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THE WHOLE FOUNDED UFON rilSFUTABLE FACTS AND PUBLIC DOCUMENTS, TO WHICH REFERENCE IS MADE IN THE *.■ ' ■ ¥■ S TEXT AND NOTES. •R£AO AND DIIBEUEVE IF YOU CAtr..>BUT READ, n X *it " '• .-«c>4aei»o>«^ '^ * ' BOSTON ; . '.\ ■ ■' PlitNTED BY RVSasLI. AXD CUTLER. ^ 1810. .'A ^H 1A- u >■ t^ :% lti'?»-«ts''■•^^ ■ e«ioa Qfow Corrij^a&^g^yw FrfiMje. - ., *; Smi^! SSSt a«W^»» rert»rt wi. Ae Conduct i* tlie .«yeral J 72 '73. 74 77 ■iif v>»#r '?7 ■"'■^■'%i#* 2!Wrrf General i»«,tf>-JRO#i'i#- HO^I^TY^ TO COMMERCE. ** - iVfo/i.^ijdpikMition to the funding system. J g__ ri— Yo the NatirtMl Bank 3_ . ToaNa - * 90 9i % 93 WAeto re«ti«nlni£ootnfcerce, called by Mr. Madi«6n, " the«xereiar of V ourWrtrtrictiveBilergie*.** . - - - "*'„'- ^fi.— Hatted and Conteimptfrf Merchants, and the Meroantifc SUtes^ex- pn^lnCongTdwVfr»en«'«of«^ " " JSd lteRetkm»ontiM!thHge»»e™'Bwi*- .1 *• « : ' }^^ ', 4'- ; r- \'i,' ir .'jf "^f.. " -. .iV. *.. C"^ FouriA General iXpatf^THE NATIONAL TREASURY I by » .Piitip^lj^.iqr Conmoctf.;.. ;»• . Ill •^ ■'- imK Getmul iYrac/.— VIOLATION AND GONtSlMir OF THE 06NSTITUTI0N OF THE UNITED STAT^iB. , i^WlJ-^^kUting V«faB«Uw Md ' ftWag Uien «p b th* tUmtr^it the 9— Ch|ji|e of ill>[|t'CoprtMiWt to it|>i>t|ir. J«kii IM iZ^SlSSTrnthe Jadp»or3M8ipr«iM(^ 5<-.VIoUtfon of the tAtUt ik»mtkm Hataw Cac|W^ A Fa«^Mi#kili attempt to obtain the wupittlioa of it by Law: • • <. . lis 6.F-4)reatinfOAeet|»IUtheii|. .! -i' ^ • .- . . t , ,196 T.'^Bmbarco and enlMreias aet of Jan. 9, 1809, wero direet TiohtkMu 9i>--^t • .^^ . - ib. e^fhe mmreirioik of the^^iiiiMM of the JoMoee of CotaMbis SYStjpi OF TI£E ADMINISTRATION ON ^^TfitlC »*9iM«i9v 135 1- * ,%. ^ ,V A, !^ ,^Si. #■ .' ^ 4^ ■x« -'t^._ '.1' // .1-f TO THE aOWBST AND WELL Of 8F0SXO, PART OF TRB PEOPLE OP MASSACHUSETTS. AN ANSWER TO THE QUESTION, ■! iai 1 w y are youaJF^deri^i^f .'», _r. <:>.r■rt^■)!■t 'r- ,Si',Hi?!>V-t fc,1'»t>V'1^i,>,5't-j •,«!(., CvERY honest and nondurable man woukt not only wish to be perfectly correct in his opuiions upon our publick affairs, but he would desire to be able to give the reasons, to state the facts, and fiif hish tliQ evi- dence irf Isuppb^ of those dpinions. ? i-*bi.iH \syt . a The distinction, between the two jJartie^ which agi- tate oiir unhappy country, is in no one respect more ob- vious, than in the different manner in which their opin- ions are formed, and the greater or lesser degree of evidence with which they are satisiied. While the misguided dupes of the democratick par- ty are perfectly contented not only to form their theo- retick notions, but to act in the most important concerns upon tlie mere assertions of their leaders, often unfound- ed in point of fact, and always discoloured and distort- ed, it has been^ and we trust it ever will be the pride of all federalists to require substantial evidence of the truth of any important propositions which may be ad- vanced even by those in whom they place confidence. Y ' It is impossible for publick bodies, in expressing their opinions on publick af&irs, to enter into all the details of evidence which have cotitributed to form those opin- ions ; and it would perhaps be derggatory for aisemblies, who represent the sovereignity of the state, to presume, that any collateral proofs would be requircid to justify the sentiments which they may think proper to ex- press. But individuals are not restrained by any such deli- cacy, and they ought to recollect that the people at large have not the means of collecting, combining and comparing a vast and multifarious assemblage 6f facts, spread throughout a great variety pf documents, and to be brought together from distant periods of time, so as to enable them to discover their connection, their mu- tual dependence, and thus to unravel the psinciples and motives of any particular faction which may have acquired a'temporary ascendancy in the country. / Perhaps there could not be a more correct, perspi- cuous and interesting view of the situation of our coun- try, with respect to its foreign relations, than will be found in thd report of the committee of the two houses of the legislature of Massachusetts at their present ses- sion. There are however subjects to which their com- mission did not extend, which have nevertheless an in- timate connection with their report, a great multiplicity of details And particulars to which neither the time, nor the dignity of legislative proceedings, would permit them to descend. It is with the view as well of vindicating the general principles of the Federalists as of supporting the opin- ions expressed by the legislature, of justifying the lu- minous, results which they have drawn, and of convinc- ing the friends of our countiy that our state rulers were fully authorised in the expression of their fears of the tendency of publick measures, that it has been thought expedient to exhibit a plain, unvarnished statement of This will be founded upon publick acknowledged documents, to which references will be made in the notes, or in tne body of the work/iipon facts so notori- ous, that it is presumed every man who has attended even in a slight degree to our publick affairs will be ac- quainted with them ; or upon evidence of a less pub- hck nature, or facts less known, in which cases the au- thority will be cited, and the publick will be left tc judge of the weight of the evidence. There are certain things however, which throughout the whole, it will be taken for granted the readers al- ready know, as it would be hopeless to attempt to in- form the understandings of those who are at this late day ignorant of them. For example, it would be thought superfluous to at- tempt to prove that the government, against the spirit of the constiution, and the interests of a republick, bought Louisiana for fifteen millions of dollars, and hold it as a colony by military force, that they did this just at the moment of the rupture of the peace of Amiens, after the departure of lord Whitworth, and that 'it was hun*ied through, lest the declaration of war should inter- vene and render the bargain either void or questionable. Such well known facts will be stated without adduc- ing proofs, and as to other more minute and less im- / portant ones, in which the evidence may not be easily procured, we must repose ourselves on the candour of the publick, who will form their opinions from the ge- neral tenour of our pamphlet, and the rigid adherence to truth which they may discover in other parts of which they may be competent judges. Having made these preliminary remarks, we proceed to exhibit the scope, and plan of this statement. In the year 1801, the people of the United States, ex- cited by causes which we all now understand, ajid im- pelled by motives and feelings, which, in a free govern- ment will ever be fatal to any honest and honourable ad- ministration ; deceived, cajoled and corrupted by an abominable system of falsehood and calumny, withdrew their confidence from the founders of our republick, the authors, supporters, defenders and friends of the constitution, and transferred it to their calumniators to I / the open and avowed opposcrs of that constitution, and ot that system which was calculated to make us a great, powertul, and happy people. The great object of this collection of facts is to lead to the inquiry, how far the opposers and successors of the friends and framers of the constitution have fulfilled the promises they made to the Publick — how far they have remedied the abuses which they asserted had ex- isted under the former administrations, and how far their measures, on the whole, have conduced to those frreat national objects which ought to be first in the po- icy of an enlightened government, peace, security and respectability abroad — union, prosperity, virtue, and happiness at home. , Before we enter upon these considerations, and exa- mine the detail of facts under the different heads, it may be usefull to make a few remarks upon the princi- ples of the former and present rulers as they stood at the time of the change in 1801, and upon the nature of the complaints which were urged against the Fede- ral administrations. We shall say nothing of the private or personal, of the moral or religious character of these respective chiefs. Not that we consider these questions of no importance to the people, for we do most conscienti- ously believe, that the evils we are now suffering are in a great measure to be attributed to our offending the majesty of heaven by an indifference about the moral and religious character of our chief magistrate. But it is not the fashion of the day to consider these things of any importance, and as our object is convic- tion, we shall only address the people on those points which they think important. Our religious friends will excuse us, therefore, if we do not make a contrast between the moral and religious qualities of Washing- ton, and those of the patron, the publick, open and pro- fligate patron of Thomas Paine. The faults with which the Washington and Adams* administrations were reproached, and for which, by the aid of the most unprincipled calumny, they lost their standing in the opinions of the majority, were the sup** port of publick credit — the eatablishmcnt of the national bank — the declaration of neutrality — the building of a navy — the not embarking in the war on the side of France — the resistance to an open demand of tribute made by that nation — the repellmg the capture of our ships by a general decree of France — the declaring by the sedition act, that no man should calumniate the gov> ernment, reserving to the accused the right to give the truth in evidence — ^^the power to send offensive aliens^ notorious intriguers, out of the country, (which last pow- er was never exercised) — and the establishment of a standing army. ^ To these general charges against the government were added some detestible calumnies against the particular members of the administration, against col. Pickering as a great defaulter, and against Mr. Wolcott and Mr. Dexter as haying voluntarily burnt their offices in or- der to prevent a scrutiny into the publick accounts. It must occur to every honest man, who now looks back upon our publick aifairs, how miserably the pre- sent administration have fulfilled their threats in ne- glecting to bring these pretended offenders to publick justice, and in imitating the measures of their predeces- sors, which they had denounced as most obnoxious; But we are not content with general reflections, and before we enter upon tliat mass of folly and miscon- duct, of which the present administration have been gi:il- ty, we shall examine in detail the several charges made against their predecessors, and how far the conduct of the present rulers has proved that they had any confi- dence orbelief in the justice of the charges which they had made against the Federalists. 1st. Then, the first unpardonable sin which the fede- ral administration committed, was the establishment of the publick credit — the performance of the publick promises — the redeeming of the pledges, which the peo- ple had given, as the price of their liberties. It will seem extraordinary to posterity, that such an act of justice and morality; should have been made the ground i ' ei; accusation ; but in failure of more solid objections it was made one of the principal sources of complaint. We are not, hoWever, disposed to enter into these dis^ graceful periods of the history of faction ; it is our pre- sent purpose to shew that the existing administration; after makine this clamour against their predecessors, have made it their boast, that they have pursued the same steps.-^Thty have the hardihood to take great credit to themselves for imitating the illustrioi^s exam- ple of their predecessors, as to publick credit ; and for adopting the wise precepts of our immortal financier, General Hamilton. Mr. Gallatin,, though a man of talents, can claim no other merit than that of having acted as a faithful chief clerk in executing Hamilton's system. The publick detj^ has been left upon the same basis. Gen. HamiU toit^s admirable sinking fund and provision . for the gradual redemption ^of the publick debt, have formed the only sources of self-gratulation and praise with thef preaent secretary of the treasur}\ His system of reve- nue and collection remains wholly unaltered. May we not say then that it is strange, passing strange, that the successors of this much calumniated statesman have nottbeen able to find one single measure m his Vfhoh system which could be altered or improved ? ' One other fact deserves notice.— A democratick fhem- 6er of Congress, after paying a high compliment to Gen. Hapi^lton's talents, moved at the present session, " that hi&lxcellent report upon the encouragement ofdomestick manuficturesy which comprized more knowledge than cojiild be found in any other work on that subject, sl|ould be republished at the publick expense." jj ? 2dly. The establishment of the national bank, form- ed another fertile source of complaint. It was oppos- ed on the ground that Congress had no right to create any monopoly. — But no sooner had the democratick party acquired the ascendancy in all the branches of the government, than all these complaints ceased. — They were as ready to avail themselves of this useful and ne- cesssyy instrument of finance, as if they had been the original framers of it ; and Mr. Gallatin has already an- ticipated a considerable accession to the treasury, from the renewal of this illegal and unconstitutional charter. — " Tempora mutantur et nos mutamur cum illis." 3dly. The next objection of our consistent demo- crats, while they were labouring to pull down the administration of Washington, was to the wise declara- tion of neutrality. 10 i Mr. JefTcrson tv«& not ashamed to hold an office un- der the government, and defend by his official labours the just and prudent measures of the administration and at the same moment to maintain a. press, edited by his own clerk, Mr. Freneau, to abuse these very mea- sures. "; He leagued himself with the French ministers Ge- net and Fauchet, in their attempts to subvert the au- thority of the administration (of which he was a mem- ber) and gave them just reason to compute him among the number of their faithful adherents. See the letters of Mr. Fauchet on this subject. As SQon, however, as this party had got a firm foot- ing in our publick affairs, they had the impudent in- consistency to boast themselves to be the friends of an impartial neutrality. This magick word has been the talisman by which they have been enabled to assail with success the dear- est interests of the United States. This boasted neu- trality, which they had so openly and strenuously op- posed, is however, but the shadow, the ghost of that honest principle which governed th^ 'Counsels of our departed Washington. Under colour of this empty, but with them despised and contenfned name, they have assiduously and faithfully subserved the views of France, and have made our rights and interests tribu- tary to her inordinate, ambitious, and selfish views. ithly. The next popular string upon which our de- mocratick leaders most successfully played, was the building of a navy. It was denounced as an useless, expensive measure of defence ; calculated to provoke rather than to repel foreign aggressions. It was contended that foreign commerce was not worth the expense of its defence. — In order to ketp up some appearance of consistency one of the first acts of the new administration was to sella part of our navy, to dismantle the rest, and to haul them up to a speedy and certain destruction. 11 r which le clear- ed neu- isly op- of that of our empty, [i€, they k^iews of ts tribu- tt foteigii But mark the sincerity of these men! As soon as it became expedient to stir up a quarrel with Great Bri- tain our consistent patriots resorted to the very weapons which they had denounced. They changed however the form, and with the ignorance and pride of visionary men, they substituted the inefficient system of gun boat defence. We shall reserve to another head the partic- ular consideration of this policy, but it is sufficient to say, that this theoretick experiment in point of expense, vastly exceeded that of the regular and honourable sys- tem which was abolished to make way for it. It has involved the nation in serious calamity, and the authors of it in disgrace. It may be added that it is now abandoned by all its friends, without having an- swered any useful purpose, unless its tendency shall be to awaken the country to a sense of the incapacity and folly of its projectors. One other idea, is necessary to be stated on this top- ick. The government are now about to order all the fri- gates of the United States, to be equipped, and have ap- propriated six hundred thousand dollars, to repair the ravages made upon them by their own folly. Thus then at the end of eight years, they pay a reluctant but une- quivocal tribute to the wisdom of their predecessors. Mr. William B. Giles, the organ of the Executive in the Senate, has made a formal recantation oi his errors on this subject in a late speech, and expresses his hor- ror at that Vandal like spirit, which represented a navy as an improper mode of defence. He has the modesty to adopt as his own, and as the opinion of administra- tion the maxim of Washington, "that to preserve peace, the surest mode is to be prepared for war." . 5th]y. It was objected against Washington, that he was unwilling to embark the United States in the war on the side of France. The answers and refusal of our cabinet to Mr. Ge- net, when he urged them to pledge this rising repub- Jif k in favour of the French system of general warfare '^! 12 '] on ancionl governments, were the theme of constant abuse. '^)>iitf InkhHyy i, ■ In this sbgl^'cade, however, they have been consist* ent ; for ahhottgh they have not dared openly to propose iri Congress an alliance with France and war with Great Britain, yet their friends and partisans have uniformly urged this nieasure,and the cabinet have done every thing in their power to provoke Great Britain to hostilities, so as to shift the odium of a war from themselves upon the British government. 6ihly. The next charge against the federal s^dmini- stration was, their resistance to the open and direct de- mand of tribute ; the impudent claim of fifty tho^tsand pounds sterling, as a bribe or douceur, to admit our min- isters to an audience, of which Mi^. Gerry gives sttch a picture, in the history of his interviews with certain cor- rupt French agents of both sexes. Coupled with this insult was an open declaration of war against our com- merce. Yet these democratick gentlemen, so alive as they pretend to the honour of our coimtry, overturned the federal administration, because they dared to repel these hostile aggressions and insults of France. Now, fellow citizens, mark the contrast! — A simple duty laid by Great Britain on such neutral vessels as should voluntarily enter her ports, and request licenses though accompanied by a declaration that it slw>uld be removed if we should prefer it, is converted into an odious tribute not to be endured ; and the retaliation in less extensive terms of a previous aggression by France, is declared t© be just cause of war, and our nation is put to an infinitely greater expense and loss to repel this retaliatory order, to say the least, vastly more ex- cusable than the unprovoked injuries of France, for re- sisting which the late federal administration were dia- placed, 7thly. It was another fertile source of complaint against the federal administration, that in a momenf of external danger and of virulent internal opposition ihey made a law to punish seditious writings again-it 18 the ffoverntn^nt, ycscrving to Ae party accused the right to give the truth in evidence. This was an amelioration of the common law principle ; but it was opposed on the ground that the press oiight to be perfectly free, and that " error was never dangerous where reason was left free to combat it." As soon, however, as the demo- cratick party had gained the ascendancy, it was perceiv- ed that their only objection to the sedition law, was the right which U. afforded to the citizen to give the truth in evidence. The Worcester Farmer, written as it is now under- stood by Mr. Lincoln, denounced all free discussion upon the measures of government, declared that very species of " oppiignation" to the constituted authorities, either by speech or the press, should be considered " treason, and punished as such ;" and the *demo- cratick leaders proceeded to institute prosecutions at common law, to set up the ancient arbitrary principles of the court of star chamber, and to fine and imprison writers in the newspapers for daring to exhibit to the people the true state of the publick affairs. 8thly. It was a charge against the fedpral administra- tion, that in a moment of great political danger, they authorized the President to send out of the country such aliens as should be found intriguing against the national government, and under foreign pay, stirring up opposition to our own constituted authorities. This power was,however,never exercised in a single instance. Yet these friends to the right of aliens have made no hesitation in denouncing our own natural born citizens, for a constitutional exercise of their rights, and have (constantly threatened confiscation and banishment to those persons who have dared to question the correct- ness of their measures. 9thly. Another most prolifick source of complaint against the federal administration, was the establishment of a standing armi/. To the j aundiced and cQjtsistent eyes of our democratick patriots, a publick and puny force of 5000 men was magiiified into an immense military 14 ■ \ i r hydra, capable of devouring, not only all the re^lar militia of the United States, amounting to half a million of citizen soldiers, but of reducing the nation to a state of absolute vassalage. This to be sure was ludicrous enough, but its absur- dity is not equal to the inconsistency of these same pa- triots, who contend, that our militia are abundantly able to cope with the whole armed legions of France, and who represent the fears expressed by the intelligent federalists on this subject to be the result of cowardice, and a disposition to debase our country. ** See on this subject, Mr. Adams' Phillippick against the Hon. Mr. Ames." Nor is this the most inconsistent part of their conduct. These same enemies of a standing army have in their turn become the most strenuous advocates for the same measure. When the maritime superiority of Great Britain has rendered the probability of an attack from France infinitely smaller, these same militia advocates^ , and enemies of a regular force, have created, and have now proposed a mucb more formidable military force than their predecessors ever dared to create. The standing military force now actually in pay (in- cluding the dead and sick) is as great as that,which at any one moment was raised by the federal administration. If we add to these, the twenty thousand volunteers, who are to be actually embodied, and to whom i, bounty is offered, to induce them to cut the throats of the opponents of the administration, we shall find that the only objection of our pious democrats, was to the existence of a military force in the hands of their political opponents. They have no scruple of conscience at the wasting of the publick money, or the danger to the publick liberty, by a military force, armed and com- manded by their tools. But there is another view of this subject, which is calculated to put our democratick party to the blush. The military force under the federal administratioiis ;most Strictly respected the rights of the citizen — in np 15 one case were thfey employed to dragoon their fellow cit- izens into submission to unjust and arbitrary mandates. Under the present administratioii the only activey employment of our army has been as tide waiters and fipies. Wilkinson, the corrupt, profligate, traitorous Wilkinson, trampled the rights of the citizen under foot, despised the decisions of the judiciary, violated the privilege of habeas corpus, squandered 56000 dol- lars on articles of personal luxury, destroyed a whole army by disease, and is still continued in the confidence of the executive. Even in this gallant and highminded state — in this town so renowned for its noble resistance to military oppression, we have seen a subordinate military officer, with a little brief authority, which a single rcgiment could have defeated, brave the resentment of this free and loyal jDCople, put our town in a state of siege, and subject us to all the contumely and insult which the sa- traps of a despotick tyrant could inflict on a subjugated and miserable people.* lOthly. For many years before the democratick party gained the ascendancy in our country, they circulated calumnies aga'^i^t the officers of the government, charging them with gross peculation of the publick property. It was alleged, that Col. Pickering was a publick delinquent, and stood indebted to the United States in large sums, totally unaccounted for. An inquiry was instituted into the aflair, by his political enemies, as soon as they came into power, and the result was, that his accounts were satisfactorily settled, though it ap- peared that by order of his superior officers, he had ex- pended money, for which no regular appropriation had been made by previous law. Willing to permit him to remain in this situation, in order to enable their partizans to repeat their calumnies, they neglected till the present session tp make an ap- * For particulars on these psints, see notiCs at the end of Uie robrme. u n !)• r propriation to cover the actual expendiCures whicii he had made, by order of his superiours. Now, we are told by the Chronicle^ printed in Bos- ton, the very paper which has so olteii repeated the ca- lumny, "that Congress, as a matter of form, had made an appropriation to settle his accounts." See Chronicle of February, 1810. .. i..