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 LETTER 
 
 TO THB 
 
 BIGHT EOIT. BENJAMIN DISRAELI, I.P. 
 
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 ON THB 
 
 PBESENT EELATIONS OF 
 
 ENGLAND WTTfl THE COLONIES. 
 
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 THE RIGHT HON. C. B. JWEBIiET, M.P 
 
 NEW EDmON. 
 
 
 WI1H A 
 
 FBEficE 
 
 ON CANADUN Al^UBS; 
 
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 AN APPENDIX 
 
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 CONTENTS. 
 
 Preface to Now Edition 1862 
 
 Address 
 
 1. Only two possible Oolonial Relations 
 
 2. Oommnnity of Citizenship is the True Principle of British 
 
 Oolonization ...*.... 
 
 3. Oommon Citizenship was the Belation between England 
 
 and her first Colonies; and they separated in con- 
 seqnsnce of its violation 
 
 4. Contrast between present and former Colonial Relations 
 
 5. The Causes and Process of the Change which has taken 
 
 place in our Colonial Relations 
 
 6. Reasons considered for making a complete Return to 
 
 former Colonial Relations, and arguments against 
 > doing so refuted 
 
 7. The Manner in which a complete Return to our original 
 
 Oolonial Relations might be safely and satisfactorily 
 e£fected 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 MOB 
 
 T 
 1 
 
 4 
 
 8 
 20 
 
 36 
 
 i 
 
 42 
 64 
 
 1. Extracts from Evidence of J. R. Godley, Esq. . 
 
 2. „ „ Right Hon. W.*. Gladstone 
 8. „ „ Right Hon. R. Lowe 
 
 4. „ „ Lord Herbert . . . 
 
 6. „ # General Sir John Bnrgoyne 
 
 69 
 61 
 68 
 66 
 67 
 
REFERENCES. 
 
 Beport of Departmental Committee on Expense of Military Defences 
 in Colonies. 4th May, 1860. 
 
 Beport from, and Evidence before, Select Committee on Colonial 
 Military Expenditure, 1861, with Appendix, and Returns. 
 
 Parliamentary Returns. Col. Sykes. April 1859. 
 
 „ „ Mr. Adder ley. July 1860. 
 
 Parliamentary Papers, Estimates, and Debates. 
 
 Grahame's " History of the United States." Smith and Elder. 1836. 
 
 Chalmers^ " Political Annals of United Colonies.'* 1780. 
 
 "Colonial Policy of Lord John Russell's Administration.** By 
 Earl Qrey. 1853. 
 
 John Arthur Roebuck, M.P., " On the Colonies of England." 1849. 
 
 Clark " On Colonial Law." 
 
 " Charters of the Old English Colonies in America." Samuel Lucas. 
 For Society for Reform of Colonial Government. Parker, 
 1850. 
 
 John Stuart Mill, " On Representative Government." 1861. 
 
 Arthur Mills, M.P., " Colonial Constitutions." 1866. 
 
 Goldwin Smith's " Letters to the Daily News."" Jan., Feb., and Oct., 
 1862. 
 
 Hermann Merivale's "Paper read before the British Association." 
 October 1862. 
 
PREFACE TO NEW EDITION, 
 
 1862. 
 
 I re-issue my Letter on Colonial Relations at a moment when 
 Canada is strikingly illustrating the truth of my warning, and 
 the necessity of our adopting a sounder policy, or at least 
 of coming to some definite understanding with our colonial 
 fellow-subjects about their military defences. 
 
 Is Canada to be looked upon with satisfaction at this mo- 
 ment — is she safe, in the state of semi-dependency described 
 in the following Letter ; free as to her own go\emment, 
 legislation, and policy, but dependent upon English arms 
 and funds for her defence and security ? Is she likely to 
 remain part of the British Empire long on an English gua- 
 rantee of her liabilities ; or to retain, on the credit of others, 
 a fellow-citizenship the vital essence of which consists of 
 self-reliance ? 
 
 The common Sovereign of England and Canada will, chiefly 
 in reference to the latter, soon have to enter into relations 
 with at least two new American Powers. These new Powers 
 will come in place of the old United States, but by no means 
 similarly presenting themselves to the family of nations. 
 
 The largest dominion of one people speaking one language 
 and possessing similar habits and institutions which the world 
 has ever seen will have become permanently disintegrated. 
 The Union, in which have been merged, for eighty years, 
 the jealousies of numerous and multiplying communities, will 
 
««■ 
 
 VI 
 
 have burst open, and released its discordant elements into 
 separate life. 
 
 The enormous aggregation of States which that Union 
 at length embraced, has been found to exceed the utmost 
 possibility of national extension. The limit of federation has 
 been reached and tested. Congress could no longer speak 
 the language of common interests for all its constituents. 
 America can no longer stand by itself on the earth as one 
 people, with an Atlantic Ocean between itself and its elders. 
 It can no longer act only as a great magnet on the conduct 
 of the Old World, — as we have felt it act, on important 
 points of international policy, upon ourselves of late — in- 
 fluencing, attracting, repelling, controlling from afar, but not 
 participating. 
 
 That broken federation must now acquire in detail those na- 
 tional features which take their character from the neighbour- 
 hood and contact of sovereign powers. No longer a dwelling 
 sole, or with only subordinate belongings of other nations 
 about it, it will become the arena of rivalry, and of mutual 
 action between foreign powers. Standing armies, ready for 
 external service, will supersede or embody a dormant home 
 militia ; national fleets will succeed to mere squadrons of 
 observation ; . treaties and international reciprocitieo will 
 tr^sfer to diplomatic intercourse the discussions hitherto 
 confined within an internal Congress ; the vague and judge- 
 less law of nations will replace the appeal to a supreme 
 federal jurisdiction ; and the jealousy of parties expanding 
 into the rivalry of nations, will give new form as well as 
 spirit to every American institution. 
 
 • But the novelty will not only consist of a new division of 
 the North American continent among independent sovereign- 
 ties. The great aggregate of republics will probably split into 
 separate republics, and we shall, for the first time, see how 
 neighbouring democracies of the American type can fare to- 
 
▼ii 
 
 gcthcr, and whether the change of circumstances will not 
 necessitate a change of political conditions. Democratic in- 
 stitutions must pass through a new trial. Their intcnial as 
 well as external aspect must become something wholly new. 
 
 Whatever there may bo of truth at the bottom of the 
 "manifest destiny'' theory, it pervades, in some shape, every 
 American breast. Washington announced to his first Congress 
 that " they had the fortunes of republican government in their 
 hands." We shall now see the second stage of tliis experiment 
 in its adaptation to a divided instead of a common territory, to 
 alliances instead of federation, to a jealous neighbourhood of 
 nations instead of a joint Congress of states. 
 
 Patriarchal despotism was the indigenous institution of 
 Asia, as it was the form of government most congenial with 
 the first societies of mankind. It has undergone the changes 
 incident to its scenes and fortunes, but has never suffered 
 transplantation to another quarter of the globe, nor obliteration 
 from its own. 
 
 Feudal aristocracy, alike indigenous to Europe, has miti- 
 gated, but never neutrahzed, its nature by repeated revolutions 
 witliin thut quarter of the globe. 
 
 The utmost possibility of a hybrid junction between the 
 Asiatic and European forms of government seems to have 
 been realized in Russia, which government, perhaps, contains 
 a promise of prolonged vitality from such an imion of the 
 past and future in its composition. 
 
 Democracy, the last of the triple series of human go- 
 vernments, is reserved for the accumulated multitude of 
 mankind, and the last of the world's stages is reserved for 
 this experiment. America offers scenes of giant proportions 
 to give adequate scope for its wide requirements. There 
 the features of nature are on a scale which it would have 
 exceedec' the graap of early poetry to deify, but which modem 
 intelligence demands for its ordinary service, and the crowded 
 
vm 
 
 v; 
 
 "World explores for practical use, and the energies of distributed 
 power will fully occupy. 
 
 The people who are the chief actors in this last drama of 
 social institutions went out from England, and took with them 
 all that was un-fcudal in her system as the basis of their own 
 democracy. 
 
 The democratic aristocracy of England seems to be another 
 link between the second and third stages of this destined series ; 
 participating in progress, while retaining hold of the past ; 
 firm in tradition, yet in living sympathy with the future ; 
 capable, therefore, of undiminished prominence among the 
 coming nations of the world. ' 
 
 The soil of America, intolerant of aristocracy, gives spon- 
 taneous growth to all the elements of democracy. They may 
 present themselves in many new combinations, but their 
 essence will never leave that soil. Europe is as incapable of 
 adopting them as America of eradicating them. European re- 
 publics have all had aristocratic bases. Vain was De Toc- 
 queville's warning to Europe, to look away from her failing 
 aristocracy and prepare for the advent of democracy from the 
 West. Pure democracy is not in Europe's destiny, any more 
 than feudal aristocracy could spread back towards Asia. 
 
 While democracy was sprouting on its American soil, Eu- 
 rope seemed to be discharging all her freedom in the seed 
 of this novel growth. Her own institutions seemed re- 
 lapsing towards the despotism which preceded them. But 
 her destiny retrieved its course. Our own Revolution rallied 
 European freedom : yet even the violence of reaction could 
 not precipitate democracy on this side the Atlantic. It is 
 not for democratic ascendency that European freedom is now 
 struggling. On the other hand, none need expect the present 
 dissolution of America to disengage elements of monarchy. 
 The Southern States mi^ht have been expected to show some 
 such principle in separation : but the South has already 
 published, as its proposed new constitution, only a wisely 
 
modified republic. Pure democracy is the natural and peren- 
 nial growth of America. 
 
 Wo may, therefore, suppose it will be with new republics 
 that the Queen of England will shortly have to institute 
 relations in America ; and these relations must refer primarily 
 to her interests and obligations in Canada and the sister 
 colonies, and on their account must be incapable of delay. 
 Other nations may have time to deliberate, and will treat at 
 leisure with their new allies on the general terms of the comity 
 of nations ; but England must negotiate at once as a partner 
 in the same territory. 
 
 What will be the Canadian interest in this negotiation P 
 
 The democratic atmosphere of the West must find 
 strong native sympathies in the nostrils of British North 
 Americans ; and we read in a recent address from one of 
 their Assemblies, that " those provinces would speedily become 
 repubUcs, but for their belief in the applicability of British 
 constitutional guards and usages." 
 
 But even there, as among all people, there must be 
 many minds and tempers congenial with monarchical insti- 
 tutions. It is thought by good judges that many of the 
 wealthier citizens of the United States would have emigrated 
 to Canada had the English monarchy delegated more of the 
 charms of State to the colonial seat of government. 
 
 Canada has, besides, all the attachment, moral and in- 
 terested, which a perfectly free Colony must feel towards a 
 liberal and powerful metropolitan country — a sympathy with 
 the freedom of her mixed constitution — an interest in the 
 greatness of her name — an implication also in her commerce, 
 as in a common concern. 
 
 England has, on the other hand, a direct interest in the 
 continuance of her North American connexion. She woxild 
 rather have the vigorous natives of those shores recruit her 
 own than a foreign naval power : however indefinitely, we 
 feel that there is power as well as weakness in extent of 
 
M 
 
 
 '1 ! 
 
 
 1. 
 
 «! 
 
 empire, and we know also that our emigrating instinct" have 
 more certain, if not larger, s^ope under the same allegiance.* 
 
 Secession and abandonment should be inadmissible ques- 
 tions on either side. Nemo potest exuere patrian should be 
 the recognized maxim of both. To contemplate divorce 
 id to imperil union. The Canadians would be rebels if they 
 abjured their allegiance, and the Queon would repudiate 
 inalienable responsibilities oy abdicating her functions of 
 sovereignty. - 
 
 Imperial disintegration cannot be legitimate matter for 
 discussion within any empire. 
 
 The reciprocal duties of sovereignty and allegiance have, at 
 this time, their foundations laid a^? definitely in the English 
 Colonies as at homo. The Crown acts under responsibility 
 to the subjects' representatives throughout the Empire, and no 
 one represents them but those whom they elect. It is false to 
 say that the English Parliament implicates a Colony in its 
 policy in anv way otherwise than a Colonial Parliament often 
 implicates \^ at home. 
 
 The people are freely represented in either Parliament, and 
 practically the Executive is involved in the decisions of the 
 legislature in whichever of its distributed localities they take 
 effect. 
 
 There is certainly a difficult problem resulting from this 
 distribution of parliamentary debate over a widely scattered 
 Empire. The Queen's representative in a Colony acts by the 
 ar'vice of ministers about him, responsible to the popular voice 
 on the spot, yet amenable also to the powers at home, which 
 may not always be in concert. The central and provincial 
 administrations are responsible to co-ordinate, but not identical 
 organs of the popular will, in all matters not specifically 
 imperial. 
 
 ♦ Upon this point some very striking remarks have been recently 
 made by Mr. Hermann Merivale, in reading a Paper before the 
 British Association. . ....... 
 
XI 
 
 Sir Cornewall Lewis pointed out, in the debate which I 
 raised lately on the subject, the inconvenience of any attempt 
 by actior of the Imperial Parliamen*^ to force the adoption by 
 the Canr:dian Parliament of the local Militia Bill which they 
 had rejected when proposed by their own Government. Ho 
 might have shown more than inconvenience in such an attempt. 
 The experience of Sir Francis Head, Lord Sydenham, Lord 
 Metcalfe, and others, amply proved that the day was gone by 
 for any appeal for a Canadian Governor, on local matters, from 
 his own to the Imperial Parliament ; or for the maintenance 
 of his own policy, or council, or of instructions from home, 
 in the teeth of the representatives of the Colony. 
 
 There is the inevitable defect of dualism in distant colonial 
 parliamentary government: but there are also gaps in the 
 system of constitutional government ai; home — gaps which are 
 rather bridged over by compromise and management, or avoided 
 by foresight and prudence, than constructively filled up. A 
 judicious governor will biing provincial counsels into harmony 
 with imperial policy, just as a judicious minister will avoid col- 
 lision between the balanced powers of mixed government at home. 
 
 There need therefore be nothing fatal to colonial connexion 
 in this constitutional defect. 
 
 The question is not of separation, but of sounder relations. 
 There is a defect in colonial administration, to which my 
 letter chiefly adverts, not inherent in the nature of things, 
 but the accident of recent policy, and in its essence fatal 
 to prolonged connexion ; I mean the communication of free- 
 dom «rithout itS responsibilitiep — the attempt to give a Colony 
 its full share of self-government in common w'th the home 
 country, yet to relieve it of the duties and liabilities which 
 are essential to self-government. ' -•, •: - '^' ■ " 
 
 The naif Editor of the Amklander, May 19, 1862, criticizes 
 some words of mine to this efiect, thus : " We object as much 
 " as Mr. Adderley can do, to the Home Ministry interfering 
 " in the mana^'^ment of our local affairs ; but we object also 
 
zu 
 
 '' to England neglecting the functions which belong to sove- 
 " reignty," by which he means supplying them gratuitously 
 with troops and stores. 
 
 The Colonies have thus inverted the terms of their early re- 
 lationship, and assert a complete right to have their own will 
 under the auspices of a representative legislature, while Eng- 
 land's "function" is to furnish them with the means required 
 for the execution of their will, and for the protection of their 
 property. 
 
 Take the recent affairs of Canada for an example. In 
 June last year, there were sjonptoms of filibustering propen- 
 sities in the United States, and we raised pur garrison in 
 Canada by the addition of 3,000 men, or nearly fourfold, 
 before Canada had moved a finger, or shown a sign of any 
 sense of responsibility for her own defence. Then came the 
 affair of the Trent — an insult to the English flag — ^in which, 
 as the British navy is the chief and the gratuitous protector 
 of Canada, and as Canada was the ultimate object of the 
 insult, one would think she had some interest. England 
 increased still further her auxiliaries, and sent in wirtei 
 across the Atlantic, at a moment's notice, some of her best 
 troops, until her forces in North America amounted to 12,000 
 men. The Canadians merely told us the more we sent the 
 better ; but when their Government proposed to them to 
 arm they rejected the proposal, said they were too rich to 
 afford it (a rather Irish form of the truth),* and ousted 
 
 * See Am the Canadian Mr. Gait's recent speech in Manchester, 
 magnifying the rapid progress of Canada as a reason for England 
 taking care of so valuable a Colony : and the great expenditure of 
 Canada on her own public works, as a ground for her not incurring the 
 further expense of protecting them. So likewise says Mr. Qoldwin 
 Smith, in the last of a series of Letters to the Daily News, the force and 
 great ability of which none can dispute, though I deplore his con- 
 clusions : " No doubt of our unlimited liability for their protection 
 " seems to cross the Colonists' minds. In answer to the appeal of 
 " the Home Government, t)ioy satisfactorily prove their local re- 
 " venues are already devoted to local objects." " It does not occur 
 
xm 
 
 their Ministry; and to prevent all supposition that ousting 
 them was their object, they repeated the refusal to arm 
 when asked by the succeeding Ministry. 
 
 In the debate I raised, on these events, in Parliament, I 
 was told I encouraged thoughts of separation, by urging upon 
 Canada the daty of taking her proper share in providing the 
 requisites for her defence. 
 
 But I maintain that no less demand upon Canada than 
 this, can avert a very rapid process of separation from Eng- 
 land. Canada and England cannot long remain together 
 on terms of disadvantage to either. If you wish for perma- 
 nent friendship with anybody, its terms must be fair and 
 equal on both sides. Romantic patronage on one side, and 
 interested attachment on the other, is not friendship, but 
 mutual deception. When we find out that we are paying too 
 much for our pride, or they that they are receiving too little 
 for their dependence, the rottenness of our pres'>nt connexion 
 will be detected. As I value Canada, I seek for the earliest 
 possible exposure of her false friends who would cherish her 
 present relations. Let not a free country like England 
 dream of maintaining Colonies in equally free government 
 with herself, by the bribe of undertaking their protection. 
 Their freedom is corrupted, and its spirit dies, in the very 
 act of receiving the boon; while its form mischievously re- 
 mains, for we cannot recall their constitutions. England 
 undertakes a task of protection which she cannot always 
 sustain, and saps the strength of freedom which would or- 
 dinarily sustain itself. 
 
 " to them," Bays the Duke of Newcastle, " that their revenue might 
 " be increased by fresh taxation, and that the part of it which is 
 " devoted to public works, might, in times of disaster, be diverted to 
 " the paramount object of averting ruin." But Mr. Goldwin Smith 
 need not waste his powers in discussing federal union as one alter- 
 native for such a sleeping partnership ; and we only need a bold 
 Minister, who will deal in action instead of threats, to avert sepa- 
 ration — his other alternative. 
 
XIV 
 
 ,^M 
 
 One, than wliom there can be no better judge on the spot, 
 writes thus : " In the event of foreign attack, the inhabitants 
 " of Canada have as much right to invoke for their defence 
 " the entire power of the Empire, as those of Middlesex ; 
 *' but assuming this to be the case, it is plain, that in order 
 " to entitle themselves to the assertion of this right, they 
 " must place themselves in some manner upon the same foot- 
 " ing as the inhabitants of Middlesex, in reference to their 
 " preparations for, and powers of participating in, the defence 
 " of the Empire." 
 
