THE 
 
 British Empire League. 
 
 [EPORT OF SPEECHES 
 
 . DELIVERED AT 
 
 yX f MEETINGS HELD DURING THE VISIT OF 
 
 PRIME MINISTERS 
 
 OP THE 
 
 SELF=aOVERNINQ COLONIES, 
 
 Between JUNE 12th and JULY 5th, 1897. 
 
 OFFICES : 
 
 112 CANNON STREET, LONDON, E.C. 
 
 1898. 
 
[ 
 
 THE 
 
 BHITISH EJVIPIHE LEflGUE. 
 
 
 REPORT OF SPEECHES 
 
 DEI.IVKRED AT 
 
 Meetings held during the Visit of 
 
 THE 
 
 PRIME MINISTERS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 SELF-GOVERNING COLONIES, 
 
 Between JUNE 12th and JULY 5th, 1897. 
 
 OFFICES : 
 
 112 CANNON STREET, LONDON, 
 
 1898. 
 
THE 
 
 BRITISH EIVIPIRE LEAGUE. 
 
 Delivered at Xilverpool, Edlnburg^h, Glasgow, IVfanehester, 
 and Birmingliam, during the visits of the Prime Ministers 
 of the Self-governing Colonies, arranged on their behalf 
 by the British Empire Zieague, with the concurrence 
 of the Colonial Office. 
 
 Iawervooi., Saturday, June 12///, 1897. 
 
 A Meeting was held in the Small Concert Room at St. 
 George's Hall, at 3 p.m. Mr. F. C. Danson, president of 
 the Chamber of Commerce, occupied the chair, and he was 
 supported by the Lord Mayor, the Duke of Devonshire, 
 the Hon. Wilfrid Laurier (Premier of Canada) and Madame 
 Laurier, the Hon. Sir George Tinner, K.C.M.G. (Premier 
 of Victoria), Lady Turner and Miss Turner, the Hon. 
 R. J. Seddon (Premier of New Zealand), Mrs. Seddon and 
 the Misses Seddon, the Hon. Sir Hugli Nelson (Premier of 
 Queensland), Lady Nelson and the Misses Nelson, the 
 Hon. C. C. Kingston (Premier of South Australia) and 
 Mrs. Kingston, the Rt. Hon. Sir John Lubbock, Bart., M.P., 
 the Rt. Hon. Chief Justice Way (South Australia), the 
 Hon. Sir Donald Smith, G.C.M.G. (High Commissioner for 
 Canada), Mr. W. A. F. Murray (Ceylon), Mr. W. Herbert 
 Daw and Mrs. Daw, Mr. C. Fr-eman Murray and Mrs. 
 Murray, Mr. Herman W. Marcus, the Rt. Hon. Sir A. B. 
 Forwood, Bart., M.P., Sir Gilbert Carter, K.C.M.G., Sir 
 
George Baden-Powell, K.C.M.G., M.P., Sir E. R. Russell, 
 Sir Samuel Black, Sir James l^oole, Messrs. W. F. Lawrence, 
 M.P., J. C. Bigham, Q.C., M.P., A. ¥. Warr, M.P., and 
 others. 
 
 The Lord Mayor said : — Your Grace, Ladies and 
 Gentlemen, — My duty to-day is a very simple one, inasmuch 
 as this meeting has been brought together under the 
 auspices of the Chamber of Commerce ; but before com- 
 mencing the proceedings I have been asked to say a 
 word or two, which I do gladly, by way of welcoming to 
 this city of Liverpool the distinguished visitors who have 
 done us honour. (Loud applause.) Although this building 
 does not contain a very large number, still it is a 
 very representative meeting of the citizens, and I am sure 
 that I speak not only in your name but in the name of 
 every cidzen of Liverpool in saying to our visitors to-day 
 that we do welcome them to our city and especially for the 
 purpose for which they came here. (Applause.) His Grace 
 the Duke of Devonshire, as president of the British Empire 
 League — (applause) — is to address you, and I will only add 
 that we offer to the League a hearty welcome and that we 
 wish God-speed to the cause they all have at heart. (Loud 
 applause.) 
 
 Mr. F. C. Danson said : — Let me first endorse in the 
 name of the Liverpool Chamber of Commerce those words 
 of welcome which have fallen from our Lord Mayor. 
 Turning to the particular business of this meeting, I should 
 like to say a very few words by way of introduction. There 
 has been a general feeling in this country that the future 
 welfare of our empire depends very largely upon its com- 
 mercial prosperity. The same principles apply equally to 
 this old country and to every one of her colonies. The 
 colonies in these days cannot be tied to the mother country, as 
 in the days of ancient Greece and Rome, by force of arms or 
 even by the more modern methods of legislation. There 
 must be joint interests and unity of purpose, and successful 
 commercial regulations will form one of the strongest ties to 
 
keep us together (Hear, hear.) As an ilkistration I may 
 point out that the development of commerce reciuires 
 investment of capital. In the mother country we know 
 that capital is very cheap, and the rate of interest is very 
 low. That capital is required and can be made great use 
 of in our colonies, and as soon as we see that the British 
 flag and the Colonial Government are providing the 
 necessary security British capital will flow in that direction, 
 to the mutual benefit of the mother country and the 
 colonies. The British Empire League has been organised 
 to promote the interests of the empire, and we are fortunate 
 in being honoured with die presence of its president, the 
 Duke of Devonshire, as well as the representatives of many 
 of the leading colonies lo-day. (Ap[)lause.) The objects 
 of the League are chiefly to promote commercial enterprise, 
 and it deserves well of all who have the welfare of the 
 empire at heart. I am quite sure that I only express the 
 feelings of all of us in this great centre of commercial 
 activity when I say that we in Liverpool will give the 
 British Empire League the very heartiest support possible. 
 (Applause.) 
 
 objb:cts of the British empire league. 
 
 The Duke of Devonshire, who was heartily cheered, 
 said:— Mr. President,my Lord Mayor, Ladiesand Gentlemen 
 — I feel that I have undertaken a somewhat presumptuous 
 task in consenting to take the most prominent part in this 
 meeting to-day, which is in some senses the beginning of a 
 series of proceedings in the course of which in the next few 
 weeks we are going to celebrate the 6oth anniversary of the 
 reign of our Queen, and especially by welcoming amongst 
 us the distinguished colonial representatives we have with 
 us to-day. (Applause.) I feel that if, when I accepted the 
 invitation of the Chamber of Commerce to come here, I 
 had known exactly the period at which it would take place, 
 and that this is the first opportunity upon which the 
 representatives of the colonies would be welcomed to our 
 
shores, the leading plac c would have been more suitably 
 taken by the Prime Minister liimself, or by the distinguislied 
 statesman who presides over the administration of the 
 colonies. (Applause.) 1 do not think that the existence 
 and character of the British I^npire League is yet so well 
 known amongst us as to make it superHuous to repeat a lew 
 words as to its origin and its character. You may know 
 that a few years ago there was in existence an association 
 under the name of the Imperial Federation League. The 
 objects of that association were to bring about in a variety of 
 ways a closer connection between Great Britain, her colonies, 
 and her dependencies. That association was formed 
 and guided by statesmen not only of the highest patriotism, 
 but also of practical ability. Tlie late Mr. Forster — (applause) 
 - took a large part in its inception, and it was presided over 
 at different times by Lord Rosebery and Mr. Stanhope. Its 
 objects are described by the present Prime Minister as 
 involving nothing more or less than the future of the British 
 Empire. That association did in many ways a most ad- 
 mirable work. It held meetings, circulated literature ; it 
 increased the knowledge possessed here of our colonies — of 
 their resources, of their aspirations, of their conditions, and 
 of their needs. It helped to assure our colonies, and our 
 fellow-countrymen residing in those colonies, of the interest 
 and the sympathy whicn was felt for them and their future 
 by the people of this country. It opened in this way a very 
 admirable work, but it was destined to have only a short 
 life. Its dissolution was due, as I believe, to one cause 
 only. Amongst the many admirable objects of this associa- 
 tion was oneequally admirable, but which wasperhapsone of a 
 tooambitious character, or, at all events, at present premature. 
 This object was to form and advocate a scheme for a closer 
 and political connection between the United Kingdom and its 
 colonies -a connection through which in some way or an- 
 other the colonies should be admitted to a part in Imperial 
 administration, while they in return should contribute in 
 some form to the support of a national burden. Now, I 
 
