a high ing its own dignity A powerful squa- dy of land forces, Virginians to obe- e colonies In Bar- Is to submit to the ) entered the Bay keley, with more irms to oppose this he could not long ritest. His gallant I favourable terms iment. A general nces was granted ; lority of the corn- id to a participation tizens." Berkeley, yalty, disdained to self; and, choosing from the scat of a ited, continued to ! man, beloved and Chalmers's \nuab, ■."• AMERICA. 303 ,1^ respected by all ovc whom he had formerly presided. Not sntisfled %vtth taking measures to siibjuct the colonies, the commonwealth turned its at- tention towards the most effectual mode of re- taining them In dependence on the parent state, and of securing to It the benefit of their in> creasing commerce. With this view the parlia- m>!nt framed two laws, one of which expressly prohlbitt'd all mercantile intercourse between the colonies and foreign states, and the other ordained that no production of Asia, Africa, or America should be Imported into the do- minions of the commonwealth but in vessels belonging to English owners, or to the people of the colonies settled there, and navigated by an English commander,* and by crews of which the greater part must be Englishmen. But while the wisdom of the commonwealth pre- scribed the channel in which the trade of the colonies was to be carried on, it was solicitous to encourage the cultivation of the staple commo- dity of Virginia, by an act of parliament [1<)53], which gave legal force to all the injunctions of James and Charles against planting tobacco in England.* Under governor* appointed by the common- wealth, or by Cromwell when he usurped the supreme power, Virginia remained almost nine years in perfect tranquillity. During that pe- riod, many adherents to the royal party, and among these some gentlemen of good families, in order to avoid danger and oppression, to which they were exposed in England, or in hopes of repairing their ruined fortunes, re- sorted thither. Warmly attached to the cause ;or which tbcy had fought and suffered, and animated with all the passions natural to men recently engaged In a fierce and long protracted civil war, they, by their intercourse with the colonists, confirmed them in principles of loyal- ty, and added to their impatience and indigna- tion under the restraints imponed on their com- merce by their new masters. On t'lie death of Matthews, ine last governor named by Crom- well, the sentiments and inclination of the people, no longer under the control of authority, burst out with violence. They forced Sir Wil- liam Berkeley to quit his retirement ; they unanimously elected him governor of the colo- ny : and as he refused to act under a usurped authority, they boldly erected the royal stand- ard, and acknowledging Charles II. to be their lawful sovereign, proclaimed him with all his titl<« ; and the Virginians long boasted, that as they were the last of the king's subjects who renounced their allegiance, they were the first who returned to their duty.° iS(»bcrsAct«,p. !.■», 1B7. 5 lb. p, 117. ■ •• ■ Beverley, p. 5.',. Chalmcn, p. 124. Happily for the people of Virginia, ■ revolu- tion in England, no less sudden than unexpected, seated Charles on the throne of his ancestors, and saved them from the severe chastisement to which their premature declaration in his favour must have exposed them. On receiving the first account of this event, the joy and exultation of the colony were universal and unbounded. These, however, wtre not of long continuance. Gracious but unproductive professions of esteem and good will were the only return made by ChaVies to loyalty and services which In their own estimation were so distinguished that no recompense was beyond what they might claim. If the king's neglect and ingratitude disap- pointed all the sanguine hopes which their va- nity had founded on the merit of their past cop- duct, the spirit which influenced parliament in Its commercial deliberations opened a prospect that alarmed them with respect to their future situation. In framing regulations for the en- couragement of trade, which during the convul- sions of clv*l war, and amidst continual fluctua- tions In government, had met with such obstruc- tion that it declined In every quarter; the House of Commons, instead of granting the colonies that relief which they expected from the restraints in their commerce imposed by the commonwealth and Cromwell, not only adopt- ed all their Ideas concerning this branch of le- gislation, but extended them further. This produced the act of navigation, the most im- portant and memorable of any In the statute- book with respect to the history of English commerce. By it, besides several momentous articles foreign to the subject of this work, it was enacted, that no commodities should be imported into any settlement in Asia, Africa, or America, or exported from them, but In ves- sels of English or plantation built, whereof the master and three-fourths of the mariners shall be English subjects, undc. pain of forfeiting ship and goods ; that none but natural born sub- jects, or such as have been naturalized, shall ex- ercise the occupation of merchant or factor In any English settlement, under pain of forfeiting their goods and chattels ; that no sugar, tobac- co, cotton, wool, indigo, ginger, or woods used in dyeing, of the growth or manufacture of the colonies, shall be shipped from them to ary other country but England ; and in order to secure the performance of this, a sufficient bond, with one surety, shall be given before sail- ;g by the owners, for a specific sum proportiunal to the rate of the vessel employed by th *<.' The productions subjected to this restr i are distinguished, in the language of com. .je and finance, by the name of enumerated com- modities ; and as industry in its progress fur- 7 Car. II. c. 18. ir 304 HISTORY OF TBooK IX. nlibcd MW articles of value, thoie have been •iiccrMively added to the roll, and aubjented to the same reati'ttlnt. Soon after [1663], the act of navigation wai expended, and additional re- straints wera imposed, by a new law, which prohibited the importation of any European commodity into the colonies, but what was laded in England in veNsels navigated and manned as the act of navigation required. More effec- tual provision was made by this law for exact- ing the penalties to which the transgressors of' the act of navigation were subjected ; and the principles uf policy, on which the various regu- lations contained in both statutes are founded, were openly avowed in a declaration, that as the plantations beyond seas are Inhabited and {leo- pled by subjects of England, they may be kept in a firmer dependence upon It, and rendered yet more beneficial and advantageous unto it, in the further employment and increase of Eng- lish shipping and seamen, as well as in the vent of English woollen and other manufactures and commodities ; and in mailing England a staple, not only of the commodities of those plantations, but also of the commodities of other countries and places, for the supplying of them; and It being the usage of other nations to keep the trade of their plantations to themselves.' In prose- cution of those favourite maxims, the English legislature proceeded a step further. As the act of navigation bad left the people of the colo- nies at liberty to export the enumerated commo- dities from one plantation to another without paying any duty [1673], it subjected them to a tax equivalent to what was paid by the consu- mers of these commodities In England.' By these successive regulations, the plan of securing to England a monopoly of the com- merce with its colonies, and of shutting up every other channel into which it might be diverted, was perfected, and reduced Into complete sys- tem. On one side of the Atlantic these regula- tions have been extolled as an extraordinary effort of political sagacity, and have been consi- dered as the great charter of national commerce, to which the parent state is indebted for all Its opulence and power. On the other, they have l)een execrated as a code of oppression, more suited to the llliberality of mercantile ideas than to extensive views of legislative wisdom. Which of these opinions is best founded, I shall exa- mine at large in another part of this work. But in writing the history of the English settle- ments in America, it was necessary to trace the progress of those restraining laws with accu- racy, as in every subsequent transaction we may observe a perpetual exertion, on the part of the mother country, to enforce and extend them ; and on the part of the colonies, endeavoura no 1 15 Car. 11. c. 7, !! -2!) Cat. U. f less unremitting to elude or to obstruct their operation. Hardly was the act of navigation known In Virginia, and its eifects bvguii to be felt, when the colony remonstrated againat it as a grievance, and petitioned earnestly for relief. But the commercial ideas of Charles and his ministers coincided so perfectly with those of parliament, that, instead of listening with a favourable ear to their applications, they laboured assiduously to carry the act into strict execution. For this purpose, instructions were issued to the gover- nor, forts were built on the banks of the princi- pal riven, and small vessels appointed to cruise on the coast. The Virginians, seeing no pro- spect of obtaining exemption from the act, set themselves to evade it ; and found means, not- withstanding the vigilance with which they were watched, of carrying on a considerable clandestine trade with foreignei-s, particularly with the Dutch settled on Hudson's lliver. Imboldened by observing disaffection spread through the colony, some veteran soldiers who had served under Cromwell, and had been ba- nished to Virginia, formed a design of rendering themselves masters of the country, and of assert- ing its Independence on England. This rasii project was discovered by one of their associates, and disconcerted by the vigorous exertions of Sir William Berkeley. But the spirit of discon- tent, though repressed, was not extinguished. Every day something occurred to revive and to nourish it. As it is with extreme difliculty that commerce can be turned into a new channel, tobacco, the staple of the colony, sunk prodigi- ously In value when they were compelled to send it lUl to one market. It was some time before England could furnish them regularly full assortments of those necessary a; tides, with- out which the industry of the co'jny could not be carried on, or its prosperity secured. En- couraged by the symptoms of general languor and despondency which this d'iciining state of the colony occasioned, the Indianii seated towards the heads of the rivers ventured first to attack the remote settlements, and then to make incur- sions into the interior parts of the country. Unexpected as these hostilities were, from a people who during a long period had lived in friendship Vv ith the Euglisb, a measure token by the king seem i to have excited still greater terror among the mast opulent people of the colony. Charles had imprudently imitated the example of his father, by granting such large tracts of land in Virginia to several of his courtiers, as tended to unsettle the distribution of property in tho country, and to render the title of thu most ancient planters to their estates precarious and questionable. From tiiose various causes, which in a greater or lesser degree atTcctiid every InUividuul in the colony, the indignaticiii of tliu people became general, and Vias worked rnooK IX. r to obstruct theli' vigntion known In III to be felt, when i«t itaii igrievnncv, r relief. l. ;h. The former e southern, and f this territory, 1 name of Vir- 4 lUd. p. I2& ginlu. This arrangement leemn t» linvu tH>i>ii formed upon the iilea uf luime ■|N!culiitlvu re- finer, who aimed at dlHusliig the spirit ul' in- dustry, by Axlug the seat of one brunch uf the trade that was now to be opened, on the east coast of the island, and the other on the west. But London possesses such advaiitugei of situa- tion, that the commercial wvulth and activity uf England have always centred in the capital. At the beginning of the ia«t century, the su- periority of the metropulis In both these respe> ts was so great, that though the powers and privi- leges coiifeiTed by the king on the two trading companies were precisely the same, the adven- turers settled in Plymouth fell fur short uf those in London in the vigour and success uf their ef- forts towards accomplishing the purpose of their institution. Though the operiilluiisof the I'ly- muuth company were animated by the public- spirited leal of Sir John Pupliuin, chief Justice of England, Sir Ferdlnando Gorgoti, and sume other gentlemen of the west, all its exertions were feeble and unfortunate, Tiie first vessel fitted out by the company was taken by the Spaniards [lUOU]. In tlie year one thousand six hundred and seven, a feeble settlement was made at Sagahodoc ; but, on ac- count of the rigour of the climate, was soon re- linquished, and for some time nothing further was attempted than a few fishlii)> voyages to Cape Cod, or a pitiful traffic with the natives fur skins and oil. One of the vessels equipped for this purpose [1614] was commanded by Cnp- tisiii iiitiith, wh«olicy which he approved In the constitution of the thurc'i of Cieneva. The simplicity of its institutions, and still more their repugnancy to those of the I'opish church, were so much admired by ail the stricter reformers, tliat it was copied, with some small variations, in Scotland, in the repub- lic of the United Provinces, In the dominions of the House of Brandcnburgh, in those of the Elector Palatine, and in the churches of the Hugonots In France. But In those countries where the steps of de- parture from the church of Rome were taken with greater deliberation, and regulated by the wisdom or policy of the <>upreme magistrate, the separation was not so wide. Of ail the re- formed cliurcht», tlint of England has deviated least from the ancient institutions. The vio- lent but capricious spirit of Henry VIII., who, though he disclaimed the supremacy, revered 308 HISTORY OF [Book X. the tenets of the I'upnl see, checked Innovations in doctrine or worship during bis reign. When his son ascended the throne, and the Protestant religion was established by law, the cautious prudence of Archbishop Cranmer moderated the zeal of those who had espoused the new opinions. Though the articles to be recognized as the system of national faith were framed conformably to the doctrines of Calvin, his no- tions with respect to church government and the mode of worship were not adopted. As the hierarchy in England was Incorporated with the civil policy of tlie kingdom, and constituted a member of the legislature, archbishop*, and bishops, with all the subordinate ranks of ec- clesiastics subject to them, were continued ac- cording to ancient form, and with the same dignity and jurisdiction. The peculiar vest- ments In which the clergy performed their sacred functions, bowing at the name of Jesus, kneel- ing at receiving the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, the sign of the Cross in baptism, the use of the Ring In marriage, with several other rites to which long usage had accustomed the people, and which time had rendered venerable, were still retained. But though Parliament enjoined the observance of these ceremonies under very severe penalties,' several of the more zealous clergy entertained scruples with respect to the lawfulness of complying with this in- junction : and the vigilance and authority of Cranmer and Ridley, with difficulty saved their infant church from the disgrace of a schism on this account. On the accession of Mary, the furious zeal with which she persecuted all who had adopted the tenets of the reformers forced many eminent protestants, laymen as well as ecclesiastics, to seek an asylum on the continent. Fraiicfort, Geneva, Basil, and Strasburgh received them with affectionate hospitality as sufferers in the cause of truth, and the magistrates permitted them to assemble by themselves for religious worship. The exiles who took up their resi- dence in the two former cities, modelled their little congregations according to the ideas of Calvin, and with a spirit natural to men in their situation, eagerly adopted institutions which appeared to be further removed from the super- stitions of Popery than those of their own church. They returned to England as soon as Elizabeth re-established the protestant religion, not only with more violent antipathy to the opi- nions and practices of that church by which they had been op]>res8ed, but with a strong at- tachment t hem in this niea- e regard to the sntiments of the iremony, occus- of that age, to possessing, like tier own under- I her capacity to to every point lects,' she chose s, which led her the church of 1 worship, than ng any rite al- parliament, in inly required an if worship pre- er most rigorous iueen to enjoin \l ceremonies as render the pub- decent and edi- 'formation, not- ointment of the ley returned to relinquish their r opinions with entertained with eology, u well as cd to her subjects striking picture in int, A. D. I5R5.— [ion, the ground on root; and, being that there be soine gy, which ao majr urch, whole over, cnce cannot be ex- cal were siifflTcd. s and negligcncca at charges it hap- All which, if you, [ mean to depose ur charge*. This pen exclamations, but most philoto. lat I suppose few And I need iirt I understand not, and yet amidst my not been my seU by which reason cr.|K)ld with God inings of his bics- 111 at I may not 170. *^ ' AMERICA. 309 great industry among the people. They extolled the purity of foreign churches, and inveighed against th« superstitious practices with which religion was defiled in their own church. lo vain did the defenders of the established system represent that these forms and ceremonies were in themselves things perfectly indifferent, which, from long usage, were viewed with reverence ; and by their impression upon the senses and imagination, tended not only to fix the atten- tion, but to affect the heart, and to warm it with devout and worthy sentiments. The Pu- ritans (for by that name such as scrupled to comply with what was enjoined by the Act of Uniformity were distinguished) maintained that the rites in question were inventions of men, superadded to the simple and reasonable service required in the word of God ; that from the excessive solicitude with which conformity to them was exacted, the multitude must con- ceive such a high opinion of their value and im- portance as might induce them to rest satisfied with the mere form and shadow of celigion, and to imagine that external observances may compensate for the want of inward sanctity ; that ceremonies which had been long employed by a society manifestly corrupt, to veil its own defects, and to seduce and fascinate mankind, ought now to be rejected as relics of super- stition unworthy of a place in a church which gloried in the name of Reformed. The people, to whom in every religious con- troversy the final appeal is made, listened to the arguments of the contending parties ; and it is obvious to which of them, men who had lately beheld the superstitious spirit of popery, and, felt its persecuting rage, would lend the most favourable ear. The desire of a further sepava- tion from the church of Itome spread wide through the nation. The preachers who con- tended for this, and who refused to wear the surplice, and other vcstiiients peculiar to their order, or to observe the ceremonies enjoined by law, were followed and admired, while the ministry of the zealous advocates for conformity was deserted, and their persons often exposed to insult. For some time the nonconformists were connived at ; but as their number and boldness increased, the interposition both of spi- ritual and civil autliority was deemed necessary in order to check their progress. To the dis- grace of Christians, the sucred rights of con- science and private judgment, as well as the charity and mutual forbearance suitable to the mild spirit of the religion which they professed, were in that age little understood. Not only the idea of toleration, but even the word itself In t'le sense now affixed to it, was then un- kno vn. Every church claimed a right to em- ploy the hand of power fur the protection of truth >-°-:i, where they might profess and propagate their opinions with greater success. America in which their countrymen were at that time in-^ tent on planting colonies, presented itself to their thoughts. They flattered themselves with hopes of being permitted, in that remote regicn, to follow their own ideas In religion without disturbance. The dangers and hardships to which ail former emigrants to America had been exposed did not deter them. " They were well wenned (according to their own description,) from the delicate milk of their mother country, and inured to the diflicultles of a strange land. They were knit together in a strict and sacred band, by virtue of which they held themselves obliged to take care of the good of each other, and of the whole. It was not with them, as with other men, whom small things could dis- courage, or small discontents cause to wIhIi themselves at home again."' The first oliject of their solicitude was to secure the free exercise of their religion. For this purpose they applied to the king; and, though James refused to gi^e them any explicit assurance of toleration, they seem to have obtained from him some promise of his connivance, as long ns they continued to demean themselves quietly. So eager were they to accomplish their favourite scheme, that, re- lying on this precarious security, they began to negotiate with the Virginian company for a tract of land within the limits of tiieir patent. This they easily procured from a society de- sirous of encouraging migration to a vast coun- I Ilutvliiniion'i Hist, or Mocsach. p. 4. [Book X. he ciiif.rch, the Ducers dying, and ng into Dutch ived no increase, or by proselytes an to be afra!d Its in spiritual lat perfect fabrio 1 would be dis- lon, if they re- ipect of an " ">* I the intei\ " > called, in .it.! .• ime other ..'-.. propagate their I. America in nt that time in" esented itself to themselTes with kt remote regicn, religion without nd hardships to imerica had been They were well vn description,) mother country, ' a strange land, itrict and sacred held themselves d of each other, it with them, as things could dis- I cause to wixh The first oliject t the free exercise 'pose they applied s refused to gi^e f toleration, they m some promise ley continued to I eager were they cheme, that, re- y, they began to company for a of their patent, im a society de- n to a vast couii- usoch. p. 4, AMERICA. 311 try, of which they had hitherto oocopled only a few spots. After the utmost eflTorts, their preparations fell far short of what was requisite for begin- ning the settlement of a new colony. A hun- dred and twenty persons sailed from England [Sept. 6, 1680], in a tingle shij^ on this arduous undertaking. The place of their destination was Hudson't River, where they intended to settle ; but their captain having been bribed, as is said, by the Dutch, who had then formed a scheme, which they afterwards accomplished, of planting a colony there, carried them to far to- wardt the north, that the first land in America which they made [Nov. 11], was Cape Cod. They were now not only beyond the precincts of the territory which had been granted to them, but beyond thoae of the company from which they derived their right. The season, however, wat to far advanced, and sicltness raged to violently among men unaccustomed to the hard- ships of a long voyage, that it became necessary to take up their abode there. After exploring the coait, they chose for their situation a place now belonging to the province of Massachusets Bay, to which they gave the name of New Ply- mouth, probably out of respect to that company within whoae jurisdiction they now found themselves situated." No teason could be more unfavourable to eettlement than that in which the colony landed. The winter, which, from the predominance of cold In America, Is rigorous to a degree un- known in parallel latitudes of our hemisphere, was already set In ; and they were slenderly provided with what wat requisite for comforta- ble subsistence, under a climate considerably more severe than that for which they had made preparation. Above one half of them was cut off before the return of spring, by diseases, or by famine : the survivors. Instead of having leisure to attend to the supply of their own wa.iU, were compelled to take arms agalntt the tavaget in their neighbourhood. Happily for the E^g.. llsh, a pestilence which raged in America the year before they landed, had swept off so great a number of the natives that they w.ire quickly repulsed and humbled. The privilege of pro- fessing their own opiniont, and of being governed by lawt of their own flraming, af- forded contolation to the coIoniiU amidst all their dangers and hardships. The constitution of their church wat the same with that which they had ettabllthed in Holland. Their system of civil government was founded on those ideas of the natural equality among men, to which their eceletlattical policy had accuttor^ed them. Every tnt man, who wat a member of the 2 Hubard't Pres. SUte, p. 3. Hutchinion'a Hiit, p. 3, &c. Cotton') Marralia, p. 7. ch irch, wat admitted into the supreme legisla- tive body. The laws of England were adopted as the basis of their jurisprudence, though with some diversity in the punishments inflicted up- on crimes, borrowed from the Mosaic institu- tions. The executive power was vested in a governor and some assistants, who were elected annually by the members of the Irghlativc as- sembly.' So far their institutions appear to be founded on the ordinary maxims of human pru- dence. But It was a favourite opinion with all the enthuaiattt of that age, that the Scriptures contained a complete tyttem not only of spiritual instruction, but of civil wisdom and polity ; and without attending to the peculiar circumstances or situation of the people whose history is there recorded, they often deduced genrral rules for their own conduct from what happened among men In a very different state. Under the in- fluence of this wild notion, the colofiists of New Plymouth, in imitation of the primitive Chris- tians, threw ail their property into a covmon stock, and, like members of one family, c ed on every work of industry by their joint la r for public behoof.* But, however this res< tion might evidence the sincerity of their fait it retarded the progress of their colony. Tlic same fatal effects flowed from this community of goods, and of labour, which had formerly been experienced in Virginia; and It toon be- came necettary to relinquish what was too re- fined to be capable of being accommodated to the affairs of men. But though they built a small town, and surrounded it with such a fence as afforded sufficient security against the assaults of Indians, the soil around It was so poor, their religious principles were so unsocial, and the supply tent them by their friendt to scanty, that at the end of ten years the number of people belonging to the eettlement did not exceed three hundred.* During tome years they appear not to have acquired right by any legal conveyance to the territory which they had occupied. At length [16S0], they obtained a grant of property from the council of the New Plymouth Company, but were never in- corporated as a body politic by ko/al charter.* Unlike all the other tettlementt la Amerlcai thii colony mutt be contidered merely as a voluntary association, held together by the tacit consent of its members to recognise the authori- ty of laws, and submit to the jurisdiction of magistrates, framed and chosen by themsclvee. In thit state it remained an independent but feeble community, until it wat united to it* more powerful neighbour, the colony of Mat- 3 Chalmers's Annab, p. 87. 4 Chilmeri'i Annals, p. 89. Douglas's Sumoiary, L p. no. 5 Chalmers's Annals, p. 97, C Chalmers's Annals, p. 97, 107. I ■■: I 312 HISTORY OF [Book X. BMihuwts Day, the origin and progress of which I tiow proceed to relate. The original company of Plymouth having done nothing effectual towards establiahing any permanent settlement in America, James I., in the year one thousand six hundred and twenty, issued a new charter to the Dulie of Lenox, the Marquis of Buckingham, and sereral other per- ■ons of distinction in his court, by which he conveyed to them a right to a territory in Ame- rica, still more extensive than what had been granted to the former patentees, incorporating them as ■> body politie, in order to plant colonics there, w.'h powera and jurisdictions similar to those contained in his charters to the com- panies of South and North Virginia. This so- ciety was distinguished by the name of the Grand (ilouncll of Plymouth for planting and governing New England. What considerations of public utHlty could induce the king to com- mit such an undertaking •'- persons apparently 10 ill qualifled for conducting it, or what pros- peel of private advantage prompted them to en- gage in it, the information we receive from con- temporary writers does not enable us to deter- mine. Certain it is, that t!(e expectations of both were disappointed ; and after many schemes and arrangements, all the attempts of the new associates towards coloul7,atioB proved unsuc- cessful. New England must have remained unoccu- pied, if the same causes which occasioned the emigration of the Brownists had not continued to operate. Notwithstanding the violent perse- cution to which puritans of every denomination were still exposed, their number and zeal daily increased. As t|iey now despj>ired of obtaining in their own country any relaxation of the penal statutes enacted against their sect, many iM'gan to turn their eyes towards some other place of retreat, where they might profess their own opinions with impunity. From the tran- i|;i!Uity which their brethren had hitherto enjoy- ed in New Plymouth, they hoped to find this desired asylum In New England ; and by the activity of Mr. White, a nonconformist minis- ter at Dorchester, an association was formed by ■everal gentlemen who had imbibed puritanical notionf, in order to conduct a colony thither. They purchased from the council of Plymouth [March 19, 16S7J, all the territory, extending in length from three miles north of the river Merrlmaci, to three miles south of Charles River, and in breadth, from the Atlantic to the Southern Ocean. Zealous as these proprietors were to ficcomplish their favourite purpose, they quicldy perceived their own inability to attempt the population of such an immense region, and deemed it necessary to call in the aid of more opulent copartnei-s.' 1 V'eali Hilt. or New Engl. i. p. 128. Of these they found without difllculty, a suf- ficient number, chiefly in the capital, and among persons in the commercial and other industrious walks of life, who had openly joined the sect of the puritans, or secretly favoured their opinions. These new adventurers, with the caution ..atu- ral to men conversant in business, entertained doubts concerning the propriety of founding a colony or. the basis of a grant from a pi-ivate company of patentees, who ni!ght convey a right of property in the soil, but could not con- fer jui '. -diction, or the privilege of governing that souii-.ty which they had ir. contemplation to establish. As It was only froi . royal authority that such powers could be derh ei'. they applied for these; and Charles granted their request, with a facility which appears astonishing, when we consider the principles and views of the men who were suitors for the favour. Time has ' een considered as the parent of political wisdom, but its Instructions ara com- municated slowly. Although the experience of above twenty yean might have taught the Eng- lish the impropriety of committing the govern- ment of settlements in America to exclusive corporations resident in Europe, neither the king nor his subjects had profltted so much by what passed before their eyes as to have ex- tended their ideas beyond those adopted by James in his first attempts towai'ds colonization. The charter of Charles 1. to th? adventurers asso- ciated for planting the province of Massachusets Bay, was perfectly similar to those granted by his father to the two Virginian companies and to the council of Plymouth. The new adven- turers were incorporated as a body politic, and their right to the territory, which they had pur- chased from the council at Plymouth, being con- firmed by the king, they were empowered to dispose of lands, and to govern the people who should settle upon them. The first governor of the company and his assistants were named by the crown ; the right of electing their successors was vested in the members of the corporation. The executive power was committed to the go- vernor and assistants ; that of legislation to the body of proprietor::, who might make statutes and orders for the good of the community, not inconsistent with the laws cf England, and en- force the observance of them, according to the course of oth<>r corporations within the realm. Their lands were to be held by the same liberal tenure with those granted to the Virginian com- pany. They obtained the same temporary ex- emption from internal taxes, and from duties on goods exported or imported ; and notwithstand- ing their migration to America, they and their descendants were declared to be entitled to all the rights of natural born subjects.* I 3 Hutchliuon'i Collect, or Orig. Papon, p. I, &«l CDooK X. difflculty, a sut- ital, and among ther industrious Dined the sect of I tiieir opinions, le caution ' >atu- leiu, entertained y of founding a from a pi-ivate ntglit convey a could not con- ge of governing Minteniplation to royal authority they ajiplied ed their request, itonishing, when views of the men r. as the parent of ivttons are com- the experience of taught the £ng- ting the govern- rica to exclusive >pe, neither the tted so much by s as to have ex- adopted by Jamea Ionization. The fdventurers asso' of Massachusets those granted by ,n companies and The new adven- body politic, and lich they had pur- mouth, being con- re empowered to i the people who I first governor of I were named by ig their successors ' the corporation, mitted to the go- legislation to the ht make statutes community, not England, and en- according to the rithin the realm. ' the same liberal ^e Virginian com- ae temporary ex- nd from duties on nd notwithstand- i, they and their be entitled to all jects.' Papon, p. I, tea AMERICA. 31S The manifest oliject of this charter was to ctin- feroti the adventurers who undertook to peo- ple the territory on Maasacbusets Bay, nil the corporate rights posses- ; '- plHyed at once the extent of the reformation ut which they aimed. Without regard to the ."n. timents of that monarch under the aanctioa of whose authority they settled in America, and from whom they derived right to act as a body politic, and in contempt of the laws of England, with which the charter required that none of their acts or ordinances should be inconsistent, they adopted In their infant church that form of policy which has since been distlngul»hi'd by the name of Independent. They united to- gether In religious society [Aug. 6], by a so- lemn covenant with God and with one another, and in strict conformity, as they imagined, to the rules of Scripture. They elected a pastor, n teacher, and an elder, whom they set ap2rt for their reapeotive. oflices, by Imposition of the hands of the brethren. All who were that day iHlmitted members of the church signified their assent to a confession of faith dmwn up by their teaeher, and gave ait account of the foundation of their own hopes' a» Christians ; and it was de- clar- ' that no person sAould hereafter be re- cei\ .id into communioti dntil he gave satisfac* tion to the church with respect to his faith tmi sanctity. The form of public worship which they instituted was without a liturgy, disen- cumbered of every superfluous ceremony, and reduced to the lowest standard of Calvinistic simplicity.* It waa with th« utmost complacence that men passionately attached to their own notions, and who had long been restrained from avow- ing them, employed theiiselves in framing this model of a pure cH-^ich. But in tlte first mo- ment that they began to taste of Christian li- berty themselves, they forgot that other men had nn equal title to enjoy it*. Some of their nutuber, retaining a high veneration for the ritual of the English church, were so much olTended at the total abolition of it, that they withdrew from communion with the newly Instituted church, and assembled separately for the warship of God. With an inconsistency of which there are such flagrant instances among Christians of every denomination that it cannot be imputed as a reproach peculiar to any sect, the very men who had themselves fled from persecution became persecutors ; and had III 4 M.ith. MiiRn.il, |\ IH. Cli;ilmor«, p. I W. Ss Ncal'a Hist, of K. FmkI i. IvM 314 HISTORY OF [Book X. recourse, in order to rnforce their own opinioni, to tlie utme unhallowed weaponi, against the employineut of which they had lately remon- strated with to much violence. Endicott called the two chief malecontents before him ; and though they were men of note, and among the number of original patentees, he expelled them from the society, and sei;^ them home in the ships which were returning to England.' The colonists were now united in sentiments ; but, on the approach of winter, they suffered so much from diseases, which carried otf almost one half of their number, that they made little pro> gress in occupying the country. Meanwhile the directors of the company in England exerted their utmost endeavours in order to reinforce the colony with a numerous body of new settlers ; and as the intolerant spirit of Laud exacted conformity to all the in- junctions of the church with greater rigour than ever, the condition of such as had any scruples with respect to this became so intolerable that many accepted of their invitation to a secure retreat in New England. Several of these were persons ot greater opulence and of better condi- tion than any who had hithertomigratedtothat country. But as they intended to employ their fortunes, as well as to hazard their persons, in establishing a permanent colony there, and fore- saw many inconveniences from their subjection to laws made without their own consent, and framed by a society which must always be im- perfectly acquainted with their situation, they insisted that the corporate powers of the com- pany should be transferred from England to America, and the government of the colony be vested entirely in those who, by settling In the latter country, became members of it.* The company had already expended considerable sums in prosecuting the design of their institu- tion, without having received almost any return, and had no prospect of gain, or even of reim- bursement, but what was too remote and uncer- tain to be suitable to the ideas of merchants, the most numerous class of Its members. They hesitated, however, with respect to the legality of granting the demand of the intended emi- grants. But such was their eagerness to be disengaged from an unpromising adventure, that, " by general consent it was determined, that the charter should be transfeired, and the government be settled in New England."' To the members of the corporation who chose to remain at home was reserved a share in the trading stock and profits of the company during seven years. 1 Mather, p. 19. Neal, p. 120. 2 Mutchinson'a ColL of Papers, p. 25. 3 Mather, |)u 90. Hutchlnion't HUL p. 12. Chalmen, p. 150. In this singular transaction, to which there is nothing s'tmilar in the history of English co- lonization, two circumstances merit particular attention : one is the power of the company to make this transference ; the other is the silent acquiescence with which the king permitted it to take place. If the validity of this determina- tion of the company be tried by the charter which constituted it a body politic, and conveyed to it all the corporate powers with which it was invested, it is evideni that it could neither ex- ercise those powers in any mode different from what the charter prescribed, nor alienate them in such a manner as to convert the jurisdiction of a trading corporation in England into a pro- vincial government in America. But from the first institution of the company of Massachusets Bay, its members seem to have been animated with a spirit of inr ovation in civil policy, as well as in religion ; bf Maaiachuseta i been animated civil policy, as abit of rejecting y were prepared e other. They In order to give in England, as persons whom a as they landed ndivlduals unit- tion, possessing rm a society, to nt, and to enact iducive to gene- s of being enti- lemsclves, they , without re-, ■ch of England, em to be mem- I to (sonformity same ideas, we eir future plans . The king, observing and I ou his prero- lied at that time is fatal breach id not attend to ; or he was so of removing a istant country, iM>uld not prove to connive at kich facilitated crown, the ad- ir scheme into ohn Wintbrop homas Dudley issistants were he body of free- England, were the company, hey prepare for of the ensuing «»;' AMERICA. 315 year seventeen ships sailed fur New England, and aboard these above flfteen hundred persons, among whom were several of respectable fami- lies, and in easy circumstances. On their ar- rival in New England, many were so ill satisfied with the situatioti of Salem, they they explor- ed the country in quMt of some better station ; and settling in diiferent places around the Bay, according to their various fancies, laid the foun- dations of Boston, Charles Town, Dorchester, Roxborough, and other cowns, which have since become considerable in the province. In each of these a church was established on the same model with that of Salem. This, together with the care of making provision for their subsist- ence during winter, occupied them entirely dur- ing some months. But in the first general court [Oct. 19], their disposition to consider them- selves as members of an independent society, un- conftned by the regulations of their charter, be- gan to appear. The election of the governor and deputy governor, the appointment of all other officers, and even the power of making laws, all which were ^ I by the charter to the freemen, were taken .. »m them, and vested in the council of assistants. But the aristocra- tical spirit of this resolution did not accord with the ideas of equality prevalent among the people, who had been surprised into an approbation of it. Next year [I6SI] the freemen, whose num- bers had been greatly augmented by the admis- sion of new members, resumed their former rights. But, at the same time, they ventured to devi- ate from the charter in a mutter of greater mo- ment, which deeply affected all the future opera- tions of the colony, and contributed greatly to form that peculiar character by which the people of New England have been distinguished. A law was passed, declaring that none shall here- after be admitted freemen, or be entitled to any share in the government, or be capable of being chosen magistrati i or even of serving as jury- men, but such as have been received into the church as members.* By this resolution, every person who did not hold the favourite opinions concerning the doctrines of religion, the disci- pline of the church, or the rites of worship, was at once cast out of the society, and stripped of all the privileges of a citizen. An uncontrolled power of approving or rejecting the claims of those who applied for admission intocommunion with the church being vested in the ministers and leading men of each congregation, the most valuable of all civil rights was made to depend on their decision with respect to qualifications purely ecclesiastical. As in examining into these they proceeded not by any known or es- tablished rules, but exercised a discretionary 4 Hutchinson, p. 'iAi. Chalmcrii, p. 1^ judgment, the clergy rose gradually to a degree of influence and authority, from which the le- velling spirit of the independent church policy was calculated to exclude them. As by their determination the political Condition of every ci- tizen was fixed, all paid court to men possessed of such an important power, by assuming those austere and sanctimonious manners which were known to be the most certain recommendation to their favour. In consequence of this ascend- ant, which was acquired chiefly by the wildest enthusiasts among the Hergy, their notions be- came a standard to which all studied to con- form, and the singularities characteristic of the puritans in that age increased, of which many remarkable instances will occur in the course of our narrative. Though a Jusiderable numbn planten was cut off by the diseases prevalent in a coun- try so Imperfectly cultivated by its original in- habitants as to be still almost one continued forest, and several, discouraged by the hardships to which they were exposed, returned to Eng- land, recruits sufficient to replace them arrived. At the same time the small-pox, a distemper fa- tal to the people of the New World, swept away such multitudes of the natives, that some whole tribes disappeared ; and Heaven, by thus eva- cuating a country in which the English might settle without molestation, was supposed to de- clare its intention that they should occupy it. As several of the vacant Indian stations were well chosen, such was the eagerness of the Eng- lish to take possession of them, that their settle- ments became mure numerous and more widely dispersed than suited the condition of an infant colony. This led to an innovation which totally altered the nature and constitution of the go- vernment. When a general court was to be held in the year one thousand six hundred and thirty-four, the freemen, instead of attending it In person, as the charter prescribed, elected re- presentatives in their different districts, autho- rizing them to appear in their name, with full power to deliberate and decide concerning every point that fell under the cognizance of the gene- ral court. Whether this measure was suggested by some designing leaders, or whether they found it prudent to sooth the people by comply- ing with their inclination, is uncertain. The representatives were admitted, and considered themselves, in conjunction with the governor and assistants, as the supreme legislative assem- . biy of the colony. In assertion of their own rights, they enacted that no law should be passed, no tax should be imposed, and no public officer should be appointed, but in the general assembly. . The pretexts for making this new aiTangement were plausible. The luimber of freemen was greatly increased ; many resided at a distance from the places where the supreme courts were held ; personal attendance became inconvenient ; ,t S16 HISTORY OF [Book X. tba form of favemment in their own country had rendered familiar the idea of delegating their rigbtii an4 committing theguardianthipof their libertie* to repreaentativea of their own choice, and the experience of agei had taught them that thie important trust might with safety be lodged in their hands. Thus did the company o^ Mas- sachusets Bay, in less than six years i'rom its incorporation by the king, mature and perfect a scheme which, 1 have already observed, some of its more artful and aspiring leaders seem to have had in view, when the association for peopling New England was first formed. The colony must henceforward be considered, not as a corporation whose powers were defined, and its mode of procedu: '•< regulated by its charter, but as a society, which, having acquired or as- sumed political liberty, had, by its own volun- tary deed, adopted a constitution or govern', ment framed on the model of that in England. But however liberal their system of civil po- licy might be, as their religious opinions were no longer under any restraint of authority, the spirit of fanaticism continued to spread, and l>e- came every day wilder and more extravagant. Williams, a minister of Salem, in high estima- tion, having conceived an antipathy to the cross of St. George in the standard of England, de- claimed against it with so much vehemence, us a relic of superstition and idolatry which ought not to be retained among a people so pure and sanctified, that Endicott, one of the membm of the court of assistants. In a transport of aeal, publicly cut out the cross from the ensign dis- playeii before the governor's gate. This frivo- lous matter interested and divided the colony. Some of the militia scrupled to follow colours in which there was a cross, lest they should do honour to an idol; others refused to serve under a mutilated banner, lest they should be sus- pected of having renounced their allegiance to the crown of England. After a long contro- versy, carried on by both parties with that bent and zeal which in trivial disputes supply the want of argument, the contest was terminated by a compromise. The cross was retained in the ensigns of forts and ships, but erased from the colours of the militia. Williams, on account of this, as well as of some other doctrines deem- ed unsound, was banished out of the colony.' The prosperous state of New England was now so highly extolled, and the simple frame of its ecclesiastic policy was so much admired by all whose affections were estranged from the church of England, that crowds of new settlers flocked thither [1635]. Among these were two pwsons, whose names have been rendered me- morable by the appearance which they after- I Ncal>8 Hist, of N. Eng, p, UO. &c. HuU'liiiiEoii, p. 87, Chnlmcrii, p. irid. wiirda made on a more conspicuous theatre ; ona was Hugh I'eters, the enthusiaatio and In- triguing chaplain of Oliver Cromwell s the other Mr. Henry Vane, son of Sir Henry Vane, a privy counsellor, high In office, and of great credit with the icing; a young man of a noble family, animated with such zeal for pure riligion aii'I such love of liberty as induced him to relinquish all his hope* in England, and to settle in a colony hitherto no further advanced in improvement than barely to afford subsis- tence to its memliers, was received with the fondest admiration. His mortified appearance, his demure look and rigid manners, carried even beyond the standard of preciseness in that so- ciety which he joined, seomed to indicate a man of liigh spiritual attainments, while his abilities and address in business pointed him out as worthy of the highest station in the community. With universal consent, and high expectations of advantage from his administration, bo was elected governor in the year subsequent to his arrival [1636]. But as the affairs of an infant colony afforded not objects adequate to the talents of Vane, his busy pragmatical spirit occupied itself with theological subtilties and speculations unworthy of his attention. These were excited by a woman, whose reveries pro- duced such effects both within the colony and Iwyond its precincts, that frivolous as they may now appear, they must l>e mentioned as an oc- currence of importance in its history. It was the custom at that time in New Eng- land, among the chief men in every congrega- tion, to meet once a week, in order to rept«t the sermons which they had heard, and to hold religious conference with respect to the doc- trine contained in them. Mrs. Hutchinson, whose husband was among the most r jspectable members of the <-olony, regretting that peraons of her sex were excluded from the benefit of those meetings, assembled statedly In her house a number of women, who employed themselves in pious exercises similar to those of the men. At first she satisfied herself with repeating what she could recollect of the discourses de- livered by tlieir teachers. She began afterwards to add illustrations, and at length proceeded to censure some of the clergy as unsound, and to vent opinions and fancies of her own. These were afl founded on the system which Is de- nominated Antinomlan by divines, and tinged with the deepest enthusiasm. She taught, that sanctity of life is no evidence of Justification, or of a state of favour with God; and that such iis inculcated the necessity of manifesting the real- ity of our faith by obedience preached only a covenant of works; she contended tliat the Spirit of God dwelt personally in gor/d men, and by Inward revelations and impressions they received the fullest discoveries of the divine will. The fluency and confidence with which .