 Some are now saying, in excuse for the Canadians, that they 
 are declining to arm because they do not see any danger. If 
 this be the case, it remains for Her Majesty either to induce 
 them to see their danger ; or, if she acquiesces in their view, 
 to withdraw her troops. 
 
 But Sir Cornewall Lewis stigmatises the latter proposition 
 as a penal treatment of Canada. Surely a Colony has become 
 the most fastidious of tyrants. We may not ask it to arm 
 for fear of its taking offence and separating from us. We 
 may not agree with its own decision that there is no need of 
 arming, because it would be penal treatment to withdraw troops 
 whose presence they say they don't need, while they like to 
 retain it. 
 
 ' Such terms of intercourse compose no friendship, nor alli- 
 ance, nor community, nor solid inter-connexion of any sort : 
 but a fool's paradise of mutual promise and expectation 
 equally visionary and evanescent. 
 
 It will require no American invasion to dissipate these false 
 relations. 
 
 Let America only decompose and reconstruct herself in the 
 neighbourhood of Canada. There is no cohesion in the con- 
 stitution of Canadian connexion with England sufficient to 
 resist the mere impact of any fragment from the ruins of 
 the Union. 
 
IT 
 
 Let the disbanded forces of the North? which the cessation 
 of civil strife must some day leave unoccupied, but seasoned, 
 diilled, and reckless, only find the materials for adventure 
 ready to hand in a raid upon defenceless Canada, spiced 
 with affront to a small English garrison — what must be the 
 consequence ? A bitter parting with a Colony which it is the 
 cant of the day to cherish by such protection. 
 
 I believe it is yet in the power of the Governor- General 
 to make Canada see that England cannot do more than aid 
 her own militia in time of need : and that no country can, 
 without loss of freedom, be exonerated from the primary 
 obligation of self-defence. If the Canadians will undertake 
 the duties as well as privileges of British citizens, we may 
 go on together as members of one great Empire : each part 
 habitually maintaining itself, and the whole ready to rally 
 round any threatened point. 
 
 They are in large majority strongly attached to Britisl con- 
 nexion, and the British reciprocate the feeling. Yet we have 
 not the courage to draw the veil from between us of mutual 
 deception,* which scarcely hides, from any watchful man, the 
 rapid and certain process of separation, and of separation in 
 disappointment and anger. 
 
 The broad English shield of protection is so held over 
 Canada, as to suppress, and conceal the suppression of, any 
 basis of defence. It lulls to sleep within her all sense of 
 
 * The Canadians have so completely shut their eyes in reliance 
 upon England that they fancy they may compare the cost i^er head of 
 what they call their " sedentary militia," and their estimate of the 
 possible expense of its active organization on emergency, with the 
 cost habitually borne by English tax-payers (partly on their account) 
 in an Army, Navy, and Militia, besides the expenditure on Volun- 
 teers, and other national defences undertaken by private individuals : 
 and they feel perfectly satisfied that the comparison is so much in 
 their favour, that the last thing that can be expected of them is to 
 do anything more. 
 
W^f-f, 
 
 'U\ 
 
 ■'' i 
 
 m 
 
 XVI 
 
 responsibility for her own welfare, and smothers her national 
 instincts of self-preservation ; while its own inadequacy to 
 supply the defence which it has crushed, oflfers to an aggressive 
 and insolent neighbourhood one incentive stronger than fhe 
 acquisition of her territory, — an opportunity for humiliating 
 England. 
 
 
 "•*■ ■ 
 
LETTER, &c. 
 
 Dear Disraeli, * 
 
 I address myself to you, in writing on the subject of 
 our present colonial relations, not only because you are the 
 Leader of the political party to which I belong in the House 
 of Commons, but still more because you are the last leading 
 Statesman there, who has openly shown a due appreciation of 
 the naked and disastrous truth — to which I am anxious to 
 draw attention, — that England has lost the right estimation of 
 her special art, and vital interest in colonization ; and has sub- 
 stituted for her former national offspring, a semi-dependency, 
 looking to her for protection, instead of sharing with her in 
 universal empire. 
 
 We became aware, late last session, that Her Majesty had 
 engaged the service of the largest steamer in the world, to 
 convey additional forces from home to Canada, which we were 
 told was agitated by the first sound of civil strife across its 
 borders. Lord Palmerston vented his most heroic indignation 
 against Sir James Fergusson, who remonstrated against this 
 forestallment of assistance. Nothing but ignorance of the 
 history of our Colonies could have enabled the Premier to 
 adopt the civis Bomanus tone in his defence of a proceeding 
 which, if he knew anything of the spirit of our Colonies in 
 former times, must have indicated a conviction in his mind of 
 the degeneracy of his countrymen. You replied by the coun- 
 ter question, " Are there no inhabitants in Canada — are there 
 " not a numerous and gallant people there ? If not adequate, 
 " on this occasion to depend wholly on their own enei^es, do 
 " they require our men to set them the first example ? Taking 
 " so early an opportunity of letting the Canadians know that 
 " we are prepared to assume the monopoly of their defence ia 
 
 B 
 
1 1 
 
 " calculated to damp their ardour, and make them feel that it 
 " is not their business to protect their hearths and homes and 
 *' national honour. The transmission of 3,000 troops cannot he 
 *' meant as an adequate means for baffling an invasion of Canada. 
 " If there is suspicion in the minds of the Government of a 
 ** misunderstanding with the United States, it cannot be politic 
 ** to intimate that opinion by taking inadequate means of vin- 
 " dicating the honour of this country." The present conjunc- 
 ture of affairs only adds force to your reply. If the time 
 is near when the strength of the empire must be brought to 
 their support, doubly requisite is it that the Colonists should 
 have put forth their own strength. Even though it should 
 prove to have been a happy accident that a detachment of 
 English troops anticipated a quarrel of our own in America 
 arising in a season impracticable for transport, nevertheless, 
 the mischief of our undertaking the primary responsibility 
 for the defence of Canada appears clearly, above any such 
 advantage, by the fact that Canada has but 30,000 ill-trained 
 militia ready, which, moreover, we have to arm, for her own 
 defence. She would have had 200,000 but for our garrisons. 
 
 I spent my first ten years of Parliamentary life in co- 
 operation with the men who succeeded, against an opposition 
 which rendered the legislation imperfect, in restoring self- 
 government to the Colonies, but without its correlative respon- 
 sibilities. The result has been, in many cases, the production 
 of an unprecedented anomaly — the freest possible government, 
 responsible to legislatures based on universal suffrage; yet 
 equipped with the sinews of war, in some cases the means of 
 internal police, and part of the cost of civil establishments 
 from another community, in the distant centre of the empire. 
 Complete democracy impels these Colonial Ministries in their 
 course of local policy, while supplies from another quarter 
 enable them to deal with wars, and tumults, and even with 
 governmental opposition without reference to the people ; having 
 their defence provided, and the needM costs defrayed by an 
 all-sufficient proxy. The Colonies asked for the control of 
 
8 
 
 their own taxation : we gave them the use of a good deal of 
 OUT own besides. On the other hand, while we gave them 
 self-government enough to enable them freely to direct their 
 own affairs, we retained enough of the theory of protecting 
 them to render them in'esponsible for the consequences of their 
 own actions, or the security of th(?ir own interests. • 
 
 We cannot trust to the mere economists of the House of 
 Commons to disembarrass us of this confusion. If they would 
 take the subject in hand even in its least important aspect — the 
 heavy burden inflicted on our tax-payers without r shniiov, of 
 compensatory benefit to any one — we might wait in expecta- 
 tion of some help from them. But though Mr. Bright tells 
 the people of Birmingham eeery year that the House of Com- 
 mons, as now constituted, is lavish and wasteful, especially 
 in military expenditure, yet he balances the weight of his 
 theoretic grievance by an abstinence from action, which gives 
 a practical sanction to it. His uniform absence from the 
 House of Commons on supply nights is a fair composition 
 with ministers for his tirades in town-halls against their 
 extravagance. His silence in their presence gives consent to 
 all their yearly squanderings on useless colonial fortifications, 
 and on the perpetual transport of our troops wasting their 
 strength in scattered detachments, preventing all the rest 
 of the empire from drawing out its own resources, and need- 
 lessly burdening ours. ..,..;. 
 
 If I look to the present occupants of the treasury bench, 
 I see there a Minister of first-rate ability, in charge of the 
 Exchequer, thoroughly conversant with colonial questions, 
 in all respects most eminently qualified to deal with this 
 subject. His masterly treatment of it in his evidence before 
 Mr. Arthur Mills's late Select Committee on Colonial Military 
 Expenditure, furnishes me with my best materials in writing 
 to you. But I derive no hope from all his knowledge, and 
 all his ability, while he continues to lament over our growing 
 national expenditure, and only points his moral with this 
 repeated illustration. 
 
 b2 
 
i 
 
 > K 
 
 I r 
 
 Allow mo, then, to profess publicly my own expectations 
 as resting solely on yourself. I feci assured of your grappling 
 with the subject, and acknowledging its immense importance. 
 I am confident, this being the case, that you will neither treat 
 it rashly, nor neglect it. The interests of the Crown in a great 
 colonial empire will not be trifled with by you. The hazard 
 to these interests resulting from unsound colonial relations, 
 enervating the colonies, and diminishing the aggregate power 
 of the empire, you will keenly discern. You have a parlia- 
 mentary following which will enable you to give effect to 
 awakening public opinion, and restrain it from the rash haste 
 to which a sudden vision of such public mischief might be 
 likely to impel it. 
 
 1. — Only tvjto possible Colonial Eelations. 
 
 There are only two essentially distinct principles of re- 
 lationship between a mother country and colonies: the one, 
 that of subserviency and dependence, the other of community 
 and partnership. 
 
 On the first principle the mother country treats a colony 
 as a dependency, to be made conducive to her own interests, 
 and entitled to her protection : on the other, an equality of 
 rights and duties is mutually recognized as between the citizens 
 of a common empire. 
 
 It is useless to ransack the records of antiquity, or those 
 of contemporary nations, for illustrations of colonial relations. 
 Maimers, and the structure of society differ so essentially, 
 that we arrive at this fundamental distinction before any 
 feature presents itself for useful comparison, or example. 
 
 The Greek Colonies most nearly resembled our own in the 
 principle of their first foundation, and the relation of alliance 
 which they maintained with the mother country: and like 
 ours, their rapidity of growth to wealth and greatness, from 
 the first moment of their release from home, exceeded all other 
 instances of national increase. But whatever the difference 
 
 
of type may be between n Tynan, Roman, Grecian, Venetian, 
 Spanish, English, or Dutch Colony, whether in its origin, struc- 
 ture, growth, or idea, the colonies of all times and nations range 
 themselves under one or other of the alternative principles of 
 relationship with their mother country, as long as they main- 
 tain any connexion at all, namely, that of subserviency and 
 dependence, or that of community and partnership. 
 
 2. COMMTNITY OP ClTIZENSHIP IS THE TrUE PRINCIPLE OP 
 
 British Colonization. 
 
 Clark, our chief authority en Colonial Law, lays down a 
 triple classification of English Colonies according to their mode 
 of acquisition, (Summary of Colonial Law, p. 4,) whether by 
 conquest, by cession, or by occupancy. The first and second 
 classes he considers to be dominions of the Crown, until the 
 right of self-government be conceded to them, which concession 
 can never be revoked. The third class are English cocnmu- 
 nities, with all the rights and liabilities of English citizens 
 from the outset, as much as if they were detached pieces of 
 this island floated oif on the distant ocean. 
 
 It matters little now what was the origin of any of our 
 Colonies, whether conquered by force of our arms, as Jamaica ; 
 or of our colonists* arms, aa Nova Scotia ; or of both united, 
 as Canada ; or ceded to us by any treaty ; or first occupied 
 by us for commerce. As every Colony, properly so called, 
 has had self-government conceded to it, we need not search 
 now for charters, or records, to ascertain the original character 
 of any. England may assume superiority, and volunteer her 
 patronage, but the legitimate rights and responsibilities of all 
 her colonists are to be studied in the constitution of her 
 citizens at home. 
 
 Our true colonial relations are, as I hold, the relations 
 naturally existing between one part of England and another, 
 modified only by a greater distance from the metropolis ; the 
 distance being so great as to necessitate separate establishments. 
 

 ' ii 
 
 . I 
 
 English Colonies, gifted with self-governmont, arc offset 
 communities of the English type, just aa Tyrinn Colonies were 
 Tyriun ; and Greek Greek ; as grown-up sons resemble parents ; 
 and their households resemble the parental home ; unless by 
 unnatural treatment, denial of rights, selfish usurpation, or 
 oppression by force or fraud, they have lost their natural cha- 
 racter, become alienated from their natural affinities, or in- 
 curred the stamp of slaves ; or else, by the equal injury of 
 over-patronage, become crippled or emasculated. 
 
 Offspring nations naturally tend to stronger development 
 of the parental characteristics. In the fresh and open field of 
 America, the free genius of our race expanded in still freer 
 institutions, while a more despotic government prevailed in 
 the neighbouring dominions of France, than her ministers 
 could ever establish at home. The English more eagerly 
 fastened on the sea-coasts, and devoted themselves to enter- 
 prise; the French more fastidiously sought the interior and 
 the rivers, and were intent on military occupation. That 
 is the best government, which gives scope to the best quali- 
 ties of the governed. English Colonies inherit the noblest 
 faculties for freedom; and if Mr. Mill rightly describes re- 
 presentative institutions as the true tendency and the natural 
 composition of free citizenship ; and the self-reliant, vigorous 
 character of our race as specially fitted for them ; what 
 violence it must be to our colonial instincts, to choke the 
 natural channels of self-action, or to encumber them with 
 extraneous help ! What poison to English vitality must be 
 the first acquired sense- of dependence, especially to our 
 countrymen whose emigration has only indicated an exuber- 
 ance of national spirit refusing to be pent up at home I 
 
 What hope of any permanent success can attend such 
 repressive colonial policy? Reduce a British Colony to 
 habits of the most abject dependence — fiimish it with every 
 local requirement from its governor to its police — ^let money, 
 drawn from English taxation, flow through every channel of 
 its internal admimstration, until every feature of self-govem- 
 
mcnt bocomos fictitious, and ovory s]mng of action cormpt— 
 still, through tho lowest process of dccomiHKsition, the tin 
 natnrw will sprout forth agiiin. Freemen cannot live long 
 on crumbs from a master's table. The natural spirit of 
 Englishmen is too high to let go their birthright for tho 
 wages of protection : their self-reliance too innate to become 
 obliterated by any culture. 
 
 If anything more than the supremacy of tho Crown is to 
 be set over colonial communities, if E^^igland desires to act as 
 a superior nation over them, they should not be allowed tho 
 forms of freedom — representative institutions — for through 
 thoao forms tho intended inferior must rise to real equality 
 with tho ideal superior. 
 
 Despotism, congenial with Asiatic people, serves also to 
 retain their incapacity for freedom, and obstructs tho possible 
 approaches of freedom. 
 
 But our American, African, and Australian Colonies, natu- 
 rally free, have also representative institutions, and the re- 
 presentative of tho Crown on the spot. They are complete 
 transmarine Englands. They have all the equipment of English 
 self-government ; only in separate establishments, because their 
 distance renders their representation in Westminster impo «>sible. 
 It is but creating confusion to give them entire nationality, and 
 supply them with an external government besides. 
 
 We at once see that community, not subservienry, is the 
 principle of their relation to us. They have the control of 
 supplies for their own executive; and such power includes, 
 of course, responsibility for the conduct of their own affairs. 
 The rights of self-control they must necessarily forego, in 
 proportion as their own establishments are not supported by 
 themselves. The idea of self-government involves that of 
 self-sufficiency. The Colonies may, indeed, expect the forces 
 of the empire to rally round them at need, and they must 
 be expected to rally round the imperial standard themselves 
 when needed. But the one is no more to be expected than 
 the other. Community cannot be one-sided. The Colonies 
 
h - 
 
 M 
 
 li 
 
 8 
 
 cannot take the privileges, and leave to England the duties 
 of freedom. The rights of freedom, to use Mr. Gladstone's 
 words {Uvid. 3,781), entail its duties also, and the one can- 
 not long be possessed >vithout the other ; and, in Mr. Mill's 
 words, it is exactly in proporti'ii as a man has more or less to 
 do for his country, that he becomes attached more or loss as 
 a free citizen to it. (J. S. Jilill, On Representative Govern- 
 ment.) A free country imdertaken for by another, is not 
 really free. It is for the interest of England's Colonies, more 
 than for her own, that they should lose none of the exercises 
 of citizenship in their separation from the home country, of 
 its labours any more than of its enjoyments. 
 
 wm 
 
 ■:»ii 
 
 1 fi'' 
 
 3. — Common Citizenship was the Relation between 
 England and heh first Colonies ; and they sepa- 
 rated IN CONSEQUENrJE OF ITS VIOLATION. 
 
 It would be impossible to assert, and absurd to suppose it 
 likely, that this healthy colonial relationship and condition had 
 ever been ftdly realized for any length of time. Nothing in 
 this world's history takes its natural course unimpeded by 
 crossing currents or obstructions. But the early American 
 Settlements of the 16th and 17th centuries had at least docu- 
 mentary recognition, from their first going out, of " a right to 
 " the same conditions of citizenship as if they had remained 
 ** at home," and they always asserted it. 
 
 Queen Elizabeth's first patent, granted to Sir Humphrey 
 Gilbert, guaranteed to her subjects who went out with him to 
 Virginia, " all the rights of free denizens of England." But as 
 much as any Queen she loved management, and those to whom 
 she delegated her power, loved it no less. 
 
 James I. indulged his legislative fancy in drawing charters 
 for colonial government, and nodes of laws for the Companies 
 to whom he dealt out the American Continent. 
 
 Grahame remarks the inconsistency of this kingly legisla- 
 tion, with his invariable " reservation to the colonists and their 
 
9 
 
 "children, of the same liberties and privileges as they would have 
 "in England," {Hist, of United States^ Book I., chap, i., p. 35.) 
 The ascription of legislative power f o the sovereign, might have 
 agreed very well with such a reservation in a Colony of Spain, 
 whose royal councils, and audiencias administered at Madrid as 
 much, or as little liberty and justice to distant colonists as to 
 Spaniards at home. But the Anglo-American Colonies speedily 
 vindicated their national rights as Englishmen, nor did that con- 
 stitutional spirit of independence, or of self-dependence, termi- 
 nate in separation from England — nor the almost invincible 
 attachment which it created finally give way — until the revival 
 of interference under a more obstinate king than James I. tested 
 the greater strength of their confirmed liberty. 
 
 Mr. Roebuck (in his Colonies of England) shows how th* -' 
 all prospered in exact proportion to their acquisition of civil 
 rights and interests ; nor did any of those Colonies, so various 
 in origin, so constant to freedom, fail, even in the first enter- 
 prise, except Virginia, which at first languished, and nearly 
 expired, when treated as the subject of a London Company — 
 the gift of a king — the plaything of adventurers. 
 