am very far from saying that such an ideal is beyond the 
 possibility of practical realisation at some future time, but 
 as far as we can see at present that time has not yet arrived. 
 Whenever it does arrive, this object whi('h the Imperial 
 Federation League has set itself to accomplish must be the 
 work of men holding more responsil)le positions, and of a 
 force more powerful than can be claimed or called into 
 existence by any private association, however eminent or 
 patriotic may be the men who are connected with it. 
 Owing to this cause, as I have said, the Imperial Federation 
 League was dissolved at an early period of its existence, 
 but it was felt that its dissolution, without replacing it in 
 any way, would be not only a misfortune in itself, but would 
 also be liable to misunderstanding on the part of our 
 colonial fellow-countrymen. It was thought that the true 
 causes of its dissolution not being understood might indi- 
 cate some lack of interest in the affairs of the colonies on 
 the part of this country, and it might be felt that we were 
 indifferent to the object of bringing about a closer connection 
 with them. This League, then, has been founded as a suc- 
 cessor of the Imperial Federation League, with all the 
 general objects of doing everything in our power to bring 
 about closer commercial and other connections between the 
 colonies and ourselves, but on the principle of a complete 
 elimination of any attempt at the present time to bring 
 about any political or organic change in our relations. All 
 we, who are members of the League, are at liberty to hold 
 our own opinions, and to advocate this or the other form of 
 political or organic change; but as an association our aim 
 is to bring about closer connection with the colonics, by 
 means of better commercial relations, by means of improved 
 communications, by means of increased sympathy with each 
 other — (applause) — of increased knowledge of each other — 
 (loud applause) — and for the present, at all events, we 
 abstain from offering suggestions, still more do we abstain 
 from any appearance of dictating as to what form, if ever it 
 should come about at all, a closer political connection 
 
8 
 
 between us and them is to take. (Applause.) It is 
 probably due to this change in the constitution of our 
 association, to the complete elimination of any political 
 object — not only such party objects which never found a 
 place even in the old association — but the elimination of 
 all political objects, even such as men of all parties can 
 agree upon — it is to this complete elimination of all 
 political principles that we owe the honour which 
 we have recently received of being able to inscribe 
 the illustrious names of Her Majesty the Queen as the 
 p'^tron of our League, and His Royal Highness the Prince 
 of Wales and other members of the Royal Family as vice- 
 patrons. (Applause.) It is not for me on other occasions 
 to attempt to suggest what useful work it might be in the 
 power of this association to accomplish. Of this, however, 
 I am quite sure — that its work will be rather in the direction 
 of guiding, assisting, and directing than of creating those 
 national impulses which we all desire to see shaping them- 
 selves in the direction of national unity. There never was, 
 in my opinion, a time at any period of our history when 
 the colonies and our dependencies filled a larger place in 
 the thoughts of the people, and of their political leaders. 
 Never at any time — even at times when we have been 
 fighting to acquire or to retain our colonial possessions — 
 never at any time when the stream of emigration has been 
 most rapidly building up our colonial expansions — ^never at 
 any time have they filled a larger part in the thoughts of 
 the public than to-day. It would be too much to say that 
 they now occupy the attention of our statesmen, to the 
 exclusion of more purely domestic matters, or that those 
 domestic matters do not still occupy the largest portion of 
 the time which we devote to politics, but there is, I think, 
 at the present time something in the air — there is some- 
 thing which, if I am not mistaken, is growing into a great 
 and irresistible force which is speaking to the minds, and, 
 more than to the minds, to the hearts of the people, and 
 which tells them that they are citizens of a greater State 
 
than that which is contained within these Httle islands on 
 the north-west of Europe— (api)lause) — but that they have 
 to deal with larger issues than those of the success or defeat 
 of this or that political party — that even their relations with 
 their European States are of less importance than the 
 relations which they may be able to establish or to maintain 
 with those younger, vigorous, and prosperous States which 
 it rests with the people of this country in a great measure 
 to decide whether they shall grow up as portions of our 
 empire, or whether by neglect or mismanagement we shall 
 compel them to found for themselves an independent and 
 a separate existence. (Applause.) Ladies and gentlemen, 
 I am very sorry to say that I am old enough to remember 
 when a very different state of public opinion in this country 
 existed. I cannot remember the time when our colonies 
 were regarded with anything like suspicion or distrust, nor 
 do I suppose there ever was a time within our recollection 
 in which men doubted that Canada, Australia, and South 
 Africa would in time come to be great and powerful States. 
 But as to the future of those States, and as to the closeness 
 of our connection with them and our interest in them, there 
 was a time when there existed great uncertainty and doubt. 
 There was a time when man doubted both whether our 
 Canadian and Australian colonies would remain per- 
 manently united with us, but they also doubted — they had 
 not made up their minds — whether it would be an advantage 
 to us or to them. I think this temper of mind was due to 
 a very great extent to the influence at that time of what was 
 called the Manchester school, the leaders of which were 
 men so distinguished as Mr. Cobden and Mr. Bright, and 
 to the admiration of the United States, an admiration 
 admirable in itself, but perhaps at that time somewhat 
 exaggerated and mis-directed, We were taught not only 
 that we had lost our North American colonies through our 
 own mistakes and unwisdom, but diat it was the best 
 thing that could happen both to the United States and tD 
 us that we should have lost them ; and as regards the 
 
lO 
 
 remaining colonies we were taught that while we should 
 endeavour to confine the mistakes which had lost us our 
 North American colonies, while we should never be guilty 
 again of the crime and the blunder of endeavouring to 
 retain them by force, yet we might look forward with 
 complacence to the time when, they having grown up, they 
 should peacefully, without friction, without anger on either 
 side, cease to be connected with the mother country, and 
 set up for themselves as independent republics on the 
 model of the United States. I continue to believe, as 
 I have always believed, that free trade is the best and 
 wisest policy for our country — (applause) — but virtues were 
 given to it which it did not possess, and results were pre- 
 dicted which have not followed. (Hear, hear.) Its speedy 
 universal adoption all over the world was prophesied, and 
 that prophecy has been falsified, and the thick and thin 
 admirers and believers in the Manchester school seek to 
 l)ersuade us that, although that prophecy has not been 
 fulfilled, it was the best thing for us that we should be the 
 only free-trading country in the world. Very few disciples 
 of free trade of 50 years ago would have believed for a 
 moment that at this time France and Germany would be 
 carrying on an enormous trade under strictly protective 
 conditions, and not only that they would not have opened 
 their markets to us, but they would be competing with us 
 for the possession of as large a portion as possible of the 
 surface of the earth, not for the purpose of opening it out 
 to the universal benefits of free trade, but for the purpose 
 of excluding from those portions English trade. The 
 world has not become the commercial paradise which was 
 predicted in the early days of free trade opinion, when it 
 was hoped that free trade would bind all the nations of the 
 earth so closely together that it would be a matter of 
 comparatively little importance by whom they were ruled 
 or under what influence they were governed. We have 
 since learned by painful experience that no old or new 
 markets are being thrown open to us by the influence of 
 
II 
 
 free trade alone, and that if we want to provide for tlie 
 increasing commerce which is necessary for the support of 
 our increasing poi>ulation, we must find those markets for 
 ourselves— (api)hiuse) — and must use every opportunity 
 either of expanding or of consolidating our colonial 
 possessions. I hope that it may be understood that in these 
 observations I am not consciously speaking in any spirit of 
 disloyalty to those who were to a great extent my own 
 political leaders, although even at that time I was freipiently 
 obliged to find myself in opposition to them upon various 
 Imperial questions. I am only seeking to show you what 
 has been one of the causes why a great change has come 
 over public opinion in these matters, and why colonial 
 expansion and colonial consolidation are now regarded, not, 
 as they were then, as a policy of doubtful principle, as a 
 policy which was perhaps to be shunned, but as a policy 
 which is essential to the maintenance of our continued 
 l)rosperity. (Loud applause.) There are none, or but a 
 very few, in the present day who look at the example of 
 the United States as the inevitable or the necessary result 
 of our colonising energy, or who do not look forward with 
 any anticipations but those of hope, of pride, and of 
 exaltation, at the possible creation in the future, not only 
 of a Canadian dominion, but of an Australian dominion, 
 of a West Indian dominion, and of an African dominion — 
 (loud applause) — dominions which perhaps may rival the 
 United States themselves,in extent,in power,and in prosperity 
 — dominions which, instead of becoming separate and inde- 
 pendent States, may yet remain portions of one undivided 
 British Empire, (Applause.) I can give you a rather curious 
 instance which I think shows the change which has come 
 over our policy. Thirty-two years ago a committee was 
 appointed to consider the (piestion of a British establish- 
 ment on the West Coast of Africa. That committee was 
 presided over by a Conservative statesman, Mr. Adderley, 
 now Lord Norton ; it contained men of all sides of jiolitics, 
 took evidence, and passed certain resolutions unanimously. 
 