\f \ This very party then have at last conceded, that this clamour was only a matter of form^ and liave admitted the fairness and integrity of this ofHcer. Cliarges of a similar nature were advanced against Mr. Wolcott and Mr. Dexter, and it was added, that their offices had been intentionally burnt, in order to covier their defalcations. No other answer need be given to these most infa- mous lies, than that the present administration have been eight years in possession of all the means to convict them without taking a single step to bring them to jus- tice. But we have a more convincing reply ; the ac- counts of these gentlemen have been fully examined by their enemies, and the result was most honourable to them. Neither of them is included by Mr. Duvall, in his official report of balances due the U. States ; and the government composed of his inveterate enemies, have gone so far as to indemnify Mr. Dexter for his loss by the fire, to which his office was unfortunately exposed. llthly. It was an objection to the late administration, that diey expended money for which no appropriations had been made by law. The truth is, that it is impos- sible for Congress to foresee and provide for all the casualties which may occur during the recess. It has always happened that some appropriations have been too large and others top small. It has been the prac- tice, and a most usefiirone for the President, in some cases, to authorize the heads of departments to apply the unnecessary surplus \vhich had been appropriated to one object, to the deficiency which might be found in another. It ch he )st infa- )n have convict I to jus- thc ac- iined by rable to uvall, in and the les, have 5 loss by exposed, istration, ipfiations s impos- )r all the It has ave been the prac- , in some to apply tropriated jfouiidin This system did not, however, suit the fastidious and refined politicks of the democrats. These honest and virtuous men, who have plundered the publick of mil- lions without pretext, could not endure the lesser of- fence of saving the state, by applying an useless fund to an object where it was wanted. But since they came into power, there has not been a single appropriation by law, in which they have not foK lowed the example of their predecessors, which they pretended to condemn. In the very first year of Jefferson's administration, he expended an immense sum in the disgraceful repair of the French frigate Berceau, for which no appropriation had been made by law, and his obedient though incon- sistent Congress ratified the procedure. In order to elude the principle, that every expendi* ture shall have a specifick appropriation to warrant it, Congress adopted a very cunning mode, of authorizing the President to transfer any specifick appropriation from one object to another. This, if carried to ex- tremes, would compleatly defeat the provision in the constitution, that the two houses should have the ex* elusive right of directing the appropriation of the pub- lick money. Such has been, in fact, the operation. By Mr. HamiUon's late report, we find that 94,153 dol- lars have been transferred, by Mr. Madison, from the article oi provisions to which Congress limited it, to that of repairs of publick vessels ; and another suim of 18,000 dollars, has been transferred from the same ob- ject, in the same manner. We arc not disposed to cen- sure these variations because the publick good may re- quire them, but we say that they are gross evasions of the principle, for which the democrats strenuously contend- ed. It signifies nothing to the people, whether the President applies and Congress ratifies, or whether Congress authorizes the President to transfer any sums he may please from one stated appropriation to another. In either case, the power of Congress and their right to judge of the necessity of the expenditures 3 IS cciisc. That the people may judge ho>v far tliis power lias been abused we will simply state, that upwards of 100,000 dollars were expended in eight months, at New Orleans, where there were only 22 gun boats and two bomb-vessels ; and that six of these gun boats are reported as already unfit for service^ before any one of them has yet seen any service. See Hamilton's report to Congress, dated Dec. 5, 1809. 12thly. It was a most fertile source of complaint against the late administrations, that our foreign inter- course was too extensive ; that the tendency of thus enlarging our connexion with foreign nations was to endanger our peace, and to expose the United States to the influence of foreign intrigues, and to the evils of foreign wars ; that besides these considerations, the ex- pense of such embassies was a subject of serious alarm. Let us see how far the conduct of our present rulers has quadrated with their professions. Holland having been totally merged and become a province of France it was no longer necessary to keep up a foreign minister with her. It is not to be doubted that'*such would have been the policy of the federalists. But the salaries of all the foreign minsters have con- tinued the same ; and the government have lately add- ed a 7iexv foreign mission to those which formerly ex- isted, and this not only without any honourable pretext but against the express vote of an obedient senate, who had declared no such mission was necessary. Here then we have another proof of insincerity m their objections to the policy of their predecessors. Would to heaven this w^as the only reflection which this late appointment of Mr. Adams excites ! — But we cannot refrain from expressing our fears, that this mis- sion will produce all the evils which this party foolishly affected, without reason, to fear from the foreign em- bassies which were made by theirmore prudent prede- cessors. Vie could extend this picture to a variety of other in- stances of the unfounded objections to the federal ad- 19 ministrations, but wc conceive that wc have given suffi- cient proofs of the insincerity, and falsehood of the charges which were urged against them by their ene- mies, with no other view, as it now appears, than to get possession of the government, and to be enabled to squander its resources among their unprincipled ad- herents. Before we proceed to display the evils which have resulted from the chang* produced in the internal ad- ministration of our country, let us contrast the charac- ter and conduct of Washington with that of Mr. Jeffer- son. As to Mr. Adams, who has surrendered his rep- utation into the hands of his former enemies, we shall leave them to draw whatever contrast they please be- tween him and our present chief magistrate, Mr. Mad- ison. Washington, originally was a soldier ; he hazarded his life and an ample fortune in the service of his coun- try. Even his enemies profess to be his panegyrists, and are willing, now he is dead, to pay a hypocritical tribute to his memory. That Jefferson cannot make any pretensions tp the martial virtues ; that he made no sacrifices of personal safety, or by any efforts of exalted courage, the silence of his friends on these topicks most abundantly proves. Washington had no foreign predilections ; his educa- tion, habits, and feelings were all American. Hence, we find in his administration, he exhibited a strict im- partiality towards foreign nations, and consulted only the best interests, welfare, and peace of the United States. Mr. Jefferson passed a very interesting period of his life at the court of France — His mind had a strong bias in favour of the visionary systems of the French philosophers and oeconomists — He contracted firm friendships and warm prejudices, in favour of France, during his residence at that corrupt court, and he re- turned to this country a Frenchman in maimers, senti- ments and feelings. — It is a fact well known to those who have seen hirn intimately, diat his prejudices in 20 lavoiir of France, were exhibited in his dress — in hih mode of living — in his literature — in his sentiments up, on religion, but what was more unfortunate for his country, in his political opinions. He entered deeply into the French antipathy against Great Britain, and like all other violent theorists, he has anticipated as well iis anxiously desired the downfall of the British empire. These circumstances ought to be known in order to explain the very extraordinary course of his admi* nistration — Taking these facts as a clue, we may be enabled to trace the intricate labyrinth of his political conduct which it is proposed to exhibit hereafter in de> tail. Washington was president of the convention which adopted our present constitution — He gave it not only his sincere assent, but the well merited influence of his name. At that period Jefferson was studying infidelity and the holy right of insurrection at Paris — He returned to this country to partake of the honours and rewards which the Federal constitution held out to eminent men, but with a heart embittered even to rancour against its provisions. This will be considered by some persons, as the tale of past times, and as losing a portion of its interest by its anticjuity and triteness, but it is nevertheless impor- tant as a preamble to the history of his administration — Jeflerson's invaluable letter of treachery and precious confession written to his Atheistical Italian friend Maz- zei is the index of his character and sentiments — That infidel philosopher resided some time as an inmate in Mr. Jefferson's family — it was to this bosom friend that our late chief magistrate declared, when passing a church in ruins, that *' it was good enough for one who was born in a manger." Is it surprising, that a people who should have know- ingly promoted such an infidel to rule over them, should have been reduced by the divine judgments to the state of distress, in which he left them at tlie conclusion of his period of service ? To this same Muzzei, our late chief magistrate Jef- ferson, whose name will be held in detestation, by our remotest posterity, declared "that the executive, judi- ciary, and .. ) trgc inHJority of Congress were under the influence of tlic whore of P^ngland," and this too at a time when Washinfrtoii, his pation, and personal friend was at the head of the government. Washington promiscuously appointed men of all po- liticks to the various oftices of honor, profit, and trust. The names of Jefferson, secretary of state, Randolph attorney general, Jarvis inspector of revenue, in Massa- chusetts — ^elville inspector of the customs in Boston, bitter enough for any party — Dearborne marshal of Maine — Whipple and, Gardner in Portsmouth, will be sufficient among a thousand others to prove the con- ciliatory policy of our first excellent chief magistrate. Jefferson, entering office with the French duplicity in which he had been educated, professing that party distinctions ought to vanish, and that we were " all fed- eralists, all republicans," introduced the most corrupt- ing and intolerant principles, not merely by confining honours to his own political sect, but by punishing men, for daring to oppose his election and principles, and depriving them of offices to which they were en- titled, in order to bestow them upon wretches who have preyed upon the vitals of the body politick. This conduct, of which Jefferson set the first exam- p\e, is neither more nor less than downright venality-^ allpublick offices, are set up* for sale, and men of ta- lents are invited to become the bidders by sacrifices of their principles, and of their party — Thus wc have seen many men of distinguished abilities entering into this auction of character, and bartering their virtues and their God for paltry profit and disgraceful honours. Washington recommended a strict impartiality to- wards all nations, and an adherence to the system of keeping ourselves aloof from European politicks. 22 Jefferson assiduously endeavoured to form the closest possible intimacy with France, and to plunge us into ^n open contest with Great Britain. Washington, always conscious of his integrity, Ex- pressed himself openly, freely, and frankly to the na- tion, in language plain, perspicuous, and easily com- prehended by all classes of citizens. Jefferson, formed on the crooked policy of the French statesmen, sought to dbnceal his designs in dark am- biguous and forced language, filled with involutions of style, which may be made to mean any thing or nothing, as he might afterwards find to be convenient or poli- tick. We could pursue this parallel to a much greater ex- tent, but we think that the publick will now be suffici- ciently prepared for that history of inconsistency, folly, corruption, and imbecillity — of foreign partiality and hostility to the commercial interests, which a candid statement of the facts, which took place during Mr. Jefferson's administration^ will undoubtedly exhibit. In stating ( which we shall do as briefly as is con- sistent with perspicuity, ) the various measures of Mr. Jefferson and of Mr. Madison, which have reduced this country from the high, honourable, and safe ground upon which it stood, with respect to all for- eign nations at the moment when they came into pow- er ; we shall arrange the subject into seven general heads, for the sake of perspicuity, and we shall adduce under each head the facts, numerically arranged, which tend to support our general charges. The publick may rely upon it, that we shall state nothing which we cannot prove by authentick evi- dence or publick documents, and we invite and chal- lenge the officers and adherents of the administration to controvert the facts alleged, or to institute prose- cutions in our courts of Law, in which owing to the noble sentiments of the Massachusetts Judiciary it ha« been settled, that the truth mav be a:iven in evidence. 23 thus placing the citizen on as favourable a footing as that in which he stood under the sedition act. HOSTILITY TO GREAT-BRITAIN. 1. The first general charge which we advance, and mean to substantiate against the administration, is that of an undue and unreasonable spirit of hosti- litj against Great Britain — a fixed resolution to fo- ment and keep alive in our country, strong prejudices against that nation — to avoid all adjustment of diifer- ences with her, and gradually to force her into a con- test, or to impair her resources and means of de- fending herself against the common enemy of mankind^ France. This charge is supported by the following facts. -» 1st PROOF. NEGLECT TO RENEW TREATY. 1. By the neglect and refusal to renew Mr. Jay's treaty when it expired — Whatever might have been the fears, and the prophecies against that calumniated and unpopular convention at the time it was ratified, the experience of ten years, abundantly proved that it was calculated to protect our commerce and to encou- rage our enterprize. All the terrible predictions that it would tend to re- duce us to the state of colonies yielded to that surer test of all political opinions, experience — Under the influence and protection of that treaty, our East India trade increased from one million to ten millions of dollars per annum. Our revenue from six millions to twelve — our com raerce was protected and our flag respected in every sea. That it might have been renewed the writer of this article knows from the high and unquestionable autho- rity of Col. Munroe then ambassador at London. 24 . The British cabinet were so desirous of continuing ihe amicable relations of the two countries, that they proposed the renewal of the treaty, for two years dur- ing which, the two high contracting parties might en- ter into discussions as to such articles as either of them might wish to amend or alter — The British govern- ment carried their disposition to amity still farther — they directed their officers in India, we have reason to presume to act upon the articles of that treaty, as if they were still in force, and it is a fact, that for more than four years after its expiration, the British officers in India continued to respect its stipulations. But though our dearest interests called for the re- newal of this treaty — though all the evils we have since suffered, would have been avoided by such a mea- sure, yet our cabinet preferred to hazard our peace, and jeopardize our commerce, rather than agree to a measure which would tend to preserve a good under- standing: with Great Britain. 2(1 PROOF. NON-IMPORTATION ACT. 2. When the extension of the rule of 1756, •by the British courts of admiralty, to cases which they had be- fore suffered to pass without notice, (we allude to the doctrines of continuity of trade,) roused our mer- chants in 1805, to solicit of congress measures of re- monstrance, it was the understanding and wish of the mercantile interests that congress should commence a negociation in a genuine spirit of accommodation- Such an embassy conducted upon honourable princi- ples would not iiave failed to be successful ; this v/c have a right to presume, from the success which in fact did attend the negociation, notwitlistandii^^ the disadvantages and insults to Great Britain, under which it was undertaken. The government of the United States, instead of sending Mr. Munroe unfct- 25 terfed \vitli restrictions^ and unaccompanied by hostile measures, passed the non-importation act, prohibiting the introduction of certain British commodities, the language of which could not be misunderstood, and was intended to be understood as declaring, that if they did not come to our terms,. this rod which we held over them, should be suffered to inflict the punishment which we pretended that they merited. This conduct was precisely like the policy of the same party, at the time of Jay's ncgociation — It was then proposed, that the negotiator should be armed with the terrors of our resentment, but the pacifick and prudent policy of the Washington administration, defeated that project. This is another proof of the insincere manner in which our present rulers negotiate with Great-Britain, Mr. Munroe was moreover, especially instructed, not to conclude a treaty, unless the right of impressing British seamen in our vessels should be explicitly re- linquished. This point proved the stumbling block as was predicted. ^ 3d PROOF. RkJECTIOM OF MUNHOE AND PlKKNEv's TREATY. Notwithstanding the disadvantages and impedi- ments under which the negociation, by Messrs. Mun- roe and Pinkney, was undertaken, yet those gentle- men, meeting with an administration in Great Britain more favourable to this country than any which had ever before, or will ever, probably, again exist, were enabled to conclude a most advantageous and honour- able treaty. The terms of that treaty were so satisfactory to our envoys, that they wrote the President, that they had concluded a convention which embraced all the objects committed to them. The President himself, on the 3d of Februar}', 1807. expressed the same opinion^ in his message to Congcofis. 4 ■ ■" 26 u Yet when this satisfactory arrangement arrived, thia same President sent it back with indignity, without submitting it to the judgment of the senate, as had been the invariable practice in such cases. Can we have a stronger proof, of a determination of our cabinet to prolong the state of dissension between us and Great Britain, and to preclude the possibility of amicable settlement ? Two reasons have been privately assigned, for this abrupt measure, neither of which, will in any degree, justify it. 1st. That it contained a note, added by the British government, after it was signed, derogatory to the ho- nour and interest of the United States. This note, so much misrepresented, has since been displayed to the publick. It amounted only to an honourable notice, on the part of the British cabinet, that if we should submit to the French decree of Berlin, his Majesty should reserve to himself the right to retaliate. Such a right was neither strengthened or weakened by this declaration ; and it could be viewed in no other light than as a friendly warning, that Great Britain would feel herself authorized to resort to the acknowl- edged law of retaliation, in case we should neglect our neutral duties, so far as to submit to the infraction of our neutral rights by France ; infractions^ in which Great Britain was directly interested, as the decrees were on the face of them, aimed solely at her through the com- merce of America. If Great Britain had not adopted this honourable course of previous notice ; if she had followed the example of France, and had retaliated with- out any preceding intimation, there would have been no limit to our clamour and just complaints. 2dly. The only other objection to this most excellent treaty, rejected with so little ceremony, and so little re- gard to the best interests of the United States, was, that it contained no stipulation as to the claim of Great Bri- tain, to take HER OWN seamen out of the merchant ships of the United States. We say nothing of the opinion, 27 ^o often expressed by all commercial men, that it is in- expedient to make tijjs point a sine qua non of a treaty. We say nothing of th? limited exercise of this claim by Great Britain, of late years. We say nothing of the uniform practice of other belligerents, of enforcing the same pretensions, especially France, We say nothing of the opinion expressed by the former administration, of the minor nature of this grievance, by their having made treaties and conventions, in which it had been overlooked ; nor of the intrinsick difficulty of settling this most delicate question between a belligerent and a neutral, whose seamen are so confounded in language, manners, and feelings; and where the neutral offers such strong inducements from high wages and personal security, for desertion, from the belligerents, fighting for existence. We purposely overlook all these con- siderations, which are of immense weight, and confine ourselves to the answer of Col. Mimroe, a democrat, appointed by Jefferson ; who declares in print, that *' on this point, he had concluded an informal arrangement; with the British government, which, he conceived, em- braced the spirit of his instructions." It appears then, that the treaty was rejected, without any solid or even plausible pretexts, and this rash mea- sure* affords the strongest proof of the indisposition of our cabinet, to heal the differences against Great Bri- tain. 4th PROOF, » PROCLAMATION INTERDICTING BRITISH SHIPS OF WAR. The next proof I shall cite of the disposition of our cabinet, to widen the breach between us and Great Britain, is the President's proclamation interdict- ing the entry of all British ships of war, after the affair of the Chesapeake. No principle, in the law of nations, is better settled than that nations cannot resort to acts of hostility or re. • See note on tUis subject at the end of this pamphlet. 28 taliation for the malconduct of inferior officers, until a demand of satisfaction has bee^pade of the govern- ment whose officer has been giii* .* We had an il- lustrious example of this principle, and of the true dig- nity of procedure, in the case of the insult offered by Capt. Stanhope, in 1787, to Gov. Bowdoin, in this State. A remonstrance was made to Great Britain, and the offending officer was cashiered. We complain of the neglect and delay of Great Britain, to give satis- faction for the attack on the Chesapeake, when the only barrier, and a barrier purposely interposed by our gov- ernment, has been the obstacle to a complete atonement. Such a measure as the interdiction of British ships, can <5nly be viewed as hostile, and founded upon the presumption, that the government of another country is not disposed to do us justice. Now, however true we may believe this to be, it is wholly inconsistent with the etiquette and the delicacy which ought always to govern independent states. If Mr. Jefferson had waited only three months, he would have found that Great Britain regretted and dis- approved the conduct of Admiral Berkely, as much as we did.t 5th PROOF. AEJECTION OF MR. ROSE. But 5. This rash, I will not call it unadvised step (because I think it was designed) proved the only obstacle to Mr, Rose*s mission. That minister was a solemn envoy from the second power in the world, and I believe he was the only one which that nation has sent for several centuries to offer satisfaction to any na- tion. He had but one restriction, and that every man of sense foresaw he would have. — ** I will acknowledge, said the kin^ of Great Brit»^n, the act cf my servant to be unauthorized, I will ^'ve you due compensation * See note on this subject at the end of this pamphlet, t See ftote on the subject of Berlrelv, at the end of this pamphlet. 29 for it, but I cannot do this, so lonff as you pretend to compel mt hy force to perform that which I am ready to do, from a sense of justice and propriety." Precisely to this point of insult, our cabinet most pertinaciously adhered. As soon as it was discovered that Great Britain (as was foreseen) w<5uld not yield it, it was determined to insist upon it ; and yet no plausi- ble reason can be given for this obstinate adherence. It was pretended that the measure was merely pre- cautionary ; that is, that it was founded on the fear that the attack on the Chesapeake might be followed by other like outrages ; but as soon as Great Britain disavowed and condemned the act of her servant, we could calculate safely on a total change of conduct, on the part of her officers. Such, was in fact, the result. There could be no motive then for an offensive adher- ence to these insulting interdictions, except the solemn, deliberate, and abundantly supported determination to reject all proffers of accommodation from Great Britain. 6th PROOF. THE PUISSANT AND WISE EMBARGO. The next measure of hostility to Great Britain, which might equally be cited under our second general head of devotion to France, was our most puissant and unprecedented embargo. Such a measure, new in the annals of civilized and commercial states, so obviously destructive to our- selves would require some extraordinary reason for its adoption, ,:«;; *r t The infamous duplicity with which the measure was recommended, hardly had a chance to strut its hour upon the stage before it was hissed off by the people, and abandoned by its authors. As a measure to ^^save our resources*^ from the grasp of the two contending belligerents, it was ridiculed almost before it was pro- mulgated, and was soon stripped of all its deceitful plu- mage, and made to appear in its naked depravity, as a publick attempt to starve the British colonies, and to co. so I operate in the French system of destroying tlic geneval commerce of Cireat Britain. The previous prophecies of such a measure in France — the adoption of it in three days after the arrival of the dispatches from that country — the notice given by our minister in France to all American vessels, that an embargo would be imposed — ^the subsequent appro- bation of that measure by the emperor's agents Cham- pagny and Hauterive, but above all the Bayonne decree, which undertook to enforce our embargo without our leave, by ordering the capture of all American vessels^ under any circumstances, all prove that the measure was solely intended to operate against Great Britain. Thus Mr. Canning understood it, and we cannot re* collect his sarcastick taunts upon our administration, on this topick, his hint that ** our embargo had a most un- accountable and strange coincidence with tlie French decrees against Great Britain," without blHshin^ for the rulers of a free and neutral country who could just* ly expose themselves to so lacerating and mortifying a reflection. I One other idea we ought not to overlook upon this occasion, that our government which appears so ex- tremely sensible to a proposition on the part of Great Britain, that she may be permitted with our leave to enforce our non-intercourse with France, in which she is so directly interested, should have suffered to pass not only without remonstrance, but without remark, the Bayonne decree which without asking our permission undertook to enforce our municipal laws« u , 7th PROOF. " / ;/; » NON-INTERCOUVSB ACT. v. / ( **=-■> ■ P-^. ■ The continuation of the same spirit df hostility to Great Britain, is to be found in the Non-Intercourse act. This measure may be considered as the feeble effort of a par^ driven by the publick voice to abandon the ruinous policy of the embargo, which had covered its authors with shame and disgrace ; and it presented 31 fresh proofs of their determination to co-operate with France in her scheme of destroying the commerce of Great Britain. Its nominal impartiality, not disguised even in the language of its supporters, who openly ex- pressed, during the debate, their rancorous hostility to Great Britain, did not deceive either of the belligerents. By France it was considered as a loyal proof of our hearty co-operation in her views, and by Great Britain as another harmless though vindictive effort to paralyze her commerce. Its motives were rendered obvious by the state of the European powers ; for while it was apparent that the effective blockade of the continent by Great Britain would have rendered all trade with France or her allies impracticable, and therefore our non- intercourse abso- lutely a nullity as to France ; the humble state of the French marine left the full effect of our non- intercourse act to operate against Great Britain — to operate against the only nation which respected our flag, or which paid the smallest regard in point of fact ^ though not so much in professions to the neutral rights of America. 