 The London Company then assumed towards the Colonies 
 very much the position of the Colonial Office a few years ago. 
 The Colonies under it were constantly in trouble, the blame 
 and care of which they always laid at its door, with the same 
 helpless bitterness with which a Frenchman curses the Minister 
 at Paris for all his misfortunes. 
 
 Chalmers, whose prejudices were in favour of the Home 
 Government, is obliged to confess {Polit. Ann., l&ook I., chap, iii., 
 p. 63,) that " the length of Virginia's infancy, the miseries of 
 " its youth, the disasters of its riper years, might all be at- 
 " tributed to this monstrous government. The Assembly of 
 " Virginia, after it had tasted the sweets of a simple govem- 
 " ment, opposed with firm spirit all attempts to revive the 
 " patents. They then exerted their own talents to discover 
 " remedies. Nothing was wanting to establish their prosperity 
 
10 
 
 " but unqualified permission to manage their own affairs. 
 " They displayed a vigour in design and action, which men, 
 " when left to themselves amid dangers, never fail to exert." 
 Released from protection, they fortified themselves against the 
 Indians, and even undertook enterprises against the French 
 •port Iloyal, and the Dutch Settlement of New York. James, 
 wishing to flatter their Assembly on the dissolution of the 
 Company, offered them military aid; but they declined it, 
 unless placed under the control of their Governor, and paid 
 by the votes of the^'r own Assembly. 
 
 Unlike our recent Colonists they undertook the survey of 
 their own country, aiid so well, that their original plans have 
 only been expanded as the Colony has grown. With their own 
 legislature and administration, free as their fellow-countrjonen 
 at home, they became so loyal to the British Crown, that in 
 that part of the empire alone Royalty suffered no ecHpse, but 
 reflected thence its outskirt rays, until, the home rebellion 
 having cleared away, it shone forth on all again. 
 
 The Navigation Act at the Restoration was a trial of their 
 loyalty. They murmured that it was a violation of their 
 rights, inflicted by a Parliament in which they were not > 
 presented. They rebelled ; and for the first time, regular 
 troops from England were quartered on them, at their expense, 
 to suppress, not to protect their rights. 
 
 The first permanent settlement of New England was ef- 
 fected by Independents flying from the ecclesiastical tyranny 
 of James I., who nevertheless connived at their establishing 
 themselves in America as a body politic, with a free constitution. 
 
 Charles I., eager to rid himself of Puritans, gave a charter 
 to a second body of emigrants {Charters of American Colonies) y 
 who founded Massachusetts, having a legislature to themselves 
 as freemen, " entitled to all the rights of home-born subjects 
 of Englani." Instantly on this assurance of autonomy, num- 
 bers flocked there, and founded Boston ; and evinced still 
 greater vigour by throwing out offset colonies, such as Connec- 
 ticut, each providing in every respect for its own requirements. 
 
 Ilia- 
 
11 
 
 This first colonial grandson of England, within a year of 
 its birth, defeated, by its o^tq unaided power, the Pequod and 
 Naraganset tribes combined against it under the famous Chief 
 Sassacus, — burnt their fortifications — in short, did every- 
 thing that New Zcahind, after forty years' settlement, has 
 lately proved itself incompetent to do against Maori tribes 
 with the aid of British troops. 
 
 It was amid struggles such as these, that Massachusetts 
 found time and means to found Harvard College — such is the 
 living spring of home resources, compared vdth the languor of 
 a distant supply. These were real colonies — not dependencies 
 — consisting of real Englishmen, only settled in America. 
 
 Charles I. had been alarmed at the vigour of English 
 liberty ; planted out, as he had intended, for riddance. He 
 tried to stop the emigration, and so kept neur himself, Hamp- 
 den, Pjnm, and Cromwell, who no doubt would have contributed 
 to the same liberty abroad, which they afterwards promoted so 
 much at home. 
 
 When the Indians, in terror of English progress, formed 
 a general confederacy against the Colonists, a corresponding 
 union of colonial self-defence was formed against them. In 
 every war after 1643, each Colony furnished its stipulated 
 quota of men, money, and provisions, at a rate proportioned 
 to its population. 
 
 After the Restoration, Charles II. attempted to control this 
 colonial union ; but they met his attempt by a " Declaration 
 of Rights," (Grahame, Book II., chap, iii., p. 309,) in which 
 they asserted that the provincial governments were " entitled 
 " by every means, even by force of arms, to defend themselves 
 " both by land and sea, against all who should attempt injury 
 "to the provinces or their inhabitants," an assertion which 
 has since changed into that of a right to be protected by 
 England. 
 
 In the treaty of Breda, Charles II. restored CromweD's 
 conquest of Acadio to the French, whom the Indians there- 
 fore concluded to be in the ascendant. The Indians instantly 
 
'H 
 
 1 id 
 
 i 
 
 I! I 
 
 h;i' 
 
 li > 
 
 12 
 
 renewed their combination against the New England States. 
 A fierce native war lasted a whole year. At length, the steady 
 efforts and invincible courage of the Colonists prevailed. No 
 praise, however, did they get from Charles for this repulse of 
 hostilities, wholly occasioned by imperial policy; but only 
 reproach for their "seditious obstinacy in refusing to solicit 
 " assistance from their king, and for sordid parsimony in the 
 " equipment of their own levies ; " (Grahame, Book II., chap, 
 iv., p. 344, and Evelyn's Diary;) by which, he said, they had 
 protracted the war, and proved themselves unfit to be trusted 
 with the government of the country. Charles was proceeding 
 to revoke the charters of New England when he died, 1685. 
 Halifax had, indeed, remonstrated ; urging that, as English 
 Colonists, the New Englanders were entitled to the same laws 
 and institutions as were established in England : and upon 
 James II. putting them under the government of a Commission, 
 the Crown lawyers, and in particular Sir William Jones, gave 
 an official opinion that, notwithstanding the forfeiture of their 
 Charter, the inhabitants continued English subjects invested with 
 English liberties, and, consequently, that the king could no more 
 levy money on them without their consent in an Assembly, than 
 they could discharge themselves from their allegiance. The 
 Royal institutions were, however, says Grahame, (I., 367,) good 
 in themselves : and amongst them we find the direction " to 
 " discipline and arm themselves for the defence of their own 
 " country." The Stuart king asked his Colonies to undertake 
 the duties, and leave to liim all the rights of their government. 
 We now give Colonies all the rights, and charge ourselves 
 with the duties of their government. 
 
 Our Revolution brought us into war with the French, who 
 immediately set the Indians again in combination against our 
 Colonies. Massachusetts instantly armed, reconquered Acadie 
 for the British Crown, 1689, and proceeded to apply to William 
 III. for aid to invade Canada ; which he refused to do, on the 
 ground of having work enough for his troops in Europe. The 
 New Englanders advanced to the attempt alone, and this enter- 
 
18 
 
 
 prise waa undertaken by them heroically, though unsuccessfully, 
 only sixty years after their first settlement in America. 
 
 William III. sought to retain the advantage taken by 
 James against the Charters ; but the people of Massachusetts 
 repeated the declaration of their right to representative 
 government, always acknowledging the supremacy of the 
 King. In his name they built and garrisoned forts along 
 their frontier. When in 1635 they lost Acadie again, and 
 their own Fort Pemmaquid was stormed and taken by a joint 
 French and Indian attack, by land and sea, under Count 
 Frontignac, their defence was a gallant one, and only the 
 Peace of Ryswick stopped their renewed advance. 
 
 But I have heard some men allow that all this is true 
 enough of the New England Colonies, but that no such spirit 
 was shown by their Southern contemporaries; so completely 
 has one of the proudest pages of our national history been for- 
 gotten. Let us then look into the annals of a Southern terri- 
 tory, which was given by a Stuart King to a Roman Catholic 
 Peer, as Proprietor, with the intention of its being an asylum for 
 Papists, and for martyrs to Royal supremacy. Surely if freedom 
 and self-dependence found no impediment to their establishment 
 in such a settlement as Maryland, there can be no excuse for 
 their absence anywhere. Yet, here, Charles I. only granted 
 to Lord Baltimore power to make laws with the assent of the 
 freemen, or their representatives in Assembly ; all the settlers 
 were recognized as freemen, entitled to the same liberties as 
 native-bom Englishmen ; and to the Proprietor, as Prince 
 Palatine, was delegated the Royal authority to command them 
 to act under his local orders in their own defence, " to repel 
 invasion, and to suppress rebellions." (Bozman's Hist, of 
 Maryland.) Not many years after its foundation we read of 
 Maryland imposing a tax on its own exports to maintain a 
 magazine of arms. 
 
 Among the troubled days of civil and religious warfare, 
 these early Colonies were perpetually involved in both the 
 internal and external struggles of the parent state ; yet not 
 

 14 
 
 less in those than in their own local disturbances they bore the 
 part which fell to them without fear or question. The convul- 
 sions of England spread their agitations to the extremities of the 
 empire ; and foreign enemies, so stirred up, often made a colony 
 their first battle-field. Yet this was not considered any reason 
 for their means of defence, in men or money, being sent to 
 them from England. 
 
 England broke up the Peace of Ryswick, 1702, to prevent 
 France from seizing the Spanish succession. French hostility 
 instantly operated in America, stirring up the Indians to re- 
 newed conspiracies. The Colonies combined for their defence 
 against this English war, without any help from England. 
 They asked, indeed, for co-operation in a second invasion of 
 Canada. Again assistance was promised, but failed to arrive, 
 being detained by disasters in Spain ; and the colonial militia 
 alone attacked Port Royal, garrisoned by French regulars ; but 
 their power was unequal to their high spirit, and they were again 
 unsuccessful. Upon this disaster. Queen Anne assured them of 
 reinforcements, and fixed the contribution of each Colony for a 
 renewed enterprise. The Colonies sent addresses of thanks, and 
 largely exceeded their stipulated quota of men. The combined 
 army assembled; but again the English withdrew to meet 
 European pressure at home ; again the Colonists advanced 
 alone, and finally themselves added Port Royal and Acadie 
 to the dominions of the British Crown. 
 
 At the same time, a combined force of Indians attacked 
 North Carolina, whose first warning was a night massacre of 137 
 inhabitants. The settlers rallied, and kept the Indians in check 
 till succours came of men and money from South Carolina, 
 with which intercolonial assistance, they repelled the invasion. 
 
 The Indians then attacked South Carolina, which, in its 
 exhi< ition, asked aid from England. The request was dis- 
 regi "d, and the militia proved sufficient alone. 
 
 Tho militia of New England in 1730 numbered 50,000 
 men, regularly drilled and organized. 
 
 It is remarkable that even the body of insolvent debtors 
 
 '1 
 
 I 
 
15 
 
 who were sent out from English prisons in 1732 to found 
 Georgia, — the last of this group of Colonics, — were previously 
 to their going out regularly trained as soldiers, and, on their 
 arrival, formed into an organized militia. They were not only 
 expected ordinarily to defend themselves, but were expressly 
 meant to act as a barrier between the other Colonies and the 
 Spanish in Florida ; and the English Parliament voted for this, 
 their own undertaking, only a few thousand pounds in part 
 payment for some of the first forts to be erected. 
 
 On this settlement being made, France lost no time in 
 joining her forces with those of Spain to invade both Georgia 
 and Carolina ; and the militia of those two provinces, aided by 
 some friendly Indians, repulsed them. 
 
 Some Moravians, who came with the first settlers to 
 Georgia, had stipulated vntla. the English Government on 
 religious grounds for exemption from military service ; but so 
 indignant were the rest of the community at any such ex- 
 emption existing when war came on, that the Moravians were 
 compelled to leave the Colony. Even Quaker Pennsylvania 
 came at last to a formal vote that defensive war was lawful, 
 and formed themselves into an organized militia. 
 
 Georgia greatly contributed to the resolution of the English 
 Parliament for the war with Spain, which was fatal to Walpole's 
 Ministry. One English regiment was then sent out to them, 
 and placed under Georgian command ; and with the hearty co- 
 operation, in men and money, of Virginia and Carolina, an 
 united invasion of Florida was made. 
 
 When the Austrian succession war drew France as well 
 as Spain into hostilities with England, 1744, the English 
 Colonists successfully defended Annapolis against the first at- 
 tack; and, in return, carrying the war into the enemy's 
 country, they took Louisburg, which was called the Gibraltar 
 of America, and subjected Cape Breton altogether to the 
 British Crown. 
 
 For this great expedition the Colonists furnished the naval 
 as well as military equipment — arming twelve of their own 
 
I ! 
 
 16 
 
 ; i 
 
 w 
 
 ■1.1 
 
 Ml 
 
 I*, , 
 II If ' 
 
 war sloops, and hiring two privateers. Their land force was 
 commanded by Pepperel, a Colonel of the Massachusetts mili- 
 tia, and consisted of men of all classes, including many free- 
 holders, thriving farmers, and substantial tradesmen — a sort 
 of colonist now thought too valuable to defend themselves, 
 though unable to pay for their own defence. 
 
 Their task was the reduction of a regular fortress, garri- 
 soned by disciplined troops of France, and their only assist- 
 ance was the accidental co-oporation, late in the action, of 
 Commodore Warren's squadron. 
 
 England was then much occupied at home by the Scotch 
 Rebellion, and European war ; but on Louis XV. threatening 
 great revenge for the loss of Louisburg, she promised her 
 Colonies some assistance for the defence of the new posses- 
 sions which they had gained for her: and remitted some 
 money towards the costs they had already incurred. She, 
 however, required a large colonial force to be got ready. 
 
 It was fortunate she did, for her promised assistance never 
 came ; but the habitual self-reliance of New England was 
 equal to the emergency. 6,400 militia from Massachusetts, 
 and 6,000 from Connecticut, joined the troops already mus- 
 tered, and new forts and batteries were erected along the coast. 
 D'Anville, disheartened, forbore to attack. 
 
 All this while Nova Scotia, the basis of English operations, 
 had been, from its French origin and sympathy, hourly ex- 
 pected to revolt. The Colonists, also, had a great disadvantage 
 from confusion of counsels. The Provincial Governors, each 
 controlled by independent Assemblies, often had to confer 
 military command on popular adherents. Their enemy had 
 a regular army, and their country was under the undivided 
 sway of military government. 
 
 In this imperial war about their frontiers, the Colonists in- 
 curred a heavy loss of men and money, yet the only question 
 raised about it, related to the apportionment of their several 
 contributions ; and they refused not to pay their quota to the 
 expenses of Anson's fleet. They resisted, indeed, an attempt 
 
 dl*Jli 
 
ir 
 
 to impress thoir men for the British navy ; but, in doing so, 
 they did no more than England herself, soon after, did at 
 home ; the press-gang being a relic of feudal service which the 
 circumstances of colonies, and the modern notions at homo 
 alike repudiated. 
 
 We can scarcely imagine, in these days, the indigna- 
 tion of New England at the news of its recent conquests, 
 Louisburg and Cape Breton, being restored to France, by 
 the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, in exchange for some equiva- 
 lent given up by France to Austria ! This it was 
 
 that occasioned the first colonial demand for reimbursement ; 
 and the Statute of 21 Geo. II., c. 33, granted, on a gradu- 
 ated scale, repayments to each of the Colonies of part of 
 their expenses in the late war. Such a payment was the 
 converse of the remittances now sometimes made by colonies 
 of a trifling contribution, or extra allowance, to the habitual 
 expenses of England in defending them. It should also be 
 observed that the same statute provided for a like indemni- 
 fication to Sardinia, and other foreign allies. But it was the 
 novelty of taxing the English at home, in aid of the English 
 abroad, that suggested afterwards ihe idea of taxing colonists, in 
 the English Parliament, for home service ; a constitutional vio- 
 lence, which finally severed colonial allegiance, and which would 
 also have struck at the root of English liberty at home, by 
 providing the Government with extraneous supplies. 
 
 On this same occasion another novelty in colonization was 
 introduced, by settling troops, disbanded at the Peace, amongst 
 the disafiected French inhabitants of Nova Scotia : and for 
 this purpose Parliament voted £40,000 a year for ten years. 
 The scheme wholly failed, the settlement lingering only for a 
 time, subsisting, much as Western Australia now does, on the 
 expenditure of the military and naval forces maintained by the 
 parent state, and not by its own resources. 
 
 The Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle was soon ended by the re- 
 newed jealousies of France and England in America. Were 
 the Colonists alone to sustain the ensuing war ? England had 
 
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P"| 7IP»"^!' 
 
 18 
 
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 mugivings about their growing vigour, but she decided that 
 they should undertake the opposition to the French in the 
 first instance, reserving the question of partial reimbursement 
 of their expenses. For so great an undertaking, the Colonists 
 formed their first federation, and placed Washington at the 
 head of their federal army. In his first operations, at the 
 head of his Virginian militia alone, ho was unsuccessful, and 
 the British Government dispatched General Braddock to sup- 
 port him, and to raise levies on the spot ; Parliament extend- 
 ing then, for the first time, the Mutiny Act to North America, 
 1758 (Grahame, III., 380). 
 
 It was the Seven Years' War, however, which first impli- 
 cated English and Colonial forces avowedly in joint warfare. 
 The Colonists gladly accepted the co-operation, but showed 
 unwillingness to bo taken out of their own provinces to fight, 
 or to bo engaged in wars, in voting supplies for which they 
 had had no voice. 
 
 Franklin's writings vouch for these having been their 
 sentiments, though so unlike the calculations of colonists now- 
 a-days of economy through English protection. 
 
 They furnished whatever forces were required of them ; 
 and though they disputed the assertion that the Billeting Act 
 extended to them, they removed all difficulty by passing an 
 Act putting themselves under the same obligation, and ren- 
 dering themselves liable to be recruited into the English 
 regiments sent out to them. The authority, generally, of 
 British statutes expressly applying to them, was rather sub- 
 mitted to than acknowledged by them, and was never allowed 
 to extend to taxation. 
 
 Lord Chatham threw the whole vigour of his mind into 
 this war, and put under General Abercrombie's command the 
 largest army America had ever seen, of which 22,000 were 
 EngUsh troops, and 28,000 Colonial. 
 
 It is well known that the first Pitt and Franklin had each 
 his own different doubts as to the wisdom of American con- 
 
19 
 
 quest. It was, however, undertaken, and ultimately accom- 
 plished by Wolfe, 1759. 
 
 Now began the question, whether the Colonies were to sus- 
 tain equally with P^ngland the enormous levies of men, and 
 the profuse expenditure of money involved in such foreign 
 enterprise. 
 
 The Colonists were getting deeper in debt, and the English 
 promises of reimbursement wore slow and measured in per- 
 forma^^ce. 
 
 This is the turning point of our colonial history. Quebec 
 received a garrison of 5,000 English troops. Canada would 
 certainly have been lost again, but for large reinforcements 
 from England. 
 
 The war grew to a scale on which the two Principals were 
 necessarily more engaged than their respective Colonies ; and 
 the conquest was completed by England over France. 
 