12 
 
 Those resolution'^ were to the effect that all extensions of 
 territory by this country in that part of the world was 
 inexpedient, and that our policy ought to be to encourage 
 the natives in the exercise of qualities which would 
 render it possible to transfer to them the administration 
 of the Government of those districts, with the view 
 of our ultimate withdrawal from all of them. When 
 my attention was called the other day to the rei)ort 
 of that committee I was rather surprised to find 
 that I had myself been a member of it. (Laughter.) 
 It had entirely escaped my recollection. On referring to its 
 proceedings, it is true, I found that I had not been a very 
 constant attendant. (Laughter.) How 1 got there I am not 
 quite sure. Probably it was for the purpose of the depart- 
 mental representation of the War Office, of which I was then 
 a subordinate member. But I am only recording that 
 unimportant fact in order to show that if in the opinion of 
 any of us those resolutions of the committee were unwise 
 and inexpedient, I am not doing it with the object of 
 imputing blame to any of my political opponents. If those 
 resolutions were unwise, the party to which I belonged, I 
 myself, as well as the party which was then in opposition, 
 we were all equally responsible. And I believe that viewed 
 in the light of the ideas which now prevail at our Colonial 
 Office, those resolutions were not only theoretically unwise, 
 but have been practically unfortunate and even disastrous. 
 For 25 years the policy of the Colonial Office in that part 
 of Africa has been in the main guided by the spirit of 
 those resolutions. And now, when perhaps too late we have 
 discovered the value for purposes of trade of large portions 
 of African territory in that neighbourhood, we find ourselves 
 shut out to a great degree by our previous policy in taking 
 advantage of that discovery. The optimists who sat on that 
 committee were committed to the maintenance of British 
 government, or native self-government ; but it did not occur 
 to us that there were other nations in the field who, with 
 no sentimental zeal for the elevation of the black races or to 
 
• '3 
 
 promote self-government amongst the natives of West Africa, 
 were possessed by a very strong zeal and desire to shut out our 
 commerce, and tc keep the commerce of large portions of 
 that country in their own hands. That was a place we were 
 so ready to abandon, and when, perhaps too late, we have 
 discovered ♦^he possible future v:due of that trade, we find 
 ourselves on every side shut in, hemmed in by the 
 encroachments of other nations, and exposed, if not to 
 attack, at all events to interference when we seek to 
 develop our trade in those regions. It is much more 
 l)leasant to refer to another instance where a policy of a 
 different character prevailed, where ideas of a more generous, 
 and, as we now think, a more statesmanlike character 
 had a preference. If there was one of our colonies in 
 which the policy of continued connection, still more ex- 
 pansion, might have seemed doubtful, it was in the case of 
 our remaining North American colonies. Those colonies 
 were not like those we had lost, peopled entirely by men of 
 our own kindred and our own race. Some of those colonies 
 had been acquired by conquest, some of them consisted 
 mainly of the people of another race and of another 
 religion. It might have seemed that a policy of continued 
 connection with them, still more their expansion, might 
 seem to be a doubtful one. Sixty years ago, at the com- 
 mencement of Her Majesty's reign, one of the North 
 American colonies — the French Canadians in one of our 
 colonies — was in a state of armed rebellion. Warned by 
 the experience of former mistakes, the patriotic statesmen 
 of that time met that difficulty by the concession of self- 
 government in its fullest extent and fornr — (applause) 
 — and in 1867, only two years after the report of that 
 committee to which I have just been referring, another 
 generation of imperial and colonial statesmen by a 
 great measure of federation put an end to the friction, 
 the inter-colonial jealousy, and the difficulties which 
 had still survived the grant of self government to 
 these colonies ; and just as to day, as I have shown you, we 
 
t4 
 
 are reaping, in some degree, the fruits of an unwise policy 
 of retirement and retrenchment in one part of the world, so 
 in another we are reaping the fruits of a wiser and better 
 and more generous policy in the success which has attended 
 the great policy of Canadian federation. (Applause.) We 
 are fortunate to-day in being able to be the first to receive 
 on our soil the Premier of Canada — (loud applause) — 
 representing as he does not one of our self governing 
 colonies, but the federation of eight self-governing 
 colonies — a statesman whose acceptance by the whole of 
 the Canadian people, English as well as French, Protestant 
 as well as Catholic, is a symbol of the vitality and reality 
 of the federation. (Applause.) We receive him with still 
 greater gratification, inasmuch as the first measure which he 
 has proposed to his Parliament has been a step— and we 
 believe a long step — in the way of closer commercial con- 
 nection with this country — (applause)— a proof of the 
 desire of the Canadian statesmen, backed by the Canadian 
 people, to add the strength which they have gained from a 
 wise measure of federation to our strength, and to weld the 
 bonds which unite us together more closely, and, as we 
 hope, more permanently. (Applause.) Among all repre- 
 sentatives of our colonies whom we shall in this auspicious 
 year welcome to our shores there is, 1 am sure, none who 
 will receive a warmer welcome from us than the Canadian 
 Premier, who has shown in his own person the capacity of 
 our free institutions to break down even such barriers as 
 those of race and of religion, and who, by the success which 
 he has shown to have attained in th3 great measure of 
 federation, will, we hope, set an example which we hope at 
 no distant time will be followed by other colonies in other 
 parts of the world. If I only say a word of congratulation 
 to Canada on the success of her federation, if I do not 
 venture to make any observation upon the subject of 
 Australian federation, which is occupying so much of the 
 thoughts of our fellow-countrymen there — (applause) — it is 
 partly because I am only very imperfectly informed myself 
 
15 
 
 upon the subject, but it is also because I feel, and I think 
 we all feel, that earnestly as we desire some measure of thai 
 sort in the same direction as that which has been taken by 
 our Canadian colonies, that action must be taken by the 
 people and by the statesmen of Australia themselves — 
 (hear, hear)— and that premature action, any uninvited, any 
 unasked-for action on the part either of the Imperial 
 Government or even of such an irresponsible association as 
 this, might tend rather to delay than to promote the 
 bringing about of a measure which, n . \ ertheless, we 
 earnestly desire to see realised as soon as possible. (Loud 
 ai)plause,) If more time were at my disposal, I might 
 mention other reasons why we specially hail the ])resence 
 of Mr. Laurier among us. Canada has recently identified 
 itself with two objects which form an important part of 
 the objects of the British Empire League — the establish- 
 ment of closer commercial relations, and establishment of 
 improved communications ; but I am glad to hear that 
 Mr. Laurier himself, although he will not, I believe, address 
 us this afternoon, will speak to-night, and I would rather 
 leave him to speak upon those subjects, especially as I am 
 told that our time is getting extremely limited. But, even 
 if I had time, I don't think I should wish to detain you any 
 longer with entering upon any details connected with this 
 great question. I personally hope that in the course of 
 this memorable year the attention of the body of our 
 people will be directed, not only to those details, interesting 
 and important as they may be, but to some of the wider 
 aspects of these questions. And surely one of the most 
 vital of these aspects is the question how far are our 
 democratic institutions compatible with the consolidation 
 and expansion of our empire which we have at heart. It 
 has been said that the lessons of history teach us that 
 democracy is incompatible with empire, but we are all now 
 agreed that we have an empire, and we are equally agreed that 
 we mean to keep it. (Hear, hear, and ap[)lause.) We are 
 fully agreed that the constitution of a central government is a 
 