* [Book X. iuthMir«;ona utio and in* 'romwdl : th« i>r Sir Henry n oflSce, and of oung man of a ih zeal for pure M induced hiin ngland, and to rther advanced afford lubiiii- sived witli tha ad appearance, ra, carried even eea in tliat so- indicate a man lile bia abilities 1 bim out aa lie community, [h expectations ration, bo was isequent to bis rs of an Infant equate to the [matical spirit subtiltiea and mtion. These le reveriea pro- be colony and IS as they may ioned as an oc- tory. in New Eng- ivery congrega- irder to repeat rd, and to hold at to the doc- I. Hutchinson, lost rjspectable Dg that penons the benefit of ly in her house yed themselves «e of the men. irhh repeating discourses de- y;an afterwards th proceeded to nsound, and to * own. These which is de- les, and tinged he taught, that ustiflcation, or I ltd tkat such tis «ting the real- eached only a ided tliat the In gor HUt. of N. Eiir. p, U1. maxim. In the plantations of I'rovidenoa and Khnde Island, political union was established by voluntary luisociation, and the cq6ality of condition among the members, as well as their religiousoplnions; their form of government was purely democratical, the supreme power being lodged In the freemen personally assembled. In this state they remained until they were Incor- porated by charter.* 'I'o similar causes the colony of Connecticut Is indebted for its origin. The rivalship be- tween Mr. Cotton and Mr. Hooker, two favour, ite minlateis in the settlement of Massachuseta Bay, disposed the latter, who was least success- ful in this contest for fame and power, to wish for some settlement at a distance from a com- petitor by whom bis reputation waa eclipsed. A good number of those who had imbibed Mrs. Hutchinson's notions, and were offended at such aa combated them, offered to accompany him. Having employed proper persona to ex- plore the country, they pitched upon the west side of the great river Connecticut aa the most inviting station ; and In the year one thousand six hundred and thirty-six, about a hundred per- sons, with their wives and families, after a fatiguing march of many days through woods and swampa, arrived there, and laid the founda- tion of the towns of Hartford, Springfield, and Weatherfield. This settlement was attended with peculiar irrtsgularities. Part of the district now occupied lay beyond the limits of the terri- tory granted to the colony of Massachuseta Bay, and yet the emigrants took a commission from the governor an^ court of assistanta, empowering them to exercise Jurisdiction In that country. The Dutch from Manhados or New York, having discovered the river Connecticut, and establislied some trading houNes upon it, had ac- quired all the right that prior possession confers. Lord Say and Sele and Lord Brook, the beads of two illustrious families, were so much alarm- ed at the arbitrary measures of Charles I., both in bis civil and ecclesiastical administration, that they took a resolution, not unbecoming young men of noble birth and liberal sentiments, of retiring to the New World, in order to enjoy such a form of religion aa they approved of, and those liberties which they deemed essential to the well being of society. They, too, fixed on the banks of the Connecticut as their place of settlement, and had taken possession, by building a fort at the mouth of the river, which from their united names waa called Say Brook. The emigranta from Massachiisets, without regard- ing either the defects in their own right or tha pretensions of other claimants, kept possession, and proceeded with vigour to clear and cultivate 4 Hutchinson, p. 38. Neal, il. 11?. Daugl Sum. U. p. 7(1, fic. Chalmers, ch. ii. n I h Sii 318 HISTOHY 01* QDooK X. the country. Ily degrcM they got rid of every competitor. Tha Dutch, recently lettled In Aroorlcn, and too feeble to engage in a war, peace- ably withdrew from Connecticut. Lord Say and Sele and lord Brook made over to the colony whatpi >'v title they might have to any lands In that region. Koclety was etiabliihed by a vo- luntary compact of the freemen ; and though they soon diticlaimed all dependence on the colo- ny of niHManchuBets Day, they retained such veneration for its legislative wisdom as to adopt a form of government nearly resembling its In- stitutions, with respect both to civil and ecclesi- asticnl policy. ' At a subsequent period, the co- lony of Connecticut was iHtewlse incorporated by royal chitrter.' The history of the flMt attempts to people the provinces of New Hampshire and Main, which form the fourth and most extensive division In New England, is obscured and perplexed, by the Interfering claims of various proprietors. The company of Plymouth had inconsiderately par- celled out the northern part of the territory con- tained in its grant among different persons : of these only Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Captain Mason seem to have had any serious intention to occupy the lands allotted to them, llieir efforts to accomplish this were meritorious and perse- vering, but unsuccessful. The expense of set- ting colonies in an uncultivated country must necessarily be great and Immediate ; the pros- pect of a return Is often uncertain, and always remote. The funds of two private adventurers were not adequate to such an undertaking. Nor did the planters whom they sent out possess that principle of enthusiasm, which animated their neighbours of Massachusets with vigour to strug- gle through all the hardships and dangers to which society in its infltncy is exposed In a sa- vage land. Gorges and Mason, it is probable, must have abandoned their design, if, from the same motives that settlements had been made in Rhode Island and Connecticut, colonists had not unexpectedly migrated into New Hampshire and Main. Mr. Wheelwright, a minister of some note, nearly related to Mrs. Hutchinson, and one of her most fer- rent admirers and partisans, had on this account been banished from the province of Massachu- sets Bay.* In quest of a new station, he took a course opposite to the other exiles, and advan- cing towards the north, founded the town of Exeter on a small river flowing into Plskata- qua Bay. His followers, few in number, but firmly united, were of such rigid principles, that even the churches of Massachusets did not appear to them sufficiently pure. From time to 1 Hutchinson, p. 44, &c. Ncal, i. 147. Douglas, li. 1 56, &c. Chalmera'A Annalu, cli. xii. 2 Hutchinson, p. 7(1. time they recilved some recruits, whom love (it novelty, or dissatisfaction With the eccleslastloiil institutions of the other colonies prompted to Join them. Their plantations were widely dis- persed, but the country was thinly peopled, and Its political state extremely unsettled. I'he colony of Massachusets Bay claimed Jurisdiction over them, as occupying lands situated within the limits of their grant. Gorges and Masnn asserted the rights conveyetl to them as proprie- tors by their charter. In several districts the planters, without regarding the pretensions of either piirty, governed themselves by maxims and laws copied from those of their brethren in the adjacent colonies.' The first reduction of the political constitution in the provinces of New Hampshire and Main into a regular and per- manent form was subsequent to the Revolution. By extending their settlements, the Knglinh became exposed to new danger. The tribes of Indians around Massachusets Bay were feeble and unwarlike ; yet from regard to Justice, us well as motive* of prudence, the first colonists were studious to obtain the consent of the na- tives before they ventured to occupy any of their lands ; and though in such transactions the con- sideration given was ofttu very inadequate to the value of the territory acquired, It was suffi- cient to satisfy the demands of the proprietors. The English took quiet possession of the lands thutf conveyed to them, and no open hostility broke out between them and the ancient pos- sessors. But the colonies of Providence and Connecticut soon found that they were sur- rounded by more powerful and martial nations. Among these the most considerable were the Naragansets and Pequods; the former seated on the Bay which bears their name, and the latter occupying the territory tvhich stretches from the river Pequods along the banks of the Connecticut. The Pequods were a formidable people, who could bring into the field a thou- sand warriors not inferior in courage to any in the New World, lliey foresaw, not only that the extermination of the Indian race must be the consequence of permitting the English to spread over the continent of America, but that, if measures were not speedily concerted to pre- vent it, th« calamity would be unavoidable. With this view they applied to the Naragansets, requesting them to forget ancient animosities for a moment, and to co-operate, with them in expellii.g a common enemy who threatened both with destruction. They represented that, when those strangers first landed, the object of their visit was not suspected, and no proper precautions were taken to check their progress ; that now, by sending out colonies in one year a Hutchinson, p. lOQ, &c. 176. Douglat't Sum., U. S2, &c. Chnlmcrs's Annals, ch. xvil. [Book X. ■> whom love iit the rccleniiMtlfiil iei prompted tu vare widely dli- nly peopled, and utiiettled. The med Jiirlvdlctlnn ■lluuted within rges and Maitnii hem aa proprle- ral dlitrlcts the e preteiisioni of ivei by maxlmit heir brethren in reduction ol'the ovinces of New eguliir and ppr- the Hevolutiun. its, the Knglixh 'i'he tribes of Bay were feeble rd to justice, us e flrit colonists isent of the na- upy any of their actions the con- Y inadequate to ed, It wan suffi- the proprietors, on of the lands o open hostility he ancient pos- Providence and ;bey were sur- lartial nations, rable were the former seated name, and the vhich stretches lie banks of the re a formidable fleld a thou- rage to any in not only that race must be :he English to rica, but that, inerted to pre- unavoidable. e Nnragansets, nt animosities with them in bo threatened •resented that, the object of ind no proper beir progress ; in one year at'i Sum., a is. AMERICA. ftS9 towards three different quarters, their inten- tions were manifest, and the people of America must abandon their native seats to make way for unjust intruders. But the Naragansets and Fequods, like most of the contiguous tribes in America, were rivals, and there subsisted between them an hereditary and implacable enmity, llevenge is the darling passion of savages ; in order to secure the indul- gence of which there is no present advantage that they will not sacriflce, and no future con- sequence which they do not totally disregard. The Naragansets, instead «f closing with the prudent proposal of their neighbours, discovered their hostile intentions to the governor of Mas- •Mhusets Bay : and, eager to lay hold on such a favourable opportunity of wreaking their ven- jeMlce on their ancient foes, entered into an allianee with the P^nglish against them. The Fequods, more exasperated than discouraged by the imprudence and treachery of their coun- trymen, took the field, and carried on the war ill the usual mode of Americans. They sur- prised stragglers, and scalped them ; they plun- dered and burnt remote settlements; they at- tacked Fort Say Brook without success, though garrisoned only by twenty men ; and when the £ngl!sh began to act otfensively, they retired to fastnesses which they dsemed inaccessible. The different colonies had agreed to unite against lae common enemy, each furnishing a quota of men In proportion tn Its numbers. The troops of Connecticut, which lay most exposed to dan- ger, were soon assembled. The march of those from Massachusets, which formed the most considerable body, was retarded by the most singular cause that ever influenced the opera- tions of a military force. When they were mustered previous to their departure, it waa found that some of the officers, as well as of the private soldiers, were still under a covenant of works ; and that the blessing of God could not be implored or expected to crown the arms of such unhallowed men with success. The alarm was general, and many arrangements necessary in order to cast out the unclean, and to render this little band sufficiently pure to fight the battles of a people who entertained high ideas of their own sanctity." Meanwhile the Connecticut troops, reinforced by a small detachment from Say Brook, found it necessary to advance towards the enemy. They were posted on a rising groimd, in the middle of a swamp towards the head of the river Mistick, which they had surrounded with palisadoes, the best defence that their slender skill in the art of fortification had discovered. Though they knew that the English were in motion, yet, with the usual improvidence and security 3 Ncal, i. ICR. of savages, they took no measure* either to ob< serve their progress, or to guard against being surprised themselves. The enemy, un|)erceived, readied the palisadoes [ May iO] ; and if a dog had not given the alarm by barking, the Indiana must have been massacred without resistance. In a moment, however, they started to arms, and, raising the war cry, prepared to repel the assailants. But at that early period of their intercourse with the Europeans, the Americans were little acquainted with the use of gunpow- der, and dreaded its effects extremely. While some of the English galled them with an inces- sant fire through the intervals between the pali- sadoes, others forced their way by the entries Into the fort, filled only with branches of ti'ees ; and setting fire t» the huts which were covered with reeds, the confusion and terror quickly became general. Many of the women and children perished in the flames; and the warriors, in endeavouring to escape, were either slain by the English, or, falling into the hands of their In- dian allies, who surrounded the fort at a dis- tance, were reserved for a more cruel fate. After the junction of the troops from Massa- chusets, the English resolved to pursue their victory; and hunting the Indians from one place of retreat to another, some subsequent en- counters were hardly less fatal to them than the action on the Mistick. In less than three months the tribe of Fequods were extirpated : a few miserable fugitives, who took refuge among the neighbouring Indians, being incorporated by them, lost their name as a distinct people. la this first essay of their arms, the colonists of New England seem to have been conducted by skilful and enterprising officers, and displayed both courage and perseverance as soldiers. But they stained their laurels by the use which they made of victory. Instead of treating the Fe- quods as an independent people, who made a gallant ctfurt to defend the property, the rights, and the freedom of their nation, they retaliated upon them all the barbarities of American war. Some they massacred in cold blood, others they gave up to be tortured by their Indian allies, a considerable number they sold as slaves in Ber- mudas, the rest were reduced to servitude among themselves.* But reprehensible as this conduct of the Eng- lish must bo deemed, their vigorous efforts in this decisive campaign filled all the surrounding tribes of Indiana with such a high opinion of their valour as secured a long tranquillity to all their settlements. At the same time the vio- lence of administration in England continued to increase their population and strength, by forcing many respectable subjects to trar themselves 4 Hutchinson, p. 5S, 7ii, &c. Mather, Magnalin, b. vli. ih. 6. Hubbaril's State of N. Eng. p. 5, 116, &c. f r 1 ^ ill MO HISTORY OF [UOOK X. tnm nil tha ttodar Gonntolloni Ihikt bind mm to thfir native country, aud to fly for refkigt to a r«glon of tha New World, which hitherto pre- ■ented to them nothing that oould allure then thither but exemption from oppreatlon. The number of thoee emlgranta drew the attention of governmont, and appeared lo formidable that a proclamation waa iwiued, prohibiting maatert of ablpa from carrying paaaengera to New Eng- land without apeclal parmlialon. On many oo- caalona thia Injunction waa eluded or dlaragard- ad. Fatally for the king, It operated with full •tract in one Inatance. bir Arthur Haalerig, John Hampden, Ollrer Cromwell, and aome other peraona whoae principlea and Tiewa ooin- clded with tbeln. Impatient to enjoy thoee civil and rellgloue llbertiea which they atrugglad In vain to obtain In Great Britain, hired aome ahipa to carry them and their attendauta to New Eng- land. By order of council, an embargo waa laid on thtae when on the point of aailing ; and Charlea, far from auapaeting that the future ravolutiona In hia kingdoma were to be excited and directed by peraona in aueh an humble aphere of life, forcibly detained the men deatlned to overturn hIa throne, and to terminate bia daya by a violent death.' But, In apite of all the efforta of goremment to check thie apirit of migration, the meaauree of the king and hia miniatera were eonaldered by a great body of the people aa ao hoatile to thoae righta which they deemed moet valuable, tint In the courae of the year one thouaand aix hundred and thirty-eight, about three thouaand peraona embarked for New England, eheoeing rather to expoee themaelvee to all the conae- quenoea of diaregarding the royal proolamation than to remain longer under oppreealon. £xaa- perated at thIa contempt of hie authority, Charlee had reoourae to a violent but effectual mode of accompUabIng what ho had in view. A writ of quo warranlo waa laaued againat the corporation of Maaaachuacta Bay. The colo- nlata had eonformed ao little to the terme of their charter that Judgment waa given againat them without difficalty. They were found to have forfeited all their righta aa a corporation, which of courae returned to the crown, and Charlea began to take meaauree for new model- ling the political frame of the colony, and veat- Ing the adminlatration of ita affkira in other handa. Bat bia plana were never carried into execution. In every corner of hie domlniona the atorm now began to gather, which aoon buret out with auch fatal violence, that Charlea, dur- ing the remainder of hie unfortunate reign oe. cupled with domeatio and more intereatingcarea, 1 Mather, Hagnalia, b. i. nh. 5. p. 83. Neil's HUt of N. Eng. 1. ISl. Chalmen'i Annali, i. 155, IflU, lie. had not laiaiire to beatow any attention upon a remote and inconaideraUe proviuec.' On the meeting of the Long Parliament, (urh a revolution took place In England that all .I'" motlvee for migrating to the New World cvaaed. The maxima of the puritana with reapci't to tho government both of church and atate became predomiiuint in the nation, and were enforced by the hand of power. Their oppreaaora were humbled t that perfect ayatam of reformed poli- ty, which had long been the object of their ad- miration and dceire, waa eetabiiahed by law ; and amidat the intrigue* and eonlliota of an ob- atlnate civil war, turbulent and aaplring apirita found auch full occupation that they had no in- ducement to quit a buay theatre, on whieh they had riaen to act a moel oonapiououa part. From the year one thouaand alx hundred and twenty, when the flrat feeble colony waa conducted to New England by the Brownlata, to the year one thouaand als hundred and forty. It haa been computed that twenty-one thouaand two hun- dred BrItlih aubjecta had aettled there. Tha money expended by varioua adventnrera during that period, in fitting out ahipa, in purchaeing atock, and tranaparting aettlera, amounted, oii tt moderate calculation, nearly to two hundred thouaand pounds :* a vaat aum In that age, and which no principles, inferior in force to thoee wherewith the puritana were animated, could have perauaded men to lay out on tho uncertain proepect of obtaining an eatabllabment In a re- mote uncultivated region, whieh, from ita situa- tion and climate, could allure them with no hope but that of finding aubalatence and enjoy- ing ft^edom. For some yeara, even aubalelenec wna procured with diffloulty ; and it waa to- warda the close of the period to which our nar- rative la arrived, before the product of the aet- tlement yii-lded the plantera any return for their ftock. About that time they began to export corn In email quantltiea to the West Indica, and made aome feeble attempta to extend the flahery, and to open the trade in lumber, whieh have ainne proved the ataple artlclea of oommeree lu the colony.* Since the year one thouaand alx hundred and forty, the number of people with which new England haa recruited the popula- tion of the parent atate, la auppoaed at leaat to equal what may have been drained from It by oecaaional migrattona thither. But though the audden change of ayatem in Great Britain etopped entirely the Influx of aet- tlera into New England, the principlea of the coloniata coincided ao perfectly with thoee of the popular leadera in parlhiment that thry were 8 Hutchinion, p. 86, US, &a Chalmen'i Annab, L MU 3 Mather, b. i. ch. 4. p; 17. ch. 5. p. 8a Hutchlnioiv p. I9S. Chalmen'i AnnaU,p. 165 4 Hutbhlnaon. p 91 9& a. y war, offensive or defensive, each of the con- federates ahall furnish bis quota of men, pro- visions, and money, at a rata to be fixed from time to time, In proportion to the nuuiber of people in each settlement; that an asaembly composed of two commlsslo: ier.« from each colony shall be held annually, with power to deliberate and decide In all points of common concern to the confederacy ; and every deter- mination, In which six of their number concur, shall be binding on the whole.* In this trans- action the Colonies of New England seem to 5 Hutchinion, p. 114 App. S17. Chalmen'a Annali, 1. 174, no. a Neal'a Hist, of N. Eng. t 808. &C. Hutchinion, p. VA, Chalmen't AnnaU, p. 177. have considered themselves as Indupeadent a»- cietiea, possessing all tha rights of aoverelgnty, and free from tha control of any auparlor power. The governing party in England, occupied with affairs of more urgent concern, and nowise dis- poaed to obaerve the conduct of their brethren In America with any Jealous attention, suffered the measure to pass without animadversion. Iniboldened by this connivance, the spirit Oi Independence gathered st*-"' 'ith, and soon dis- played Itself more openly • >e persons of nota In the colony of Maasaci:' eta, averse to tha system of ecclesiastical polity established there, and preferring to It the government and dlscU piiiiH of the churches of England or Scotland, lavIng remonstrated to the general court against the injustice of d-.-prlving them of their rights as freemen, and of their privileges as Christiana [I0i6j, b.cauBc I bey could not Join as members w<'h any of *he congregational chTches, petl- tiui.ed that t:.o/ might n.< longer b.' bound to obey laws to which they \i. ' not assented, nor be subjected to taxes \v,{- ifci by an assembly In which they were not . epiesented. Their de- mands wen int only rejected, but '^y ware Imprisoned id ''^ led as disturbers ot i^ie publlo peace ; and when :hey appointed some of their number to lay their grievances before parlia- ment, the annual court, In order to prevent this appeal to the supreme power, attempted first to seize their papurs, and to obstruct their em- barkation for England. Hut though neither of these could be accomplished, such was the ad- dress and iii Alienee of the Colony's agents In England, that no inquiry seems to have been made Into this transaction.' This was followed by ail Indication, still less ambiguous, of the aspiring spirit prevalent among the people of Massachusets, Under every form of govern- ment the right of coining money has been con- sidered as a prerogative peculiar to sovereignty, and which no subordinate member in any state ■, entitled to claim. Regardless of this esta- Oiished maxim, the general court ordered a coinage of silver money at Boston [1658], stamped with the name of the colony, and a tree as an apt symbol of Its progressive vigour." Even this usurpation escaped without notice. The Independents, having now humbled all rival sects, engrossed the whole direction of af- fairs in Great Britain, and long accustomed to admire the government of New England, framed agreeably to those principles which they had adopted as the moat perfect model of civil and ecclesiastical polity, they were unwilling to 7 Neat's Hilt of N. Eng. i. 121. Hutchinson's Hist 14A, &c. Collect 188, &c. Chalm. Ann. 179. Mather, Magnal b. ill. ch. i. p. 30. 8 Hutchineon's Hist. 177, 178. Chalmen's Annals, p. 181. Tt ?'!' u 4 332 HISTORY OF AMERICA. QBooK X. •tain its reputation by censuring any part of its couducti Wlien Cromweli usurped tlie supreme power, the colonies of New Engiand continued to stand as iiigb in his estimation.. As he luid deeply imbibed all the fanatical notions of tbe Inde- pendents, and was perpetually surrounded by the most eminent and artful teachers of that sect, he kept a constant correspondence with the leadinf; men in the American settlements, who seem to have loolced up to him as a zealous patron.' He in return considered them as his must devoted adherents, attached to him no less by affection than by principle. He soon gave a strilcing proof of this. On the conquest of Jamaica, he formed a scheme fur the security and improvement of the acquisition made by his victorious arms, suited to the ardour of an im- petuous spirit that delighted in accomplishing its ends by extraordinary means. He proposed to transport the people of New England to that island, and employed every argument calculated to make impression upon tliem, in order to obtain their consent. He endeavoured to ' luse their re- 1 IIutchinioD, App. SSO, &c Cullecf. p. 233. ilglous zeal by representing virliat a fatal blow it would be to the man of sin, if a colony of the faithful were settled in the midst of bis territo- ries in the New World. He allured them with prospects of immense wealth in a fertile region, which would reward the industry of those who cultivated it with all the precious produc- tions of the torrid zone, and expressed his fer- vent wish that they might take possession of it, in order to fulfil God's promise of making his people the head and not the tall. He assured them of being supported by the whole force of his authority, and of vesting all the powers of government entirely in their hands. But by this time the colonists were attached to a coun- try in which they had resided for many years, and where, though they did not attain opulence, they enjoyed tbe comforts of life in great abun- dance ; and they dreaded so much the noxious climate of the West Indies, which had proved fatal to a great number of the English who first settled in Jamaica, that they declined, though In the most respectful terms, closing with the Protector's proiwsitlon.' 2 Hutch iiiRun, p. lUO, &c. Chalmers, p. 188L M~yr m QBuoK X. at a fatal blow it a colony of the Ut of bis territo- llured them with I a fertile region, duttry of those precious produc- ixpressed his fer- possession of it, le of mailing bis tail. He assured le whole force of II the powers of bands. But by ached to a coun- for many years, t attain opulence, fe in great abuu- luch the noxious trhivh bad proved English wlio flrst declined, though closing with the en, p. 18S, NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. Note [1]. Paoe3. Tyre was situated at such a distance from the Arabian GulC, or Red Sea, as made it imprac- tirnble to convey commodities from thence to that city by land carriage. This induced the Phoenicians to render themselves masters of Rhinocrura or Rhinocolura, the nearest port in the Mediterranean to the Red Sea. They land- ed the cargoes which they purchased in Arabia, Ethiopia, and India, at Elath, the safest harbour in the Red Sea towards the North. Thence they were carried by land to Rhinocolura, the distance not being very considerable ; and, being re-shipped in that port were transported to Tyre, and distributed over the world. Strabon. Geogr. edit. Casaub. lib. xvi. p. 1188. Diodor. Sicul. Biblioth. Histor. edit. Wesselingii, lib. i. p. 70. Note [2]. Page 4. The Periplus Hannonis is the only authentic monument of the Carthaginian skill in naval affairs, and one of the most curious fi-agments transmitted to us by antiquity. The learned and industrious Mr. Dodwell, in a dissertation prefixed to the Periplus of Hanno, in the edi- tion of the Minor tieogrnphers published at Oxford, endeavours to prove that this is a spu- rious work, the composition of some Greek, who assumed Hanno's name. But M. de Montesquieu, in his I'Espritdes Loix, lib. xxi. o. 8. and M. de Bougainville, in a dissertation published torn. xxvi. of the Memoires de I'Aca- demie de« Inscriptions, &c. have established its kt'bnnticity by arguments which to me appear unanswerable. Itamusio has accompanied his translation of this eurious voyage with a disser- tation tending to illustrate it. Racolte de Viag- gi, Tol. i. p. lis. M. de Bougainville has, with great learning and ability, treated the same sub- ject. It appears that Hanno, according to the mode of ancient navigation, undertook this voy- age in small vessels so constructed that he could keep close in with the coast. He sailed from Cedes to the island of Cerne in twelve days. This is probably what is known to the moderns by the name of the Isle of Arguim. It became the chief station of the Carthaginians on that const ; and M. de Bougainville contends, that the cisterns found there are monuments of the Carthaginian power and ingenuity. Proceeding iVom Cerne, and still following the winding of the coast, he arrived in seventeen days, at a promontory which he called The tVeat Horn, probably Cape Palmas. From this he advanced to another promontory, which he named T/ie Sotith Horn, and which is manifestly Cape de Tres Puntas, about five degrees north of the line. All the circum- stances contained «sine, two of the rivers which fall into the Indus, he observed that there were many crocodiles in those rivers, and that the country produced beans of the same species with those which were common in Egypt. From these circumstances he concluded that he had discovered the source of the Nile, and prepared a fleet to sail down the Hydaspes to Egypt. Strab. Geogr. lib. xv. p. lOSO. This amazing error did not arise from any ignorance of geography peculiar to that monarch ; for we are informed by Strabo, that Alexander applied with particular attention in oi'tler to acquire tlie knowledge of this science, and had accurate maps or descriptions of the countries tlirough which he marched. Lib. 11. p. ISO. But in his age the knowledge of the Greeks did not extend beyond the limits of the Mediterranean. Note [5]. Page 6. As the flux and reHux of the sea is remarkably great at the mouth of the river Indus, this would render the phenomenon more formidable to the Greeks, Varrn. Geogr. vol. i. p. S61. Note [6]. Pace 7. It is probable that the ancients were seldom induced to advance so far as the mouth of the Ganges, either by motives of curiosity or views of commercial advantage. In consequence of this, their Idea concerning the position of that great river was very erroneous. Ptolemy places that branch of the Ganges, which he distin- guishes by the name of the Great Mouth, in the hundred and forty-sixth degree of longitude from his first meridian in the Fortunate Islands. But its true longitude, computed from that meridian, is now determined, by astronomicui obervations, to be only a hundred and five de- grees. A geographer so eminent must have been betrayed into an error of this magnitude by the imperfection of the information which he had received concerning those distant regions ; and this affords a striking proof of the Inter, course with them being extremely rare. With respect to the countries of India beyond the Ganges, his intelligence wnastUlmore defective, and his eiTors more enormous. I shall have occasion to observe, in another place, that he has placed the country of the Seres, or China, no less than sixty degrees fiirther east than its true position. M. d'Anville, one of the most learned and Intelligent of the modern geogra- phers, has set this matter iu a clear light, in two dissertations published in Mem. de I'Acadfem. des Inscript. &c. torn, xxxii. p. 673, 604. Note [7]. Page 7. It is remarkable, that the discoveries of the an- cients were made chiefly by land ; those of the moderns are carried on chiefly by sea. The progress of conquest led to the former, that oi commerce to the latter. It is a judicious obser- vation of Strabo, that the conquests of Alexan- der the great made known the East, those t>f the Uomans opened the West, and thone of MIthrldates King of Pontus the North. Lib. 1. p. 86. When discovery is carried on by land alone, its progress must be slow and its opera- tions confined. When it lb carried on only by sea, its sphere may be more extensive, and its advances more rapid ; but it labours under peculiar drl'ects. Tliiuigh It may make known the position of diflerent countries, and ascertain NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 325 of this science, iptions of the arched. Lib. lowledge of the e limits of the is remarkably dug, this would niidable to the 861. 8 were seldom mouth of the iosity or views consequence of osition of that Ptolemy places liich he distin> ' Mouth, in the longitude from unate Islands, ted from that y astronomictai ed and five dc- !nt must have this magnitude rmation which listant regions ; if of the inter, ly rare. With lia beyond the more defective, I shall have place, that he ieres, or China, r east than its le of the most nodern geogra- ar light, in two . deTAcadfem. 73, 604. irles of the an- ; those of the by MS. The brmer, that oi' udicious obser- its of Alexan- East, those i>f and thone of North. Lib. led on by land and its oprra- irried on only extensive, and labours under J make known , and ascertain their boundaries as far as these are d'ltermined by the o<;ean, It leaves us in ignorance with respect to their Interior state. Above two centuries and a hnlfhaveelapsed since the Europeans sailed round the southern promontory of Africa, and have traded in most of Its ports ; but, in a considera- ble part of th^'great continent, they ha"e done little more than survey its coasts, and mai'k its capes and harbours. Its interior regiora are in a great measure unknown. The ancients, who had a very imperfect knowledge of its coasts, ex- cept where they are washed by the MedlteiTa- nean or Red Sea, were accustomed to penetrate into its inland provinces, and. If we may rely on the testimony of Herodotus and Diodorus Slcu- las, had explored many parts of it now altogether unknown. Unless both modes of discovery be united, the geographical knowledge of the earth must remain incomplete and inaccurate. Note [8]. Page 8. The notion of the ancients concerning such an excessive degree of heat in the torrid zone as rendered it uninlabitable, and their persisting in this error long i<.fter they began to have some commercial intercourse with several parts of India lying within the tropics, must appear so singular and absurd, that it may not be unac- ceptable to some of my readers to produce evi~ dence of their holding this opinion, and to ac- count for the apparent inconsistence of their theory with their experience. Cicero, who bad bestowed attention upon every part of philoso- phy known to the ancients, seems to have be- lieved that the torrid zone was uninhabitable, and, of consequence, that there could be no in- tercourse between the northern and southern temperate zones. He introduces Africanus thus addressing the younger Scipio : " You see this earth encompassed, and as it were bound in by certain zones, of which two, at the greatest dis- tance from each other, and sustaining the oppo- site poles of heaven, are frozen with perpetual cold ; the middle one, and the largest of all, is burnt with the heat of the sun ; two are habita- ble ; the people in the southern one are anti- podes to us, with whom we have no conneotion." Somnium Scipionis, c. 6. Gemlnus, a Greek philosopher, contemporary with Cicero, delivers the same doctrine, not In a popular work, but in his Eirayttyri uf 9mtiut», a treatise purely scien- tific. " When we speak," says he, " of the southern temperate zone and its inhabitants, and concerning those who are called antipodes, It must be always understood, that we have no certain knowledge or Information concerning the southern temperate zone, whether it be in- habited or not. But from the spherical figure of the earth, and the course which the sun holds between the tropics, we conclude that ther*> Is another zone situated to the south, which enjoys the same degree of temperature with the norlherii one which we inhabit." Cap. xiii. p. SI. ap. Petavii Opus de Doctr. Tempor.' in quo Ura- uologium sive Systemata var. Auetomm. Amst. 17a5. vol. Hi. The opinion of Pliny the natu- ralist, with respect to both these points, was the same: "There are five divisions of the earth, which are called zones. All that portion which lies near to the two opposite poles Is op- pressed with vehement cold and eternal frost. There, unblessed with the aspect of milder stars, perpetual darkness reigns, or at the utmost a feeble light reflected from surrounding snows. The middle ot the earth. In which is the orbit of the sun, is scorched and burnt up with flames and fiery vapour. Between these torrid and frozen districts lie two other portions of the earth, which are temperate ; but, on account of the burning region interposed, there can be no communication between them. Thus Heaven has deprived us of three parts of the earth." Lib. ii. c. 68« Strabo delivers his opinion to the same effect, in terms no less explicit : " The portion of the earth which lies near the equa- tor, in the torrid zone, is rendered uninhabitable by beat." Lib. ii. p. 154. To these I might add the authority of many other respectable phi- losophers and historians of antiquity. In order to explain the sense in which this doctrine was generally received, we may ob- serve, that Parmenldes, as we are informed by Strabo, was the first who divided the earth into five zones, and extended the limits of the zone which he supposed to be uninhabitable on ac- count of heat beyond the tropics. Aristotle, a* we learn likewise from Strabo, fixed the boun- daries of the different zones in the same manner as they are defined by modem geographers. But the progress of discovery having gradually demonstrated that several regions of the earth which lay within the tropi",s were not only ha- bitable, but populous and fertile, this induced later geographers to circumscribe the limits of the torrid zone. It Is not er.sy to ascertain with precision the boundaries which they allotted it. From a passage in Strabo, who, as far as I know, is the only author of antiquity from whom we receive any hint concerning this sub- ject, I should conjecture, that those who calcu- lated according to the measurement of the earth by Eratosthenes, supposed the torrid zone to com- prehend near sixteen degrees, about eight on each side of the equator ; whereas such as followed the computation of Posidonius allotted about twenty-four degrees, or somewhat roor^^ than twelve degrees on each side of the equator to the torrid zone. Strabo, lib. II. p. 151. Ancord- Ing to the former opinion, about two-thirds of that portion of the earth which lies between the tropica was considered as habitable ; according to the latter, about one half of It. With thia re- striction, the doctrine of the ancients concerning the torrid zone appears less absurd ; and we can f.» 326 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. conceive the reason of their auerting this zone to hi uninhabitable, even after they had opened a eummunicatlon with several planes within the tropics. WHen men of science spoke of the torrid zone, thejr considered it as it was limited by the definition of geographers to sixteen, or at tb^ '>niost to twenty.four degrees; and as they knetir almost nothing of the countries nearer to tb<> eiiu,itor, they might siill suppose them to be .inhat> table. In loose and popular discourse, til i UAMe of the torrid zone continued to be given tu all that portion of the earth which lies <- -ithin the tropics. Ciritro seems to have been unac- quainted with those Ideas of tht later geogra- phers ; and, adhering to the division of Parme- nides, describes the torrid zone as the largest of the five. Some of the ancients rejected the no- tion concerning the intolerable beat of the torrid zone as a popular error. This we are told by Plutarch was the sentiment of Pythagoras; and we learn from Strabo, that Eratosthenes and Polybius had adopted the same opinion, lib. ii. p. ].'4. I'tolemy seems to have paid no regard to the ancient docti-ine end opinions concerning the torrid zone. Note [9]. Page 14. The court of Inquisition, which effectually checks a spirit of liberal Inquiry, and of literary improvement, wherever It is established, was unknown in Portugal in the fifteenth century, when the people of that kingdom began their voyages of discovery. More than a century elapsed before It was introduced by John III., whose reign commenced A. D. 1681. NoTK [10]. Page 17. An Instance of this is related by Ilol^luyt, upon the authority of the Portuguese hli>torian Gar- cia de Resende. Some English merchants having resolved to open a trade with the coast of Guinea, John II. of Portugal despatched ambassadors to Edward IV., in order to lay be- fore him the right which he had acquired by the Pope's bull to the dominion of thnt country, and to request of him to prohibit his subjects to prosecute their Intended voyage. Edward was 80 much satisfied with the exclusive title of the Portuguese, that he issued his orders in the terms which they de.-lred. Hakluyt, Naviga- tions, Voyages, and Traffics of the English, vol. 11. part. ii. p. S. Note [11]. Page 80. The time of Columbus's death may be nearly ascertained by the following circumstances. It appeal's from the fragment of a letter addressed by him to Ferdinand and Isabella, A. D. 1501, that he had at that time been engaged forty years in a sealaring life. In another letter he informs them tliat be n-ent to sea at the age of fpurteen : from those facta it follows, that he was born A. U. 1447. Life of Christo. Colum- bus, by his soil Don Ferdinand. Churchill's Collection of Voyages, vol. 11. p. 464, 485. Note l'*?). Page 82. The spherical figure of the earth was known to the ancient geographers. They invented the m..;hod, still in use, of i:onputlng the longitude and latitude of different places. According to their doctrine, the equator, or 'maginary line which encompasses the earth, contained three hundred and sixty degrees; these they divided into twenty-four parts, or hours, eitch equal to fifteen degrees. The country of the Seres or Situs, being the furthest part of India known to the ancients, was supposed by A.... rinus Tyrlus, the most eminent of the ancient geographers before Ptolemy, to be fifteen hours, or two hundred and twenty-five degrees to the east of the first meridian, passing through the Fortu. nate Islands. Ptolemeel Geogr. lib. I. c. II. If this supposition was well founded, the country of the Seres, or China, was only nine hours, or one hundred and thirty-five degrees west from the Fortunate or Canai-y Islands ; and the navigatii .. in that direction was much chorter t'lan by the course which the Portuguese were pui-suing. Marco Polo, in his travels, had described countries, particularly the island of Cipnngo or Zlpangri, supposed to be Japan, considerably to the east of any part of Asia known to the ancients. Marcus Paulus de Region. Oriental, lib. ii. c. 70. lib. iii. c. 8. Of courae, this country, as !t extended further to the east, was still nearer to the Canary Islat ds. The conclusions of Columbus, though dniwn from inaccurate observations, were just. If the suppositions of Marinus had been well founded, and if the countries which Marco Polo visited, had been situated to the east of those whose longitude Marinus had ascertained, the proper and nearest course to the East Indies must have been to steer dirertly west. Herrera, dec. I. lib. 1. c. 8. A more extensive knowledge of the globe has now discovered the great error of Marinas, in auppoelny; China to be fifteen hours, or two hundred and twenty-five degrees east from the Canary Islands; and that even Ptolemy was mistaken, when he reduced the longitude of China to twelve hours, or one hun- dred and eighty degrees. The longitude of the western frontier of that vast empire Is seven hours, or one hundred and fifteen degrees from the merldii n of the Canary Islands. But Co- lumbus followed the light which his age af- forded, and relied upon 't authority of writers, who were at that time regarded as the instruc- tors and guides of mankind In the science of geography. Note [13]. Pace 88. As the Portuguese, In making their discoverict, NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. iristn. Coliim- Cburchill'H 184,485. was knoirn to invented the f the longitude According to maginary line Dutained three ! they divided ettcb eqtial to f the Seres or ndia known to i-ious Tyrlus, It geogntphers lours, or tnro to the east of gh the Fortu. lb. i. c. 11. If I, the country line hours, or ees west from ids ; and the much Dhorter rtugueso were travels, had \He island of to be Japan, part of Asia :us Paulus de b. iii. c. 8. Of ded further to anary Islai ds. though dniwn re just. If the I well founded, 10 Polo visited, if tliose whose ed, the proper t Indies must Herrera, dec. I knowledge of great error of to be fifteen ty-tive degrees and that even lie reduced the rs, or one hun- ! longitude of empire is seven 1 degrees from nds. But Co- nh his age at- rity of writers, fks the instruc- the science of 9. eir discoverleii did not depart far from the coa«t of Africa, they concluded that birds, whose flight they observed with great attention, did not venture to any considerable distance from land. In the in- fancy of navigation it was not known that birds often stretched their flight to an immense dis- tance from any shore. In sailing towards the West Indian islands, birds are often seen at the distance of two hundred leagues from the near- est coast. Sloano's Nat. Mist, of Jamaica, vol. i. p. SU. Catesby saw an owl at sea when the ship was six hundred leagues distant from land. Mat. Hist, of Carolina, pref. p. 7. Hist. Naturelle de M. Buffon, tom. xvi. p. 32. From which it appears, that this indication of land, on which Columbus seems to have relied with some confidence, was extremely uncertain. This observation is confirmed by Capt. Cook, the most '>xtensive and experienced navigator of any age or nation. " No onr yet knows (says he) to what distance any of tlie oceanic birds go to sea ; for my own part, I do not believe that there is one in the whole Iribu that can be re- lied on in pointing out the vicinity of land." Voyage towards the South Pole, vo). i. p. 276. Note[U.] Page 31. In a letter of the Admiral's to Ferdinand and Isabella, he describes one of the harbours in Cuba with all the enthusiastic admiration of a discoverer.—" I discovered a river which a gal- ley might easily enter: the beauty of it induced me to sound, and I found from five to eight fathoms of water. Having proceeded a con- siderable way UP ihe river, every thing invited roe to settle there. The beauty of the river, tbfl clearP'^ss of the water through which I couiu bee the sandy bottom, the multitude of palm trees of different kinds, the tallest and finest I had seen, and an infinite number of other large and flourishing trees, the birds, and the verdure of the plains are so wonderfully beautiful, that this country excels all others as far as the day surpasses the night in brightness and splendour, so that I often said, that it would be in vain for me to attempt to give your Highnesses a full account of it, for neither my tongue nor my pen could come up to the truth ; and indeed I am so much amazed at the sight of such beauty, that I know not how to de- scribe it." Life of Columb. c. SO. Note [15]. Page 33. The account which Columbus gives of the hu- manity and orderly behaviour of the natives on this occasion is very striking. " The king (says he in a letter to Ferdinand and Isabella) having been informed of our misfortune, expressed great grief for our loss, and immediately sent aboard all the people in the place in many large canoes; we soon unloaded the ship of every thing that was upon deck, us the king gave us great assistance ■ he himself, with his brothers and relations, took all possible care timt every thing should be properly done, botii abimrd and on shore. And, from time to time, lie sent some of his relations weeping, to beg of me not to be dejected, for he would give me all that he had. I can assure your Highnesses, that so much care could not have been taken in secur- ing our effects in any part of Spain, as all our property was put together in one place near his palace, until the houses which he wanted to prepare for the custody of it were emptied. He immediately placed a guard of armed men, who watched during the whole night, and those on shore lamented as if they had been much interest- ed in our loss. The people are so afFectioiinte, so tractable, and so peaceable, t' at I swer" o your Highnesses, that there is not a better race of men, nor a better country In the world. They iovfe their neighbour as themselves ; their con- versation is the sweetest and mildest in the world, cheerful and always accompanied with a smile. And although it is true that they go naked, yet your Highnesses may be assured that they have many very commendable customs ; the king is served with great state, and his be- haviour is so decent that it is pleasant to see him, as it is likewise to observe the wonderful memory which these people have, and their desire of knowing every thing, which leads them to ik-'^Mvre into its causes and effects." Life of Cokumbus, c. SU. It is probable that the Spaniard? were indebted for this officious attention to the opinion which the Indians en- tertained of them as a superior order of beings. Note [16]. Page 35. £vEnY monument of sucb a man as Columbus is valuable. A letter which he wrote to Fei dinand and Isabella, describing what passed on this occasion, exhibits a most striking picture of his intrepidity, his humanity, his prudence, his public spirit, and courtly address. '■ 1 would have been less concerned for this misfortune had I alone been in danger, both because my life is a debt that I owe. to the Supreme Creator, and because I have at other times been exposed to the most imminent hazard. But what gave me infinite grief and vexation was, that after it had pleased our Lord to give me faith to undertake this enterprise, in which I bad now been so successful, that my opponeicuJleot!ng that I bad left my two sons ut Rchai>l at Cordova, deatilute of friends, in n forei(;ii country, when it could not in all prob»- bility be known that I had done such servii^H as miglit induce Your Hi|^>.iiesses r<> rememlitv- them. And though I comforted myself wilh the faitli that our Lord 'vo.ild not j[ Church, and which 1 bad broujj;hi ^tljout with tso T-iuch trouble, to rt'jr>ain impeiTe' ;, yet I considered, that, on account of my sins, it was his will to deprive mo of that glory which I uiiglit havo attained in thlii vorld. Wli>>e in tliis cuiii'usKd state, I thought on the good fortuici wliirh ac- companies Yniir Highnesses, and ir-o.igiiii^ii that although I should perish, and the vtMsel bv lost, it was powiblrt that you might somehow come to the knowledge of my voyage, and the success with which it was attended. For that reason 1 vv vote upon parchmnnt with the brevity which the situation required, that I had discovered the lariCt which I promised, in how many days I huA done it, and what course I had futlowed. I mentioned the goodness of the country, the character of the inhabitants, and that Vour Highnesses' subjects were left in possession of all that I bad discovered. Having sealed this writing, I addressed it to Your Highnesses, and promised a thousand ducata to any person who should deliver it sealed, so that If any foreigner fouud it, the promised reward might prevail on them not to give the Information to another, f then caused a great cask to be brought to me, and wrapping up the parchment in an oiled cloth, and afterwiu^s in a cake of wax, I put it Into the cask, and having stopped it well, I cast it into the sea. All the men believed that it was some act of devotion. Imagining that this might never chance to be taken up, as the ships approached nearer to Spain, I made nnother packet like the first, and placed it at the top of the poop, so that. If the ship sunk, the cask re- maining above water might be committed to the guidance of fortune." NoTB [I7J. Paok 86. Sor4s Spanish authors, with the meanness of national jealousy, have endeavonjed to detract from the glory of Columbus, by insinuating that he was led to the discovery of the New World, not by his own inventive or enterprising genius, but by information which he had received. According to their account a vessel having been driven from lU course by easterly winds, .was carried before them far to the west, and landed on the coast of an unknown country, from which It returned with difficulty ; the pilot and three sailors being the only persons who sur- vived the distresses which the crew suffered from want of provisions and fatlgUA in this Iouk voyage. In « few days after their arrival, all tlie Iciir dioa ; but the pilot having been re- ce'i\«d iiitii the iiiusf •.