8th PROOF. thb 0ffsn3ivx terms used by oub administration ih mr. erskine's arrangement. Wc shall notice as an eighth proof of the hostility of our rulers to Great Britain the offensive terms in which the arrangement with Mr. Erskine was concluded. We shall omit for the sake of brevity the other col- lateral circumstances, lately developed which prove be- yond contradiction that this arrangement was concluded mala fide, (that is) without any wish or expectation that it would be carried into effect. We shall of comse omit to mention the circumvention of a feeble minister by all the members of our cabinet ; the hopes which they led him to entertain that all the objects of his precise instructions would be accomplished in an informal but certain manner — the inducements which they held out to him with ill fwith, which he communicated to his 32 si cabinet, and which formed the basis of his instructions — the concluding an arrangement under tiie authority of an act of Congress without pursuing the letter or the spirit of that act by requiring the actual repeal of the British orders — the neglect to demand of this minister his special powers which our own former usage and that of all other nations rendered indispensable — and the conclusion of .in agreement, not only without a knowledge of the agent's powers or instructions, but with the positive ktiowledge that such as he did com- municate were expressly violated. These topicks we omit, because they have been more ably discussed by others. We shall confine our objections in this case simply to the manner in which the arrangement was I'jeceived by our cabinet. We shall therefore suppose, that there had been no dark or double views, in the origui of the negociation — >ve shall suppose against what we knotu to be the fact^ that they believed Mr.. Erskinc had full powers, and had a right by the law of nations to bind his sovereign, yet we say that had this been the case our government took effectual measures to render the rejection of this arrangement certain. If iVIr. Erskine had pof.sessed a full and patent com- mission under the great seal — if he had literally pur- sued his instructions. Great Britain would not, France would not, nor would the United States, humbled as they are under the present rulers, under like circum- stances, have ratified the convention — The government of the United States in the mode of accepting Mr. Erskinc's offers, made use of such affrontive teniis, that its rejection was certain. 1st. As to the affair of the Chesapeake, Mr. Erskinc not only tendered the satisfaction without requiring a record of the repeal of our hostile proclamation, but he accepted an imprudent and rash answer from our secre- tary, Mr. Smith, in which he insinuates that the satis- faction was unacceptable at the moment when it was declared to be accepted, and he impeached the honour THE MANI 33 of the British Government by an express and lui un- necessary declaration, ** that it would have been for the honour of his Brittannick Majesty, to have punish- ed admiral Berkley." If it would have been for his honour so to have done, it follows that it was disho'j nourablc not to do it. ' But are we the keepers of his Brittannick Majesty'?! honour ? If the tender of satisfaction was not agreeable to us, we did wrong to accept it — but when we did ac- cept it as a full satisfaction, it was impolitick, it was indecent, it was even hosttlcy to reflect upon the honour of the other party, with whom we had just concluded an agreement. 2dly. As to the orders in council, our language was equally offensive — Great Britain had declared that she would not repeal her orders in council, prohibiting^ trade with France, until we should adopt some mea- sure against France, which would take the place of her orders, and render them no longer necessary — our government (determined to take away all apology for Great Britain in yielding her system of retaliation,) de- clared " that our laws placing France on a footing of equality as to non- intercourse, did not arise from any disposition to conciliate Great Britain, but from sepa- rate and distinct considerations.'' h «» Such has been the untoward policy of our rulers ; that at the moment of apparent reconciliation they would remove from the nation disposed to adjust with us the only honourable grounds upon which she could deviate from her avowed policy as to her enemy. 9th PROOF. A&- THE MAVNBR IN VTHICH THE DISAVOWAL Qt E&SKINS*S RANOEMENT WAS RECEIVED. 9th. The manner in which the refusal of Great Brit^ ain to ratify Mr. Erskine's arrangement was received by our administration affords anotherproof of their hos- tility to Great Britain. We shall say nothing of the temper ' in which the conclusion of that arrangement was originally received ^ by Mr. Madison's party, nor of the continued lan- guage of virutcnce against Great Britain, which pre- vailed during the period when it was uncertain whe- ther it would be ratified or rejected. But the clamour which has been excited by our rulers, the language of Mr, Smith in his correspondence with Mr. Jackson, and of Mr. Madison in his speech, abundantly proves their determination to seize every pretext, reasonable or unreasonable to foment the prejudices against Great Britaio. If a foreign government does an act which it has an unquestionable right to do by the law of nations, which every nation assumes the privilege of doing, and which our own cabinet have frequently exercised, that of re- jecting the treaties, conventions, or agreements of their publick agents, whether authorised or not authorised, is It not a proof of an undue prejudice against a foreign nation to make such an act a source of clamour and complaint ? In the case of Erskine's arrangement, the act was not only unauthorised, not only made without full powers, but expressly contrary to instructions — of all which our government were early apprized — It was not only against the principles recognized by all nations, but as Vattel says, as cited by our own minister Mr. Smith, " it might be rejected because the British cabinet had solid and weighty reasons so to do." These solid and weighty reasons as to the affair of the Chesapeake were, as we have stated, the neglect to notice the f^eal of the proclamation, and the offensive language in which it was accepted — And as to the or- ders in council, the neglect to stipulate that we would continue the resistance to the decrees of France, on which condition alone did the British cabinet consent, or could they consent to repeal their orders. With such abundant reasons to reject this arrange- ment, with the practice and conduct of all other govern- ments, and our own especially, in their favour, what greater proof can exist of the dbposition of our cabinet 35 to inflame tlie prcjucV'ces against Great Britain, than their encouniging the clamours against her, for her re- jection of this nisli and unauthorised convention ? 'loth PROOF. IIEJECTION OF MR. JACKSON. lOth. The climax y /imvevery of proofs of the fixed determination of our government to reject all the propo- sitions and advances of G. Britain, may be found in the late unpardieled rejection of Mr. Jackson. We .shall not notice the temper which was excited in this coimtry against him, prior to that gentleman's arrival, in the papers devoted to the administration, the attempt to rouse the prejudices of the people against his character and views — the reception which he met with upon his arrival at Washington — the interdiction of all verbal communications after he had been only one week in his negociation — we find ample matter of censure and alarm in the subsequent conduct of the administration to- wards him, the categorical and insulting manner in which Mr. Smith began the correspondence, the re- peated misrepresentation of his views and proposals persisted in after he had as repeatedly disavowed and denied any such views or proposals — but above all, in the unfounded charge preferred against him of in- decent imputations which cannot be discovered, and in the refusal to admit him any longer to those rights which among all civilized nations have been held sacred — This insult if unsupported and not justified by his conduct, is not an attack on the honour of Mr. Jackson, but an affront to his sovereign^ and to the whole British nation — That it cannot be justified fs perfectly clear,- not only from a perusal of the correspondence — not only from the total failure of the advocates and tools of the administration in congress and in the publick jour- nals to specify and substantiate the fact — not only in the loose, ambiguous, uncertain terms of Mr. Smith's letter to Mr. Pinkitcy, and the still looser terms of Mr. Giles' resolutions passed into a law, but from the very 56 ffi ' able and unanswerable argument and analysis of Mr. Quincy, who in his place in congress has declared the charge against Mr. Jackson to ha false and unfounded^ and by a critical examination hSiS proved it to be such. This conduct of the administration is not a greater proof of their hostility to Great Entain, than of their sovereign contempt for the understandings of the peo- ple — The partial and prejudiced manner in which it was first made known — the attempt to kindle the passions of the people before the evidence was submitted to them — -and the utter disregard to their opinions ma- nifested by their neglect to explain or justify their con- duct, all prove as well their determination to keep up a spirit of rancour towards Great Britain, as their reliance on the devotion and blindness of their partizans. 11th PROOF MR. Madison's message. * 11. Mr. Madison's message to Congress at the opening of the present session, is another proof of the unalterable determination of our cabinet to produce, it not an open rupture, at least an irreconcileable breach between us and Great Britain. In his allusion to the conduct of Great Britain in rejecting Mr. Erskine's arrangement, he departs from those forms of respect for the feelings of a foreign nation standing upon equal ground with ourselves, which are absolutely necessary to be strictly observed for the » maintenance of publick peace. There is in that message, if not a direct charge of perfidy at least such a train of injurious imputations, as to leave no doubt upon ihe mind, that such imputations were intended-— .Wc have already in a preceeding arti- cle, shewn that no just cause of complaint existed against the British cabinet for their refusal to ratify Mr. Ers- kine's arrangement, and that the failure of that mea- sure is to be attributed as well to the neglect of our own officers to require Mr. Erskine's powers or instructions, as to the very offensive language inserted in the cor- respondence, which would have rendered the rejection 37 of it certain had it been concluded vr'iih full ptfwers — But there are some other considerations which render- ed this language of Mr. Madison peculiarly improper and indelicate on our part. We allude to the rejection of the treaty made by Messrs. Munroe and Pinkney with Great Britain — Those ministers acted under full and plenary powers, which the treaty recites were ex- changed with the British commissioners — They did not violate their instructions, but on the contrary they sign- ed a joint letter to the president on the 11th. of Novem- ber 1806, in which they say, " we are aware that our instructions impose on us the necessity of providing satisfactorily for this great interest (the question of impressment) as one of the conditions on which a treaty shall be formed — But it does not appear that the FAIR OBJECT of that instruction will not be satisfied by the arrangement thus made." In oth- er words, the arrangement we have made does fairly satisfy these instructions and conditions — and after this on the 27th of December, the same ministers declare that " they have agreed to conclude a treaty on ALL the points which had formed the object of their negociation," and so Mr. Jefferson announced it to congress on the 3d of February, 1807. — Yet this treaty concluded in virtue of full powers, and fairly satisfying all the instructions, was rejected with- out the ceremony of submitting it to the constitutional advisers of the president, the senate. How did Great Britain receive this rejection ? Did she vapour, clamour, excite the publick resentment of her subjects ? Did she charge us with perfidy ? Did the British monarch so far forget the dignity of his office as to convert his speech to parliament into a philiippick against the American government ? No — Far otherwise, and very opposite were his no- tions of national rights, and of the respect due to other sovereigns. Mr. Canning in answer to Mr. Munroe and Mr. Pinkney's letter, when they announci^d the re- t T^ ■*■*•» j»jvr.?" 7^-'^ • 38 .'i: fusal to ratify, replied, " that although the treaty had been concluded by agents duly authorised for that purpose, yet that the considerations which induced the president to, reject it, were only matters of discus- sion between him and his own ministers. Since it was not for his majesty to enquire whether the Ameri- can commissioners had failed to conform themselves to their instructions. His majesty had no option^ therefore, but to acquiesce in the refusal of the pre- sident to ratify the treaty." We make no comparison of the relative dignity of the proceedings Of the two rabine wards Great Britain, whose government has been guil- ty of the unpardonable sin of retaliating, after twelve months notice, in a very inferior degree, the unjust decrees of France. We have said in a very inferior degree, and in order to judge correctly of the nature and justice of the lan- guage used towards Great Britain, it may be useful, and indeed necessary, to compare the French decrees, and the circumstances under which they were imposed with the British orders in council, and the modifica- tions which have since taken place of those orders. In November, 1806, we were not only in a state of peace and avowed amity with France, but we had a treaty with that nation, which regulated our commer- cial rights, as far as treaties can regulate or controul a faithless and perfidious conqueror. By this treaty it jWas stipulated, 1st. That even enemies property in American vessels should bo exempt from capture. The only enemy of France at that time was Great Britain ; and the stipu- lation amounted therefore to this ; that British proper- ty ^ avowed to be such, should find a secure asylum un- der our flag. 2d. That the right of blockade should be limited to the case of an actual investment of the blockaded port, by a competent naval force. - 3d. That we should have a right to trade freely to and from the ports of any and all the belligerents, without molestation or impediment, and since^ as we have 43 »bove stated, the only belligerents at tliat time, were France and Great Britain, we had the solemn faith of France, that we should be permitted to trade freely from the ports of Great Britain to those of France, without molestation or hindrance. To admit that France could lawfully impede this commerce, upon the pretext of making municipal regU' lations, would be to concede, that she could at pleasure violate her stipulations with us, when we had released to her, as the price of these concessions on her part, all our claims upon her for preceding captures. We shall not deny, that if subsequent to the treaty we had failed to perform any of the conditions of it, or if we had submitted to any aggressions of Great Britain, or to any new principles which she had set up, hostile to the interests of France, after due notice given to us of a determination to retaliate, she would have had a just right to consider the treaty violated. No such pretence is set up by France or her friends. The fact is notoriously otherwise. Between 1800, when the treaty with France was made, and 1806, when the infamous decree of Berlin was promulgated. Great Britain set up no principle which she did not ex- ercise at the moment when the treaty was ratified. Much less can it be pretended that France ever urged any complaint on this subject and required our resist- ance. The decree of Berlin then was a gross violation of our rights, without apology or pretext, except its advance- ment of the emperor's objects against Great Britain. ? Far otherwise was the situation of Great Britain. Bound to us by no stipulations, restrained by no con- tract, she was at liberty to exercise the law of retalia- tion, provided she took all the previous measures which the law of nations rendered indispensable. In Decem- ber, 1806, she notified our government of her intention to retaliate the French decrees, unless we should adopt some measure of resistance, which should render her retaliation unnecessary. She did not require measures I 44 ' of hostility. She did, no^ li^e Bonaparte^ indicate the degree and course of resistance. She did not declare " that we were at war with France." She only reposed on our good faith that we would adopt some counter- vailing laws, which would counteract this gross viola- tion of our rights. She waited twelve months, in vain, for any such spirit of resistance, and she then adopted a comparative- ly mild course of retaliation. How far it was comparatively mild may be seen by the following distinction. By the French decree, all the British islands were de- clared in a state of seige by land and sea, while not a sin- gle shi]) blockaded the ports of those islands. By the British orders the Europ^ean territories of France only and of her allies, who had adopted the same decrees were declared to be blockaded, and they had an actual blockading force, sufficient to bring them within the rules adopted by the armed neutrality, which rendered blockades legal, where the blockading force was sufficiently great to render the entry immi- nently dangerous. The French decrees gavfe no notice to the innocent or ignorant neutral, but condemned equally, the inno- cent and the guilty. The British orders allowed so reasonable a time, that no innocent neutral could possibly fall within their op- eration. The French decrees extended to all the British colo- nies in her West Indies. The British orders left free our trade with the colo- nies of the enemy, so important to our citizens. By a second French decree of Milan, all British goods even when purchased by neutrals, are made good prize. All vessels bound to or from British ports are equally subjected. And to cap the chmax of perfidy and insult, of unexampled tyranny and injustice, all bona fide American property of An>erican growth is declared \y }& tl .■*vr.li*Jf.,,<4S,'*S,V , _t »■.«.»(*-)( 7« 7 45 hvvful prize, if the ship has been visited by a superior British force. This last decree, the morality and justice of the Brit- ish cabinet would not permit them to retaliate. They would prefer at once open hostility, rather than thus to violate the most fundamental principles of justice. '^ Unretaliated as this Berlin decree was, and unfounded as could be any pretext for any other aggression, Bona- parte found the means of doing it under our embargo act. Whether this measure was the result of a secret stipulation or treaty between our cabinet and him we know not ; but it is certain that he could have no other pretence for the decree of Bayonne, " which declared every American vessel, found in whatever situation on the high seas, lawful prize, inasmuch as by the laws of the U. States, she had no right to traverse the ocean." Great Britain, so far from retaliating this unexam- pled piece of affront and injury, on the 26th of April last, of her own free accord, and without any stipula- tions on our part, repealed her orders in council of Nov. 1807 ; yes we say, th,at in April last, she actually re- pealed the orders, of which'we still hear so much com- plaint, and issued a new order of limited blockade. The British orders of Nov. 1807, no longer exist. The new orders amount to a specifick blockade of that part of the continent only which has been conquered by France, and is held by her feudatories. By this modi- fication, Spain, Portugal, Denmark, Russia, Sweden, and part of Italy were thrown open to our trade. All Bonaparte's decrees remain unmodified and unaltered, and what is most strange, even the Bayonne decree, founded on our embargo, is still in force. Having taken this short view of the relative conduct of the two belligerents, let us now see what language our cabinet have adopted towards Great Britain, the least offending party, if she offends at all. The news of the British retaliating orders reached our cabin<:^t on the 3d of February, 180.8, and though p>l iil^ i"f. 1 46 they had been silent as to the French aggressions for sev. eral months, and a' remonstrance was presented by our minister for 12 months, yet on the 22a of March, 1808, Mr. Madison (though^ sick and feeble, as he says) found spirit and energy enough to write to Great Britain, not as he had written to France^ " that the decrees were a municipal regulation, throwing a cloud over the amity between the two countries," but that " they [the Brit, ish orders] violated our rights and stabbed o\xtmtttt%% and that under the name of indulgences they superad- ed a blow at our national independence, and a mockery of our understanding." This we should call pretty plain, if not bitter lan> guage. In April, 1808, Mr. Madison a^in tells Mr. Pinkney, " that in not regarding the British orders as acts oi hostility, and in trustmg to the motives and means (the embargo laid and enforced by the request of France) to which they have appealed, the United States had given a signal proof of their love of peace." This impartial administration then, that had submit- ted to the French decrees, so much more inexcusable, for 12 months, singly remarking, that they " served to throw a cloud over the amity of the two nations," thought they gave a signal proof of moderation in not declaring war against Great Britain. In like manner to Mr. Erskine, on the 25th of March, 1808, Mr. Madison, speaking of the relaxation of the British decrees, made on purpose to accommodate them to our feelings, says, ** I forbear, sir, to express all the emotions with which such a language (the inti' mation of their desire to pacify us) is calculated to in- spire a nation, which cannot for a moment be uncon- scious of its rights, nor mistake for an alleviation of its wrongs, regulations, to admit the validity of which, would be to assume the badges of humiliation." * So then, this high minded administration, which, with regard to France, had not only been unmindful of its rights for twelve months^ but had forborn to do any act which would thicken the cloud which hung over the amity of the two nations, cannot even for a mo me if t be unconscious of its rights, 'in relation to the retaliat- ing measures of Great JSritain. We have noticed Mr. Madison's speech, and Mr. Giles* resolutions under a former head. It will be seen, that in these, this high language of indignation is in no degree relaxed, but on the contrary, gradually advancing towards a climax of insult and reproach, not only derogatory to the dignity of the nation, but to- tally inconsistent with the preservation of peace. It belongs to our next general head, to contrast this stud- ied language of provocation to Great Britain, with the mild demeanour of the same gentleman towards France, and it will be for the people to decide whether we are to ascribe this difference to the respective conduct of the belligerents, or to a partial and prejudiced feeling to- wards the respective parties. ll.-^SUBSERVIENCY TO FRANCE. ^* We proceed to the second general division of our subject, the object of which, is to shew the submission of our present and late administration to France ; and their complete subserviency to the views of the emperor, which, however caused, whether proceeding from par- tiality, fear, or corruption, inevitably tend to the dis- grace and ruin of our country, are utterly subversive of our commercial rights, and will prove highly dan- gerous, if not fatal to our peace, property, and liberties. 1st PROOF. MEAN LAKGUAOS OF OUR MINISTSKS IN FRANCE. 'J!^: The first, and one of the earliest proofs of the par- tiality and submission of our administration to France, and which has continued to the present day is the un- exampled meanness of the language of our ministers, at the court of Bonaparte. Among the whole host of m H ambassadors Ironi the new made, tributary, and vassal kings, who surround the throne of this nionarcli- mak- ing emperor, there is no single representative, who has exhibited a more humble, submissive temper, or adopt- cd language of more fulsome adulation, than the Amcr- ican ministers in France, nor did ever the ambussa. dors from a conquered prince experience such marked and so frequently repeated insults and indignities, as have been received by our ministers, at the imperial court. We need only call the recollection of our readers to the force which Bonaparte chose to gee up for the amusement of. Europe, and to cover the infamous mur der of the duke d'Enghien, a measure which involved the most unexampled violation of territorial soverei;^n. ty, as well as the blackest species of assassination — Un- der pretence that Mr. Drake, one of the British minis- ters on the continent had been concerned in a conspira- cy against his Itfcy the emperor caused letters to be written to the publick ministers representing the seve- ral tributary countries at his court, stating what he pre- tended to be the facts, and requesting their opinions in order to excite an odium against the British cabinet — It was received by these mock representatives of sov- reignty as a mandate to calumniate the British govern- ment, and accordingly they vied with each other in their efforts of malignant censure against that cabinet, but it is universally allowed, that the palm was gained by our minister, Mr. Livingston, both for the spirit of bit- terness which he manifested towards Great Britain, and of meanness and submission to the emperor.