i6 
 
 virtual democracy under the lionoured and venerated form 
 of a constitutional monarchy, and the Governments of some 
 portions of our empire are even more democratic. If we 
 look, as I think we may fairly look in this case, to the 
 example of the United States, we shall see that there the 
 most democratic institutions of the most pronounced 
 character are not incompatible with the creation and 
 l)reservation of a great and powerful State. The United 
 States have so solved the problem of co-ordinating central 
 and local self-government that they have established a State 
 which is probably as powerful as any which has ever been 
 known that has been ruled by an autocratic power. It is 
 true that the United States have once had to fight for their 
 unity, but so far as we can judge that fight they have fought 
 once for all. So far then, judging from the example of the 
 United States, we can see no reason why the democratic 
 character of our institutions and those of our colonies 
 should, if rightly ordered, be a bar to the continuance and 
 the maintenance of our unity. (Applause.) We have 
 difficulties to face greater than those which the United 
 States had to face. The Government which we have to 
 undertake of a great variety of Asiatic and African races 
 presents problems with which probably no democracy has 
 hitherto been confronted. In no part of the world, nowhere, 
 are we alone ; everywhere we have neighbours, and in 
 many cases jealous and envious and not friendly neighbours. 
 We have no Monroe doctrine to protect us. If we had, it 
 would be a doctrine which would extend over the whole 
 world. (Laughter and applause.) Ladies and gentlemen, 
 we have in those conditions which I have ventured so 
 imperfectly to present to you a problem to face which no 
 democracy at any previous period of the history of the 
 world has been confronted. That we will face those diffi- 
 culties and surmount them I do not think that anyone in 
 this year can doubt, and the first condition of our surmount- 
 ing them successfully is that our people should be able to 
 form some opinion, some conception, to bring their imagi- 
 
17 
 
 nations to the level of the vastness and the importance of the 
 problem itself. In this year, when we are about to celebrate 
 an anniversary in which the whole empire is taking part, the 
 unity of the empire is at once brought vividly and distinctly 
 before our eyes. Each of those aspects should influence 
 the other. The unity which we seek for is not a mechanical 
 fetter intended to stifle the development of natural influences 
 or to mould everything together in one barren system of 
 uniformity. For the first time in history we are going to 
 endeavour, I hope successfully, to present to the world the 
 spectacle of a nation, Imperial, but at the same lime free, 
 and I hope in the time to come it may be possible for 
 history to recall that our people have shown themselves not 
 unequal to the enormous and unprecedented task which we 
 have undertaken. (Loud applause.) Ladies and gentle- 
 men, I assure you it has given me the very greatest pleasure 
 to be among you on this interesting occasion. (Loud and 
 long continued applause.) 
 
 Mr. G. H. Cox said : — It is my pleasing duty, on behalf 
 of the Chamber of Commerce, to propose a vote of thanks 
 to his Grace the Duke of Devonshire for his interesting and 
 eloquent address. (Applause.) While we in Liverpool 
 thank his Grace for coming here to explain to us the scope 
 and aim of the British Empire League, we also feel that 
 additional importance is given to the occasion by the 
 presence here to-day of so many eminent colonial repre- 
 sentatives — representatives whom we welcome here as 
 fellow-citizens of an empire to which we all are proud to 
 belong. (Applause.) 
 
 Premier of Victoria. 
 
 SirGEORGK Turner (Premier of Victoria), in seconding 
 the motion, said : — If the words which spring to my lips are 
 not sufticient to convey those thanks in the manner in 
 which the task ought to be performed, I will ask you to 
 forgive me, and think that the right hearty and cordial 
 welcome which you have given me has driven from my 
 
 B. 
 
i8 
 
 mind all other thoughts except that I stand among Britons, 
 those who look upon our colonies with every feeling of 
 admiration, and I assure you of this : that when we return 
 to our colonists we will be able to tell them that, among 
 the many hearty receptions we have had, not the least was 
 that given to us by the people of Liverpool on our entering 
 into their city. His Grace, in his admirable address, has 
 reminded us of the time when the people of (Ireat Britain 
 looked upon their colonies as something they might easily 
 part with. IJut all these feelings have now fortunately 
 passed away, and I feel perfectly confident of this, that if 
 any committee attempted to place before any House of 
 Parliament a report couched in the language which he has 
 mentioned to us, it would be scouted out of that house. 
 His Grace, in his remarks, referred in affectionate terms to 
 our colonies, and from my experience I am sure that the 
 affection is widespread, and that the people of this great land 
 look upon the colonists in far distant lands with feelings of 
 love and affection. Who were the men, who, taking their 
 lives in their hand, went into those strange lands for the 
 purpose of carrying out the great work of the British nation 
 in the colonisation of these lands? Were they not 
 Britishers ? (Loud applause.) These hardy old men are 
 rapidly passing away, I regret to say ; but I can assure you 
 that the rising generation in these various colonies — I myself 
 being a native — look with pride and respect on the work 
 our fathers did, and we are determined, by every effort in 
 our power, to show that we are worthy sons of worthy sires. 
 (Cheers.) We are not unmindful of the many benefits, 
 privileges, and advantages which have been granted to our 
 colonies, and we are determined on this, that should the 
 time ever unfortunately arrive when the British people here 
 should require any definite and distinct proof that the 
 sons of this nation in the far distant lands still possess 
 the feelings of loyalty to the motherland, we shall do 
 what is right and proper in assisting that motherland. 
 (Loud applause.) With regard to the institution under whose 
 
»9 
 
 auspices wc are assembled to-day, one fact has been told to 
 us — that her Most (iracious Majesty the Queen is patron. 
 That in itself would be quite sufficient to show that it is an 
 institution which deserves the respect and esteem of her 
 subjects throughout the length and breadth of her dominions. 
 But I can tell you, on behalf of our colonies, that the objects 
 of that league will have the warmest and greatest support 
 that we can possibly afford to them. We believe that it is to 
 the interests, not alone of the colonists, but it is to ihe 
 interests of our motherland, that the ties which bind us 
 together should be indissoluble. (Hear, hear.) Unfor- 
 tunately the Australian colonies have to be represented to- 
 day by several premiers, not liice the dominion of Canada, 
 which can speak with a united voice. IJut whatever our 
 differences may be amongst ourselves, this fact is certain — 
 that we speak with one voice when we give utterance to those 
 feelings of loyalty which fill the breast of every colonist in 
 the far distant land. (Applause.) But although those 
 difficulties do exist, we one and all fervently hope and pray 
 that the day is not far distant when the various colonies will 
 follow the great example which has been set by the Canadian 
 Dominion, and we do trust that, perhaps before this glorious 
 year passes away, you will be able to welcome another 
 dominion — United Australia. (Applause.) Some may fear 
 that when those great colonies are united there may be a 
 desire on their part to separate from the British Empire. No 
 such desire will ever exist. We one and all do sincerely 
 hope and trust — we are perfectly certain in our minds — that 
 the ties which bind us to the motherland will never be 
 lessened, but that year by year they will grow stronger and 
 stronger, and that, whenever the federation of the Australian 
 colonies does take place— we know that it must — it 
 undoubtedly will be under the shadow and under the pro- 
 tection of the grand old flag of our grand old motherland. 
 (Applause.) I do not desire to follow his Grace with regard 
 to the remarks which have been made in respect of free 
 