 At the completion of the war, many English officers and 
 disbanded soldiers were settled in the Colonies. 
 
 England had become the sole power in America. Canada, 
 which, at the Peace of Paris, 1762, she resolved, to the im- 
 mense satisfaction of the Colonists, to retain, was placed under 
 a government, the offices of which were chiefly conferred on 
 the British military, or traders, to the great discontent of the 
 French inhabitants. 
 
 Pitt called upon the Colonists to fortify Canada, which they 
 did, and they garrisoned the forts. Unfortimately England 
 also projected the permanent maintenance of a regular army 
 in America, to be supported at the expense of the Colonists; 
 and, for defraying the cost of their protection, the imposition 
 of a tax on them by the enactment of the British Par- 
 liament. Mr. Grenville proposed a stamp-duty, but invited 
 them to name any other they might prefer. Massachusetts 
 answered, "It were better for them to endure injustice in 
 " silence, than to purchase its instigation by recognizing its 
 " principle. The English Parliament had no right to tax the 
 
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 30 
 
 " Colonics. The King might inform them of the cxigenoiea of 
 " the public service, und they were ready to provide for them, 
 " if required, in a constituticjnal manner. If they were taxed 
 " in a Parliament in which they were not represented, they 
 " were slaves to the Britons from whom they were descended." 
 (Grahame, IV., 178-9.) 
 
 Franklin conceived a plan for their representation in the 
 House of Commons. It was, no doubt, impracticable, yet had 
 England only respected their rights of common citizenship, 
 though the Americans might have grown out of all possible 
 retention under a common allegiance, they would always have 
 retained for us, from common origin, common interests, and 
 commerce, a strong attachment as allies. Instead of this, our 
 high-spirited first Colonies exhibit now, as foreign nations, a 
 stronger friendship for uncongenial France, which helped 
 them in their struggle, than for kindred England, from whom 
 they preferred to separate rather than lose the constitutional 
 independence which they derived from her. 
 
 4. — Contrast between present and former Colonial 
 
 Relations. 
 
 Before I show how the spirit and condition of our Colonies, 
 and the nature of their relations with this country, gradually 
 deteriorated after the American disruption, I proceed at once 
 to put in contrast with our first ideas of colonization, those 
 which we have now arrived at. I will afterwards trace the 
 process of deterioration. 
 
 Our Colonies at this time do not exhibit the lowest stage of 
 the descending process, for they passed at one period entirely 
 out of the relation of common citizenship with Englishmen 
 into the inferior relation of dependence and subserviency. 
 They had not even the self-action of an English munici- 
 pality. (See Mr. Gladstone's magnificent Speech on the New 
 Zealand 0-ovemment Bill, Hansard, cxxi., 1862, p. 957.) They 
 
 ,.L 
 
21 
 
 halt now in a grotesque stage of half rccovory. They hare 
 recovered so much of the rights which used to he recognized 
 as insepanible from all English communities, as to \\a\c re- 
 presentative govoniment. 
 
 New Zealand had so much of the British constitution 
 granted to it in 1852. I count none of the caricatures of 
 British Constitutions which amused the leisure of Colonial 
 Ministers hefore. Little had the Now Zealand Provinces, before 
 that date, thriven as the old American Settlements throve with 
 all their early struggles, excepting Canterbury, which founded 
 itself in somewhat similar spirit to theirs. Auckland, for in- 
 stance, languished, fed only on English supplies : and its 
 population of 20,000 now little exceeds that of the recent 
 settlement of Canterbury, 15,000; and one-fifth of all its 
 population, 4,000, consists of troops sent from England, and 
 paid by Englishmen. Lord Grey, in his Qblonial Policy of 
 Lord John RusselVs Admdnistration, condoles with his noble 
 colleague on the interruption of peace in this Colony during 
 his administration. The phrase is remarkable ; showing the 
 present theory to be, that the administration of this country 
 includes the administration of the Colonies, though they have 
 their own legislatures, and a viceroy, and ministry, on the spot, 
 leaving properly but a scanty catalogue of Crown relations to 
 be administered in Downing-street, and the more scanty the 
 catalogue the better. He gives an account of the native re- 
 bellion there in 1845, and of the mission of Sir George Grey 
 then, as now again, to put rebellion down ; " whose energy," 
 he says, "supported as it was both by troops and naval force '* 
 from England, "brought the insurrection to a close. The 
 firmness and decision of Captain Laye, saved the country." 
 (Colon. Policy, II. 115.) Charmed with this rescue of a help- 
 less Colony from its own disturbance, he dwells on the con- 
 sideration of the formidable character of the Natives, and 
 paucity of the Colonists, as having enhanced the feat. But the 
 
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 1 (if 
 
 
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 22 
 
 population of New Zealand at that time was twice as great as 
 that of some of the Anglo- American Settlements when they were 
 engaged, unaided, with far more formidable Natives, armed, 
 disciplined, and assisted by the French The Governor, Sir 
 George Grey, iu a despatch dated July 9, 1849, {Colon. 
 Policy, II. 117,) commenting on the recent New Zealand re- 
 bellion, deprecates (one would have thought needlessly) any 
 comparison between New Zealand and the early American 
 Colonies. He refers to the authority of experienced officers to 
 prove the superiority of Maori tribes to the North American 
 Indians; and oven to our own troops, in point of equipment 
 for warfare in that sort of country. He extols the rapidity 
 and socrecy of movement of the Maori natives ; their coilrage, 
 and their cunning in presenilug no point for attack while 
 always attacking ; and their daring following of any leader. I 
 wonder if he ever read of the Six Nations; of Cherokees sustain- 
 ing long and doubtful campai^^s ; of Delawaros invading three 
 British provinces at once by combined movements, capturing 
 several forts garrisoned by English, and with great difficulty 
 and loss diverted from the siege of Pittsburg ; of Braddock's 
 army perishii\g by an unseen attack ; of the great leader 
 Sassacus in earlier times, against whom the new formed colony 
 of Connecticut warred in siege and field ; or of the terrible 
 Pontiac in later times, whose terror roused the Pennsylvanian 
 Quakers to arms, put to the proof the Virginian militia, and 
 called into existence the celebrated border-riflemen. The 
 secrecy with which these Indians planned their wars, and the 
 vigilance and art with which they conducted them, are 
 chronicled in the names of many distinguished victims. 
 
 The real ditterence between those times and these is not, 
 as Sir G. Grey supposed, in the greater danger, or less means 
 to meet danger, of our present Colonies, but in the mode in 
 which danger was met, and the means of self-defence made 
 use of. When, early in the progress of the North American 
 Colonies, the imited Indians threatened their existence, England 
 
28 
 
 simply called on the Colonists to unite against their common 
 danger. (Chalmers' PoUt. Ann., Book I.) On the conclusion 
 of the Maori wf\r of 1845, the Governor, Sir G. Grey, asked 
 for a still Larger British force, iis a peace establishment ; and 
 Lord Grey says (p. 140), "It was with much diificvdty wo 
 " spared the 2,500 men asked for." The American Colonies 
 only on one occasion had any British troops to assist them 
 against Indians, and thet was at the commencement, not at 
 the close of a wai* with them. They, moreover, paid for 
 and supplied the troops which were sent them, and got rid 
 of them as scon as they could. 
 
 Lord Grey gives his opinion (p. 141) that a standing 
 force kept in a colony should, instead of being constantly 
 under arms, and in receipt of pay, be established as settlers 
 in the colony. Opposite extremes of colonial policy here meet. 
 Lord Grey proposes that soldiers should be settled in colonics; 
 the old Colonists settled themselves as soldiers. Lord Grey 
 defends his proposition (p. 146), as combining the two objects 
 of military defence and increased population, and he would 
 have this country undertake such a combination of protection 
 and emigration all over the world; even in tropical climates 
 he would have the higher spots so occupied wherever an 
 Enghsh soldier could breathe. In the present New Zealand 
 war, however, we have heard nothing of his military pen- 
 sioners settled there. In the early colonial native wars no 
 other defenders were heard of but the settlers themselves. 
 
 A farther contrast with former policy presents itself in 
 Lord Grey's account of the civil expenditure of New Zealand. 
 The Governor infers (p. 148-9), from the fact of there being 
 a native population besides the Europeans in the Colony, 
 " that it was, therefore, absolutely necessary that a con- 
 " siderable annual expenditure, in excess of the colonial 
 " revenue, should be sanctioned, by the British Parliament, 
 " to provide for roads, public buildings, and other establish- 
 " ments requisite for the assertion of British supremacy." — 
 
 
 .1 ' 
 
 j . 
 1 
 
l'' 
 
 1; I 
 
 I' 
 
 24 
 
 {Despatch of Sir G. Grey, in Papers presented January, 1847, 
 p. 15.) Lord Grey says that he and his colleagues fully con- 
 curred in these views, and that the Duke of Wellington was 
 consulted, who, naturally as a soldier, advised the construction 
 of roads. As they were to he lines of communication hetween 
 English troops and English magistrates, they were of course 
 to ho constructed with English money. What, according to 
 such notions, is left for colonists to do ? Our first Colonies, 
 while still imder the conduct of the London Company, are 
 described as having been without interest or occupation, from 
 the want of women, property, and politics; but such ennui 
 would be a blessing compared with the possession of every- 
 thing to interest, and the freest organs of the public' will 
 about them, but the task of maintenance left in other hands. 
 
 It took but nine years, 1600 — 1609, for Virginia to 
 emancipate herself from the London Company, and assert 
 her English righis of self-control. Lord Grey, in 1846, was 
 still debating whether New Zealand was ripe for an EngHsh 
 Constitution, and when the concession was at length granted, 
 Sir George Grey took upon himself to suspend its announce- 
 ment, alleging fears of the susceptibilities which he had 
 himself nurtured among the Natives. We stiU retain, though 
 to the credit of Sir John Pakington the Constitution was 
 given in 1852, the Native administration in our supposed care, 
 annually exhibiting our ignorance of all concerning it in 
 Parliament, and voting large sums from our taxes to pay 
 for the disastrous conseq[uences of that ignorance. 
 
 I have a recent letter from Mr. Fitzgerald, late Super- 
 intendent of Canterbury and Prime Minister at Auckland, in 
 which he designates this present war as a complication of folly 
 and wickedness. He calls our Native administration a simple 
 confusion. The Native movements, which we should have 
 fostered, we have repelled ; and their crimes, which any govern- 
 ment should have punished, we have wholly disregarded. We 
 have eflfected nothing in their interest, and whenever our own in- 
 
2S 
 
 V 
 
 tercsts arc the question, we have overridden all dispute by force. 
 
 Above all change of policy, he insists first on the necessity of 
 
 doing away the abomination of our management of Native affairs. 
 
 He asks, " Can you believe for a moment that if the Assembly 
 ' had had uncontrolled power in Native affairs, and had to pay 
 ' the whole of the expenses, this wicked war would ever have 
 
 * happened ? If you do really direct the Native policy, why 
 ' don't you compel the Governor to write home for instructions 
 
 * before taking the step which induces war ? But you let 
 
 * him do that which is actually a commencement of war at his 
 ' own discretion. He gets the British flag insulted, and then 
 ' you are compelled to avenge the insult. The whole Cohmy 
 
 * is of course for war. It is a cheap way of being gallant 
 
 * wlisn others, overburdened as they are with taxes at home, 
 ha , c io pay for it. I should be cuiious to see the faces of the 
 
 * House of Representatives if a new Governor announced to 
 
 * them that they might do as they liked about Native affairs, 
 
 * but that no further funds would be forthcoming from home. 
 
 * Indeed, to take liigher grounds, I mourn over the youth of 
 
 * this nation, which can by no means lead to greatness. "War 
 
 * — that ordeal of Providence for cvdling out the weeds among 
 ' nations — is close to our doors, but with it none of its disci- 
 
 * pline or its benefits. Somebody else is fighting, not we. It is 
 ' our cause, but we fight by proxy, and pay by deputy. If we 
 
 * ever beco "J great we shall have been rocked and dandled 
 
 * into po^c ' 
 
 Sir Robei; eel described New Zealand as an island in 
 form, latitude, and climate, so resembling England, as to bear 
 promise, with our race and institutions, of a repetition of our 
 happy destiny in another hemisphere. Si qua retinacula 
 rumpaSj tu Marcellm eris. Could you but cast off the fatal 
 gift of England's patronage, you would be as herself. But 
 Englan -as not herself nursed and dandled into her present 
 vigour, -'le has won it for herself, through many stmggles, 
 fighting her own way, not clinging to the support of others. 
 
!i 
 
 PI' 
 I'l; 
 
 26 
 
 I find another striking contrast with our first colonial 
 system in our present treatment of Canada. 
 
 Canada was won by conquesi, and became the origin of 
 our baser kind of Colonial government, but she has since 
 had the same concessions of self-government, as other Colo- 
 nies ; and she now has complete popular representation, both 
 in her metropolitan and municipal institutions. She may, 
 therefore, fairly be compared with our earlier free Colonies. 
 None of the Anglo-American Colonies exceeded her in free- 
 dom, or reached her present growth in wealth or popula- 
 tion. Yet she is never without troops sent and paid by 
 England. Mr. Elliott states {M 'I J 21—132) that the whole 
 pay of the regular forces always . ^mada, including that 
 of the Canadian Eifles, comes from i^e Imperial Treasury ; 
 and the entire cost of barracks and stores, and the whole 
 expense of transport to and fro. It was once proposed to 
 call upon the Province at least to keep in repair a selected 
 number of barracks ; but for various reasons the selection has 
 never yet been made. When Sir Fenwick "Williams com- 
 manded our forces in North America he discovered more 
 military positions, where forts might be made. We imme- 
 diately offered to make them, if the Colonists would only 
 bear a portion of the expense. But they answered they 
 were much obliged for the suggestion, but that they were not 
 disposed to build new forts, and had not money to spare for 
 troops. 
 
 Canada has, indeed, a militia, or at least a militia-roll; 
 about a third in numbers, proportionately to population, of 
 what a New England Colony would have had in constant 
 training ; but Mr. Elliott tells us {Evid. 109) that this militia- 
 roll is so nominal an affair, that it would be a delusion to 
 place dependence on any return based upon it. Late illustra- 
 tions of the results of this colonial exemption from service, set 
 off in strong contiast present with former times. When in old 
 times Canada was the focus of French aggression, the adjoining 
 
 L 
 
27 
 
 English Colonists armed themselves — repelled, retorted every 
 threat. When civil war lately broke out in the United States, 
 there was no threat to English Canada ; but she was imme- 
 diately supposed in danger, and helpless to meet the danger 
 supposed. Three thousand English troops in addition, and 
 perhaps in necessary sequence, to the promissory garrison al- 
 ready there, were instantly despatched to Canada, and placed 
 in quarters at our expense. Some say our troops are as well 
 there, as in home quarters; there is but the transport to 
 consider. Is the cost of transport, however, all the difference 
 between making every part of the Empire maintain troops, 
 or making one part supply all? I doubt if it can be the 
 same thing to us whether every part bear its share of service, 
 and the aggregate strength be ready to collect at any point; 
 or all British territory beyond the four seas be treated as 
 outposts to be held by English garrisons against all comers, 
 — a perplexity to us in war, a mere extravagance in peace. 
 No such view as the latter alternative was taken by England 
 when she bred great nations in her offspring colonies. 
 
 The Army and Navy Gf-azette thiew out the conjecture 
 that Lord Palmerston was not sending troops to Canada as 
 a demonstration ; nor with the view of scattering them in 
 single files along the Canadian frontier ; but because " he 
 " was aware to what a height politics ran among that mixed 
 " population ; and, with a rabid war, with which much sym- 
 " pathy was felt on one side or the other, close at hand, he 
 " was anxious to strengthen the local authorities against 
 " possible combinations." Sending detachments of English 
 forces to maintain the influence of the Crown among a 
 distant English community having three million inhabitants, 
 as free and self-governed as those at home, is a scheme as 
 chimerical as unconstitutional, and likely to be productive only 
 of discord and jealousy, or of the corruption which alone can 
 smother those passions under sordid calculations of pecuniary 
 gain. The Queen might have said to her North American 
 
li i 
 
 28 
 
 M 
 
 » I 
 
 u 
 
 i I I 
 
 I: 
 
 subjects, had thoy boon like her Grandfather's, Your neigh- 
 bourhood is disturbed ; you must therefore be prepared against 
 any possible contingency. Call out your militia. If you want 
 a more disciplined force on the emergency I will send as many 
 troops as your Assembly may agree to pay for, and I can 
 spare from England, to be put on your service. Should war 
 occur I will furnish an auxiliary force. But no delay must 
 take place in your own enlistments, and training for your own 
 establishment ; because home or other service may at any 
 moment require the recall of my English troops. Such would 
 have been the terms advised by Chatham. 
 
 Another contrast with our old colonial practice — and per- 
 haps the most startling of all — is afforded by the entii'e occu- 
 pation, in peace and war, of the South African Settlements by 
 English troops, suppUed and paid by drafts interminable, and 
 often unaccounted for, on the Home Treasury. Cape Town, 
 Graham's Town, and Natal Representatives sport with the 
 policy which leads us through recurrent costly wars on their 
 account. Dutch farmers spread their herds along a frontier 
 rich in pasture, and only exposed to plunder which we ward off, 
 or else restore ; which to them, therefore, so far from being 
 depreciatory of their propeiiy, is only a fresh source of profit. 
 The market of an EngUsh commissariat is so brought to 
 their doors. Army contractors purchase the very cattle which 
 have been just recaptured, to feed the soldiers who serve as 
 their gratuitous herdsmen. 
 
 The Select Committee were informed (Uvid. 481), that 
 £400,000 a year is so made over to the farmers of South 
 Africa by the farmers and other tax-payers of this country. 
 The liberal farmers of England are represented in Parliament 
 as being enthusiastic for the continuance of this employment 
 of our men and money in the farm service of the wealthy Cape 
 proprietors. We are so pressing with our services, that the 
 settlers have only one small police force to raise on their own 
 account. "We furnish and pay all the rest entirely ; and we do 
 
 :Uu 
 
29 
 
 so not only on the ground of the inability of our Colonists to help 
 themselves, but also because we suppose them to be as sanguin- 
 ary as they are helpless : and if once let loose to defend their 
 own farms, in their own way, it is supposed from past experience, 
 they would outrage the feelings of humanity which belong to 
 Englishmen at home. England now undertakes to nurse not 
 only the strength, but the morality of her Colonies ; and, in this 
 case, the latter undertaking has ended in substituting, for the 
 lex talionis, a chronic and bloody warfare between our regular 
 army and the Kafirs trained by them to fight nearly as well as 
 themselves : the perpetuity of which warfare is secured by the 
 separation of the corrective agency from the source of strife, 
 the conjunction of which made short work of the former prac- 
 tice of self-defence. 
 
 The whole evidence given before Mr. Mills's Committee is 
 replete with instances of the novelty of our present colonial 
 policy. 
 