* — Russia and Sweden at that time had not bowed their necks to the yoke, and Mr. Marcoff, the Russian minister, as well as the minister from Sweden, refused to join in this most infamous and unprecedented measure. — Nothing could be plainer than the duty of a minister from a neu- tral country in such a case. — He should have replied, * Sec note and remarks on this subject at the end of this work. '' that the situation in which his country stood in rcla- tion to the two contending powers, rendered it improper, for him to express any opinion in such a delicate case, that even if the neutral state should interpose as an um- pire, it would be its duty to hear the other side in its defence before k shoi^ld undertake to. criminate it.'* This measure of unprecedented baseness, on the part of our minister in 1^ ranee gave serious umbrage to Great Britain, and the writer of this article ^nows from the high authority of Col. Munroe, that a demand of satisfaction was secretly made upon our goverment, which we are well assured has been since given, by a letter of disavowal of the act of Mr. Livingston, and probably by his recall. It is not the custom in Great Briti^n, to fill their official papers with abuse, against other nation^ in such cases, nor for their mem- bers of parliament to vie with each other in inflammatory language, as to the disavowed wrongs and injuries, committed by even a. publick minister.* Another instance of base and derogatory language will be found in Mr. Livingston's memorial to Bona- parte, to induce him to sell us the Spanish property of Louisiana. We sliall explain why we call this the Spanish propertUy when we come to the more particu- lar question of this purchase. Our only objept of citing it now is to shew, the strain ia which our ministers have treated with France. There are in this memorial some unjustifiable strokes of hostility to Great Britain as well as constant strain of adulation to Bonaparte. i For particulars see extracts from this memorial in the notes hereto annexed. Mr. Armstrong's correspondence with the French government is, in many respects, as censurable as those of Mr. Livingston. When he received intelligence of the burning of our vessels on the high seas, by rear ad- miral Baudin, in contravention not only of the laws and * Sec notes. ::| 56 usages of nations, but of the Freiich liodi of iii?iritinie capture,, and when the property plundered from these vessels was actually libelled in the French courts, Gen. Armstrong addressed a letter to count Champagny, in which so fur from intimating his horror at such ^ bar. barous infraction of the law of nations, so far from say- ing, as had been said to Great Britain in a questionable case, that tlM United States " could not for a moment submit to jSch infractions of their rights ;*^ he simply asks " whether his Majesty's government does or does not justify the conduct of rear admiral Baudin, in bum. ing or otherwise destroying, on the high seas, the ships and merchandize of a neutral and friendly power?" This letter \vas dated July 10th, 1808. No answer has ever been made to this modest question, or at least none has been published. It does not appcar.that the question was ever again resumed, nor, although the practice has been frequently repeated, have any further complaints been madey nor has the President deemed it of sufHcient consequence even to* allude to it in his messages. We shall, when we come to the infamous report of Mr. Secretary Smith, made art the present ses- sion, shew that he has omitted all notice of these out- rages, when he was directed to report all the cases of the aggressions of the several belligerents. Mr. Armstrong, again, on the 6th of August, 1808, addressed Mr. Champagny on the subject of our wrongs ; and here he most explicitly justifies the decree of Berlin, by saying, that " his majesty has a right to make such viunicipal regulations as lie may deem prop- er with regard to foreign commerce.*' In other words, although by the French treaty with us, we had given up claims to the amouht of twenty millions of dollars, in order to pureliase the right to trade freely, to, from, and between all the belligerehts, yet his majesty had a right to deprive us of this privi- lege under the pretext of municipal regulations. All the seizures, therefore, of our property, the imprison- ment of our citizens are acknowledged to be legal by 51 this, our nominal representative, but real tool of the emperor of France. That Gen. Armstrong acted in these cases under the orders of the administration ; that he knew that he was promoting their wishes by this suppliant and submis- sive language, and these infamous concessions is appa- rent from Mr. Madison*s instructions to him. Mr. Madison, in his letter of May 22d, 1807, which is the only one of which we have any extracts for near- ly twelve months, speaking of the indiscriminate cap- ture of our ships by France, in the West Indies, six months prior to the British retaliating orders, simply remarks, " that these measures will of course thicken the cloud that hangs over the amity of the two nations." In his next letter, of February 8, 1808, he admits the right of France to interdict our trade between Great Britain and France, and that the Berlin decree only required " seasonable explanations of its doubtful importy or friendly expostulations as to the suddenness and rigor of its innovations^ Here it is admitted, that the Berlin decree is an inno- vation, that it was sudden and rigorous in its oper- ation. In fact, it was a most high handed interpolation in international law ; it was a gross infraction of our treaty with France. It was sudden in its operation, be- ing extended to the innocent neutral, who should enter French ports without any notice of its existence. It was rigorous in its punishments, amounting to confis- cation of the property, and the imprisonment of the in- nocent crew, as if they had been felons, and yet all this perfidy and tyranny only demanded " friendly expostU' lations.^* In the same letter, Mr. Madison, speaking of the sei- zure of American property in neutral ana free states where it had been sent prior to the promulgation of the decree, and under the sanction of the law of nations, simply remarks, that our citizens had been vexed by regulations subaltern to the Berlin decree, and submits it to Mr. Armstrong how far these measures are inequit- m 5i itt. i able and unfriendly and alio the kind of reptesentation AS hich it might be proper to make. Mr. Madison's letter of May 2d, 1808, takes up the insolent order oi* Bonaparte, that we should declare war against Britain. Here the secretary was roused to a seeming spirit of resentment, and after stating in mild terms, that such language ** had the air of an assumed authority," and that it was impolitick, " because irri- tating to the publick feelings," in othci words, because it tended to silence the friends of France, and to dcr stroy their inifluence, the secretary adds, ^* taking care ^ as your discretion will doubtless suggest, that whilst you make that government sensible of the offensive tone employed, you leave the way open for friendly and re. spectful explanations, if there be a disposition to offer thcmy No such friendly and respectful explanations have ever been made, and yet the last we hear of this ir^o^ lent language is in this cautious and submissive htt^ These are the men who have, with critical and faPi \ ous refinement discovered an indiscoverable insult ... the language of the Britisii minister, and instead of re- quiring friendly explanations, or receiving them when offered, have adopted a measure which is the usual pre- cursor of war. On the subject of the burning of our ships, Mr. Mad- ison simply remarked, ** that it was the most distressing of all the modes by which belligerents exercised force contrary to right," thus using an epithet applicable to the sufferer, instead of indignant expressions of the in- justice of the culprit. Such i^ the language of our im- partial cabinet towards France. Sd PROOF. SUBMISSION TO TURREAU's IKSOLENT LETTERS AS TO THE ST. DO- - .< MINGO TRADE, AND THE CONSEQUENT INTERDICTIONS V OF A LAWFUL COMMERCE. The second proof we shall cite of the shameful sub- piission of our government to France, of their disposi- 53 tion not only to relinquish our just rights, but to do it under the most mortifying and humiliating threats of France, is the interdiction of tlie trade to St. Domingo, at the order f not the request of the French minister, couched in terms the most insolent and offensive. The people of the north were not sojmuch interested in this trarack as those of New York and Philadelphia, and our brethren in the interior) perhaps, do not fully comprehend this question. The island of St. Domingo was once a colony of France ; it was peopled, chiefly, frbm that part of the human race, whom the spirit of avarice, against every moral and religious principle, have doomed to slavery. In the early part of the French revolution they made a great, blooidy, and savage struggle to regain their natu- ral rights, and, we trust and believe, that no man in a christian or a free country, can question the justice of their caus6. Whether just or not just, it is out of the power of France to dispute it, since the same authority under which Bonaparte pretends to hold his sceptre sanction- ed their revolution, declared them to be free, and ad* mitted them to the privilege of representation in the national assembly. Thus then, they stood in a higher state of relation to the parent country, than the colonies of America did to Great Britain before the war, for the latter were not admitted to a representation in parlia- ment. Thus happy, free^ and independent, entitled to all the privileges of a free colony, Bonparte, I>y one of the basest iacts of treachery, kidnapp^ and murdered their executive chief, the victorious Toussaint. From this moment, without pretext of rebellion on their part, he waged a most unprincipled W2S upon them, with a view to reduce them, not to a colonial state, but to a state of absolute slavery. So far, then, the war was an unjust and terrible one, and it is laid down by all wri- ters on the law of nations^ that every nation has a right to join, to aid, to foster the oppressed in such a conjiict,^ V\ 54 That France was not able to reduce this eolony to slavery, the event has shewn. It is extremely doubtful whether she will ever be able so to do. The most un- questionable principle of the law of nations, is, that you liave a right to consider the government de facto, (the existing government) as the legitimate one. Of all na- tions, France and the United States are the very last who should^ dispute this principle. When the chance of our success was infinitely more uncertain than that of the citizens of St. Domingo, France lent us money, France published a manifesto to the world, in which she asserted the right to assist rebellious colonies, when- ever it should be^ apparent that they were able to a- chieve their independence. We then, of all people in the globe, who courted, who received this countenance and support, ought to be the last, within thirty short years, to deny the principle, and to join the ban- ners of a tyrannical invader. These ideas are equally applicable to the present struggle in Spain, and we beg our readers to recollect them, when we come to that more shameful example of our apostacy, from the prin- ciples of our own revolution, and that other proof oi our dastardly submission to France. But as to our trade to Hayti, or St. Domingo, it did not rest on this basis alone, though sufficiently strong, it stood upon the broader ground of commercial free- dom. ^ It was not a question whether our government should aid or assist the unhappy people of St. Domingo struggling for their liberties. The base, sordid, and timid policy of our rulers never aspired to so noble a thought. The question simply was, whether we should, by our own laws, prohibit a profitable trade (whether in con- traband articles or not) which France, by her complaints confessed herself unable to restrain. ,|;.i^. Here then we may triumpliantly challenge the defen- ders of our base and pusillanimous rulers to produce a 55' single authority from writers on publick law prohibiting such a trade. All writers on international law admit, that nations at iimiti/ with each other may carry on a contraband trade, even in articles contraband of warf upon the sole condi- tion that they are lawful prize if captured in such trafl&ck, nor has it even been deemed a cause of national com- plaint — Such have been also the repeated decisions of the courts of common law in Europe and America, for as was justly said by lord Mansfield in a question of in- surance on such a voyage, " we are not bound to enforce the municipal and commercial laws of other countries,*' The inhabitants of St. Domingo, even if they could be considered rebels, which they were not, were simply in the state of a nation at war, and it was an unnecessary and base surrender q^ a most advantageous commerce to lend our aid in interdicting a trade, which France had not the power to prevent. But if it was derogatory to our councils thus to violate the first principles of our own revolution, thus to aban- don our most unquestionable rights, it became doubly base when the measure wasjbrced upon us by a language of insult and insolence unexampled in thie history of nations^— a language of which we defy the administra- tion to exhibit a parallel in the treatment of France to any of her other tributary states. Mr. Turreau, on the 14th of October, 1805, ad- dressed our secretary as follows. " The undersigned has testified in his conversation, his Just discontent with the commercial relations carried on between many chizens of the United States and the rebels. The principles affected by this species of robbery ar^ so generally understood, that tlie statesman, if he had not lost every idea of Justice, humanity, and publick law can no more contest their wisdom than their justice.'* It is a little singular that a minister should have the im- pudence to appeal to Justice, humanity, and publick law, in an attempt to reduce to slavery nearly a million of men, who had been declared free by the voluntary ac't tiix JIT- 1 I !i6 ; Pii of the goveniment which such minister represented. He proceeds : ** The vessels destined to carry on this trainck are constructed, armed, and loaded under the eyes of the American people, and the federal govern-^ ment itself which has taken for its basis the most scru- pulous equity and impartial neutrality, does not forbid It. ,■;■•-:, !V *- '"■ ■••■■ On the 16 oiF January, 1806, he again writpp to Mr. Madison, "formal orders of my government oblige me to insist on the contents of my official nqte, relative to the St, Domingo trade — Not liaving received any answer I bad room to hope that the government would take measures to put an end to this trade, but your si-* lence, and that of your government to congress, impose on me the duty of renewing my complaints upon the tolerance given to such an abuse^ as shocking to the law of nations, as to our treaties. — This system oftole- rmce can nc> longer remain." We shall not make any remarks on this language- Comment would only enfeeble it — we shall only ob- serve that among the strenuous op posers of this Hvf was John Quincy Adams — »He is supposed to be ac- quainted with national law^ but he had not at that time the obliquity of vision with which he has been since unhappily afflicted. -J*. 3d PROOF. THE ATTEMPT OP THE ADMINISTRATION TO FORCE BOWN BEAU- MARCHAIS* CLAIM, IN OBEDIENCE To MR. TURREAU*S INJUNCTIONS. Beaumarchais' claim amounts to nearly one million of dollars with its interest — It is perhaps the most profligate deinand which was ever made upon an intel- ligent and independent people, and one hardly knows which most to admire, the perseverance with which it is pursued, the contempt for the virtue and understand- ing of our rulers which it implies, the audacious lan- guage with which it is enforced, or the submissive and (Hiftrinci'pt^d iminner in whkk it was encouraged hf the idmfAistraition. Thfft facts are bri«% these-^Louis XVI having adopted a pwHicv recoinnincnded by the compte de Ver- gteniies aiAl Mons Turgot, so for to' encourage the re- bellion in America as ** to exhaust our resuwces but to ]ei mbefinalli} conquered*' ^ as \fill appear by the most Mitcrestin^ extraict in oM notes irom the secret papers of Louis XVI, did not chuse openly to appear to es- l^uuse oirr eause, because as^ it ap{>eaTs from the same papers,- France was' not in a condition to entei* into thd war-^Hie was however, willing to enable us to contend some time, in order that both* the force of Great Bri- fain a?nd of her colonicst might be impaired, as is avow^ fd in the same' work — It was therefore agreed betweetf the French minister amdOr. Franklin, that a certain mm of mone^ should be pa*id' isy as as a* subsidy by France, for w^ich as a cover, receipts should be ^iveti) to « secret agent of the king of France, Mon. Bean« marchais, who had no more to do with the advarie thui^tiasm of that people was kindled, ajt the idea uf % new scene of glory and conqyest, of wealth and gnaflr ^eyr in America. A military force was aotually prp- yided ; transports were prepared to coQv.ey troops a)^ stores, to take possession gf the key of the W^stcr;i state rapidity with whicHi tjus important transac^on of the purchase of a territory bigger than Great Pdtain, and comprising ^50,000 souls, was hurried through, tliat Col, Munroe, who e.arr ried out the regujar pf^wers, was written tp as soon as he arrived Ut Nantes or Havre, tp know if hi? hiid th« authority, and LivingstcMi actually concluded the barr gain the very .evening pol. Munrqg rpached jParis, The facts respecting this conven,tip|i are known to the writer pf this article from Col. Mi»nroe's most respectable secretary, the late amiable and resppctable Col. Mercer^ »f Virginia i and Col. Munr^xe, it is believed, will hav^t 68 u no hesitation in admitting them. It is a fact, that Col. Munroe was dissatisfied with this haste, and with the slovenly manner in which the convention for the pur- chase, and that concerning the debts, were drawn up. It is a fact, that Col. Mercer apologized for the very ambiguous terms of these instruments, by saying, that the French government were eager to close the bargain, lest Great Britain should ^r*^ declare war and dispute the sale. It was then a sale made by France^ whatever were our views, solely to deprive her enemy of the ad. vantage which a war would have given him over this defenceless country. It has also, on our part, a very smuggling and suspicious look. It may be said here, that if France was about to seize this country and to garrison it with a strong force, it was policy to purchase it, rather than to contest with her ; and in pro- portion to her eagerness to dispose of it, it is probable was the cheapness of price at which it was obtained. Neither of these propositions is, however, true, for as to the first, we have not avoided the danger, we have only protracted it, and protracted it probably to a peri- od when we shall be less able to contend with her. Talleyrand purposely inserted such a loose description of the boundaries, that it is impossible they should ever be settled without a war, or a new gift of such a num- ber of millions as France may demand. It is a fact, stated by Gen. Armstrong, in presence of the writer of this article, that Talleyrand laughed and ri- diculed Mr. Madison's expose, or display of our claims as to boundaries ; that he denied that any such claims ex- isted, and intimated most distinctly, that if they should be persisted in, France would be obliged to defend the rights of Spain. It is a fact,that Talleyrand also declared, that the question must be discussed at Paris, and not at Madrid. It is a fact, that six months before the pro- posal of sending two mtllionsy as an entering wedge, oi as introductory to the purchase of the Floridas, was made in this country, it was known in Paris, and pub- lickly spoken of, that such a sum would be voted, and 63 6ught to be voted by Congress. This the writer of this article most solemnly declares He heard in that city at that time. As to the two millions, to purchase the Floridas, they were not the sum intended to be paid. Mr. Munroe only had authority to pledge two mil- lionsy and yet the treaty stipulated fifteen millions. It was expected the Floridas would cost twelve millions, and we should have had patriots who would have called it cheap. We have not then avoided a quarrel^ or another tri- bute, by purchasing Louisiana. We have the contest still on our hands, and France would nor: ac^JcpL our money for the Floridas, Hcpt she should h^je ^uj rxcel- lent pretext " pour se meler dan? aos ;diiiref,," ' to min- gle in our politicks." But the Louisiana convention his y:iv en rise to a thousand quarrels with France, -vhich ill be abun- dantly better pretexts for a muvd/roiv; war, or f;.' tick- ing back Louisiana, than sucii tyranlJi usually icize to extend their arms. The throne of Bonaparte is surrou/ /if :d., is b^'ik^j^^ed by citizens of Louisiana, who thougli ciriiicns or yiaves of the United States (for one hardiy knov.^s which they are) are beseeching him to inteifcre, and take upon himself the redress of their wrongs. Books are published in Paris i ith the .•mpeiial im- primatur, and every one knows thut no i^ook is now published which is not agreeable to the emperor, m which the scandalous breach of the treaty by the Uni'> ed States is alledged, the treaty iy dec'ared nuil, aiid the emperor is called upon to vindicate bis rights and that of his subJectSf mark it ! /f/i* vu{it'ctsi in Louisiana.- There is a work in the Ather.ajura, at Boston, in two volumes, printed at Pa? ».a, in which the writer allcdgcs the most shameful br achei of treaty on our part ; tlfiut they were to be treated as citizens, but are gov- erned i^>j slaves, by militaiy law. The fact we know to be true, that such is the tenure by which these poor colonists hold their lives and proi)erty. It is well ifenowiii that Wilkirison put thcfih uAdler martibl law, and that the decision of the coufts in the case of tht Batw tcrre was reversed by the baybnet. The wiker above alluded to, addresses the emperor on All the va- rious sources of complaint, and assures him that the hearts of every Frenchman in Louisiana are firmly at^ tached to their native or mother country, Fiance, it may be remarked here, that the number of French and Spaniards in this province is as great as the number of inhabitants in New Hampshire, while the English American citizens do not exceed two thousand souU exclusive of our dying army. It appears then, that we have not avoided a quarrel by the purchase of Louisiana, but have laid a mo»t solid foundation for eternal collisions. Nor was the purchase more to be commended for its economy. It is not to be doubted, that France would have sold that country (always reserving, which she did, the seeds of future quarrel and claim to it)' for five millions. In short, rather than to let it fall, as it would bave done, into British hands, from whose grasp she could never wrench it, she would have ceded it to us for a release of our claims, which she never meant to pay. This, however, would not have suited the greedy harpies, who were determined to fetten on the folly of our rulers. Talleyrand, Parker and company would not have enjoyed, as they did, one million of our dollars ; nor would so many fraudulent and iniquitous scenes have disgraced our country, whose "youth," as Mr. Fauchet says, " is already decrepid." The history of the con\ention for the payment of debts due from France, is a most precious morceau of management and intrigue. The sums paid in scanda- lous bribery, openly avowed, and shamelessly boasted of; the admission of nearly a million of foreign claims, of American citizens, who never quitted an European city, in which they were bom, and the rejection of bona fide debts of natural born citizens, would form a curi- ous subject of discussion, to which we ietl ourselves, 65 from actual observation, competent, but which would transcend the limits which we have prescribed to us. We cannot, however, take leave of this subject with- out noticing the bearing which this purchase of Loui- siana, and the attempt to purchase the Floridas, has up- on the innocent and unoffending government of Spain. We say innocent and unoffending, because we attribute all the late acts of injustice, on the part of Spain, prior to her late revolution, to the councils of France ; for so long as she continued independent we found no diffi- culty in making treaties with her, and in procuring compensation for losses. France did not acquire Louisi- ana by right of conquest ; Spain was her friend and her ally, and she extorted this grant and that of the Flori- das from her, partly by threats and partly by mtrigues with that traitor Godoy, the prince of Peace. These facts were well known to our government. It must have been also foreseen, that if ever Spain should be able to assert her independence, she would question this extorted grant. Jt was, therefore, a species of publick robbery, in which Mr. Jefferson, in the purchase of Louisiana, became an accessary after the fact, and in the attempt to purchase the Floridas, an accessary be- fore the fact^ But this is not the worst part of the pic- ture, when we were about to pay fifteen millions, for the purchase of a country we had a , right to demand, a dght of the title deeds, and it was our duty to search the records, to see if there were no incumbrances. Our ministers demanded a copy of the treaty of St. II- defonso, which had never been published, and by which alone Fmnce had any pretensions to this country. This was refused, and they were only permitted to have a copy of the article in which the cession was made. Whether there were any precedent or dependent con- ditions, any collateral stipulations or explanations, they were not permitted to know. But the loose and am- biguous clause of cession was copied, whether fairly or not they did not know, but the people of our country know that it has already proved and will prove, until 9 # t6 ' ? it is regained by cither France or Spain, a most prolit'. ick source of dispute. These facts we have from high authority, and we can add one other of still more weight. The apparent price paid by France for this province, was the erection of Etruria into a kingdom, and the guarantee of it to an infanta of Spain. Within three years Bonaparte seized upon Etruria, and turned the infanta and queen mother adrift, without any compensation or indemnity. By every principle of poblick law and justice the prop- erty given in exchange reverts to the former owner, and whenever Spain shall acquire its independence, or on the division of the French empire shall rise under a new monarch, she will reclaim this country from usj if Bonaparte shall not himself have done it before. Other objections of vast weight subsist against this purchase. It was a breach of the federal compact. If a certain number of states, of a certain comparative strength, should agree to associate under a federal head, the motives to this union might be a conviction that neither member would ever become too powerful for the rest ; and the calculation might be that the seat of empire could never be