 trade in Great Britain. I represent, .perhaps, the most pro- 
 
 u 2 
 
30 
 
 tected colony of the whole grouj) (laughter) — and were I 
 to enter ujion contentious matter, perhaps I would throw an 
 apple of discord into this gathering ; but while free trade may 
 suit (Ireat Britain, there is no doubt that to young colonies, 
 struggling against competition, it is absolutely necessary for 
 some period of their existence they should have protection 
 against the outside world, and that is the feeling which 
 actuates us. But although we may be protected, although 
 we may feel that it is absolutely necessary in the interests of 
 our struggling manufactures, that we should have that pro- 
 tection, if proposals be made to us which will show us that 
 the whole of our trade, the whole of our dealings, can be on 
 fair, just, and equitable terms conducted with Great Britain 
 we will be only too willing to enter into that bargain, because 
 we know that that will be manifestly for the benefit 
 and advantage of all of us who are part of this great empire. 
 (Api)lause.) The task which has been allotted to me this 
 afternoon is, indeed, a pleasant one. We have heard an 
 admirable address couched in the kindest terms to our 
 colonies, in which his Grace has pointed out his past 
 faults and misdemeanours, evidently showing that the years 
 which have passed have convinced him of the error of his 
 ways. (Laughter.) It is an address which ought to be 
 circulated throughout the length and breadth of the British 
 Isles and the various colonies. It will show to us and to 
 those we represent in your far distant possessions that 
 we possess here men in high and honourable positions who are 
 pleased and proud to show that they appreciate the various 
 colonies, and are determined to do all they can to keep them 
 in the fold of the empire. I can honestly say this, if ever 
 the colonies do leave the empire it will not be the fciult of 
 the colonies. I have much pleasure, indeed, in seconding 
 the resolution of the vote of thanks to the lecturer, and I 
 hope it will be — and I am certain from what I have seen of 
 this audience that it will be — carried in that hearty, cordial, 
 and enthusiastic manner which the remarks he has made 
 have entitled him to. (Loud applause.) 
 
21 
 
 New Zf.aland Premier. 
 The Hon. R.J. SKnD()N,Prcmierof New Zealand, said: — 
 I am asked to supi)ort the ijroposition so ably i)ro|)osed, and 
 so admirably seconded by my worthy friend the Prime 
 Minister of Victoria. I .say at once, ladies and gentlemen, 
 that proposition requires no support from me. The way 
 that address was received by this representative gathering 
 was sufficient to indicate that he was speaking the mind of 
 the great nation to which we have the honour to belong, and 
 to be present at a Liverpool representative meeting and to 
 tliink that it would be otherwise would be a great reflection 
 upon a great people, and I can claim to be one of yourselves. 
 As a Lancashire man — (applause) — living across the seas it 
 a far-off land, I have not forgotten that our county gives 
 one day that which is accepted by England the next, and I 
 am proud that it has been reserved for us to listen to the 
 admirable address which his (Irace has given this afternoon. 
 Since thirty years ago, when this matter was first discussed, 
 there has gone forward a movement which will increase in 
 strength and volume until all doubts be removed, and that 
 instead of that which you all require going to foreign nations 
 we can give you that help ; we desire to do so. Help us to 
 do it, and you are doing your duty to the great empire to 
 which we all have the honour to belong. Let me remind 
 you of what took place at the conference in London last 
 June. There the thinking men of our nation, those who 
 command our manufactures, those who command the 
 commerce and trade of our country, showed that they 
 desired to put to the world, and to put to those in charge ot 
 Imperial affairs, what their views honestly were upon this 
 subject. And he who is at the present moment at the head 
 of colonial affairs— I allude to the Right Hon. Mr. Cham- 
 berlain — said : Let the colonies come to us with a proposal 
 or proposals, and it shall not be treated in any huckstering 
 spirit. (Applause.) Nothing was done under that until 
 recently, but there was a conference held of the Prime 
 Mmisters of Australasia at Hobart, and a resolution was 
 
22 
 
 passed in which we said that we had not arrived at that 
 stage at which proposals could be made, but that the 
 situation is so grave and so serious that, in the interests ot 
 the colonies and of the empire, it should be inquired into. 
 Later on, in answer to Mr. Chamberlain's suggestion, 
 Canada made her proposals unconditionally. It was such as 
 to startle the whole civilised world, and it has brought from 
 all who love our empire the utmost enthusiasm. (Cheers.) 
 Canada has solved a difficulty v/hich you were quite unable 
 to deal with. She has practically said, " Vou admit free, and 
 to you, the motherland, we shall do likewise." (Applause.) 
 It should be known that during the last four years the trade 
 of my own colony, New Zealand, has been doubled with 
 America. In another colony, the highly-protected colony of 
 Victoria, an official report, now in the hands of the Secretary 
 of State for the Colonies, shows that# from 1884 to 1894 
 there has been an increase of something like 5 per cent, in 
 trade with foreign nations. Though that did not give the 
 trade completely or correctly, the returns as now made out 
 show that the trade was i2'56 per cent, and that was where 
 the serious aspect of the case came in, for they knew it was 
 almost penal with some of those nations to attempt to send 
 any of the produce of the colonies to their countries. (Hear, 
 hear.) And when they found that, irrespective of treaties 
 which should be maintained in spirit and not violated as they 
 had been, where they found that bounties were given as were 
 given by some of those nations and where they found 
 large subsidies given — in one case amounting to over 
 ^200,000 per annum — it simply meant that freights for 
 the heavier class of goods were so low that the colonies 
 and the mother country were injured. All these matters 
 require to be considered. To the country to which 
 I have the honour to belong I say, " Do nothing dishonour- 
 able, maintain your honour at all hazards, but where you find 
 that honourable engagements have been entered into you 
 should adhere to them, and take care that in no way you 
 injure your own flesh and blood." The feeling in the colonies 
 
23 
 
 towards you has always been most loving. IMiere may have 
 been some in the mother country who have said, "Go, and our 
 blessing go with you;" but we have said in the colonies, 
 " We won't allow you to drive us away." ( Apj)lause.) We have 
 an augury that the opportunity furnished by the j^resent 
 Diamond Jubilee will be taken advantage of. We belong to a 
 vast and glorious empire. We are the dominant people, as has 
 been proved in the past, and will be continued in the 
 future. I trust that the League under whose auspices we 
 have met will be the instrument in promoting closer trade 
 relationships between every part of the world in which the 
 English tongue is spoken, and I would advise that in all 
 the colonies branches of this League should be established. 
 I believe it will be a pleasant duty for myself and the other 
 Premiers, on the lines mentioned by his Grace this afternoon, 
 to assist while we are in the mother country in promoting 
 the well-being of the League, and when we return home in 
 having branches of the League established in every centre 
 of population. (Applause.) Need I say I heardly support 
 the vote of thanks to his Grace, and I trust that it will be 
 carried in that manner which characterises Britishers 
 wherever they are met. (Applause.) 
 
 There were loud cries for " Laurier," and ultimately 
 
 Mr. Laurier rose amid great applause and said : — You 
 have been told this afternoon that 1 am not of English 
 blood, but I have been brought up under British Institu- 
 tions, and have learned under the British constitution that 
 no State can stand except in respect of the law. The law 
 is that I shall not speak. (Laughter and ajjplause.) 
 
 The vote of thanks was then passed with acclamation. 
 
 The Duke of Devonshire, in responding, said:— -I 
 have only one word to say in response to the vote of thanks. 
 I thank you very much for the kind way in which you have 
 been pleased to receive it. I am afraid that I did not quite 
 carry out my instructions this afternoon, and that my obser- 
 vations extended to too great a length — (" No, no ")— and 
 I am indebted to you for your patience in listening to me. 
 
24 
 
 I entirely share with you in the anxiety to hear what the 
 Canadian Premier has to say, and I wigh that my place in 
 the proceedings this afternoon had been allotted to him. 
 The proceedings then terminated. 
 
 THE BANQUET. 
 