[' Columbus, his intimate i'r<',t)'\ (iisclos'^d to liiin before his death, the 'Mi> :•; , of the liisooveiy which he had accident- b\iy niadn, and left l.nvs •'•: papers containing a jimrnii' li i»i, jya^", Ah ,n served as a guide to Culum'j' >. ill hid int-)'-. taking. Gomara, as far as I know, is tl.u iivnt author who publiiihed ^bis story. Hist. c. la. Every circumstance is destitute of evidence to e ipport it. Neither tiie name of the vessel nor its destination is known. Sti.ne pretend tha* it tivi.i 'ged to one of the sea- port tuwnj ir< Anualusin, and was sailing either to the Canaries oc to Madeira ; others, that it was u Bi- -ivjier in its way to England ; others, a Portu^'t. '; ship trading on the coast of Cnu.iea. 'ine namu of the pilot is alike un- known, as well as that of the port in which be landed on his return. According to some, it was in Portugal ; according to others, in iMa- delra, or the Azores. The year in which this voyage was made is no less uncertain. Mon- son's Nav. Tracts. Churchill, iii. S7I. No mention is made of this pilot, or his discoveries, by And. Bernaldes, or Pet. Martyr, the con- temporaries of Columbus. Herrera, with his usual judgment, passes over it in silence. Oviedo takes notice of this report, but considers it as a tdle fit only to amuse the vulgar. Hist, lib. ii. c 8. As Columbus held his course di- rectly west from the Canaries, and never varied it, some later authors have supposed that this uniformity is a proof of bis being guided by some previous information. But they do not recollect the principles on which he founded all his hopes of success, that by holding a westerly course he must certainly arrive at those regions of the east described by the ancients. His firm belief of his own systeia led him to take that course, and to pursue It without deviation. The Spaniards are n.U the only people who have called in question Columbus' claim to the honour of having discovered America. Some German authors ascribed this honour to Martin Bebaim their countryman. He was of the noble family of the Behaims of Schwartzbacb, citizens of the first rank in the Imperial town of Nuremberg. Having studied under the cele- brated John Muller, better known by the name of Regiomontanus, be acquired such knowledge of cosmography as excited a desire of exploring those regions, the situation and qualities of which he bad been accustomed, under that able master, to investigate and describe. Under the patronage of the Dutchess of Burgundy he re- paired to Liiubon, whether the fame of the Por- tuguese discoveries invited all the adventurous spirits of the age. There, as we learn from Hei-man Schedel, of whose Chronicon Mundi, a German translation was printed at Nuremberg, un In thla luiiK sir arrival, all iving been re- 8, hia intimate Ilia deatli, the bad accident- containing a red a* a guide Gomara, as who published ircumiitance h Neither the tion is known, one of the Hea- 8 sailing either others, that it gland; others, the coast of it is alilce un- t in which be ig to some, it ithers, in Ma- in which this ertain. Mon- iii. S71. No his discoveries, irtyr, the con- rera, with his it in silence, t, but considers vulgar. Hist, bis course di- id never varied posed that this eing guided by lit they do not be founded all ling a westerly it those regions ints. His firm m to take that deviation, ily people who is' claim to the merica. Some inour to Martin le was of the Schwartzbacb, Imperial town I under the cele- rn by the name )uch knowledge Ire of exploring nd qualitic* of under that able be. Under lb« urgundy he r»' ime of the Por- the adventurona we learn from mkoH MumU, m I at Nuremberg, NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 329 A. U. 1493, his merit as a cosraographer raised iiim, in conjunction with Uiego Cano, to the command of a squadron fitted out for discovery ill tile year 1463. In that voyage be is said to linve discovered the kingdom of Congo. He settled in the island of Fayal, one of the Azores, and was a particular friend of Columbus. Her- lei-a, dec. 1. lib. i. c. 8. Magellan had a ter- restrial globe made by Behaim, on which he demonstrated the course that he proposed to hold in "earch of the communication with the Sonth Sea, which he afterwards discovered. Go* marn Hist. c. 19. Heirera, dec. 11. lib. ii. e.l9. In the year H98, Behaim visited his relations in Nuremberg, and left with them a map drawn with his own hand, which is still preserved among the archives of the family. Thus far the story of Martin Behaim seems to be well authenticated ; but the account of his having discovered any part of the New World appears to be merely conjectural. In the first edition, as I had at that time hardly any knowledge of Behaim but what 1 derived from a frivolous dissertation < De vero Novi (Jrbis Inventore,' published at Frankfort, A. D. 1714, by Jo. Frid. Stuvenius, I was induced, by the authority of Hcrrera, to suppose that Behaim was not a native of Germany ; but from more full and accurate information, com- municated to me by the learned Dr. John Rein- hold Forster, I am now satisfied that I was mistaken. Dr. Forster has been likewise so good us to favour me with a copy of Behnim's map, as published by Doppelnrayer in his ac- couAt of the Mathematicians and Artists of Nuremberg. From this map the imperfection of cuamograpbical knowledge at that pei-iod is manifest. Hardly one place is laid down in its true situation. Nor can I discover from it any i-cason to suppose that Behaim had the least knowledge of any region in America. He de- lineates, indeed, an island to which he gives the name of St. lirandon. This, it is imagined, may be some part of Guiana, supposed at first to be an island. He places it in the same lati- tude with the Cape Verd isles, and I suspect it to be an imaginary island which has been ad- mitted into some ancient maps on no better authority timn the legend of the Irish St. Bran- don or Brendan) whose story is so childishly fabulous as to be unworthy of any notice. Gi- i-tiid. Cambrensis ap. Missingham FlorHegium Sattctorum, p. 427. The pfetensions of the Welsh to the discovery of America seem not to rest on a foundation innch more solid. In the twelfth centat-y, ac- cording to Powell, a dispute having arisen nmong the sons of Owen Guynetb, King of North Wales, concerning the succession to hia crown, Madoe, one of tlieir number, weary of thla contention, betook himself to sen in quest of a more quiet settlement. He steerid due west, leaving Ireland to the north, and avrived i I an unknown country, which appeared to him so desirable, that he returned to Wales and carr'ed thither several of his adherents and companions. This is said to have happened about the year 1170, and after that, he and bis colony weru heard of no more. B'/t it is to be observed, that Powell, on whose testimony the authenticity of this story rests, publishiid his history nbovn four centuries from the date of the cvi^ut which he relates. Among a people as rude and as illiterate as the Welsh at that period, the memory of a transaction so remote must have been very imperfectly pre- served, and would require to be confirmed by some author of greater credit, and nearer to the era of Madoc's voyage than Powell. Later antiquaries have indeed appealed to the testi- mony of Mei-cdith ap Ilees, a Welsh biird, who died A. D. 1477. But he too lived at such a distance of time from the event, that he cannot be considered as a witness of much more credit than Powell. Besides, his verses, published by liakluyt, vol. ill. p. 1., convey no information, but that Madoc, dissatisfied with hia domestio situation, employed himself in searching the ocean for new possessions. But even if we ad- mit the authenticity of Powell's story, it does not follow that the unknown country which Madoc -discovered by steering west, in such a course as to leave Ireland to the north, was any part of America. The naval skill of the Welsh in the twelfth century was hardly equal to such a voyage. If he madt any discovery at aH, if is more probable that it was Madeira, or some other of the western isles. The affinity of the Welsh language with some dialects spoken in America, has been mentioned as a circumstance which confirms the truth of Madoc's voyage. But that affinity has been observed in. so feviP instances, and in some of these is so obscure, or so fanciful, that no conclusion can be drawn from the casual resemblance of a small number of words. There is a bird, which, aa far as is yet known, is found only «n the coasts of South America, from Port Desire to the Straits of Magellan. It is distinguished by the name of Periguin. This word in the Welsh' language signifies White-head. Almost all the authors who favour tlie pretensions of tlie Welsh to the discovery of America, mention this as an irrefragable proof of the afflnityof the Welsh Ian. guage with that spoken in this region of Ameri- ca. But Mr. Pennant, who has given a scien- tific description of the Penguin, observes that all the birds of this genius have black heads, " so' tliat we must resign every hope (adds be) found- ed on this hypothesis of retrieving the Cambrian race in the New World." Fhilos. Transact, vol. Iviii. p. 91, &e. Besides this, if the Welsh, I towards the close of the twelfth century, had settled in any part of America, some remains of Uu W I ^nk.^ I 330 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. the Christian doctrine and ritee muat have been found among their descendant!, when they were discovered about three hundred years posterior to their migration ; a period so short that, in the course of it, we cannot well suppose that ail European ideas and arts would be totnlly for- gotten. Lord Lytteiton, in his notes to the fifth book of his History of Henry II., p. S71. has examined what Powell relates concerning the discoveries made by Madoc, and invalidates the truth of his story by other arguments of great weight. The pretensions of the Norwegians to the dis- covery of America seem to be better founded than those of the Germans or Welsh. The inhabitants of Scandinavia were remarlcable in the middle ages for the boldness and extent of their maritime excursions. In 874, the Norwegians discovered and planted a colony in Iceland. In 968, they discovered Greenland, and established settle- ments there. From that, some of their naviga- tors proceeded towards the west, and discovered a country more inviting than those horrid re- gions with which they were acquainted. Ac- cording to their representation, this country was sandy on the coasts, but in the interior parts le- vel and covered with wood, on which account they gave it the name of Helle-land, and Mark- land, and having afterwards found some plants of the vine which bore grapes, they called It Win-land. The credit of this story rests, as far •■ I know, on the authority of the saga, or chro- nicle of King Olaus, composed by Snorro Stur- lonldes, or Sturlusons, published by I'erinsklold, at Stockholm, A. D. 1697. As Snorro was born in the year 1179, his chronicle might be compiled about two centuries after the event which he relates. His account of the naviga- tion and discoveries of Biom, and his companion Lief, is n very rude omfused tale, p. 104, 1 10, 386. It is Impossible to discover from him what part of America it was in which the Norwegi- ans landed. According to his account of the length of the days >«nd nights, it must have been ai far north aA the fifty>eigbth degree of lati- tude, on some part of the coast of Labradore, approaching near to the entry nf Hudson's Straits. Grapes certainly are nu, the produc- tion of that country. Torfeus supposes that there is an error in the text, by rectifying of which the place where the Norwegians landed nay he supposed to be situated in latitude 49°. But neither is that the region of the vine in America. From perusing Snorro's tale, I should think that the situation of Newfound- land corresponds best with that of the country discovered by the Norwegians. Grapes, how- ever, are not the production of that barren island. Other conjectures are mentioned by M. Mallet, Introd. % I'Hist. ae Dannem. 175, &e. I am not •officlently acquainted with the litera- ture of the north to examine them. It seems manifest, that if the Norwegians did discover any part of America at that period, their at- tempts to plant colonies proved unsuccessful, and all knowledge of it was soon lust. Note [18]. Paue 36. PxTxa MARTva, ab Angleriu, a Milanese gen- tleman, residing at that time in the court of Spain, whose letters contain an account of the transactions of that period, in the order where- in they occurred, describes the sentiments with which he himself and his learned correspondents were affected in very striking terms. *' Pne Intitla prosiluisse te, vixque a lachryrois pra gaudio'tempernsse, quandoliterasadspexlNti meas quibus, de antipodum orbe latent! hnctcnus, to certiorem feci, ml suavisslme PomponI, insinu- asti. Ex tuls ipse Uteris colllgo, quid senseris. Sensisti autem, tantlque rem feclsti, quanti vl- rum summa doutriiia insignitum decuit. Quis namque clbus sublimibus prsstari potest Inge- niis, isto suavior ? quod condimentum gratius ? A me facio conjecturam. Ueati seiitio spiritus meos, quando accitoti alioquor prudentes aliquos ex his qui ab ea redeunt provlncin. Impliucnt animos pecuniarum cumulla augendis miseri avari, libidinibus obscieni ; iiostra» nos mentes, poNtquam Ueo pleni aliquaiido fuerimus, con- templando, hujuscemodi rerum notitin demul- clamua." Epist. 152. Pompouio Lieto, Note [19.] Pace 40. So (irmly were men of science, in that age, per- suaded that the countries which Columbus had discovered were connected with the East Indies, that Benaldes, the Cura de los Palacios, who seems to have been no inconsiderable proficient io the knowledge of cosmography, contends that I uba was not an island, but a part of the conti- nent, andainited to the dominions of the Great Khan. This he delivered as his opinion to Columbus himself, who was his guest for some time on his return from his second voyage ; and he supports it by several arguments, mostly founded on the authority of Sir John Mande- villo. 'iHB. j}enes me. Antonio Gallo, who was secretary to the magistracy of Genoa towards the close of the fifteenth century, published a short account of the navigations and discoveries of his countryman Columbus, annexed to his Opusenla Hlstorlcade Rebus Populi Genuensia: in which he informs us, from letters of Col nmhua which he himself had seen, that it waa his opi- nion, founded upon nautical observations, tha one of the islands he had discovered was distant only two h6urs or thirty degrees from Cattigara, which, in the charts of the geographers of that age, was laid down, upon the aut'.iority of Pto- lemy, lib. vii. c. S, as the mos< easterly place In Asia. From this he concluded, that if some NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. SSI It Meant did dlicover 1(1, their Ht- insucceMful, It. ilanese gen- the court of ;ouiit of the >rder where- iments with rrespondents rras. " PriB chrymis prie spfxJHti mean hiictcnus, to [)oiii, inainu- uid aciiseria. i, quanti vi- ecuit. Quia poteat inge- um gratius ? entio spiritua entea aliquoa .. Impliuent ;eiidia mlaeri noa meiitea, leriinua, con- iititin demul- Lteto. that age, per- ^ulumbua had e Eaat Indies, Palacioa, who kble proficient contends that t of thr conti- I of the Great ila opinion to ucat for some I voyage ; and nents, mostly John Mande- iallo, who was ienoB towards r, published a ind discoverie* nnexed to his lili Genuensis : rsof Colnmbua it was his opU •rvations, tha ed was distant ■om Cattigara, (tphers of that jority of Pto- easterly place 1, that if some unknown continent did not obstruct the r.aviga- tion, there must be a short and easy act.ess, by holding a westerly course, to this extreme re- gion of the East. Aluratori Scriptores Ker. Italicarum, vol. xxili. p. SOl. ; , Notk[80]. Paoe«. Uehnaldes, the Cum or Hector dc ' i Palacios, a contemporary writer, says, that tive hundred of these captives were sent to Spain, and sold publicly in Seville as slaves ; but that, by the change of climate and their inability to bear the fatigue of labour, they all died in a short time. MS, penes me, NoTi [ei.] Paqb 46. Columbus seems to have formed some very sin- gular opinions concerning the countries which he had now discovered. The violent swell and agitation of the waters on the coast of Trinidad led him to conclude this to be the highest part of the terraqueous globe, and he Imagined that various circumstances concurred in proving' that the sea was here visibly elevated. Havii.f adopted this erroneous principle, the apparent beauty of the country induced him t0 fall in with a notion of Sir John Mandeville, c. 108, that the terrestrial paradise was the highest limd in the earth ; and he believed that he had been so fortunate as to discover this happy abode. Nor ought we to think it strange that a person of so much sagacity should be influenced by the opinion or reports of such a fabulous author as Mandeville. Columbus and the other discover- ers were obliged to follow such guides as they could find ; and it appears from several pas- sages in the manuscript of Andr. Bernaldes, the friend of Columbus, that no inconsiderable de- gree of credit was given to the testimony of Mandeville in that age. Bernaldes frequently quotes him, and always with respect. Note [22.] Paoe 49. It is remarkable that neither Gomara nor Ovie- do, the most ancient Spanish historthns of Ame- rica, nor Herrera, consider Ojcda, or his com- panion Vespucci, as the first discoverers of the continent of America. They uniformly ascribe this honour to Columbus. Some have supposed that national resentment against Vespucci, for deserting the service of Spain, and entering into that of Portugal, may have prompted these writers to conceal the actions which he perform- ed. But Martyr and Benzoni, both Italians, could not be warped by the same pi-ejiidice. Martyr was a contemporary author ; he resided in the court of Spain, and had the best oppor- tunity to be exactly informed with respect to all public transactions ; and yet neither in his Decads, the first general history published of the New World, nor in his Epistles, which contain an account of all the remarkable cveiitj of his time, does he ascribe to Vespucci the honour of having first discovered the continent. Benieni went as an adventurer to America in the year 1611, and resided there a considerable time. He appears to have been animated with a warm zeal for the honour of Italy, his native country, and yet does not mention the exploits and dis- cuveries of Vespucci. Herrera, who compiled his general history of Amer'ca flrom the most authentic records, not only follows those early writers, but accuses Vespucci of falsifying the tlates of both the voyages which he made to the Xew World, and of confounding the one with the other. In order that be might arrogate to himself the glory of having discovered the conti- nent. Her. dec. 1. lib. I v. c. 8. He asserts, that in a Judicial inquiry into this matter by the royal fiscal, it was proved by the testimony of OJeda himself, that he touched at Hispaniola when returning to Spain from his first voyage ; whereas Vespucci gave out that they returned directly to Cadiz from the coast of Paria, and touched at Hispaniola only in their second voyage; and that he had finished the voyage in five months ; where?*, according to Vespucci's account, he had employed seventeen months in performing it. Viaggio primo de Am. Vespuc- ci, p. 36. Viag. seciindo, p. 45. Herrera gives a more full account of this inquest in another part of his Decads, and to the same effect. Her. dec. I. lib. vii. c. 5. Columbus was in Hispaniola when Ojeda arrived there, and had by that time come to an agreement with Roldan, who oppos- ed Ojeda's attempt to excite a new insurrection, and, of consequence, his voyago must have been posterior to that of the admiral. Life of Co- lumbus, c. 84. According to Vespucci's ac- count, he set out on his first Voyage May lOth, 1497. Viag. primo, p. 6. At that time Co- lumbus was in the court of Spain preparing for his voyage, and seems to have enjoyed a consi- derable degrae of favour. The affairs of the New World were at this juncture under the direction of Antonio I'orres, a friend of Columbus. It is not probable that, at that period, a commission would be granted to another person to antici- pate the admiral by undertaking a voyage which he himself intended to perform. Fonseca, who patronized Ojeda, and granted the license for his voyage, was nut recalled to court, and rein- stated in the direction of Inuian affairs, until the death of Prince John, which happened Septem- ber, 1497, (P. Martyr, Ep. 182.) several months posterior to the time at which Vespucci pretends to have set out upon his voyage. A life of Vespucci was published at Florence by the Abate Bandini, A. D. 1745, 4to. It is a work of np merit, written with little judgment, and leas candour. He contends for his country- man's title to the discovery of the continent with all the bund zeal of national partiality, but produces no new evidence to support it. W« if. i V\ 392 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. iMrn from blm th»t Vetpucoi'a nocounl of hli yoyngt wm pitblUbcd u tarly m the year 1610, •nil probnbly «ooner. Vit* dl Am. Vetp. p. 58. At what tim* tbt iMm« of Ambkica oame to b« fint gWen to ikt New World !• not oartaln. Note (83]. Paos 68. The fomi employed on thU ocoMlon eerved m a model to the Spaniard! in all their uibeequent oonqueett in AaMrloa. It is lo ratraordlnary in ita nature, and sivee ui luch an idea of the proceedlnge of the Spaniard*, and the princlplei upon which tbay founded their right to the ex- toniive dominlona which they acquired In the New World, that it well merits the attention of the reader. " I Alooio de OJeda, tarTant of the moet high and powerful king* of Caitile and Leon, the conquerors of barbarous nations, their messenger and captain, notify to you, and declare In as ample form as I am oapable, that God our Lord, who U one and etenial, created the heaven and the earth, and one man and one woman, of whom you and we, and all the men who have been or shall be in the world, are de- scended. But as it has come to pass through the number of generations during more than five thousand years, that th«y have been die* persed into different parts of the world, and are divided into various kingdoms and provinces, becauM one country was not able to contain them, nor could they have found In one the means of subalstence and preservation : there- fore God our Lord gave the charge of all those people to one man named 8t. Peter, whom he constituted the lord and head of all the human race, that all men, in whatever place they are born, or in whatever faith or place they are edu- cated, might yield obedience unto him. He hath subjected the whole world to bis jurisdic- tion, and commanded him to establish his resi- dence In Home, as the most proper pUoa for the government of the world. He likewise pro- mised and gave him power to estaldish hi* authority in every other part of the world, and to judge and govern all Christians, Moors, Jews, Gentiles, and all other people of what- ever sect or faith they may be. To him Is given the name of Pope, which signifies admirable, great father and guardian, because he is the father and governor of all men. Those who lived in the time of this holy father obeyed and acknowledged him as their Lord and King, and the superior of the universe. The same has been observt'nd lord afure- ) hie title hath s MaJiiHty, and tion to him aa >ut mistanee; eived infurma- >n erat by the istruct them In of their own e or gratuity, to be so ; and lem gracinusly ided that they manner an his are bound and er. Therefore :o consider at- to you; and omprehend it, nnable in order Church as the I, and likewise e, in his own >poiMtment, as Islands, and of 1 consent that I declare and re mentioned. perform that ged; and His II receive you !ave you, your npt from ser- II you possess, bitants of the esty will be- , exemptions, ot comply, or inction, then, your country list you with ;t you to the and King, 1 ren, and will ipose of them sure; I will e mischief in who will not lawful Bove- bloodshed and be imputed to me, or the nd as I have uisition unto sent to grant ■d in proper 3. 14. ^r Note [84]. Paoi 67. Balboa, in his letter to the king, observes that of the hundred and ninety men whom he took with him, there were never above eighty fit for service at one time. So much did they suffer from hunger, fatigue, and sickness. IlriTera, dee. 1. lib. x. c. 16. P. Alart. decad. 8l2(i. Note [86]. I'aue 70. FoNsECA, Bisliop of Palencia, the priiiiMpal di- rector of American Affairs, had eight liundred Indians in property ; the commendatov Lope de Conchiiloa, his cliief ussociate in that depart- ment, eleven hundred ; and other favourites liad Gonsidernbie numbers. They sent overseers to the islands, and hired out tli, e. 8. From the same causa Grijalva and his associates thought the country, along the coast of which they held their course, en- titled to the name of New Spain. Note [88]. Page 80. The height of the most elevated point in the Pyrenees is, according to M. Cassini, six thou- sand six hundred and forty-six feet. Th« height of the mountain Gemmi, in the canton of Berne, is ten thousand one hundred and ten feet. The height of the Peak of Tenvrlffe, ac- cording to the measurement of P. Feuiilfe, ll thirteen thousand one hundred and seventy- eight feet. 'Hie height of ChimboraiciEO, the most eievati'd point of the Andes, is twenty thousand two hundred and eighty feet; no leas than seven thousand one hundred and two feet above the highest mountain in the anoii'iit con- tinent. Voyage de O. Juan I'lloa, Observa- tions Aslron. et Physiq, tom. 11. p. 114. 'I'he line of congelation on Chimborazzo, or that part of the mountain which is covered perpetually with snow, is nq less than two thousand four hundred feet from its summit. Prevot Hist, Gener. des Voyages, vol. xiii. p. 630. Note [20]. Paoe 80. As a particular description makes a stronger Impression than general assertions, I shall giva one of Itio de la Plata by an eye-witness, P. Cattanco, a Modenese Jesuit, who landed at Buenos Ayrrs in 1749, and thus represents what he felt when such new objects were first presented to his view. " While I resided in Europe, and read in books of history or geo- graphy, that the mouth of the river de la Plata was a hundred and fifty miles in breadth, I considered it as an exaggeration, because in this hemisphere we have no example of such vast rivers. When I approached its mouth, I had the most vehement desire to ascertain the truth with my own eyes ; and I found the matter to bo ixr.i'tly as it was represented. This I de- duce ;ia! : cularly from one circumstance : V rievjt »'.> took our departure from Monte '' i(!r-: n fort situated more than a hun- dred miles from the mouth of the river, and where its breadth is considerably dimin- ished, we sailed a complete day before we dis- covered tiie land on the opposite bank of the river ; and when we were in the middle of the channel, we could not discern land on either side, and saw nothing but the sky and water as if we had been in some great ocean. Indeed we should have taken it to be sea, if the fresh water of the river, which was turbid like the Po, had not satistied us that it was a river. Moreover, at Buenos Ayres, another hundred miles up the river, and where it is still much narrower, it is ' r ^ 084 NOTES AND ILl ? MilATIONS. mil only IniiMnitililtf lo iliarerii lliiiu|i|Miiillafiinit, wlili'li In IiiiIi'imI v«ry low, but peri-tilvK tlir llOIIM'l or lIlU l|ll(*ll III llle I'lH'tll- ([iifKu NPlllHiiieiit lit Culaiiiii till thii uthM- ilila ol' ihu rlvfi'." Lrtli't-ii prliim, |iiiblUlii)il liy Muraiurl, II l'hii«tliim>.iimu I-'hIIud, Iko. I. p. •itt'T. NoTK [mt], TaiikHI. NK.«vru(iNiii.ANh, imrt of Nnvii Ncutiii, uml Cr- imilii, iiri< the I'oiiiitrln wlilrh llii in the tamo pHralli'l ul' liitltiid* Willi tlii> kliiKdom uf l-'riinon | and in wvcry )inrt ol' tlivio th« wntsr of the rivi'm In tVoxrn diirinK wiiiti-r to the thioknet* of Mveral fort ; the I'ni'th it rovered with enow at deep: nliiKwt all i ne birdt tly diiiiiiR that tcaton from a cllmatii where they could not live. 'i'he country of the Istkiinaiiz, piirt of Labra- dor, and the cuuiitrlet on the louth of lludion't Uay, are In the tame parallel with Great UrU Uln ; and yet In all (hete the cold It lo Intent* that aven the Induitry of Europeant hat not attempted cultivation. Ni>Tr(.Sl]. I'aukBS. AuotTA it the firit phllotopher, at flir at I know, who endeavoured to account for the dif- ferent degrvrt of heat In the old and new conti- nent*, by the agency of the wind* which blow in canh. Iliatoire Moral. &c. lib. li. and ill. M. de Uiiiroii ndopti thit theory, and hnt nut only improved It by new obtervationi, but haii employed his amaiing powers of detcriptive eloquence in embelllthlng and pinoliig It In the most striking light. Some remnrkt may be added, which tend to illustrate more fully a doctrine of muc:h importance in every inquiry concerning the temperature of various cllinatet. When a cold wind blows over Innd, it must in its patsage rob the surface of tome of its heat, liy means of this the coldness of the wind is abated. Uut if it continue to blow in the same direction, it will come, by degrees, to past over a turfuce already cooled, and will suffer no long- er any abatement of its own keenness. Thus, as it advances over a large tract of land, it brings on all the severity of intense tVott. Let the same wind blow over an extentive and deep sea ; the tuperticiul water must be immediately cooled to a certain degree, and the wind proportionally warmed. But the superficial and colder water, becoming speci- fically heavier than the wanner water below it, descendt; what 'is warmer supplies its place, which, as it comes to be cooled in Its turn, con- tinues to warm the air which passes over it, or to diminish its cold. This change of the super- ficinl water and successive ascent of that which is warmer, and the consequent successive abate- ment of coldness In the air, is aided by the agi- tation cause ill the sea by the mechanical action of the wind iiid also by the motion of the tides. This will ^( large continents in the torrid zone ; for the mild climate of islands in the same latitude ; and for the siiperlor warmth in summer which lurgu continents, situated in llie temperate or collier zones of the earth, enjoy when comiwred with that of islands. 'I'he heut of a climate tiepeiitis not only u]M>n the Immediate islTect of the sun's rays, but on their continued operation, on tlie elfect which they have formerly pro- duced, and which remains for tome time In the ground. This is the reason why the day is warmest about two in the afternoon, the sum- mer warmest about the middle of July, and the winter coldest about the middle of January. The forests which cover America, and hinder tha sunbeams from heating the ground, are a great cause of the temperate climate in the equa- torial parts. I'he ground, not being heated, can- not heat the air ; and the leaves, which receive the rays intercepted from the ground, have not a mass of matter sufficient to absorb heat enough for this purpose. Besides, it is a known fact, that the vegetative power of a plant occasions a perspiration from the leaves in proportion to the lient to which they are exposed: and, from NOTES AND II.I.rSTllATIONS. Wk (ho tvhul* water III tlin (urAice U lull ui' ih« wliHl iiiK nn-Mtod by iT/M, iha wind <*i' from ImIuw, il ruld. viplaliitd tbo slvecontliiciiU; iiiid Ilia iiiperloi- I' Niii'tli Ainerl- Hliited. In the thi! RiivcrUy of It wiiuU, which November, De- Rrin wind blowi e, which muit lur of the wind. r water, aglutea om below, and hal of iu own to mitigate the iver it, proceede b:— that on ao- •ea, It* surface 'eu by the sun'a jected tu their wt heat. When, a torrid conti* : alinoet intoler- 'er an exteiiiive 10 that on ite i« again tit fur t fur the Hultry ii'rid zone ; fur i lame latitude ; uininer which e temperate or irhen com|iared t of H climate edittte ijffvct of lued operation, formerly pro- ne time In the by the day Is oon, the sum- July, and the f January, ca, and hinder grniind, are ii te in the eqiia- ig heated, can- ivhich receive ind, have not b heat enough known fact. It occasions a proportion to d : and, from Iha nature of evaporation, this persplratlun pro- duces a i-ultl III tint leaf proportional to the per- spiration. Thus the elTecl of the leaf in heat- ing the air In contact with it is priMliKluiisiy dimliilRhed. I''ur thuM observations, which throw much additional light on this curious siiliject, I am Indebted tu my Ingetiluiis friend, Mr. Uoblnaon, professor of natural phiiusopliy In the university of Kdinburgh. NoTi[.S)2]. 1'a(ikH;<. TiiR climate of llraail has been described by two eminent naturalists, I'Iso and MarRrave, who observed It with a philosophical accuracy for which we search In vain in the accounts of many other provinces in America. Uiith repre- sent it as temperate and mild when compared with the climate of Africa. They asrrlbn this chiefly to the refreshing wind which blows continually from the sea. The air Is not niiiy cool, but chilly tliruiigli the night, intiimuch that the natives kindle fli'es erery evening in their huts. I'lso de Meiiiclna lirasiliensl, lib. i. p. 1, &c. Margravius Illstor. Iteruin Natural. Hrasiliip, lib. vlil. c. .'i, p. Wi. Niuu- hoiT, who resided long in Ilrnxll, confirms their descriptlnn. ('hurchiil's Collection, vol. il. p. 86. Gumilla, who was a missionary many years among the Indians upon the river Orono- co, gives a similar description of the temperature of the climate there. Hist, de rOrenot^ue, tom. 1. p. W. 1'. Acugna felt a very consider- able degree of cold In the countries on the banks of the river Amazons. Uelat. vol. II. p. 00. M. Diet, who lived a considerable time in Cayenne, gives n similar account of the tem- perature of that climate, and ascribes it to the same cause. Voyage de la France, Kquinox, p. S90. Nothing can be more dlHerent from these descriptions than that of the burning heat of the African coast given by M. Adanson. Voy- age to Senegal, passim. Nora [33]. Taoe 88. Two French frigate* were sent upon a voyage of discovery In the year 1739. In latitude 44° south, they began to feel a considerable degree of cold. In latitude 48*, they met with Islands of floating lee. Histoire de* Navigations auz Terres Australes, torn. U. p. 8S6, ke. Dr. Halley fell in with Ice la latitude 69*. Id. tom. i. p. 47. Coininodore Byron, when on the coast of Patagonia, latitude SO** SS* south, on the fifteenth of December, which Is mid- summer in that part of the globe, the twenty- first of December being the longest day therst compare* the climate to that of England in the middle of winter. Voyages by Hawkes- wortb, i. 85. Mr. Banks having landed on Terra del Fuego, in the Bay of Good Succea*, latitude 66°, on the sixteenth of January, which corresponds to the month of July in our hemi- sphere, two of his attendants died in one iilitht uf eslrsmn cold, and nil the party were in the most Imminent danger of iierlshiiiK. M. ii. ,'il, AV. liy the fourteenth of Mnrcii, ciirresjiond- Ing tu September In our heni'xphere, winter was set In with rigour, and the iiiuiiiilalns were covered with snow. Ibid. "iV. Caplnin Cmik, in his voyage towards the .Suuth I'ole, I'lii'iilnlies iiHW and striking inntances uf the extriiorillnury pri'duiiilnunrn of cold in thiit i'l>((Ioii uf tlie gbihe. " Who would have tliuiiKlit (Hnyit h«) that an island uf no greater extent tliuii nevviity leiiKiies In circuit, situated between the lutllndn uf fit" mill 66", sliuuid in the very liviglit of suniinvr be. iu a manner, wholly covered, iiiiiny futlionis iluep, witli frozen siiuw ; but mure es- pecliUly the S, W. cuuNt V The very sumnilts of the lul'ty niuiiiitiiitiN were ciwed with huii v and ice ; but the i|uiintity that luy in the vulieys is Incredible ; iind at the bultuin uf the bays, the coast was terminated liy a wall uf ice uf cun- siderable height." Vul. 11. p. Sii7. In some places of the Hiicleiit continent, an extraordinary degree of culd previiilM in very luw latitudes. Mr. lIuKle, in hi>i embuNsy to the cuurt uf the Delai Lainn, passed tiie winter uf the year 177't, at Chainnaiining in latitude 31" 30' N. He often found the tlicrinumeter In his room twenty-nine degrees under the freezing INilut by Fahrenheit's scale : and In the middle of April the standing waters were ail fro- zen, and heavy showers uf snow frequently fell. The extraordinary elevation of the coun- try seems tu be the cause uf this excessive cold. In travelling from Indostan to Thibet, the ascent to the summit of the Iloutan Mountains is very great, but the descent on the other side Is not ill equal proportion. The kingdom of Thibet is an elevated region, extremely bare and desolate. Account of TSibet, by Mr. Stetvart, read in the Uoyal Society, p. 7. The extraordi- nary cold in low latitudes In America cannot be accounted for by the same cause. Those regions are not remarkable for elevation. Some of them are countries depressed and level. The most obvious and probable cause uf the superior degree of cold towards the southern extremity of America, seems to be the form of the continent there. lu breadth gradually de- crease* as it stretches from St. Antonio south- wards, and from the bay of St. Julian to th* Straita of Magellan its dimensions are much contracted. On the east and west sides it Is washed by the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. From Its southern point It is probable that a great extent of sea, without any considerable tract of land, reaches to the Antarctic pole. In whichever of these directions the wind blows, it Is cooled before it approaches the Magellanic re- gions, by passing over a vast body of water ; nor is the land there of such extent, that It cab re- cover any considerable degree of beat in it* pro- I 336 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. H gress over it, TheM olrcumstanccs conenr In rendering tlie temperature of the air in thisdis- trict of America more limilar to that of an in- sular, than to that of a continental climate, and hinder it from acquiring the same degree of sum- mer heat with places in Europe and Asia in a correspondent northern latitude. The north wind is the only one that reaches this part of America, after blowing over a great continent. But from an attentive survey of its position, this will be found to have a tendency rather to diminish than augment the degree of heat. The southern extremity of America is properly the termination of the immense ridge of the Andes, which stretches nearly in a direct line Arom north to south, through the whole extent of the continent. The most sultry regions in South America, Guiana, Brazil, Paraguay, and Tucu- man, lie many degrees to the east of the Msgella- nic regions. The level country of Pern, which enjoys the tropical heats, is situated considera- bly to the west of them. The north wind then, though it blows over land, does not bring to the southern extremity of America an increase of heat collected in its passage over torrid regions ; but before it arrives there, it must have swept along the summits of the AndeS) and becomes impregnated with the cold of that frozen region. Though it be now demonstrated that there is no southern continent in that region of the globe which it was supposed to occupy, it appears to be certain from Captain Cook's disr^veries, that there is a large tract of land near the south pole, which is the source of most of the ice spread over the vast soutliern ocean. Vol. ii, p. SSO, 339, &c. Whether the influence of this remote frozen continent may reach the southern extremity of America, and affect its climate, is an inquiry not unworthy of attention. Note [3J.] Pace 83. M. CoNDAMiNE Is One of the latest and most accu- rate observers of the interior state of South Amer- ica. " AfterdescendingiTomtheAmies(sayshe,) one beholds a vast and uniform prospect of water and verdure, and nothing more. One treads upon the enrth, but does not see it ; as it is so entirely covered with luxuriant plants, weeds, and shrubs, that it would require a considera- ble degree of labour to clear it for the space of a fiMrt." Relation abregfee d'un Voyage, &c. p. 48. One of the singularities in the forests is a sort of osiers, or withs, called buncos by t'le Spaniards, Haves by the French, and nibbes by the Indians, which are usually enii;'M-«d as ropes in America. This is one of the parasiti- cal plants, which twists about the trees it meet* with, and rising above their highest branches, it* tendrils descend perpendicularly, strike into th* ground, take root, rise up around another tree, and thus mount and descend alternately. Other tendrils are carried obliquely by the wind, or some accident, and form a confusion of inter- woven cordage, which resembles the rigging of a ship. Bancroft, Nat. Hist, of Guiana, 99. These withs are often as thick as the arm of a man. Id. p. 75. M. Boguer's sccouht of the forests In Peru perfectly resembles this description. Voyages au Peru, p. 16. Ovie- do gives a similar description of the forests in other parts of America. Hist. lib. ix. p. 144. D. The country of the Moxos is so much overflowed, that they are obliged tc reside on the summit of nnnrie rising graund during some part of the ..car, and have no communication with their countrymen at any distance. Lettres Edifiantes, torn. x. p. 187. Garcia gives a full and Just description of tbe rivers, lakes, woods, and marshes in those countries of America which lie between tbe tropics. Origin de los Indlos, lib. 11. c. 3. § 4, 6. The incredible hardships to which Gon- zalez Pizarro was exposed in attempting to march into the country to the east of the An- des, convey a very striking idea of that part of America in Its original uncultivated state. Gar- cil de la Vega, Royal Comment, of Peru, part ii. book iii. c. 2—5. Note [85.] Page 84. The animals of America seem not to have been always of a size inferior to those in ot!:*i* quar- ters of the globe. From antlers of the moose- deer which have been found in America, it ap- pears to have been an animal of great size. Near the banks of the Ohio, a considerable num- ber of bones of an immense magnitude have been found. The place where this discovery has been made lies about one hundred and ninety miles below the junction of the river Scioto with the Ohio. It is about tour miles distant from tlic banks of the latter, on the side of the mai>8h called the Salt Lick. The bones lie In vast quantities about five or n\x feet under ground, and the stratum Is visible in the bank on the edge of the Lick. Journal of Colonel George Croglan, MS. penes me. This spot seems to be accurate- ly^ laid down by Evans in hi* map. These bones must have belongi;*]' to animals of enor- mous bulk ; but naturalists being' acquainted with no living creature of such size, were at first inclined to think that they were mineral substances. Upon receiving a greater num- ber of specimen*, and after Inspecting them mor* narrowly, they are now idlowed to be tIM bonea of an animal. As the elephant Is tha largest known quadtiiped, and the tnsks which were found, nearly resembled, both In femn abd quality, the tusks of an elephant, if vraa concluded that the carcasses deposited on the Ohio were of that species. But l)r. Hunter, one of tlie piirsons of our age best qaaliffed to decide with respect to tills point, having accurately examined several parcels of tusks, and grinders, and jaw-bones, sent from tlie Ohio to London, gives It as his opinion, tliat NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. SS7 the rigging of f Guiana, 99. an the arm of it's sccoutit of resembles this p. 16. Ovie- of the forests It. lib. iz. p. Moxos is so re obliged to rising ground and hare no rymen at any m. X. p. 187. sription of the ihes in those between the lib. 11. c. 3. § which Gon- Attempting to St of the An- f that part of ed state. Gar- of Peru, part t to have been in oih?r qiiar- >f the moose- nerlca, it ap- >f great size. Iderablenum- iide have been very has been ninety miles oto with the ant from the nf the mai'sh s lie in vast rider ground, k on the edge orge Croglan, be accurate- map. These lals of enor- g acquainted Ize, were at rere mineral reater num- ectlng them owed to be elephant Is id the tnsks ed, both In in elephant, es deposited But Dr. ur age best > tills point, J parcels of , sent from •pinion, that they did not belong to an elephant, but to some huge carnivorous animal of an unknown spe- cies. Phil. Transact, vol. Iviii. p. *34. Bones of the same kind, and as remarkable for their size, have been found near the mouths of the great vivers Oby, Jeuisela, and Lena in Siberia. Stmlilenberg, Desciipt. of North and East Parlt of Europe and Asia, p. 402, &c. 'i'lie elephant seems to be confined in his range to the torrid zone, and never multiplies beyond it. In such cold regions as those bordering on the frozen sea, he could not live. The existence of such large animals In America might open a wide field fur conjecture. The more we contemplate the face of nature, and consider the variety of her pro- ductions, the more we must be satisfied that astonishing changes have been made in the ter- raqueous globe by convulsions and rcvulutiuns, of which no account is preserved in history. , ■ Note [Sfi]. Pace 84. This degeneracy of the domestic European animals in America may be Imputed to some of these causes. In the Spanish settlements, which are situated either within the torrid zone, or in countries bordering upon it, the increase of heat and diversity of food prevent sheep and horned cattle from attaining the same size as in Europe. They seldom become so fat, and their flesh is not so juicy, or of auch delicate flavour. In North America, where the climate is more favourable, and similar to that of Europe, the quality of the grasses which spring up naturally in their pasture grounds is not good. Mitchell, p. I&l. Agriculture is still so much in its in- fancy, that artificial food for caitle is not raised in any quantity. During a w complete, n Discoveries d in the year iportaiit facts 8 of the Rus- rith the New at Voyage of in 1776, and [Gore, pub- licates all the lankind could Mayfair, Pro- fniv. -aity of arrative and an with the of the RuB- rison I com- nach greater 'acy, tlian I r observations de upou the i>k in his last Lisions which ive connected ley were de- It certain that Uehring and Tschirlkow touched on the coast of America in 1741. The foi'mer discovered land in lat. CR", 28', and about 238' east from Fcrro. He has given such a description of the Uny in which he anchored, and the high mountain to the westward of it which he calls St. Ellas, that though the account of his voyage is much nbridged in the English translation, Captain Cook recognised the place as he sailed along the western coast of America in the year 1 77B. The isle of St. Hermogenes, near the mouth of Cook's river, Schumagiiis Isles on the coast of Alashka, and Foggy Isle, retain in Captain Cook's chart the names which they had received from the Russian navigator. Cook's Voy. vol. ii. p. S-17. <' Tschirikow came upon the same coast about S" 30' further south than Behring, near the Mount Edgecumbe of Captain Cook. " With regard to Krenitzin, we learn from Coxc's Account of the Russian Discoveries, that he sailed from the mouth of the Kamtcbat- ka river with two ships in the year 1768. With his own ship he reached the island of Oono- lashka, in whirh there hn'l been a Russian set- tlement since the year 17(JS, where he v.intered probably in the same harbour or br.y where Captain Cook afterwards anchored. The other ship wintered at Alashka, which was supposed to be an island, though it be in fact a part of the American continent. Krenitzin accordingly returned without knowing that cither of his ships had been on the coast of America ; and this is the move surprising, because Captain Cook has informed us that Alashka is under- stood to be a great continent, both by the Kus sians and the natives at Oonolashka. " According to Krenitzin, thi. r from the coast of Asia than it was reckoned dy the Russian navigators. " The geography of the Old and New Woi'ld is therefore equally indebted to the discoveries made in this memorable voyage ; and as many errors have been corrected, and many deti :ien- cies supplied, by means of these discoverii>s, so the accuracy of some former observations has been established. The basis of the map o( the Russian empire. Oil if p as regarded Kamtelint- ka, and the country of the Tschutzki, was the position of four places, Yakutsh, Ochotz, Bolcheresk, and Petrop.iwlow8ki, which hail been determined by the astronomer Krassilni- 'ow in th(! year 1744. Nov. Comment. Petrop. nl. iii. p. 46.5, &c. But the accuracy of hiN ubservations v.;i.-i contested by M. Engel, and M. Robert de Vaugnndy ; Coxe, Append, i. No. 8. p. 267, 272. and the former of these geo- graphers veutuved to take away no less than 28 degrees from the longitude, which, on :he faith of Krassilnicow's observations, was assigned to the eastern boundary of the Russian empire. With how little reason this was done, will ap- i^ ...igffi ' iiiEf ' a tt aL 840 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. potr from coasiderlng that our British navi- gators, having determined the position of Petro- pawlonriiii by a great number of very accurate observations, found the longitude of that port 153" 43' £. from Greenwich, and itt> latitude 63" 1' ; agreeing, the flrst to less than seven minutes, and the second to less than half a mi- nute, with the calculations of the Russian astro- nomer : a coincidence which, in the situation of so remote a place, does not leave an uncer- tainty of more th«n four English mlicsi. and Which, for the credit of science, deserves to be particularly remai'kcd. The chief error in the Russian maps has been in not extending the boundaries of that empire sufficiently towards the east. For as there was nothing to connect the land of the Tschutzki and the north-east point of Asia with those places whereof the position had been carefully ascertained, except the imperfect accounts of Bchring's and Synd's voyages, considerable eri'ors could not fail to be introduced, and that point was laid down as not more than ZSP 8' east of the meridian of Petropawlowskl. Coxe, App. i. No. 2. By the observations of Captain King, the difference of longitude between Petropawlowskl and the £ast Cape is 31° 9' ; that is 8" T greater than it was supposed to be by the Russian geographer." —It appears from Cook's and King's Voy. i" .. p. 87S, that the continents of A^ia and America are usually joined together by ice during winter. Mr. Samwell confirms this account of bis supe- rior officer. " At this place, viz. near the la- titude of 66^ N. the two coasts are only thirteen leagues asunder, and about midway between them lie two islands, the distance from which to either shore is short of twenty miles. At this place the natives of Asia could find no diffi- culty in passing over to the opposite coast, which is in sight of their own. That in a course of years such an event would happen, either through design or accident, cannot admit of a doubt. Tlie canoes which %ve saw among the Tschutzki were capable of performing a much longer voyage ; and, however rude they may have been at some distant period, we can scarce- ly suppose them unequal to a passage of six or seven leagues. I'eople might have been caiTied over by accident on floating pieces of ice. They might also have travelled across on sludges or on foot ; for we have reason to believe that the strait is entirely frozen over in the winter ; so that, during that season, the continents, with respect tu the communication between tliem, may be considered us one land." Letter from Mr. Samwell, Scots Magazine for 1788, p. 604.. It is probable that this interesting portion of geographical knowledge will, in the course of a few years, receive farther improvement. Soon after the publication of Captain Cook's last voyage, the great and enlightened Sovereign of Hussiu attentive to every thing that may con- tribute to extend the bounds of science, or to render it more accurate, formed the plan of a new voyage of discovery, in order to explore those parts of the ocean lying between Asia and America, which C^aptaln Cook did not visit, to examine more accurately the islauds which stretch from one continent almost to the other, to survey the rsrth-east coast of thti Rus- sian empire, from the mouth of the Ktvyma, or Kolyma, to the North Cape, and to settle, by astronomical obsei'vations, the position of each place worth notice. The conduct of this important enterprise is committed to Captain Billings, an English officer in the Russian ser- vice, of whose abilities for that station it will be deemed the best evidence, that he accompani- ed Captain Cook in his lost voyage. To render the expedition more extensively useful, an emi- nent naturalist is appointed to attend Captain Billings. Six years will be requisite fur ac- complishing the purposes of the voyage. Coxe's Supplement to Russian Discoveries, p. 27, &c. Note [44]. Page 93. Few travellers have had such opportunity of observing the natives of America, in its various districts, as Don Antonio Ulloa. In a work la-.:!