 We scatter little garrisons in the "West Indian Islands, 
 which do police duty among the black population ; or, being 
 mostly black themselves, furnish police duty for the rest of 
 the garrison. The Planters take no share in the task of 
 defending their own property, and these little garrisons can 
 never by any possibility be of the slightest use against a 
 foreign enemy. So much of them as consists of English 
 troops is sent from where they are in health and readiness 
 for any emergency, only to be decimated in West Indian 
 police service by yellow fever. This is an innovation as 
 well as a vicious practice. The Island of Jamaica, even 
 when it was Cromwell's recent conquest, was allowed an 
 elected Coimcil, by which to act for itself independently. The 
 Planters asked for representation at home, if they could not 
 have self-government fully on the spot — saying (see Memorial 
 from Jamaica, 1651, State Paper Office), " if laws be imposed 
 on us without our consent, we be no better than slaves." 
 In 1670, their total white population was 16,198 : and their 
 
80 
 
 I 
 
 )) 
 
 militia-roll then showed a strength of 2,720. Soon after the 
 introduction of slaves, formidable insurrections occurred, but 
 were always suppressed by the vigilance of the militia. That 
 our West Indian Colonists are no less able to help themselves 
 now is clear from the evidence of Sir C. Elliott before Mr. 
 Mills's Committee; by which it appears that Antigua, and every 
 island from which our troops have been withdrawn, have raised 
 a militia for themselves ; and that they look to the British 
 fleet for external safety, and to the name of Englishman, 
 which suggests reflection to every foreign invader. 
 
 What Minister would have dreamt in the last century of 
 sending Royal Engineers under the pretence of making the 
 surveys and roads of a new colony, as we have just done in 
 the case of British Columbia ? Under some excuse or other a 
 little garrison is now deposited, as a Palladium, in all English 
 Colonies. Their native energies are taken xmder the guardian- 
 ship of the higher power, whose ensign is hoisted, not by 
 themselves as their own, but by the tutelary sovereignty, in 
 chivalrous assumption of their protection, and in menace 
 against the whole world. Our better Statesmen knew that the 
 true defence of a small English Colony lay rather in the know- 
 ledge of other nations that in attacking it they attacked a part 
 of England, and came in conflict not with a mere garrison, but 
 with a portion of the British nation, alike circumstanced, and 
 in common cause with the rest. 
 
 I take my leave of this part of my subject, by giving the 
 following statistical index of the total inversion which has 
 taken place in our colonial military relations. In the last 
 century Wolfe conquered Canada with an army chiefly con- 
 sisting of colonial militia. England now, in time of peace, 
 keeps twice as many troops in all her Colonies, exclusive of 
 military posts, as the colonists enrol among themselves. ' 
 
 I proceed to the consideration of the still greater anomaly , 
 and novelty, of our contributions to the civil and ecclesiastical 
 
81 
 
 expenses of our colonial fellow-subjects, of which I have only 
 incidentally given one instance as yet. 
 
 In the beginning of the eighteenth century the annual im- 
 ports into all the New England provinces from England were 
 estimated, by Neal, at £100,000. The exports by the Eng- 
 lish merchants consisted of dried cod-fish sold in Europe for 
 £80,000, and of 3,000 tons of naval stores. 
 
 In the Colonial Blxie Book just presented, I find the im- 
 ports of Canada stated at 24,766,981 dols. ; the exports at 
 33,555,161 dols. ; the duty collected 4,437,846 dols. ; land 
 sales produced 459,803 dols., of which one-half came from 
 sales of clergy-lands : and the population amounts to about 
 three millions ; while, in Mr. Lowe's words {Evid. 3,335), " by 
 " the guarantee of this country in time of war, they are enabled 
 " to apply their revenues entirely to their own local purposes." 
 
 "With this comparative statement before me of the small 
 beginnings on which New England maintained herself, in 
 ordinary circumstances, independently ; and the wealth of 
 which Canada now asks us to guarantee her safe possession, 
 under the pledge of a constant garrison ; I proceed to look 
 into No. 5 of our last Civil Service Estimates ; and I find that, 
 not content with relieving the strength of such a Colony of the 
 task of defending its wealth, we further contribute to its wealth, 
 by paying Canadian Bishops, Rectors, and Archdeacons, al- 
 though the Crown has given up the sales of clergy-lands, 
 which were expressly reserved for that purpose. "We give a 
 small* salary to the President of a College ; and pensions, and 
 blankets for aged Indians, and other charitable donations. 
 
 Writing of New England, Grahame says (Book II. chap, i.) 
 " To a community of men thus assembled the formation of 
 " their Church appeared the most interesting of all their con- 
 " cems, and it occupied, accordingly, their earliest and earnest 
 " deliberations." I have related how, in the midst of their 
 first struggles for existence, they founded their own Colleges : 
 
82 
 
 and as to missiouaiy labours among the Indians, so far from 
 having English taxes voted to tbera for the purpose, their 
 early history is filled with such names as Elliott, and Mayhew, 
 and hundreds of American Missionaries whose work was amply 
 supported by liberal colonial subscriptions and endowments ; 
 and, kindling missionary sympathies at home, gave birth to 
 the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, which is now 
 apart from its purpose, in partnership with our Treasury, 
 subsidizing *ho colonial church. Australia is just beginning 
 to legislate for the endo^vment of its own Churches. 
 
 The fourth item in our last colonial estimates is £17,800 
 for British Columb'i, the detail of which would be wholly un- 
 intelligible to countrymen of our old colonies. What would 
 the members of Congress say to a demand from a newly formed 
 State for £1,800 a year from the central Treasury for its 
 governor's salary — £1,200 more for surveying its lands — 
 £11,000 more for the pay of a standing federal force to act as 
 its police, and that of the costliest kind, as any equivalent to 
 the Royal Engineers sent out to Columbia would be — ^£1,800 
 more for an Assay Office — and, as a last freak of impudence, 
 £2,000 more for unexplained contingencies ? What would the 
 English Parliament in the seventeenth century have said to 
 any one of these demands from a new colony ? 
 
 We vote, in the firth item of our estimates, £25,000 for 
 governors, and £15,000 more for magistrates of the West Indian 
 Islands, whose police expenses occupied a previous estimate. 
 The vagaries of English legislation with regard to those islands 
 have certainly violated all ordinary rules of policy : entitling their 
 inhabitants to make, and exposing us to meet, any sort of anom- 
 alous claim. The bygone spirit of territorial acquisitiveness, 
 and the magnanimity of universal philanthropy have left us an 
 inheritance of liabilities in that part of the world which we 
 might be glad to compound for by the sacrifice of every possible 
 imperial interest we have there, even including the right to cut 
 
33 
 
 logwood in Honduras, and the special privilege of protectorship 
 over the mosquitoes. 
 
 Our colonial connexion with all that part of the world, 
 including the Isthmus, produces literally no other result to 
 this country but frequent embroilment with foreign American 
 powers, and a frightful mortality among all the men we send 
 there. 
 
 Should that mortality, however, seem Insignificant to any 
 one, let him look at the next item in our estimates, and he will 
 find £15,000 a year more devoted to no other object than the 
 maintenance of those pest holes in the name of Colonies on the 
 deadly western coast of Africa, of which, when in 1785 it was 
 proposed to send convicts there, Burke said ** that the conse- 
 "quences of transportation were not meant to be deprivation of 
 " life : and of Gambia it might truly be said, that there all life 
 " dies, and all death lives." Whether ihese, and the valuable 
 possession of St. Helena, which stands next on our list, are 
 kept at all as Colonies, or in what light they present their 
 strange contrast with our former foreign possessions, it is diffi- 
 cult to say. We occupied Sierra Leone for the purpose of im- 
 porting free blacks, and Gambia for exporting slave blacks 
 under the Assiento Treaty, and we continue to sacrifice 
 Englishmen there in hopes of discouraging Slave Trade. In 
 the possession of St. Helena we have no apparent object. 
 
 The ninth item of these estimates exhibits another novelty 
 — the cost of abandoning territory ; in spite of which the last 
 accounts from South Africa intimate an intention of fresh 
 annexation, in the modern manner of colonization, in the same 
 quarter. 
 
 The last item I will notice iu the Colonial Estimates for 
 this year, and not the least remarkable, is the 10th, which 
 devotes £27,000, a reduced vote from £40,000 in previous 
 years, for " improving Kafirs." The imagination of a similar 
 charge upon the English Treasury, for enabling the Governors 
 
% 
 
 1: 
 
 lli> 
 
 fi<!: 
 
 ,i!i 
 
 ! I 
 
 : I' 
 
 :i 1 
 
 a4 
 
 of th(! Now England Colonies to make their own experiments 
 in the great work of civilizing the neiglilxjuring Indians — 
 wliich those Colonies themselves undert<K)k — would be an ob- 
 vious inconsistency with the spirit and history of those times. 
 
 ]Jut in no instance do the features of our existing colonial 
 system contrast more violently with those of our first system, 
 than in what are called Convict Colonies. How we arrived at 
 such an idea at all is a question belonging to my next topic for 
 consideration — the process of deterioration. The indignation 
 with which certain attempts to send convicts to America were 
 met by our old Colonists is well known ; and their proposal to 
 return cargoes of snakes. But the idea of a Convict Settlement 
 would scarcely come within the comprehension of the descendants 
 of Raleigh's adventurers, or receive a moment's toleration from 
 the inheritors of the spirit of the Pilgrim Fathers. 
 
 We have lately seen advertisements of the prosperity of 
 Western Australia; and it is said that that settlement has been 
 benefited by the receipt of convicts. Much in the same way 
 a gaol is benefited by the receipt of prisoners ; as it would 
 otherwise be empty and useless — a mere abode of paid officers 
 without any service to be paid for. Western Australia lives 
 merely on Government service. Its very neighbourhood is 
 hated, and all communication tabooed, by every decent colony ; 
 its name is a reproach; and its whole idea not so much in 
 contrast with, as absolutely antagonistic and injurious to, all 
 colonization. 
 
 A convict colony is the strongest instance possible of the 
 entire subversion of this country's fundamental principles in 
 colonizing. The colonial relation of equal rights must have 
 become obliterated, before the mother country would seek 
 from a colony the service of scavengers. "Moab is my 
 wash-pot," was the expression of Hebrew poetry for the utmost 
 degradation in subserviency of one community to another. 
 
 The gauge of this baser theory seems to comprehend all that 
 has startled us within its compass. The long denial of con- 
 
 . 
 
35 
 
 stitutional government — the retention of protection even after 
 that has W'n concodtnl — the language of some of our statosmcu 
 who gave evidence before the Committee, often corapliraeutary 
 to the " liWulity " of any colony which has bt^gun to pay 
 anything towards our expenses in maintaining it — the pitiful 
 attitude recently assumed by the Cape and New Zealand — all 
 is intelligible on the wide principle of coloniiU subserviency 
 and dependence, which embraces a convict colony. 
 
 IJut that there may be no doubt about the colonial theory 
 which this country now adopts, Lord Grey, the best authority, 
 and, as a Statesman, high-minded, and habitually taking the 
 largest views, even in explaining his own recommendation that 
 we should "return to our former and sounder colonial system," 
 lays down this as his basis : — " I think that the very notion 
 " of a colonial relation between this country and our pos- 
 " sessions implies protection 07i the one side, and obedience on the 
 " other, tvithin certain limits." — {Evid. 2,531.) 
 
 Lord John Russell, as Prime Minister, in 1850, made a 
 oration in the House of Commons, on colonial policy, 
 on introducing a bill for the government of the Australian 
 Colonies. (Corrected Copy, Ridgway, p. 17.) He explained his 
 benevolent object to be " to promote their capacity for self- 
 " government;" and his argument was, "that it is our bounden 
 " duty to maintain the Colonies which have been placed under 
 " our charge ; we cauaot get rid of the obligation to govern 
 " them for their benefit." Of this view of the subject, Mr. 
 Gladstone said {New Zealand Q-overnment Debate, 1852) : — 
 " An administrative establishment, effected by legislative 
 " enactments, or by the executive power of the Crown, and 
 ** by the funds of the people of England, is the root and trunk 
 " around which we now expect a colonial population to grow, 
 " under which, by degrees, that population is, according to our 
 " modem and most unhappy phrase, to be trained for freedom " 
 
 A leading weekly paper thus confidently anticipates the 
 judgment of its readers on the present claims of New 
 
 d2 
 
I 
 
 36 
 
 Zealand to protection, by this general proposition — "that 
 " the common sense view of colonial policy is at all events 
 " not to abandon a community of Englishmen to their own 
 " guidance, until there is a fair probability that they will 
 " be safe from external interference during the difficulties 
 "which belong to the early stages of constitutional govem- 
 " ment." {Saturday Review, September 21st.) 
 
 Thus widely far have we wandered from the constitutional 
 recognition of the common rights, powers, and liabilities of Eng- 
 lish citizens at home or abroad, till we have arrived at a theory 
 of " protecting obedient " colonies, " promoting their capacity 
 for self-government," nevertheless continuing to "maintain 
 and govern them as committed to our charge;"" and even 
 after self-government is given them, taking care not to 
 " abandon them to their own guidance," nor suffer them to 
 cope with their own difficulties. 
 
 6. — ^The Causes and Process of the Change -svhich 
 
 HAS TAKEN PLACE IN OUR CoLONIAL ReLATIi^NS. 
 
 5 r 
 
 m 
 
 i. ■[ 
 
 Lord Grey says, in his work on Colonial Policy, and 
 repeats, in his recent Evidence (2,529), that he believes " it 
 " was not till the time of the great revolutionary war with 
 " France, that nearly tJie whole burthen of the defence of 
 " the Colonies was undertaken by this country." That war 
 and this folly, no doubt, occurred about the same time ; but 
 tbey had little to do with each other. 
 
 After the separation of the American Colonies, our present 
 chief Colonies came into a relation with us which had a very 
 different original character from that of the colonization of 
 New England. .' ;' i^ ':;;k ' 
 
 Canada was conquered shortly before the loss of the thirteen 
 provinces. The attempt of the English Parliament to recover 
 from those provinces its share of the cost of that joint con- 
 quest, and to establish the right of taxing those Colonists 
 
37 
 
 where they were not represented, precipitated their resolution to 
 hold even to England less tenaciously than to English rights. 
 , England, perhaps fortunately for the rest of the world, 
 was unable to appreciate their value in common citizenship 
 with herself; and she got in exchange for her American 
 territory an old French military occupation, inhabited by 
 French Roman Catholics, with manners and habits, socially 
 and politically, the reverse of her own. 
 
 This was the turning point of our colonial relations. Into 
 Canada we at first introduced the civil law of England. All 
 offices were conferred on the British military and traders ; but 
 they treated with such contempt the French nohksse, that it 
 became necessarj', for peace and quiet, to restore the Cotttume 
 de Paris, and a Legislative Council was constituted by the 
 Quebec Bill, 1774, reserving taxation in the hands of the 
 Government, a la Frangaise. We soon had to fight with our 
 vigorous old Colonists for the possession of our new Colony, 
 and should inevitably have lost it to them, had not those 
 recent changes brought the only true defenee of any country 
 on our side — ^the goodwill and co-operation of its inhabitants. 
 On the termination of the American war, Mr. Pitt obtained 
 for Canada the external form of representative assemblies, 
 but withheld their life — the control over taxation. 
 
 The fretting of the English part of the Colony under a 
 Constitution English in form, French in spirit, and the general 
 incompatibility of the two races brought together in Canada, 
 encouraged, in 1812, another American iuvasion, which, how- 
 ever, the Canadian volunteers themselves, in the first i'^stauoe, 
 repelled. 
 
 Even under so imperfect a Constitution it had not yet 
 occurred to English Colonists to look to England to defend them 
 " in their first difficulties." Four battalions of militia, the Cana- 
 dian Voltigeurs, a fine corps especially suited to the country, 
 were organized, equipped, and officered by the yoimg Canadian 
 gentry. The troops of England were fully occupied elsewhere. 
 
38 
 
 "r 
 
 
 i 
 
 From tho peace of 1815 there were constant struggles 
 between our Government and the Canadians for the command 
 of their purse, complicated by the differences of race and re- 
 ligion ; which partial concessions, and Lord Durham's mis- 
 sion, only served to mitigate. Rebellion, and rebellion losses 
 charged on England, were the process by which, at length, 
 responsible government, and its own control over its own 
 revenue, were won by Canada. Halting at this stage of con- 
 stitutional revival, our colonial government then entered its 
 present anomalous phase, in which a colony is possessed of 
 free representative institutions, and England retains to herself 
 its garrison duties, as a trophy of her supremacy. 
 
 It is significant of the confusion which was already intro- 
 duced into our Statesmen's minds, at that time, on colonial 
 relations, that in a celebrated despatch to Lord Sydenham, 
 Governor-General of Canada, 14th October, 1839, Lord John 
 Russell thus argued that " responsible government " was im- 
 possible in a colony. " If we seek to apply such a principle 
 to a colony, we shall find ourselves at fault. The power 
 " for which a Minister is responsible in England, is not his 
 *' own power, but the power of the Crown, of which he is the 
 organ. It is obvious that the executive Councillor of a 
 " colony is in a situation totally different. The Governor, 
 under whom he serves, receives his orders from the Crown 
 " of England. But the colonial Council cannot be the 
 " advisers of the Crown of England. It may happen, 
 " therefore, that the Governor receives, at the same time, 
 " instructions from the Queen, and advice from his Council 
 
 " totally at variance It would have been 
 
 " impossible for any Minister to support in the Parliament 
 " of the United Kingdom the measures which a ministry, 
 " headed by M. Papineau, would have imposed on the Go- 
 " vemor of Lower Canada." As if the Crown having a 
 deputy in a colony gave it two-fold action, or made any dif- 
 ference in the constitution. The sole point in dispute was 
 
 (( 
 
 it 
 
 <( 
 
 <- 
 
 lii 
 
39 
 
 ^ 
 
 " 
 
 the responsibility of the local ministry to the colonial people, 
 liord John's difficulty was based on the supposition that 
 colonial legislation must in all things be made subservient 
 to the will of the English Parliament; which was running 
 on the old rock again on which American connexion split. 
 Englishmen will be represented in their own assembly. We 
 had to yield the point again in Canada ; and although a very 
 imperfect form of responsible government was then given, yet 
 this early history of Canada proves the impossibility of keep- 
 ing down a colony, in which even any infusion of British spirit 
 enters, as a bureaucratic dependency. 
 
 Lord Durham had well replied, before, to the assertion that 
 self-government would lead to separation, that, " on the con- 
 " trary, cessation of undue interference on our part would 
 " strengthen the bond of sympathy and interest ; the con- 
 " nexion would become more durable because more healthy, 
 '* by having more of equality, of freedom, and of local inde- 
 '* pendence. Even if incre£ised power gave increased national 
 " feeling, it was our first duty to secure the well being of our 
 " colonial countrymen, and to take good care that if evt r they 
 " were to separate from us, they should not be found unfit to 
 " govern themselves. " Canada had responsible go^ n ment con- 
 ceded in the amplest form, and has proved the truth of Lord 
 Durham's prediction, and theerror in Lord John Russell's theiuy. 
 She still wants the corollary of self-government — self-defence. 
 