 In the evening a banquet was held in the Philharmonic 
 Hall, Mr. F. C Danson being in the chair. Among the 
 large company were, in addition to those who were present 
 at St. George's Hall, the Right Hon. the Earl of Derby, 
 G.C.B., the Right Rev. Bishop Royston, the Mayors of 
 Birkenhead, Bootle, and St. Helens, Major Sir Francis 
 Synge, Bart., Admiral Gough, Mr. C. H. Hopwood, Q.C. 
 (Recorder), Mr. Harcourt E. Clare (Town Clerk). After 
 the loyal toasts had been duly honoured, the President 
 next gave, amid cheers, " The British Empire League." 
 The objects of the League, he said, were in the widest 
 possible sense of a commercial character. Indeed, if 
 they were to attempt to establish a Chamber of Com- 
 merce for the whole world it would have to be on the 
 lines, or something like the lines, of the British Empire 
 League. (Hear, hear.) This was an extremely good 
 reason why the Liverpool Ciiamber of Commerce should 
 give the movement their heartiest support. But there were 
 other reasons why they should do so. Liverpool was one 
 of the great gateways to and from the colonies, and we were 
 thus brought into very close touch with these colonies. They 
 were further impressed with the importance to this country 
 of the prosperity of these colonies. (Hear, hear.) At the 
 present time the British flag waved over about one-fifth of 
 the land surface of the whole earth, and about one-fourth of 
 its population. (Cheers.) It might be said without excep- 
 tion that in no case had a colony or a people ever come 
 under British rule without benefiting therefron). Law and 
 order followed the footsteps of our colonists, life and liberty 
 became safe where the British flag was estc^blished, and 
 wherever colonies were ably admmis^red th; .x British 
 
85 
 
 capital began to flow in their direction, thus developing the 
 best interests and the trade of those colonies, and providing 
 a not unprofitable mvestment for a very large amount of 
 British capital — (hear, hear) — and in this way establishing 
 a joint interest between the colonists and the mother country. 
 But this was not all. There could be no doubt that if they 
 were to advance in civilisation and increase in prosperity 
 they must do so as a united empire, mutually dependent 
 upon each other — (hear, hear)— and it was equally important 
 that they must foster and encourage their commerce. 
 (Hear, hear.) These operations had been going on steadily 
 in the past, but the speed of their future progress might be 
 greatly accelerated by the timely assistance of such a body 
 as the British Empire League. (Hear, hear.) As a 
 Chamber of Commerce which fully recognised all this, they 
 endorsed most heartily the views of that League, and should 
 support it in every possible way ; and, in proposing the 
 toast of the British Empire League, he should also add 
 the thanks of the Chamber to his grace the Duke of 
 Devonshire, the president of the League, for honouring them 
 with his presence that day — (applause) — and further for the 
 admirable address he had delivered — an address which 
 would go forth to the whole British Empire, and be read 
 with interest and profit by all who had the welfare of the 
 empire at heart. (Applause.) 
 
 The toast was heartily drunk, and 
 
 The Duke of Devonshire, on rising to respond, was 
 received with warm applause. His Grace said : — 
 Mr. Chairman, my Lord Ma) or, my Lords, Ladies and 
 Gentlemen, — I am in a happy position as compared with 
 that of others whose duty it will be to return thanks to the 
 toasts which may be proposed this evening, for I have already 
 in anticipation made the speech which I might have been 
 expected to make in response to the toast which has been 
 so kindly proposed by your chairman. I feel that I have 
 already occupied so disproportionate a part in the proceed- 
 ings of to-day, in endeavouring very imperfectly to set forth 
 
26 
 
 some of the objects with which the British En.pire League 
 was estabUshed, that it would be very wrong indeed for me 
 again to aspire to take up much of your time this evening, 
 especially as I know that I am to be followed by others who 
 will speak upon topics in which you take a great and a deep 
 interest, and who will speak on those topics with an 
 authority to which I caimot pretend, and I feel that I should 
 be very imperfectly furthering the objects of that League if 
 I were to stand long between you and those who are to 
 follow me. Ladies and gentlemen, I should rather like to 
 take this opportunity of impressing upon others that 
 which I feel very strongly myself — ^that we have at 
 present an opportunity which may not within any 
 very short time recur of hearing that which we ought 
 to know respecting the feelings and the wants, and 
 the wishes, and the views of our fellow-countrymen in the 
 colonies, and that we shall better utilise that opportunity by 
 endeavouring to learn from them rather than to imi)ress 
 upon them our own views. However close the connection 
 between our colonies and ourselves may be at the present 
 time, however much closer it may be in the future, it cannot 
 but be that our colonies should know a great deal more 
 about us than it is possible for us to know about them, 
 l^'he very fact that we are at the centre and that they are at 
 the circumference necessarily produces the phenomenon that 
 their forces are more directed and concentrated upon the 
 centre than our forces can possibly be concentrated upon 
 any point of that wide circumference. So I think we shall 
 be wise during the short time we shall have the privilege of 
 enjoying the presence of a large number of the most dis- 
 tinguished men in our colonies, who are able to speak with 
 authority upon colonial questicns, if we limit our share in 
 the proceedings to what may be necessar/ to express to 
 them the warm welcome which we wish to give them — 
 (cheers) — and in endeavouring to extract from them as 
 , much information upon colonial questions as they may be 
 good enough to give us. Therefore, gentlemen, I have 
 
«7 
 
 very little to say except, on the part of the British Empire 
 League, to express to the citizens of Liverpool our warm 
 thanks for the kind reception which you have given to the 
 League — (hear, hear) — and also to express the great satis- 
 faction which it gives to us to be enabled to take a j)art, 
 however humble, in the proceedings with which we are 
 about to celebrate the 6oth jubilee of her Majesty's reign. 
 (Cheers.) The visitors and those who preside over the 
 Colonial Department have a busy time before them. 
 Doubtless they will have many subjects of business to 
 discuss, and, if I mistake not, the time of our guests will be 
 occupied, not only by official communications with the 
 Colonial Department, but will also be largely occupied with 
 communications with the leading men of the communities, 
 such as this, which are largely interested in the development 
 of the colonies. (Hear, hear.) None of them will have 
 much time to spare, and it has been a great satisfaction to 
 those who are connected with the British Empire League 
 that a small part of the arrangements connected with their 
 visit, that which is concerned with their due entertainment, 
 and with enabling them to see some of the objects of 
 principal interest in this country, has been added to our 
 charge. Your chairman has spoken, in terms which I am 
 afraid at the present time are somewhat exaggerated, of the 
 utility of the services of the British Empire League. (" No, 
 no.") He has spoken of us, I think, as occupying some- 
 thing in the nature of a chamber of commerce of the 
 United Empire. (Hear, hear.) I am afraid that if the 
 commercial interests of the United Empire had to be com- 
 mitted to the British Empire League as at present consti- 
 tuted, they would not find themselves in a very prosperous 
 condition. But I believe and trust that this League is only 
 at the commencement of its labours— (hear, hear) — and 
 that with your assistance and your support, and that support 
 which I think it ought to receive from other great com- 
 mercial communities in this country, it is capable of occu- 
 pying a far more important position in the future than any 
 
28 
 
 which it can aspire to occupy at the present day, (Hear, 
 hear.) I am sure I should be doing very wrong if I were 
 much to prolong these observations, and I don't know that 
 I can usefully add very much to what I have attempted to 
 say at St. George's Hall this afternoon. I will only, before 
 I sit down, once more express my opinion that the present 
 time and the weeks which are to succeed to it may be a 
 time of momentous importance to the British Empire. 
 (Cheers.) The future of that empire depends almost, 
 I think, in equal proportions upon considerations of 
 material and of sentimental character. The unity which we 
 desire will not be brought about, such unity as we possess 
 will not be maintained, unless both parties feel that it is to 
 their mutual interest and advantage, and I do not believe 
 that even the ties of mutual advantage would be strong 
 enough to cement the union of the Empire as we hope to 
 see it, unless those considerations were supplemented by 
 others of a more imaginative character. The proceedings 
 of the next few weeks will, I think, afford material of both 
 these characters, and I think we and our guests will both 
 hear and say much which will strengthen the conviction 
 that the continued and increased unity of the Empire is to 
 the material advantage of both the United Kingdom and 
 the colonies. (Cheers.) And I think that both we and 
 they will find much in the proceedings of the present 
 time which will powerfully stir the hearts and imagi- 
 nation of our people. I do not think that it is possible 
 that the masses of our people should remain indifferent to 
 the presence among them of leading statesmen of great 
 communities the magnitude of which they have scarcely up 
 to the present time realised, surrounded as they will be by 
 the representatives of armed forces of the Crown the 
 existence of which they have hitherto scarcely known. 
 (Cheers.) And 1 do not think that it can be without effect 
 upon the imagination of our guests themselves when they 
 will witness next Tuesday week the acclamation with which 
 our Queen will be received in the crowded streets of 
 