/ published by him, he thus describes the chat %cteristical features of the race : " A very small forehead, covered with hair towards ita extremities, as far as the middle of the eye- brows ; little eyes : a thin nose, small and bend- ing towards the upper lip ; the countenance broad ; the ears large ; the hair very black, lank, and coarse ; the limbs well turned, the feet small, the body of just proportion ; and altoge- ther smooth and free from hair, until old age, when they acquire som<* beard, but never on :he cheeks." Noticias Americanas, 6tc. p. 807. M. le Chevalier de Pinto, who resided several years in a part of America which Ulloa never visited, gives a sketch of the general aspect of the Indians there. " They are all of copper colour with some diversity of shade, not in pr'>- portion to their distance from the eqiiator, but according to the degree of elevation of tlie ter- ritory which they inhabit. Those who live in a high country are fairer than those in tlie marshy low lands, on the coast. Their face is round, further removed, perhaps, than that of any people from an oval shape. Their foreheud is small, the extremity of their ears far from the face, their lips thick, their nose flat, th^ir eyes black, or of a chesnut colour, small, but capable of discerning objects at a great distance. Their hair is always thick and sleek, and without any tendency to curl. They havu no hair on any part of their body but the head. At the first aspect a southern A-.neri<:an api>ear3 to be mild and in- nocent, but on a more attentive view, one dis- covers in his countenance something wild, dis- trustful, and sullen." MS. jienes nu,; The m ^■'-'■;' !'**fi£ife'~ 8] NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 341 ieledce, or to the plan of a ler to explore between Asia Cook did not ly the islauds almost tu the Etst of th'ti Rus- ' the Kcvyma, , and to settle, lie position of onduct of this Bd to Captain i Russian ser- station it will he accompani- ;e. To render :seful, an emi- ittend Captain [}uisitc for ac- tyage. Coxe's es, p. 87, &e. ipportunity of , in its various .. In a work s describes the ice : " A. very ii' towards its le of the eye> nail and bend- countenance ry black, lank, ned, the feet i; and altoge- until old age, it never on *he &c. p. S07. esided several h Ulloa never eral aspect of all of copper le, not in pro- ! equator, but in of tlie ter- tiose who live n those in the Their face is than that of rheir forebend rs far from the at, ths'r eyes II, but capable tance. Their 1 without any lir on any part e first aspect a mild and in- iew, one dis- \ng wild, dis- les mc. The two portraits drr.wn by hands very different from those of common travelleis, have a near resemblance. Note [44]. Faob 98. Amazino accounts are given of the persevering epeed of the Americans. Adair relates the ad- ventures of a Cbikkasah warrior, who ran thrrugh woods and over mountains, three hun- dred computed miles, in a day and a half and 'wo nights. Hist, of Amer. Ind. 3d0. Note [46]. Page 95. M. GoDiN IE Jeune, who resided fifteen years among the Indians of Peru and (^uito, and twenty years in the French colony of Cayen.:-', in which there is a constant intercourse with the Galibis and other tribes on the Orinoco, ob- serves, that the vigour of constitution among the Americans is exactly in proportion to their habits of labour. The Indians in warm cli' mates, such as those on the coasts of the South Sea, on the river of Amazons, and the river Orinoco, are not to be compared for strength with those in cold countries ; and yet, says he, boats daily set out from Parn, a Portuguese set- tlement on the river of Amazons, to ascend that river against the rapidity of the stream, and with the same crew they proceed to San Pablo, which is eight hundred leagues distant. No crew of white people, or even of negroes, would be found equal to a task of such persevering fatigue, as the Portuguese have experieiin-d ; and yet the Indians being accustomed to litis labour fi-om their Infancy, perform it. MS. penes me. Note [47]. Pace 97. Don Antonia Ulloa, who visited a great part of Peru and Chili, the kingdom of New Gra- nada, and several of the provinces bordering on the Mexican Gulf, while employed in the same service with the French mathematicians during the space often years, and who afterwards had an opportunity of viewing the North Americans, asserts " that if we have seen one American, we may be said to have seen them all, their colour and make are so nearly the same." Notic. Ame- rlcanas, p. 328. A more early observer, Pedro de Cicca de Leon, one of the conquerors of Pe- ru, who had likewise traversed many provinces of America, affirms that the people, men and women, although there is such a multitude of tribes or nations as to be almost innumerable, and such diversity of climates, appear never- theless like the children of one father and mother. Clironira del' Peru, parte i. c. 19. There is, no doubt, a certain combination of features, and peculiarity of aspect, which forms what may be called a European or Asiatic coun- tenance. There must likewise be one that may be denominated American, common to the whole race. This may be supposed to strike the traveller at first sight, while not only the various shades, which distinguish people of dif- ferent regions, b>it the peculiar features which discriminate individuals, escape the notice of a transient observer. But when persons whi had resided so long among the Americans concui in bearing testimony to the similarity of theii appearance in every climate, we may conclude thivt it is more remarkable than that of any other race. See likewise Garcia Origen de los Indies, p. 54, S43. Torqucmada Monarch. In- diana, ii. 571. Note [49]. Page 97. M. LE Chevalier nr. Pinto observes, that in the interior parts of Brazil, he had been in- formed that some persons resembling the white people of Darien have been found ; but that the breed did not continue, and their children be- came like other Americans. This race, how- ever is very imperfectly known. M S. pmes me. *' Note [49]. Page 98. ^' The testimonies of different travellers, concern- ing the Patagoiiians, have been collected and stated with a considerable degree of accuracy by the author of Kecherches Philosophiques, &c. tom. i. S81, &c. ill. 181, &c. Since the publication of his work, several navigators have visited the Magellanic regions, and like their predecessors, differ very widely in their accounts of its inhabitpnts. By commodore Byron and his crew, who sailed through the Straits in 1764, the common size of the Patagonians was estimated to be eight feet, and many of t'.hem much taller. Phil. Transact, vol. Ivii. p. 78. By Captains Wallis and Carteret, who actually measured them in 1766, they vcre found to be from six feet to six feet five and seven inches in height. Phil. Trans, vol. Ix. p. 22. These, however, seem to have been the very people whose size had been rated so high in the year 1764; for several of them had beads and red baize of the same kind with what had been put on board Captain Wnllis's ship, and he natural- ly concluded that they had got these from Mr. Byron. Hawkesw. i. In 1767 they were again measured by M. Bougainville, whose account differs little from that of Captain Wallis. Voy. 139. To these J shall add a testimony of great weight. In the year 1762, Don Bernardo Ibegnoz de Echavarri accompanied the Marquis de Valdelirios to Buenos Ayres, and resided there several years. He is a very intelligent author, and his reputation for veracity unim- peached among his countrymen. In speaking of the country towards the southern extremity of America," By what Indians," says he, " is it possessed? Not certainly by the fabulous Pata- gunians! who are supposed to occupy this district. I have from iniiny eve witnesses, who have lived fi i ?1 m 343 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. among thoM In ans, and traded much with them, a true and accurate description of their peraoni. They are of the same stature with Spaniards. I never saw one who rose in height two varas and two or three inches," i. e, about 80 or 81 -SSS inches Knglish, if Eohavarri malces his computation according to the tiara of Ma- drid. This agrees neariy with the measurement of Captain Wallis. Ueyno Jesuitico, 838. Mr. Falliner, who resided as a missionary forty years In the southern parts of America, says that " the Patagonians, or Fuelches, are a large bodied people ; but I never heard of that gigan- tic race which others have mentioned, though I have seen persons of all the different tribes of southern Indians." Introd. p. 86. M. Dobriz- hoifer, a Jesuit, who resided eighteen >ear8 in Paraguay, and who had seen great vniinliprs of the various tribes which inhabit tlic countries situated upon the Straits of Magciian, t-onflrras, in every point, the testimony of his brother missionary Falliner. Uobrizhuffer enters into some detail with respect to tlie opinions of se- veral authors concerning the stature of the Pa- tagonians. Having mentioned the reports of some early travellers with regard to the extraor- dinary size of some bones found on that coast which were supposed to be human ; and having endeavoured to show that these bones belonged to some large marine or laud animal, he con- cludes, " de hisce ossibus crede quicquid libue- rit, dummodo, mesuasore, Patagonesproglgan- tibus deainas habere." Hist, de Abissonibus, vol. ii. p. 19, &c. Notb[50J. Page 99. Antoxio Sanches Ribeiro, a learned and inge- nious physician, published a dissertation in the year 1766, in which he endeavours to prove that this disease was not introduced from America, but took Its rise -ni :>n of this disease from Si«»iii over Europe, seems however to resemble the \y. .igress of an epideaiic, rather than that of « diwase transmitted ^y Infection. The first mention of It i« in the year 1493, and before the year I i9T, it h«A made its appearance In most ooun- trief of £urti|M>, with such aUrmIng symptoms as rnidered il neuessary for the civil mr^strate to interpose, in order to check its career.- -Since the publication of this work, a second edition of Dr. Sanchez's Dissertation has ^been com- municated to me. It cu..t..in8 several additional facts in confirmation of his oninion, which \h supported with such plausible arguments, as render it a subject of inquiry well deserving the attention of learned physicians. NoTB [51]. Page 100. The people of Otahelte have no denomination for any number above two hundred, which Is sufficient for their transactions. Voyages, by Hawkeswortb, ii. 888. Note [68.] Page 108. As the view which I have given of rude nations Is extremely different from that exhibited by very respectable authors, it may be proper to produce some of the many authorities on which I found my description. The manners of the savage tribes in America have never beenviewed by persons more capable of observing them with discernment, than the philosophers employed by France and Spain, In the year 1735, to determine the figure of the earth. M. Bouguer, D. Antonio d I 'iloa, and D. Jorge Juan, resided long among the natives of the least civilized provinces in Peru. M. de la Condamlne had not only the same advantages with them for observation, but, in his voyage down the Maragnon, he had an opportunity of inspecting the state of the va- rious nations seated on Its banks, in its vast course across the continent of South America. There is a wonderful resemblance In their rc- presontation of the character of the Americans. " They are all extremely indolent," says M. Bouguer, " they are stupid, they pass whole days sitting in the same place, without moving, or speaking a single word. It is not easy to de- scribe the degree of their indifference for wealth, and a'l its ndvantages. One does not well know what motive to propose to them, when one would persuade them to perform any service. It is vain to offer them .^.oney; they answer, that they are not hungry. ' Voyage au Perou, p. 708. " If one uonsiderd them as men, the narrowness of their understanding seems to be incompatible with the excellence of the soul. Their imbecility is so visible that one can hard- ly form an iuea of them different from what one has of the brutes. Nothing disturbs the tranquillity of their souls, equally insensible to disastem and to prosperity. Though half nuk- ed, they are as contented as a monarch in hi.s most splendid array. Riches do not attract them in the smallest degree, and the authority of dignitM.s to which they may aspire are so lit- tle the objects of their ambition, that an Indian will receive with the same Indifference the of- fice of a judge ( Alcade) or that of a hangman, if deprived of the former and appointed to the latter. Nothing can move or change them. ' Interest has no power over them, and they often refuse to perform a small service, though certain of a great recompense. Fear makes no impreti sion upon them, and respect as little. Their NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 343 argumenti, as ell dmcrving the 00. 10 denomination idred, which U Voyages, by 103. I of rude nationi at exhibited by ty bn proper to orities on which manners of the !verbeen>iewed rving them with lers employed by 35, to determine uer, D. Antonio resided long vilized provinces e had not only for observation, kragnon, he bad state of the va- iks, in its vast South America, ice in their rc- the Americans, vlent," says M. hey pass whole rithout moving, Is not easy to de- :ence fur wealth, PS not well linow liem, when one rm any service. r; they answer, i>yage au Perou, em as men, the ing seems to be ice of the soul, it one can hard- rent from what ing disturbs the Uy insensible to ^ough half nuk- monvTch in his ; do not attract nd the authority as])ire are so lit' I that an Indian iiferenee the of- t of a hangman, ippointed to the r change them. ' fi, and they often e, though certahi akes no imprei, IS little. Their diitposition is so singular that there is no method of influencing them, no means of rousing them from that indifference which is proof against all the endeavours of the wisest persons ; no ex- l>edient which can induce them to abandon that grots ignorance, or lay aside that careless negli- gence which disconcert the prudence and disap- point the care of such as are attentive to their welfare." Voyage d'Ulloa, torn. i. 335, 856. Of those lingular qualities he pro^-ts. If this deH('.r>^ion were appli<:Hble only to the Indians ill some provinces of I'oi'ii, w1k> are slaves in every respect but the name, one migiit ijelieve, that tins degrei- af degeneracy tvas occasioned by tliii servile dependence to which tfcey are rc- diieeil ; the example nf the],inodci'ii Greeks being proof how far servitude may degrade the human species. But the Indians in the missions of the Jesuits, and the savages who still enjoy nn- im|iaircd liberty, being as limited in their facul- ties, not to say as stupid, as the other, one can- not observe, without humiliation, that man, when ab«nre88 it. I doubt not but that such as read my account will accuse m» of exaggeration : but I can affirm that it is as dilflcult to count them m to count tbe sands on the banks of that river. One may judge of tiieir number by the amazing consumption of them ; for all the nations conti- guous to the river, and even many who are at u distance, flock thither at the season of breeding, and not only find sustenance during that time, but carry off great numbers both of the turtles and of their eggs," &c Hist. del'Orenoque, ii- c, 2S. p. 59. M. de la Condamine conflrmn their accounts, p. 159. Note [55]. Paoe 106. Pisu describes two of these plants, the Cururu- ajie and the Guqjatta-Timbo, It Is remarkable, that though they have this fatal effect upon fishes, they are so far fi-om being noxious to the human species, that they are used in medicine with success. Piso, lib. Iv. c. 88. Bancroft mentions another, the Hiarree, a small quantity of which is sufficient to inebriate all the fish to a considerable distance, so that In a few minutes they flout motionless on the surface of the wa- ter, and are taken with ease. Nat. Hist, of Guiana, p. 106. Note [56]. Paoe 106. Remarkable instances occur of the calamities which rude nations suffer by famine. Alvar Nugnez Cabeca de Vaca, one of the most gallant and virtuous of the Spanish adventurers, resided almost nine years among the savages of Florida. They were unacquainted with every species of agriculture. Their subsist snce was poor and pre- carious. " They live chiefly (says he) upon roots of different plants, which they procure with great difficulty, wandering from place to place in search of them. Sometimes they kill game, sometimes they catch fish, but In such small quantities, that their hunger Is so extreme as compels them to eat spiders, the eggs of ants, worms, lizards, serpents, a kind of unctuous earth, 8t<4 I am persuaded, that If in this coun- try there were stones, they would swallow these. They preserve the bones of fishes and serpents, which they grind Into powder and eat. The only season when they do not suffer much from famine, is when a certain fruit, which he calls funas, is ripe. This is the same with the Opuntia, or prlckly,"pear, 'of a reddish and yellow colour, with a sweet Insipid taste. They are sometimes obliged to travel far from their usual place of residence in order to find them. Naufragios, c. xviil. p. 80, 81, 88. In powder and do not suffer certain fruit, Ilia is the same 'of a reddish insipid taste, ayel far from order to find I, 81, «t. In another placo h« obwrvee, that they are fre- quently reduced to pas* two or three day* with- out food, 0. xxlv. p. 87. NoTi [67]. Paok 100. M. PiRMiN has given an accurate description of the two species of manioc, with an account of Us culture, to which he hiM added some experi- ments, lu order to ascertain the poisonous quali- ties of the Juice uxtructed from that species which be calls the bitter cassava. Among the Spaniards It Is known by the name of Vuca brava. Descr. de Surin. torn. I. p. 66. Note [68]. Pagi 106. Thr plantain Is found In Asia and Africa, as well as in America. Ovledo contends, that it is not an indigenous plant of the New World, but was Introduced Into the Island of Hispa- nlola. In the year 1616, by Father Thomas de Berlanga, and that he transplanted it fVom the Canary Islands, whither the original slips had been biought from the East Indies. Ovledo, lib. Till. c. I. But the opinion of Acosta and other naturalistsj who reckon it an American plant, seems to be belter founded. Acosta Hist. Nat. lib. W. 81. It was cnltivated by rude tribes in America, who had little inter- course with the Spaniards, and who were des- titute of that ingenuity which dispose* men to borrow what i* useful from foreign nations. OumU. ill. 186. Wafer's Voyage, p. 87. Note [69]. Page 107. It is remariiabi* that Acosta, one of the most auourate and best informed writer* concerning the West Indie*, aflirm* that mail*, though cultivated in the continent, was not known in the islands, the inhabitants of which bad none but ca**ada bread. Hi*t. Nat. lib. iv. c. 16. But P. Martyr, in th* first book of his first Decad, which was written In the year liSS; upoa the return of Columbus from bis first voyage, expressly mentions malse a* a plant which the islander* cultivated, and of which they mad* bread, p. 7. Gomara likewise as- serts that they were acquainted with the cul- ture of maize. Histor. Gener. cap. 98. Ovledo describe* maixe without any intimation of it* being a plant that wa* not natural to Hiap»- niola. Lib. vii. c. 1. Note [60]. Pack 109. New Holland, a country which formerly was oily known, has lately been visited by intelli- gint observers. It lie* In a region of the globe where it must enjoy a very favourable climate, a* it atretohes ftrom the 10th to the asth degree of soathem latitude. It is of great txtent, and firam it* square form mu*t be much more than equal to all Europe. The people who inhabit the various part* of it appear t« Im of one race. They are evidently ruder than moat of the American*, and have made still l«s* progre** In improTement and the arts of life. There is not the least appearance nf cultivation In any part ol this vast region. The InhabitHnts are extremely few, so that the country appears almost desolate. Their tribe* are still more inconsiderable than those of America. They dejiend for subsistence almost entirely on fishing. They do not settle in one place, but roam about In quest of food. Both sexes go stark naked. Their habitations, utensils, ke, are more simple and rude than those of the Americans. Voyages, by Hawke*- worth. 111. 622, &c. This, perbapa, I* the eountry where man has been discovered in tha earliest stage <>f his progress, and exhibit* m miserable specimen of hla condition and power* In that unnultivikted state. If this country shall be more full explored by future navigators, tbo comparison of the manners of Its inhabitant* with those of the American* will prove an In- etmctlve article in the hietpry of the human ■peole*. Note [61]. Faob lOft P. Gabkiel Maeest, who travelled from hi* station among the Illinol* to MachiilimafcinAc, thu* describ** the fao* of th* country :—" We have marched twelve day* without meeting a single human creature. Sometime* we found onreelve* in vast meadows, of which we could not *e* the boundariee, through which thera flowed many brooks and rivers, but without any path to conduct u*. Sometime* we wen obliged to open a paasage across thick forest*, through bu*he*, and underwood filled with briar* and thorn*. Sometime* we bad to pass through d*ep marsh**, In which we sunk up to the middle After being fatigued through the day, w* had the earth ifor our bed, or a few leave*, exposed to the wind, the rain, and all the in- juries of the air." Lettr. Ediflantes, ii. S60. Dr. Biekell, in an excursion firom North Caro- lina towurd* the mountains, A. D. 1790, travel- led fifteen days without meetldg with a human creature. Nat. HIrt. of North Carolina, 989. Diego de Orda*, In attempting to make a settle- ment in South America, A. D. 1088, marched fifty days through a country without one inha- bitant. Herrera, dec. 5. lib. i. e. II. Note [68]. Paox. 109. I maoMGLT suspect that a community of goods, and an undivided store, are known only among the rudest tribes of hunter* ; and that as soon as any species of agriculture or regular industry is known, the idea of an exclusive right of property to the fruits of them is Introduced. I am con- firmed In this opinion by accounts which I have received concerning the state of property among the Indians in very different r^ii.ns of Ameri- ca. " The idea of the natives of Brazil con- m 346 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. oeriiitiK pi'opri'ty U, tliat If any ptnon cultivate n elU, lie al>in« ought to enjoy the produce 01 '. and no other haa a title to pretend to it. If an individual or family go a hunting or flohingi what U caught belongs to the indi- vidual or to the family, and they communicate no part of it tu any but to their caziquv, or to luch of their kindred as happen to be indie- poeed. If any peraon in the village come to their but, he may lit down freely, and eat with- out atking liberty. Uut this is the consequence of their general principle of hospitality ; for I never obcerved any partition of the increase of their fields, or the produce of the chase, which 1 could consider as the result oi any idea concerning a eonununity of goods. On the contrary, they are so much attached to what they deem to be their property, that it would be extremely dan- gerous to encroach upon it. As far as I have seen or can leai i, there is not one tribe of In- dians in Soutli America among whom tlie com- mimlty of goods which haa baen so highly ex- tolled is known. The circumstance in the go- vernment of the Jesuits, most irksome to the Indians of Paraguay, was the community of goods which those fathers introduced. This waa repugnant to the original ideas of the In- dians.. They ware acquainted with the rights of private exclusive property, and they submit- ted with impatience to regulations which de- stroyed them." M. le Chtval, de Pinto, MS. i)cnei me. " Actual possession (says a misslon- jtf'y who resided several years among the Indians {;*' the Five Nations) gives a right to the soil ; iji.'t, whenever a possessor sees tit to quit it, ano- ther ha* as good right to take it as he who left it. This law, or custom, respects not only the particular spot on which he erects his house, but also hi* planting-ground. If a man ha* pre- pared a particular spot of ground on which he designs In future to build or plant, no man haa a right to incommode him, much leu to the fruit of his labours, until It appears that he voluntarily gives up hia views. But I never heard of any formal conveyance from one Indian to another in their natural state. The limit of every canton is oirrurr Mouth Ainei'irA, perfectly aimllttv in Iroquois. ' Thpy are much addie (says he), which they carry on Irequen .^ themselves, but perpetually against the Spa- niards. But they may rather be called thieves than soldiers, for thi>y never make head against the Spaniards, unless when they can assault them by stealth, or have guarded against any mischance by spies, who may be called Indefati- gable ; they will watch the settlements of the Spaniards for one, two, or three years, observing by night every thinf that passes with the utmost solicitude, whether tiii-y may expect resistance or not, and until they are perfectly secure of the event, they will not venture upon an attack ; so that, when they do give tbu assault, they are certain of success, and free from ail danger. These spies, in order tliat they may not be ob- served, will creep on all four like cats In the night ; but if they are discovered, make their escape with much dexterity. But, although they never choose to face the Spaniards, if they be surrounded in any place whence they cannot escape they will fight with desperate valour, and sel. t leir lives very dear. " Lozano Descript. del Uran Chaco, p. 78. Note \m]. Pace lITi. LEav, who was an eye- witness of the proceed- ings of the Toiijiinmnlms, it Brazilian tribe, in a war against a powerful nation of their enemies, describes their courage itnil ferocity in very striking terms. Ego cum Uallo altero, pauIo curlosius, niagno nostro periculo (si eiiim ab bostibus capti aut lesi fuissemus, devorationi fulssemus devoti), barbaros nostros in milltiam euntes comitari volui. Hi, numero 4000 capita, cum hostibus ad littus decertilrunt, tanta feroci- tate, ut vel rabidos et furiosos quosque supera- rcnt. Cum primum hostes conspexere, in niag- nos atque editos ululatus perruperunt. Heec gens adeo fera estct triiculenta, uttantisper dum virium vel tantillum restat, continuo dimlcent, t:igamque nunquam capessant. Quod a natura .ilia inditum esse reor. Testor interea me, qui non semel> turn peditum turn equilumcopiaa in- gentes. In nciem tnstructat hie conupcxl, tenia nunquam voliiptate videndis peditum legionibua armis fulgentlbus, quanta turn piignantibus istit pereussum fuisse. I.ery Hist. Navigat. in Bra- sll. ap. de Bry, ill. 807, SOH, 800. NoTi [70]. Paoi 115. It wm originally the practice of the Amnlnani, as well as of other savage nations, to nut olT the heads of the enemies whom they slew, and to carry them away as trophies. But, as they found these ciimborsome in their retreat, which they always make very rapidly, and often through a vast extent of country, thoy be- came satisfied with tearing oft their scalps. This torn, though most prevalent In North Aroerl- WBS not unknown among the Southern ibes. I.ozano, p. 79. Note [71]. Paob 117. TiiR terms of the war song seem to be dictated by the same fierce spirit of revenge. " I go to war to revenge the death of my brothers ; I shall kill ; I shall exterminate ; I shall burn ray ene- mies ; I shall bring away slaves ; I shall devour their heart, dry their flesh, drink their blood t I shall tear off their scalps, and make cups of their sculls." Bossu's Travels throu)(h Louisi- ana, vol. 1. p. 108. 1 am informed, by persona on whose testimony I can rely, the.t as the number of people in the Indian tribes has de- (Teased so much, almost none of their prisoners are now put to death. It is considered as better policy to spare and to adopt them. Those dread- ful scenes which I have described occur now so rarely, that misaiunaries and tradera who have I'esl.ii'd long among the Indians, never were vvitnesses to them. Note [783. Pack 117. Am. the travellers who have visited the most un- civilized of the American tribes, agree in this. It is confirmed by two remarkable circum- stances, which occuiTed in the conquest of dif- ferent provinces. In the expedition of Narvaez into Florida in the year 1528, the Spaniards were reduced to such extreme distress by fa- mine, that, in oi-der to preserve their own lives, they ate such of their companions as happened to die. lliis appeared so shocking to the na- tives, who were accustomed to devour none but prisoners, that It filled them with horror and indignation against the Spaniards. Torquema- da Monarch. Ind. 11. p. 684. Naufragios de Alv. Nugnes Cabeca de Vaca, c. xlv. p. 15. During the siege of Mexico, though the Mexi- cans devoured with greediness the Spaniards and Tlascalans whom they took prisoners, the ut- most rigour of the famine which they suffered could not induce them to touch the dead bodie* of their own countrymen. Bern. Diaz del Ca»- tillo Conquist. de la N. Espagna, p. 156. a .v", •w^. IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I I ■so "^^ H^H Sf lift L25 III 1.4 m PhotDgraphic Sciences Corporation 23 WIST MAIN STRUT WIBSTIR.N.Y. I4SS0 (71«)S73-4S03 V ^^ <^ 4^ 4g^'\ WrS m NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. MANr singnlar clreumafvnBM eonoerning the treatment of prisoners anong the people of finuU, are contained in the narratiTe of StadiiM, a German officer in the service of the Portu- guese, published in the year 1&S6. He was taken prisoner by the Toujnnambos, and remain- ed in captivity nine years. He was often pre- sent at those horrid festivals which he describe^ and wa« destined himself to the same creel fate with other prisoners. But he saved his life by his extraordinary eiforta of courage and address. De Bry, iii. p. S4, &e. M. de Lay, who ac- companied M. de ViUagagnon in his expedition to Brasil ;•: the year 1566, and who resided some time in that country agrees with Stadias, in every circumstance of importance. He was frequent- ly an eyewitness of the manner in which the Brasilians treated their prisoners. De Bry, iii. SIO. Several striking particulars omitted by them, are mentioned by a Portuguese author. Puioh. Pilgr. iv. 1894, &e. r NoTx[74]. PaokIIS. Tnovan I have followed that opinion conccm» iag the apathy of the Americans, which appear' ed to me most rational, and supported by the authority of the most respectable authors, other theories have been formed with regard to it, by writers of great eminence. D. Ant. Ulloa, in a late work, contends that tftv texture of the skin and bodily habit of the Americans is such, that they are less sen^ble of pain than the rest of mankind; He produces several proofs of this, firom the manner in which they endure the most cruel chinugical operations, fto. No- tloias Amerioanas, p. SIS, SI 4. The same ob- servation has been made by surgeonc in Brasil. An Indian, they say, never complains under pain, and wiU bear the amputation of a leg or an arm without uttering a single groan. MS. {tename. NoTir75]. PagiI19 This is au idea natural to all rude nations. Among the Romans, in the early periods of their commonwealth, it was a maxim that a prisoner " turn dccessisae videtur cum captus est." Digest, lib. xlix. tit. 16. a. 1& And afterwards, when the progress of refinement rendered them more indulgent with respect to this article, they were obliged to employ two fictions of law to secure the property, and permit the return of a captive ; the one by the Lex Cornelia, and the other by the Jus Fostliminii. Heineo. Elem. Jur. Civ. sec. ord. Pand. U. p. 894. Amon;; the Negroes the same ideas prevaiL No ran- som was ever a6c«.>pted for a prisoner. As soon as one is taken in vnr, be is reputed to be dead ; and he is so in efl'tct to his country and bis family. Voy. du Chiival. des Marchais, L p. 369. Non[76]. PaobI19. Thx people of Chili, the most galUnt and high spirited of all the Americans, are the only ex- ception to this observation. They attack theii enemies in the open field; their troop* are ranged in regular order; their battalions ad- vance to the charge not only with courage, but with discipline. The North Americans, though many of them have substituted the European fire-arms in place of their own bows and ar- rows, still adhere to their ancient maxims of war, and carry it on according to their own pe- culiar system. But the Cbilese nearly resem- ble the warlike nations of Europe and Asia in their military operations. Ovalle's Relation of ChiU. Church. Coll. liL p. 71. Lozano's 0ist. Parag. 1. 144, 145. NoTB [77J. Page 180. HaaaxaA gives a remarkable proof of this. In Yucatan, the men are so solicitous about their dress, that they carry about with them mirrors, probably made of stone, like those of the Mexi- cans, Deo. iv. lib, iii. c 8., in which they d». light to view themselves ; but the women never use them. Dec. iv. lib. x. c. S. He takes notice that among tha fierce tribe of the Panchei, in the new kingdom of Granada, none but di»> tinguished warriors were permitted either to pieroe their li^ and to wear green stones In them, or to adorn their heads with plumes of feathers. Dee. vii. lib. ix. c 4. In some pro< vinces of Peru, though that empire had made ODiuideraUe prbgreas in civilization, the state of women was little improved. All the toil of cultivation and domestio work was devolved upon them, and they were not permitted to wear bracelets, or other ornaments, with which the men were fond of decking themsslves. Zarate HUt. da Peru, i. p. U), 16. Note [78]. Paox 180. I HAVE ventured to eall this mode of anointing and painting their bodies, the dra$ of the Ame- ricans. This is agreeable to their own idiom. Ae they never stir abroad if they are not com* pletely anointed ; they excuse themselves when in this situation, by saying that they cannot ap- pear because they ore naked. Gumilla, Hist, de rOrenoque, L 191. Note (79]. Paox ISO. Some tribes in the province of Cinaloa, on the gulf of California, seem to be among the rudeet people of America united In the social state. They neither cultivata nor sow ; they have no houses in which they reside. These in the in- land country eubcist by hunting ; those on the seacoast chiefly by fishing. Both depend upon the spontaneous productions of the earth, fruitSi plants^ and rooto of various kinds. In thf NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 340 tot and high the only ex- f attack th«U ir troop* are battalions aii- courage. but ricans, though the European bows and ar- nt maxima of their own pe- nearljr resem- ) and Asia In 's Relation of jozano's iJUt. tf of this. In IS about their them mirrorsi of the Mexl- rhieh they d»> women nerer 3. He takes >f the Panchet, none but dla. tted either to reen stones In Ith plumes of In some pro- tire had made in, the state of 111 the toil of was devolred mitted to wear ith which the elves. Zarate a of anointing t of the Ame- ir own idiom, are not com- imaelTe* when ley cannot ap- rumilla, Hist. inaloa, on the ong the rudeet le social state. ; they IwTe no hoee in the In- those on the b depend upon e earth, fruilSi nds. In th^ rainy season, as they have no habitations to aiford them shelter, they gather bundles of reeds, or strong grass ; and binding them toge- ther at one end, they open them at the other, and iitting them to their heads, they are covered as with a large cap, which like a penthouse throws oif the rain, and will keep them dry for several hours. During the waiin season, they form a shed with the branches of trees, which protects them from the sultry rays of the sun. When exposed to cold they make large fires, round which they sleep in the open air. His- toria de los Triomphos de Nuestra Santa Fe rntre Centres las mas Barbaras, &c. por. P. And. Perez de Ilibas, p. 7, &e. Note [80]. Pack 121. These houses resemble barns. " We have mea» sured some which were a hundred and fifty paces long, and twenty paves broad. Above a hundred persons resided in some of them." Wilson's Account of Guiana. Purch. Pilgr. vol. iv. p. 1263. ibid. 1391. << The Indian houses," says Mr. Barrere, " have a most wretched appearance, and are a strildng image of the rudeueu of early times. Their huts ore commonly built on some rising ground, or on the banks of a river, huddled sometimes together, ■taetimes straggling, and always without any iiHk. Their aspect is melancholy and disa> gmable. One sees nothing but what is hideous •nd savage. The uncultivated fields have no gayety. The silence which reigns there, unless when Interrupted by the disagreeable notes of birds, or cries of wild beasts, is extremely dismal." Relat. de la France Equin. p. 146. Note [81]. Faqe 181. Some tribes in South America can send tTieir arrows to a great distance, and with consider- able force, without the aid of the bow. They make use of a hollow reed, about nine feet long and an inch thick, which is called a Sarbacnm. In it they lodge a small arrow, with S9nic nn- spun cotton wound about its great Cid; this confines the air, so that they can blow it with astonishing rapidity, and a sure aim, to the dis- tance of above a hundred paces, 'iliese small arrows are always poisoned. Fermin. Descr. de Surin. 1. &5. Bancroft's Hist, of Guiana, p. 881, &c. The Sarbacane is much used in some parts of the East Indies. Note [88]. Page 181. I MioRT produce many instances of this, hut shall satisfy myself with one taken from the Eskimaux. " Their greatest ingenuity (says Mr. Ellis) is shown in the structure of their bows, made commonly of three pieces of wood, each making part of the same arch, very nicely and exactly Joined together. They are com- monly of fir or larch ; and as this wants strength and elasticity, they supply both by bracing the back of the bow with a kind of thread, or linoi made of the sinews of their deer, and the bowstring of the same materials. To make them draw more stiflly, they dip them into water, which causes both the back of the bow and tne string to con- tract, and consequently gives it the greater force ; and as they practise from their youth, they slioot with very great dexterity." Voyage to Hudson's Bay, p. 138. Note [83]. Page 188. Nxcesbitt is the great prompter and guide of mankind in their inventions. There is, how- ever, such inequality in some parts of their pro- gress, and some nations get ko far the start of others in circumstances nearly similar, that we must ascribe this to some events iu their story, or to some peculiarity in t)ie!r situation, with which we are unacquainted. The people In the island of Otaheite, lately discovered in the South Sea, far excel most of the Americans in the knowledge and practice of the arts of ingenuity, and yet they had not invented any method of boiling water ; and having no vessel that could bear the fire, they had no more idea that water could be made hot, than that it could be made solid. Voyages by Hawkesworth, I. 466, 484. Note [84]. Paox 188. Oke of these boats, which could carry nine men, weighed only sixty pounds, GosnoL Rti- lat des Voy. a la Virgin. Rec.,de Voy. au Nord, tom. v. p. 403. Note [86]. Page 188. A REMARKABLE proof of this Is produced by Ulloa. In weaving hammocks, coverlets, a%l other coarse clotbs which they are accustomed to manufacture, their industry has discovered no more expeditious method than to take up thread after thread, and, after counting and sorting them each time, to pass the woof between them, so that in finishing a small piece of those stuifs they frequently spend more than two years. Voyage, i. SS6. Bancroft gives the same description of the Indians of Guiana, p. 865. According to Adair, the ingenuity and despatch of the North Abierican Indians are not greater, p. 4SSi. From one of the engravings of the Mexican paintings in Purchas, vol. ill. p. 1106, I think it probable that the peopUj of Mexico were unacquainted with any better or more expeditious mode of weaving. A loom was an invention beyond the ingenuity of the most improved Americans. In all their works they advance so slowly, that one of their ai-tista is two months at a tobacco-pipe with his knife before he finishes it. Adair, p. 483. fl S50 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. NoTi[M]. PaokISS. Thb article of religion in P. Lailtau's Moeura des SauTages extendi to 347 tedious pages In quarto. Note[87J. PaoeISS. I HAva referred tbe reader to several of the authors who describe the most uncivilized na- tions in America. Their testimony is uniform. That of P. liibas concerning the people of Cinaloa coincides with the rest. " I was ex- tremely attentive (says he), during the years I resided among them, to ascertain whether they were to be considered as idolaters ; and it may be affirmed with the most perfect exactness, that though among some of them there may be traces of idolatry, yet others have not the least know- ledge of God, or even of any false deity, nor pay any formal adoration to the Supreme Being who exercises dominion over the world ; nor have they any conception of the provi- dence of a Creator, or Governor, from whom they expect in the next life the reward of their good or the punishment of their evil deeds. Neither do they publicly Join in any act of di- vine worship." Ribas Triumphos, &c. p. 16. Note [88]. Page ISi. The people of Brasil were so much affrighted by thunder, which is frequent and awful in their country, as well as in other parts of the torrid zone, that it was not only the object of religious reverence, but the most expressive name in their language for the Deity was Tou- pan, the same by which they distinguished thun- der. Fisode Medec. Brasil, p. 8. Nieuhoff. Church. Coll. ii. p. 1%. 4-; Note [89]. . 28. Br the account which M. > . aont, an eye-wit- ness, gives of the fUnerai of the great chief of the Natchez, it appears, that the feelings of the persons who suffered on that occasion were very different, "^ome solicited the honour with eagerness ; others laboured to avoid their doom, and several saved their lives by flying to the woods. As the Indian Brahmins give an in- toxicating draught to the women who are to be burned together with the bodies of their hus- bands, which renders them insensible of their approaching fate, the Natchez obliged their vic- tims to swallow several large pills of tobacco, which produce a similar effect. M6m de Louis. 1.887. Non[90]. Page 188. On some occasions, particularly in dances insti- tuted for tbe recovery of persons who are in- disposed, they are extremely licentious and in- decent. De la Potherie Hist. &c. 11. p. 48. Charlev. N. Fr. iil. p. S19. But the nature of their dances is commonly such aa 1 have de- scribed. Note [91]. Page 189. The Olltomacoat, a tribe seated on the banks of the Orinoco, employ for the same purpose a composition which they call Yu/ia. It is formed of the seeds of an unknown plant reduced to powder, and certain shells burned and pulver- ized. The effects of this when drawn up into tbe nostrils are so violent that they resemble madness rather than intoxication. Gumilla, i. 886. Note [98]. Page 189. Though this observation holds true among the greater part of the southern tribes, there are some in which the intemperance of the women is as excessive as that of the men. Bancroft's Nat. Hisb of Guiana, p. 875. Note [93]. Page 131. £vEN in the most intelligent writers concerning tbe manners of the Americans, one meets with inconsistent and inexplicable circumstances, llie Jesuit Charlevoix, who, in consequence of the controversy between his order and that of the Franciscans, with respect to the talents and abilities of the North Americans, is disposed to represent their intellectual as well as moral qualities in the most favourable light, asserts, that they are engaged in continual negotiations with their neighboun, and conduct these with the most refined address. At the same time he adds, " that it behoves their envoyi or plenipo- tentiaries to exert their abilities ai. d eloquence, f jr, if the terms which they offer are not accept- ed they had need to stand on their guard. It frequently happens, that a blow with tbe hatchet is the only return given to their propositions. The envoy is not out of danger, even if he is so fortunate as to avoid the stroke ; he may expect to be pursued, and, if taken, to be burnt." Hist. N. Fr. ill. iefil. What occur*, p. 147, concerning the manner in which the Tlasca- lans treated the ambassadors from Zcmpoalla, corresponds with the fact related by Charlevoix. Men capable of such acts of violence seem to be unacquainted with the first principles upon which tbe intercourse between nations is found- ed ; and instead of the perpetual negotiations which Charlevoix mentions, it seems almost impossible that there ihonld be any correspon- dence whatever among them. Note [94J. Page 131. It is a remark of Tacitus concerning the Ger- mans, " Gaudent muneribus, sed nee data im- putant, nee acoeptis obligantur." C. 81. An author who had a good opiwrtunity of observing the principle which leads savages neither to ex- press gratitude for favours which they had re- ceived, nor to bestowed, thi they) you giv need of it yoi with that w Memoire sur la Guiane Fi 110. And Bemalc Columbus, concerning tl are notmenti or tbe other h have been pu four men, tit pectedly witl cond voyage, islands. At pid with astc cle, and hard an hour. J men, advanc dually surro communicati saw that it historian), tl ed resolution expression, ■■ were few, ai assault then Spaniards, a other defent canoe was oi ty and dang* they continu their bows v in the sea." c. 119. A PHOBABLI spect to the between the larger islam to be a sepal different frc large islande that their ai part of the and extermi possession o Hochefort, : themselves from beyon ly, tbe Carl one peculiai women. 1 men has n the large i eonsiderabi NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 351 1 M I have d«. 39. m the banki of «me purpote a a. It is formed iant reduced to ed and pulver- drawn up into they resemble on. Gumilln, 89. rue among the ribes, there are of the women n. Bancroft's SI. tera concerning me meets with circumstances, consequence of er and that of the talents and I, is disposed to well as moral I light, asserts, al negotiations uot these with e same time he >yf or plenipo- aLd eloquence, are not accept- eir guard. It rith the hatchet ir propositions, even if he la so be may expect to be burnt." occurs, p. 147, h the Tlasca- am Zcmpoalla, by Charlevoix, mce a«em to be rinoiples upon itions is found - al negotiations seems almost tny correspon- 1. Ding the Ger- id neo data im- C. 81. An ty of observing neither to cx- they had re* celved, nor to expect any return for such as they bestowed, thus explains their ideas : " If (say they) you give me this, it Is because you have no need of it yourself ; and as for me, I never part with that which I think necessary to me." Mfemoire sur le Galibis ; Hist, des i'lantes de la Gulaae Francoise par M. Aublet, torn. il. p. 110. Note [95]. Page 135. And Bemaldes, the contemporary and friend of Columbus, has preserved some circumstances concerning the bravery of the Cnrlbbees, which are notmentioned by Don Ferdinand Columbus, or the other historians of that period whose works have been published. A Caribbean canoe, with four men, two women, and a boy, fell in unex- pectedly with the fleet of Columbus in his se- cond voyage, as it was steering through their islands. At first they were struck almost stu- pid with astonishment at such a strange specta- cle, and hardly moved from the spot for above an hour. A Spanish bark, with twenty-five men, advanced towards them, and the fleet gra- dually surrounded them, so as to cut off their communication with the shore. " When they saw that it was Impossible to escape (says the historian), they seized their arms with undaunt- ed resolution, and began the attack. 1 use the expression, wUh undaunted reiolution, for they were few, and beheld a vast number ready to assault them. They wounded several of the Spaniards, although they had targets, as well as other defensive armour; and even after their canoe was overset, It was with no little difficul- ty and danger that part of them were taken, as they continued to defend themselves, and to use their bows with great dexterity while swimming in the sea." Hist, de D. Fern, y Ysab. MS. c. 119. NoTB [96]. Paob IS5. A noBABLB conjecture may be formed with re- spect to the cause of the distinction in character between the Caribbeea and the inhabitants of the larger islands. The former appear manifestly to be a separate race. Their language is totally different from that of their neighbours in the large islands. They themselves have a tradition, that their ancestors came originally from some part of the continent, and, having conquered and exterminated the ancient inhabitants, took possession of their lands, and of their women/ Hochefort, 884. Tertre, SeO. Hence they call themselves Banaree, which signifies a man come from beyond sea. Labat, vi. ISl. According- ly, the Caribbees still use two distinct languages, one peculiar to the men, and the other to the women. Tertre, 361. The langnage of the men has nothing common with that spoken in the large islands. The dialect of the women MnsideraUy resembles it. Labat, 189. This strongly confirms the tradition which I have mentioned. The Caribbees themselves imagine that they were a colony from the Galabis, a powerful nation of Guiana in South America. Tertre, 361. Rochefort, 348. But as their fierce manners approach nearer to those of the people In the northern continent, than to those of the natlvci of South America ; and as their language has likewise some aflinlty to that spoken in Florida, tht origin should be deduced rather from the former than from the latter. Labat, 188, &c. Herrera, dec. i. lib. Ix. c. 4. In their wars, they still observe their ancient practice of destroying all ti i males, and preserving the wo- men either for servitude or for breeding. Note [97]. Page 136. Our knowledge of the events which happened in the conqu<>it of New Spain, Is derived from sources of information more original and authen- tic than that of any transaction in the history of America. The letters of Cortes to the Emperor Charles V. are an historical monument, not only first in order of time, but of the greatest authenticity and value. As Cortes early as- sumed a command independent of Velasquez, it became necessary to convey such an account of his operations to Madrid, as might procure him the approbation of his sovereign. The first of his despatches has never been made public |It was sent from Vera Cruz, July 16th, 1519. As I '-<*Rclned that it might not reach the Emperor until he arrived in Germany, for which he set out early in the year 1580, in order to receive the Imperial crown ; I made diligent search for a copy of this despatch, both in Spain and in Germany, but without success, lliis, however, is of less consequence, as It could not contain any thing very materia!, being written so soon after Cortes arrived in New Spain. But, in searching for the letter from Cortes, a copy of one from the colony of Vera Cruz to the Emperor hao been discovered in the Imperial library at Vienna. Of, this I have given some account in its proper place, see p. 145. The second despatch, dated October SOth, 1580, was published at Seville A. D. 1588, and the third and fourth soon after they were received. A Latin translation of them appear- ed in Germany A. D. 1538. Ramusio soon after made them more generally known, by in- serting them in his valuable collection. They contain a regular and minute history of the ex- pedition, with many curious particulars con- cerning the policy and manners of the Mexi- cans. The work does honour to Cortes ; the style is simple and perspicuous ; but as It was manifestly his interest to represent his own ac- tions in the fairest light, his victories are proba- bly exaggerated, his losses diminished, and his acts of rigour and violence softened* The next in order is the Cronica de la Nneva ^i m ■ I 359 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. Eipagna, by Frauelaco Lopes de Oomara, pub- lished A. D. 1654. Gomara't historical merit Is considerable. His mode of Darratlon is clear, flowing, always agreeable, and sometimes ele- gant. But ho is frequently inaccurate and cre- dulous ; and as he was the domestic chaplain of Cortes after his retuni fh>m New Spain, and pro- bably composed his work at his desire, it is mani- fest that he labours to magnify the merit of his he- ro, and to conceal or extenuate such transactions as were unfavourable to his character. Of this Herrera accuses him in one instance, Dec. ii. lib. ill. c. S, and it is not once only that this is conspicuous. He writes, howerer, with so much freedom concerning several measures of the Spanish court, that the copies both of his Historia de las Indias, and of his Cronica, were called in by a decree of the Council of the Indies, and they were long considered as prohibited books in Spain ; it is only of late that license to print them has been granted. Finelo Bibliotb. 