 In the absence of the old spirit of colonization, there was 
 no restraint upon the natural tendency of a great maritime 
 nation to treat the rest of the world simply as made for its 
 own use. The first instance of such a tendency soon fol- 
 lowed the loss of our old Colonies. America had at last sub- 
 mitted to receive our convicts in the way of buying them 
 as slaves at £20 a head : though New England remonstrated 
 to the last against the practice. This mode of disposing of 
 our criminals being, in 1786, shut against us, it was proposed 
 to empty the crowded hulks in the Thames upon the west 
 
1 
 
 i 
 
 40 
 
 coast of Africa. The proposal was negatived in Parliament 
 on account of the unhealthiness of the African climate. The 
 discovery of New Holland by Captain Cook, offered a better 
 site for the novel experiment of a penal settlement : and an 
 English community sprung up in the Southern hemisphere, 
 of which the governor was head gaoler, the council consisted 
 of turnkeys, the revenue of English salaries, and the defences 
 of the English Governor's guard. 
 
 In this I recognize the mould of the new colonial forma- 
 tion ; and all the freedom which our present great Australian 
 Colonies have since acquired, chiefly by the national impetus 
 given them by their discovery of gold, has not yet obliterated 
 its traces, nor has even the self-government of Canada ftdly 
 regained the ancient type. 
 
 The South African is the only other great group of 
 Colonies which has been since attached to this empire. 
 
 The mode of its acquisition, alike with that of Canada 
 uncongenial with free colonization, is also strikingly illustrative 
 of the weakness of mere dependencies as distinguished from 
 what we used to call colonies. Probably Holland had wasted 
 millions in maintaining for a century and a half the garrison 
 at Cape Town, which in 1795 could only strike its flag to 
 the British fleet ; and though restored at the Peace of Amiens, 
 became prisoners a second time with equal facility on the 
 renewal of war. The government of this Colony, which had 
 under the Dutch been administered by District Councils, and 
 magistrates, was on its final occupation by Great Britain in 
 1806, committed to a military Governor sent from England. 
 In 1835, an Executive Council was formed, consisting of the 
 principal Government Officers, and the Commander of the 
 Forces ; and a Legislative Council nominated by the Crown. 
 In 1850, wholesale constituent powers were given to the 
 Colonists to form the perfectly free government which it now 
 enjoys, without however losing the character of a dependency, 
 having all its defences still undertaken by the mother country. 
 
^ 
 
 
 1^ 
 
 41 
 
 Even the Ionian Islands* Protectorate was looked upon as a 
 colonial acquisition ; and ranked with our Colonies. 
 
 Coincidently with these transitions in our colonial rela- 
 tions, significant changes have concurred in the name and 
 nature of the colonial office at home. 
 
 The Board of Trade and Plantations was the first designa- 
 tion of a colonial office in London ; and it is a monument of 
 the commercial views then taken of colonies, and of the strug- 
 gle which took place on the part of England to maintain 
 Navigation Acts, and on the part of the Colonies to evade 
 them. 
 
 The appointment of a Colonial Secret«>Ty of State, 1768, 
 marks the period of home interference which we have noted 
 as the origin of change in the principle of our colonial re- 
 lations. Now began the government of Colonies in Downing- 
 street. The Secretaryship ceased on the loss of the American 
 Colonies — " Othello's occupation " was " gone.** 
 
 In 1794, the business of the Colonies was carried on at the 
 Home Office, New South "Wales having then given a police 
 character to our colonial administration. 
 
 In 1801, it was transferred to the War Department, a 
 change suggested by our military occupation of conquests 
 during the war. 
 
 In 1816, Mr. Tiemey moved for the restoration of the 
 old colonial office ; but the Colonies had not, by that time, 
 recovered even the first step back towards former relations ; 
 Lord Castlereagh replied, that "the policy of this country 
 ** was founded on the conviction that it would not be wise to 
 " permit the erection of a local authority, in the shape of a 
 " Parliament in the Colonies of which Great Britain had ob- 
 " tained possession. Consequently the superintending control 
 " of the Colonial Secretary of State had been augmented.'* 
 
 Now that every colony, properly so called, has that " local 
 authority," one hardly knows what there is for the re- 
 established colonial office to do, beyond the management of 
 
42 
 
 a few Crown Colonies. Its chief work of late haa been to 
 present annually to Parliament a Blue Book of colonial sta- 
 tistics — the population, number of sheep, newly erected tele- 
 graphs, &c., of each colony — and to watch the operation of 
 the Passengers Act, for which it has also a separate office. 
 The War Office practically transacts all the remaining colonial 
 government business of this country. 
 
 In such manner, we have arrived at colonial relations 
 midway between those of former times, and the reverse into 
 which they had fallen ; i. e. between the freest self-government 
 and dependence. Our colonial result is a protected autonomy. 
 
 I M 
 
 6.— Reasons considered for making a complete Return 
 to former colonial relations, and arguments 
 against doing so refuted. 
 
 Lord Grey, in the introduction to his Colonial Policy^ 
 p. 10, well says, that " the abandonment of the old com- 
 " mercial system of this country towards the Colonies has not 
 " diminished the inetrest of the Colonies in their connexion 
 " with England, nor of England in the retention of the 
 " Colonies. The possession of a number of steady allies in 
 " various quarters of the globe adds strength to a nation, both 
 " physically and morally, and the advantage to the Colonies is 
 "far greater." - . :. ; . 
 
 In this sentiment I fully agree with Lord Grey ; but when 
 he further proceeds to explain what he means by this desirable 
 connexion, I find that, in his view (p. 17), the " steady 
 allies " are " to be assisted to govern themselves." 
 
 He fears that some haye had representative institutions 
 allowed to them prematurely ; but he would, nevertheless, 
 make them undertake their own defence. This, be says, 
 would be but to return to what was formerly the practice of 
 this country, which he calls (p. 44) a sounder system, 
 
 I cannot see why Canada and Australia i^Qold mot be pow 
 
 V 
 
4S 
 
 i 
 
 as ripe as Virginia and Massachusetts were a few years after 
 their settlement for representative institutions. At all events 
 they have them. To me, therefore, the conclusion comes, 
 a fortiori, that colonial self-defence is the sounder system. 
 
 It is the natural state of things that they who freely 
 govern themselves should maintain their own government. 
 It is specially the natural spirit of Englishmen to rely on them- 
 selves, and not to lean on others. It is the nature of our 
 race to propagate itself by seedlings, not by suckers. It is 
 even in the nature of things an impracticable system of 
 government to let distant communities devise their own policy, 
 follow their own interests, make their own neighbour wars, 
 and ft-om the centre of empire to undertake to maintain for 
 them their various policy, protect their interests, and fight 
 their wars. "We have not even the acquaintance with their 
 affairs to keep our Executive concurrent with them. How 
 laughable, the other day, was the exhibition of ignorance upon 
 the strength of which Parliament resolved to furnish men and 
 miouey for the New Zealand Native war, the local authors of 
 which were almost immediately afterwards discredited ! 
 
 Besides, the utmost amount of protection which in the 
 way of garrisons we could possibly afford to all the Colonies, 
 must be wbolly ineffectual for their security. If England 
 ever lost the command of the seas in a war, no one would 
 expect those garrisons to supply the means of local defence 
 with which a spirited and devoted people accustomed to the 
 use of arms could supply themselves. Those very garrisons 
 have displaced and superseded the first and best defence. In 
 Mr. Lowe's words {JBvid. 3,405), " every English soldier in a 
 colony prevents a hundred colonists from taking up arms and 
 driUing." 
 
 If we would make our colonial protection in any degree re- 
 place the strength it has displaced, we must first, according to 
 Sir J. Burgoyne's Evidence (App. No. 7), spend £1,000,000 in 
 completing colonial fortifications. To garrison those fortifica- 
 
44 
 
 I 
 
 ^i 
 
 it 
 
 1! 
 
 If' 
 
 I ■ ■ I) 
 
 Pi 
 
 ■I'- 
 
 ! ' 
 
 I ! i 
 
 fl 
 
 tions would occupy an increasingly large proportion of our army 
 in the most precarious kind of service. For our home-defence 
 we must then have much more recourse to mercenaries, and if 
 we are to he ready to take our proper part in such wars as 
 we have been recently involved in, foreign legions with all 
 their hazardous enlistment, and German regiments with their 
 expensive terms of disbanding, must be our substitute for the 
 English troops, which we have scattered over the world. It 
 seems enough to condemn the present system that during the 
 late war we should have sent our troops to Kafraria, hired a 
 German Legion in their place for home-service, and finally 
 disbanded the Legionaries by settling them as colonists in 
 Kafraria ; or that, as the Duke of Newcastle tells us he be- 
 lieves {Evid, 2,962), five supplementary regiments were sent 
 by us to Canada in 1856, in anticipation of differences with 
 the United States about our recruiting among them, — that 
 is, that having first scattered our own troops about the 
 Colonies, we made a fresh enemy in an attempt to hire 
 foreigners to fill their place, and then had to increase the 
 colonial detachments to confront that enemy. The conclu- 
 sion to which the Select Committee came was, "that the 
 " tendency of modem warfare being to strike blows at the 
 " heart of a hostile power, it is therefore desirable to con- 
 ** centrate the troops required for the defence of the United 
 " Kingdom as much as possible, and to trust mainly to naval 
 " supremacy for securing against foreign aggression the distant 
 " dependencies of the Empire." {Report, s. 19.) 
 
 In fact, every part of the Empire should raise its own means 
 of defence at home, and at the sound of danger all should be 
 ready to rally round the threatened point, the ocean being our 
 proper medium of national intercommunication, and every 
 enemy being made aware that on his temporary success in 
 any quarter, the vengeance of the whole Empire waits. 
 
 I recollect the late Prussian Minister, De Bunsen, who 
 was well acquainted with our affairs, remarking that it was 
 
46 
 
 
 fortunate for other nations that England suppressed as she 
 did the development of her strength throughout the world. 
 It may be fortunate for others, but I am not content myself 
 to see England presenting herself among other nations, when 
 any emergency arises, as the weakest instead of the strongest 
 of the world's powers — contributing subsidies of money instead 
 of men to her allies — as a tributary rather than co-ordinate 
 in war. I cannot rejoice like a Prussian, in seeing England 
 employ a portion of her forces in preventing the service of 
 four-fold more, while she reduces herself to be an applicant 
 for mercenaries from other countries to enable her to fulfil her 
 obligations. 
 
 If, like Athens under Themistocles, we received quotas of 
 men or money from a confederacy, to furnish in return a 
 common defence — or if, like Spain, England reserved a feudal 
 tribute from all the products of dependent colonies in lieu of 
 personal service — or if, like the Dutch, our Government em- 
 barked itself in the colonial commerce, and made a revenue 
 from it which it would be their business to protect — in 
 any such case we might fairly be expected to bear the 
 burthen of our own undertaking. But why should all the 
 autonomous communities which now make up the British 
 Empire — from vigorous Canada to the golden Englands 
 of the south — quarter themselves on the deeply-mortgaged 
 patrimony of the mother-country, to which they bring no 
 other profit than any foreigner brings, with whom she 
 may have commercial dealings ? Can youth or poverty 
 be their plea? or is it the pride of old England on which 
 they impose, which makes her reckless of an extra million 
 of annual expense, to treat her family as she thinks becomes 
 her dignity? Mr. Lowe told the Committee (Uvid. 3,411) 
 that the Victorians are wise enough to see that even paying 
 English soldiers is their cheapest mode of providing themselves 
 with a police. But it is not so easy for the English tax-payer 
 to see why he should reduce the police expenses of Victoria. 
 
46 
 
 We have recently heard that the Attorney-General at Mel- 
 bourne made his fortune on his first arrival, as counsel for the 
 Ballarat rioters, being then an English Barrister of one year's 
 standing. Cannot a Government afford to pay for a police in a 
 country where the rioters can pay 1 ,000-guinea-fee8 for their 
 Counsel ? 
 
 But against all these reasons for colonies contributing their 
 own strength to the common stock, it is urged that we should 
 lose all remaining connexion with the colonies if we withdrew 
 our constant protection from them. Mr. Roebuck asks {Uvid. 
 3,787), would not a colony, allowed to do what it likes, and to 
 protect itself, bo independent ? The answer is, that the con- 
 nexion with a colony on the same terms of citizenship with 
 ourselves must be stronger, because healthier and more natural, 
 than on terms of dependence. National affinities, and com- 
 mercial interests, and partnership in a great name, are strong 
 ties with us, which would not be weakened, but strengthened, 
 by a Colony taking its full share with the rest of the Empire 
 in the distribution of responsibilities, the habit of fulfilling 
 which especially constitutes the national character. 
 
 I agree with Mr. Lowe {Uvid. 3,407), that the constant 
 presence of imperial troops in colonies tends to shorten, 
 instead of prolonging, their connexion with the parent state. 
 In time of peace there should be no imperial troops in any 
 colony (3,370). If it has the least disposition to separate, a 
 few troops will not restrain it, but, on the contrary, may very 
 likely commit it in hostilities. The handful of troops which 
 England sends is not the inducement to a colony to adhere 
 to her, but her vast power which is unseen behind them 
 (3,402). 
 
 Mr. Fortescue, however, representing the Colonial Office on 
 Mr. Mills's Committee, suggests {Hvid. 1,368 — 72) that we 
 should take warning from the example of our first American 
 Colonies, now become foreign powers, and possible enemies. 
 
47 
 
 \ / 
 
 But, if ho must allow that giving every part of the Em- 
 pire free exercise of self-action, i. c, the habit of acting for 
 itself, and looking to itself for the safety of its own a£fairs, 
 is the only way to secure health, and vigour, and civic 
 virtue throughout its length and breadth ; surely even if the 
 ultimate separation of distant governments from the central 
 sovereignty were a possible result from this process of de- 
 velopment of vigour, he would not thence infer an argument 
 for checking that development, and crippling that vigour. 
 He would hardly propose clipping the young eagles' wings 
 because former broods had found escape from torment by 
 flight. I have already given proof enough, that it was not 
 their independent conduct of their own affairs which led to 
 the separation of the American Colonies. When they raised 
 their own forces like the rest of the Empire, and fought like 
 other Englishmen, and other Englishmen fought with them at 
 need, their attachment to England grew so strong that the 
 best judges denied to the last the possibility of our change of 
 treatment ending, as it did, in separation. If Canada now 
 raised an adequate militia for her own requirements, and 
 garrisoned her own forts, and ceased to look for men or pay 
 from England, until the occasion of war might call the forces 
 of the Empire together, would she feel less inclined to remain 
 in her allegiance by an increased sense of equal treatment 
 and common action with her fellow-subjects at home ? Should 
 we feel afraid of her consequently becoming a foreign power, 
 and possibly an enemy ? Is this why we are afraid to trust 
 her with arms, and continue to treat her as a dependency ? 
 
 Lord Russell, in a recent speech at Newcastle, took pride 
 to himself, in reflection on his past career, that he had not 
 been as other Ministers in less happy countries who " consider 
 " it a part of the duty of government to fetter and bind the 
 " talents and abilities of men." Is he sure that this has 
 not been his " colonial policy " all his life ? Is he content 
 
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 48 
 
 with such abstinence from meddling only at home, and does 
 distance lend enchantment to what seems to him so oifensivo 
 in a nearer view Y 
 
 But there are others who, granting that every part of the 
 Empire ought to act alike, and, controlling its own affairs, should 
 vote and furnish its own equipment, urge on us the unfairness of 
 throwing particular charges which properly belong to the whole 
 Empire on any one locality. Let it pass that that is the very 
 unfairness of which I am complaining on the part of England ; 
 let us see how it may be urged on the part of a colony. 
 
 The Duke of Newcastle says {^vid. 2,961), that Nova 
 Scotia, for instance, should no more be taxed in men or money 
 for the garrison of Halifax than the coimty of Hailipshire for 
 the garrison of Portsmouth. But that is exactly the parallel 
 I wish to establish. Let the two cases be treated alike in 
 demand of men and money, and my principle is conceded. 
 True it is that New England, with a smaller population, 
 wholly defended Boston, a place of great imperial importance 
 — ^but I will not ask the utmost application of such precedents. 
 The taxes and men voted for our military estimates are 
 furnished by Hampshire in common with the rest of the 
 kingdom, but no part of the men or money which maintain 
 the garrison of Halifax are voted and furnished by the Nova- 
 Scotian legislature ; and even though Halifax be an imperial 
 fortress, yet Nova Scotia is part of the Empire. The small- 
 ness of its interest is the worst of all arguments for its being 
 overlooked. (Duke of Newcastle, Mid. 3,021.) So also it is 
 replied against arguments for community of responsibilities, 
 that a West Indian Island, though self-governed, could not 
 wholly protect itself. The answer is, that though no small 
 territory can find sufficient men or money to defend itself in 
 all cases ; yet its being detached and self-governed does not 
 properly relieve it, in its degree, of the duties of citizenship 
 which it would have to bear as an integral part of England ; 
 but its self-government demands that its share of men and 
 
 *. '■ 
 
49 
 
 [ 
 
 monoy should bo raised on the spot : and that would be always 
 sufficient for internal order ; and its general protection would 
 be the same — whether so detached or not — namely, the com- 
 mon power of the Empire. In fact, its self-government makes 
 it the only judge as well as controller of its own requirements 
 for peace and security, and throws upon it the solo responsi- 
 bility for its own disturbance. 
 
 It is a good illustration of the arbitrariness of the colonial 
 protective principle that Ceylon, treated apart from India, has 
 her defence undertaken by England ; treated as part of India, 
 she would have her full share of military and other burthens 
 to bear in common with all India; not, as Sir George Grey 
 intimates (Question 2,564, Uvid.), separately by herself, but 
 as subjects of a Government which, coterminously with its 
 revenue, raises over its whole area the moans required for its 
 defence. 
 
 But then, it is said, even if England should not undertake 
 to protect her Colonies, still she must place a few of her own 
 troops in each as a nucleus around which they may rally, and 
 which would assist them in their military organization (Lord 
 Herbert's ^vid. 3,641). Others say, we must send a few 
 troops as "a guard to the governors" (Uvid. 329), or as 
 " emblems of the connexion with the mother country " (Uvid. 
 335), which Lord Herbert called the sentimental view of the 
 subject (Mid. 3,630). 
 
 All these are new colonial notions bred from the habits of 
 the new regime. 
 
 I will consider first the necessity of a permanent nucleus 
 of English troops, round which the ordinary colonial forces, 
 whatever they may be, may organize themselves. There is 
 no Colony which it is so important for us to keep in sound 
 relations with ourselves as Canada. I will, therefore, consider 
 this point in connexion with that, as the strongest case for my 
 opponents. 
 