«9 
 
 London -(cheers) — a reception which will convey to her 
 and to them an idea, not only of respect and love and 
 veneration for her character, but also of respect and 
 veneration for the institutions of whicli she is the 
 representative. (Loud cheers.) Again I do not think that 
 any of our colonial guests who will see, as they will see on 
 the following Saturday, the display of the naval power of 
 Great Britain will remain indifferent spectators of that 
 demonstration — -(cheers) — and I think that every one of 
 them will feel more strongly than perhaps he has ever yet 
 done that it is no mean thing to be a citizen, upon ecjual 
 terms, of a State which possesses a naval power so unique 
 and so unrivalled as that which they will see at Spithead 
 — (cheers) — a power that has been created for no pur- 
 pose of offence to any one — (hear, hear) — but a power 
 which must convey to every part of the dominions of 
 our Queen a sense of security and safety which could 
 hardly be enjoyed by the citizens of any other nation. 
 (Hear, hear.) On the part of the British Empire League, I 
 beg to return to you our most sincere thanks for permitting 
 us to take part in the auspicious proceedings of to-day, and 
 trust they are only the foundation, only the commencement 
 of a period of increased usefulness for the exertions of the 
 League. (Cheers.) 
 
 Speech by the Hon. W. Laurier. 
 
 In reply to the toast of " Commerce and the Empire," 
 The Hon. Wilfrid Laurier, who was received with 
 prolonged cheering on rising to respond, said : — ^The Lord 
 Mayor of Liverpool has connected my name with this 
 toast in terms of such generous kindness that I am some- 
 what at a loss how properly to acknowledge it, and you 
 have received the name of Canada, my native land, in a 
 manner which I never shall forget. Canada is a noble land. 
 (Hear, hear.) Whatever may be thought of it, whatever 
 our fellow-citizens in other colonies may think, we 
 Canadians believe that it is almost unsurpassed under 
 
3° 
 
 the sun. Canadian pco[)lc, my fellow-countrymen 
 of all origin, have at this moment and for many 
 years of their career solved the problem of religious 
 tolerance and civil and political liberty in a manner which 
 is not unworthy of imitation in other parts of the empire. 
 Canada, as our friend the Lord Mayor has told you, was 
 formerly a colony of P'rance. Canadians of English origin 
 and Canadians of French origin have learned to appreciate, 
 respect, and love one another. (Cheers.) I am here to-day 
 by the fate of political warfare, by the will of the Canadian 
 people, in the position of having to exercise the chiet 
 position of responsibility. In that capacity I have been 
 instructed by the Canadian ])eople to represent them at 
 the Jubilee celebrations, and to convey to her Majesty the 
 Queen an expression of their respect, of their loyalty, and 
 of their devotion. (Cheers.) You, sir, have spoken of the 
 glory of her Majesty's reign in a manner which leaves 
 nothing to be added. The Victorian era will remain long 
 prominent in history ; it will live long in the minds of men 
 for the wonderful achievements which it has seen in many 
 different ways — the expansion of literature, the development 
 of art and science, and their application to the use of man- 
 kind and their comforts, the advance of civilisation, and, 
 above all things, for the personality of the Sovereign herself, 
 who, it is no sycophantic flattery to say, is loved by all her 
 subjects of high or low degree. (Cheers.) But I venture 
 to say that of all things which have characterised the long 
 reign of her Majesty and brought up the British Empire to 
 the wonderful position of grandeur and stability which it 
 exhibits to-day to the gaze of an astonished world, perhaps 
 the most remarkable event is the evolution — for evolution 
 it is— which has transformed the relation previously exist- 
 ing between England and her colonies. Sixty years ago, 
 when her Majesty ascended the Throne, the Australian 
 continent which to-day occupies in the political and com- 
 mercial life of the empire such an important part, was 
 practically term inco'^nita. The name was known — little 
 
was known beyond the name. Sixty years ago South Africa, 
 which is to-day the centre of so many hopes, and perhaps 
 also a fcvv aijxious thoughts, was scarcely anything more 
 than a mere geographical expression. The great resources 
 in agriculture were i)erhaps more or less dimly conjectured ; 
 its greater resources in mineral wealth were certainly 
 unexpected. Sixty years ago the condition of things in 
 Canada was as bad as bad could be. In the five provinces 
 which then constituted British America there was a general 
 discontent and agitation in favour of constitutional reform ; 
 and in two of these provinces the discontent actually cul- 
 minated in armed rebellion. The provinces of that lime 
 were heavily garrisoned, and the flower of the British army, 
 veterans who had fought in the Peninsula and Waterloo, 
 had to be called out to put down a people who were aiming 
 at what they conceived to be their legitimate rights. To- 
 day in this Jubilee year in these provinces which sixty years 
 ago were disrupted by civil war there is not even the 
 shadow of agitation. (Cheers.) The authority of the 
 Queen rests upon no military force, but the authority of the 
 Queen rests in the country which to-day is united, and 
 which extends from the Pacific Ocean to the Atlantic 
 Ocean, upon the willing and cheerful allegiance of five 
 millions of men, who, though still called colonists, pro- 
 claim themselves a nation. (Cheers.) These words— a 
 colony, a nation — never before in the history of the world 
 were those two words associated together ; never before 
 were they applied to the same community, implying, as 
 they do, at once, independence and power of a sovereign 
 people. Some three years ago there was in the State of 
 Ottawa an inter-colonial conference. These words, gentle- 
 men, when uttered by me, convey no particular meaning ; 
 they open up no large horizon to those whose privilege it 
 was to witness the first opening session of that conference 
 which sixty years ago would have been deemed fantastic 
 and chimerical. (Hear, hear.) When those v/hose privi- 
 lege it was to be present on that occasion saw with their 
 
'3« 
 
 eyes representatives from all those self-governing colonies 
 which now encircle the globe, men from all clitnes and from 
 all latitudes, men from countries whose territories extend 
 from zones where tropical plants blossom far north into the 
 land of the Midnight Sun, men from distant parts into 
 which European daring would hardly venture — when they 
 saw represented the Dominion of Canada, the Colony of 
 Victoria, the Colony of South Australia, the Colony of New 
 South Wales, the Colony of Tasmania, the Colony of New 
 Zealand, the Colony of the Cape of Good Hope, and when 
 they realised that all these men came from lands so far 
 distant and so far apart, so different in productions 
 and climates, all acknowledging the same allegiance 
 to the same Sovereign, and when they realised that these 
 men were there assembled to devise ways and means to 
 extend trade between themselves and the mother country, 
 and to promote a bond of union between themselves and 
 the mother country as well, and when they saw 
 that the mother country was there also represented 
 by a special envoy, not to dictate, not to command, but to 
 help and advise, there was a thrill of satisfaction. (Loud 
 applause.) Every man of British origin, nay, every man 
 whose privilege it had been to live under British insti- 
 tutions, felt his bosom swell with pride at the grandeur, 
 novelty, and the unique character of the spectacle before 
 his eyes. Every man present realised that under his very 
 eyes was opened a new leaf in the chapter of history, and 
 never was illustrated as it was then illustrated the truth of 
 John Bright's famous words — *' England, the mother of 
 living nations." (Applause.) If you asked me what was 
 the most dominant sentiment in every breast, the thought 
 in every mind, I would say it was not expressed perhaps at 
 the time so much as in resolutions afterwards introduced 
 by the Canadian Government to extend trade between 
 Canada and the mother country. (Applause.) Every colony 
 then represented might feel pride in Rudyard Kipling's 
 words, " Daughter am I in my mother's house, but mistress 
 