carried farther from them than a given point. If then this federal head, the mere creature the several independent states, could add, without the previous consent of the high contracting parties, a ter- ritory equal to all the New England states, embracing a population of foreigners, whose laws, religion, habits, language and prejudices were all hostile to the confed- eration, and to republican principles, the motives and principles which induced the contracting parties to assent to the compact would be defeated. The whole United States may, by a single other cession, be made a minority. If Louisiana and the Floridas may be pur- chased on one side, there is more reason to buy Cana- da and Nova Scotia on the other, and when these arc bought, we see no obstacle to the purchase of Mexico. The right and the principle would l)e the same in all these cases, and yet it would hap]:>cn that the Wliolc 67 United States would become a minority ; their religion would be proscribed and popery introduced ; the trial by jury abolished ; the civil law substituted to the an- cient system of our fathers ; and finally our republican constitution overthrow i*. Such I say is the tendency of this measure, and yuch our reasons for doubting its constitutionality. ■ Another objection we have to this purchase, is to the Pitronage and military power with which it invests the resident. This country is governed as a conquered one. The example of the executive magistrate having the power to rule by military force any portion of the country, is unfriendly to our security against usurpa- tion. The suspension of the habeas corpus, and the reversal of a solemn judicial decision^ by order of the President, communicated and enforced through a mil- itary officer, are exceedingly to be dreaded, as prece- dents. ^The habit of tyranny once acquired is difficult to eradicate or restrain. We shall say no more on this point, except by citing a sentence from the speech of John Quincy Adams, now as devoted to Mr. Jeffisrson as any of his humble dependents. " After giving (says he) in Jour lines of a law, to the President, all the pow- ers of a king over the whole colony of Louisiana, he had hoped the supporters of that measure would have been sparing of invectives against publick debt, armies, and executive patronage." See Mr. Adams's speech in senate. '-a , ;i-J 5th PROOF. ( f ' ed by its consistency with hatred to England, and de- votion to France. Our trade with England has been of prime importance to our navigation, as it afforded us a ready matket for more of our domestiek produce, than all the rest of the world, and furnished chiefly on credit the articles of necessity, convenience and ele- gance for home consumption, for our intercourse with other countries and especially our trade in the Pacifick ocean. The advantage of this trade to both countries, may be measured by its extent. According to Mr. Gallatin's fiimous report in 180(>, calculated on an average of three vears 180^^-3-4 out 1-7 ^ 859|500,00O 44,759,000 11,560,000 51,432,000 6,118,000- 8» : eatoitnl and credit employed in the trade with England amounted to - « « . - While our trade with all the rest of the world employred a capital and credit ' only to the amount of The revenue calculated on the average of these years amounted to . . . ^ Of which amount the imports from Eng- land paid -----i... And the ttadfc of thfc rest of the world '• While our trade yielded to Great Britain only about dtie eightieth part of the immense revenue she is com- pelled to raise to maintain h<.r own credit, and defend the liberty of the wofldi ' As the ti*ade destroyed witii England by a dommer- cial^Warfare, commenced unider the pretext of protects iflgit, wtiuld be forever lost, or by some political ne- utnhancy revived only with France under every dis- advantage. Which the jealous demagogues of the South would accede io, the c system of Mx, Jefferson was so conb'ivedas to' gratify all the views and feelings of his partizans. And on examination it will be found, that all his politicar manoeuvres in relation to commerce have tended either to impede or ofisTRtfcT oft ANNIHILATE IT, OR TO DIVERT IT FROSf ENG- LAND TO France. We will very briefly refer to the evidence of this position. This hostility to commerce and the commercial states is provedj > ■ ■'''■ 1st. . • BV the 0J^P0«ITi0if TO THE FUMI^tNG sVsfiBM. t^^ Without it, the public creditors were left in th^ worst possible situation. The principal and interest of the debti which was the price of oiir liberty, wotild have been almost as useless as precarious. -But the fund- ing system, which Was a^ just as politick, revived in the commercial States at once a large capital adequate to our spirit of enterprize, and sufficient to furnish a revenue, that would pay all the ordinary expenses of 12 I J; I .'^^ ?> ^J^ ^..-^ ^ > IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 7 A 1.0 I.I WUu IL25 i 1.4 ill 1.6 ^;; -% > 5V 7 Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) 872-4503 K^ f government. But as ¥ir§fiiiia di^ not hold one million of dolls, of the pubUadebt, wlufe Mas^chuaents hold eleven and a half niiUionS) there was no more dio^KMHi tion to allow us to avail ourseifes of iK^thbiiglv iilift xyay as u$eful|6- the coiintiy as to ouxselves^ thim topay. the' creditor States thi^ amount of the bid|^ceft duie. tbsili from the Union* - - ;*'Jt.»ii :!!.)«! .PROOF 2. OPVOSft^OM TO THE ESTABLlSHlfB^'^ 07 T^ That suchtjAn institMtion was ab^olytjeb^ i)e<^ejm;ys^ the proaper^Dft administrali(m of qui?. ifin^ncei^' iiim^t. have been evident to every man^ who Ipiiew the ^X^J^ tion of oofGQttntry — ^tliitffihe revenue v^s colle^ti^iit numerojui ports, all dis^ from the tref^|^--Hth9t: % the management oJ^ our,«;o;i«erns moi^ey. w^^ \q jaepi ia other places than where r¥;Qei,ved-r-tha^,l;Q^f cj^fesie^ was indispeDsabler-*n4 that m the admmlsti^ip^ ()C jcvcrjr government ^erc were exiger^cj^g, growing qut of circumstances, if jiot, tfeypud huma|n^;cpn|rql^,yi^ out of ordinary calcu)ati.09$i .which ii^ndm^ sji^cli^ ^ establishment as prudent!^ as convenipi^. five onjijr objection to this in^titui^n grew. out of ^e i^cfrom the " momj?4 In^ere^t/' which these aristocratick demagogues have ^p long ix' boured to bring into contempt and expose to public odii^m. They saw that its negotiations mu9t centre in the commercial marts of die country, and th^t any po- litical influence attached to it would belong to the same portion of isociety. This foresight made them overlook all the benefits of this favourite plan of Hamilton, and excited a loud, long^ and vehement opposition,^ which in vain sought to conceal its malignancy under a pre- tended regard to an abstract principle. Our previous remarks sncw the. sincerity of thdr zeal. w 91 PROQF 3. OPPOSrTION TO A NAVY. An extennve and lucrative commerce without an ef- fective navy is aimost a contradiction in terms. The necessity of tf lis protection to the succ6^ of national policy ^d piivate enteqirize' inspired the commercial portion of society with their zeal for the Federal Con- stitution. Mr. Jefferson also had stated in his ** Nbtes on Virginia," that the United States in one year might build and equip eighteen ships of the line and twelve |Hgates« From such resources, thus admitted and the- oretically applied by such a man, they naturally consid* ered an effective naval armament pledged to them. Under this delusion, and convinced that the protection of commerce would give security to life, liberty, and hiippiness, they readily agreed to the sacrifices required ofj'tnem in the ■constitution, and amon^ other things abandoned their proper influence m the Union to the slave-holders of the South — With what sensibility did th^y afterwards hear these same men, in 1794, rejoice, "tnat the wood, which was to build our ships, was still growing on our mountains !"^ajV^^ The first attempt of the federalists at a naval estab- lishment was immediately after tKe capture of eleven American ships and 100 Ameriiwui seamen by the Al- gerines, whose success had stimulated them to prepare U^ 'extensive depredation oh v our unprotected tom- merce. But Mr. Jefferson^ s partizans, With thAt das- tardly spirit, i^hich jealousy ia-ever weak enough to betray^ opposed every kind of naval armament, and in- sisted that Americans should adt^t one of two substi- tutes-^lst. PuB^cHASE A PEACE, though thc expe- rience of evenr age and our own fruitless Attempts prov- ed, that the Algbrines only sold a peace to those who chimed it under then* own flags, and at the mouth of their cannon~^or 2d. " That we should subsidize othir nations to protect our cowm^rr^"— though the (/anfi^e/* of such a measure, of trusting for protection to nations who wpuld make peace the first &vourable * Mr, Giles, then in the House of Representatives. 92 opportunity and leave our commerce a helpless prey to pirates, was as ^oss and palpable as its dishonour, £veiy man can discern how well such schemes com- port with national pride and national failh-*-how much regard they evinced for the success of commerce, and how much interest " in the cause qf st^fering fut- manity." The same men discovered the same temper and ufg^ cd a worse policy in 1798, when France Imd plundered us on every sea, organized treason in the states, block- aded our coast with her cruizers and demanded a trib. ute of 50)000/. sterling as the price, not of substantial justice, but of formal negociation. . Every obstacle, that art and intrigue could create, and that impudence dare resort to ^vas.opposed to a naval establishment. These men had not a nerve, that shrunk under our sufferance of the most savage pilla^ and outrage. The journals of Congress at that penod are as disgraceful as those of 1781, which ought to exhibit to us the series of treach- erons attempts ui^t were then made to deprive us of the Fisheries, ^d transfer them to France^-^This solemn fact is on record. fFhen the French everyi where prac^ tised PIRACY on our eommereey and held courts only to legalize f>, Mr, Jefferson'' s partizansy to a man, iftsisf ea that we should not resist. According to these Patriots, we were cheerfully to abandon our claims to the ** Grand Monarque^"* and patiently be pillaged tiy the tefrible republtck. a .; vT . v m^ Since the accession of Mr. Jefferson to poWer, our naval establishment has been reduced from 15 frigates and 12 ships, to 9 frigates and 2 ships. Part, of the vessels in commission have been sold,>andas.if to mock the claims of those, who directly furpish the revenue of the country, to irritate them by an idle waste of suras, which, if wisely employed, might have afforded effec- tual protection against imperial piracy^ « they have heard only of schemes of dry-docks, of whirlygig-gun^ carriages, and torpedoes, and have seen our fleet trans- fQrmed into gunboats, which excite our alarms for their m iafety in the storm, instead 'dfafTordiiig us some prom- ise of protection in war. - / . Do we ask further evidence of the last and present administration, having^ adopted,as their mdto, the coun- tersign of Bonapiirte-^" PERISH COMMERCE V* The proofs are at hand. ' '^ . . ; FROpF 4. JkCTS MSS^RAiiriNO C9MM|BBC9t CAtLED BY MR. MASIIOH) ** THE . 9XKRCI8B Or.aUR RBtTRICTIVB ENBHOIB9.'* . A succession of measures^ all urged under a pretence of their tendency to support commerce, fariit calcnlated, j}n the face of them^ to restrict and contract if not de- stroy it, has marked the party in powerirom its first factions organization. Every limitation was to extend, every shackle . was to secure its freedom, as if 'gird- ling the trunk of the.elm would increase its growth and stength. Th^: f^t is, that Jefferson had inspired his immediate partizallsl3iVith.hi^ own jealousies, and delu- ded his, ^rthem friends with thb cant of a demagogue, pd the gloss <^ a sophisti They agreed that he sHoulcl loake.PMrxomisieDQe the fulcrum of his policy, instead of ^svng pi|r fjesouijces to protect our commerce — that he sliip^ld thrQW oniH all the burdens of his blunders, and make > it at. o^ce the instrument of his warfare and intrigues.. If he s^Qceeded, he had of course the dredit due tQjiia measureSf.^ If he failed, he had still a word of c^9fiajfpi^;to cheerlius amongst the wrecks of desolated qomn^e^cf^, H^nWpiuld repeat to us cooly and philo- sophically,, jl^at ^^ we could now abandon the ocean al- toget^r, and let others bl'ing what we wanted, and car- JYi ^way what we could spare." We shaU find that jiln Jefler^n never relinquished the concession niade to him by his party. - The; first attempt to restrain commerce, made under the auspyk$$s of Mfi Jefferson, was the introduction of Mr. M^d^son's resollutions into Congress, in 1794, in order to^establishjpoinTrierciai discriminations between Fi^npe Wid EnglaRpi* ' At that period, France had never !^^ M !'t 'S i'\ M 90: made aav differeno^ in hefpofiM htiyrem £riglahd>said America; whereks England, by iier idiscrimuuitiQiis b our£M'K»ttvM:g«V^^s «^ mofiopolir of itomtartldes of dfiea^ produce, and enabtea us to&ett'othe^ diei^iprt^ «i^ other natllro, luid at a i^terprofiti The im^Qirtance of the trade witli£n|[iand to^onccouh. toy and revenue we have before bnefly stated. We here fiuthjcr observe, that £f%lai^ was the great mar. li^ for ism domestick produce. Accordin||^ iAMt, Gdlatin'i reports, #e have in sdnie ye^ sold ten times as muoh to England as to Ffance. In Kk &m6us^Te. port,^ 1806; which was intended aa a preMble to Gneglf s ai^ Smith's non^importation resolutions^ it zp. pear^that on an; average ct thfe years 1802-3--4, we exported dmaettdck produce to England J52O,653,O00 ^Ta the i^sl/^<^the world - - ♦ - 19,375,000 TiieJ^«ffihild^& tonnage emfdoyedin f U'li ijU n die tiade wth Enghind, at the rate of 3^"^' :/ ; hilars per ton pci; month^ would havb p - J:^ f^ounted annually, at least to - - ' j '^ +^^ Tliis immense q^mmeisce was to have be^l jebiM- |zed by this attempt to commence)^ irrii^tin^ ivarfare.t^ i;ommercUl discriminations. All those asperttil^ i^t^ to be excited, and all those dangers 'to be' ^coni^red, wluch would naturally result worn duch a cdnt^tj in which our avarice would have b«en disappointed, and our hatr^ Idse none of its adrimony. But^^r whiit cause, #hat mighty boon were these hazM^^I^' iie courted? They have been avowed, and to th^di^gl^ce of our coiuitry, they never will be f6i^otten.< '^^*''^^^^''' ' Mr. Jefierson, in his official investigations, had^ dis- covered that Great Britdn, in one year, furnished us witli goods to the amdunt of - * - - J513V^6,O(50 ifrance only to the amount of - - - ' ,155^000 It was at once determined to turn us out of th^- ntarket we were induced to seek, because we sold d^t^r and bought cheaper than elsewhere, and compel >tis>(;o drm a trade with our sister republick; MrkMa^Usk)^; m^ this statement of our trade with the twc^coUntri^si; iind * 9A so0ie, iliU^Qii9 r^DQiarks about the balance of trad^^^- 0nf(^ ^ What; muat be the feelinga of france, b&. tw^qn yf\^qvf^ andi the.tj^ Stai^ the moatftpeiMtfjr ichu tipna^xiisti when ^ aees not only the bahiiQeiiir.tfade against her, but iSiatwhat is obtained fronxhovfiowa io^^^ coffisrs of one,0C her most jeakMis rivalai" 4 ^ing^e vote preveoited the,ado|ition er refitriot.^e laws on commerce is, that the o^rs had some, apjolpgy in an Intention to abo'idge English reve- n^e as well »s ouf mercan^le profts. But in this case we were the ^oU victms^ Mngland gained (KreoHii' bu thU restrietiQtif Ths men wm declaim so much about British Ueencfif fpic tlj^exienmon of our tntde^ felt no ccNPpunction 9i, it$ ruction by French exclu- sions; ai>d, according tQCustbffn,; shewed a di^osition to sacrifice more to propitiate French power, than they would spend to protect American commerce. ^ To. prove the undue inflttthee of Mr. Iefl(i»l%bn 6ifte foMMsfctcii*^ .. •»• ic^' '^ ■';''■ '-i-. ■•'■'',' ^' ^''" a • ThdlDft attempt tM'VMiti nuide'iti CotiwtdltiWm- hibit this trade was Uletal^' istouled Out 6f the eii^itol, as^inipQlitic)^, opM^^> . aodi^gracefoL WhttHei< Qiaiipg^mitli^M St. jD6i> mltp>||p|tir»i^tnah tW cCr^^tfiik ;Tsiile7^^ the 'gbvemment #itll gwit^ focihytoteMim tt^ irdd^^, and tK^lil^ifbcfs of the.cabinet qualoedi Dr. Lo|^, the envbjit ^xtra^ ordinary of Mr. I^erso^i and his pany to Franc6^^ dxit^ ing the adtmnistiatidn'of Mri Adam$, becliiiie tKie'td^n of hia firiend in dip Senate. He ihet %ilh^ulEtI success in both enlerprtzes, for h^ pei^uad^ iTalle^W negotiate in the first case^j and Congress to subtt(it in the second. His i^U was run • with su^h all ^fii/ ' of terrcr through; Congress, that they whi&'%eit p^fiylt«^' to hear it before they jiosBed it^ kn^w ^earcdy a#f ^ii^ ciAtA provisions. Mr. J. Q. Adttinsy who did tbt S. that time think, **it was best to aot first and then de^ .liberate," liad only time to observe, **that the bill was a needless interference of gbverhme^t With t^e regular course pfcoii^merce." His objeetibn seeliii^,tofur' msh an argument for the measure^ and the maft^te of BouMiarte becamq the law of the latid. W© have before! shewn that this bill Was a base sur* render of our honour and independence. We have no data at hand from which we may cdculate the amount of thelossjbul whatever it yff^&f the ikerchants alone Iclt it. th mov-impo 'if'tif, 97 TIB VOV-IMPOBTATIOir, KMBABOO, AND NON-IMTXBCOVBIE LAWf. These measureti are all of the same character and have the same direction, uiidtir the same motives. The temper that on\y dared to refuse protection to coil)- merce in 1794 and '98 has grown bold enough' to pro- ject its ruin. As in this general sketch, it is impossible to point dut all the motives and tendency of particular- modifi- cations of the system, we shall under this heiad con- fine ourselves to a consideration of the operation of the embargo. This went at one stroke '^ to make us abandon the ocean altogether," and supplefnehts would have been invented, if a servile temper in the people would have sufT^red its continuance, which would' ex- clusively have permitted " others to bring us what loe -mnted, and to have carried awajf what we could spare" The produce of the south would have found a market iD foreign bottoms, and we should never again have '* jostled on the high seas with other nations." The letters of Champagny and Hauterive, which we have quoted, shew, who " applauded our generous de- termination of renouncing all commerce," and who denounced " the raising of the embargo,*' as the most artful and important manoeuvres ever practised by the English cabinet*' We would only add on this point, that no man has yet had liardihood enough to pretend, that the embargo was djji 'mental to France, or wonld effect the repeal of the decrees, which it mosteffectual- Ij executed. But how did it affect American commerce ? At the moment of its adoption it appears from Mr. Gallatin's report that the prosperity of the country was unex- ampled ; that our capital bads wollen to J520O,O0O,OOO dollars, the revenue of 1807 to - - « 16,000,059 In spite of the enmity and oppression of government^ commerce acquired activity from native health and vi- 13 m goTf and increased even under this chilling and forbid- ding admUu^nition. At tbis moment ve became a party to BiMiaparte's annHiilatiiig lyttem^ and under tbeiniidibuf pretence of securiBfC om pronertj from pillagOji Mr. Jefferson uraed a deliberate blow at our wbqle foreign trade, to whicb we owe most of our national greatness, and much of our private h^ppinen. . But intolerable as tbis polic^^ was« which sacri6ced OS to the projects of Napoleon, it became doubly vex- atious, WDCB we considered the imequaiity of Us opera- tidn on the several states. The commercial parts of the union became the immediate victims of this coin- cidence with Bonaparte in bis commercial warfare agaiuflt Great Britain. To, prove this inequality we will contrast the extent of the operation of the embargo on the states of Massa- chusetts and Virginia, as the view of tbeir different in- .terests at stake will give a clue to the views i^nd prin- ciples by which the cabinet were influenced. In 1807 Massachusetts exported - f&%OM%m Viiginia exported ---..-- g4J6l.234 Difference in favour of Massachusetts 8 1 0,350,786 Tonnage of Massachusetts - - - - 46O,0(X) Tonnage of Virginia - ^ - - - *• d^fiOO Difference in favour of Massachusetts - 381,000 Freights on 450,000 tons per ann. at 24 del- liirsperton - ------ » 10,800,000 Freights on 69,000 tpn - - - - g 1,656.000 Difference in favour of Massachusetts S 9,144.000 Thus Massachusetts lost on freights alone a sum equal to twice the amount of the whole capital em- ployed by Virginia in her foreign trade. Our naviga- tion for the time was wholly sacrificed, but /ter capital remains safe. The only answer ever given by tlie government in official documents to tbis statement was, that the French decrees and English orders left us no safe cm' H foerci ; and ib«ref»re tbera yvaa no jutt grounds to complun of the retlriotions imposed on tnde by our own adoiioittration. If there wm any itM in this anawer, we would ask how do our merenaoti now carry on an ektensive and lucrative commerce in spite of the decrees and edicts of thebelligerents ? This fact eiposes completely the incorrectness of this assertion of the government. But a short statement founded on the reports of Mr. Gallatin will tbrever put thia question at rest — it wHl ihew, thai we could have carried on with safety a lar> ger trade than will remain to this country in the tiino of peace. In the year 1803, our exports fell from 895,000,000 in consequence of peace in Europe, ib 8 55,000,000 Making a difl*erettce in one year of - 8 40.000,000 ^According to Mr. Gallatin's report in 18)97, vire exported of domestick produce 848,699,000 The Engii.<mised by themselves. There was no subject on which more popular rant was wasted than the appoint, ment of ministers and agents at foreign courts, fie. sides their objections which we have before stated,* these plain republicans, in accordance with the doc. trines of equality, very gravely represented the estab. lishment as anti-repubhcan ; tnat the fashion of courts not only required extravagant' salaries to support our ministers in a style suitable to their rank, but inspired them with the pride of aristocracy, and returned them to their country with habits and impressions hostile to the simplicity of republicanism. In proof of the since, rity of meir opposition, they even voted against appro- . priations for the support of foreign ministers abroad on publick services, nut here the evidence ends. During the administration of Washington the appro- priation for defraying the expense of foreign intercourse amounted annually to 240,000. The extraordinary expense incurred m sending out Mr. Munroe in the room of Mr. Mbrrfa, whose recal the revolutionary butchers of France requested, and also in the mission of Mi*. Jay to England was specially provided for. In the administration of Mr. Adams, the peculiar situa- tion of the country, and a sum, probably not less than one hundred and twenty thousand dollars expended in our missions to France, which these men compelled him disgracefully to repeat, considerably augmertted the expenses of onr foreign intercourse. But Mr. Jefferson, who in his letter to a citizen of Berkly, expresses his dread of the patronage of the ex- ecutive, because " it enlisted on his side all those whom ;.il. .Ui.:... * Seepage 18th. in he could interest and doomed the labouring citizens to toil and sweat for useless pageantry, "has expended more money in foreign intercourse than either of his prede- cessors. The men who were so anxious to save Wash- ington from any. temptation to corruption by limiting his patronage, and who allowed him but 240,000 for the support of foreign intercourse with all the mercantile nations of Europe, require for themselves double the amount to pay their publick and private agents, to truc- kle to Bonaparte and beard old England. Mr. Short's unauthorized expedition to Erfurth probably cos^ us 18,000 dollars. In the year 1804, the sum appropriated was . . . ^ • £1108,050 In 1810, the demand is for - - - - 99,500 which with the acknpwledged balance of< former appro- priations, will (as has been alledgcd on the floor of Cpngress) place sixty or seventy thousand dollars more at the disposal of the executive for this object, than have ever before been granted. We leave others to make suitable reflections on these facts. Our censure, our distrust might be attributed more to the prejudice of party, than to a rational belief that those who used a thousand arts to gain the publick chest have found as many favourites to teed on it. We would, however, state a single fact, which we leani from a comparison of the appropriations of the civil list since the establishment of the government, that, if Mr. JeflTer- sou had been only as economical as his predecessors and limited his annual expenditures to the sum prescribed to them, he would have left us a surplus revenue of FOUR MILLIONS, which wc are now compelled ?q ^4>rv row for the support of government. , . ,^ While upon this subject, we will again remind our readers of the case of the Berceau, and the shameful report of tlieAttorney-General in favour of Beaumarliais^ claim,* which we have before considered. When an administration is so ready to listen to the demands of a foreign nation, will it be deaf to the loud calls of its dependants at home ? — This leads us to consider, M. m .:?! r ^1- Page 56. 112 2.-.THE MONEY SQUANDERED BY PUBUCK OFnCERS OP THK PRESENT ADMINISTRATION. Mr. Jefferson on entering into office, found it veiy convenient to identify the publick interest with the re- moval of his opponents from places of trust ai^d profit, and the transfer of their offices to his adherents. The kind tone in which we were told, " that we were all federalists, all republicans," was soon followed by a grating complaint, that he could not find vacant offices K)r his partizans — that none of the federal incumbents would resign, and that few would die. As we have before observed, Mr. Jefferson had not principles or feelings to resist the cravings of his minions, or the demands of party — and when offices were to be the rewards solelj^ of political fidelity, it is no wonder that candidates were not required to be " capable or hon- est." When corruption is the price of place, it is a n-oss absurdity to require integrity in the discharge of Its duties. lafonsidering this subject it affords no triumph to our feelings, but a miserable presage of our fortunes, that among the heads of a party, who seem destined to govern our country, we should find so many instances, of the application of publick money to private use — A Secretary of State, an Attorney-General, a Collector of our first seaport, and a Clerk of the House of Represent- atives, are on the list of defaulters — The number of petty peculators is also an evidence of general corrup- tion in the servants of the government — The history of theirj&?7/fl^e fills a volume — We have almost learned to disregard it, because it is so common ; and we talk of Brown, the collector of New-Orleans, who has ab- sconded with at least 21100,000 ; and Clark, the collec- tor of Wells, who has pocketed above S 30,000, only because they are the last instances that have occurred, and not because they are the most attrocious. In a report of Mr. Duval, the comptroller of the treasury, we find Mr. Jefferson's officers delinquent to the amount of half a million although the defalcations by the last three years are yet concealed fropi the publick eye. y - A late pubtieatioii ascribed to a perton in the coQi». dence of the administration, is calculated to excite more serious alarms* ■ If U does not charge Mr. Gallatin with corruptioo, it at least .insinuates that it may be proved against him. This writer observes—** The sudden growth of his (Mr. GaUatin^s) orivate fortune is unfavourable to the supposition that he is the most disinterested of ministers. When a Secretary- of the Treasury, from a yearly salary of four or five thousandi amasses in the short compass of eight yeara, the enor- mous fortune of two hundred ihouaand doihrSf we are authorised to inquire how he has< effected it ? If this were a government of England, «nd Mr. Gallatin t ^rd Melville, there would be no difficulty in ac« edUnting for the circumstance ; but it would be too hasty a determination to decide without further inves- tigation, that' Mr. Gallatin had made use of the oppor- tirtiities; which his statioH affords, to speculate in the funds ibr his individual benefit; or, that he availed himself of* the same opportunities, to become the pro- prietor of lands, which have been sacrificed by the artful representations of the man who purchased from the publick."