 The number of troops which the highest authorities, in- 
 
^_ 
 
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 ■;^ i 
 
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 ii '■ J 
 
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 50 
 
 oluding Lord Grey, Lord Elgin, and the Duke of Newcastle, 
 agree in thinking to be necessary as such a nucleus in Canada, 
 is one regiment of the line, which, with the Canadian Rifles, 
 should hold Quebec and Kingston (JEvid. 2,948). The question, 
 then, is, whether these regiments should be raised, and paid, 
 ptid sent by England, or consist ot Canadians, or, at least, be 
 put on the votes of the Canadian Parliament. It is certain 
 that our old Colonies worJd have inpisted on this last condition 
 as essential to their rights. I have already (p. 10) related the 
 answer of Virginia to James I. even in an hour of peril, 
 refusing to receive English troops on any other terms. Let 
 Canada, however, by all means, look to England in the hour 
 of peril, and England look to her in her hour of jJer.il also; 
 but if the sight of English red-coats, at all times, has become 
 a needful support of Canadian confidence, and English pay has 
 ceased to be resented as a symptom of dependence, we must 
 bow humbly under the conviction thai Canada is no longer 
 inhabited by men like those who conquered her. Even in 
 1812 she needed no nucleus round which to organize a power- 
 ful militia ; though then the ancient colonial spirit was so 
 far changed that she permitted England to furnish her militia 
 „dth arms and pay. But the incidence of cost is only im- 
 portant as indicating the seat of responsibility (Mr. Gladstone's 
 Mid. 3,795). 
 
 Mr. Merivale, who for many years was a very able Under- 
 Secretary of State in the Colonial Office, told the Committee 
 {Uvid. 2,439), that the English ti'oops in Now Brunswick are 
 meant for little else than as a guard of honour to the Governor. 
 But he allows that being so sent they are taken as a sort of pledge 
 that England undertakes their entire defence, and that; they a;'e 
 thereby deterred from taking -^^ny steps or care for their own 
 security No wonder a Prize-Essay, which I have lately seen, 
 emanating from the literary Institutions of that Colony, describes 
 New Brunswick as " a noble example of the greatness which 
 " may be achieved by tw industrious people protected by a 
 
 ,- 
 
51 
 
 '* powerful and liberal parent state." A Provincial Governor'* 
 " guaid of honour " would bo more creditably and safely fur- 
 nished by those about him : and as for an " emblem of the 
 " Queen of England's sovereignty," a handful of troops from 
 England serves much rather lO mark a limitation of a sove- 
 reignty, which cin only levy men at home for whatever part 
 of an extensive Empire they may be needed, even for the 
 mere purpose of parade. The prestige of empire would be 
 better illustrated by all possible varieties of race and costume 
 parading all over the world under England's flag, and muster- 
 irg everywhere to the sound of our national anthem. The 
 poor idea of a reiterated display of home troops wherever 
 our flag appears, reminds me rather of a scene in the Unequal 
 Match, in which two or three soldiers are seen perpetually 
 rushing from post to post to increase the apparent strength of 
 the little army of some wretched German Grand-Duke. 
 
 There are other men who, laughing at the fancy policy of 
 emblematic and parade detachments of the army, think a few 
 English soldiers very necessary in every Colony to keep it from 
 commercial antagonism to the mother country. " We should 
 " sooL ha\e Morrill tariffs in Canada, if we withdrew our 
 " gamsons," I heard one spy — a singular example of that 
 supercilious ignorance of everything beyond our immediate 
 vision in which this imperial nation much resembles ancient 
 Rome ; and which of itself is condemnatory of our preten- 
 sions to govern distant colonies. That independent colonial 
 action which, it is supposed, might result from the withdrawal 
 of English troops is now in full exercise, in the presence of 
 our troops, indeed under the sole projection of our troops. 
 Mr. Gladstone repliea to Mr. Ellice's question {JSvid. 3,785) 
 ** whether the old Colonies were not more independent thun the 
 present," that " on the contrary, it would undoubtedly not 
 " have been permitted to those Colonies to exorcise any power 
 " to legislate adversely to the mother countiy, whereas we 
 " have recent experience in Canada that even that power 
 
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 52 
 
 " may be exercised by our present Colonies with a view of 
 " raising up a protected interest against the commerce of the 
 " mother country." The truth is, in Mr. Godley's words, (see 
 Report, Appendix 321) — " political conditions have little to do 
 " with such matters ; they are mainly governed by economical 
 " considerations, i.e., by the varying productions and wants of 
 " the people." Our present colonial relations are no prevention 
 against commercial antagonism. 
 
 Some are ready to recognize an equitable claim on the 
 part of colonies, to protection from the metropolis, in whose 
 councils they are not r^resented, or have no actual voice ; 
 inasmuch as they are, or may be, involved in wars over which 
 their Assemblies have not as much control as th^ Home 
 Parliament. 
 
 If this be a fair principle, our historical application of it 
 has been certainly capricious. Mr. Gladstone observes (JSvid, 
 3,784), *' that the primary responsibility for self-defence, (which 
 " is all that is contended for,) was borne by our old Colonies under 
 ''* circumstances when they were almost certain to be drawn 
 " into entirely English quarrels, and to be made, directly, the 
 " subject of contest among European powers — a state of things 
 " to which, with our present ideas, we can hardly have a 
 " parallel." 
 
 Does England now draw her Colonies, or her Colonies draw 
 her, into most war? If England were a foreign power to 
 them, instead of being their shield against the interference of 
 all foreign powers, they would soon learn how they might be 
 more involved in war. They have, on the other hand, themselves 
 the chief influence in Imperial implication in war. It is their 
 being spread over all the world which brings us in contact, at 
 so many points, with the sensibilities, jealousies, and cupidities 
 of other nations, and which makes a war so wide a concern to 
 us. Though the Irish temperament enters into but one-third 
 of our national composition, we cannot help our skirts of em- 
 pire being spread about the earth, on which any one may 
 
58 
 
 tread his challenge. What brought us to the verge of hos- 
 tilities on the Maine boundaryj or, more lately, on the Mus- 
 quito shore, or at St. Juan's, or about the Newfoundland 
 fisheries ; or why are we now sending troops to Canada ? As 
 the Times says, in reflection on present events, " If Canada had 
 " not been a British possession, there would have been no 
 " reviling of England, no warlike demonstrations against Eng- 
 " land, and no outrages committed on the English flag." I say 
 nothing of millions of our taxes consumed in Kafir and Maori 
 campaigns. Little interest or control has the British Parliament 
 had in the incurring of any of these costly liabilities on behalf 
 of Colonies. 
 
 Far be it fi-om me to deny that the practical exclusion of 
 colonial legislatures from immediate control on the supreme 
 Executive demands some fair consideration ; but is there not a 
 compensation in the partnership with a nation which few dare 
 threaten, and which will never fail to rally round its own when 
 danger comes ? 
 
 The fear that colonists may expect to hav« the command 
 of troops which they raise or pay for, is more specious than 
 real. If they pay for the troops they command, they may 
 safely be allowed to command the troops they pay. Their 
 forces will chiefly consist of militia. Even the United States, 
 at the breaking out of the present war, had about 3,000,000 
 militia to 12,000 regulars. That colonies should assume a 
 diflerent foreign policy from that of the mother country, would 
 be less likely in proportion as they took a real part themselves 
 in maintaining the same policy. If the supposition be not 
 altogether chimerical, at all events the mere withdrawal of an 
 English regiment will not give it probability. 
 
 Lastly, there may perhaps exist a lurking misgiving in the 
 Ministerial class of minds lest the Crown should lose some 
 patronage, when every Colony assumes its individual action as 
 a component part of the Empire ; and that it is as well for the 
 Crown to hold fast remaining shreds of patronage, in demo- 
 
54 
 
 cratic days, rather than speculate on the increase of imperial 
 power which a developed policy might give. 
 
 But the concession of self-government, which is already 
 past retracting, was the real hazard of colonial patronage ; and 
 if Victoria, for example, still continues ungrudging — nay, 
 lavish — of her salaries to the Crown's representatives, she is 
 not likely to dispute that, or any other appointment, merely 
 because, as a corollary of her free Constitution, her military 
 expenditure, as well as her civil list, should be voted among 
 the Estimates of her own Legislature. 
 
 On the whole consideration of the question between com- 
 pleting the return to our original colonial relations, or halting 
 half-way, where we are now — retaining the duties,' having 
 conceded the rights, of colonial government — I think every 
 man's deliberate judgment must incline towards the completion 
 of the policy, on the course of which we have, by the force 
 of national tendencies, been led to go so far already. 
 
 W J ' 1 
 
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 !•:*; 
 
 7. — ^The Manner in which a complete Return to our 
 ORIGINAL Colonial Relations might be safely and 
 satisfactorily effected. 
 
 Though the step to be taken is but the complement of a 
 reform half effected already, yet no change whatever in re- 
 lations so important, as those between our Colonies and our- 
 selves, should be made abruptly. 
 
 It is not from any want of appreciation of the value of 
 colonial connexion that I advocate the completion of colonial 
 self-government, but because I consider no interest this country 
 has is more important. Besides the pride and natural sym- 
 pathy which makes us hold in high respect our relationship 
 with countries peopled with our kindred, of the same qualities 
 and habits which we value in ourselves, and brought into a 
 community of policy by the same allegiance ; there are ma- 
 terial advantages also on both sides, which prompt a due 
 
55 
 
 regard and consideration for tlie maintenance of mutual friend- 
 ship. It is because I conceive that while the Colonies depend 
 on England for the means of their ordinary administration, 
 thoy can never, even though they have free Constitutions, be on 
 equal terms of fellow-citizenship with ourselves, that I wish 
 our relations with them to bo made sound, in order that they 
 may be cordial and lasting. Even if Canada, or Australia, 
 may become ultimately so great and flourishing, by means of 
 self-reliance, that their partnership in government with us may 
 be no longer possible, I would prepare for a transition from 
 fellowship to alliance no less friendly, by removing every cause 
 of jealousy or incapacity by which the process of transition 
 might take the form of rupture, or the subsequent intercourse 
 be tainted with any bitter recollections. 
 
 My fear is, that the imperfection of our existing colonial 
 relations has greatly perverted the feeling of the colonial 
 populations. I find a proof of this in the answer I have 
 already cited from the Canadians to our proposition for build- 
 ing more forts on their frontier, which answer amoimted to 
 " what have we to do with that ? " (See p. 26.) 
 
 On the other hand, the necessity for correcting this evil 
 has not yet taken hold of the public mind of England in any 
 degree commensurate with its grave importance. Therefore, 
 I say, borrowing Mr. Gladstone's words (Hvid. 3,829), " we 
 " have now so long maintained the system of providing for the 
 " ordinary purposes of colonial defence, and even of police, by 
 " means of a British force, and at the cost of the British ex- 
 " chequer, that, when we take into consideration the fact that 
 " all political modes of thought are very much connected with 
 " habit and tradition, I am not sanguine enough to believe 
 " that a sound state of opinion could bo established in a day." 
 
 There is this advantage in the gross inequality of our 
 present treatment of various Colonies relatively — our taking 
 payment for military assistance from those who are willing to 
 pay, and asking for no payment where we anticipate refusal — 
 
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 56 
 
 that it will facilitate a gradual and occasional mode of reform — 
 " keeping it," as Mr. Gladstone suggests (Bvid. 3,793), " in 
 " view, prosecuting it with great steadiness, as opportunities 
 " shall oflfer, and bringing it before the attention of this 
 " country." 
 
 The silliest mode of proceeding would be, one suggested by 
 some, that we should wait for the colonists to express their 
 own readiness to give up our assistance. 
 
 What my proposition would ultimately amount to would 
 be the withdrawal of all English troops from Canada, Aus- 
 tralia, New Zealand, South Africa,^ and the West Indies, in 
 time of peace, excepting such English troops as any of those 
 Colonies might be allowe(l to take upon their own establishment 
 temporarily ; and tht entire removal of all votes for colonial 
 civil services from our own Parliamentary Estimates. 
 
 I would have the Canadian Government, in the right time 
 and manner, informed that after a certain date, unless war 
 were going on, they would have to provide for their own 
 garrisons, as well as all their requisite peace establishments, 
 as they might deem fit ; and that they should be prepared to 
 hold their own in case of foreign attack, at least till the forces 
 of the Empire could come to their aid. 
 
 The Australians should likewise be cautioned that war alone 
 could, after some future day, bring any more English forces to 
 their shores ; that if their gold diggers dgain want to drive 
 Chinese away from a place like Lambing Flat, they must 
 settle such a point with their own Government ; or if riots 
 recur like those of Ballarat, they must provide for their sup- 
 pression. No one will complain of the withdrawal of English 
 troops except the public-house keepers, conunissariat con- 
 tractors, and young ladies. (See Mr. Lowe's Uvid. 3,410.) 
 
 In New Zealand the Imperial Government must abandon 
 its control over Native policy ; and, having laid the basis of 
 an impartial management of affairs with reference to both 
 races, leave the Colony to defend its own. 
 
67 
 
 The South Afirican Colonists shoiJd bo prepared to lose tho 
 eighty-one English soldiers who are now supposed to hold the 
 whole Capo Town Diblrlut for them ; and the Dutch boers to 
 look after their own cattle, or not expose them to Kafir depre- 
 dation. Tho primary responsibility for the safety of their 
 property being thrown on them, they will not rush carelessly 
 into war ; war having arisen, they may look, as English sub- 
 jects, for English help — but only for help ; and England must 
 alike abstain from voting £40,000 a year for their Governor 
 to make experiments in civilizing Kafirs, and £400,000 a year 
 for shooting them. 
 
 The Governors of "West Indian Islands must be instructed 
 to call on the proprietors to form their own police, no less in 
 Trinidad, for instance, than they already do in Antigua ; 
 and to liberate English troops from a service, of which Lord 
 Grey quotes Colonel Tulloch (JSvid. 2,552), as saying " that 
 " a man incurred more danger from passing one year in 
 " Jamaica than fighting in three such battles as that of 
 " Waterloo." 
 
 All this will require time, but should be done in time. 
 The Select Committee, in the eleventh paragraph of their 
 Beport, seem to suggest the right mode of proceeding, namely 
 that of Lord Grey in 1851, when, as Colonial Minister, he 
 announced to the Australian Colonies his policy, without 
 making it a subject of negotiation with them. 
 
 I say nothing of the withdrawal of troops from stations, 
 whether held for " coaling," as the Falkland Islands, or for 
 some indefinite object, as " calling-places en route for India," 
 as St. Helena ; any obstruction to our use of which in case of 
 war, we might at the time remove more efiectually than we can 
 by all our present garrisons prevent. This is a distinct branch 
 of my subject upon which I need not enter. 
 
 I make but one further proposition, that I would abandon 
 all thought of expending any of the £1,000,000 which Sir 
 John Burgoyne tells \xb (Appendix, No. 7) is required to com- 
 
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 58 
 
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 If 
 
 :%:U. l[ 
 
 
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 pleto our colonial fortifications now in progress, excepting from 
 his list, as not colonial, what is necessary for such places as 
 Gibraltar, Malta, and Bermuda. 
 
 I hope I may have given, satisfactorily to your judgment, 
 certainly at a time when the subject is most important, if not 
 urgent, a fair comparison between our former and existing 
 Colonial system ; and strong reasons for restoring the former, 
 all the stronger for the transitional character of our present 
 position. Of our present system, I take my leave with Lord 
 Grey's reflection on its salient feature {Evid. 2,578). " It is 
 " the greatest blunder that can be committed, that we should 
 ** on the one hand tell the Colonists that we will be responsible 
 " for the cost of war, and take upon ourselves the burthen of 
 " defending them ; and that, on the other hand, they should have 
 " the power of regulating the policy which may make a war 
 " necessary or not." 
 
 I cannot conclude without a reference to one, whose mind 
 has furnished all the wisdom I may have collected on this 
 subject, and to whom, if I mistake not, most of those who have 
 the credit of the partial restoration of our colonial constitutions 
 are greatly indebted — ^whose irreparable loss I have had to de- 
 plore while these lines were being written — John Robert Godley, 
 Under-Secretary of State for War. He was what the Greeks 
 called (Ekist to the Canterbury Settlement in New Zealand, the 
 first settlement that Englishmen have made in this century at 
 all in the revived spirit of our early colonization. Its un- 
 checked success and rapid growth in wealth and numbers is 
 the best testimony to the soundness of its principle. The same 
 testimony I call in favour of what its Founder considered to be 
 the necessary corollary of that established principle. 
 
 I am, 
 
 Faithfidly yours, 
 
 C. B. ADDERLEY. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 M 
 
 1. — Extracts from Evidence given before the Select Committee on 
 Colonial Military Expenditure by John Robert Godley, Esq., 
 Under-Secretary of State for War, and a Member of the Depart- 
 mental Committee which reported to Parliament in 1859, on 
 Military Defences. 
 
 [Mr. Godley's further remarks upon the Departmental Report, 
 in the Appendix to the Report of the Select Committee, No. 19, 
 p. 319, are well worth reading.] 
 
 Evid. 2069. The essential principle of colonial defence, is colo- 
 nial responsibility and management: the contribution of the Im- 
 perial Government, if any, should be of money only. This was the 
 system pursued with the old American Colonies : Parliament having 
 been in the habit of voting sums of money to compensate them for 
 any disproportionate expenditure incurred by them in the common 
 cause. 
 
 2070, Englishmen have never shown themselves slow in de- 
 fending themselves; and, as a matter of fact, the old American 
 Colonies, to whom the responsibility was entirely left, did success- 
 fully defend themselves, so that there was not one of them conquered 
 during the period during which that system was pursued. 
 
 2072. The analogy between the circumstances of the old American 
 Colonies, and those of the present day, is complete as regards this 
 question. 
 
 2195. They had, as an immediate neighbour, a far more for- 
 midable power, for aggressive purposes, than the United States, 
 viz., the French ; and on the other side, a more formidable naval and 
 military power, the Spaniards: so that the danger to our New 
 England Colonies from foreign aggression was infinitely greater than 
 the danger of Canada from aggression by the United States. 
 
 2071. The plan of throwing the responsibility of defending them- 
 selves on the colonies^ is the most efiectual way of defending them, 
 and they are less effectually defended by our garrisons, which are 
 uniformly inadequate, whilst the fact of their presence renders the 
 colonists unprepared to defend themselves. If the South Carolinians 
 at the present time had been in the habit of trusting to a federal 
 
60 
 
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 !'^ 
 
 garrison to defend them, thoy would not have taken half snch 
 vJgorouB or effectual measures of self-defence, as they have done. 
 
 2074. Very possibly a nucleus of British soldiers is an important 
 element in the defence of the colonies, and if the colonies think so, 
 they may carry such a plan into effect, provided England can spare 
 the troops. 
 
 2099. If the colonies defrayed the cost, there would be less, ob- 
 jection to scattering British troops over the world ; but even then I 
 should not think it a good plan ; but if we could spare the troops, we 
 might acquiesce in it, in deference to the general principle of letting the 
 colonists settle for themselves the best way of defending themselves. 
 
 2100. It would be better for them to arm and train their own 
 people; the main object being to throw upon them the habit and 
 responsibility of self-defence ; it is a secondary object to diminish 
 imperial expenditure. 
 