069. The Chronicle of Gomara Induced Bemal Diaz del Castillo to compose his Historia Ver- dadera de la Conquista de la Nueva Espagna. He had been an adventurer in each of the expe- ditions to New Spain, and was the companion 6f Cortes in all his battles and perils. When he found that neither he himself, nor many of his fellow-soldiers, were once mentioned by Go- mara, but that the fame of all their exploits was •scribed to Cortea, the gallant veteran laid hold of his pen with indignation, and composed his true history. It contains a prolix, minute, con- fused narrative of all Cortes'a operations, in such a rude vulgar style as might be ex;iected from an Illiterate soldier. But as he relates transac- tions of which he was witness, and in which he performed a considerable part, his account bear* all the marks of authenticity, aud is accompa- nied with such a pleasant naivete, with such interesting details, with such amusing vanity, and yet so pardonable in an old soldier who had been (as he boasts) in a hundred and nineteenbattles, aa renders his book one of the most singular that I* to be found in any language. Pet. Martyr ab Angleria, in a treatise De In- aulis nuper iuventis, added to his Decades de Rebus Oceanicis et Novo Orbe, gives some ac- count of Cortes's expedition. But he proceeds no further than to relate what happened after his first landing. This work, which is brief and slight, seems to contain the information transmitted Dy Cortes la his first despatches, embellished with several particulars communi- '»ted to the author by the officers who brought the letters from Cortes. But the book to which the greater part of mo- dern historians have had recourse for informa- tion concerning the conquest of New Spain, is Historia de la Conquista de Mexico, por D. Aotooio de Soils, first published A. D. 1684. I know no author in any language whose liter- ary fame has risen so far beyond his real merit. De Soils is reckoned by his countrymen one of the purest writers in the Castilian tongue ; nnd if a foreigner may venture to give his opinion concerning n matter of which Spaniards alone are qualified tojudge, he is entitled to that praise. But though his language be correct, his taste In composition is far from being just. Ills periods are so much laboured as to be often stiff, and sometimes tumid ; the figures which heemplnys by way of ornament are frequently trite or Im- proper, and his observations superficial. These blemishes, however, might easily be overlooked, if he were not defective with respect to all the great qualities of an historian. Destitute of that patient industry in research which conducts to the knowledge of truth ; a stranger to that impartiality which weighs evidence with cool attention ; and ever eager to establish his ikvourite system of exaltiug the character of Cortes into that of a perfect hero, exempt from error, and adorned with every virtue ; he is less solicitous to discover what was true than to re- late what might appear splendid. When he at- tempts any critical discussion, his reasonings are fallacious, and founded upon an imperfect view of flwta. Though he sometimes quotes the des- patchet of Cortes, he seems not to have consult- ed them ; and though besets out with some cen- sure on Gomara, he frequently prefers his au- thority, the most doubtful of any, to that of 'he other contemporary historians. But of all the Spanish writers, Herrera fur- nishes the fullest and most accurate information concerning the conquest of Mexico, as well as every other transaction of America. The indus- try and attention with which he consulted not only the boohs, but the original papers and public records, which tended to throw any light upon the subject of his inquiries, were so great, and he usually judges of the evidence' before him with •0 much Impartiality and candour, that his De- eads may be ranked among the most judicious and useful historical collections. If, by attempt- ing to relate the various occurrences in the New World In a strict chronological order, the ar- rangement of events In his Work had not been rendered so perplexed, disconnected, and ob- scure, that it is an unpleasant task to collect from different parts of his book, and piece toge- ther the detached shreds of a story, he might Justly have been ranked among the most emi- nent historians of his country. He gives an ac- count of the materials from which he composed his work, Dec vi. lib. III. c. 19. Note [96]. Face 1 36. CoRTis purposed to have gone in the train of Ovaudo when he set out for his govemmeHt In the year 1608, but was detained by an accldeat. As he was attempting in a dark night to soraanbla NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 953 np to the window of • lady's bedchamber, with whom he carried en an intrigue, an old wall, on the top of which he had mounted, gave way, and he waa ao much bruieed by the fall ae to be unfit for the voyage. Oomara, Cronica de la Nueva Etpagna, cap. I. Note [99]. Page 137. CoRTBS had two thouaaud pesos in the hands of Andrew Duero, and he liorrowed four thousand. Those sums are about equal in value to fifteen ' hundred pounds sterling; but as the price of every thing was extremely high in America, they made but a scanty stock when applied to- wards the equipment of a military expedition. Herrera, dec ii. lib. lit. c. 8. B. Diaz, c. 80. Note [100]. Page 138. The names of those gallant officers, which will often oecur in the subsequent story, were Juan Velasquea de Leon, Alontn Hernandez Porto- carrero, Francisco de Montejo, Chriatoval de Olid, Juan de Eacalante, Francisco de MorU, Pedro de Alvarado, Franciaco de Salceda, Juan de Eacobar, Ginea de Nortes. Cortes himself commanded the Capitana, or Admiral. Fran- cisco de Orozco, an officer formed in the wars of Italy, had the command of the artillery. The expertencctt Amu:!nos acted as chief pilot. Note[10;]. Page 139. In those (^liferent conflicts, the Spaniards lost only two men, but bad a considerable number wounded. Though there be no occasion for recourse to any supernatural cause to account either for the greatneea of their victories, or the amaliness of their loss, the Spanish historians fail not to ascribe' both to the patronage of St. Jago, the tutelar saint of their country, who, as they relate, fought ct the head of their country- men, and by his prowess gave a turn to the fate of the battle. Gomara is the first who aaentions this apparition of St. James. It is amusing to •baerve the embarrassment of B. Diaz del Cas- tillo, occasioned by the struggle between his tuperstition and his veracity. The former dia- poaed him to believe this miraelst the latter restrained him from attesting it. " I acknow- ledge," says he, " that all our esploita and vio- toriet are owing to our Lord Jesus Christ, and that in this battle there waa such a number of Indians to every one of ns, that if each had thrown a handful of «Mth they might have buried us, if by the gnat mercy of God we had not been protected. It may be that the person whom Gomara mentions as having appeared on a mottled gray horse, was the glorious apostle Signer San Jago or Signer San Pedro, and that 1, as being a sinner, was not worthy to see him. This I know, that I saw Francisco de Morlaon such a hone, but as an unworthy transgressor, did not deaerro to w« any of tba holy apostles. It may have been the will of God, that It WM ao as Gomara relates, but urtil I read his Cbr»* nide I never heard among any of the conquerors that such a thing had happened." Cap. S4 Note [108]. Page 140. Several Spanish historians relate this occur- rence in such terms as if they wished it should be believed, that the Indians, loaded with th« presents, had carried them from the capital, in the same short space of time that the couriers performed that Journey. This is incredible, and Gomara mentions a circumstance which shows that nothing extraordinary happened on this occasion. This rich present had been prepared tbr Gr^alva, when he touched at the same plaea some months before, and waa now ready to be delivered, as soon as Montezuma sent orders for that purpose. Gomara Cron. o. xxvil. p. 88. According to B. Diaz del Castillo, the value of the silver plate representing the moon waa alone above twenty thousand peaoa, above five thousand pounds steHing. Note[10S]. Page 148. This private traffic was directly contrary to the instmetions of Velasquez, who enjoined, that whatever was acquired by trade should be thrown into the common stock. But it appears that the soldiers had each a private assortment of toys and other goods proper for the Indian trade, and Cortes gained their favour by encou- raging this underhand barter. B. Diaz, o. 41. Note [104]. Page 146. GoMAEA has published a catalogue of the varioua articles of which this present consisted. Cron. c. 49. P. Martyr ab Angleria, who saw them after they were brought to Spain, and whoseema to have examined them with great attention, gives a description of each, which is curious, aa it conveys some idea of the progress which th« Mexicans had made in several arte of elegaucoi De Insulis nuper inventis Liber, p. 854, tee. Note [106]. Page 148. Ttn%M is no circumstance in the history of the conquest of America which is more questlonablii than the account of the numerous armies brought into the field against the Spaniards. As the : war with the republic of Tlascala, though of short duration, was one of the meet considerable which the Spaniards waged in America, the account given of the Tiascalan armies merits seme attention. The only authentic informa- tion concerning this is derived flrom three authors. Cortes, in his second despatch to the Emperor, dated at Segura de la Frontera, Oct. 30, Ifieo, thus estimates the number of their troops; in the first battle 6000; in the second battle 100,000; in the third battle 150,000. Relat. ap. Ramus, iii. 888. BenuU Diaz de) Zz it I i: 9U NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. * CmIIIIo, who WM an eye witneee, and engif ed In nil the aotlontof thia war, thua retik^na Uielr numbera ; in the Arat battle, 9000, p. 43 ; in tha aeeond battle 0000, Ibid. ; in the third battle 60,000, p. 4S. Gomara, who waa Cortea'a chaplain after hia return to Spain, and publiah' ed hia Cronica in IfifiS, followa the compuUtion of Cortea, except in the aeeond battlci where be reekona the Tlaacalana, at 80,000, p. 40. It waa mauifeatly the intereat of Cortea to magni- fy hia own dangera and exploita. For it waa only by the merit of extraordinary aanricea that be could hope to atone for hia irregular condurt in aaauming an independent command. Bern. Diaa, though abundantly diapoaed to plaea hia own proweaa, and that of hia fellow-eom|uei«n, in the moat advantageoua point of light, had not the aame temptation to exaggerate} and it ia probable that hia account of the numbera ap- proachea nearer to the truth. The aaaembling of an army of 150,000 men requlrca many previoua arrangementa, and aueh proviaiona for their aub- siatence aa aeema to be bevond the fbreaight of Americana. The degree of cultivation in TIaacala doea not aecm to have been ao great aa to have furnished aueh a vaat army with pro- viaiona. Though thia province waa aa ainch better cultivated than other regiona of N bat passed in his -soldiers on that ought strange," I this manner of ht to be eensl- late, another to rer before seen, i«n." Cap. 66. some idea of tbo lerwent In per- )f duty. Dnr- nained i« Mez- hietlon between lb arms in his f uillcd ^kst and gorgst. I'bey lay on mats, or straw spread on ths floor, and each was obliged to bold himself as alert as If he had been on guard. <• This," adds he, " became so babi< tusl to me, that even now, in my advanced ago, 1 always sleep in my ciotlies, and never iu any bed. When I visit my Encotiwnda, I reckon it suitabb to my rank to have a bed carried along with my other baggage, but I never go into it ; but according to custom, 1 lie in my clothes, and walk frequently during ths uight into the open air to vlaw the stars, as 1 was wont when in servloo." Cap. 108. Md so tamely given up ths prisoners to the dis^ • '■' of Cortes, that he had no cause to apprehend ari> opposition from him. If the explanation which 1 have attempted to give of Cortea's proceedinp on this oceaxlon be not admitted, it appears to me, that they must b« reckoned among the wanton and barbarous acta of oppression which occur too often in the history of the conquest of America. Mon [lis]. PAOxia?. Di SoMs asserts, lib. It. c S. that the proposi- tion of doing homage to the King of Spain came from Montezuma himself, and was made in or- der to induce the Spaniards to depart out of his dominions. He describes his conduct on this occasion as if it had been founded upon a scheme of profound policy, and executed with such re- flned address as to deceive Cortes himself. But there is no hint or circumstance in the contem- porary historiuns, Cortes, Uiaz, or Gomara, to Justify this theory. Monteiuma, on other ou* casions, discovered no such extent of art an4 abilities. Y The anguish which he felt in per. forming thb humbling ceremony Is natural. If we suppose It to have been Involuntary. But* according to the theory of De Soils, which sup. poses that Montezuma waa executing what ha himself bad proposed, to Iwvo assumed an ap. pearance of aorrow would have been preposter. ous, and inconsistent with bb own dssiga of d*. ceiving the Spaniards. NotkLUS]. PAaclM. In several of tho provinces, ths Spaniards, witli all their Industry and influence, could collect no gold. In others, they procured only a few trinkets of small value. Montezuma assured Cortes, that the present which he offered to tho king of Castile, after doing homage, consbted of all the treasure amassed by his father : and told him, that be had already distributed the rest of his gold and Jewels among the Spaniards. B. Ulaz. c. 104. Oomara relates, that all the sil- ver collected amounted to fiOO marks. Cron. c. 98. This agrees with the account given by Cortes, that the royal fifth of silver was KH) marks. Kelat. 830. B. So that the sum total of silver was only 4000 ounces, at the rate of eight ounces a mark, which demonstrates the propor- tion of silver to gold to have been exceedingly small. N0Tb[1U]. PAGBlfiS. De Soi.i^, lib. Iv. c. 1. calls in question the truth of this transaction, from no better reason than that it was inconsistent with that prudence which distinguishes the character of Cortes. But he ought to have recollected the impetuosi- ty of his zeal at 'Hascala, which was no less im. prudent. He asserts, that the evidence for it rests upon the testimony of B. Dial del Castillo, of Oomara, and of Herrera. They all concur, ( Indeed, in mentioning this inconsiderate sUp which Cortes took ; and they had good reason to do BO, for Cortes himself relates this exploit in his second despatch to the £mperor, and seems to glory in it. CorC. Relet. liamus. ill. 140. D. litis is one instance, among many, of De Solis's having consulted with little atten- tion the letters of Cortes to Charles V., from which the most authentic information with re- spect to his operations must be derived. Noix [115]. Faux 169. HxRRBKA and De Soils suppose that Velasqntr^ was encouraged to equip this armament against Cortes by the account which he received from Spain concerning the reception of the agents sent by the colony of Vera Cmz, and the warmth with which Fonseca Bishop of Burgos had espoused his interest, and condemned tlie proceedings of Cortes. Herrera, doc. ii. lib. ,l! r , r 1*1 14 H sae NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. # k, e. la D« Sollt, lib. Ir. «. 6. But th* •bronologloai ordtr of •rtnu nfutM this tup- pMltlvn. Portoevraro and Montajo mIM Amu V«n Crai, July 96, 1519. Ilcrnra, dee. il. lib. T. o. 4. They landed at St. Lucar In October, according to Hcrrera, Ibid. But P. Martjrr, who attended the court at that time, and communicated erery occurrence of moment to hie correapondente dajr hj dajr, mentlona the arrival of these agenta for the llrst time in De- cember, and speaks of it as a recent ersnt Epist. 0fiO. All the historians agree that the agents of Cortee had their first audience of the Emperor at Tordesillas, whsn he went to that town to visit his mother In bis wajr to St. Jago de Compoelella. Herrera, dec. II. lib. t. o. 4. De Solle, lib. It. o. fi. But the Emperor set out from Valladolid for Tordealllas on the 11th of March, lASO; and P. Martyr mentione bis having seen at that time the presents made to Charles. Epist. 106b. The armament under Narvaes sailed from Cuba In April 1680. It Is manifsst then that Velasque< could not receive any account of what passed in this interview at Tordesillas previous to his hostile preparationa against Cortes. His real motlvee seem to be thoee which I have menUoned. The patent ap- pointing him Jdelantttdo of New Spain, with euch extensive powers, bears date November IS, 1&19. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. III. c. II. He might receive It about the beginning of January. Gomara takes notice, that as soon as this patent was delivered to him, he began to equip a fleet and levy forces. Cron. c. 96. Note [116]. Paoc 160. Uc SoLis contends, that as Narvaez had no in- terpreters, he could hold no intercourse with the people of the provinces, nor converse vvlth them in any way but by signs, that it was equal- ly impoesible for him to carry on any com- munication with Montezuma. Liv. iv. c 7. But it is upon the authority of Cortes himself that I relate all the particulars of Narvaes's correspondence both with Montezuma and with his subjects In the maritime provinces. Uelat. Uamua. ill. 8U. A. C. Cortee affirms that there was a mode of intercourse between Nar- vaes and the Mexicans, but doee not explain how it was carried on. Bemal Diaz supplies this defect, and informs us that the three deeer- lers who joined Narvaez acted as interpreters, having acquired a competent knowledge of the language, c. 110. With his usual minuteness, he mentions their names and characters, and relates. In chapter ISS, how they were punished for their perfidy. The Spaniards had now re- sided above a year among the Mexicans ; and it Is not surprising that several among them ahould have made some proficiency in speaking their language. Tliis seems to have been the .«se. Herrera^ dec. 8. .Ub. x< c. 1, Btnth B- Dial, who waa preaent, and Herrera, iIm most accurate and bast Informed of all the Spanish writers, agree with Cortes In his aecouot of the secret correspondence carried on with Montezu- ma. Deo. 8. lib. X. c. 16, 19. Do Soils sofini to consider It as a discredit to Cortee, his hero, that Montezuma should have been ready to en- gaga In a correspondence with Narvaea. He suppossa that monarch to have contracted sucii a wonderAil affection for the Spaniards, that hs was not solicitous to be delivered from them. After the indignity with which he hud been treated, such an alTsotlon Is incrodiblo} and even De Soils is obliged to acknowledge, that it must be looked upon as one of the miracles which God had wrought to ftcUltata the con- quest, lib. Iv. c 7. The truth la Montezuma, howiver much overawed by hla driad of the Spaniards, was extremely Impatient to recover hla liberty. NoTi[117]. Page 164. TiiBSB words I have borrowed from the anony- mous Account of the European Settlements in America, published by Dodsley, In two volumes 8vo. ; a work of so much merit, that I should think there Is hardly any writer in the age who ought to be ashamed of acknowledging himself to be the author of It. Note [lis]. Page 16a Thb contemporary historians differ considerably with respect to the loesof the Spaniards on this occasion. Cortes, in his second despatch to the Emperor, makes the number only 160. Uelat. ap. Ramus. Hi. p. 849. A. But it was mani- festly his interest, at that juncture, to conceal from the court of Spain the full extent of the loss which he had susUined. De Soils, always studious to diminish every misfortune that befell hla countrymen, rates their loes at about two hundred men. Lib. Iv. c. la B. Diaz affirms that they kat 870 men. and that only 440 escaped from Mevioo, c 188. p. 108. B. Fhlafox, Bishop of Los Angeles, who aeems to have inquin^i into theearly transactions of his countrymen in New Spain with great attention, oonfirma the account of B. Diaz with reapect to the extent of their Iocs. Virtudee del Indio, p. 88. Gomara sutes their loas at 460 men. Cron. c 109. Some months afterwards, when Cortes had received several reinforcements, be mustered his troops, and found them to be only 690. Uelat. ap. Ita- mus. 111. p. 866. £. Now, as NaiVaez brought 880 men into New Spalnj'and about 400 of Cor- tes's soldiers were then alive, It is evident that his loss, in the retreat from Mexico must have been mubh more considerable than what he mentions. B. Diaz, solicitous to magnify the dangers and sufferings to which he and his telr low -conquerors were exposed, may have exag^ NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 857 mra, th« moH ■U tb* Sptnlik I Moouol of the with MoDtMU- Da Solli Mciiii lortM, hi* hero, •n rtady to en- Nm-yms. lis contntotMl lucli inlardi, that h« ■etl from thtm. :h ha had bmu Dcradibla; aini inowladgr, that of the mlraule* lUtala the con- la MontmunM, la draad of the lient to rtcovcr 164. rom tha anonjr* an Scttlamanis idaley, in two oh merit, that I writer in the acknowMging 16ft ITer ooDiidarably paniardt on this deipatch to the ly ISO. Ueiat. lit it waa mBDi- ture, to conceal 11 extent of the >e Soli*, Mway* rtune that befell ■ at about two B. Dias affirms only 440 escaped Falafox, Bishop tve Inquired into trymen in New irma the account extent of their Gomara states . c 109. Some tea had received ered hi* troopa, Uelat. ap. lia- lai^aez brouKht bout400of Cor> is evident that dco must have than what he to magnify the he and bis Mr nay have exagf geratad their leaa i but. In my opinion, It eannol well be aatlmatad at leaa than 600 men. Nora [119]. Paob 17«. 8om remains of thia great work are still visi- ble, and the spot where the brigantlnea were built and launched is still pointed out to stran- gera. Torquemada viewed them. Monarq. Indiana, vol. i. p. SSI. Nma [ISO]. Faoc 174. Thk station of Alvarado on the causeway of Tacubn was the nearest to the city. Cortes ob- eerree, that there they could distinctly observe what pa s sed when their coantrymen were sacri- Uned. Relet, ap. Ramus, ill. p. S73. £. B. Diaa, who belonged to Alvarado'a division, re- latae what he beheld with hie own eyee. C. IAS. p. 148. b. 149. a. Lilce a man whoee courage waa so clear aa to be above suspicion, he de- scribes with his usual simplicity the impres- sion which this spectacle made upon him. " Be- fore (says he) I saw the breast* of my compa- nions opened, their bearta yet fluttering, offered to an accursed idol, and their flesh devoured by their exulting enemies ; I waa accustomed to enter a battle not only without fear, but with high apirlt. But firom that time I never ad- vanced to flght with the Mexicans without a se- cret horror and anxiety ; my heart trembled at ^the thoughts of the death which I had seen i; them suffer." He takes care to add, that as ,f aoon aa the combat began, his terror went off ; and indeed, his adventurous bravery on every oocaslon is full evidenea of this. B. Diaa, o. ia«. p. 167. a. Non[1811. PAoal76. Okx cirenmstanea In this siege meriu particu- lar notice. Tha account which the Spanish writer* give of the numerous armies employed in the attack or defence of Mexico seems to be incredible. AccordiiiK to Cortee himself, he had at one time 1A0,000 auxiliary Indians in bis service. Relet. Ramus. Hi. 276. E. Oomara assert* that they were above M)0,000. Cron. c. 196. Herrera, an author of higher authority, say* they were about 800,000. Dec S. lib. i. c. 19. None of the contemporary writers ascer- tain explicitly Ahe number of persons in Mexico during the sieg*. But Cortes on several occa- sions mention* the number of Mexicans who Were slain, or wh^ perished for want of food ; and, if we may rely on those circumstances, it is probable that above two hundred thousand must have been shut np in the town. But the quan- tity of provislona necessary for the subsistence of such vast mnltltudea assembled in one place, during three montha, is so great, that it requires so much foresight and aT.tingement to collect these, and lay them up In magazines, so as to be certain of a regular supply, that one can hardly believe that thia eould be aecAmpllsbed in ■ country where agriculture waa so Imperfect aa In the Mexican empire, where there were no tame animals, and by a people naturally so Im- provident, and so incapable of executing a com- plicated plan, aa the most improved American*. The Spaniard*, with all their care and atten> tion, fared very poorly, and were often reduced to extreme distress for want of provision*. B. Dlax, p. 148. Corte* Relet. 871. D. Cortea on one occasion mentions slightly the subsistence of bis army ; and, after acknowledging that they were often In great want, adds, that they ra> celved supplies from the people of the country, of flsh, and of some fruit, which he calls tha cherries of the country. Ibid. B. DIas saya that they bad cakes of raaiae, and serasaa de la tierra ; and when the season of these waa over, another fruit, which he calls Tiinat ; but their moat comfortable mibslstence was a root which the Indians use as fo(Mt, to which he gives the name of QtiUUei, p. 148. The Indian auxilia- ries had one means of subsistence more than tha Spaniards. They fed upon the bodies of the Mex- icans whom they killed In battle. Cort. Relet. 176. C. B. Diaz confirms his relation, and adds, that when the Indians returned from Mexico to their own country, they carried with them large quan- tltiee of flesh of the Mexicans salted or dried, aa a most acceptable present to their friends, that they might have the pleasure of feeding upon the bodleeoftheirenemiesintheirfestlvals.p. 167. De Soils, who seems to consider it as an imputation of discredit to his countrymen, that they should act in concert with auxiliaries who fed upon hu- man flesh, is sollcltouf to prove that the Spa- niards endeavoured to prevent their associates from eating the bodies of the Mexicans, lib. v. o. 84. But he ha* no authority for this from the original historians. Neither Cortes himself nor B. Diaa seems to have had any such scruple ; and on many occasions they mention the Indian repasts, which were become famlliur to them, without any mark of abhorrence. Even with this additional stock of food for the Indians, It was hardly possible to procure subeistenoi for armies amounting to such numbers as we find In the Spanish writers. Perhapa the best solution of the difllculty Is, to adopt the opinion of B. Diaz del Castillo, the most artless of all the Hi'toriadores i>rimitivos. " When Gomarn (says he) on some occHsinns relates, that there were so many thousand Indians our auxiliaries, and on others, that there were so many thou- sand houses in thia or that town, no regard is to be paid to his enumeration, as he has no authority for it, the numbers not being in reali- ty the fifth of what he relates. If we add to- gether the different numbers which he mentions, that country would contain more millions than there are in Castile." C. 189. But though some considerable deduction should certainly be made fi i"J !i 9S6 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. from lb* SpanltliMNranlaaf Mm Mnlran ftircM, tkcjr mutt h«T« btMi rtry nurnvrou* ( for iio- Ihliif but an Immtnt* tuparloriljr In number could ban tntbltd thtm to wltbatHnd a bottjr of •tint hundrad Spaniards, eonduclad bjr a l«adar of Mwli ablUtlaa aa Cortaa. Notc[:MJ. FaoiIBI. In rrlatlng th« opprtaalve and oruai p. "^Inca •f th« con«|u«rora of Naw Spain, I havi <>t 'bU ktwad B. da laa Caaas aa my Kulda. Ill* ae> emint of tbaro, Halal. da la Utatruyo. p. IR, lie. it maDifctUy axaggvratcd. It It fmat lb* taatlmonjr of Cortaa bimaelf, and of tiomara wbo wrata under hi* eye, that I have taken my account of tba punlabmeni of the I'anucana, and Ibey relate It without any diaapprobatlon. B. DIaa, contrary to hia uaual cuatom, mentions It only In general tarma, c 168. llerrera, aollcU toua to eitrnuata tbia barbaroua action of bla countrymen, though be mentlnna 83 caalquea, and 400 men of note, as being condemned to the llamea, asserts that thirty only were burnt, and tba reat pardoned. Dee. 8. lib. r. c. 7. But this ia contrary to the teatlmoiiy of the original hialoriaiis, particularly of Gonara, whom It appMura he had conaulted, aa ha adopU several of bla npresslons in this paaaage. The punlab> ment of Guatimosin ia related by the most authentic of the Spanish writera. 'I'oniueanada has extracted f^m a history of Teieuod, com- posed in the Mexican tongue, an account of this transaction, mora f«vour*bla to Guatimosin than that of the Spanish authors. Mon. In- diana, i. 67a. Acoording to the Maxican ac- count, Corlea had scarcely a shadow of avldenoa to Justify such a wanton act of cruelty. B. Diaz affirms, that Guatimoain and hia fellow auiferers asserted their innocence with their last breath, and that many of the Spanish soldiers condemned this action of Cortea as equally un- naeeaMU7 and unjust, p. itOO. b. 801. a. Notb[18S1. PaqiISI. Tux motlTe for undertaking this expedition waa, to punish Christoval da Olid, one of his officers who bad rerulted against him, and aimed ■t Mtablisbing an Independent Jurisdiction. Cnr- tea regarded this insurrection as of such danger- ous example, and dreaded ao much the abiiitiea and popularity of ita author, that In person he led the body of troops destined to suppress It. He marched, according to Gomara, three thou- aand milee, through a eonntry abounding with thiclc forests, rugged mountains, deep rivers, thinly inhabited, and cultivated only in a few ' plaeea. What he auffered from famine, from the hoatillty of tba natives, from (be dimau, and from hardships of every species, baa nothing In history parallel to it, but what occura in the ■ adventures of the other dlscoVerera and oonque- rors of the N«w World. Cortea waa anployed In this drsadfU though It was not i event, he esbibitij greater personal i more perseverance | period or scene lii lib. tI, vII, viil, ix.- B. Ulaa, 17i— It Were one to writ of thie expeditloa i in it. In a gene expaditian waa | mautloii of it la i nigttishad by aily aplei during the eoursa ol :e, mere fortltudeof m id patience than In any kbis life. Ilerrera, dae Samara Cron. e. 1 Cortaa, MS, fitntt I of Cortea, the occupy a splendid jltory of Aaacrica, as va «f no great event, nt. ' Y N0T([ AccoaniNo to' Ciirtes brought hundred narka of thousand paaoa of fl Inferior standar^ tioular worth forty I trinkets and lii. o. 8. lib.^. i to give a portion tboaaand peeoa. (j^^^H^ron. fortune which ha lsH^|ao2i« niderabla. But, aa wa sum divided among tba reduction of Mexico, appears, then, to be that tba accusations not altomtber destltui charged llaa with bavin a diepr^portionate shi with >«aving Monteauma and GuatI the king of his fifth ; of what was due to tl viil. c IA. dec 4. lik U|| conquerors themselveajanti the same kind with r^i] conduct. B. DIaa, o. Ift7. Note [185]. In tracing the preigreaa of i New Spain, wa have foil f» our most certain guide, the Emperor contain operations. But tha unli Peru waa incapable of relati Our information with reap transactions In Peru. i^'«^ contemporary and rcspeet< The most early accou.n) tiona in Peru was Xerea, his secretary, narrative, carried do| death of Auhualpa, i^ turned to Spain in landed, printed at Se« tba Conquaat of Forii peior. traaaura wklJ insisted of flfie late, la«P( '^ Pilar ' tlon, wbl« asualo, aa but has ni guage. (j time wlt| both tb J and opaA tbaSa^ii tlme^he with the I ladge of tl very imp« The m t\tm do Peru at 1 that ha pi Work, It history m In the Ne^ cuta It, hi America, provinces write. I bbabeen | Peru, an tker W< bookj tunltyl been and trd la due I Donl *0 i iMth tlon I th«j th r' ywnt eoun* of Itudcofml V In Any au 8. /whm t, lh« MMli •picndid pl| iMriea, •• rMi •vtnt, ( 8. lur* whh Hod of Afic ln« hundr rn thouwnd cl tis, one ill piirq 4 and MTc Dethi. Uh SI ' I8S, ( 9iah aroM In I bImMir •tche»to at of III! iuerur of I cxplolta. , wid otb«r |n vhitt he itory of lad Wlhe Em- ■ Dmi Padi a«r Pi: tlon, w ■uaio, btti kaa never bean pi (uace. Hanoko talui time wilJ^Kerei. both lh«Ruthani and opa^ilone of I the So^iarda in Pei ttma^ben thejr with the native* ai ladge of the Peru' very Imperfeel. The next eonli Clew da Labn, wl Peru at Seville that ha propoae* Work, it would hlitorjr which hi IntheNewWorl cute It, haviiif America, anMk province* oanoem{ write. But only bh* been printed. Peru, and aavi with an aoeotnt of Ike natlvea, each an a*t regret 'ark. TMalpaa NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. SA9 1600, Mvent7-*l« fear* after the death of Ala- leer who aerved un- •ccount of hi* espedl- into Italian bjr Ra- valuable collection, {■bed In !.'« nri^lnai lan- id to Hpain at the (ain* [at ciredit le due to what 'concerhljif .the pWigrt** irru ; but the midence of had been «o ihorl, at the and their intercoure* blender, that their know- laniier* and euitoma b irary kiiturlan I* Pedro puklMied hi* Cronlea del If he had flniihed all « general divlelon of hi* been the ^oet complete in publiebcd \i any region wa* wall qualifled to exe- during leventean year* in vi*lt*d In p«r*on mo*t of the ig which he had oecaeion to flrat part of hi* chronicle It voatain* a deecription of of the adjacent province*, the iiMtitullons and cuitoma I* written with *o little art, regard for ("uth, that one of the other parta of hi* MippUad by Den Augnatln* MhlMd, In lOM, hi* HIatoriadd y C*nqii**la da la Provineia k w« a man of rank and edu- in Peru aa eompiruller-ge* venue. Hla hietory, whe- matter or eompoeition, t* a if* inerit<: aa h« had anoppor- Infimned, and e e em * to have with raapaal to the mannera of the PMTlaa% great credit taatlmony. \ Vemandea pttbliahed hla HUtoria Hi* aole object it to relate and elvtt.war* of tke Spaniard* A* h«a#Md In a publlo *ta. 1^- and waa itplac^ualnted bolb with try and vrlth tka prinolpal aetora in ilagular *cen*a whioh ha d**crlbe*, aa be aound undcratandlng and great impar- tiality, hi* work ntay b* ranked among tboaa of the hhtorian* moat diatingubbod for their in- du*try In rc*eBreh, ar their eapaelty In Judging nrith reapeet to the eventa which thoy relate. Th* laat author who can be reckoned among the oontemporary blatoriana of the eonquaat of Peru la Oarcilaaao de la Vega, Inca. For though the iliat part of hie work, entitled Cain- mentoriof JZeoln dcf fMigm dt lot Incat Btia dtl ■Ftm, waa not puUiahad aooner than the year hualpa the lae\Kmperar, yet a* he wa* bom In Peru, and wa* ihraonof auoncerofdietlnelion among th* SpanUh conqueror*, by a Coya, or lady of the royal race, on account of which he alway* took the name of Inca ; aa he wa* maa- ler of the language ipoken by the Inc**, and ae- qualiit* ry upon the 8pani»h writer* of th* P*rttvian *lory, and compoeed of quotation* taken from the author* whom I have mentioned. ThI* I* th* Idea which he hiin*eif givee of it, lib. I. c 10. Nor i* It in the account of fkct* only that h* follow* them eervilely. Even In eipialning the inttltution* and rlita of hi* anveiton, hi* In- formation *eeme not to be more perfect than thelre. Ill* expUnatlon of the Quipoe ii almoet the *ame with that of Aooata. He produce* no *p*eim*n of Peruvian poetry, but that wretched one which he borrowa from Blaa Vaiera, an early ml**ionary, who** memoir* have never been pubiitbed. Lib. 11. o. 16. A* for eom- poeition, .' r > ungement, or a capacity of dlatin- guUhing between what I* fabiiloua, what i* pro- bable, and what i* true, one eearchee for them In vain in the eommentarie* of the Inca. Hi* work, however, notwilhdaiidlng Ita great de- fect*, I* not altogether deetltute of uie. Soma tradition* which he received fVom hie country- men are preaerved in it. Ill* knowledge of the Peruvian language ha* enabled him to correct eem* mtot* of th* Spanlih writer*, and ha haa interted In it lome curlou* facts taken from au- thor* who*e work* were never publiahed, and are now loet. Mote [ISO]. Paok 18 1 Omb may form an idea both of the bardahlpa which they endured, and of the unbealtbful clU mat* in the region* which they vieited, from the extraordinary mortality that prevailed among them. Piaarro carried out 118 men, Almagro 70. In leaa than nine months ISO of the** died. F«w Ml by the eword ; moot of war* out off by dl**a*c*. Xerea, p. 180. NoiK [187]. Paox 185. Thi* ialand, aaya Herrera, ia rendered *o un- comfortaU* by th* onwholaaoaMn*** of iu cli- mate, Ita Impenetrabla wooda, iU tugged moun- tain*, and the multitude of inaact* and reptile% that it la aeldom any aofler epithet than that of Mj/emol ia employed in dcaoribiog it The aun ia almoet n*v*r aeen there, and thraugho«t the year it hardly ever ceaae* to rain. Dao. 8. lib. X. 0. Hi. Dampier touched at thia island in the year 1686 ; and hla account of the climate !* not more favounUab VoL i. ^ 179. He, during Us cruiie on tha oomi, tUIImI mtti of thepbcw i 'I • t S60 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 1 vrhere Fizarro landed, uid hit dewription of tliem throws light on the namtione of the early Spaniih hittoriani. Notk[188]. PAOBigo. Br thli time hone* had multiplied greatl/ in the Spaniih settlements on the continent. When Cortes began his expedition in the year 1618, though his armament was more considerable than that of Fizarro, and composed of persons superior in rank to those who invaded Feru, he could procure no more than sixteen horses. Non [189j. Faoe 190. In the year 1740, D. Ant. Ulloa and D. George Juan travelled from Guayquil to Motupe by the same route which Fizarro took. From the de- scription of their Journey, one may form an idea of the difficulty of his march. The sandy plains between St. Michael de Fieura and Motupe extend 90 miles, without water, with- out a tree, a plant, or any green thing, on a dreary stretch of burning sand. Voyage, torn, i. p. S9if, &c M(»x[130]. PaokIHZ. This extravagant and unseasonable discourse of Valverde has been censured by all historians, and with justice. But though he seems to have been an illiterate and bigotted monk, nowise re- sembling the good Olmedo, who accompanied Cortes; the abeurdity of his address to Ata- bualpa must not be chained wholly upon him. His harangue is evidently a translation or para, phrase of that form, concerted by a junto of Spanish divines and lawyers in the year lfi09, for explaining the right of their king to the sovereignty of the New World, and for direct- ing the officers employed in America how they should takd possession of any new country. See Note 83. The sentimente contained in Val- verde's harangue must not then be imputed to the bigotted imbecility of a particular man, but to that of the age. But Gomara and Ben ;oni relate one circumstance concerning Valverde, which, if authentic, renders him an object not of contempt only but of horror. They assert, that during the whole action Valverde continued to excite the soldiers to slaughter, calling to them to strike the enemy not with the edge but with the points of their swords. Gom. Cron. c. 113. Benz. Histor. Nor. Orbis, lib. iii. c S. Such behaviour was very differait from that of the Bwnan Catholic clergy in other parts of Americl^' where they uniformly exerted their influence to protect the Indians, and to moderate the ferocity of their oountry- men. Nqfi.[lSl]. FaobI«. Two difbrent a^ems haT« been formed con- cerning the oondjict of Atahualpai The Spa> nish writers, in order to Justify the violence of their countrymen, contend that all the Inca's professions of friendship were feigned ; and that his Intention in agreeing to an interview with Fizarro at Caxamaica, was to cut off him and his followers at one blow ; that for this purpose he advanced with such a numerous body of at- tendants, who had arms concealed under their garments to execute this scheme. This is the account given by Xeres and Zarate, and adopted by Herrera. But if it had been the plan of the Inca to destroy the Spaniards, one can hard- ly imagine that he would have permitted diem to march through the desert of Motupe, or have neglected to defend the passes in the mountains, where they might have been attacked with so much advantage. If the Peruvians marched to Caxamaica with an intention to fall upon the Spaniards, it is inconceivable that of so great a body of men, prepared for action, not one should attempt to make resistance, but all tamely suffer themselves to be butchered by an enemy whom they were armed to attack. Atahualva'a mode of advancing to the interview has the aspeOi of a peaceable procession, not of a military oiter- prise. Ho himself and his followers were, in their habits of ceremony, preceded, as on days of solemnity, by unarmed harbingers. Though rude nations are frequently cunning and false; yet if a scheme of deception and treachery must be imputed either to a monanh that had 'bo great reason to be alarmed at a Tisit from stran- gers who solicited admission into his presence as friends, or to an adventurer so daring and so little scrupulous es Fizarro, one cannot hesitate in determining where to fix the presumption of guilt Even amidst the endeavoura of the Spa- nish writers to palliate the proceedings of Fi- zarro, one plainly perceivea that it was his in- tention, as well as his interest, to seize the Inca, and that he had taken measures for that purpose previous to any,;yi||^eion of that monarch's de- signs. Jn^^- GarcilasaH^e liiTlia, extremely Mllcitous to vindieatti^ie countrymen, the Psgw^ns, firom the crim^pf having concerted the dMhietion of Fizarro wd bis followers, and no kee altaild t» charge the Spaniaria with improper conduiBt towards the Inca, hM. flramed another ayetem. He relates, that a man of mijestio form, with a long beard, and garments reaching to the ground, having appeared in a vision to Vlra- cocha, the eighth Inoa, and declared that he was a child of the Sun, that monarch built a temple in honour of this pereon, and erected an image of him, reeembling as nearly as posaible the sin- gular form in which he had exhibited himself to his view. In this temple divine honours were pidd to him, by the name of Vinoooha. F. i. Ub. iv. c SI. lib. ▼. c ». Whan the Spaniards first appeared in Peru, the length of their beards, and the draia they wore stniok NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. Sol the Tlolene* of •11 tha Inca's gned; and that Intervlevr with It off him aiid or this purpose lus body of at- ed under their i. Thii ii the ite, and adopted en the plan of I, one can Imrd- ^rmitted them kf otupe, or have the mountaine, tadied with lo iana marched to a fall upon the it of «o great a , not one should dl tamely suffer I enemy whom •bualvk's mode ts the aspect of military enter- lowers were, in led, as on days igers. Though Ding and false; treachery must Dh that had 'bo risit from stnu- ito his presence daring and so cannot hesitate presumption of Burs of Uie Spa- iceedings of H- it was his in- seize the Inea, for that purpose t UMiuurch's de- iclf aaVcitous to Psn^llips, firoin bediittwetionof 10 hm aftaid tp ipropar oonduiet another system, ■tic form, with reaching to tha vision to Vin- ared that he was li built a temple rected an image possible the sin* shibited himself divine honour* le of Viracooha. U. Whan the u, the length of ley wore struck nvrry peraon so much with their likeness to the imnge of Viracoclin, that they supposed them to be children of the Sun, who had descended from heaven to earth. All concluded that the fatal period of the Peruvian empire was now ap- proaching, and that the throne would be occu- pied by new possessors. Atahualpa himself, ■considering the Spaniards as messen^^ers from heaven, was so far from entertaining any thoughts of resisting them, tliat he determined to yield implicit obedience to their commands. From these sentiments flowed his |irofessions of love and respect. To tifose were owing the cor- dial reception of Soto and I'crdinand I'izarro in his camp, and the submii^sivo reverence with which he himself advanced to visit tlie Spanish general in his quarters ; but from the gross ig- norance of I'hilipillo, the interpreter, the decla- ration of tlie Spaniards, and his answer to it, were so ill explained, that, by their mutual ina- bility to comprehend each other's intentions, the fatal rencounter at Caxamalca, with all its dreadful consequences, was occasioned. It is remarliable, that no traces of this super- stitious veneration of the Peruvians for the Spa- niards are to be found eitlier in Xerez, or San- cho, or Zarate, previous to the interview at Cax- amalca ; and yet the two former served under Pizorro at that time, and the latter visited Peru soon after the conquest. If either the Inca himself, or his messengers, had addressed the Spaniards in the words which Garcilasso puts in their mouths, they must have been strucli with such submissive declarations ; and they would certainly have availed themselves of them to accomplish their own designs with greater facility. Garcilasso himself, though his narra- tive of the intercourse between the Inca and Spaniards, preceding the rencounter at Caxa- malca, is founded on the supposition of ills be- lieving them to be VIracochas, or divine beings, P. 11. lib. I. c. 17, &c., yet, with his usual inat- tention and inaccuracy, he admits in another place that the Peruvians did not recollect the resemblance between them and the god Yiraco- cha, until the fatal disasters subsequent to the defeat at Caxamalca, and then only began to call them VIracochas. P. i, lib. v. c. 21. This is confirmed by Ilcrrera, dec. &. lib. ii. c. 18. In many dlifcrent jtarts of America, If we may be- lieve the Spanish writers, their countrymen were considered as divine beings who had de- scended from heaven. But In this Instance, as in many which occur in the Intercourse between nations whose progress In refinement is very unequal, the ideas of those who used the expres- sion were different from the ideas of those who heard it. For such Is^he idiom of the Indian languages, or such is the simplicity of those who speak them, tliat wlien they see any thing with wliich they were formerly unacquainted, and of which thev do not know tlic origin, thev sav that it came down from heaven. Nugnez. Ilam. iii. 827. C. The account which I have given of the senti- ments and proceedings of the Peruvians, ap- pears to be more natural and consistent than either of the two preceding, and is better sup- ported by the facts related by the contemporary historians. According to Xerez, p. 200, two thousand Peruvians were killed. Sancho makes the num- ber of the slain six or seven thousand. Ram. III. 274. D. Uy Garcilasso's account, five thousand were massacred. P. ii. lib. i. c. 2d. The number which I have mentioned, being the medium between the extremes, may probably be nearest the truth. Note [132]. Pace 193. Nothing can be a more striking proof of this, than that three Spaniards travelled from Caxa- malca to Cuzco. The distance between them is six huniiieu miles. In every place through- out this great extent of country, they were treated with all the honours which the Peru- vians paid to their sovereigns, and even to their divinities. Under pretext of amossing what was wanting for the ransom of the Inca, they demanded the plates of gold with which tho walls of the Temple of the Sun in Cuzco were adorned ; ^ud though the priests were unwil- ling to alienate those sacred ornaments, and the people refused to violate the shrine of their God, the three Spaniards, with their own hands, robbed the Temple of part of this valuable trea- sure ; and such wiii the reverence of the natives for their persons, that though they beheld this act of sacrilege with astonishment, they did not attempt to prevent or disturb the commission of It. Zarate, lib. ii. c. 6. Sancho ap. Kamus. iii. 37S. D. Note [133]. Page 196. ""* . According to Ilerrera, the spoil of Cuzco, after setting apart the King's fijlli, was divided among 480 persons. Each received 4000 pesos. Tills amounts to 1,920,000 pesos. Dec, v. lib. vi. c. 3. But as the general and other officers were entitled to a share far greater than that of the private men, the sum total must have risen much beyond what I have mentioned. Gomara, c. 123. and Zarate, lib. ii. c. 8, satisfy themselves with asserting in general, that the plunder of Cuzco was of greater value than the ransom of Atahualpa. Note [134]. Page 197. No expedition in the New World was conduct- ed with more persevering courage than that of Alvarado, and in none were greater hardships endured. Many of the persons engaged in it were, like tlieir leader, veterans wlio had served unJcr Cnrtes, inured tuMi the rigour of Ame- 3 A ^^ 362 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. riesn war. Such of my readers at bare not an opportunity of perusing the striking description of their sufferings by Zarate, or Herrera, may form some Idea of the nature of their march from the sea-cuast to Quito, by consulting the account 'whicli U. Ant. Ulloa gives of his own journey in 1736, nearly in the same route. Voy. tom. i. p. 179, &c., or that of M. Bougiicr, who pro- ceeded from Puerto Viejo to Quito it!on prompt- Dve of science undertaken ia I des Odonais irratlve of the the dangers to the disasters «t singular and , exhibiting in f the fortitude mingled with peculiar to the [. de la Conda- 06. e of their indi- I had been offi- ■o, lodged in the le cloak among f him who had le the rest) from I obliged to keep iends and com- f giving oirenr« intertainoreven ' conceive what I indignation of r and opulence, ir and despised, to shelter their s, whose merits ;heirs, living in m. Dec. 6. lib. 209. ties him to great Mzarro possessed >f Chuquesaca de I annual revenue ishop of Toledo, pe. Dec. 7. lib. !213. be his march, and very minutely, any parallel to it ;h respect to the rdour of the pur- his computation, of three thousand K 817. rnandez, the beat Informed historian of that period, to one million four hundred thousand pesos. Lib. ii. c. 79. Ndte [142]. Page 218. Capvajal, from the beginning, had been an advocate tor an accommodation witli Gasoa. Finding I'izarro incapable of holding 'hat bold course which he originally suggested, he recom- mended to him a timely submission to his sovereign as the safest measure. When the president's offers were first communicated to CarvHJnl, " liy our Lady (says he in that strain of buffoonery which was familiar tu him), the priest issues gracious bulls. lie gives them both good and cheap ; let us not only accept them, but wear them as rellques about our necks." Fernandez, lib. ii. c. 63. NoTi: [IIS]. Page 219. DuRiNO the rebellion of Gonzalo Fizarro, seven hundred men were killed in battle, and three hundred and eighty were hanged or beheaded, lieri'era, dec. 8. lib. iv. c. 4. Above three hun- dred of these were cut off by Carvajal. Fer- nandez, lib. ii. o. 91. Zarate makes the number of those put to a violent death five hundred. Lib. vii. 0. I. Noie[1U]. Faqe22L In my inquiries concerning the manners and policy of the Mexicans, I have received much information from a large manuscript of Don Alonso de Corita. one of the judges in the Court of Audience at Mexico. In the year 1553, Philip II., In order to discover the mode of levying tribute from his Indian subjects, that would be most beneficial to the crown, and least oppressive to them, addressed a mandate to all the Courts of Audience in America, enjoining them to answer certain queries which he pro- posed to them, concerning the ancient form of government established among the various na- tions of Indians, and the mode in which they had been accustomed to pay taxes to their kings or chiefs. In obedience to this mandate Corita, who had resided nineteen years in America, fourteen of which he passed in New Spain, composed the work of which I have a copy. He acquaints his sovereign, that he had made it an object, during his residence in America, and In all its provinces which he had visited, tu in- quire diligently into the manners and customs of the natives; that he had conversed for this purpose with many aged and intelligent Indians, and consulted several of the Spanish ecclesias- tics, who understood 'the Indian language most perfectly, particularly some of those who landed in New Spain soon after the conquest. Corita appears to be a man of some learning, and to have carried on bis inquiries with the diligence kind accuracy to which he pretends. Greater credit is due to his tntlmooy from one circum- 863 stance. His work wna not composed with a view to publication, or in support of any parti- cular theory, but contains simple though full answers to queries proposed to him otficlally. i'hough He.rera does not mention him among the authors whom he had followed as guides in his history, I should suppose, from several facts of which he takes notice, as well as from several expressions wliich he uses, that this memorial of Corita was not unknown to him. Note [U5J. Page 825. The early Spanish writers were so hasty and inaccurate in estimating the numbers of people in the provinces and towns iu America, that it is impossible to ascertain that of Mexico itself with any degree of precision. Cortes describes the extent and pt>pulousness of Mexico in gene- ral terms, which imply that it was not inferior to the greatest cities in Europe. Gomara is more explicit, and affirms, that there was 60,000 houses or families in Mexico. Cron. c. 78. Herrera adopts his opinion, Dec. 2. lib. vii. c. 13; and the generality of writers follow them implicitly without inquiry or scruple. Accord- ing to this account, the inh.iliit.ints of Mexico must have been about 800,uOU. Torquemada, with his usual propensity to the marvellous, as- serts, that there were a hundred and twenty thousand houses or families in Mexico, and consequently about six hundred thousand inha- bitants. Lib. iii. c. 23. But in a very judi- clous account of the Mexican empire, by one of Cortes's officers, the population is fixed at 60,000 people. Ramusio, iii. S09. A. Even by this account, which probably is much nearer the truth than any of the foregoing, Mexico was a great city. NoTS [14C]. Page 226. It is to P. Torribio de Benavente that T am indebted for this curious observation. Paia-. fox, Bishop of Cuidad de la Piicbia Los An- geles, confirms and illustrates it more fully. The Mexican (says he) is the only language in which a termination indicating respect, silavas reveretitiales y de cortesia, may be affixed to every word. By adding the final syllable xin or azin to any word, it becomes a proper expres- sion of veneration in the mouth of an inferior. If, in speaking to an equal, the word Father ia to be used, it is Tail, but an inferior s.iys Tnt/in. One priest speaking to another, calls him Teo- pixgue ; a person of inferior rank calls him Tea. jrixcatdn. The name of the Emperor who reigned when Cortes invaded Mexico, was Mon- tezuma f but his vassals, from reverence, pro- nounced it .