—-** There are curious rumout^ abroad, that the Secretary of the Treasury means^to resign the post he occupies. Depend upon it that he never will leave the cabmet, whilst there is the charter of a na- tional bank to be sold." — Mr. Gardinier has made a motion foran «r2<7wer^into the management and state of the treasury, wnich was negatived by a great majority. The federalists have different notions of hononr. In answer to the first ma- licious insinuation of Mr. Giles and Mr. Venable, Mr, Hamilton: demanded of Congress an official investiga- tion of his management of the treasury ; and t^ men who impeached his integrity, reported after a most strict scrutiny of his official conduct, that they were "satisfied that no monies of the Ufiited States, whether, before or after they have passed to the credit of the Treasurer, have ever been directlv or indirectiv used IS lU for^ or applied to any purposes, but those of the gov. eminent.** Let. us now examine GiNiRAL Wilkinson's account, as alhwed and tanctioned by the President, It is in vain, after reading this document^ to attempt to calculate how much mone^ has been lavished on the favourites of the administration, as we are not permit- ted to pry into the files, which contain the vouchers. We have before stated that the sum of 856,000 was bestowed on Gen. Wilkinson, as the price of his agency in the attacks on the constitution or oiir coun- try and the liberties of our citizens. This money has been worse than squandered. Deduct the amount of his pay from the gross sum he has received, and vh find a balance of S40,000 left in his hands, as the re« ward of ille^ violence and military proscriptions. The account of Gen. Wilkinson could have been allowed by Mr. Jefierson only from the fear of his dis- closing conduct more profligate than his own. The impu£nt items of this account are the evidence of the most abominable prodig^ity, and its allowance a daring violation of the laws which limited his pay for the samip time at 816,500. By the aid of his attorney- general, C. Rodney, Mr. Jefferson found the means to evade the statute, by as- signing to his favourite variety (A offices, civi| as well as military. Of the sum of 856,000, Gen. W. was allowed 86,619 for the expenses of his table from De- cembcr 1803, to April 1804 — Such profusion has hardly any parallel in history.-— and this money was paid by order of the same Mr. Jefferson, who caused courts to be abolished, to save the salary of the Judges, and refused even a pittance to ransom our citizena^from foreign dungeons. i' > From the dtkqsidations of the treasury which have come to lights even while it is under the control of those who endeavour to conceal them, we may judge what scenes will be displayed, to the sMCcessprs of the present administration. 115 S^MONSr WAflTKD IN AB8UBD ARMAMBNTS. It will, perhaps, appear sineular, that those who have censured tne giovemment forleavingf the country whol- ly destitute of defence, should charge them with waste /money in publick armaments. But the mere appropri- ation and application of money to defence, does not en- title an administration to any credit, if the country is still left unprotected. What then has our government done for the protec- tion of our country ? 1st. As to Fortifications, About one million two hundred thousand dollars have been appropriated for the 4cftuice of our sea coast form Maine to Georgia. We have no means of ascertaining precisely what de- gree of security has been afforded us by the eicpendi- ture of this sum. We do know, however, that our sea cofist is yet in a very defenceless state, and from what we have se^n of folly and ignorance, not to say want of principle, exhibited in many of the youthful agents, we may be excused for presuming that a considerable |>art of the mon^y has been wasted. 2. The army, — -We have before observed ou the military establishment of this administration to shew th^ insincerity of their clamour against the petty force raised by the federalists which by way of opprobriMiu the opposition denominated "iht standing army. ^^^^^ , . They have indeed in a wise contempt of their owii maxims kept up a force sufficient to preserve the ap- pearance of an army^ and formerly strong enough to enforce their arbitrary mandates, where they were not assured of the volunteer services of their sanguinary partizans.. This army has not merely been disgraced by the cha- racter of^ts commander, but was unfortunately con- fided to his discretionary orders. From his treachery or negligence their encampment was madly chosen in feus and marshes, and the consequence has been a greater mortality than any body of troops ever expe^ •?■■; '..i ii:;'it.; lit A gun ID a frigate costs annually - S dJ42 ' A gun in a gunboat costs - - - - g 11,700 The complement of men of a frigate of 56 guns *- -- -- ---- 420 men Complement of 56 gunboats .... 2520 men 2530 men in frigates can fight ... 336 gung It is impossible by any language or illustration to make the extravagance of the gunboat system more palpable, except by adding in the words of Mr. Jeffer- son's message — " that this species of naval armament can have little effect towards protecting our commerce in the open seas, even upon our own coasts.*' .^ The plan of a Dry Dock was as extravagant as the gun-boats are ridiculous. It is mentioned here merely as another proof of the disposition of Mr. Jefferson to squander the sums intended to secure a naval defence & to satisfy the people, that no economy was enjoined in the expenditure of publick money, however opposed the administration might be to its appropriation. We might add here a variety of mstances of actual and contemplated expense, wholly inconsistent with sound economy. We might display in detail the par., tial policy betrayed in the appropriation of public mon- ey. We might contrast the extravagance of govern- ment on our southern frontier, with its parsimony on the sea-coast. We might, in fine, multiply proofs, not merely of waste of revenue, but of a sacrifice of re- sources, as the sale of bank-stock, western lands, &c. But this is unnecessary. Those who have read our statement of the circumstances and expenses attending the Louisiana purchase, and will examme the evidence of a ruinous misapplication, if not corrupt profusion of public money, which we have offered under this head, cannot have confidence in the discretion or integrity of the administration. 4. The annihilation of revenue "^y the destruc- tion OF commerce. While waste and prodigality in every department took all the public money out of the tre asury, the em- 119 bargo most seriously diminished its receipts. If Mft did not succeed in this kind of warfare, ruin was the certain result. Mr. Jefferson saw this ; but as his only resource was the confidence of his partizans in his scheme, he afforded them the strongestproof of hisow/i, by a profuse use of the public money. His failure has fulfilled our predictions, and while we feel its con^ sequence in the beggary of the treasury, it is well to consider the extent of our loss, arising from hb folly or intrigues. From inspection of Mr. Gallatin's report it appears that in 1803, when our commerce was reduced to 55 millions of dollars, that our revenue amounted to the sum of 10,479,417 dollars. According to another report of Mr. Gallatin, in 1807, notwithstanding the British or- ders in council, we might have exported to free ports, foreign and domestic goods, to the amount of 69,077,878 dollars, and from the proceeds have collected an im- post, probably to the amount of 12,000,000 dollars. Our exports to England alone in 1807 amounted to more than our exports to all the world in 1803, and would have yielded to an economical administration, a revenue sufficient for the support ofgovernment. From these calculations it is evident, that we have sacrificed above 16 millions on the maintenance of a disastrous policy, which annihilated a commerce, from which we should have derived a revenue equal to this amount. But unfortunately, the embargo not only prevented any income, but required expense for its maintenance. Its oppressive provisions naturally excited resistance, and the gun-boats, which no one thought capable of af- fording protection, were called into action to enforce submission. To the cost of military exertion was ad- ded the drain'of legal processes. Thousands of prose- cutions have vexed our citizens, and courts and ju- ries have discovered so little inclination to second the requisitions of the executive, that while probably some hundred thousand dollars have been expended, scarcely a penalty has been recovered. Thus 120 this monstrous systetn of policy, which began with extinguishing our revenue, has ended with exhausting our treasury. In concluding our remarks on this last charge against government, of haxnng emptied our national treasury by their negligence^ extravagance^ and intrigue, we earnestly call upon all to give this important subject iu due consideration. We all recollect that Mr. Jefferson assumed the di. rection of our national affairs, when he acknowledged us to be "in the full tide of successful experiment ;" and that while he permitted the unaided operation of the system of his predecessors, our commerce flourish- ed with its usual unexampled success, and yielded a revenue, which not only discharged our current ex. penses, but left us annually a surplus of millions to meet any emergency. Let us suppose that Mr. Jefferson, instead of using commerce as an engine of war and intrigue, had con. suited its interests in honest negotiation with England, and manly resentment against the insults and on rages of France ; — that instead of annihilating trade and re- pressing enterprize, under the pretence ** of exercising our restrictive energies," he had left us free to regulate our own pursuit of interest and improvement ? — that instead of wasting millions in the purchase, survey, and defence of a wilderness, in absurd armaments, and on corrupt and peculating agents in every department of government, our national revenue had been honest- ly applied to the building of an efficient navy, and erecting fortifications equal to our protection and due to the importance of our seaports ; what a contrast should we have presented to our present state of dis- grace and beggary ! — In the language of Mr. Jefferson, we should then have exhibited to the world, " a rising nation, spread over a wide and fruitful land, traversing all the seas with the productions of its industry, en- gaged in commerce with nations, who," conscious of its " power," would regard its " rights, and advancing i^pi/dly to destinies beyond the reach of mortal eye" — but mo^t unfortunately the protection of'" the honour, the happiness, the hopes of our beloved country," ^va? cQm9>itted to the counsels of a i^an, who " shrunl^ from the cpntemplation," ai?d has approved himself ijrbolly |^adeq^ate " to tl>e magnitude of the underr taking."* V. VIOLATION 4ND CONTEMPT OF THE COJYStTTUtlON OF THE U. STATES. When a people have deliberately adopted a constitu^ tion, and sworn to; support it, innovation and contempt (^it, invite cabal, fr^ud, and force, and portend a change of government. This char^ will be supported by a selection of facts, #fiich can be most clearly prbved ; and by inferences from thtm» wMch ought to satisfy ev^ry man who is sBitably jealous of thos^ ;^ CaEATlNG VACANCIES, AND FILLING THEM UP JN THE SECES9' OF THE SENATE. • By th^ constitution of the U. States it is provided, that the President should have power t6 ^H ail vacancies which might happen during the recess of the senate. It was never deemed possible that a President could construe^ this to mean, that he could rrea^^ the vacancy and then Iill it. For such a construction would com- pletely defeat the negative of the senate. That such was tn^ intepr6tation of all parties at the time, we prove by reference to the opinions of several Virginians.-— " tjow, says ope ofthem, are vacancies to happen ? Is it not by de^th ^qr resignation ? Does the constitution con- teii^plate any ptfier cause of vacancy ? Can the President create the vacancy by removal ? Afe the words rrw^^ VfJ^ ^' Mr. J.*> Inaugural Spe^h, ', 16' ■ '- *' •-•^'■- •- .■ IK aod ^i/i^;t .9ji;];yoiQiinou8 V* ^r, Jackson, of VirgjijQM, in k speech lipqh tEe bi^, giving th^ President pow^ of rement pf th^acp^ssion of the present party^tfpt.pfjijy^l'^ ^^y l^ye proceeded in, Innumerable in- ^taw?^s.to\p-m :jri ?^ ilBi^e .-JiU UJ Bli PROOF'S. ■ •S^<'3ifViAau DB8al;cTioif,o» THE JUDicixiitl''^' j*-'*^'^^-'^ The kst federal administration perceiving that^ ihil government was about to fall into the hands, of no^ ^ho had not manifested a dlspb^i^on to respect the^^Oiistitu- tion, or ena(ct ^wft in :^t, afedeiaUst, for living 4»rdered James Thonip>iHin CaW lender to. be fined and impriaoned apcoi^g tio ]|iW»— ^ Why should they desire this ? Because CaUenderV^ tlie friend of Jefierson ; and had greatly contributed to destroy faith in federalists, and to acquire it for demo- crats. If this attempvhad succeeded no diAculty would ha/ve been found in removing the other judged/ This efibrt cost judge Chase a sum equal to a year's ttlaiy i and the United States, probably 20,000 doHs, I , . To this prominent instance pf hostility to the judiciar}f may be added the extraordinary report drawn up by Mr* J. Q. Adams (then senator, and now employed on a mysterious mission to NapdeoK's Russian court) in the case of John Smith, also a member of the senate, in which hci endeavours to bring the supreine court of the United States intbtcontempt,* and Jto diminish the re- spect for that adhiicable system 6f jurisprudence adapts ed fi)r the prbtection of innocente and the s^ety of the rights of the people. PROOFS. tl6VA.Tt Q", ,«^^n The whole trade and commercial intercourse between the several states in the union, were subjected to the arbitrary will and pleasure of Mr. Jeffisrson. And his creatures, collectors, and revenue officers, might con- strue the laws, just as their malice, ignorance, or sub- serviency to the president might dictate. Innocent persons were rendered liable to penalties ; g^ilt and inr nocence were confounded, and subjected to one com- mon punishment. Right of trial by jury was takeii away by referring questions of great importai^ce tp the deci^on of Jefferson, or his secretary of thetreasury;. The presid^it^s rules and regulations were to have the force of law. Even the apt di God was not admitted, fif an^ excuse >for. non-ootnpliim^ with the proyi^ens ?k i i I, f. Ids this iRW.^olleotor^ w«iti anthorized ta seize and.tplie poaniiiin, without warrant, without evidence..aiul«t their own discretion, American produce, and i|iBckt, whenevir in their opinion, there existed an intentioii to violate the embargo. An officer might enter a muk^g house; just when he pleased, to search for these ahi. cles i and if he found thene money or gobds, U mi|ht seise them without condescending to give a reasoa &r so doing ; and having taken them into his custodj^, he must guard them by removing them from the owoer'g possession, or by sending a sufficient force into his house to gjwd them. The President, his collectors, rmenue ^Bcers, and minions, might employ the l%nd or naval force, and even the militia of the U. States to carry these abominable provisions into effisct. Where do we see a more complete system of arbi- tranr power and military despotism, than was hcr^cie- ated by the forms of law? Napoleopi has not more ttower than Jefferson meant to have had. The only diffisrenoe between them is, that Jeffi^rson has not the military machinery of his friend the emperor ; nor the ««Mraget<>ti8eit,ifhehad. ',.<'(}ov> It it needless to add, that every one .ipf ^hese provls- ioMare direcdy against the letter, as well as the spirit of the constitution. PHOOF 8. asMnsioir or calcewdsr's fins. Thi^ Callender wrote a book, called "the prospect before isrsi" which is a series Of malicious and profligate calumnies and libels on our patriots and (heir measures. In this bpo4c he charges Washingtoin with ** a neat and pure Tiolatiori of his oath, to pre£rve the eonstitutioi)." And with haying committed^'** an act -of audacious usurpation and. despotism, in making* his ph)claiiiation of neutralttjr/" > Jefferson saw sonie Of the proof' sheets of this (?6dfc before it went forth to the world. He ex- pressed his approbatioii, and ^nt (Daltender fifty dol- lars. VV^e' have seen the -letters iii' Jcffisrson?s own hand writing, on! which itieie asstrtioiis are founded. l%» Cittender was indicted, tried, and found guiltyt and senienced to nine months imprisonment, and to pay a , fine of two hundred dollars* This tooli place at Rich- mond, in the summer of I8OO4 His term of imprison* meat expired on the 4th March, 1801, the day when Jefferson took his oaths as president* Callender had paid his fine long before. On the 16th March, Jeffer- son sent him a pardon, and remitted his fine of two hundred dollars. His honor Levi Lincoln was then Attorney General. Mr. Randolph, marshall of the dis- trict, declined paying the money, because he was ad-, viseid that it belonged to the United States. Mr. Lin- coln informed him by letter, that " as the money had not actually been paid into the treasury of the United States, it had not become the property of the United States,'* and ordered him to repay it to Callender, which wiA great reluctance he did. This was a manifest breaeh of law i for the money once paid into the hands of the marshall, and the prisoner having been discharged by the marshall of the y?;}^, the property M^as changed,] It was the money of the United States, of which Mr, Jefferson had no more authority to dispose, than of the money in the hands of a collector who had received it for duties. This power was exerted in favor of a for- eigner, a fugitive from Europe ; one of the most aban- doned and infamous of men. Callender afterwards be« came the enemy of Jefferson, and disclosed his secrets* He was* in part punished for his abominations in this world, and ended his career by being drowned at Richmond. PROOF 9. STOPPING THE PROSECUtlON ACAI3T Dl^AWfi. Wm. Duahe, an Irishman, Who is by Jefferson's ap- pointment a col. in the U. S. army, editor of the Au- rtra, now devoted to the interests of Napoleon, pub- fished a most flagitious and daring libel against the sen- ate of the United States, while Jeflerson was president , of that body. A prosecution was ordered and com.J' menced, and was pending when Jefferson became pre*-' 17 «ji ' 11 n ) 130 sident of the United States. An American wUl almort doubt the evidence of his senses, when he is assured that Jefferson usurped the power of ordering, that the prosecution against this detestable Jacobin should be stopped. It hns always been doubted whether the pov er of pardon authorized it. INTOLERANCE IN THE REIGNING PARTY, Ist. PROOF DISMISSALS FROM OFFICE &Y PRESIDENT JEFFERSON. Mr. Jefferson began his presidential career with the most unequivocal assurances of faithful performance of duties and the most liberal toleration of political sentiments. It soon appeared that he had given u- surances which he intended should not be realized; The federalists do not covet power^ they only ask to be well and constitutionally governed. They gave Mr. Jefferson credit in advance when his inaugural speech was published. They would have supported him if his conduct had conformed to his professions. Mr. Madison's first official communication wastrel! received by the federalists. — Some of them were dispos- ed to give their approbation most openly ; but others thought they krew the breed, and that it would be safest to be quie^ until they had *^ summered him ad wintered him,** While Mr. Adams was President he displaced two or three men. This was complained of with great bitterness. In the course of Mr. Jefferson's adminis- tration almost every man^ so far our information ex- tends^ was turned out of office^ who had committed the sin of being Washington's disciple or friend. One exception only occurs to us, and that is the case of the Ycnerable General Lincoln^ whom even Thomas Jeffer- 131 80D did not dare to displace. He eventually left the office of oollector^ because neither he^ nor thpse vhom he had associated ^ith himself in his office^ could reconcile it to conscience and honour to carry the nefarious edicts of Jefferson into effect. Before Mr. Jeffejson had been president a twelvemonth the Honourable Mr. Bayard then member of the House of Representatives w Congress, and now Senator from the State of Delaware^ thus expressed himself in de> bate. " In the track of the present executive we see the real victims of stero^ uncharitable, unrelenting power. It is here we see tlie soldier who fought the battles of the revolution, to establish the independence of his country, deprived of the reward for his services, aod left io pine in penury and wretchedness. No me- rit, no services, no truth, no innocence can save the un- happy sectary, who does not believe in the creed of those in power." When devotion to « political faction becomes the first recommendation to office, bankrupts in fortune and fame are the men who are employed. The exam- ple which Jefferson gave io his adherents has been faithfully followed by all his creatures in office. The post offices — The revenue department — The law officers — every where verify the assertions of Mr. Bayard. The natural consequences of appointments made from such motives are severely felt. — Who but Thomas Jefferson would faav-e appointed William Duane a colonel in the American army ? — We sympa- thize with the worthy Americans of that department vrho are compelled to wear the same uniform with that abandoned foreigner; and especially those who by military rules may be obliged to obey him as a superior. We have neither time nor room to name or number here, the individuals appointed by Mr. Jefferson, who have abused their trust and defrauded the public. The suips which have been lost by these persons would '■'»".-i^-^^nm%>ik^ mr^tfiusfnn t!.ti«.iy^aui JIHSlHiai-l 3imJl3flf*^ il .^ 132 support the government of the state of Massachusetts more than three years. It ought not to be omitted that there is a most ma- teria) change as to public confidence in post offices. There are complaints that when political information is to be communicated^ that ^/vhich proceeds from one party is sure to find its destination^ while that of the adverse party is almost equally sure to fall short of it. PROOF 3. ,,THE FAMOUS REPORT OF LEVI LINCOLN AND OTHERS OF THE COUNCIL. Levi Lincoln Esq. and his associates^ who constitut- ed the executive counsel of this state from May 1807 to Mav 1808, deliberately and. unblushingly put on the files of the council chamber their earnest recom- mendation in writing (signed with their own handsj to the Governor to pursue the same intolerant course which Jefferson and his creatures had pursued, and hurl from office every man, from high to low, who did not openly and avowedly think and act with their par- ty. Their words are, ''It would be arraigning the wis- dom and justice of the national administration* a censure and reproach of its most deliberate acts"rr>D# to displace every man not known to be in sentiment with themselves, PROOF 3. ATTEMPT IN CONGRESS TO G./^G THE FEDERAL MEMBERS. The present majority of the House of Representa- tives lately made and supported a motion by which they could, at any moment, by moving for the; previ- ^ ous question, silence debate, and carry their measure. 'Theol»ect doubtless was to keep fjrom the public a I jLuowledge of their proceedings, and to save themselves from the paia of hearing the truths which federalists utter. Ids MEMBERS. . • W»!^vPROOF 4. « TBB CRY AGAINST FEDERAL MEN, AND THE FEDERAL PRESSES OF TREASON AND SEDITION. At the last session but one of the legislattire of this state a Mr. Crowningshielil moved that the House of Representatives should approve of the wisdom of the national government in laying the embargo^ &c. Thb report of the committee, dravirn up by our vt^orthy chi^ magistrate, and adopted by the House, and which had a most important ejlect in removing the obnoxious res- trictions which then existed, has been uniformly held up iu ail |;he democratic papers, and evien in debate in the legislature, as sedition and rebellion. — -The discus- sions whether public or private which take place on the subject of national concerns, are all treated in the same manner. The object of the reigning party seems to be, to silence every inquiry into the conduct of rulers who hold their offices by election t PROOF 5. -^ JUDGE RAY CRBEN's COMMISSION. >\ The Hop. Ray Green, of Rhode-Island, had bec^ duly nomihat^d to the Senate as District Jud^ of that ^State— The Senate ratified tJfe appoititment — ^The commission was signed^— Here the powers of the Ex- ecutive ceased — The commission was the property of Mr. Green — But Mr. Jefferson forcibly seized this pa^ p&Ty against law and suppressed it, and nominated an- other man to the cilice. «j»fl«»9 »t*>^'^ it* t ?*»*.