 2115. It would depend on the colonists themselves whethejr their 
 local forces should be confined to the colonies in which they are 
 raised. In the times of the old colonies of North America, they were 
 not so, but made war on the ling's enemies in other parts of the 
 world. 
 
 2176. The colonies undertaking the first responsibility, we shouL" 
 contribute our quota towards their external defences on the ground 
 that they are involved in England's foreign policy. 
 
 2108. That is the ground of their only claim on the mother 
 country for protection. 
 
 2177. On the other hand, England is often involved in warfare by 
 colonial interests and relations. Within the last twenty years, we have 
 been three or four times on the verge of war with America, upon 
 purely colonial questions in which this country was not interested. 
 
 2076. The change I propose in the present system should be 
 effected as Lord Grey effected his change in the plan of defending 
 the Australian Colonies, which produced no permanent discontent. 
 If the terms on which imperial troops would be sent were simply 
 announced, the colonists would have to acquiesce, and in a little time 
 they would consider it, as the old colonists did, a matter of pride and 
 privilege to defend themselves. 2,077. 
 
 2063. The action of imperial troops in New Zealand lately has 
 not been satisfactory to the colonists. 
 
 2164. Mr. Fitzgerald, Superintendent of Canterbury, and Prime 
 Minister of the colony at the time, thus writes : " Government 
 " formally declines our offer to volunteer to the Taranaki war. The 
 *' Queen's army is hanging like an incubus on the colony, doing 
 " nothing itself, and preventing any one else." 
 
 2188. I know that all the colonists are dissatisfied with the way 
 the war has been carried on. 
 
 ^ 
 
61 
 
 , 
 
 2080. I think, If tho English Qovernment wore to withdraw its 
 garrisonfl from the forts of Quebec and KingHton, tho inhabitants of 
 Canafla would undertake the defence of them. 
 
 2003. I have never seen a foreign criticism upon the power of 
 England, without observing that the writer considered the necessity 
 of protecting colonics all over the world, as tho main element of our 
 weakness. 
 
 2691. It appears to mo, that if those stations which wo keep for 
 coaling, and refitting ships, are essential to the interests of the 
 empire ; the better plan would be, if we were stronger at sea, to 
 occupy them when war broke out ; if we were not stronger at sea, 
 our garrisons would be inoifectual in defending them. The plan now is 
 to scatter garrisons over the world, on the chance that they may be 
 wanted. ' I should propose keeping the troops at home, and sending 
 them to the place where they were wanted when war broke out. The 
 Bahamas happen to be a case peculiarly in point. I find that we 
 spend about 40,000/. a year on their defences : so that since the peace 
 of 1814, we have spent nearly two millions of money, in defending 
 the Bahamas ; and during all that time, we have never had a force 
 there that could have resisted the crews of two frigates. 
 
 2094. The circumstances of the West Indies are not such as to 
 call for the necessity of our paying for their police, any more than 
 for their roads, or their civil officers. 
 
 2170. I think that under any circumstances, they would prefer 
 connexion with the English, to connexion with any other power. 
 
 2117. I do not think that the entire withdrawal of British soldiers 
 would tend to lessen imperial feeling in any of the colonies. 
 
 2123. If any colony deliberately desired to separate from this 
 country, it would not be desirable to retain its allegiance by force. 
 
 2. — Extracts from Evidence given by The Eight Hon. W. E. 
 
 Gladstone. M.P. 
 
 8768. The greatest difficulty attached to the subject of our colonial 
 military expenditure, is the uninformed and immature, and generally 
 indifferent state of public opinion upon it in this country. 
 
 3780. To arrive at a system under which the primary respon- 
 sibility of self-defence by land should be thrown on the colonists 
 themselves, would be not only an immense advantage to the British 
 Exchequer, but would have many still more important and higher 
 recommendations, independently of the question of cost. 
 
 3781. No community which is not primarily charged with the ordi- 
 nary business of its own defence is really, or can be, in the full sense 
 of the word, a free community. The privileges of freedom, and the 
 
62 
 
 i 
 
 m:\ i 
 
 : 
 
 
 V; 
 
 l^'< 
 
 ;*»' 
 
 In 
 
 burdens of froedom, are absolutely asRociated together : to bear the 
 burdens is as nocossary as to enjoy tbo privilege, in order to form that 
 character, which is the groat security of freedom itself. 
 
 3782. The syHtom under which a colonial community itself is 
 primarily charged with the duty of its own defence, is by far the 
 best, both for the mother country, and for the colony itself. I mean, 
 such a system as did exist for a g^eat length of time in the case of 
 the old American Colonies. 
 
 3783. They were not a bit more independent than it is extremely 
 desirable that all our principal colonies should be. 
 
 S784. The power of making peace or war was retained by the 
 mother country, and tho primary responsibility of self-defence was 
 borne by those colonies at a period, and under circumstances, when 
 they were almost certain to be drawn into entirely English quarrels, 
 and to bo made directly the subject of contest among European 
 powers. 
 
 8785. They were in a state of much less independence than 
 Oanada is now : for undoubtedly it would not have been permitted to 
 those colonies to exercise any power of legislation adversely to the 
 mother country ; whereas, we have observed that even that power 
 may now be exercised with a view of raising up a protected interest 
 against the commerce of the mother country. 
 
 3787. The really valuable tie with a colony, is the moral and 
 social tie. I cannot view any portion of the benefit resulting to 
 England, from the connexion with Oanada, as consisting in the cost 
 of defending her. She would be just as likely to separate from us, if 
 she thought herself unjustly involved in a British war, whether we 
 undertook her defence or not : if her feelings are not with us, I 
 do not think she will remain with us because we charge ourselves 
 with the burden of her defence. 
 
 8797. In proportion as responsibilities are accepted by colonial 
 communities, they will be more disposed to go beyond the bare idea 
 of self-defence, and to render loyal and efi'ective assistance in the 
 struggles of the empire. 
 
 3798, As regards colonies generally, while England has supremacy 
 at sea, they are safe, and the foi'tifications and the colonial garrisons 
 in the West Indies, and many others, are little, if at all, required. 
 If England has not supremacy at sea, you are only making victims 
 of those garrisons. 
 
 3810. Napoleon kept for a great many years 8,000 men in Corfu, 
 and that force was completely neutralized by two English sailing 
 ships, when in tho hour of his extremity, he wanted its assistance. 
 
 3814. It seems unwise continuing a system of fortifying posses- 
 sions like Mauritius, M'hich are properly to be defended by our fleet. 
 Our present system is founded on a condition of this empire, re- 
 
 
 11' 
 
68 
 
 )' 
 
 latively to other powers, which han passed away, when ootnmnntca- 
 tion with oar colonics was slow and nnccrtain. England is now the 
 centre of constant, rapid, and certain communication with her 
 colonics, and we have enormous advantages for supporting them on 
 the principle of kcei>ing our great mass of force at home, and sup- 
 plying them as they may require. 
 
 8834. But the question is not so much of the amount of England's 
 contribution, as of the transier of responsibility to the colonies. I 
 should like to see the state of feeling restored to the colonies which 
 induced the first American colonists to make it one of their grievances 
 that British troops were kept in their borders without their consent. 
 
 8841. The old system of American self-defence was much more 
 favourable to that high tone of spirit and feeling than the system we 
 have pursued sinoe the separation of those colonies, and that not by 
 the fault of the oolonies thomselves, but by the fault of what we 
 have done for them. Although labour is scarce and dear in the 
 colonies, yet I doubt very much whether there has ever existed any 
 country where labour was too dear for self-defence, if only the com- 
 munity had right ideas on the subject, and had not somebody else 
 ready to undertake it for them. 
 
 3807. The colonists of former times were not allowed an inde- 
 pendent existence as regards the full exercise of their own industry, 
 but we now grant absolute commercial freedom, and that, of course, 
 is a consideration which greatly increases the strength of the argu- 
 ment for their assuming, with the benefits of freedom, the burdens 
 of freedom also. 
 
 3828, 8873. The principles of our old colonial system do not tend 
 to separation, but are powerfully conducive to keeping up connexion. 
 It required a course of great harshness and obstinacy in us to effect 
 American separation. 
 
 3. — Extracts taken from the Evidence given by The Eight. Hon. 
 Egbert Lowe, M.P., wAo was a Member of the Legislative 
 Council of New South Wales from 1843 to 1849. 
 
 3380-1. I do not think it desirable to retain any troops at all in 
 New South Wales. A Qovernment of that kind is not fit to be trusted 
 with the disposition of Her Majesty's troops for any purpose whatever. 
 
 3831. It seems to me that the people of this country ought not to 
 be taxed for maintaining the external defence or internal police of 
 the Australian Colonies in time of peace. 
 
 8332. Situate in a temperate latitude, inhabited by Englishmen 
 and Irishmen, and under institutions in which they can govern them- 
 selves, they can defend themselves from internal riot, and from suoh 
 
\l 
 
 n 
 
 lis! 
 
 :il 
 
 m ! 
 
 64 
 
 insultH fjom foreign nations as no country can be wholly secure from. 
 As regards rcooiving payment from them for military assistance, it 
 appears to me to bo unworthy of the dignity of this country to toke 
 money from some colonies because they are villing to pay it, and 
 not from others because thoy are unwilh'ng to pay it. I object to 
 payment altogether ; it is putting our troops in the position of 
 mercenaries. 
 
 3333. For every purpose, for prestige as well as defence, imperial 
 troops are better out of the way. 
 
 3334. A colony which is ill-disposed to this country is not woi'th 
 retaining. If it succeed in the struggle, it would have been better 
 not to havo attempted to coerce it ; if it fail, a colony re-conquered, 
 wasted, and embittered, would be a worthless possession. 
 
 3335. The question is the reverse of that of last century, — whether 
 the people of tli.5 United Kingdom should be taxed for the bei>efit 
 of the people of its dependencies ? When I lived at Sydney, there 
 was no incomo-tax, nor assessed taxes, nor excise, except on spirits, 
 which probably was a benefit rather than a burden. Profits were 
 large, wages very high. The mildness of the climate renders fuel 
 almost unnecessary except for cooking, and enables people to do 
 with little clothing. To tax the labc-urers of licicpstershire and 
 Dorsetshire to relieve such a community from a taxntion required 
 for its own defence, i? a crying injustice. 
 
 By their connexion with the mother country the colonists lose 
 the power of making war and peace, but the advantages they gain 
 by being pari of the British empire are enormous ; they are relieved 
 from the necessity of keeping up o, large force at any time on land, 
 or any at sea, and no people enjoy more security in time of Mar, and 
 by tho guarantee of this country against war they are enabled to 
 apply their revenues entirely t<^ their own local purposes. 
 
 3? 36. It is ridiculous to suppose that the troops we can spare in 
 tir ) of peace would be a defence to Australia, and it is more ridi- 
 culoi's to suppose that t'.o troops we can spare in time of war would 
 be sufficient. The present conditions of war are such that wo must 
 recall our troops to defend ourselves at home. The changes intro- 
 du(!ed into warfare i ender this island more liable to invasion than 
 before. Our troops can do little to defend Australian Colonies, 
 but tbpy rely upon their presence almost a« much as if they were a 
 sufficient guard; and it has prevented them, till within two jears, 
 from drilling their own mjn, and from enrolling auffi* lent ^^'ilitia or 
 volunteers. Strange we should send people from England to defend 
 the Antipodes, while we leave tne young men of Australia to grow up 
 without the knowledge of arms. 
 
 33.37. The motives which induce our colonints to remain united 
 to the mother country, are sufficiently overwhelming, v/ithout our fur- 
 
 ( 
 
 <) 
 
nishing a force for their defence and police, which they are perfectly 
 well able to pay for themselves. 
 
 3340. Their being subjoiit to our foreign policy givea the colouios 
 fair ground to ask for assistance in times of war. 
 
 3343. Of course a large military expenditure is a popular thing 
 in a colony. Even a war in a remote part of the colony will be 
 popular in parts where it is not carried on, on account of the money 
 which is made out of it. The country may suflFer, but the towns 
 often get a great advantage. It is great imprudence on the part of 
 the Imperial Government to place the power of commencing wars, in 
 which it will be obliged to take part, in the hands of persons over 
 whom it has no control, but who are often directly interested in 
 getting up a war. 
 
 So long as the wars they commence must be li^aght out at 
 the expense of the mother country, there will always be war when 
 there is a pretext. 
 
 3366. To this pecuniary advantage there are many countervailing 
 evils to the colonies, who, as young nations, are educated in a one- 
 sided manner, and may be reduced to the condition in which the 
 Bomans left the Britons at the mercy of the Picts and Scots. 
 
 3350. The Australians, were they trained, would make as fine 
 soldiers as any in the world. Their volunteers originated from the 
 parent movement in England. There will be plenty to volunteer; 
 no people better mounted ; they make excellent sailors, and are full 
 of spirit. Their particular industry is favourable for volunteering. 
 
 8385. I have no doubt there is a spirit of self defencei'in , the 
 people of Australia, and that when they understand that they must 
 rely upon themselves, they will defend themselves. 
 
 3405. The small forces wo send aflFord no protection, deaden the 
 spirit of the coloniets, and every soldier sent T)robably prevents a 
 hundred colonists from taking arms and drilling. 
 
 3368, 3371. The more extensive and exposed tixe frontier, the more 
 danger in deluding the colony, by the proseniie of a few imperial troopb. 
 
 3376. Better keep even the nucleuH of British aid in England. 
 
 334.6. I have seen what expenditure on fortifications in in New 
 South Wales, whore, after an f'nnrnious waste of Engliah money, 
 Sydney was left utterly defenceless. 
 
 3388. The entire withdrawal of Englii^ Umiy» from Austri^a, 
 would not tend to separation. 
 
 8390. The troops involve the Imperial Govemmont in the unpopu- 
 larity of the I/(Cal Government; and (.3402) offer to demagogucH a 
 ready meanp of committing tiic colony by an insult on that sign and 
 Bymbol of imperial pre-eminence and protection. 
 
I I 
 
 66 
 
 4. — Extract taken from the Evidence given by Lord Herbert, 
 Secretary of State for War. 
 
 I! 
 
 i 
 
 I 
 
 IL I,' 
 
 \i 
 
 s 
 
 3501. Whenever there is an imperial necessity tr oncentrate 
 troops on any point, the rest of the colonies are starved, without re- 
 ference to their wants ut the time. In the Russian war, we denuded 
 the colonies of troops. 
 
 3512 Canada has within itself a considerable element of personnel 
 for its own defence ; and I think you may look forward to the time, 
 wlien the necessity for sending troops there may cease, or, at all 
 events, be greatly diminished. 
 
 3511. They have now a considerable force of volunteers. 
 3558. The great fortresses, such as Malta and Gibraltar, I should 
 garrison to the utmost. I think the diflference between peace and 
 war, in many of the colonies, would be that, instead of maintaining a 
 force in them in time of war, we should withdraw it. I see no use 
 in maintaining isolated battalions : either we have the supremacy of 
 the sea, in which case they are useless, or, we lose the supremacy of 
 the sea, in which case they are caught in a trap. 
 
 3563-5. To make colonies contribute to their own. defences, we 
 must say, " you shall have very small garrisons." We should get the 
 worst of bargains with them. 
 
 3677. If all our colonies could have been founded upon the Indian 
 (i.e. solf-paj'ing) principle, it would have been of great advantage. 
 
 3579. The control it would give the colouiaJ authorities of the 
 troops, would be no serious disadvantage, such as linjiting the opera- 
 tions of a ship to a colony would be. So long as the troops remain, 
 the colony pays ; when they ar<' withdrawn, the colon;^ ceases to pay 
 for them. 
 
 3599. I should spend iis little as possible upon fortifications 
 abroad, and strengthen our fortifications at home. 
 
 3630. The principle of keeping a small body of troops in a colony, 
 by way of representing imperial power, is a sentimental view, to 
 wliich I attach no importance. 
 
 3639. If you maintain a large garrison, you give colonists an ex- 
 cellent excuse for not raising any miliMa of their own. 
 
 2529. The total cobt of transport to and from the colonies 
 amounted in 1 859 to 200,000/. It would be a great advantage if that 
 could be saved by the formation of local corps. 
 
 8546-7. SI: William Denison, in' his despatclies, August 1866, has 
 recommended that a colony sliould be left to bear the primary re- 
 Bponaibility of its own defence, and that the mother country should 
 
 i^^i 
 
67 
 
 only assist. The principle therein enanciated is certainly a principle 
 to be aimed at. 
 
 3552. The necessity for the distribution of our force in the last 
 few years is much altered. I should accumulate all the forces that it 
 is possible to accumulate at home, and keep as few men as pc»fiBible 
 in the colonies. 
 
 6. — Extracts taken from the Evidence (jiven by General Sin j^hs 
 BuRGOYNE, Inspector General of Fortifications, shou'tnij ineffi- 
 ciency of our present System. 
 
 1 264. We ought to maintain in strength, besides Mediterranean 
 garrisons, principally Mauritius, Bermuda (1,339), Kingston, Quebec, 
 and Halifax ; and secondarily, the Cape, Ceylon, Hong-Kong, and St. 
 Helena; and for coaling stations (1,264), Aden, Seychelles, and the 
 Falkland Islands. 
 
 1255. There are works at all these stations now, but most of 
 them are quite incomplete and inefficient. 
 
 1266. The estimated cost of works at Mauritius is 202,00OZ., but 
 the advance of military science will require great additions. The 
 whole islands should be surrounded with forts (1,267, 1,264), of which 
 necessarily the erection and defence must be at the cost of the Im- 
 perial Exchequer. 
 
 1275. About 0,000 troops would be necessary to defend the 
 island. 
 
 1313. 26,000/. has been voted for a citadel at Halifax. This vote 
 was on a calculation made twenty years ago, and is not sufficient. 
 
 1319 and 1379. Those places which have large British population 
 should organize a volunteer defence. 
 
 1326. They should j^rotect themselves. 
 
 1336. The presence of British troops discourages local efforts for 
 defence. 
 
 1330, 1351. If the colonists are indifferent, our garrison could 
 not defend Halifax or Canada. 
 
 1409-10. The coal mines of Cape Breton require defence against a 
 possible enemy's cruiser,wliit'h defence should devolve on the colonists. 
 
 1410, 1412. The miners have formed a volunteer corps of 200 or 
 300 among themselves. 
 
 1459. 20,00uZ, is estimated to be necessary for improving the de- 
 fences of St. Helena. 
 
 1472. We ought to have 6,000 or 6,000 men to defend Cape Town. 
 There are only 81 at present defending that whole district. 
 
 1471, The troops are up the countiy. 
 
68 
 
 a 
 
 Appendix No. 7, p. 281. Bough estimate of the cost of completing 
 works in progress, and of new works necessary to place named 
 foreign possessions in a reasonable state of defence, in addition to 
 sums in estimates 1861-2, and exclusive of armaments and barracks 
 and of such occasional improvements as art and science may from 
 time to time render necessary — 1,000,000/. ; of which only 100,000/. 
 is for Gibraltar and Malta. 
 
 I' 
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