^/ontfsunuixtn. Torribio, MS. Pa- laf. Virtudes del Indio, p. 65. The Mexicans had not only revcrrr. Jal nouns, but reverential verbs. Tiie manner in which these are formed from the verb* in common use is explained by i ll i 3G4 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. D. Jot). Aug. Alduma y Uuevara in hU MexU can Grammar, No. IBS. Note[U7]. Page 287. Kkom comparing teverai pauagei in Corita and Herrera, we may collect, with some degree of iiccuracy, tlie various modes in wiiicli the Mexi- i-nns contributed towards the support of govern* ment. Some persons of the first order seem to have been exempted from the payment of any tribute, and as their only duty to the public, wKro bound to penonRl service in war, and to follow the banner of their sovereign with their vassals. 8. The immediate vassals of the crown were bound not only to personal military ser- ^\^•,e, but paid a certain proportion of the pro- duce of their lands in kind. S. Thoee who held offices of honour or trust paid a certain share of wliat they received in consequence of holding these, i. Each CapuUa, or association, cultivated some part of the common field allotted to it, for the behoof of the crown, and deposited the produce in the royal granaries. 5. Some part of whatever was brought to the public markets, whether fruits of the earth, or the various productions of their artists and manu- facturers, was demanded for the public use, and the merchants who paid this were exempted from every other tax. 6. The Mayeques, or adscripti glebfe, were bound to cultivate certain districts in every province, which may be considered as crcwn lands, and brought the increase into pub- lic storehouses. Thus the sovereign received some part of whatever Was useful or valuable in the country, whether It was the natural produc- tion of the soil, or acquired by the industry of the people. What each contributed towards the support of government seems to have been inconsiderable. Corita, in answer to one of the queries put to the Andience of Mexico by Philip II., endeavours to estimate in money the value of what each citizen might be suppoaed to pay, and does not reckon it at more than three or four reals, about eighteen pence or two shil- lings a head. Note [1481. Page 887. CoBTES, who seems to have been as much as- tonished with this, as with any instance of Mexican ingenuity, gives a particular descrip- tion of it. Along one of the causeways, says he, by which they enter the city, are conducted two conduits, oompoaed of clay tempered with mortar, about two paces in breadth, and raised about six feet. In one of them is conveyed u stream of excellent water, as large as the body of a man, into the centre of the city, and sup- plies all the Inhabitants plentifully. The other is empty, that when it is necessary to clean or repair the former, the stream of water may be turned into It. As this conduit passes along two of the bridgvs, where there are breaches in the causeway, through whicu inu mm whu-i u. the htke flows, it Is conveyed over them In pipfti OS large as the body of an ox, then carried from the conduit to the remote quarters of the city in canoes, and sold to the inhabitants, llelat ap. Ramus. 841. A. Note [149]. FaobSSS. Ih the armoury of the royal palace of Madrid are shown suits of armour, which are called Montezuma's. They are composed of thin lac- quered copper-plates. In the opinion of very intelligent judges, they are evidently eastern. The forms of the sliver ornaments upon them, representing dragons, '&c. may be considered a confirmation of this. They are infinitely su- perior, in point of workmanship, to any effort of American, art. The Spaniards probably re- ceived them from the Philippine islands. Hie only unquestionable specimen of Mexican art, that I know of in Great Britain, is a cup of very fine gold, which is said to have belonged to Montezuma. It weighs 6oz. JSdwr. Three drawings of it were exhibited to the Society of Antiquaries, June 10, 1765. A man's head is represented on this cup. On one side the full face, on the other the profile, on the third the back parts of the head. The relievo is said to have been produced by punching the inside of the cup, so as to make the representation of a face on the outside. The features are gross, but represented with some degree of art, and cer- tainly too rude for Spanish workmanship. This cup was purchased by Edward Earl of Orford, while he lay in the harbour of Cadiz with the fleet under his command, and is now in the pos- session of his grandson. Lord Archer. I am indebted for this information to my respectable and Ingenious friend Mr. Barrington. In the sixth volume o.*" the Archoiologia, p. 107, is published an account of some masks of Terra Cotta, brought from a burying-ground on the American continent, about seventy miles from the British settlement on the Mosquito shore. They are said to be likenesses of chiefs, or other eminent persons. From the descriptions and engravings of them, we have an additional proof of the imperfect state of arts among the Ameri- cans. NOTx[lfiO]. Page 889. The learned reader will perceive how much I have been indebted, in this part of my work, to the guidance of tlie Bishop of Gloucester, who has traced the successive step* by Which the human mind advanced in this line of its pro- gress, with much erudition, and greater in- genuity. He is the first, as far as 1 know, who formed a rational and consistent theory concern- ing the various modes of writing practised by nations, according to the various degrees of their Improvement. Div. Legation of Moses, ill. 69, NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 365 &c. Some important observntions hnvo b«ai added by M. le Prnidpnl ie Brosseti, the learn- ed and intelligent author of the Traite de la Formation Mvoanique des Languei, torn. i. 895, &e. As the Mexican palnttngH are the most curions monuments extant of the earliest mode of writ- ing, it will not be improper to give some account of the means by which they were preserved from the general wreck of every work of art in America, and communicated to the public. For the most early and complete collection of these published by Purchas, we are indebted to the attention of that curious inquirer, Hakluyt. Don Antonio Mendoza, viceroy of New Spain, having deemed those paintings a proper present for Charles V. the ship In which they were sent to Spain was taken by a Frencli cruiser, and they came into the possession of Thevet, the King's geographer, who, having travelled him- self into the New World, and described one of its provinces, was a curious observer of what- ever tended to Illustrnto the manners of the Americans. On his death, they were pur- chased by Hakluyt, at that time chaplain of the English ambassador to the French court ; and, being left by him to Purchas, were published at the desire of the learned antiquary. Sir Henry Spelman. Purchas, ill. lOtib. They were tran- slated from English into French by Melchize- deck Thevenot, and published in his collection of voyages, A. D. 1683. The second specimen of Mexican picture-writ- ing waa published by Dr. Francis Gemelli Cor- reri, in two copper plates. The first is a map, or representation of the progress of the ancient Mexicans on their first arrival in the country, and of the various stations in which they settled, before they founded the capital of their empire in the lake of Mexico. Tlie second is a Chro- nological Wheel, or Circle, representing the manner in which they computed and marked their cycle of fifty-two years. He received both from Don Carlos de SIguenzn y Congorra, a diligent collector of ancient Mexican docu- ments. But as it seems now to be a received opinion (founded, as far as I know, on no good evidence;, that Carreri was never out of Italy, and that his famous Giro del Mundo is an ac- count of a fictitious voyage, I have not men- tioned these paintings In the text. They have, however, manifestly the appearance of being Mexican productions, and are allowed to be so by Boturini, who was well qualified to deter- mine whether they were genuine or suppositi- tious. M. Clavigero likewise admits them to be genuine paintings of the ancient Mexicans. To me they always appeared to be so, though, from my desire to rest no part of my narrative upon questionable authority, I did not refer to them. The style of painting in the former is considerably more perfect than any other speci- men of Mexican design ; but as the original Is said to have been much defaced by time, I sus- pect that it has t>een improved by some touches from the hand of a European artist. Carreri, ChurchiU, iv. p. 487. The Chronological Wheel is a just delineation of the Mexican mode of computing time, as described by Acosta, lib. vi. c. 8. It seems to resemble one which that learn- ed Jesuit had seen ; and if it be admitted as a genuine monument, it proves that the Mexicans had artificial or arbitrary characters, which represented several things besides numbers. Each month is there represented by a symbol expressive of some work or rite peculiar to it. The third specimen of Mexican painting was discovered by another Italian. In 17SC, Lo- renzo Boturini Benaduci set out for New Spain, and was led by several incidents to study the lan- guage of the Mexicans, and to collect the remains of their historical monuments. He persisted nine years in his researches, with the enthusiasm of a projector, and the patience of an antiquary. In 1746, he published at Madrid, Idea de una Nueva Historia Geiieral dela America Sqitentiional, con- taining an Account of the result of his Inquiries ; and he added to it a catalogue of his American Historical Museum, arranged under thirty-six diiferent heads. His idea of a New History appears to me the work of a whimsical credu- lous man. But his catalogue of Mexican maps, paintings, tribute-rolls, calendars, &c. is much larger than one could have expected. Unfor- tunately a ship, in which he had sent a consider- able p^rt of them to Europe, was taken by an English privateer during the war between Great Britain and Spain, which commenced in the year 1739 ; and it is probable that they perished by falling into the hands of ignorant captors. Boturini himself Incurred the displeasure of the Spanish court, and died In an hospital at Madrid. The history, of which the Idea, &c. was only a jwoqiectw, was never published. The remain- der of his Museum seems to have been dispersed , Some part of it came into the possession of the present Archbishop of Toledo, when he was primate of New Spain : and be published from it that curious tribute-roll which I have men- tioned. The only other collection of Mexican paint- ings, as far as I can learn, is in the Imperial Library at Vienna. By order of their Imperial Majesties I have obtained such a specimen ot these as I desired, in eight paintings made with so much fidelity, that I am Informed the copies could hardly be distinguished from the originals. According to a note in this Codex Mexicanus, it appears to have been a present from Emmanuel, King of Portugal, to Pope Clement VII, who died A. D. 1533. After passing through tlie hands of several illustrious proprietors, it fell into those of the Cardinal of Saxe-EIsenach, who presented it to the Emperor Lcoiwld. 'llicse NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. paintings are manifntly Mexican, but tliey are In a style verf different from any of the former. An engrBTinn has l>ecn made of one of them, in orderto gratify such of my readers as may deem this an object worthy of their attention. Were It an object of sufficient importance, it might perhapa be possible, by recourse to the plates of Purehas, and the Archbishop of Toledo, as a key, to form plausible eonjecturea concerning the meaning of this picture. Many of the fi- gures are evidently similar. A, A. are targets and darts, almost in the same form with those published by Purehas, p. 1070, I07I, &e. B. fi. are figures of temples, nearly resembling those in Furchasip. 1109 and HIS, and in Lorenzana. Plate II. C. is a bale of mantles, or cotton cloths, the figure of which occurs in almost •rery plate of Purehas and Lorenzana. E.E. £. seem to be Mexican captains in their war dress, the fantastic ornaments of which resemble the figures in Purehas, p. 1110, 1111, SIIS. I should suppose this picture to be a tribute-roll, as their mode of noting numbers occars fre- quently. D. D. D., &c According to Botu- rinl, the mode of computation by the number of knots was known to the Mexicans as well as to the Peruvians, p. 86, and the manner in which the number of units is represented in the Mexi- can paintings in my possession seems to confirm this opinion. They plainly resemble a string of knots on a cord or slender rope. Since I published the former edition, Mr. Waddilove, who is still pleased to continue his friendly attention to procure me information, has discovered, in the Library of the Escurial, a volume in folio, consisting of forty sheets of a kind of pasteboard, each the size of a common sheet of writing paper, with great variety of un- couth and whimsical figures of Mexican paint- ing, In very fresh colours, and with an explana- tion In Spanish to most of them. The first twenty-two sheets are the signs of the months, days, &C. About the middle of each sheet are two or more large figures for the month, sur- rounded by the signs of the days. The last eighteen sheets are not so filled with figures. They seem to be signs of Deities, and Images of various objects. According to this Calendar in the Escurial, the Mexican year contained 886 days, divided into S8 months of 13 days. Each day is represented by a different sign, taken from some natural object, a serpent, a dog, a li- zard, a reed, a house, &c. The signs of days in the Calendar of the Escurial are precisely the same with those mentioned by BoturinI, Idea, &c. p. 45. But, if we may give credit to that author, the Mexican year contained 360 days, divided into 18 months of SO days. The order of days in every month was computed, accord- ing to him, first by what he calls a tridecennary progression of days from one to thirteen. In the same manner ai in the Calendar of the Escuri- al, and then by a teptenary progression of days from one to seven, making in all twenty. In this Calendar, not only the signs which distin- guish each day, but the qualities supposed to be peculiar to each month are marked. There are certain weaknesses which seem to accompany the human mind through every stage of its pro- gress in observation and science. Slender as was the knowledge of the Mexicans in astrono- my, it appears to have been already connected with judicial astrology. The fortune and char- acter of persons born In each month are suppos- ed to be decided by some superior influence pre- dominant at the time of nativity. Hence It is foretold in the Calendar, that all who are 1>om in one month will be rich. In another warlike, in a third luxurious, &c. The pasteboard, or whatever substance it may l>e on which the Ca- lendar In the Escurial Is painted, seems, by Mr, Waddilove's description of It, to resemble nearly that in the Imperial Library at Vienna. In se- veral particulars the figures bear some likeness to those In the plate which I have published. The figures marked D., which induced me to conjecture that this painting might be a tribute- roil similar to those published by Purehas and the Archbishop of Toledo, Mr. Waddilove sup- poses to be signs of days : and I have such confidence in the accuracy of his observations, as to conclude his opinion to be well founded. It appears, from the characters in Which the ex- planations of the figures are written, that this curious monument of Mexican art has been ob- tained soon after the conquest of the empire. It is singular that it should never have been men- tioned by any Spanish author. Notk[161]. Page 830. Tax first was called the Prince of the Deathful Lance ; the second the Divider of Men ; the third the Shedder of Blood ; the fourth the Lord of the Dark-house. Acosta, lib. vi. o 8&. Note [152]. Page 8S8. The temple of Cholula, which was deemed more hcly than any In New Spain, was like- wise the most considerable. But it was nothing more than a mount of solid earth. According to Torquemada, it was nbove a quarter of a league in circuit at the baw, and rose to the height of forty fathoms. Mon. Ind. lib. Hi. e. 19. Even M. Clavigero acknowledges that all the Mexican temples were solid structures, or earthen mounts, and of consequence cannot be considered as any evidence of their having made any considerable progress in the art of building. Clavig. ii. 807. From inspecting various figures of temples in the paintings engraved by Purehas, there seems to be some reason for suspecting that ail their temples were constructed in the same manner. See Vol. ilL p. 1109^ 1110, HIS. ^ NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 367 INote[15S]. PaoiSSS. Not only in Tlascala and Tepeaca, but even in Mexico Itself, tlie liouies of tlie people were mere liuts built with turf, or mud, or the branches of trees. They wero extremely low and slight, and without any furniture but a few earthen vessels. Like the rudest Indians, several fami- lies resided under the same roof, without hav- ing any separate apartments. Herrera, Dec. 2. lib. vii. c. IS. lib. X. c. 82. Dec. S. lib. ir. c 17. Torquem. lib. ill. c. 83. Note [154]. FaoiSSS. I AM informed by a person who resided long in New Spain, and visited almost every province of it, that there is not, in all the extent of that vast empire, any monument or vestige of any building more ancient than the conquest, nor of any bridge or high way, pxcept some remains of the causeway from Guaduluupe to that gate of Mexi- co by which Cortes entered the city. MS. ]>eiics me. The author of another account in manuscript observes, " That at this day there does not remain even the smallest vestige of the existenceof any ancient Indian building public or private, either in Mexico or in any province of New Spain. I have travelled, says he, through ail the countries adjacent to them, viz. New Galicia, New Biscay, New Mexico, Sonora, Cinalon, the New Kingdom of Leon, and New Sautandero, without having observed any mo- nument worth notice, except some ruins near an ancient village in the valley de Cams Gran- des, in lat. N. S°. 46'. long. 858°, 84'. from the island of TenerilTe, or 460 leagues N. N. W. from Mexico." He describes these ruins mi- nutely, and they appear to be the remains of • paltry building of t'irf and stone, plas- tered over with white earth or lime. A mis- sionary informed that gentleman, that he had discovered the ruins of another edifice similar to the former, about a hundred leagues towards N. W. on the banks of the river St. Pedro. MS. 2>enes me. These testimonies derive great credit from one circumstance, that they were not given in support of any particular system or theory, but as simple answers to queries which I had pro- posed. It is probable, liowever, that when these gentlemen assert that no ruins or monuments of any ancient work whatever are now to be discovered in the Mexican empire, they meant that there were no sach ruius or monuments as conveyed any idea of grandeur or magnificence in the works of its ancient inhabitants. For it appears from the testimony of several Spanish author^, that in Otumba, Tlascala, Cholula, &c. some vestiges of ancient buildings are still visi- ble. Villa Segnor Theatro Amer. p. 146, 306, SfiS. D. Fran. Ant. Lorenzana, formerly Archbishop of Mexico, and now of Toledo, in his introduction to that edition of the Cartas de Relacion of Cortes, which he published at Mex- ico, mentions some ruins which are still, visible in several of the towns through which Cortes passed in his way to the capital, p. 4, &c. But neither of these authors gives any description oi them, and they seem to be so very inconaidera- ble, as to show only that some buildings hud once been there. The large mount of enrth at Cholula, which the Spaniards dignified with the name of temple, still remains, but without any steps by which to ascend, or any facing of stone. It appears now like a natural mount, covered with grass and shrubs, and possibly it was never any thing more. Torquem. lib. ili. c. 19. I have received a minute description of the re- mains of a temple near Cuernavaca, on the road from Mexico to Acapulco. It is composed of large stones, fitted to each other as nicely as those in the buildings of the Peruvians, which are hereafter mentioned. At the foundation it forms a square of twenty-five yards ; but as It rises in height it diminishes in extent, not gra- dually, but by being contracted suddenly at re- gular distances, so that it must have resembled the figure B. in the plate. It terminated, it is said, in a spire. Note [155]. Page 834. The exaggeration of the Spanish historians, with respect to the number of human victims sacrificed in Mexico, appears to be very great. According to Gomara, there was no year in which twenty thousand human victims were not offered to the Mexican Divinities, and in some yean they amounted to fifty thousand. Cron. c. 899. The skulls of those unhappy per- sons were ranged in order in a building erected for that purpose, and two of Cortes's oflBcers, who had counted them, informed Gomara that their number was a hiindred and thirty-six thousand. Ibid. c. 88. Herrera's account is still more Incredible, that the number of victims was so great, that five thousand have been sacri- ficed in one day, nay, on some occasions, no less than twenty thousand, Dec. ill. lib. il. c. 16. I'orquemada goes beyond both in extravagance ; for he asserts that twenty thousand children, exclusive of other victims, were slaughtered an- nually. Mon. Znd. lib. vii. c. 81. The most respectable authority in favour of such high numtiera is that of Znmurraga, the first Bishop of Mexico, who, in a letter to the chapter-ge- neral of his order, A. D. 1631, asserts, that the Mexicans sacrificed annually twenty thousand victims. Davila. Teatro Eccles. 186. In op. position to all these accounts, B. de las Casas observes, that if there had been such an annual waste of the human species, the country could never have arrived at that degree of populous- ness for which it was remarkable when the Spaniards first landed there. This reaaoning is 368 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. Jiiit. If tlio number of vlrtimt in nil the pro. vlpces of N(!W Spnin hail beun so great, not only must |topulatioii have been prevented from in- creasing, but the human race must have been oxtcrmioated in a short time. For besides the waste of the species by such numerous sacriflces, it is observable that wherever the fate of cap- tives talccn In war is either certain death or perpetual slavery, as men can gain nothing by submitting speedily to an enemy, they always resist to the uttermost, and war becomes bloody and destructive to the last degree. Las Casaa positively oseorts, that the Mexicans never sac- rlliced more than fifty or a hundred persons in n year. See his dispute with Sepulveda, sub- joined to his Crcvlssima Uelacion, p. 105. Cortes docs not specify what number of victims was sacrificed annually; but U. Diaz del Cas- tillo relates that, an inquiry liaviiig been made with respect to this by the Franciscan monks who tvcro sent into New Sjmin immediately after the conquest, it was found that about two thousand five hundred were sacrificed every year in Mexico. O. 207. Note [li50], Page 234, ItIs hardly necessary to observe, that the Feruvi- aii Chronology Is not only obscure, but repugnant to conclusions deduced from the most accurate nnd extensive observations, concerning the time that elapses during each reign, in any given succession of Princes. The medium has been found not to exceed twenty years. According to Acosta and Garcilasso de la Vega, Huana Capac, who died about the year 1527, was the twelfth Inca. According to this rule of com- puting, the duration of the Peruvian monarchy ought not to have been reckoned above two hundred and forfy years ; but they affirm that it had subsisted four hundred years. Acosta, lib. vi. c. 19. Vega, lib. i. c. 9. By this ac- count each reign is extended at a medium to thirty-three years, instead of twenty, the num- ber ascertained by Sir Isaac Newton's observa- tions ; but 80 imperfect were the Peruvian traditions, that though the total is boldly mark- ed, the number of years in each reign is un- known. Note [157]. Page 836. Many of the earliest Spanish writers assert that the Peruvians offered human sanrifiees. Xerez, p. 190. Zurate, lib. i. c. 11. Anosta, lib. v. c. 19. But Garcilasso de la Vega contends, that though this barbarous practice prevailed among their uncivilized ancestors, it was totally abo- lished by the Incas, and that no human victim was ever offered in any temple of the Sun. This assertion, and the plausible reaijons with which he confirms It, are sufHcient to refute the Spa- nish writers, whose accounts seem to be founded entirely upon report, not upon wliiit they them- selves had observed. Vegn, lib. il. r. 4. In one of their festivals, the Peruvians oO'iTtil cakes of bread moistened with blood drawn from the arms, the eyebrows, and noses of their children. Id. lib. vli. c. G. This rite ni:iy have been derived from their ancient practii'i>, in their uncivilized stato, of sacrificing huiuuu victims. Note [158]. Paoc 238. The Spaniards have adopted both those cus- toms of the ancient Peruvians. They hnvv preserved some uf the aqueducts or canals, niadi' in the days of the Inras, and have madi; new ones, by which they water every field that tiiey cultivate. Ulloa Voyage, torn. i. 422, 477. They likewise continue to use guano, or tlic dung of sea-fowls, as manure. L'lloa gives a description of the aluiost incrediiile quanllty uf it in the small iblands near the coast. Ibid. 481. '' Note [159]. PAnES38. ^ TilE temple of Cayambo, tlie palace of the Inca at ChIIo in thv plain of Lacatunga, nnd that of Atun-Cannor, are described by Ulloa, torn. i. 286, &c. who inspected them with great rare. M. de Condamine published a curious memoir concerning the ruins of Atun-Cannar. JMcni. de IWcademie de Berlin, A. I). 174C, p. -1^5. Acosta describes the ruins of Cuzco, wiiicii he had examined. Lib. vi. c. 14. Garcilasso, in his usual style, gives pompous and confused de- scriptions of several temples and other public edifices. Lib. ill. c. 1. c. 21. lib. vi. c. U Don. — Zupata, in a largo treatise concerning Peru, which has not hitherto been published, commu- nicates some information with respect to several monuments of the ancient Peruvians, which have not been mentioned by other authors. MS. jiencs me, Articulo xx. Ulloa describes some of the ancient Peruvian fortifications, which were likewise works of great extent and solidity. Tom. 1. 2i9I. Three circumstances struck all those observers : the vast size of the stones which tho Peruvians employed in some of their build- ings. Acosta measured one, which was thirty feet long, eighteen broad, and six in thickness ; and yet, he adds, that in the fortress at Cuzco there were stones considerably larger. It is difficult to conceive how the Peruvians could move these, and raise them to the height even of twelve feet. The second circumstance is, the im- perfection of the Peruvian artf when applied to working In timber. By the patience and perse- verance natural to Americans, stones may be formed into any shape, merely by rubbing one against another, or by the use of hatchets or other instruments made of stone ; but with such rude tools little progress can be made in carpen- try. The Peruvians could not mortise two beams together, or give any degree of union or stability to any work composed of timber. As NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 369 thcf could not fonn > Mntro, thejr were totally unaequiilnted irlth the uie of arohee in bulldinf ; nor f«n the SpMii.S autbon eoncQlre bow they were able to frame a roof for thoie ample itrue. turee which they railed. The third circumitanoe ii a ttriicing proof, which all the monument* of the Peruviani fur- niih, of their want of ingenuity and invention, accompanied with patience no leaa aitoniihing. None of the etonea employed in thoee worka were formed into any particular or uniform ibape, which could render them fit for being compacted together in building. The Indiana took them as they fell from the mountains, or were raised out of the quarries. Some were square, some triangular, some convex, some con- cave. Their art and Industry were employed in Joining tbem together, by forming such hol- lows in the one as perfectly corresponded to the pn^ections or risings In the other. This tedious operation, which might have been so easily abridged by adapting the surface of the stones to each other, either by rubbing, or by their batch- eta of copper, would be deemed incredible, if it were not put beyond doubt by inspecting the re- mains of those buildings. It gives them a very singular appearance to a European eye. There is no regular layer or stratum of building, and no one stone resembles another in dimensions or form. At the same time, by the persevering but ill directed Industry of the Indians, they are all joined with that minute nicety which I have mentioned. Ulloa made this observation con- cerning the form of the stones in the fortress of Atun-Cannar. Voy. I. p. S87. Penitogivesa similar description of the fortress of Cuzco, the most perfect of all (he Peruvian works. Zapata MS. j)enesme. According to M. de Condamine, there were regular strata of building in some parta of Atun-Cannar, which he remarks aa aingular, and as a proof of some progress in im- provement. Kote[160]. FAoa239. The appearance of those bridges which bend with their own weight, wave' with the wind, and are considerably agitated by the motion of every person who passes along them, is Tery frightful at first. But the Spaniards have found them to be the easiest mode of passing the tor- renta in Peru, over which it would bo dllBcult to throw more solid structures either of stone or timber. They form those hanginf bridges ao strong and broad, that loaded moles pass along them. All the trade of Cuzco U carried on by means of such a bridge over the river Apurimac. Ulloa, tom. i. S68. A more simple contrivance was employed in passing smaller atreama : A basket, in which the traveller was placed, being suspended from a strong rope stretehed across the stream, it was pushed or drawn from one side to the other. Ibid. Nect to their persons or property. Not only do the laws commit to them this honourable and hu- mane, office, but the eoclcsiastic* of America ao- tually exercise it. Innumerable proofs of this might be produced from Spanish authors. But I rather refer to Gage, OS he was not disposed to ascribe any merit to the popish clergy to which they were not fully entitled. Survey, p. 148, 198, &c. Henry Hawks, an English merchant, who re- sided five years in New Spain previous to the year 1678, gives the same favourable account of the popish clergy. Hakluyt, ill. 466. By a law of Charles V. not only bishops, but other ecclesiastics, are empowered to inform and ad- monish the civil magistrates, if any Indian la deprived of his just liberty and rights; Ilecopi- lac. lib. vi. tit. vi. ley 14 : and thus were con- stituted legal proteotora of the Indians. Some of the Spanish ecclesiastics refused to grant ab- solution to such of their countrymen as possessed Encomiendas, and considered the Indians aa slaves, or employed them in working their mlnest Gonz. Davil. Teatro Eccies. i. 157. Note [168]. Paoe 840. AccoRsitra to Gage, Chiapa dos Indos contains 4000 families ; and he mentions it only as one of the largest Indian towns in America, p. 104. Note [169]. Page 849. It is very difficult to obtain an accurate oc- count of the state of population in those king, doms of Europe where the police is most per. feet, and where science has made the greatest progress. In Spanish America, where know- ledge is still in ltd infancy, and few men have NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 871 Miura to mgaie In rMMrebM merely ipccula' tire, little attention bae been paid to tbia curi- ous inquiry. But In the year 1741, Philip V. enjoined tlie viceroyi and govemon of tbe leve- ral provinces In America, tu make an actual ■urvey of the people under their Jurltdlclion, and to transmit • report concerning their num- ber and occupations. In consequence of this order, tbe Conde de Fuen- Clara, Viceroy of Nonr Spain, appointed D. Jos. Antonio de Vil- la Scgnur y SancheTS to execute that commission in Nvw Spain. From the reports of the ma- glatratvs In the several districts, as well as from his own obvervations and long ocquaiutance with moat of the provinces. Villa Signer published Ihe result of his inquiries In his Teulro America- no. Ills report, however, la imperfect. Of the nine diucesscs, into which the Mexican em- pire has been divided, be has published an ac- count of five only, vis. thearcbblsboprio of Mex- ico, the bishoprics of I'ueble de los Angeles, Me- choacan, Onxocn, and Nova Gnllola. The bi- shoprics of Yucatan, Verapaz, Chiapa, and Gua- timala, are entirely omitted, though tbe two Utter comprehend countries in which the In- dian race Is more numerous than in any part of New Spain. In his survey of the extensive dlocess of Nova Galicia, tbe situation of the ditV ferent Indian villages Is described, but be q>eci- fles tbe number of people only In a small part of It The Indians of that extensive province, in which the Spanish dominion la imperfectly es- tablished, are not registered with the same ac- curacy as in other parts of New Spain. Aiv cording to Villa Se^nur, the actual state of po- pulation in the five dioccsses above mentioned is of Spaniards, negroes, mulattoes, and mestizos, In the diocesaes of FamUies. Mexico \Ob,im Los Angeles 30,600 Mecboacan 30,840 Oaxnca 7,296 Nova Galicia 16,770 190,709 At the rate of five to a family, the total number Is 953,&40 Indian families in tbe diocess of Mex- ico 119,611 Los Angeles 88,840 Mechoncan 36,196 Oaxaca 44,882 Nova Gulicia 6,888 294,891 At the rate of five to n family, tbe total number is 1,471,965. We may rely with great certain- ty nn this computation of the number of In- dians, as it 13 taken from the Matricula, or regis- ter, according to which tbe tribute pcdd by them b eollceted. As four dioeeaiM of nina are to- tally omitted, and in that of Nova Oalieln thn numbera are Imperfectly recorded, we may con- elude that the number of Indians In tbe Mexi- can empire exceeds two millions. The account of the number of Spaniards, && seems not to be equally complete. Of many places. Villa Segnor observes In general terms, that several Spaniards, negroes, and people of mixed race, reside there, without specifying their number. If, therefore, we make allow- ance for these, and for all who reside In the four dioccsses omitted, the number of Spaniards, and of those of a mixed race, mny probably amount to a mllllun and a half. In some places Villa Segnor distinguishes between Spaniard* and the three inferiur races of negroes, mulat- toes, and mestizos, and marks their number se- parately. But be generally blends them toge- ther. But from the proportion observable In those places, where the number of each is mark- ed, as well as from the account of the state of po- pulation in New Spain by other authors, it 1* manifest that the number of negroes and per- sons of a mixed race far exceeds that of Spa* niards. Perhaps the latter ought not to ba reckoned above 000,000 to a million of tba foi'mer. Defective as this account may be, I have not been able to procure such intelligence concern- ing the number of people in Peru, as might ena- ble me to form any conjecture equally satisfying with respect to tbe degree of its population. I have been informed that in the year 1761, tba protector of the Indians in tbe viceroyalty of Peru computed that 612,780 paid tribute to tba King. As all females, and persona under age, are exempted from this tax in Peru, tbe total number of Indians ought by that account to be 8,449,180. MS. jwiei me. I shall mention another mode by which ana may compute, or at least form a guess concern- ing the state of population in New Spain and Peru. According to an account which I bava reason to consider as accurate, the number of copies of the bull of Cruzada exported to Peru on each new publication, is, 1,171,953; to New Spain.. 9,649,326. I am informed that but few Indians purchase bulls, and that they are sold chiefly to the Spanish inhabitants, and those of mixed race ; so that tbe number of Spaniards, and people of a mixed race, will amount, by this mode of computation, to at least three miliioBs. Tbe number of inhabitants in many of tba towns in Spanish America may give us some idea of the extent of population, and correct the inac- curate but popular notion entertained in Great Britain concerning tbe weak and desolate state of their colonies. The city of Mexico contains at least 150,000 people. It is remarkable that Torqiicmadii, who wrote his Moiuirquia Indiana about tlie year 1612, reckons tbe inhabitants of t |!l avt NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. Mt>l«a •! tlmt lima to b« only 7000 Spaniards Mid 8000 Indiana. Lib. III. o. W. Puabla da loa Angtiaa mntalna abora 60,000 Spanlarda, and paopla of a misad race. Villa Safnor. p. S47. Ouadalaxara eantnlm abora 80,000, ax. eluilve of Indiana. Id. II. 800. Llmaeonl*: i 5i,000. Da Cosma llurno Dcaor. d« Peru, ITOi. Carthagana coutalni 85,000. I'oUmI eonlalna 9&,000. Ouano, 1767. Popa^n conUlna above M,000. Ulloa, I. 887. Towni of a Moond elaia •ra atill mora numerona. The cltlea In tba moat thrWIni aaUlamanit of othar European nallona In America cannot be compared with thete. Such are the detached aecounta of the number of people In several towns, which I found scat- tered In authora whom I thought worthy of credit. But I have obtained an enumeration of the Inhabltanta of the towns in the province of Quito, on the accuracy of which I can rely ; and I communicate It to the public, both to gratify curioally, and to rectify the mistaksn notion which I have mentioned. St. Franclsci) de Quito contains between bO and 60,000 peoplu of all the different racaa. Besides the city, there are In the CorregimierUo twenty-nine rural or parishes established iu the principal villagea, each of which haa smaller hamleta depending upon It. The inhabltanta of these are moatly Indians and mestizos. St. Juan de Fksto has between 6 and 8,000 Inhabitants, beaidea twenty- aeven dependent villages. St. Miguel de Ibarra, 7000 citisens, and ten villages. The district of Havalla, between IB and 80^000 people. The ii'i-dct of Tacuna, between 10 and 18,000. The district of Ambato, between 8 and 10,00(^ beaidea aixteen depandlug villagea. The city of Rlo- bamba, between 16 and 80,000 inhabltanta, and nine depending villagea. The district of Cblm- bo, between 6 and 8000. The city of Guayaquil, from 16 to 80,000 inbablUnts, and fourteen depending villagea. The district of Atuasi, between S and 6000 Inhabitants, and four de- pending villages. The city of Cuenza, between SA and 80,000 Inhabltanta, and nine populoua depending villages. The town of Laxa, from 8 to 10,000 Inhabitants, and fourteen depending villages. This degree of population, though slender if we consider the 'va"*: evtent of the country, Is far beyond wha>. i'< ;;«'r iior\j sup- posed. I have omitted to nH-.tion. '.r lf« [>"3per pkee, that Quito Is the on* > ".-o- 1 •,«> < ,aoish America that can be deiiotni.iait'damauufao- turlng country ; hats, cotton stnflb, and coarse woollen cloths are made there In such quantities as to be sufficient not only -for the consumption of the province^ but to fiimish a considerable article for exportation Into other parte of Spa- nish America. I know not whether the un- common Industry of this province should be con- sidered as the cause or the eifeot of Its populous- ncas. But among the oatentatlooi inhabitants of the New World, the rnKslon for every thing that cornea (Vwm £um{ . lo violsnt, that I am Informed themanufWotureaof Quito are so much undervalued aa to be o.i the dseilne. NoTi[l7D]. VAOKiBO. Thirr are eetabllshad at the following plaesa :— St. Oomingn in the island of lilspanlola, Mexico In Nsw Spain, Lima In PerU| Panama in Tlar- ra Firmd, Santiago In Ouatlmala, Uundalaxara In New Oallcla, SanU Vb In the New Kingdom of Granada, La PUta in the country of Loe Char- cas, St. Francisco de Qui o, 8i Juko de Chill, Buenos Ayres. To en . f tl. i" are sumected several large provli. .-I . - a>e fixed, that they can dev^vi. Iiule benxflt from their Jurisdic- tion. The Sp'M i^h ' '''(-rs commonly reckon up twi 't r •vnj thing olant, that I am ',u\to are to much lint. too. owing plaett :-• ipanlola, Mnico 'anama In Tltr- ila, tiuadalaxant I New KingdniD ilrjrorLoaChnr- Jn^o dt Chill, s<< art lul^fcttd -" far rtmovf d ate fixed, that [ii tbtir Jurltdic- mmoqly rtckon but they inoludt to ItlaDda. Peru and Chill r carrying com- nd oil acrota tht rda In thott pro- plant vlnea and hiblted from tx- he provinoea on lucii ■ ('tuatlon Rtcop. Ub. 1. tiS. Bensoni, A.D. he dltcoTcry of lib. ill. e. 81. tplrltofamale- > the Spanlarda ie that hit calco- 853. thediyitlonand Spaniih coUmlta thors do not ex- erhapa attended lir own iastitu- Jure ln4. (voL tat mtaaure the Mayorasgo, and Ilia Segnor takea of it. He ob- lituatlone in the ground It hooc- he ruins of the id adds, that as Majforatgo, ami ation and those '. ^Imer. vol. ). Knra f 174]. Paoi 86i. ^Tiisai li no law (bat nchidn, CrmilfH fW>m of- Ices elthfi ' U or evclfo ■ tMJv l>n the contra- ty, there are many Cedulai, whtitli recommend the rfinferrilig pUi-f '>f trust indiscriminately on the olives of K|i,iiii urid America. UeVsii. court y Kigueroa Uerecbo, ftc. p. H. ti. But, notwitbttanding such repeated recomRt4< tlont, prtftrment 1 1> almost erery line It cock ferred on native Spaniards. A rfmnrlcable proof of thia It produced by the author last quot- ed. From the discovery of America to the year 1637, three hundrtd and ilxty-riin« bUhops, or arehbhihopa, have been appointed to the dllTer- ent dioceetet In that country, and of ail that number only twelve were Creolet, p. 40. This predilection for Europeant teems still to conti- nue. By a royal mandate. Issued In 1776, the chapter of tht cathedral of Mexico It directed to nominate European cccletlaatlet of known merit Mid abilltiet, that the King may appoint them to tupply vacant beneticca. MS. jwiei im. Not* [175]. Paoi 855. MoDiKATX at thii tribute may appear, tuch it the extreme poverty of the Indiana In many pro- Tinctt of America, that the exacting of It It in- tolerably oppretiive. Pegna Itiner. par Par»> ^ci to labour la the mines, their numlMra wm<: reduced to the hair, and in •onio plaoas «■» the ihii-d, of what It wtts under the vlcsroywtty of Don. Fran. Tul» do in 1381. Colb. <'«llect. No 1![17»J. pAOitgfie. As labour of this kind rannotbeprnwi-ibcd with legal accuracy, the tasks seem to in « ^reat measure arbltrnry, and, like theserv, tacted by fi^itdal !Mipvrlorsi'/it>i/iM;mAii>, (/wi - -, from th»t' vassiklH. are extremely txiHi'iixin md oOku wantonly oppressive, I'ti^oa Itinn i le. itAn, ot Miia Is called TanUa In ^ w Spii ihtT» it c«iitinues no longer than i week » time. N« person is called to servo it ngreatei '> •< iVom bus habitation than %( inilos. ilhM aiv rangement is lest opprettlve to tlit; ImliMss « an '><o Indian thall be obliged to terve In a^, mine .tt a greater distance from hit place of w tidence than thirty miiet ; we are informed, > • memorial of D. Hernan Carillo Altamiran. pretented to the King, that the Indiant of Peru are often compelled to serve in minet at the dis- tance 01 a hundred, a hundred and fifty, and even two hundred leaguet from their habitation. Colbert Collect. Many minet are tituated In parte of tibe country to barren and to dittant from the ordinary habitationa of the Indiant, that the neeeuity of procuring labourer! to work tiiere hat obliged the Spanish monarcht to dit- pente with their own regulatlont in teveral in- itancet, an'l to permit the viceroyt to compel the people of more remote provincet to retort to those mines. Escalona Gazophyl. Perub. Ub. I. c. 16. But, in Justice to them. It should be ob- served that they have been studious tn alleviate thia oppretslon at much as possible, by enjoining the viceroys to employ every method in order to induce the Indians to settle in some part of the country adjacent to the minet. Id. ibid. Note [181]. Page 858. ToKQUEMADA, after a long enumeration which hat the appearance of accuracy, condudet the number of monasteries in New Spain to be four iill I ft S74 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. hundred. Moa. Ind. lib. xlx. c. S8. The number of monasteries in the city of Mexico alone waa, in the year 1745, fifty-five. Villa Segnor Thcat. Amer. i. 84. Ulloa reckons up forty convents in Lima; and mentioning those for nuns, he says that a amall town might be peopled out of them, the number of persons shut up there is so great. Voy. i. 4Sa Philip III., in a letter to the viceroy of Peru, A. D. 1620, observes, that the number of convents in Lima was so great, that they covered more ground than all the rest of the city. Solorz. lib. iii. c. 83. u. 57. Lib. iii. c 16. Torquem. lib. xv. c. S. The first monastery in New Spain was founded A. D. 1685, four years only after the conquest. Torq. lib. xv. o. 16. According to Gil Gonzalez Davila, the com- plete establishment of the American church in all the Spanish settlements was, in the year 1649, 1 patriarch, 6 archbishops, 82 bishops, 346 prebends, 2 abbots, 5 royal chaplains, 840 con- vents. Teatro Ecclesiastico de las Ind. Occi- dent, vol. i. Pref. When the order of Jesuits was expelled from ali the Spanish dominions, the col- leges, jtrofessed houses, and residences which it possessed in the province of New Spain were thirty, in Quito sixteen, in the New Kingdom of Granada thirteen, in Peru seventeen, in Chili eighteen, in Paraguay eighteen ; in all, a hundred and twelve. Collection General de Providencias hasta aqui tomadas sobre estrana- mento, &c. de la Compagnia, part i. p. 19. The number of Jesuits, priests, and novices in all these amounted to 8245. MS. t>ene> me. In the year 1644 the city of Mexico presented ■ petition to the King, praying that no new monastery might be founded, and that the re- venues of those already established might be cir- cumscribed, otherwise the religious houses would soon acquire the property of the whole country. -The petitioners request likewise, that the bi- ahope might be laid under restrictions in con- ferring holy orders, as there were at that time in Kew Spain above six thousand clergymen with- out any living. Id. p. 16. These abuses must have been enormous indeed, when the supersti- tion of American Spaniards was shocked, and induced to remonstrate against them. Note [182]. Page 859. This description of the manners of the Spanish clergy I should not have ventured to give upon the testimony of Protestant authors alone, as they may be suspected of prejudice or exaggera- tion. Gage, in particular, who had a better op- portunity than any Protestant to view the inte- rior state of Spanish America, describes the cor- ruption of the church which he had forsaken with so miicli of the acrimony of a new convert, that I should have distrusted his evidence, though it communicates some very curious and striking facts. But Benzoni mentions the profligacy of eccle8ia9..cs in America nt a very early per'ed after their settlement there. Hist. lib. ii. c. 1. , SO. M. Frezier, an intelligent observer, anil zealous for his own religion, paints the dis- solute manners of the Spanish ecclesiastics in Peru, particularly the regulars, in stronger co- lours than I have employed. Voy. p. 51, 215, &o. M. Gentil confirms this account. Voy. i. 34. Correal concurs with both, and adds many remarkable circumstances. Voy. i. 61, 155, 161. I have good reason to believe that the manners of the r^ular clergy, particularly in Peru, are still extremely indecent. Acosta himself acknowledges that great corruption uf manners had been the consequence of permitting monks to forsake the retirement and discipline of the cloister, and to mingle again with the world, by undertaking the charge of the Indian parishes. De Procur. Ind. Salute, lib. iv. c. 13, &c. He mentions particularly those vices of which I have taken notice, and considers the temptations to them as so formidable, that he leans to the opinion of those who hold that the regular clergy should not be employed os parish priests. Lib. v. c. 20. Even the advocates of the regulara admit, that many and great enor- mities abounded among the monlis of different orders, when set free from the restraint of mo- nastic discipline ; and from the tone of their de- fence, one may conclude that the charge brought against them was not destitute of truth. In the French colonies the state of the regular clergy is nearly the same as in the Spanish settlements, and the same consequences have followed. M. Biet, superior uf the secular priests in Cayenne, Inquires, with no less ap- pearance of piety than of candour, into the causes of this corruption, and imputes it chief- ly to the exemption of regulars from the juris- diction and censures of their diocesans ; to the temptations to which they are exposed ; and to their engaging in commerce. Voy. p. 320. It is remarkable, that all the authors who censure the licentiousness of the Spanish regulars with the greatest severity, concur in vindicating the conduct of the Jesuits. Formed under a disci- pline more perfect than that of the other monastic orders, or animated by that concern for the ho- nour of the society which takes such full posses- sion of overy member of the order, the Jesuits, both in Mexico and Peru, it is allowed, main- tained a most irreproachable decency of man- ners. Frezier, 223. Gentil, i. 34. The samt praise is likewise due to the bishops and most of the dignified clergy. Frez. Ibid. A volume of the Gazette de Mexico for the years 1788, 1729, 1730, having been communi- cated to me, I find there a striking confirmation of what I Imve advanced concerning the spirit of low illiberal superstition prevalent in Spanish America. Frnm the newspnpei's of any nation one may learn what are the objects which chief- NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 375 very early per'cd [ist. lib. ii. c. 1. , nt observer, anti paints the dis- h ecclesiastics in , in stronger co- Voy. p. 51, 215, tccouiit. Voy. i. t, and adds many Voy. i. 61, 155, believe that the r, particularly in decent. Acosta eat corruption of mce of permitting nt and discipline e again with the rge of the Indian Jalute, lib. iv. c. arly those vices of ind considers the rmidable, that he rbo hold that the nployed as parish I the advocates of ■ and great enor- lonln of different restraint of mo- e tone of their dei- he charge brought ite of truth. In te of the regular in the Spanish onsequences have r iif the secular with no less ap- »ndour, into the imputes it nhief- rsfrom thejuris- diocesans ; to the exposed ; and to Voy. p. 820. It liors who censure isb regulars with n vindicating the ned under a disci- the other monastic oncern for the ho- s such full posses- trder, the Jesuits, is allowed, main- decency of man- i. 34. The samt bishops and most Ibid. le Mexico for the ig been communi- liing confirmation ■ning the spirit of iralent in Spanish fen of any nation bjecta which chief- ly engross its attention, and which apppar to it most interesting. The Gazette of Mexico is filled almost entirely with accounts of religious functions, with descriptions of processions, con- secrations of churches, beatifications of saints, festivals, autos de fe, &c. Civil or commercial affairs, and even the transactions of Europe, occupy but a small corner in this magazine of monthly intelligence. From the titles of new books, which are regularly Inserted in this Ga- zette, it appears that two-thirds of them are treatises of scholastic theology, or of monkish devotion. Note [183J. Page 259. SoLoazANo, after mentioning the corrupt mo- rals of some of the regular clergy, with that cautious reserve which became a Spanish lay- man In touching on a subject so delicate, gives Ills opinion very explicitly, and with much firm- ness, against committing parochial charges to monks. He produces the testimony of several respectable authors of his country, both divines and lawyers. In confirmation of his opinion. De Jure Ind. ii. lib. ill. c 16. A striking proof of the alarm excited by the attempt of the Prince d'Esquilacbu to exclude the regulars from parochial cures, is contained in the Col- bert collection of papers. Several memorials wera presented to the King by the procurators for the monastic orders, and replies were made to these in name of the secular clergy. An eager and even rancorous spirit is manifest on both sides in the conduct of this dispute. Note [184]. Page 260. Not only the native Indians, but the mestizos, or chil.