* *r^^ •>;?linJTH»-^H 1«» HiJsr^Mf ! PROOF 6. r-sy -^rfT THE SUPPRESSION OF THE COMMISSIONS OF THE JUSTICES OF COLUMBIA DISTRICT. Mr. Adams appointed certain persons Justices of the Peace within the District of Columbia. The com- missions were regularly signed, sealed and issued, and left in the office of the Secretary of State, to be deliv- ered to the persons to whom they were addressed. But ll I w 4 134 m these persons were federalists ; and although a right of pro[ierty in these commissions was vested, they were suppressed and destroyed, and other persons agreeable to Mr, Jefferson appointed. PROOE r. THE BATTURE AND GEORGIA LAND. The proprietors of a place called the Batture at New- Orleans, recovered by force of law, in the regular i'udicial courts of the territory, possession of this tract, iut the United States had a claim to it, and no judicial course was open to them. Mr. Jefferson ordered a file of soldiers to turn the proprietors out of possession, and it is still retained by military force. The saihe arbitrary principles and conduct have been exercised towards a very meritorious and su£fer* ing class of people in New- England. The State of Georgia scM a large tract of land, re* alized the money which is still retained, and afterwards by an abominable act rescinded their own grant, on the ground that it was obtained by fraud. . Whether the charge be true or false, is nothing to the innocent purchasers in New-England, who knew fiothkig of the grant, till the purchasers from the State appeared among them with their grants. Conscious that this pretence for robbing these unhap* py and >deiaded men would not avail in a court of justice, the democratick party in Congress passed an act author, ising the President to repel by military force any at' tempt on the part of these innocent claimants to take possession of their lands in order to try the title in the judicial courts. What renders this conduct the more inexcusable is, that commissioners appointed by the government, con- sisting of the Attorney General and Secretary of the Treasury, had reported in favour of the claims of our unfortunate citizens. -• May we not then fairly conclude that we have proved i tt-'J . -M). aJ^^; US niost abundantly both the frequent viotatiohs of the constitution and the intolerence of the ruling par^ ? Shall it be said, to the disgrace of our countty, that all these proofs will avail nothing, or that they will tend to confirm the partizans of the administration in their support of their unprincipled chieftains ? If this^must be the case, we must not only say that ^is is the last experiment ia favour of a republican gov- ernment, but that this last one is likely to be abortive* VII. imURIOUS EFFECTS OF THE SYSTEM OF THE ADMINISTRATION ON PUBLICK MORALS, Perhaps there is nothing in the system of Mr. Jeffer- son's administration which will be more felt in its con- sequences, than its ii^uence on the pubtick morals. Every act of his that has tended to confound moral dis- tinctions, to lessen the respect that belongs to the wise and good, and to encourage the hopes and views of the unprincipled,has done great injury to the best interests of society. The mischief is twofold; it animates bad arnd dbcourages good men. It will continue to increase and spread long ^ter the immediate cause has ceased to operate. It will work invisibly but surety ; and its pernicious effects will be perceived in the general con^ tempt of all moral sentiments, in an exclusive devotion to the views of a faction, and in the pursuit, of selfish- ness and ambition. ' ' , ^ I 5 , H ^5 *« The elevation of a man to the office of President of known infidel principles, the avowed patron of Thomas Paine, gave a shock to the religious and moral sense of the country. It wa*, indeed, a novel thiwg, for a chris- tian people to elect for their first magistrate, a despisier of their holy religion ; and many good men were dfeep- ly affected by an event so unpropitious to tlie truest welfare of their country. They ditl not so mock fear a direct attack upon their faith, though it was made by 136 hi$ friend Paine, in the newspapers devoted to his ad- minihistration, as the indirect influence and popularity of Mr. Jefierson's philosophick principles, when asso- ciated with power and patronage. It was foreseen that &e men who had laboured for him would be re. warded with office, and it was known that these men were destitute of .all moral qualifications ; ai^ had no. thin^ to recommend them, but their zeal aA? activity in his cause. \ Mr.'Jefferson has been true to his principles. As soon as he had the power to reward the instruments of his elevation he did' it, shamelessly and triumphantly. One of the first acts of his administration, was to rescue Duane, an Irishman, from legal process, by ordering i noli prosequiy and one of the last was, to make this fugi- tive from, the justice of his own country, this libeller of Washington, this infamous abettor of all the insolence and injustice of France, a colonel in the armt/^ of the U, States !! Gen. Wilkinson too has been supported by Mr. Jefferson, as commander in chief, against the most une- quivocal expression of the publick sentiment, and in spite of the abhorrence and contempt of a majority of all parties. In this instance, he seems designedly to have set publick opinion at defiance, and like, a true despot, to have cherished his favourite in proportion as every bddy else hated and despised him. No other sovereign could have retained such a man in such an office; no, not even Napoleon himself; yet Mr. Jeffer- son has been able to uphold this ^u^ricf general, and he has done it with as much complacency as though he had not become too offensive to be endured. Callender, another libeller, who had been extremely useful to Mr. Jefferson, and who had received from him money, as an encouragement and reward for his labours, and who had been convicted and fined in the circuit court, was pardoned, and received back from the marshal the amount of his fine. This was done af- ter the fine had been paid to the marshal, ^nd had be- coinc the property of the United States^ in violation of .iVi ' i ii ►i. Ni 137 all legal principle as well as the common sentiment of justice. To these might be added the pardon of Jones, and of Lewis Freeman, a notorious counterfeiter, who had applied to Mr. Adams for a pardon, which was re- fused ; but enough has been mentioned to shew that he has pardoned criminals when convicted, and pro- moted them before conviction to offices, merely from political considerations. These examples have had imitators among some of the governors of democratick states. In Maryland, governor Wright exercised the power of pardon, in fa- vour of the ring leaders in a riot, who had assaulted, tarred and feathered a man by. the name of Beattie, for uttering some expressions displeasing to the mob of Baltimore. The supposed offence, in this case,, was altogether of a political nature ; it consisted in the mere expression of some political sentiment, and the in^".- ference of the governor from political motives, lO res- cue the culprits, who had been duly convicted in a court of law, from punishment, was a high lianded out- rage upon all the principles of order, law, and justice. The state of rennsylvania may now be consider- ed as in the second stage of democracy ; of course, we should naturally expect to find more ignorant and violent men in o$ce, more division and animosity among rival parties, and more confusion and vio- lence through the state. The present governor Sny- der was elected by a large majority, and declared to be by all his political friends, a most intelligent and hon- est man. Duane, his former friend and most efficient supporter, has recently charged him with hiving frau- dulently altered the date of an important letter, com- municated to the legislature, and afterwards to huve added a falsehood to this species of forgery. Whether governor Snyder is a felon or Duane a liar, it is of no importance for us to know ; but this we do know of his excellency, that he ordered out a military force, to re- sist the marshal of the district, in executing ciyil pro- 10 - • ff '■■'^■K.J"' T r; \i ' 11' \1 138 cess, and that his conduct has becii approved by a great majority of the state legislature. The administration of the state governments has been changed by the same acts and delusions that brought Mr. Jefferson into power. The men vt^ho have held or now hold the principal offices, obtained them as he did ; by a hypocritical pretence of regard to the rights of the people, — by associating themselves with the prevailing popular prejudices and passions, by the excitement of groundless fears, by the allure- ment of false hopes, by misrepresenting the motives and measures oi their opponents, by calumny, by fraud, and by falsehood. Offices have been distribute ed in the same manner among the zealous and the ac- tive, and the question has never been with them any more than with Mr. Jefferson : " Is he honest, is he capable, is he faithful to the constitutution," but is he a partizan, has he influence, and will he be faithful to us" or to his party ? The plan of proscription, proposed by his honour Levi Lincoln, in his report, would be adopted in this state if ever the people should loose sight of their true interest, and suffer themselves to fall under democratick rule. The power of pardon would be exercised to screen from punishments, political ad- herents, who had received sentence, and the jail and the pillory would be robbed to increase the ranks of party. The effects of such a system are too corrupting to con- tinue long. The exercise of the power of pardon from po- litical motives corrupts the very fountain of justice, and amountsto a license to commit crimes. The law is no long- er dreaded as the avenger of wrongs done to the person or property of any member of the societv, when the culprit sees a power above the law ready to interpose in his be- half at the moment sentence is to be executed. The men invested with this power are regarded as the friends and patrons of all who have aided their views, or can help support them in office. Such a sentiment thus produc- ed, would opeMe like an indulgence to commit crimes, to be had by all who should be wicked enough to pay 139 the price. It would necessarily collect about such an administration, as its friends and supporters, the selfish, the unprincipled, and the profligate ; the men who need- ed and the men who wished to be protected against the law; and it would necessarily exclude from its circle the men of honour, integrity, and virtue. Has a crime been committed ? A pardon is at hand. Is an office wanted? devotion to tl>e cause is the price. A system like this sets the whole mass of corrupt passsions in mo- tion, on the eve of an important election ; it tempts the virtue of the weak, it seduces the wavering and self-in- terested; it encourages the intriguer and confirms the villain. The long list of Mr. Jefferson's favourites, who have been rewarded by him for their zeal, with lucrative of- fices, and who have plundered the people of more than a million of dollars, affords melancholy proof of the tmth of these remarks. Skinner, Livingston, Brown, Clark, and many others, were all violent partizans, were all rewarded with offices, and have all since turned out to he public defaulters. 2. The ruinous restrictive laws upon our com- merce, continually changing, ace not only ruinous to commercial enterprize, but hold out a premium to fraud and smuggling. Nothing can be more injurious to the real merchants of a country, than any uncertain- ty with regard to its commercial regulations. It re- quires time and experience for such men to ascertain the advantages of any particular course of trade, to make their calculations on sure ground, and to carry on their enterprizes with success. But if a particular branch of trade, which is lawful to day, becomes un- lawful tomorrow, the solid merchants are compelled to embark in doubtful speculations, or abandon all business to adventurers and smugglers. Much time is occupi- ed, and many voyages delayed,, in order to ascertain whether this or that bill will pass congress, as their des- tination and eventual success are made to depend on the endless and ever- varying caprice of that body. A more effectual method than this cannot be devised to 140 drive from all concern in business, the experienc» : <• Before this wretched svstem of commercial restric. tions had been devised, the character of our merchants stood higher, the revenue was better collected, and with fewer officers, than can be. found in any other part of the world. These men knew that a revenue from commerce w4s indispensable to the operations of .the new government, and they were disposed to give the system a fair trial. Of course they cherished a sense of the strictest punctuality, and frowned indig. nantly upon every attempt at evasion of the revenue iaw^. By such a course of frank, honourable and honest conduct, they secured the interest of the government better than thousands of spies and gun-boats. The honourable sentiments which were found in every man's breast, were the sure pledge of a fair collection of the revenue ; they rendered evasions and frauds not . only dishonourable, but almost im()ossible. The con- seiquence was, the rapid increase of wealth, and of revenue, the establishment of a solid credit, the en- conragement of agriculture, and general diffusion of prosperity. This invaluable system of commercial manners, this nice sense of honour, this regard to punctuality, this concern for the due collection of the revenue, are in a great manner broken down by the vexatious and odious restrictions upon cpmmerce. So strongly has the pub- lic opinion set against these laws, that to evade or vio- late them has not been disreputable ; and what must be the condition of any country, where a violation of the law is in accordance with the general sentiment. The folly of making such laws can be equalled only by the fc^ljr of persisting in maintaining them, when the power to enforce their due observance is lost. That ilies? laws have not been and cannot be executed, we 141 have the most abundant evidence ; I need only refer to the records of our courts. Who then, let us ask, are most to be blamed for this debasement of national character, this corruption of the pubhc manners and morals ? We answer, the govern- ment. They have laid snares for the people, by com- pelling them to choose between evasions of the laws and absolute want. The}^ have held put the tempta- tion of great profit to the indigent, the avaricious and unprincipled, by interdicting the customary trade of the country. The desire of great gain has triumphed over better principles. The whole system is so detest- able in itself, and the causes of it so base ai^d dishon- ourable, that any attempt to set it at defiance has been considered as a venial offence. The morals and man- ners of no people on earth, would be proof against such an unnecessary and ruinous course of policy. It is not in human nature or human vutue, to sustain unin- jured such multiplied temptations, and let those who have needlessly and wickedly brought on the trial look to the consequences. The ruin of our commerce and the corruption ol our morals are not the only evils that have resulted from this execrable system of commercial restrictions. The government have boasted of its power over foreign na- tions, as superseding the necessity of all warlike prepa- rations, and as containing within itself such means and energies as would bring the proudest and most ppwer- ful of them at our feet. The experiment has been made, and the result has been both ruinous and disgrace- ful to ourselves. Foreign nations have learned the comparitive unimportance of our trade, and the impo- tence of our coercive measures. Mr. Armstrong, our minister at Paris, in a letter to Mr. Madison, says, eight months after the embargo was laid, that in France it is not felt, and that in England it is forgotten. This same minister, in a letter to Mr Pinkney, says, that all die measures hitherto adopted, to compel France to dp us justice, have done no good.^ "Nay, (says he) the repi- I 'i ' I ■ li- ■!i 148 tition of those may be fairly presumed to have done mis- chi^, inasmuch as it has tended to establish a creed, that WOE 08 in some form or other are the only meam we have to employ.'* France hates us, a nation dS shopkeepers and traders, but she despises us more for our want of *' military means, and military virtues" The evils and their causes, which have been displayed in the preceding pa^s, diemand the most serious con- sideration of every fnend to his country. Is there any remedy, and if so,, where is it to be fonnd, is the en- quiry of many an anxious mind. The states south of New- York, with the exception of Delaware, are devoted to the views of the administration, and have mostly pledged diemselves to support its infatuated measures. At present, there is no hope that an apprehension of impending evils, a sense of danger, a fear of an unne- cessary and unjust war will be excited in that section of the country, sufficient to check or controul the ominous career of the government. Where then can be' found that manly and inquiring spirit, that long cherished re- gard to the civil and religious liberties of the country, that well-founded dread of France, her adherents, her arts, and her arms, and that just, temperate and concil- iatory disposition towards England, which, in the pre- sent state of the world are indispensable to our salva- tion ? If these exist at all, they will be found in the northern section of the Union, there the hopes of the country rest, and there its great interests are to be con- tended for, by all authorized means. We have exhibited in detail the proofs of the hostile temper of the administration towards England, and of its subserviency to France. Alarming and even terri- ble as this aspect of our aifairs is, a union in sentiment and object of New- York with New-England, would form such a counterpoise, as to save the country from falling into the arms of France, A distinct and un- equivocal expression of the sentiment of this section, manifested by the approaching elections would carry . discomfiture and dismay into pur national councils, an4 143 save us from the shock of a British war. With such a force of sentiment and opinion against them, the ad- ministration would not dare to hazard a war with Great Britain nor an alliance with France. Kentucky and Georgia might demand a war, but such clamour would not be relied upon, as furnishing evidence of the means and resources to carry it dn ; no, the administration know very well where the money is to support the war, and where the men are to fight the battles. They have not fojgotten that during the first year«of thfc revolutionary war, the single State of Massachusetts sent into the field, besides militia, more than sixteen thou- sand regular troops, and that during the whole period of the war, Massachusetts ahd Connecticut furnished nearly one half of the standing disciplined force of^the country. New. York and New-England together com- prise a population of about two millions and an half, and have paid on an average more than one half of the whole revenue of the United States. A large portion of the population of New- York is of New- England origin, the interests and pursuits of both are the same, and it cannot be doubted that ere long their views and policy will be the same. These are important facts, well known to the administration. They must and will have weight in all calculations of national strength and resources. If then it is distinctly seen that this section of the country is opposed to the late daring and ruinous measures of the administration, it will control the con- sequences of them, or prevent their repetition. Here then are motives ample enough for the most en^ larged patriotism, and of such commanding importance that indifference and indolence can no longer resist them. The friends of the peace and independence of the coun- try are called upon by all honourable means, by every honest exertionj and by unremitting labours to preserve those blessings to themselves and meir children. The crisis is at hand ; the result of the ensuing elections Will probably decide the question of peace or war. ' 'It i^ ri6 time for the indulgence of paltry passions and prejti^es, ^■^V.'& l*\ ill 144 these must all give place to the grc^t concerns of gene- ral safety. A sense of common danger must and will unite all in measures for the salvation of all. Men must speak the truth fearlessly, state facts boldly, and urge home to the bosoms of their neighbours the inferences that necessarily follow. There must and will be a gen- eral co-operation among the men of talents and virtue throughout the country, an unity and concert in action, a fixed resolution, to expose the causes and conse- quences of the ruinous measures of our ruters, a settled determination, that if their country must fall they will remain to the last guiltless. To furnish in part the means of doing this great work, successfully we have with some pains and labour given an outline of the history of Nlr. Jefferson's policy, in which we trust the facts we have stated will operate as powerful motives to the most strenuous exertion. .' The contest with our political opponents is not lim- ited to the election of this or that man to office ; but it is to influence and probably decide the future character of our national policy. Our administration are anx- iously looking to the result ; for, by this their own course will be shaped. Such is the nature of our gov- ernment, that publick opinion will be felt, . it will have a controuling influence ; and this opinion cannot be so forcibly expressed as by our elections. Let every man carry with him the sentiment that his domestick and fireside enjoyments, the security of his property and person, the continuance of his civil and religious rights may all depend on the vote he may give ; lor a war with Great Britain and the consequent alliance with France, involves the existence of all these. Of the imminent danger of such a war and its consequences our readers must judge for themselves, from the facts and reasonings in the preceding pages. Whether wc prevail in such a contest or are defeated, the conse- quences to us will be alike disastrous. An aiiianct with her enemies will be inevitable, nay, our own gov- ernincnt have long since pledged themselves to become 14B> > (he ally of France on certain conditions. ■ in the event of a'War with flhgland these conditions would of cour^ be^compKed with, and we should be bound hand and foot, and linked to the destinies of ¥*rance. Does any man in hiis senses believe that our indepetideiice Mfoiild longsurviyesudiaconnexionf ''* " ff, liowcverj in spite of all our efforts^ We arc to be driven into an' utijust and unnecessary livar, it will ^^t once be perceived that its burdens and its privations will fall most heavily on this part of the Union. Our trade and t)ur fisheries will be cut off, those %reat sources of our wealth and prosperity. We are aware, that the advocates of such a war look to our success in privateering as an^ndemnity for the loss of our com- merce ; and appeal to the "captures made in the first years of the last war as evidence of what we can achieve now ; but let it be remembered, that Great Britain then had not as she has now the command of the ocean. The naVal force of France was then nearly or quite equal to her own ; united with that of Holland or Spain it was superior; now the naval force of the world is inftfior to her own. But even those who rely on our power to capture British merchantmen well know that all the valuable trade of £ne;land is now protected by convoy, and that during the last years of the war, when experience had taught the necessity of this pre- caution, our privateering was a most unprofitable busi- ness. At this moment such is her naval superiority that she is able to blockade every port of the U. States, arid have force enough left to cope with all her other enemies. A war then would certainly destroy our commerce, and with it would decline our agriculture^ our arts, our industry, our enterprize, together widi all the Virtues of civilized life. Thus excluded from our element; What benefits could Francie give us, if she had the disposition? Could she protect our trade when her ships are blocked up in her own ports, and she can only venture on the ocean in a few skulking privateers? But if the great emperor was able he if; 19 ■: I: 146 not disposed to encoura&e or protect the commerce of his own Subjects. He hates commerce", beomtse^H is his enemy;; he hates and despises us feer our der motion to it; yet with the Dutch; we shall becomr pielled to exhaust the last cent of our resources in order to conquer the freedom of the seas. The melancholy catalogue of republicks anfl stateS) once prosperous and independent^ that first became the allies and afterwards the vie inis of France, ought spreiy to be a warning^ to 'the only remaining republic in the world. Asa moral and religious people, we are bound, as we would avoid the just indigri£.tion of heaven, to protest against an alliance with a nation, that has attempted with fatal success, to root eveiy >aentiment of religion from the hearts of men, and that now e^nploys the cor. rupt system of the Roman Church, as a political instru- ment, a mei'e auxiliary of «tate policy, designed to rivet more strongly the chains of despot* sm. As christians, we ought to listen to die warni:*^- • "e of the prophet, " come out from among her my p ^ ^ that ye be ijot jiartakers of her smsi, wid receive not oj her plagues,** Are the people of this portion of the union prepared td! encounter the miseries,, the privations, the lotig pro. tractecl distresses of a British war, and the still more dreadful calamities of a French alliance 9 If our national rukrSy deaf to the voice of our complaint, and unmindful of our most valuable rights and interests, persist in their ruinous course, till we are hurried to the very verge of destruction, shall we submit to be thus sacrificed ? In considering this momentous question, we are in- clined to think, that such is the attachment of the New- England people to the union, so great their regard even to a violated constitution, so strong their feelings and habits of order, that they would support witii their treasure and blood a war, the causes of which they de- tested. They would consider, that though this was not a war of their own seeking, but one to which they had been opposed, as unnecessary and unju^, still it was a war made by the rulers of this countiy, for w^hose wei- 1*7 file aiid independence they feel the deepest interest. In t^ first years of such ^ war« they would doubtless fujrr pish supplies of inen and money, in a^ g[reat abundance, and wiui as much promptness as the men of th^ souths those wordy persons, vyho have so often declared, that nothing but blood can cleanse the stuns upon our action- al honour. Such men would make, as in the last W4r, great paper pisparations ; while in NewrEngland^ the regimepts woula be full, with arms in their hands, and courage in their hearts. Kentucky, and Virginia, and Georgia would be daniorous for the invasion of Canada with New-£ngland troops, and perfectly willing to pay their own unarmed, undisciplined recruits, who staid ait home with the New-England money. But even the people of New England-would come to a pause ! They would, in less than two years, fed more keenly than the^ do now, that the war was unjust m its origin and ruinous in its consequences ; a war, in whieh, they could not with confidence invoke the God of their fathers for his support and blessing. They would perceive that its burthens pressed most heavily on them, that their commerce and fisheries were destroyed, the pro- ducts of their farms scarcely worth the labour they had bestowed; th^ taxes increased, while ths meanl of paying them were diminished, their sons employed in a distant service, or slain in the battle, and their bones left to bleach upon the hostile field. They would be deeply sensible, that the great objects of the social cofhpact were defeated, by the operation of such a war, that do- mesdck tranquillity was not insured, that justice was not established, that the common defence had not been pro- vided for, nor the general welfare promoted, and that the blessings of liberty, instead of being secured to theni- selves and thekr children, were in danger of being lost forever. Thus oppressed, exhausted, and alarmed, de- - testing the causes of the war, and looking forward to the fatal termination of the alliance with France, would they not find themselves reduced to that state of extreme necessity which always provides for itself ^ Would i i5 !! tiiey hot, in such a case, feel compelled to seek by the law of self-preservation^ their safety by a separate peaee, and to leave the southern states to prosecute ff war, which ^ey had most wantonly brought upon the country f They surely Could not complain; if they feel all the contempt for us which they profess, nor would oitr li^i^at froLYi ' the contest in their estima* tion lessen the probability of success. They might continue to indulge their animosity towards Great Bri. tain, and to fraternize with the hordes of Louisiana, and leave us by our accustomed trade and industry to repair the ravages of Sai unniksessary war, and to fortify our- selves against the arts and the arms of the real and dead- ly enemy of our independence. ' ■ For ourselves, we do believe that the people of New England t^ould not yield their necks to the French ydke without a desperate struggle. Like the Swiss, who were ensnared b^ professions and deluded by prbmises, who were deceived by their own rulers, who had be- come the corrupt instruments of France, they would awake, perhaps, too late for the salvation of their coun- try, but soon enough, we trust in God, to escape the Spectacle of its ruin. Like the Spaniards, they might be environed and assaulted by their allies, treated as reb- els and outlaws : but like them, exasperated and driven to madness, they would not spare the traitors, who had thade i league with the common enemy of mankind, to ensure the destruction of their country; C^ l*ietha{M the authors of this work owe some apolo^ to the pubiiek fot' the imp^fect state in which it is now presented. They are seniibie that many mlore ikcts and arguments might have been added in support of the opinions thev have maintained ; but a sense of public danger and the Mportanee of the crisis^ have compelled them to send it to toe press^in detached poisons, without alteration or revision.