~ '<-^n of a Spaniard and Indian, were ori- ginally excluded from the priesthood, and re- fused admission Into any religious order. But by a law issued Sept. 28th, 1588, Philip II. re- quired the prelates of America to ordain such mestizos born in lawful wedlock, as they should find to be properly qualified, and to permit them to take the vows In any monastery where they had gone through a regular noviciate. Kecnpil. lib. i. tit. vil. I. 7. Some regard seems to have been paid to this law in New Spain ; but none in Pern. Upon a representation of this to Charles II. in the year 1G07, he Issued u new edict, enforcing the observation of it, and pro- fessing his desire to have all his subjects, Indians and mestizos as well as Spaniards, admitted to the enjoyment of the same privileges. Such, however, was tlie aversion of the Spaniards in America to the Indians and their race, that this seems to have produced little effect ; fur in the ye:ir 1725 Philip V. was obliged to renew the injunction in a more peremptory tone. But so unsurmountable are hatred and contempt of the Indians among the Peruvian Spaniards, that the present King has been constrained to enforce the former edicts anew, by a law published Sep- tember II, 1774. Ileal Cedula, MS. jienes me. M. Clavigero has contradicted what 1 have related concerning the ecclesiastical state of the Indians, particularly their exclusion from the sacrament of the cucharist, and from holy orders, either as seculars or regulars, in such a manner as cannot fail to make a deep Impres- sion. He, from his own knowledge, asserts, " that In New Spain not only are Indians per- mitted to partake of the sacrament of the altar, but that Indian priests are so numerous that they may be counted by hundreds ; and among these have been many hundreds of rectors, canons, and doctors, and, as report goes, even a very learned bishop. At present there are many priests, and not a few rectors, among whom there have been three or four our own pupils." Vol. II. S48, &c. I owe it, therefore, as a duty to the public as well as to myself, to consider each of these points with care, and to explain the reasons which induced me to adopt the opi« nion which I have published. I knew that in the Christian church tlicre is no distinction of persons, but that men of every nation, who embrace the religion of Jesus, nre equally entitled to every Christian privilege which they are qualified to receive. I knew likewise that an opinion prevailed, not only among most of the Spanish laity settled in Ame- rica, but among " many ecclesiastics ( I use the words of Herrera, dec. 11. lib. II. c. 15), that the Indians were not perfect or rational men, and were not possessed of such capacity as quali- fied them to partake of the sacrament of the altar, or of any other benefit of our religion." It was against this opinion that Las Casas con- tended with the laudable zeal which I have de- scribed in Books III. and VI. But as the Bishop of Durien, doctor Sepulvida, and other respectable ecclesiastics, vigorously supported the common opinion concerning the incapacity of the Indians, it became necessary, in order to determine the point, that the authority of the Huly See should be interposed; and accord- ingly Paul III. issued a bull, A. D. 1537, in which, after condemning the opinion of those who held that the Indians, as being on a level with brute beasts, should be reduced to ser- vitude, he declares that they were really men, and as such were capable of embracing the Chris- tian religion, and participating of all its bless- ings. My account of this bull, notwithstanding the cavils of IM. Clavigero, must appear just to every person who takes the trouble of perusing it; and my account is the same witit that adopted by Torquemada, lib. xvl. c. 25, and by Garcia, Urig. p. 311. But even after this decision, so low did the Spaniards residing in America rate the capacity of tlie natives, that the first council of Lima (I call it by that name on the authority of the best Spanish authors) discountenanced tha \i ] } \\\ *- 978 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. •dmiMlon of Iniiiana to the holy commnnion. Torquem. lib. xvi. c. SO. In New Spain the rxclusion of Iqdiant from the sacrament waa atiU more explicit. Ibid. After two centuries have elapsed, and notwithstanding all the im- provement that the Indians may be supposed to have derived from their intercourse with the Spa- niards during that period, we are informed by D. Ant. Ulloa, that in Peru, where, as will ap- pear in the sequel of this note, they are suppos- ed to be better instructed than in New Spain, their ignorance is so prodigious that very few are permitted to communicate, as being altoge- thei destitute of the requisite capacity. Voy. i. 341, &c Solorz. Folit. Ind. i. 803. With respect to the exclusion of Indians from the priesthood, either as seculars or regulars, we may observe that while it continued to be the common opinion that the natives of America, on account of their incapacity, should not be per- mitted to partake of the holy sacrament, we can- not suppose that they would be clothed with that sacred character which entitled them to consecrate and to dispense it. When Torque- mada composed his Monarquia Indiana it was almost a century after the conquest of New Spain ; and yet in his time it was still the gene- ral practice to exclude Indians from holy orders. Of this we have the most satisfying evidence. Torquemada having celebrated the virtues and graces of the Indians at great length, and with all the complacency of a missionary, he starts as an objection to what he had asserted, " If the Indians really possess all the excellent qualities which you have described, why are they not per- mitted to assume the religious habit ? Why are they not ordained priests and bishops, as the Jewish and Gentile converts were in the primi- tive church, especially as they might be employ- ed with such superior advantage to other persons in the instruction of their countrymen ?" Lib. xvii. c. 13. In answer to this objection, which establishes, in the most unequivocal manner, what was the general practice at that period, Torquemada observes, that although by their natural disposi- tions the Indians are well fitted for a subordi- nate situation, they are destitute of all the quali- ties requisite in any station of dignity and authority ; and that they are in genei-al so ad- dicted to drunkenness, that upon the slightest temptation one cannot promise on their behav- ing with the decency suitable to the clerical cha- racter. The propriety of excluding them from it, on these accounts, was, he observed, so well ustifled by experience, that when a foreigner of great erudition, who came from Spain, con- demned the practice of the Mexican church, he was convinced of his mistake In a public dispu- tation with the learned and most religions Fa- ther D. Juan de Gaona, and his retractation is ■till ttrtant Torquemada indeed acknowledges. as M. Clavigero observes with a degree of cxul- taUon, that in his name some Indians had been admitted into monasteries ; but, with the art of a disputant, he forgets to mention that Tor- quemada specifies only two examples of this, hihI takes notice that in both instances those Indians had been admitted by mistake. Uelying upon the authority of Torquemada with regard to New Spain, and of Ulloa with regard to Peru, and considering the humiliating depression of the Indians in qll the Spanish settlements, I con- cluded that they were not admitted into the ec- clesiastical order, which is held in the highest ve- neration all over the New world. But when M. Clavigero, upon his own know- ledge asserted facts so repugnant to the conclu- sion I had formed, I began to distrust it, and to wish for further information. In order to ob tain this, I applied to a Spanish nobleman, high in office, and eminent for his abilities, who, on different occasions, has permitted me to have the honour and benefit of corresponding with him. I have been favoured with the following answer : " What you have written concerning the admission of Indians into holy orders, or into monasteries, in Book VIII., especially as it is explained and limited in Note LXXXVIII. of the quarto edition, is in general accurate, and conformable to the authorities which you quote. And although the congregation of the council resolved and declared, Feb. 13. A. D. 1683, that the circumstance of being an Indian, a mu- latto, or mestizo, did not disqualify any person from being admitted into holy orders, if he was possessed of what is required by the canons to entitle him to that privilege ; this only proves such ordinations to be legal and valid (of which Sulorzano and the Spanish lawyers and histo- rians quoted by him, Pol. Ind. lib. ii. c. 29. were persuaded), but it neither proves the pro- priety of admitting Indians into holy orders, nor what was then the common practice with respect to this ; but, on the contrary, it shows that there was some doubt concerning the or- daining of Indians, and some repugnance to it. " Since that time there have been some exam- ples of admitting Indians into holy orders. We have now at Madrid an aged priest, a na- tive of Tlascala. His name is D. Juan Cerilo de Castilla Aqulhual Catehuttle, descended of a cazique converted to Christianity soon after the conquest. He studied the ecclesiastical sciences in a seminary of Puebla de los Angeles. He was a candidate, nevertheless, for ten years, and it required much interest before Bishop Abren would consent to ordain him. This ecclesiastic is a man of unexceptionable character, modest, self-denied, and with a competent knowledge of what relates to his clerical functions. He came to Madrid above thirty-four years ago with the sole view of soliciting admission for the Indians into the colleges and aeminariw in New Spain, NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 877 that iff after being well instructed and tried, tliey should find an inclination to enter into the ecclesiastical state, they might embrace it, and perform its functions with the greatest benefit to their countrymen, tehom they could address in their native tongue. He has obtained various regulations favourable to his scheme, particular- ly that the first college which became vacant in consequence of the exclusion of the Jesuits should be set apart for this purpose. But nei- ther these regulations, nor any similar ones in- serted in the laws of the Indies, have produced any effect, on account of objections and repre- sentations from the greater part of persons of chief consideration employed in New Spain. Whether their opposition be well founded or not is a problem difficult to resolve, and towards the solution of which several distinctions and modifications are requisite. " According to the accounts of this ecclesias- tic, and the information of other persons who have resided in the Spanish dominions In Ame- rica, you may rest assured that in the kingdom of Tierra Firm^ no such thing is known as either an Indian secular priest or monk ; and that in New Spain there are very few ecclesias- tics of Indian race. In Peru, perhaps, the number may be gp-eater, as In that country there are more Indians who possess the means of ac- quiring such a learned education as is necessary for persons who aspire to the clerical charac- ter." Note[18S]. Pare 361. UzTARiz, an accurate and cautious calculator, seems to admit, that the quantity of silver which does not pay duty may be stated thus high. Ac- oardlng to Herrera there was not above a third of what was extracted from Potosi that paid the King's fifth. Dec. 8. lib. ii. e. 15. Solorzano aaserts likewise, that the quantity of silver which is fraudulently circulated, is far greater than that which Is regularly stamped, after paying the fifth. De Ind. Jure, vol. il. lib. v. p. 846. Note [186]. Paoe 868. When the mines of Potosi were discovered in the year 1545, the veins were so near the sur- face, that the ore was easily extracted, and so rich that it was refined with little trouble and at a small expense, merely by the action of fire. The simple mode of refining by fusloa alone con- tinued until the year 1574, when the use of mer- cury in refining silver, as wcH as gold, was dis- covered. Those mines having been wrought without interruption for two centuries, the veins are now sunk so deep, that the expense of extracting the ore is greatly increased. Besides this, the richness of the ore, contrary to what happens In moat other mines, has become less as th» vein continued to dip. The vein ha* like- wise diminished to such a degree, that one is amazed that the Spaniards should persist in working It. Other rich mines have been succes- sively discovered ; but in general the value of the ores has decreased so much, while the ex- pense of extracting them has augmented, that the court of Spain in the year 1736 reduced the duty payable to the King from afiflh to a tenth. All the quicksilver used In Peru is extracted from the famous mine of Guanrabellca, disco- vered in the year 156.3. The crown has reserv- ed the property of this mine to itself; and the persons who purchase the quicksilver pay not only the price of it, but likewise a Jiflh, as a duty to the King. But In the year 1761 this duty on quicksilver was abolished, on account of the increase of expense iu working mines. UUoa, Entretenlmlentos, xi! — xv. Voyage, i. p. 506, 583. In consequence of this abolition of the fifth, and some subsequent abatements of price, which liecame necessary on account of the Increasing expense of working mines, quicksil- ver, which was formerly sold at eighty peso* the quintal, is now delivered' by the King at the rate of sixty pesos. Campomanes, Educ. Po- pul. ii. 138, note. The duty on gold is reduced to a twentieth, or five per cent. Any of my readers who are desirous of being acquainted with the mode in which the Spaniards conduct the working of their mines, and the refinement of the ore, will find an accurate description of the ancient method by Acosta, lib. ir. c. 1 — IS. and of their more recent improvements in the metallurgic art, by Gamboa Comment, a lasor- dcnanz. de Minas, c. 88. Note [187]. Page 863. . ., ■. Many remarkable proofs occur of the advanced state of industry in Spain at the beginning of the sixteenth century. The number of cities in Spain was considerable, and they were peopled far beyond the proportion that was common in other parts of Europe. The causes of this I have explained. Hist, of Cba. V. i. 146. Wherever cities are populous, that species of industry which is peculiar to them Increases : artificers and manufacturers abound. The effect of the American trade in giving activity to these la manifest from a singular fact. In the year 1545, white Spain continued to depend on its own industry for the supply of its colonies, so much work was bespoke from the manufactur- ers, that it was supposed they could hardly finish it in less than six years. Campom. i. 406. Such a demand must have put much industry in mo- tion, and have excited extraordinary efforts. Accordingly, we are informed, that in the begin- ning of Philip II's reign, the city of Seville alone, where the trade with America centred, gave employment to no fewer than 16,000 looms in silk or woollen work, and that above 190,000 persons had occupation in carrying on these ma- 3C II iUl / 1 h 878 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. nufactures. Campom. il. 478. But so rapid and pernicious was the operation of the causes which I shall enumerate, that before Philip III. ended his reign the looms in Seville were reduc- ed to 400. Uztarli, c. 7. Since the publication of the first edition, I have the satisfaction to find my ideas concerning (he early commercial Intercourse between Spain and her colonies confirmed and illustrated by D. Bernardo Ward, of the Junto de Comercio at Madrid, in his Proyicto Economko, part II. c. i. " Under the reigns of Charles V. and Philip II." says he, " the manufactures of Spain and of the Low Countries subject to her dominion were in a most flourishing state. Those of France and England were in their infancy. The republic of the United Provinces did not then exist. No European power but Spain had colonies of any value in the New World. Spain could supply her settlements there with the pro- ductions of her own soil, the fabrics wrought by the hands of her own artisans, and all she re- ceived in return for these belonged to herself alone. Then the exclusion of foreign manufac- tures was proper, bruause it might be rendered etfectual. Then Spain might lay heavy duties upon goods exported to America, or Imported from it, and might impose what restraints she deemed proper upon a commerce entirely in her own hands. But when time and successive re- volutions had occasioned an alteration in all those circumstances, when the manufactuAs of Spain began to decline, and the demands of Ame- rica were supplied by foreign fabrics, the origi- nal maxims and regulations of Spain should have been accommodated to the change in her situa- tion. The policy that was wise at one period became absurd in the other." Note [188]. Faob865. No bale of goods is ever opened, no chest of trea- sure is examined. Both are received on the cre- dit of the persons to whom they belong ; and only one instance of fraud is recorded, during the long period in which trade was carried on with this liberal confidence. All the coined sil- ver that was brought from Peru to Porto-hello in the year 1654 was found to be adulterated, and to be mingled with a fifth part of base me- tal. The Spanish merchants, with sentiments auitable to their usual integrity, sustained the whole 1ms, and indemnified the foreigners by whom they were employed. The fraud was de- tected, and the treasurer of the revenue in Peru, the author of it, was publicly burnt. B. UUoa. Retablis. dt Manuf. &c. liv. il. p. 108. Note [189]. Page 887. Makt striking proofs occur of the scarcity of money in Spain. Of all the immense sums which have been imported from America, the amount of which I ahall afterwards have occa- sion to mention, Moncada asserts, that there did not remain in Spain, in 1619, above two hun- dred millions of jiesoi, one half in coined money, the other in plate and jewels. Restaur, de £s- pagna, disc lii. c I. Uztarlz, who published his valuable work in 1784, contends, that In money, plate, and jewels, there did not remain a hundred milllou. Theor. &c. c S. Campo- manes, on the authority of a remonstrance from the community of merchants in Toledo to Phi- lip III., relates, as a certain proof how scarce cash had become, that persons who lent money received a third of the sum which they advanc- ed as interest and premium. £duc. Popul. i. 417. Note [190]. Page 868. The account of the mode in which the factors of the South Sea company conducted the trade In the fair of Porto-bello, which was opened to them by the Asslento, I have taken from Don Dion. Alcedo y Herrera, president of the Court of Audience in Quito, and governor of that pro- vince. Don Dionysio was a peraon of sucli re- spectable character for probity and discernment, that his testimony in any point would be of much weight ; but greater credit is due to it in this case, as he was au eye witness of the tran- sactions which he relates, and was often employ- ed in detecting and authenticating the frauds which he describes. It is probable, however, that his representation, being composed at the commencement of the war which broke out be- tween Great Britain and Spain, in the year 1739, may, in some instances, discover a portion of the acrimonious spirit natural at that junc- ture. His detail of facts is curious ; and even English authors confirm it in some degree, by admitting both that various frauds were prac- tised in the transactions of the annual ship, and that the contraband trade from Jamaica, and other British colonies, was become enormously great. But for the credit of the English nation it may be observed, that those fraudulent optra- tlous are not to be considered as deeds of the company, but as the dishonourable arts of their factors and agents. The company itself sustain- ed a considerable loss by the Assiento trade. Many of its servants acquired immense fortunes. Andei-son Chronol. deduct, il. S88. Note [191]. Page 869. Sevekal facts with respect to the institution, the progress, and the effects of this company, are curious, and but little known to English readers. Tlioiigh the province of Venezuela, or Caraccas, extends four hundred miles along the coast, and is one of the most fertile in America, it was so much neglected by the Spaniards, that during the twenty years prior to the establish- ment of the com^ny, only five ships sailed from Spain to that province ; and, during sixteen ,lt8h[ II NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 379 yutn, rrom 1706 to 1788, not a single ship ar- rWed from the Caraceas in Spain. Noticias de Heal Campania de Caraceas, p. 88. During this period Spain must have been supplied al- most entirely with a large quantity of cacao, which it consumes, hy foreigners. Before the erection of the company, neither tobacco nor hides were imported from Caraceas into Spain. Id. p. 117. Since the commercial operations of the company, begun in the year 1731, the im- portation of cacao into Spain has increased amaz- ingly. During thirty years subsequent to 1701, the number otfanegas of cacao (each a hundred and ten pound:;) imported from Caraceas was 643,816. During eighteen years subsequent to 1731, the number of fanegas imported was 869,847 ; and if we suppose the importation to be continued in the same proportion during the remainder of thirty years, it will amount to 1,448,746 fanegas, which is an increase of 805,581 fanegas. Id. p. 148. During eight years subsequent to 1756, there have been im- ported into Spain by the company 88,488 arro- bas (each twenty-five pounds) of tolutcco ; and hides to the number of 177,354. Id. 161. Since the publication of the Noticias de Campania, in 1765, its trade seems to be on the increase. Dur. ing five years subsequent to 1769, it has import- ed 179,156 /anegof of cacao into Spain, 36,809 arrobas of tobacco, 75,496 hides, and 881,438 pe- sos in specie. Campomanes, ii. 168. The last article is a proof of the growing wealth of the colony. It receives cash from Mexico in re- turn for the cacao, with which it supplies that province, and this it remits to Spain, or lays out in purchasing European goods. But, besides this, the most explicit evidence is produced, that the quantity of cacao raised in the province is double to what it yielded in 1731 ; the number of its live stock is more than treble, and its in- habitants much augmented. The r^Tpnue of the bishop, which arises wholly from tithes, has increased from eight to twenty thousand pesos. Notic. p. 69. In consequence of the augmenta* tion of the quantity of cacao imported into Spain, its price has decreased from eighty pesos for the fanega to forty. Id. 61. Since the pub- lication of the first edition, I have learned that Guyana, including all the extensive provinces situated on the banks of the Orinoco, the islands of Trinidad and Margarita are added to the countries with which the company of Caraceas bad liberty of trade by their former charters. Real Cedula, Nov.' 19, 1776. But I have like- wise been informed, that the institution of this company has not been attended with all the be- neficial effects which I have ascribed to it. In many of its operations the illiberal and oppres- sive spirit of monopoly is still conspicuous. But in order to explain this, it would be necessary to enter into minute details, which aie not suited to tbe nature of this work. .. f*-., Note [198]. Page 871. This first experiment made by Spain of opening a free trade with any of her colonies, has pro- duced effects so remarkable, as to merit some further illustration. The towns to which thi^ liberty has been granted, are Cadiz and Seville, for the province of Andalusia : Alicant and Carthagena, for Valencia and Murcia ; Barce- lona, for Catalonia and Aragon ; Santander, for Castile ; Corugna, for Galicia ; and Gijon, for Asturias. Append, ii. k la £duc. Popul. p. 41. These are either the ports of chief trade in their respective districts, or those most conveniently situated for the exportation of their respective productions. The following facts give a view of the increase of trade in the settlements to which the new regulations extend. Prior to the allowance of free trade, the duties collectzd in the custom house at the Havapnah were computed to be 104,208 pesos annually. During the five years preceding 1774, they rose at a me- dium to 308,000 pesos a year. In Yucatan the duties have arisen from 8,000 to 15,000. lu lils- paniola, from 8,500 to 5,600. In Porto Rico, from 1,800 to 7,000. The total value of goods imported from Cuba into Spain was reckoned, in 1774, to be 1,500,000 pesos. Educ. Popul. i. 450, &c. Note [198]. Page 873. The two treatises of Don Pedro Rodriguez Campomanes, Fiscal del real consyoy Suirremo (an officer In rank and power nearly similar to that of Attorney-General in England), and Di- rector of the Royal Academy of History, the one entitled Discurso sobre el Fomento de la In- dustria Popular; the other, Discurso sobre la Education Popular de los Artesanos y su Fo- mento ; the former published in 1774, and the latter in 1775, afford a striking proof of this. Almost every point of importance with respect to interior police, taxation, agriculture, manufactures, and trade, domes- tic as well as foreign, is examined in the course of these works ; and there are not many authors, even in the nations most eminent for commercial knowledge, who have carried on their inquiries with a more thorough knowledge of those various subjects, and a more perfect freedom from vulgar and national prejudices, or who have united more happily the calm re- searched of philosophy with the ardent zeal of a public spirited citizen. These books are in high estimation among the Spaniards; and it is a decisive evidence of the progress of their own ideas, that they are capable of relishing an author irlioM sentiments are so liberal. Note [194]. Page 874. The galeon employed in that trade, instead of the six hundred tons to which it is limited bylaw, ■II S80 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. I I R«cop. lib. xlr. I. 16, U commonly from twelve hundred to two thousand torn burden. The ihip from Acapulco, taken bjr Lord Anson, in- stead of the 600,000 pesos permitted by law, had on board 1,313,843 pesos, besides uncoined silver equal in value to 43,611 pesos more. Anson's Voyage, 884. Note [196]. FAaB876. The price paid for the bull varies according to the rank of different persons. Those in the lowest order who are servants or slaves, pay two reals of plate, or one shilling ; other Spaniards pay eight reals, and those in public office, or who hold encomiendas, sixteen reals. Solons. de Jure Ind. vol. 11. lib. Hi. e. 86. According to Chilton, an English merchant who resided long in the Spanish settlements, the bull of Cru- Mdo bore a higher price in the year 1670, being then sold for four reals at the lowest. Hakluyt, ill. 461. The price seems to have varied at dif- ferent periods. That exacted for the bulls is- sued in the last Predicacion will appear from the ensuing table, which will give some- idea, of the proportional numbers of the different classes of citizens in New Spain and Peru, There were issued for New Spain- Bulls at 10 pesos each 4 at 2 pesos each 38,601 at I peso each 164,880 ^ at 8 reak eaili 8,468,600 For Peru — at 16 pesos H reals each . at 3 pesos 3 reals each at 1 peso &i reals . . • at 4 reals at S reals . . . . , 8,649,386 3 14,803 TO,888 410,386 668,601 1,171,963 Note [196]. Page 876. As Villa Segnor, to whom we are Indebted for this informution contained in his Theatro Ame- ricano, published in Mexico A. D. 1746, was ao- comptant-general in one of the most consider- able departments of the royal revenue, and by that means had access to proper information, his testimony with respect to this point merits great credit. No such accurate detail of the Spanish revenues in any part o^ America has hitherto been published in the English language; and the particulars of it may appear curious and in- teresting to some of m r readers. From the bull of Cruzado, published every two years, there arises an annual revenue in ] From the duty on silver .... From the duty on gold .... From tax on cards From tax on pulque, a drink used by the Indians From tax on stamped paper . . . From ditto on ice From ditto on leather From ditto on gunpowder . . . From ditto on salt From ditto on copper of Mechochan From ditto on alum From ditto on Juego de los gallos . From the half of ecclesiastical annats From royal ninths of bishoprics, tec. From the tribute of Indians . . . From Alcavala, or duty on sale of goods From the Almajorifasgo, custom house . . * From the mint 160,000 700,000 60,000 70,000 161,000 41,000 16,683 8,600 71,680 88,000 1,000 6,500 81,100 49,000 68,800 660,000 781,876 373,333 . 367,800 3,663,680 llils sum amounts to £819,161 sterling ; and If we add to it the profit accruing from the sale ot 6000 quintals of quicksilver, imported from the mines of Almaden, in Spain, on the King's ac- count, and what accrues from the Averia, and some other taxes which Villa Segnor does not estimate, the public revenue in new Spain may well be reckoned above a million pounds sterling money. Theat. Mex. vol. i. p. 38, &c. Ac- cording to Villa Segnor, the total produce of the Mexican mines amounts at a medium to eight millions of pesos in silver annually, and to 6918 marks of gold. Id. p. 44. Several branches of the revenue have been explained in the course cf the history ; some of whieh there was no occa- sion of mentioning, require a particular illustrn- tion. The right to the tithes in the New World is vested in the crown of Spain, by a bull of Alexander VI. Charles V. appointed them to be applied in the following manner: One fourth is allotted to the bishop of the diocese, another fourth to the dean and chapter, and other officer^ of the cathedral. The remaining half is divided into nine equal parts. Two of these, under the denomination otlosdos Navenotreales, are paid to the crown, and constitute a brunch of the royal revenue. The other seven parts are applied to the maintenance of the parochial clergy, the building and support of churches, and other pious uses. Recopil. lib. i. tit. xvl. Ley, 83, &c. Avendano Thesaur. Indie vol. i. p. 184. The Alcavala is a duty levied by an excise on the sale of goods. In Spain it amounts to ten percent. In America to four par cent. Solor- zano,°.Polit. Indiana, Hb. vi. c. 8. i Avendano, vol. i.' 186. The Almajarifoico, or custom paid in America NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. S81 id by los . nnats s,&c. tie of Mtom ]fiO,000 700,000 60,000 70,000 161,000 41,000 15,622 8,500 71,660 89,000 1,000 6,500 81,100 49,000 68,800 660,000 781,875 , 378,333 . 367,500 3,662,680 iterling ; and if rom the sale of orted from the the King's ao- the Averia, and legnor does not ew Spain may pounds sterling 38, tScc. Ac- I produce of thu edium to eight iliy, and to 6918 enX branches of in the course of ■e was no occa- :ticular illustro- the New World n, by a bull of lointed them to ler: One fourth diocess, another md other officeri> ig half is divided these, under the •eales, are paid to nch of the royal I are applied to bial clergy, the ches, and other vi. Ley, 83, . vol. i. p. 184. by an excise on amounts to ten IH* cent. Solor- , 8. I Avendano, paid in America 00 goods Imported and exported, may amonnt on an average to fifteen per cent. Recopil. lib. Tiii. tit. xiv. Ley, i. Avendano, vol. i. p. 188. The Averia, or tax paid on account of con- voys to guard the ships sailing to and from America, was first imposed when Sir Francis Drake filled the New World with terror by his expedition to the South Sea. It amounts to two per cent, on the value of goods. Aven- dano, vol. i. p. 189. llecopil. lib. ix. tit. ix. Ley, 43, 44. I have not been able to procure any accurate detail of the several branches of revenue in Peru later than the year 1614. From a curious ma- nuscript containing a state of that viceroyalty in all its departments, presented to the Marquis of Montes-Claros by Fran. Lo5>ez Caravaiites, accomptant-general in the tribunal of Lima, it appears that the public revenue, as nearly as I can compute the value of' the money in which Caravantes states his accounts, amounted in du- cata at 4s. lid. to 8,378,768 Expenses of government . . 1,848,998 Net free revenue 1,189,776 The total in sterling money Expenses of government . 36683,303 306,668 Net free revenue 877,735 But several articles appear to be omitted in this computation, such as the duty on stamped paper, leather, ecciesiastical annats, && so that the revenue of Peru may be well supposed equal to that of Mexico. In computing the expense of government in New Spain, I may take that of Peru as a stand- ard. There the annual establishment for de- fraying tiie charge of administration exceeds one half of the revenue coilected, and there is no reason for supposing it to be less in New Spain. I have obtained a calculation of the total amount of the public revenue of Spain from America and the Philippines, which, as the reader will perceive from the two last ai'ticles, is more recent than any of the former. Alcavalas (Excise) and Aduanas (Customs), &c. in pesos fuertes Duties on gold and silver . . Bull of Cruzado Tribute of th<> Indians .... By sale of quicksilver .... Psj»or exporter', on the King's ac- count, and sold in the royal ware-houses Carry forward 8,500,000 3,000,000 1,000,000 8,000,000 300,000 300,000 Brought forward 9,100,000 Stamped paper, tobacco, and other •mall duties 1,000,000 Duty on coinage of, at the rate of one real de la Plata for each mark 300,000 From the trade of Acapuico, and the coasting trade from province to province 500,000 Asslento of negroes S00,000 From the trade of Mathe, or herb of Paraguay, formerly monopo- lized by the Jesuits .... 600,000 From other revenues formerly be- longing to that order .... 400,000 Total . 12,000,000 Total in sterling money . . t'8,700,000 Deduct half, as the expense of ad- ministration, and there remains net free revenue £1,880,000 9,100,000 Note [197]. Page 876. An author long conversant in commercial spe- culation lias computed, that from the mines of New Spain alone the King receives annually, as his fifth, the sum of two millions of our money. Harris, Collect of Voy. il. p. 164. According to this calculation, the total produce of the mines must be ten millions sterling ; a sum so exorbitant, and so little corresponding with all accounts of the annual importation from America, that the information on which it is founded must evidently be erroneous. Ac- cording to Campomanes, the total product of the American mines may be computed at thirty millions of pesos, which, at four shillings and sixpence a peso, amounts to £7,485,000 sterling, the King's fifth of which (if that were regu- larly paid) would be £1,485,000. But from this sum must be deducted what is lost by a fraudulent withholding of the fifth due to the crown, as well as the sum necessary for de- fraying the expense of administration. £duc. Popular, vol. 11. p. 131. note. Both these sums are considerable. N. WE [198]. Page 876. AccoRDiNO to Bern, de Ulloa, all foreign goods exported from Spain to America pay duties of various kinds, amounting in ail to more than 85 per cent. As most of the goods with which Spain supplies her colonies are foreign, such a tax upon a trade so extensive must yield a considerable revenue. Retablis. de Manuf. et du Commerce d'Esp. p. 160. He computes the value of goods exported annually from Spain to America to be about two mil- lions and a half sterling, p. 97. ;;*; ' i! 3 I ft- 382 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. IfoTC [199], Pagx S75. Thi Marquli de Serralvo, according to Gage, by a monopoly of salt, and by embarking deeply in the Manilla trade, ai well aa in that to Spain, g^ed annually a million of ducats. In one year he remitted a million of ducata to Spain, in order to purchaie from the Conde Olivarei, and his creatures, a prolongHtion of his govern- ment, p. 61. lie was succesiitful in his suit, and continued In oiBcefrom 1684 to 1636, double the usual time. '^Ir «»- •'#• ;»>»F-. ,* 1 '.« ;'S •.('.-. - k M !1»ff .(»' INDEX. ABYSSINIA, nn embauy lent to that coantry by John II. King of Porluaal, 10. Acapulco, the nature of the trade carried on from thence to Manila, t7'4. Amount of the treaaore on board the ihip taken by Lord Anion, 379. Aeonta, his method of uccoundnB for the dilTerent dcneea of heat In tlio old aiid new cnntinenta, 334. Adair, bin account of the revengeful temper of the native Americana, 346. Adanson, hit juatiflcation of Hanno'f aceonnt of the African aoaa, 313. Afrira, the weatcm coast of, flnt explored by order of John I. King of Portugal, 14. la discovered from Cape Non to Bnjador, ib. Cnpo Bojador doubled, ib. The countrieit aouthward of the river Senegal discovered, 17. Cape of Good Hope aeeu by Bartholomew Dias, ID. Causes of the extreme heat of the climate there, 82. Ignorance of the ancient astronomers concerning, 324. Expedition to the coast of, 283. Agriculture, the state of, among the native Ameri. cans, 100. Two principal causes of the defect* of, lOO. Agiiado, is aunt to Hispaninia as a rommissiumer to inspect the condiwt of Columbus, 43, Agullar, Jcrom de, is relieved from a long captivity among the Indiaud at Cozumel by Fernando Cor- tes, 138. Albuguergue, Rodrigo, his barbarous treatment of the Indians of Hiapaninla, 09. Aleavata, in the Spanish Customs, the terms ex- plained, 3S0. Alexander the Great, hia political character, 9. His motive in founding the city of Alexandria, lb. His diacoveriea in Indui, 0. Alexander, VI. Pope, grants to Ferdinand and laa- bella of Castile the right of all their western dis- coveries, 37. Sends missionaries with Columbus on his second voyage, ib. Almagro, Diego de, his birth and character, 183. Associates with Pizarro and De Lunue in a voyage of discovery, 184. His unsuccesafnl attempts, ib. Is neglected by Pixarro in hia Spanish negotiation, 180. Is reconciled to him, 187. Brings reinforce- ment» to Piiarro at Peru, 103. Beginning of dis. sensiona between him and Pixarro, 107. Invades Chili, 108. Is created governor of Chili, and marches to Cozco, 300. Seizes Cuzco out of the hands of Pizarro, ib. Defeats Alvarado, and takes him priaoner, ib. Is deceived by the artful negoti. ations of Francia Pizarro, 201. Is defeated by the Pizarroa, ib. la taken prisoner, 203. Is tried and condemned, ib. la pot to death, 203. , the aon, nffbrds refuge to hia father^ follow- era at Lima, 20S. His character, 300. Heads a conspiracy against Francis Pizarro, ib. Piiarro assassinated, ib. Is acknowledged as hia auccessor, ib. Hia precarious situation, 307. Is defeated by Vaca de Cujtro, ib. Is betrayed and executed, 906. AlmnjorlJ'asgo, in the Spanish American Customs, the amount of, 380. Alvarado, Alonzo, is sent from Lima by Francis Pizarro with a body of Spaniards to relieve his brothers at Cuzco, 200. Is taken prisoner by Alma, gro, ib. His escape, 301. , Pedro de, is left by Cortes to command at Mexico, while he marched against Narvaez, 161. He is besieged by the Mexicans, 163. His impru. dent conduct, ib. His expedition to Quito in Peru, 106. Amaxons, a community of, said to exiit in South America, by Francia Orellana, 309. Ameriea.ihe continent of, discovered by Christopher Columbus. 49. How it obtained this name, 40. Ferdinand of Castile nominates two governments in, 03. The piopoaltions offered to the natives, ib, ni reception of Ojeda and Nicuess.i among them, ib. The South Sea discovered by Balboa, (M). Rio de Plata discovered, 60. Thenativea of.injuriously treated by the Spaniards, T6 The vaitt extent of, 80. The grand objects it presented to view, ib. ■ The circumstances of, favourable for commerce and civilization, ib. The climates of, 81. Various causes of the peculiarity of iu climates, ib. Its rude and uncultivated state when first discovered, 83. It* animals, ib. Its inaects and reptiles, 84. Birds, ib. General account of its soil, SS. Inquiry into the first population of, ib. Could not be peo- pled by civilized nations, 87. The northern extre- mity of, contiguous to Asia, 88. Probably peopled by Asiatics, 00. Condition and character of tho native inhabitants inquired into, 01. Were more rude than the natives of any other known parts of the earth, ib. The Peruvians and Mexicans ex- cepted, ib. The first discoverers incapable of a Judicious speculative examination, 03. The variuiia systems of philosophers respecting the natives, ib. Method observed in the present review of their bodily constitution and circumstances, 03. The venereal disease derived from this part of the world, 00. Why so thinly inhabited, 108. The country depopulated by continual wars, lis. Causes of the depopulaiion of, traced, 247. This depopulation not the result of any intentional system of policy, 248. Nor the result of religion, 240. Number of Indian natives atill remaining in Mexico and Peru, ib. All the Spanish dominions there anbjected to two viceroys, 390. Its third viceroyalty lately established, lb. Cause of the extreme coldness toward the sonthem extremity of, 338. The natural uncultivated state of the country defcril>ed, 130. Bones of large extinct species of animals discovered under ground near the banks of the Ohio, ib. W by European animals degenerate there, 337. Supposed to have under- gone a convulsive separation from Asia, 338. The vicinity of the two continents of Asia and Ameriea clearly ascertained, 338, 330, 340. See Mexico, Peru, Cortes, Pizarro, Cabot, &c. America, North, prrject of settling there, 384. First expedition to, fails, 289. A second expedition to, ends disastrously, ib. Plan of settling there re- sumed without eficct, ib. The coast of, divided in- to two parts, 380. Charters granted to two com- Ranies for settling colonies in, ib. Emigrationa om England to, 314. See Colonies, Neui Ming- land, Virginia, &c. Americans, native, in Spanish Ameriea, their bodily constitution and cotnplexion, 03. Their strength and abilities, ib. 04. lueir insensibility with regard to theirwomen, ib. No deformities in their frame, 06. This circumstance accounted for, ib. Unifor. mity of their colour, 07. A peculiar race of, described, ib. The Esquimaux, 08. Patagonians, ib. The existence of Patagooian giants yet remain- ing to be decided, ib. Their diseases, 90. The venereal disease peculiarly theirs, ib. lie powers and qualities of their minds, ib. Are only soli, eitous to supply immediate wants, ib. The art of computation scarcely known to tbem, 100. Have no abstraet ideas, ib'. The North Americans much more intelligent than those of the South, 101. Their aversion to labour, ib. Their aocial state, 103. Domestic onion, ib. The women 109 Their 384 INDEX. womvn not proliSo, 103. Their parental aflTectlon Hiid Hlial duty, 104, Their moilo* nf •ubtiituncu, ib. Fialiiiig, IU3. iluutiug, ib. AgricuUuro, lOll. Tbo varioiia object! of their culture, ib. Two principnl rauHea of the defect* of their ngriculture, 107. Their want uf tiimu auimul*, ib. Tlirir want of uiu- fill inetalK, 11)8. Their puliticul iiiHlitutioni, ib. Were ilividcil into aniall independent cummuultiM, ib. llnaci|uainted with the idea of property, IVO. Their high acnae of equality and indepeudeneo, ib. Their Ideaa of aubordination imperfect, 110. To what tribci thiau diacripliuns apply. >b. Some nxci'plioua, III. Florida, ib. Tliu Natchez, ib. Tho ialandi, ib. In liagotu, ib. Inquiry into the cauae< of theio irregiilaritiea, 113. Their art of wur, 113. Their motive* to hoatility, ib. Cauae* nf their ferocity, ib. Perpetuity of their animoaitiea, 114. Their mode* of conducting war, ib. Are not deatitutti rf courage and fortitude, 113. locapa- Lle of military diacipline, ib. Their treatment of priaonora, ib. Their fortitude under torture, I lU. Never oat human flc*h but to gratify revenge, 117. Huw the South Americana treated their priaooeva, ib. Their military education, ib. Strange method of chooaing u captain among tho Indian* on the bank* of the Orinoco, 1 18. Their number* waited by continual war*, lb. Their tribe* now recruit their number* by adopting priiouera, Hi), Are never formidable in war to moro puliahed naiiona, ib. Their art*, dre**, and omamcnta, ib. Theii ha- bitation*, 120. Their arma, 121. Their do i. *tic utenaila, 122. Conatruction of their canoca, ib. The liatlesanoaa with which thoy apply to lu'rnur, ib. Their religion, ib. Some tribua altogether dea- tituto of any, 123. Kemarkable diveraity in their religiuu* notion*, 124. Their ideas of the ioiT.iorta- lity of the aoul, 129. Their mode* of burial, ib. Why their phy*iciana pretend to be conjurors, ib. Their love of dancing, 127, Their immoderate paa- ■ion for gaming, 128, Are extremely addicted to drunkenncaa, ib. Put their aged and incurable to death, 130. General catimate of their character,ib. Their intellectual puwera, ib. Their political talenta, ib. Powers of aft'ection, 131. Hardness of heart, ib. Their insensibility, 132. Taciturnity, ib. Their cunning, ib. Their virtues, 133, Their spirit of independence, ib. I'orcitude, ib. Attachment to their community, V . Their sati^factian with their own condition, ib. cientral caution with re- spect to this inquiry, 134. T-vo distingiiiahablu classes, 133. Exceptions as to their character, ib. An antipathy industriously encouraged between them ami the Negroes in America, by tho Spa- niards, 233. Their present condition, ib. How taxed, ib. Stated services demanded from them, ib. Mode of exacting these services, ISO. How eoverned, ib. Protector of the Indiana, hi* funt. tlon, ib. Reasons why so small a progress is made in their conversion, 290, Their characteriatir features described, 340. Instances of their perse- vering speed, ib, Amerigo, Veapucci, publishes the first written ac- count of the New World, and hence gave name to America, 40. Hi* claim as a discoverer examined, 331. Anacoana, a female caxique of Hispaniola, her base and cruel usage by the Spaniards, 98, 90. Andes, stupendous height and extent of that range of mountainSj 80. Their height compared with other mountains, 333. Gonialo Pizarro's remark- able expedition over, 204, AntmahfitLtge, very few fotmd in America At its first discovery, 84. Ancients, cause of the imperfection of the art of na> vigation among them, i. Their geographical know- ledge extremely confined, 324. Arablatu peculiarly attached to the study of Geogra- phy, 9. Argonauts, the expedition of, why so famous among the Greeks, 4. Arithmetic, or computation, the art of, hardly known to the native Americans, 100, Ascollno, Father, his extraordinary mission to the Prince of the Tartars, 11. Asiatic discoveries made by the Russians, 80. Atsiento trade, the nature of, explained, 267. The frauds in, and how put an end to, ib. 280. Atahualpa, is left by hi* father Huascar his sncces. ■or in the kingdom of Quito, ISO. Defeats his bro- ther Huascar, and usurps the ompirt of Peru, ib. Sends prcients to I'ixarro, 190. Visits PlMrra,lVI. Is porAdiou*ly ■eiied by him, 102. Agree* with Pisarro on a rBn*nm, ib. la refu*ed hi* liberty, 103, Hi* behaviour during hi* confinement, 104, A fxiin of trial be*towod on him, ib. la put to death, 109. Comparison of authorilie* relating to hi*tran*actinu*with,audtrealmentby Pisurro, 300. Aiiitience of New Spain, board of, e*titbUBhed by the Kuiperur Charles v., 182. Courts la, as Chief Judge, to regulate tbo treatment of the Indiana, 73. Causes this subject to bo debated before him, 79. Equips a squadron at the solicitation of Ferdinand Magellan, 177. Resigns bia claim on the Moluccaa to tho Portu. ftuese, 170. Appoints Cortes governor of New ^^pai^, 180. Rewards him on coming home, 183. E«tabli»lies a board called tho Audience of New Spaiu, ib. His consultations on American affairs, 308. Eatablisbes new regulations, 300. Chfsapeak. See Virginia. Chill, ia invaded by Almagro, 108. How subjected iM)« ml ita oli» iu< neglevri.NJI. fruiii I'cr- by the Spaniards, 34>. Kxeei*^ and noil, 344. Cauae uf ita I Prospect of Its im|iriivem«iif. < Chiqultos, politlcul alalu uf that | uaudez, 340. Chocotate, thu uao of, derived frum lao Mexicoua. 300. ' VhoMa, in Mexico, arrival of Cortea there, wilU aome account of the town, 190. A cooapiraoy agaiuat Cortes diiouverod, and the iobiibllauts duatroyed, 191. Church government, sentiments rcapectlag, at tho Ktiformatlon, SOS. Religioua poraecution iu the reigns of Queen Mary and Qui^un Eliiabutb, 308. Intolerant spirit of the church, 300. Suparatiou nf tho Puritans from the church, Ib. They are reduced into an ecclesiastical system by Robert Hrowo, a popular declaimer, and adopt the name uf Rrown. Ists, 810. Take refuge iu Holland, ib. Remove thence to America, lb. Church government Is cstabliHhud in Masaachusets Buy, 813. Its intole- rance, ib. Thu lutulerance of Laud increases the emigrations from England, 314. Cieiro, instance uf bia ignorance iu gongrnphy, 333. Clnaloa, political statu of the peoplu there, 348. Their mode at living, 348. Aro destitute of all religion, 390. Extraordinary largo grain of gold foiuid there, 300. CVn<£ul//a, in the province of Sonera, late discove- ries of rich mines made there by thu Spaniard!, 343. Probable effects of these diacoveriua, ib. Clarlgero, M., several of his objections answered, 379—377. Clemtnl, VI., Pope, oroets tho Canary Islands into n kingdom. 