^ MOTES. NOTE I. We have said, that among all the complaints against the stand- log army in the Federal administration we did not know that they had ever mterfered with the civil jfioiveri or been charged with personal inju- ries to the citizens—since the Democrats h?ve had the management of the army the instances of their employmei.*- ae;ainst th(> n»'^ple, as well as of abuses of power have been numerous. 1st. Wilkinson put the whole city of New Orleans under military law— he seized several citizens without pretext by force, and sent them under guard to Washington^ though congress did not see fit to sanc- tion it by suspending the habeas corpus. He refused to obey the pre- cepts of a regular judge having competent authority to issue a habeas corpus. JVeither oi the persons seized by Wilkinson was ever tried, yet congress by the influence of the President refused to impeach him. 2dly. General Dearborn wrote to Colonel Boyd not to permit any vessel to pass the castle at Boston, contrary to lavo^ wl. .h he explained by saying that no vessel could be cleared till a collector was appointed. The truth was that General Dearborn was then collector, but it was not convenient for him to come on, and there- fore, arfmrt?rtm, he sliut up the port by military force. Colonel Boyd explained that letter (after a great clamour was made and a memorial sent to our Legislature,) to mean that he should not permit a vessel to pass without a clearance^ but that he should have taken Mr. Lo veil's, the Naval officer's, clearance and fiermited a Vessel to/iass. If he would 30 have done^ we say he would have broken his orders which are express, " that no clearance can be received until a Collector should be appointed." Such we say was the construction at the Custom House, and if such had not been General Dearborn's intention, why not write to Mr. I^ov- ell to that effect ? Thus the harbour of this Capital was blockaded by our own military force contrary to law. Sdly. Several towns in this State and Vermont had troops quartci'cd m them with the avowed object of overawing the people and enforcing an arbitral^, unconstitutional act by the bayonet, when the Clril P^iver had never been resisted or oven tried. A 2 4thly. In the State of New York last year a Captain in the service ot the United States, preferring the sword to a process of Replevin enter- ed a schooner belonging to a citizen and turned him out by military force. This was done not under pretence of seizure for braach of law, but because the Captain claimed to have chartered her. 5thly. A lute most horrible catastrophe shews the danger of quar- tering a profligate and licentious soldiery among the people. A Mr. Grayson, of Carlisle, in Pennsylvania was murdered in his own house by four soldiers of the United States without any sort of provocation. There was a tiiae when such an act would have been called a Alaaw crcy and its anniversary would have be n kept by solemn procesuons, and animating orations to keep alive the hatred to unprincipled power. But such days are gone ! Two of the officereof the U. States army were lately tried 8c cashiered in Virginia, the specifications of whose offences were of such a nature as to make a man blush for his country and shudder for the safety of a people whose rights are exposed to violation by such men. How in. deed can we hope for any thing better, when the army is commanded by a General of most profligate character, a man who is charged with treachery^ who has been proved to have squandered the publick money, and is still protected and encouraged, who encamped his army in a spot where he must have known they would inevitably perish^ and where they did perish most miserably and whose character and conduct has so disorganized the military establishment that fifty oneoflicers,out of an army of two thousand men, have been compelled to resign. NOTE 2. That our Gfovefntnent had in eflect no reasonable apology to re- ject Munroe and Pinkney's treaty is evident from the following extracts from the official letter of Colonel Munroe, dated February 28, 1 808, and communicated to Congres by the President. " The idea entertained by » the publick is that the riglits of the United States were abandoned '■'■ in the late negociation, anct that their seamen were left by tacit acgui- '' escetv ctM not formal renunciation, to depend for safety on the mercy *' of the British cruisers. I have on the contrary believed always, and ^' do stiil believe^ that the ground on which that business was placed by " the British commissioners in their pape • of November 8, 1806, and " the explanations which assompunied it were both honourable and ad- ^* vantaffi'ous to the United States, that it contained a concession on ths " part ot Great Britain never be/ore made by any formal and obUgatory " act of the Government, which was highly advantageous to their inter- '• est, and that it also imfiosed on her the obligation to conform her prac- " tice undei^it till a more complete arrangement could be made." ' Colonel Munroe pi*oceeds to state the manner in which he had ar- vanged this question of impressments, and he replies to the objection of tljc Government that the agreement was infurmal only by an argument \vhich silences them forever^, and which ought to silence their partizans. He says that Mr. Madison in liis letter of February 3d, 1807, author- riod the commissioners to make an informal andvirbul arrangement ;>•:'. only Yi'ith respect to impressment but every other subject in dispute, ■'and we were authorised to give assurances that so long as such an a;>- ^iranffement (a verbal and informul one) s ould be respected in prac- tice the President would reccommend to Congress not to permit the Non Importation act to go into operation, and would in the interim sus- pend it." u By this letter, says Col.Munroe, the arrangement we had sanctioned, compridng the informal one relative to impressment & the treaty on the other topicks vfererejucted, and in lieu of it we were imtructed to enter into an informal underatanding and arrangement of the whole atthjcci^ and as was to be fairly inferred on the same conditions"— Strange con- tradiction to be sure ! ! to reject a solemn treaty because it was accom- panied with a written but informal bargain about Impressment, and yet ^rect the same ministers to make a new bargain wholly informal on the tame terms ! ! ■ Well may the legislature of Massachusetts declare, that they can sec no disposition in our rulers to settle with Great Britain, when they find them rejecting such a treaty for such reasons. Here is an end to the clamour about imfiressment. Great Britain has settled it once and set- tled it in the very manner proposed by our government, and the fore- going extract from the official files of Congress proves it. We have said in the text, that Munroe could have renewed the old treaty, but Jefferson would not let him. On examining the thing more narrowly, we find that Jefferson told the British government that he would make no treaty with them during the war, and that he so in- stracted Col. Munroe. On the 7th August, 1804, Munroe thus writes to our secretaiy of state, Madison. " Lord Hurrowby asked me how we viewed our treaty. He observed, he meant the treaty of 1794, which was to expire in two years after the signing preliminary articles of peace between Great Britain and France. He wished to know whe- ther we considered it expired. I told him that I thought it had ; he mi it seemed to him doubtful whether the stipulation had been satis- fied by what had occurred since the peace, that a fair construction might require tioo years continuance offieace after the war, which had not tak- en place in form, much less in fact, &c. After some conversation, he said, what then is the subsisting relation of the two countries ? Was it such as it hsd been after the American war ? He said it produced some embarrassment, and asked if we should be willing that the treaty of 1794, should continue in force till two years after the peace ? " I told him that I had no power to agree to such a proposal, that the President, animated by a desire, &c. had been disposed tofiost/ione the regulations of their general commercial system, till the period should arrive when each fiarty should enjoy the blessings of peace." Singular and infatuated policy ! Postpone arrangements which we most need in time of war till the arrival oifieace I — Postpone arrange- ments with a belligerent, pressed by a great enemy^ and disposed to make concessions on that account, till he has no enemy to encounter ! } Postpone the treaty with a great commercial state till a pe^cCf when all commercial powers straighten their indulgencies, and encrease their commercial restrictions ! ! This may be good policy for Virginia, but it is a wretched system for New England. LokI Harrowby added to Mr. Munroc, " that though the trcatv had cxpiredvthe ministers would take the risk upon tliemselves, though not auihoriKed by latvlo continue to respect its stipulations, if our govern* inent would do the same."— A'vny manner. This commerce is useful to both; this union of aentimcnta and interests res s upon principles which ought to form the maritime code, and deliver the'uniacrec from the tyrannt of Great Britain,which she maintains, and which will never be co;n4f?r ;•(/ with success, until the other /jo jwrr,,, by uniting^ will abridge her means by transferring to nations more tnoderatey a part of her commerce." [See Livingston's Memorial.] Here then we have the whole policy of France and our government fully explained siji: yeara ago. It did nor originate in the mission to Russia, nor in the Berlin decrees, nor in the euiburgo, all these were only executions of the plan proposed by Robert R. Livingston, Esq. in 1803. NOTE 6. NotwithEtanding what we have said against the administration about the Boaumarchois claim, we would pay due credit to Mr. Gallatin, and to one committee of congress for having most decidedly rejected it. The disgrace of the transaction probably rested with Jefferson, who shifted it off" upon Caesar Rodney the Attorney General. For after all this exiuuination and opposi ion of Mr. Gallatin and a respectable com- mittee, it was referred to Mr. Rodney, who reported in favour of it, and it would have passed if it had not been so ably opposed by a writer in the New*York papers, who was perfectly acquainted with the whole transaction. NOTE 7. It ha$ been said in the text, that Spain reluctantly acceded to the cession of Louisiana. Upon perusing all the correspondence and do> cuuicnts on that subject, and the President's several messages, we find that she did not even accede to the cession, but with great difficulty, and has continued to claim, and docs claim the whole of the west Bank of that river, so as to reduce down that mighty purchase to what Mr. Jeiferson calls a '^ strip of Land." Governor Claiborne, of Louisiana, thus wrote to Mr. Madison, on the *i6th Aug. 1806.—" The report of the retrocession of the West Bank of the Mississippi to Spain, had prevailed at New Orleans; He said that the Spanish Marquis Casa Salvo had told him, that the Min- ister of State, Cevallos, had informed him, that the desire of the Court of Spain was to make the Mississippi river the boundary, and intime it icas expected, that that object would be obtained." This is the claim which Talleyrand supports, and for which wehaye got either to fight, to repurchase it, or relinquish it. But we find that we have not only got to quarrel with France or Spain, about the West Boundary, but we have an actual dispute with G. Britain, about the north boundary of Lotisiana. And this is not the worat of it This dispute lias preTented the settlemeot of all our other boandaries with Groat Britain. Od May 19, 1803, Mr. Kiag signed a treaty, settling all our boun- daries with Great Britain, not only pursuant to instructions general- If, but the precise descriptions were adopted in the treaty which Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison had drawn up and sent out, with, as I hare understood, no Tariation. When this treaty arrived, it was rejected^ without any other reason, as appears by Mr. Madison's letter to Munroe, of February 14, 1804, than that we had bought Luuisiana, In the mean time, au ter the instructions were given, and our gov ernment thought they could, by hunting up some old French claims, under the treaty of U. trecbt, enlarge the boundaries of this favourite province, and encroach a little on the waste lands of Great Britain. Unjust and absurd, therefore, as it would be to dispute our ozon tines, as settled between us and Great Britain, in 1783, yet they preferred to set afloat all our bouudaries, rather than to give up this contested claim, which Great Britain will probably never yield. When the treaty was sent back with the article struck out, which Mr. Jeflferson thought might, about two or three centuries hence, af. feet the extent of Louisiana, the British ministry were vexed at this quibble, and refused to make the alteration, and thus the whole treaty fell to the ground. That the people may judge how disposed Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison were to grasp at shadows, and lofie the substance, we would rsmark, that this dispute related to a tract of country beyond the Lake of the woods, which will not be inhabited by any beings but bears and buffaloes for five hundred years ; and before it is peopled, the United States will be too vast to be governed by such a system as they are now oDder. NOTE 8. We have said that Mr. Adams' mission was most singularly explain- ed by cotcmporaneous expositions in France. We do not ask for any uarcasonable jealousy. Jealousy is a quality of a weak and narrow mind, but we are at a loss for an honorable explanation of this strange coinci'Jencc. We do not see how the tlmperor of France, in October last, should have perceived, iu the apparent equatihj of our laws against France and England, proofs of a growing coolness and prospects of a sudden rupture with I'ngland, and a speedy connection with Fiance. We ask the administration and its friends, to account for this extraor- dinary appearance, and also for the apparent connection of our em-* busy to Russia, and the dismissal of Mr. Juckson, with the French wishes and views ; or ure ue to believe that France is disposed to ap. pro»e every thing wo do, though apparentltf hoHlih equally to her aad to Great Britain. In November last, Francois dc Ncufchatcau, late President of the Conservative Senate of France, published in Paris a pamphlet on po- I'tical affairs, in which, speaking of the United-States, he says, " that America will make connnon cause with France, and the northern pow- en, against Great B'itaiii ; that it it beyond a doubt the^vredei nin treat witli Deiimnrk, with llussia, and obtain from Franc* an obltvi. on of the pant. On (heir »ide^ too^ tho United States approximate as much as possible the powert of the Norths by bringing as a Jirst giia. ranf«c of their amicable diiposition, the reuentment wjiich has been prodnred byi tho conduct of Kngland towardn them ; that their aq. basKador to Russia had already arrived, and that (he Arooricaos will do more — They teiil reject the British minister^ Mr, Jackton,** Of the importance of this opinion, and of its correspondence witli the Kmporor's opinions, we need no further evidence than that no work can be published in Paris witJiout the Emperor's consent.. The bastilc is the fate of every man who daras to utter any politicoi opinion, cither unfounded or imprudent. We understand what Mr. Neufchatcau means by aur having ap. proximated as much us posnhle to the powers of the North. The French linow that our government is controuled by public upinioa, and that it is not possible to advance by direct and open means. Of the authenticity of this opinion of Mr. Neiifohateau, we hare llie evidence of the Senate of France^ which, in an answer to the ISm. peror, declared, ^* that a league was about to be formed for the cman. ripation of commerce, and the independence of nationsy and into which the States of both hemispheres are eager to enter." But the highest evidence, und one which will not be contradicted by any man of cither party, is the late declaration of Bonaparte to his friend the Emperor of Russia, dated as early as Oct, 10, 1809, the whole of which is espied into oi^r papers,, and eKpeeially th« Patriot, a democratick paper, where the Emperor says, *'• that the United States are on the xoorst terms with England, and appear seriouslt/ dispossd to adopt our fystem." This, it will bo recollected, was prior to the arrival of Mr. Jackson in the United States. The publick must decide whether these extracts do not fully justify the suggestions which we hare made in the text,.asto the object of Mr. Adams* mission. NOTE 9. Mr. Robert Smith, Secretary of State, having been called upon by Congress to report the cases of captures by the several belligerents, made a return on the 12th of January, 1810, of which we have a copy now before us. From the documents transmitted we find no evidence^ no case^ p complaint as to any one capture by Great Britain. The papers transmitted are marked from A to E inclusively, aolt» without complaint, to tlritiih captures ? Are their lktck#ard in trani- ■ittiaf them ? We know the contrary to b€ ikt /ttf. AU lir ci|p- twtt ar« mott regularly communicated— First, baewHa.wa are' fully (li«poMd to And fault with her— Secondly, fbr »mMh better reason, berause we have a hope otr.'dret$ through the goveramnnt, whereat we hate non(^ as to France. Astot^ie otl^er obj-^ction, fiiai niVt papers are nel cM/ibN/foAr, and therefore the See*** ta/y ( veU a f^Mu neit^ an nnexaropled tenderness, astoGreat BrUfif a «lyiv->3i^ion not to magnify her faults, i|e obierTe that this iti ^'te (i\%* Xmii tbey eve.' 'raited for ant^.estflek doca- SMOU to found coTRf i:i«nt« a,<;<''n<«t that naii^in, and the.Secretary feds ao scruple in giviitg a U9t«" i'^'utisb r^p».>j)»MS cu nnauthendck docu- aents. We shall ^hcv^r i've trtrc. rotfwnn of tU'j a^yfcted iViih'^ey presently. As to'Franr?; v^e haveorly 4 )ht of '^'Mia rui^'i'iu by the superior court— not a sinrj.'ii) capture i:> tinUyd ^(J9LiV^JI*v^ Gr.'a( Britain had eondMiiied no vessel by ti^i ix^yM cornu^ ann thu'.rn' .ir .. Jons. He say%,they include the condemnations of France i'ri m Ihcernberi, 1806,- to May,' 1809. In ordcp to »rf(jf0' thin nirictly tii,^ Ufttrally true, he goes back and takes one si,-f.irh <:»!•« in UOc* and acl tbc uest were within one year before M^y^ If 09. VV hy Utis fraud ? Was it to make the super. ficial reader leikv^ tSinr th>o .^i^re all the captures of France for three years? Let th<5 ' ublJck judfe^. In thi!> liori'iltlft Wnt oi Friioch piracies we find four condemnations forttip fume of uct having certificates of origin, that is, for not hav. iri; ou tiie high seas a paper which neither the taw of nations nor our treaty with France require. ■ - We find seven vessels condemned for violations of the decrees ot Berlin and Milan ; for violations, as the decrees express, of Mockado —of Bonaparte*s paper blockade. We find ten cases of condemnation, for having been visited by Bri* tish cruisers — for the act of a Superior force, to whiy which it: appears, that the balance of Injury would be so much againsi FranlBe, that it would not do to exhibit the true state of facts.' Th« lefsses f «portiBd iu the insurance ollicea are better criteria than the returns la the Secretary's office, and if all the offices had made like returns, the result would have been still more favourableto Grtot Bri. tMH, because jhe Philadelphia merchants carry on more trade with France and its depondencies, in proportion, than many others, and of Course are more expo§ed to British captures. ^^ Kince the raising the embargo, January 10, 1810, (that is, in nine months) the following losses by capture have been sustained in the in. Itirance Oiffices of Philadelphia }V 3y the British...... A-r.J^i..':V.-:*3uv'i'j^^^ Dolls. 30,m lOiOOO dollars of which has been restored, BythoFrench 158^430 of which 38,500 dollars have been recaptured iy the British, and will be restored, paying 6,000 dollars to them. By the Danes....... 909,541 Restored by them, a4,5C0 So that we have been gainers by the British force nearly 10,000 dollars on property insured in one city. In the same paper is a list of captures heard of in one roeeA:,amount. ing to thirtt/^one, by the French alone. Yet Mr. Smith gives a list •f not more than forty, in all, for three years. How is cliis ? Be. cause he excludes alf the cases of seizure in port, and all which have not been condemned by the upper court. We were led into a mis. take, from not'having Mr, Smith's reportbeforeus when writing the toxt, in stating, that he had not noticed the burning of our ships by the French. The truth is, that the notice taken of it is so slight, and followed np so directly by ut apology, *^ that it did net appear that such acts were auth<^rized by the government," that it escaped us. Tha case does not stand better for Mr. Smith. The captain of one of the ships burnt made a protect, nnder oath, which Mr. Smith will find en bis files, in which he states, that the French oiKccr who destroyed hia ship, sht^wed him his orders, or read them to him, which was, to burn or destroy every American vessel going to, or coming frois Great Bri« tain. Neither Mr. Madison, nor any of his partizans, have taken any notice of these outrageous injuries. NOTE 10. We have referred to a French authentick work, entitled, << Foli' tique de tons les Cabinets." It may be useful to give seme account of iU 11 On the ieint9 of t1i« papers of Louis XVI. a secret bureau waaditf covered, cout««P'iRllo ac« dipiinRped as ready to sacri- fiee the commercial states to tl^ h. |iMkMill^^^%>" Though they haveinspired nnoy<^^peKhaps a majoiity of the Soathj with their dis. hoiM>arablefaiMi'«i||!||f«rous sentiments, yet there is a stftmg, firm and honorabit! bti^-'p^^^-oi talent, property and influence in the south, em 8tatosy.4|4i9 fo\\f j|i|derstand our mutual interest and mutua duties and who hi^e c^erfpHy co-operated with the eastern states, in the presenratifHi^^ me honor, and defence of the commercial rights of the country. ■■■*^ NOTE 12.. to Page 87. The ostimaites we have giveo^ of the trade of Virginia and Massa* chusetts^ might have been extended and included a statement of the re lative amount ; of the eastern and southern States. Bu^ as the result wonikiilunre shdwn the same disproportion as between the states we have named^ it was thought sufficient to confine ourselves to this limited ▼iewv' : '.'(''ijil^?:/- tivr NOTE 13— to Page 116. The following official account, which cannot be re»d without pity and indignation, gives us a view of the army of the United States. Officers sick, 114 ^ Privates sick, 621 absent, '86 absent, 390 dead, 16 dead from May 1, 523 resigned, 51 under arrest, 8 fitfordnty, 276 under arvest, 2 dismissed, 6 onduty, 138 Thus an army of 2354, is reduced to 414 men fit for duty. , NOTE 14.. to Page 119. It has been atledged by the administration "and their adherents, that tho Embargo was necessary to sscure our ships and men from capture by the French and English. . .It was answered, that the Fremh, though determined to-scize every thing, had not the poteer ^ .tmA that the £n* giishf who alone had the power on the sea, had nottfu disfoxiiionto sHch injustice. Now the experience of eleven months has confirmed all that the federalists muntained.. it proves, undeniably, that the risque of capture by the French, on the open sea, is not 2 per cent, although she takes all in her power, and the risque of English capture is not 1 per cent, although shu could, if she wiere disposed, take half our vessels on the ocean. The truth is now notorious, thatall the pro- perty definitively taken from "s by the English, amounts to much less than the property recaptured from the Freodh and their allies, or other- wise protected for us by the British Navy, since the raising the Embar- go. The records of the Insurance Offices, and the registers* of Marine Iptelligenco for the last year, amply prove this truth. THE EJ^D. sfore, niugt > tkecouD' t dDminion Jy (osacri- bough they t their dii. tf firm and the south. itM duties, to8, ia the igbts of the ind Massf it of the K- IS the result Ues >ve have this Mmitcd rithottt pity States. 621 390 1, 533 8 276 ty. terents, that rom capture •nehf though that the En- Uspoxition to IS confirocd y, that the : 2 per cent, lish capture id, take half tall thcpro> to much less ies, or other- 5 the Embar- rS' of Marine