13. Climates, inUuenced by a variety of causes, 81. Their operation on mankind, 134. Inquiry into the cause of the diflerent degrcea of heat in, 334. Cochineal, an important production, almost peculiar to New Spain, 303. Colli, extraordinary predominance of, in tho climate of AmoricB, 81. Causes of this peculiarity, ib. Colonies, English American, project of cettliug them 384. Two expeditions fail, 389. Thu first colony cstubliahcd in Virginia, 380. Iu danger of perish- ing by famine : it returns to England, ib, A second attempt made to aettle there, but tbo colony periahea ty famine, 387. The scheme of settling there is abandooud, ib. Circumstancoi in the reign of Elizabeth unfavourable to colonization, 388. The reign of James favourable to the eata- bliahmeut of colonics, ib. Jamos divides the coast of America into two parts, the one called tbo firat or south colony of Virginia ; the other, tho second or north colony, 380. He grants charters to two companies for tho government of them, ib. Tenor and defects of those charters, ib. Under thoao charters the aettlements of tho Eugllah in Virginia and New England were eatabliahed, 300. Capt. Newport sails from England for Virginia, ami dis. covers the Chesapeak, ib. Sails up Jamea-River, and founds a settlement in James-Town, ib. Its bad adminiatration, ib. It is annoyed by the Indi- ana, and auffcrs from scarcity and the unbealtbi. ncas of tho climate, 301. Seasonable succours aro sent from England, ib. A survey of the country is undertaken, 303. The colony depends for aubaJH- tence chiefly on supplies from the natives, ib, A change is made in the constitution of the company, and a new charter is granted with more nmplu privileges, ib. Lord Delaware is appointed gover- nor of the colony, ib. Anarchy prevails there, 303, It is almost reduced by famine, ib. Lord Delaware arrives, and by his wise administration reatorei order and diacipline, 304, His health obliges him to return to England, and he is superseded by Sir Thomas Dale, who eatabliahea martial law, ib, A new charter is issued to the colony, and new privi- leges are granted, ib. Cultivation of the land is promoted, and a treaty entered into with tho natives, ib. The land in Virginia becomes property, 209. The culture of tobacco is introduced, and its pemicioua conaequences, ib. The company in England send out a number of young women to induce the colonists to form moro extensive plana of induatry, 30O. Negroes aro first introduced, ib. A new constitution Is given to the colony, ib. A general massacre of thu English ia planned by tlio Indians, and executed in most uf the settlements, 3D 886 INDEX. 'MT. A Dinoily ' null nolllii'r nlit nor young ara ■pared, WH, Tlio icr. tlvnivnla vKti'iiil, and Indiiiitry revlrtis, ib. Ilufocta ' in tho Aral eonntltiitlnn nf tho eolnniei, •'MM. King { Oharlsa'a arlillriiry K"*i>">""'"'<'f thorn, lb, II.1 1 Rraotn tlioin new )irivlloiifii, 311), Tlioy floiirUh iiii- dur thu now anvi'miiiitnt, ll>. 'I'liu colouiitii ri'inoin ' attached to tno royul cnuat', iiml piirliamvut innke* war on Virginia, which la nbllKi'd to admnwlvdaii thn Oommonwonllh, Ib. Hoatriiinta arii laid on tho trado of thu I'olimioa, :i03. Tho coloninta aru dltaa. tiaAvd with thoao mtrainta, Ib. Are the Atat Id ac- knowlcdgo Charloa II., but thair loyalty ia III ro> wardad.ib. ReatralnM on tb 'rcommcreo Airlhor fixtonded by the navigation DM. Effvcta of the act, ib. Colonlata remonaualo againat it, Ib. Tho oniony of Virginia it attaelied by tho Indiana, ib. Diacnntonta aro produced by tho grauti of laud by thu crown, ib. A colony la ealMbUahod at Now Plymouth In New England, 311. Plan of tta ' BOTomnient, ib. A grand council ia appolnti'd, SIS. A new colony Ik prqlecled, ib. Sottlea nt Muaaa- chuauta Bay, 313, The charter of the company in England being tranafvrred to tho enloniun, they ex- tend in conaequonce of it, .114. Tho roloniata in. croaae, 313. New aettlora arrive, 310. Muctariea (ettlu in Providnnce aud Rhode Island, 317. Thuo- loglual coDteiita give riao to a colony ut C'onnectl. > out, ib, Cmigranti4 from Miuiachuiiuta Day aottio there, Ib. Suttlvnioiita »rit I'lirnied in thcprovlncea of New llampahlrt' and Main, SIrt. Stale of the colnnlea at thit Hi^volution, 310. Are exempted from certain dutiea, 3il. Kilter into a league of confederacy, lb. Asanme tho right of coining, ib. Are pntronixed by Cromwell, who propnaea to trana- port tliom (o Jaiualcn, at']. Tlioy derliuo Ilia offer, Ib. 8uu Keiv England, Virginia, &c. i ColoHlet, Spaniah America, viuw of the policy and trade of, 247. Depopulation i!-n firat eflcct of thuin, : ib. Cauaea of thia dnpopu'iilok, ib. The am.iirpox rery fatal to, 34H. Gene: I idea of the Kpaniiih policy in, 940. Early inter poaltion of the regal au- thority in, ib. An excliuivu trade the flrat object in, 352. Compared with thnao of ancient Greece ami Roino,ib, Tho great reatriutiona they are subject to,ib. Slow progreaa of their population from Ku, rope, 231. Are diacouraged by tiio atale of proper. ty tliere, ib, and by the nature of their ('('>'k'sia^ti. cal poliry, lb. The varioua claanea of pt'cplu in, 394. EccU'siaatical rouatitiition of, 237. Form ami enilowmcnta of the church there, 238. Pernicious olfecta of monastic inatitutiona tboro, il). Charnc. ter of the eccleaiaatica there, ili. Productions of, 200. Tlio miuea, 2«)l. Those of Potoai and Race, tecaa, ib. The apirit with which they nro worked, ib. Katn! cfl'ccta nf this ardour, 20']. Other com. moditiea that compose tho commerce of, ib. Amaz- ing increase of homed rattio there, 203. Advanta. sea which Spain formerly derived from them, ib. Why the aame advantages are not still received, ib. Guarda costoa employed to cKeck tho contra- band trade in, 308. The lue of register ahipa Intro, duced, ib, and goleona laid aaido, ib. Company of the Caraccaa inatitnted, 260. Eatabliabmaut of'^re. 6ular packet boata to, 270. Free trade permitted atween them-, ib. New regulationa in the (|0Tern. ment of, 271. Reformation of tho courts of jnatice, 373. Nowdistributionofgovemmenta, ib. A fourth viceroyalty eatabliahed, ib. Attempta to reform domestic policy, ib. Their trade with the Philip, pine iaianda, 273. Revenue derived from, by Spain, 374. Expense of adminiatration there, 273. State of population in, 371. The number of monaateiiea there, 374. See Mexico, Peru, &c. Columbui, Bartholomew, ia sent by hia brother Christopher to negotiate with Henry VII. King of England, 23. The misfortunes of hia voyage, 24. FoUowa his brother to Hisp»nioln, 40. Ia vested with the administration of afTairs there by bis brother on hia return to Spain, 43. Founda the town of St. Domingo, 46. . , Cliristophur, birth and cdncntion of, 20. Hia early voyagea, ib. Marries and settles at Lis. bon, ib. Hia geographical reflections, 21. Con. ceivea the idea of making diacnveriea to the west. ward, ib. Ufferahia aervicea to the Genoese senate, 22. Cause of hia overturea being rejected in For. tugal, ib. Applict to the courts of CaatUe and Eng- land, 1.1, lll.'t proposal, how trratnl liy tho R|);i niah leographera, ili. la piitroiiitnU by Juan Perti, S4. illapropoaala again njected, 23, la iuvidil by laabella, and engaard In tho Spmiah aervii-u, 90. Preparatioiia for Ilia voyage, Ib. Tlie amounl of hia equipment, ib. fiiiila from Spain, 27. Il|« vigilant attention to all clrcumatanntm durliiK Ills voyage, ib. Apprehensinna of hia crew, ili. I|it< addreaa in quieting Ihelr rubaia, ib. Indlcotimi of their apprnacbiiig bind, 711. An iaiand dlacovi 1 fld, ib. Ho lands, JO. Ilia interview with the im^ tlvua, ib. Niunea the biland Hao Salvadnre, Ih. I'roaeculea his diai'ovuriea southward, 31, Diai'n. vera and land* on thu island of Cuba, Ib, Diaro. vers lliapauiula, ib, Sull'urs ablpwrei-k, butia saved by the Indiana, 32, Itiiildii a fort, 3.1, Koturna tn Kiirope, :I4. Hia cxpi'dliiit tn prenerve the nu-- mory of hia diacnvcrlea during a aturm,ib. Arrlii'M at the Azurua, 32, Arrive* nt Uabon, lb, Hia ri'. eeplion In Spain, lli, Hia audience with Kerilinniiil and Isabella, ib. His eiiuipment for a aecond voy- age, 37. Dlarovtra thu Curribbre Uhiiiila, ib. Finds hia colony on llispaniola deatroyud, 38, Biillila n city, which he ralla laabella, ib. VUlts the interior puria of tho country, 31). Ilia men dlacnnteuted niiil fiiclioua, 411. Dlscnvera the island of Jamaica, ib. Meets hia brother Bartholomew nt laabella, Ib, Thu natlvea ill iiseil by hia men, and begin to be ninmi ed, 41. Ho defuata thn Iniliiuia, 4'i. Exacts tribiilu from them, Ib. Rotuma to Spain to justify bis con duct, 43. Ia furnished with a more regiiiur plan fur colonization, 44. His third voyage, 13. Discuvera the iaiand of Trinidad, ib, Discuvera the cnutincut of America, ib. Slate of Hispaniola on bis arrival, 46, Conipoaea the mutiny of Roldan and hia a. Hia raib xeal, 130, Proceeda to Cho- liibi, lb. Diacovera ni-nnapirany agalnat biin there, and deatroya the Inhaultiinta, 1,11, Approachea in aight of tbe sapitul city of Mexico, lb. Hia Drat interview with Montexiima, lav. Ilia anxiity at hia aiiiiation in thi< city of Mexico, IM, Meiiea MuMte^umn, I.M. Ordera bim to bo fettered, ib. Heoaona of hia rondiirt, ISO. PreTulla on Monte, ziima to own hluiaelf a vaaial to thu BpauUb rrown, IA7. Aiununl and divlalon of hia treaaure, it>. Knriigea tbo Mexicana by hia Imprudent xeal, l,Vi. An armament aent by Velaaquex to auper- ai'de him, 150, Hia dellboratlona on thia erent, 100. Adi am-ca to meet Narraex, 101. Uefeata Narraox, and Inkea him priaoiier. ItM. Oaina over the Spa. ■liah aiildiera to hia Interoat, lb. Returna to Mexico, lai. Ilia improper conduct on hia arrival, ib. la reanlulely attacked by tbo Mexlcana, 104. Atlacka them in return without aucceaa, Ib. Ueotb of Montexuma, 103. Hia extraordinary encapo from death, ib, Abandona the city of Mexico, ib. la attacked by tbe Mexlcana, 100, Hia grunt In^aea In tbe eoconiitur, ib. DifDcultlea of hia retreat, ili. ilnttle nf Utumba, 107. Defeat! the Mexlcana, ib. Mutinoua apirit of bU troopi, lOH. Reduoea the Tepearana, ib. la atrongthened by leveral rein, forcementa, 100. Keturna towarda Hexioo, ib. KatuliliabuH bia head quarter! at Texouco, 170. Hvducea or conclliatea the aurronnding country, ib. Cabala among bia tronpa, 171. Hi* prudence in auppreaaing lliein, ib. Iliiilda and launcbea a fleet of 'irigiintinca on thu lake, 172. Beaiegta Mexico, lb. Makea a griind asaiiult to take tbe city by atorin, but ia repulaod, 174. Kvadea tbe Mexican prophecy, ib. Tukea Uualimozin priaouer, 170. Uaina poaaeaaioii of tbo city, ib, and nf the whole empire, 177. Uefeata another attempt to ■uperaede him in bia command, 170. Ia appiimtod gnverunr of New Spain, 180. Hia scbeniea and nrran!;umouta, ib. Cruel treatment of the natives, ib. Hia conduct aubjected to inquiry, IHl. Keturna to Spain to juatify himaelf, Is't. Ia re- warded by tbo Kmpcrnr Obarlea V., ib. (>oea back to Mexico with limited powera, lb, Uiacovera California, ib. Retuma to Spain and dlea, 183. Inquiry Into tho noturo ot hia letter* to the Km- peror Cbnvlea V,, 331, Authors who wrotu of hia eonqiieat iif Now Spain, 392. C.iuiicil of the ludie-t, ita powor, 251. Creoles in tlio Spaniah American Colonica, cliuractcr of, 234. Vroglan, Colonel Ocorge, hia account of tbediacovury of the bonea of a large extinct apecioa uf animals in North America, 330. Crusadei to the Hnly Land, tbe great political advan. tage.i derived from, by tbe European nationa, 10. Crusado, bulla of, publiabed regularly every two yeara in the Spaniah cnlouiea, 274. I'rlcea of, and amount uf the salo at the last publication, 304. Cuba, the island of, discovered by Cristopber Colum- bus, 31. Ia sailed round by Ocarapo, 01. The conquest of, undertaken by Diego Velasijuez, 04. Cruel treatment of tho caziquo Hatucy, and his repartee to a friar, ib. Columbus's enthusiastic description of a harbour in, 327. Tlio tobacco pro- duced there the finest in all America, 903. Culidgua, a poarl flahery catablished there, 02. Cumana, the natives of, revenge their ill treatment by tbe Spaniards, 70. The country desolated by Diego Ocampo, ib. Cuxco, the capital of the Peruvian empii;n, founded by Manco Capac, I8B. Is seized by I'lzorro, ISO. Ia besieged by the Peruvians, 100. la surprised by Almagro, ib. U rvvovereU and pillaged by tho I'lsarrnn, 203. Was the only i ity in all Peru, 310. liaHfliig, I he love uf, u favuiirile paa-'iiin among the Americana, 127. IturU H, thu imhtiius of, d> Kribid, (!,V Tbo Increase of settlement there uliKtructed by the noxiuusnuaa of tbo rlinmte, 243, Uflauarr, l,ord, la apixiliiled governor ef Virginia, 303. Ilia wise adiniuialraliiiu there, 304. la obliged to return to Kngland on account of hia health, ib. Ih< fliillt, his unfortunatu expedition up thu river Plata, 00. , Antonin, character of hia Hialorlu de la ConquiataUe Mexico, 333. IfKiilnllucht, Pi lure, viceroy of Peru, hia vigoroua me.iaures fur reatraiulug the exceaaea of the regular clergy there, 330. Rendered IneU'ectiiiil, ib. Dliix, llartholomew, diacovera the Cupu of Uund Hope, 10. IJIscdifrlis, the iliflerencu between those mado by land and those by aea atatud, 3it. Hoiliirll, bia olijictiona to the Periplus of Hanno exploded, 103. IJiinilHgii, St., on tbe iaiand ef lllnpauiola, founded by Hartholomew Coluniliua, 441, OomlnlciDu, thosu In llinpaniolu publicly romon. strata iigainst tbe cruel treatment of the Indians, 71). See l.a.i CufU). Drake, Sir Prancis, sails round the World. 384. OruiikfiiHiss, strong propensity of tbo Ami to indulge in, 138. Earth, the globo of, how dirlded into wnoi ' i ancients, 8. EgyptUmt, ancient, state of commerce and naviga- tion among them, 3. Et Do ado, wonderful reports of a country so colled, mad I by I'raucia Orellana, 30S. Eltfihant, that animal peculiar to the torrid zone, 330, Elhabeth, the reign nf, auspicious to discovery, 383. She cnciiuragea commerce, and aecurea Ibu trado toRn9»ia,ib. Circumstances in her reign unfavour- able to cnlnnixation, 388. Her high idea of her aupcriur akill in theology, 308, note. Eiriniiil, rurinua ralrndiir discovered in tho library tbire by Mr. Waddiluve, 'MO, Deacriptiou of that vnlimble innuument uf .Mexican art, ib. Esquimaux Indiana, ruaemblance between them and ttieir neighbniira thu Ureuulundera, 00. Somo account of, ,110. EugtHc IV., Pope, grants to the Portuguese an ex- cluaive right to all the countries they abould dis- cover, frum Capo Non to the continent of India, 17. Europe, how aflucted by the diamoniberment of thu Roman empire by the barbarous nationa, 0. Revi- val of commerce and navigation, ib. Political advantogoa derived from the cruaadea, 10. Ferdlnaud, King of Castile — see Columbus and Isa- bella — turns his attention at length to tho regula. liuu uf American afl'airs, SO. Don Diego de Colum- bus sues out hia fntbor'a claims against him, 01. Erects two governments on tho continent of Ame- rica, 02. Senda a fleet In Darien, and auperscdea lialbua, 07. Appoints llalbua lieutenant governor of the countries on the South Sea, 08. Sends Oiaa de Soils to discover n western passage to tbe Moluccas, 00. Thwarts the measures nf Diego Columbus, ib. His decree coucorning the treat- ment of the Indians, 70. Eeruaudez, Don Diego, character of his Hiatoria del Peru, 350. , P., his description of the political state of the Cbiqiiitos, 340. Fleueroa, Koderigo do. is appointed chief judge of Uispaniola, with a commission to examine into the treatment of tho Indian natives, 73. Makes an experiment to determine the capacity of the Indi- ans, 70. Florida, di.scovertd by Juan Ponco de Leon, 05. Tho chiefs there hereditary, HI. Account of, from Alvara Nugncz Cabeca de Veca, 344. Flola, Spauish, some account of, 365. ^u/ijc(°a, Ilidbop of Badqjos, minister for Indian atfairs, obntructa tho plans of coloniiation and dis- covery formed by Columbus, -Vi, 44. Patronizes tho expedition of Alouzo do Ojeda, 43. 388 INDEX. Froblshei , Maruu, ■uiu.es three uniincceaiiful attoinpta to discuvcr a north east pnssagu to India, i284. Galeons, Spanish, the nature and purpose of these vessels, 303. Arrangement of their voyage, >b. Galvez, Don Joseph, sent to discover the true state of California, 243. < Oama, Vasco de, his voyage for discovery, 47. I)oubIes the Cape of Good llnpe, ib. Anchors bc- tbre the city of Melindu, 48. Arrives at Calecut, in Malabar, ih. (laming, strange propensity of the Americans to, 128. Ganges, erroneous ideas of the ancients as to the position of that river, 324, Gatca, Pedro do la, sent to Peru as president of the Court of Audience in lama, 213. His character and moderation, ib. The powers he was vested with, ib. Arrives at Panama, 210. Acquires pos> session of Pamuua with the llect and forces there, | ib. Advances towards Cuzco, 217. Pizarro's I troops desert tu him, 218. His moderate use of the > victory, ib. Devises employment for his soldiers, 220. His division of the country among his follow- ers, ib. The discontents it occasions, ib, Itestores order and government, ib. His reception at his return to Spain, 221. Geminus, instance of his ignorance in geography, 323. Geography, the knowledge of, extremely confined among the ancients, 8. Became a favourite study among the Arabians, 10. Giants, the accounts of, in our early travellers, uneonArmed by recent discoveries, 12, 341. Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, conducts the first colony to North America, 284- A charter ia granted to him and his heirs, ib. Conducts another expedition, which ends disastrously, and in which be perishes, 283. Giola, Flnvio, the inventor of tliu mariner's com pass, 12. Globe, its division into zones by the ancients, 8. Gold, why the first metal with which man was ac- quainted, 108. Extraordinary large grain uf, found in the mines at Cinaloa, 300. Gomara, character of bis Cronica de la Nneva Kspagna, 332. Good Hope, Cape of, discovered by Bartholomew Diaz, 22. Gosnold, Bartholomew, Is the first who attempts to steer a direct course from England to North Ame- rica, 288. Descries Maasachusets Bay, and re- turns to England, ib. The consequences of his voyage, ib. Govemtnent, no visible form of, among the native Americans, 110. Exceptions, III. Gran L'haco, account of the method of making war among the natives of, from Lozano, 347. ilianada, new kingdom of, in America, by whom reduced to the Spanish dominion, 244. Its climate and produce, ib. A viceroy lately established there, 290. Greeks, ancient, progress of navigation and discovery among them, 4. Their commercial intercourse with other nations very limited, 14. Greenland, its vicinity to North America, 00. Greenville, Sir Richard, establishes a colony in Vir- ginia, which, being in danger of perishing by famine, is obliged to return to En^'und, 280, Appears off the coast soon after the departure of the colony, and lands fifteen of his crow to keep poBBSssion of the island, who are destroyed by the savages, 287. Grilalva, Juan de, sets out from Cuba on a voyage of discovery, 78. Discovers and gives name to New Spain, ib. His reasons for not planting a colony in his newly discovered lands, 70. Guarda Cottas, employed by Spain to check illicit trade in the American colonies, 208. Guatimala, the indigo there superior to any in Ame- rica, 202. Guattmoxin, nephew and son-in.law of Montezuma, succeeds Qnetlavaca in the kingdom of Mexico, 170. Repulses the attacks nf the Spaniards in storming the city of Mexico, 174. Is taken prisoner by Cortes, 170. Is tortui«d to discover his trea- sure, ib. Is hanged, 180. Gutana, Outeh, cause of the excessive fertility of the soil there, 337. Ilaklnyt improves the naval and commercial skill of the age in which he lived, 288. Is empowered to settle any part of the south colony of Virginia, 280. Hanno, his Periplus defended, with an account of his voyage, 323. Hatuey, a razique of Cuba, his cruel treatment, and memorable repartee to a Franciscan friar, 04. Uawkisuorth's voyages, account of New Holland, and the inhabitants from, 343. Heat, the different degrees of, In the old and new continents, accounted for, 334. Estimated, 337. Hfiiry, Prince of Portugal, his character and studii's, IS. Expeditions formed by his order, ib. Applies fur a papal grant of his new discoveries, 10. His death, 17. Hirrada, Juan de, assassinates Francis Pizurro, 200. Dies, 2U7. Hrrrera, the best historian of the conquest of New Spain, 332. His account of Urelliuia's voyage, 302. lllspaniola, the island of, discovered by ChrLitoplicr Columbu!), 31. His transactions with tlie natives, 32. A colony left there by Columbus, 34. The colony destroyed, 38. Columbus builds a city called Isabella, ib. The natives ill used, and begin to be alarmed, 41. Are defeated by the Spaniards, ib. Tribute exacted from them, 42. Tliey scheme to starve the Spaniards, ib. St. Domingo founded by Bartholomew Columbus, 40. Columbus sent home in irons by Bovadilla, 51. Nicholas de Orando appointed governor, ib. Summary view of the conduct of the Spaniards towards the natives of, . 37. Unhappy fate of Anacoaua, 50. CSrent pro- duce from the mines there, ib. The inhabitants diminish, 00. The Spaniards recruit them by trepanning the natives of the Lucayos, ib. Arri- val of Don Diego de Columbus, 61. The natives of, almost extirpated by slavery, 03, 00. Contro- versy concerurag the treatment of them, 70. Columbus's account of the humane treatment ho received from the natives of, 327, Curious instance of superstition in the Spanish planters there, 337. Holguin, Pedro Alvarez, erects the royal standard in Peru, in opposition to the younger Almagro, M7. Vaca de Castro arrives, and assumes the command, ib. Horner, his account of the navigation of the ancient Ureeks, 4. Honduras, the value uf that country, owing to its production of the logwood tree, 243. Horned cattle, amazing increase of them in Spanish America, 263. Horses, astonishment and mistakes of the Mexicans at the first sight of them, 354. Expedient of the Peruviana to render them incapable of action, 302, Huana Capac, loca of Peru, his character and family, 180. Huascar Capac, Inca nf Peru, disputes his brother Atahaalpa'S succession to Quito, 180. Is defeated and taken prisoner by Atahualpn, ib. Solicits the assistance of Pizarro against bis brother, 100. la put to death by order of Atahualpn, 103. Hutchinson, Mrs., heads a sect of religious women in New England, who are denominated Antinomi- ans, 310. Her doctrines are condemned by a general synod there, 317. Ineas of Peru, received origin of their empire, 188. Their empire founded both in religion and policy, 233. See Peru, India, the motives of Alexander the Rreat in his exjiediton to, 9. The commerce with, how carried on in ancient times, 7, and when arts began to revive in Europe, 0. The first voyage made round the Cape of Good Hope, 47. Attempts to discover a north-west passage to, unsuccessful, 281, 284, An attempt made by the north-east to, 'J82. A company of merchants in England is incoriiorated to prosecute discoveries in, ib. A communication with, attempted by land, ib. The design ia encouraged by Queen Elizabeth, 283. Indians in Spanish America. See Americans. Indies, West, why Columbus's discoveries were ao named, SO. Innocent IV., Pope, his extraordinary mission to the Prince of the Tartara, II. Inquisition, court of, when and by whom first intro. duccd into Portugal, 326. INDEX. 389 til au account of ucis Piznrro, 200. 1 of the ancieut Insects aud reptilea, why so numerous and noxious in America, 84. Iron, the reason why savage nations were unac- quainted with this metal, 108. liiihella, Queen of Castile, is applied to by Juan I'croz in bchulf of Christopher Columbus, 34. Is agnin applied to by Quiutanilla and Santangel, 33. Is pruTuiled on to equip him, 26. Dies, 37. Her real motives for encouraging discoveries in Amer- ica, 348. , the city of, in Hispaniola, built by Christopher Columbus), 38. Ituli/, the firdt country in Europe where civilizntiun and arts revived after the overthrow of the Roman empire, 10. The commercial spirit of, active aud enterprising, ib. Jiimaica, discorered by Christopher Columbus, 40. Jerome, St., three monks of that ordur sent by Car. dinal Ximenes to Hispaniola to regulate the treat- ment of the Indians, 7 1 . TUeir conduct under this commission, 73, are recalled, 73. Jesuits, acquire an abaolute dominion over Califor- nia, 343. Their motives for depreciating the coun- , try, ib. Jews, ancient state of commerce and navigation among tbem, 3. John (., King of Portugal, the first who sent ships to explore the western coast.of Africa, 14. His son, I'nucc Ilcury, cngai^eg in these attempts, 15. II., King of Purtupal, patronises all attempts towards discoveries, 17. Scuds an embassy to Abyssinia, 11). His ungenerous treatment of Colum- bus, 33. I.-ii/rone Islands, discovered by Ferdinand Magellan, 178. f'likes, amazing size of those in North America, SO. l.as Cams, Hartholomew, returns from Hispaniola to solicit the cause of the enslaved Indians at the court of Spain, 71. Is sent back. wi(h pciwers by Cardin,il Ximenes, ib. Kcturns dissatisfied, 73. Procures a new cummision to be sent over on this subject, 73. Itecommends the scheme of supplying tbu colonies with Negroes, ib. Undertakes a new colony, 74. His conference with the Bishop of Oarien before the Emperor Charles V., 75. (ioes to America, to carry bis schemes into execution, ib. Circumstances unfavourable to him, ib. His final miscarriage, 76. Revives bis representations in favour of the Indians, at the desire of the Emper- or, 309. Composea a treatise on the destruction of America, ib. I.eon, Pedro Cieza de, character of his Cronica del Peru, 358. I.r.ry, his description of the courage and ferocity of the Toupinambos, 347. T.lmi', the city of, in Pern, founded by Pizarro, 108. lAston, Mr., the British Minister at Madrid, his an- swer to several interesting inquiries relating to the admission of Indians into holy orders, 370; IjOgttioo^, the commodity that gives importance to the provinces of Honduras and Yucatan, 243' Policy of the Spaniards to defeat the English trade in, ib. Louis, St., King of France, his embassy to the Chan of the Tartars, II. /,() :ana, his account of the method of making war among the natives of Gran Cbaco, 347. l.iique, Hernando de, a priest, associates with Pizar- ro in his Peruvian expedition, 184. /Ifiiftelra, the island of, first discovered, 19. jlfnrfoc. Prince of North Wales, story of his roy- ngi! and discovery of North America examined, 339. llliigellan, Ferdinand, his acconnt of the gigantic size of the Patagonians, 08. Tlie existence of this gigantic race yet to be decided, ib. His introduction to the court of Castile, 177. Is equipped with a squadron for a voyage of discovery, ib. Sail.i through the famous strait that bears his name, 178. Discovers the Ladrone and Philippine islands, ib. Is killed, ib. Magnet, its property of attracting iron known to the ancients, but not its polar inclination, 3. Extra- ordinary advantagm rsaqlting from this discovery. Malo, St., aceoirat of its commerce with Spanish America, 367. ^anco Capac, founder of the Peruvian empire, ac- count of, 188. Af anile elite. Sir John, his eastern travels, with a cha- racter of liis writings, 13. ^/an/f Otumba, 167. The Tepea- cans reduced, 100. Preparations of the Mexicans against the return of Cortes, 170. Cortes besieges the city with a fleet on the lake, 173. The Spa. niards repulsed in storming the city, 174. Guati. mozin taken prisoner, 170. Cortes appointed go- vernor, 180. His schemes and arrangements, ib. Inhuman treatment of the natives, ib. Reception of the new regulations there, 181, List and cha- racter of those authors who wrote accounts of the conquest of, 351. A retrospect into the form of go- vernment, policy, and arts in, 221. Our informa- tion concerning, very imperfect, 222. Origin of the monarchy, 333. Number and greatness of the pities, 314. Mechanical professions there distin. S90 INDEX. guialied from each otbor, ii5, Diatiaction of ranks, ib. Political iostitutiuna, 22U. I'uwur and ■plunilour of their monarclu, 227. Order of ^o■ Toruinent, ib. Proviiiion for the support of it, ib. Police of, ib. Their arta, ib. Their puintin^a, 228. Their method of computing time, 32U. Tlieir wara coDtiaual and ferocious, 230. Their funeral ritea, ib. Imperfection of their agriculture, ib. Doul>ta concerning the extent of tbu empire, 231. Little intercourse among its several provinces, ib. Igno- 'ance of money, ib. State of their cities, ib. Temples and other public buildings, 232. Religion of, 233. Cauaca of t!ie depopulation of this coun- try, 247. The small-pox very fatal there, ib. M umber of Indian natives remaining there, 240. Description of the aqueduct for the supply of the capital city, Cnd Hhode Island, le to the colony of rom Massachusets The Dutch, who >WU8 on the river Settlements are w Hampshire and >ts of tlie E.igli8h b. War with tho 0. Purification of are defeated, ib. 1, ib. Emigrations are prohibited by Maasachusets Bay have forfeited its Itates in, 321. See ribed, 334. Disco- le country and in- II. See ColoHtes, i by Juan de Gri- irica, 49. 2s have migrated to 'iceroy of Peru, to 10. His character, stro to prison, ib. the court of audi- ^covers his liberty, ib. Is pursued by ited and lulled by on from Hispaniola ana, 76. round Cuba, and kte the intercourse tinned long a for- .v.t and Navigation, jdition tu the West [e, 52. Obtain* a 1. , checks the rash xica, ISO. Is sent ■vaez, too. 9 the command ot and deserts hlni, n, ib. Returns to ul discoveries, 205. B, 362. fiarty against tho led b]' them, 202. Dvered by Christn- lethod of choosing )es on the banks nf, h in, 344. irant of tho art of I and the Mexicans, rnor to Hispaniola, b. Refuses admis- li voyage, M. His mbus on his ship, length, and !>enaa ir with the Indians, m, ib. Encourages 0. His merhod of e Lanayos,60. Is I so named, 17^. of, between Spain Panama is settled by Pcdrarias Davili, M. I'armenldes, the first who divided tho earth by zones, 325. PalcigoniiiHs, some account of, 99, Tbe reality of their gigantic size yet to be decided, 341. Pcitrurliis Davila is sent with a fleet to supersede Balboa in his government of Sauta Maria on the isthmus of Oarion, 67. Treats Balboa ill, ib. Riipaciiius conduct of his men, 68. Is reconciled to Bolbua, and gives him his daughter, ib. Puts Balboa to death, m. Removes his settlement from Santa Maria to Panama, ib. Penguin, the name of that bird not derived from the Welsh language, 320. Perei, }\iau, patronizes Columbus at tlio court of Castile, 24. His solemn invocation for the success of Columbus's voyage, 27. Pcriplus of llanno, the authenticity uf that work, iustificd, 3a. Peru, the first intelligence concerning this country received by Vasco Nugnez de Balboa, 66. The coast of, first discovered by Pizarro, rSS. Pizarro's second arrival, 187. His hostile proceedings against tho natives, ib. Tlie colony of St. Michael established, 188. State of the empire at tlic time of this invasiou, ib. The kingdom I ivided between Huascar and Atabualpn, 1.S9. Atuliualpa usurps the government, ib. Huascar solicits assistance from Pizarro, lUO. Atahualpa visits Piza. >, ib. Is seized by Pizarro, 102. Agreement for bin ran- som, ib. Is rcfuseil his liberty, 103. Is cruelly put To death, 105. Confusion of the cmpik-c on tliis event, ib. Quito reduced by Benalcazar, 106. llio city of Lima founded by Pizarro, 109. Chili invaded by Almagro, ib. Insurrection of the Peru- vians, 100. Almagru put to death by Pizarro, 203. Pizarro divides the country among his follow- ers, ib. Progress of the Spanish arms there, 204. Francis Pizarro assassinated, 200. Reception of the new regulations there, 208. Tho viceroy con- fined by the court of audience, 212. Tiie viceroy defeated and killed by (iunz;ilo Pizarro, 213. .\rrival of Pedro de la Uasca, 2>0. Reductinn and death of Gonialo Pizarro, 219. The civil wars there carried not on with mercenary soldiers, 210. But nevertheless gratified with immense rewards, ib. Tiicir profusion and luxury, ib. Ferocity of their contests, ib. Their want of faith, ib. In. stances, 220. Division of, by Gasca, among his followers, ib. Writers who gave accounts of the 3onquest of, 337. A retrospect into the original go- vernment, arts, and manners of the natives, 221, llie high antiquity they pretend to, 234. Their re- cords, lb. Origin of their civil policy, 235. This founded in religion, ib. The autliority of the Incns absolute and unlimited, ib. All crimes were punished capitally, 230. Mild genius of their reli- gion, ib. Its influence on their civil policy, ib, >md on their military system, ib. Peculiar state of troperty there, 237. Distinction of ranks, ib. tate of arts, ib. ..nproved state of agriculture, ib. Their buildings, 238. Their public roads, ib. Their bridges, 230. Their mode of refining silver ore, ib. Works of elegance, 240. Their civiliza- tion, nererthelbss, but imperfect, ib. Cnzco the only place that had tho appearance of a city, ih. No perfect separation of professions, ib. Little commercial intercourse, ib. Their unwarlike spirit, 241. Eat their flesh and fish raw, ib. Brief account of other provinces under tbe viceroy of New Spain, ib. Causes of the depopulation of this country, 247. The small-pox very fatal there, ib. Their method of building, 309. St.ite of the revenue derived from, by tho crown of Spain, 370. See Colonies. Peter I. Czar of Russia, his extensive views in pro- secuting Asiatic discoveries 89. Philip II. of Spain, hi) turbulent disposition aided ! by his American treasures, 263. Establishes the ' colony of Manila, 273. Philip III. exhausts his country by inconsiderate bigotry, 204. Phlllp}tine Islands, discovered by Ferdinand Magel- lan, 178. A colony ostnhlished there by Philip II. of Spain, 273. Trade between, and America, ib. PluxniDians, ancient state of connuerco and naviga- tion among them, 2. Their trade, how conducted 323. Physic, the nrt of, in America, why connected with divination, 120. Pinto, Chevalier, his description of the characteristie features of the native Americans, 341. Plnzon, Vincent Yancz, commands a vessel under Columbus in his first voyage of discovery, 27. Sails to America on a private adventure with four ships, 31. Discovers Yucatan, 61. Pisarro, Ferdinand, is besieged in Cuzco by the Peruvians, 100. Is surprised there by Alinngro, 200. Escapes with Alvarado, 201. Defends his brnthor at the court of Spain, 203. Is committed tu prison, ib. Pizarro, Francisco, attends Balboa in his settlement on the isthmus of Darien, 03. Marches under him across the isthmus, whore they discover tlio South Sea, 60. His birth, education, and charac- ter, 193. Associates with Almagro and De Luquo in a voyage of discovery, 184. His ill sncccss, ib. Is recalled, and deserted by most of his followers, 185. Remains on the island of Gorgona for sup- plies, ib. Discovers the coast of Peru, ib. Re- turns to Panama, 190. Goes to Spain to solicit reinforcements, ib. Procures the supreme com- mand for himself, ib. Is assisted with money by Cortes, 197. Lands n^ a\ in Peru,ib. His hostile proceedings against the natives, ib. Establishes the colony of St. Michael, 198. State oi the Peru- vian empire at this time, ib. Cause of bis easy penetration into tho country, 189. Is applied to by Huascar for assistance against his victorious bro- ther Atahualpa, 100. State of his forces, ib. Arrives at Caxamalca, ib. Is visited by the Inca, 101. His perfidious seizure of him, 192. Agrees to Atatiualpa's ull'er for his ransom, ib. Division of their plunder, 193. Refuses Atahualpa his liberty, ib. His ignnranco exposed to Atahualpa, 194. Bestows a form of trial on the luca, ib. Puts him to death, 195. Advances to Cuzco, ib. Honours conferred on him by the Spanish court, 107. Beginning of dissensions between him and Almagro, ib. His civil regulations, ib. Founds tho city of Lima, 108. Insurrection of the Peruvians, ib. Cuzco seized by Almagro, 200. Deludes Almagro by negotiations, 201. Defeats Almagro, and takes him prisaner, 202. Puts Almagro to death, 203. Divides tho country among his followers, ib. The impolitic partiality of his allotments, ib. Makes his brother Gonzalo gover- nor of Quito, 204. Is assassinated by Juan do Herreda, 200. , Uonzalo, is made puvemor of Quito by his brother Francis, 204. His expedition over the Andes, ih. Is deserted by Urellana, 205. His distress on this event, ib. His disastrous return to Quito, ib. Is encouraged by tbe people to oppose Nugnez Vela, the new viceroy, 212. As ■umes the government of Peru, ib. Maichcs against the viceroy, 213. Defeats and kills him, ib. Is advised by Carv^jal to assume the sove- reignty of the country, 214. Chooses to negotiate with the court of Spain, ib. Consultations of the court on hia conduct, 215. His violent resolutions on the arrival of Pedro de la (iaaca, 216. Resolves to oppose him by violence, 217. Marches to reduce Ceatcno at Cuzco, ib. Defeats him, ib. Is deserted by his troops on the approach of Gasca, 218k ^rrenders and is executed, ib. His adherents men of uo principle, 219. Plata, Rio de, discovered by Dias de Soils, 60. Its amaxing width, 333. Planfalr, Mr., professor of mathematics in Edin- burgh, tho result of his comparison of the narra- tive and charts given in Captain Cook's voyages, published in 1790 ; and Mr. Coxe's account of the Russian discoveries, printed in the same year, in which the vicinity of the two continents of Asia and America is clearly ascertained, 339, 839. PUng, the naturalist, instance of his ignorance in geography, 325. Ponce de Leon, Juan, discovers Florida, 64, Roman- tic motive of his voyage, ib. Population of the earth, slow progress of, I. Porto Bello, discovered and named by Christopliei Columbus, 54. Porto Rico is settled and subjected by Juan Ponce do licnn, 61. Porlo Santo, the first discovery of, 15. 392 INDEX. Portugal, when «nd by whom tiin court of Inquisi- tion wa> first introduced into, 32f , Portuguese, a view of the circumstances that induced them to undertake the diacovory of iinlinown coim- tries, 13. First African discoveries of, 14. Madei- ra discovered, IS. They double Cape Bojador, 16, Obtain a papal itrant of all tb« countries they sliouM discover, K. Cape Verd islands and the Azores V( - CO de Gama, 41', diacovcred, ib. Voyage to the Earn Indies by Vos. / f Potosi, the rich silrer mines there, how discoTered, 261. The mines of, greatly exhausted, and scarce. ly worth worlLing, 37T, Prtsoner.f of war, how treated by the nativo Ame ricanb, 113. Property, the idea of, unlinown to the nativo Ameri- cans, 100. Notions of the Braailians concerning, ■ ges, 394. Qiietlavara, Brother of Montezuma, succeeds him as King of Afexico, 170. Conducts in person the fierce attacks which obliges Cnrtes to abandon his capi- tal, ib. Dies of the small-pox ib. Quevetio, Bishop of Dariec, his conference with Las Casas on the treatment of the Indians, in the pre- sence of tho Gmporor Charles V., 78. Quicksilver, the property of the famous mines of, .tt Guanncubolica, reserved by the crown of Spain, 377. The price of, why reduced, ib. Quinquina, or Jesuits' Uurk, a production peculiar to Peru, 262. Quipos, or historic cords of the Peruvians, some ac. count of, 234. Quito, the kingdom of, conquered by Hnana Capac, inca of Peru, 174, Is left to bin son Atahuulpa, ib. Atuhualpa's general revoltn after his death, IBS. Is ■ reduced by the Spaniards under Benalcazar, ib. Benalcazar deposed, and Gonzalo Pizarro made governor, 204. Raleigh resumes the plan of settling colonies in North America, 28S. Despatches Aniadas and Bar. low to examine the intended settlements, who discover Virginia and return to England, ib. Es- tablishes a colony in Virginia, which, on account of famine, is obliged to return to England, 286. Makes a second attempt to settle a colony there, which perishes by famine, it/. Abandons the do- sign, ib. JRamusio, his defence of Hanno's accountof the coast of Africa, 323. Register ships, for what purpose introduced in the trade between Spain and her colonies, 208. Su. persede the use of the guleong, ib. Religion of the Native Americans, on inquiry into, 123. Rlbas, his account of the political state of the peo- ple of Cinaloa, 349. Of their want of religion, 3S0. Rhi de la Plata, and Tucumau, account of those pro- vinces, 244. Rivers, the amazing size of those in America, 80. Rohlson, profL'BSor, bis remarks on the temperature of various climates, 334. Roldan, Francis, is left chief justice in Hispaniola by Christopher Columbus, 43. Becomes theringlead. er of a mutiny, 46, Submits, 47, Romans, their progress in navigation nnd discovery, 6. Their military spirit averse to mechanical arts and commerce, ib. Navigation and trade favoured in the provinces under their government, 7. Their I. extensive discoveries by land, 8, Their empire and the sciences (testroyed together, 0. Rubruquis, father, his embassy from France to the Chan of the Tartars, 1 1 . Russia, a trade to, opened by the English, 282. Restricted to a company of British merchants, ib. The connection witli the Russian Empire encou. raged by Queen Elizabeth, 283, Russians, Asiatic discoveries made by them, 88. Un- certainty of, 388. Sacotecas, the rich silver mines there, when disco- vered, 361, San Salvador discovered and named by Christopher Columbus, 90. Sancho, Don Pedro, account of his history of the con. quest of Peru, 899. Sandoval, the shocking barbarities executed by, in Mexico, 180. , Francisco Telle de, is sent by the Emperor Charles V. to Mexico, as visitador of America, 210. His moderation and prudence, ib. Savage life, a general estimate of, ISO. Scalps, motive of the native Americans for taking them frbm their enemies, 347. Serralvo, Marquis de, his extraordinary gains during his viccroyalty in America, 331. Seville, extraonlinary incroaso of its manufactures by the American trade, 377. Its trade greatly re- duced, 378. The American trade removed to Cadiz, 26S. Silver ore, method of refining it practised by the na- tive Peruvians, 239. Sinall.pox, Indian territories depopulated by, 313. Sonora, late diccoveries of rich mines mode there by the Spaniards, 242. Soul, American ideas of the immortality of, i29. South Sea, first discovered by Vasco Nugnez de Bal. boa, 66. Spain, general idea of the policy of, with regard to the American colonies, 249. Early interposition of the regal authority in the colonies, ib. All tho American dominions of, subjected to two viceroy.'), 230. A third viccroyalty lately established, ib. The colonics of, compared with those of Greece and Rome, 232. Advantages she derived from her col> onies, 263, Why she does not still derive the same, ib. Rapid decUne of trade, 204. i'liis decline in- creased by the mode of regulating tlie intercourse with America, ib. Employs guarda costas to check illicit trade, 268. The use of register ships intro- duced, ib. Establishment of the company of Carac- cas, 360. Enlargement of commercial ideas there, ib. Free trade permitted to several provinces, 270, Re. venue derived from America, 274, Specification, 3S0. Spaniards, their curious form of taking possession of newly discovered countries, 324, Strabo, a citation from, proving the great geographi. cal ignorance of the ancients, 324. His own want of geographical knowledge, 32S. Superstition always connected with a desire of peno> trating into the secrets of futurity, 126. Tapia, Christoval de, is sent from Spain to Mexico, to supersede Cortes in his command, but fails in the attempt, 170. Tartars, the possibility of their migrating to Ameri- ca, 89 Tithes of Spanish America, how applied by the court of Spain, 380. Tlaseala, in Mexico, character of the natives of, 147. Oppose the passage of the Spaniards, ib. Are re- duced to sue for peace, 149. Tobacco, that of Cuba the best flavoured of any iu all America, 262. The usii of, first introduced into England, 286. Culture of, in Virginia, and its con- sequences, 203, Its exportation thence is annual- ly increased, 306. IVade for, opened with Holland, 207. Grant) and monopoly of, 301. Touphiamhos, account of their ferocious courage, from fjcry, 347. Trade, no eflbrts made in England to extend it in the reign of Henry VII. or his immediate succrs. sors, 381. To what causes that neglect was owing, ib. — — — , free, opened between Spain and her colonies, 270. Increase of the Spanish customs from this measure, 370. winds, the periodical course of, when disco- vered by navigators, 7. Travellers, ancient, character of their writings, 12. Trinidad, the island of, discovered by Christopher Columbus, on his third voyage, 43. Tiicuman, and Rio de la Plata, account of those pro- vinces, 244. 7)/re, the commerce of that city, how conducted, 323, Vlloa, Don Antonio dc, his description of the charac- teristic features of the native Americans, .140. His reason for the Americans not being so sensible of pain as the rest of mankind, 348. His account of tho goods exported from Spain to America, with the duty on them, 380, amed by Chriitophcr his hiitor; of the can. tie* ezeouted by, in none by the Emperor ador of America, 110. lb. at, ISO. mericani for taking irdinary gains during of its manufactures Its trade greatly re. de removed to Cadiz, t practised by the na- ipopitlatcd by, 315. mines mode there by Dortality of, i'iS, asco Nugoez de Bal. icy of, with regard to Early Interposition colonies, lb. All the ctcd to two viceroy.^, r established, ib. llie loso of Greece and derived from hor col. still derive the same, (i4. I'liin decline in. ritiug tlie intercourse lardu costas to chccic register ships intro. le company of Carac. ^ercial ideas there, ib. il provinces, 270, He. 14. Snecilication,3S0. Df taking possession [324. ^the great geographi. I 324. His own want 25. vith a desire of pene. urity, 120. im Spain to Mexico, mmand, but fails in migrating to Ameii. low applied by the ifthenativoaof, 147. aniards,ib. Are re- lavourcd of any in first introduced into l^irginia, and its con. m thence is annual. peuedwith Holland. 301. ' ferocious courage, nd to extend it in I immediate succes. : neglect was owing, ain and hor colonies, 1 customs from this 'se of, when disco. their writings, 12. red by Christopher ,45. iccount of those pro^ how conducted, 323. iption of the charac- Lmericans, MO. His «iag so sensible of 18. His account of I to America, with \ INDEX. 393 Vaea de t'aftro, Cliristoval, is sent from Spain to regulate the government of Peru, 203. Arrive* at Quito, 207. Assumes the supreme authority, ib. Defeats young Almagro, ib. The severity of his proceedings, 208. Prevents an insurrection con- certed to oppose the new regulations, 311. Is imprisoned by the new viceroy, ib. Valvtrdt, Father Vincent, his curious harangue to Atahualpa, Inca of Peru, 101. Gives bis sanction to the trial and condemnation of Atahualpa, 105. Vega, Ga'cilasso de la, character of his commentary on the Spanish writers concerning Peru, 350. Vegetables, their natural tendency to fertilize tho soil where they grow, 85. Velasquez, Diego de, conquers the island of Cuba, 63, 77. His preparations for invading New Spnin, I3fl. His dimciuty iu choosing n commander for the expedition, ib. Appoints Fernando Cortes, lb. His motives tn this choice, 1.17. Becomes suspicious of Cortes, ib. Orders Cortes to bu deprived of his commission, and arrested, ib. Sends an armament to Mexico after Cortes, 150. Venegas, P., hia character of the native Californi- ans, 343. Venereal disease originally brought from America, 00. Appears to be wearing out, ib. Its first rapid prop.ress, 342. I iiuzuila, history of that settlement, 346. Venice, its origin as a maritime state, 10. Travels of Marco Polo, 13. Verd Islands, discovered by the Portuguese, 17. Viceroys, all the Spanish dominions in America sub- jected tu two, 250. A third lately established, ib. Their powers, ib. A fourth established, 272. Villa, Segnor, bis account of the state of population in New Spain, 371. His detail of the Spanish American revenue, 380. Villefagna, Antonio, one of Cortes's soldiers, foments a mutiny among his troops, 171. Is dis- covered by Cortes and hanged, ib. Virginia, first discovery of, 385. Attempt to settle there unsuccessful, 386. A second attempt to settle there, when the colony perishes by famine, 387. The scheme of settling there abandoned, ib. Is divided into two colonies, 380. Charters are granted to two companies to make settlements in, lb. Captain Newport sails from Eni;laDd to, and discovers the Chesapeak, 200. He proceeds up James river, and founds a colony in James town, ib. Its bad administration, ib. Captain Smitli is excluded from his seat at the council board, ib. The colony is annoyed by the Indians, and suii'ers from scarcity and the unhealtbiness uf tho climate, 301. Smith is recalled: and the prosperity of the colony restored, ib. He is taken prisoner by the Indians, his life spared, and his liberty obtained through the interceseion of the favourite daughter of an Indian chief, ib. Returns to Jnmes town, and finds the colony in distress, ib. The colonists are deceived by the appearance of gold, ib. A survey of the country is undertaken by Smith, 292. The company obtains a new charter with more ample privileges, ib. The j urisdiction of the coun- cil m, is abolished, and the government vested in a council resident in London, ib. lA>rd Delaware is appointed governor and captain.general of the colony, and Sir Thomas Gates and Sir George Summers are vested with thb command till his arrival, ib. The vessel in which they embark is stranded on the coast of Bermudas, 303, Smith returns to England, and anarchy prevails in the colony, ib. The Indians withhold supplies, and the colony is reduced by famine, ib. Gates and Summers arrive from Bermudas, and find the colony in a desperate situation, ib. They are about to return to England, when Lord Delaware arrives, 304. He reconciles all diiTerences, and perfectly res^.>res subordination, ib. Is obTiged to resign the government, and return to England on account of hia health, ib. Is superseded by Sir Thomas Dale, who establishes martial law, ib. Another charter is granted to the colony, with new privileges, ib. The land is cultivated, and • treaty concluded with the Indians, 305. Rolfe, a man of rank in the colony, marries the daughter of an Indian chief, ib. The land first become! property, ib. The culture of tobacco is introduced, lb. The quantity exported increases every year, 306. Negroes are first introduced, ib. A general assembly of representatives i:i formed, ib. A new constitution is given to the colony, and a trade for tobacco opened with Holland, 307. The necessary precautions for the defence of tho colony being neglected, a general massacre of the English is planned by the Indians, and executed in most of tho settlements, 'b. A bloody war is commenced with (he Indians, 308. Their plantations are at> tucked, and the owners murdered, ib. A few escape to the woods, where they perish with lunger, ib. The settlements extend, and industry revives, ib. The strength of the colony is con- siderably weakened, 300. A temporary council is appointed for its government, ib. The arbitrary Rovemmcnt of the colonies on the accession of Charles I., 300, 301. The colonists seize Sir John Harvey the governor, and send him prisoner to England, 301. He is released by the King and reinstated in bis government, ib. Is succeeded by Sir John Berke^, whose wise administration is productive of the best effects, ib. New privileges are granted to the colony, which flourishes under the now government, 303. It is attacked by Iho Indians, 304. Discontents are produced by grants uf land from the crown, 305. An insurrection breaks out, and the governor and council are forced to fly, ib. They apply to England for suc- cour, ib. 1 be rebellion is terminated by 'ie death of Nathaniel Bacon, 306. The governor is rein- stated, and an assembly called, ib. The modera- tion of its proceedings, ib. General slate of the colony till the year 1088, ib. See Colonies. Volcanos, remarkable number of, in the northern parts of the globe discovered by the Russians, 338. Wafer, Lionel, his account of a peculiar race of diminutive Americans, 07. Compared with similar productions in Africa, ib. H ar song of the native Americans, the sentiments and terms of, 347. IVillotighby, Sir Hugh, sails in search of a north- east passage to India, 382. Steers along the coast of Norwajf, and doubles the north cape, ib. His squadron is separated in a storm, and his ship driven into an obscure harbour in Russian Lap. land, where he and all his companions are frozen to death, ib. H omen, the condition of, among the native Anie i- cans, 103. Are not prolific, ib. Are not permitted to join in their drunken feasts, 130. Nor to i/ear ornaments, S48. Xerex, Francisco de, secretary to Picarro, the earli- est writer on his Peruvian expedition, 358. Ximciifs, Cardinal, his regulations for the treatment of the Indians in the Spanish colonies, 71. Patronizes the attempt of Ferdinand Magellan, Yucatan, the province of, discovered by Pinzon and Dias de Soils, 61. Described, 336. Prfin whence that province derives its value, 343. Policy of the court of Spain with respect to, ib. Zarate, Don Augustine, character of hia History of the Conquest of Peru, 350. Zones, the earth how divided into, by the geography of the ancients, 6. By whom first so divided, 325. Zummaraga, Juan de, first bishop of Mexico, the destroyer of all the ancient records of the Mexi- can empje,3SS. SE . r-