33 
 
 in my own." (Applause.) These words express abso- 
 lutely the feeling which predominates in Canada, and per- 
 haps for this matter I can speak also for brother colonists ; 
 the feelingwhich to-day isdominant in every colony is the [)ride 
 of local autonomy ; the pride of legislative independence 
 connected with the pride of British connection and 
 Imperial unity. It is a strange thing, and history attests it, 
 that the relations between colonies and the parent stale 
 have invariably been terminated in the same manner — that 
 is in quarrel, in war, in bloodshed and violent separation. 
 It is a most unfortunate state of things, it is a most sad 
 state of things. Such, however, the historical records show 
 to be the case, such is the record of the whole Hellenic 
 colonies along the coasts of the Mediterranean ; such is 
 the record, as you well know, which in t! last century 
 terminated the relations of England and j ^-- American 
 possessions. And the cause ever was the same, the cause 
 ever was that the parent state ignored, persistently ignored, 
 the local pride, the local interest, local aspirations, which 
 had in different conditions, in climate, in productions, in 
 geographical position, been brought forward ; the cause 
 ever was that the parent state invariably persisted in 
 governing the colonies, not with the wish, not with the 
 intention of the principle of the colony, but with the 
 interest, the intention of the parent state. Now, sir, let me 
 say this, and I say it with pride and satisfaction, whatever 
 may have been the blunders of the past, the past has been 
 closed for ever, and a new era has dawned upon the eyes of 
 Britain early in the years of her Majesty's reign. (Cheers.) 
 Gentlemen, I told you a moment ago that in the first year 
 of her Majesty's reign there was a rebellion in Canada. 
 The rebellion broke forth on the bank of the St. Lawrence 
 among the old French settlers, and when the news came to 
 England — you English people may have forgotten it, but we 
 can but remember it — the news was received in England 
 with no very great surprise. It was supposed that the 
 cause was to be found in the not-unnaturylly sullen con* 
 
J4 
 
 dition of a peoi)le wlio had Ijecn made IJritisli subjects 
 against their will. It is only i)artially true. It is true that 
 when my fellow-countrymen became subjects of England 
 their condition was respected, their civil rights wen* 
 respected. But there was more. 'I'he rebellion broke 
 out in another })art of the country, in a ])art of the 
 country whose loyalty was above suspicion, whose 
 people had made intense sacrifices for their loyalty. 
 Upper Canada has been settled, and from these isles 
 there had been a wave of emigration there in which 
 were to be found thousands of those men who on countless 
 battlefields had again and again offered to England the 
 fullest measure of devotion. If revolution was breaking up 
 the country the conclusion could not be avoided that the 
 cause was deeper than the feud of race. It was with great 
 pleasure that I heard the Duke of Devonshire this afternoon 
 refer to the great statesmen of the time who thought that 
 such an emergency required something other than coercion, 
 and who sent out Lord Durham to investigate what were 
 the causes. Lord Durham investigated the causes, causes 
 which had been ever the same. The same causes which 
 had lost to England her possessions in America in the last 
 century were fast again losing to England thir very spot 
 which had remained true to her in her hour of trial. 
 Though agreeing to a great extent with his remarks, I take 
 exception to some statements made by a previous speaker. 
 I think he was hardly fair to the men of my own race, but 
 I have told you that the past is closed. (Hear, hear.) I 
 am not here to recriminate. Whatever may have been the 
 errors of the past, again I say a new era has dawned upon 
 us. Lord Durham, when he found the nature of the evil, 
 did not hesitate one moment as to the remedy to be applied. 
 He boldly stated to the Imperial authorities that if they 
 wanted to keep the colony they had to give it a responsible 
 Government, that is to say a Government responsible to the 
 people of the colony. This was a reform I am proud to 
 say as a colonial had been long advocated by a school of 
 
35 
 
 colonial statesmen, but formerly these theories had been 
 held to be dangerous, and it had been supposed that if such 
 a concession were made it would invite other concessions, 
 until finally there would be an absolute severance of the 
 colonial tie. No wonder that the rei)ort of Lord Durham 
 was received with many misgivings, and it must be admitted 
 that it was, to say the least of it, a bold concei)tion to 
 entrust with self-government a people which was just 
 emerging from the throes of civil war. But the concession 
 was made. It was made with restrictions, however, which 
 might have made it illusory, but it was a fortunate day for 
 Canada, for England, and for the empire, that the governor- 
 ship of Canada was placed in the hands of Lord Elgin, a 
 man whose services in all parts of the world to England are 
 duly appreciated ; but a man whose name is enshrined, and 
 will be for ever, in the hearts of Canadians. (Cheers.) All 
 honour to Lord Elgin, for he it was who with unflinching 
 courage in the face of taunts, insults, and even personal 
 violence from excited people, gave to Canada her legisla- 
 tive independence. It was he who broke the shackles from 
 the colony ; he it was who also for the first time applied tlie 
 principle of responsible government, which has been since 
 prolific of such marvellous results. It may be doubted if 
 Lord Elgin and those associated with him realised to the fullest 
 extent the magnitude of the results which would follow from 
 the adoption of this policy, when the people of Canada, no 
 longer feeling the weight of Imperial authority, were free to 
 govern themselves according to their own view of what was 
 right, proper, and expedient ; when all trace of discontent 
 would disappear, and the relations between the mother land 
 and the colonies would become normal, that is to say con 
 fidence on the one side, and respect and devotion on the 
 other. (Cheers.) How keen his foresight was, how true 
 and wise his policy was ! For to-day all phases of discontent 
 have disappeared from Canada. The rebels of former years 
 are to-day dutiful subjects. (Cheers.) Allegiance is accepted 
 
 and cherished, not only by those subjects of England who 
 
 c .1 
 
36 
 
 are of her own kith and kin, but by those subjects who are 
 the sons of France, of which I am one, whom the fate of 
 war made British subjects. They are ardently devoted to 
 the freedom wliich they now enjoy. (Applause.) A 
 revolution has been accomplished. Compare the old 
 methods with the new methods of to-day. Under the old 
 the people had made efforts to break away from the land 
 which gave them birth, while to-day the people of Canada, 
 the people of French as well as English descent, proclaim 
 their ardent loyalty at the same time. Yet that is not all. 
 The principle applied to Canada may be applied to all the 
 colonies. To-day the loyalty of the colonies to the mother 
 country rests upon no force, but upon the gratitude and 
 affection of the people, which sometimes is greater than 
 force. All discontent disappeared in Canada the moment 
 the people were made legislatively free. As thoughts of 
 separation disappear, thoughts of union, of a closer union, 
 take their place. To-day the sentiment exists in Canada in 
 favour of a closer union with the motherland. The senti- 
 ment exists in Canada — nay, it exists across the ocean from 
 continent to continent, and to-day it encircles the earth. 
 What is to be its future ? It is a subject, I must say, upon 
 which I would hardly venture an opinion. Men there are 
 in the colonies, who, recognising this sentiment in favour of 
 a closer union, have endeavoured to crystallise it into shape, 
 to bring it, to reduce it, or rather to promote it, into actual 
 form. Men have banded together to devise schemes of 
 union, but all their efforts in that direction have so far had, 
 a barren result. We had it to-day from his grace the Duke 
 of Devonshire that the Imperial Federation League, the 
 oldest, best known of these associations, actually dissolved, 
 avowing that all schemes of federation had been found im- 
 practicable. Centlemen, what is the cause of this ? To me 
 the cause is very obvious. To me the cause is (^uite recog- 
 nisable. It is not in the genius of the British race, it is not 
 in the traditions of English history to write constitutions and.to 
 devise theories, but it is the genius of English history and it is in 
 
37 
 
 the genius of the British race to proceed slowly, never to 
 disturb the existing condition of things until the existing 
 condition of things has become heavy, burdensome, and 
 inadequate, amounting to a grievance, and it is to proceed 
 only so far as may be necessary to meet existing exigencies. 
 To-day there is a colonial aspiration for a closer union, for 
 a broader citizenship ; but there is no grievance. We are 
 satisfied with our lot, and the British people have shown 
 again and again that they are averse to disturb the ancient 
 constitution of these realms. What will therefore be the 
 future, I may ask? What will be the future of these 
 colonies ? What will be the future of the British Empire ? 
 The time may come — the time is coming probably — when 
 the present citizenship of the colonies, satisfied as they are 
 with it at present, satisfactory as it is to them now, may 
 become inadequate. The time may come when from the 
 mere aggregation of numbers, and an increase of popu- 
 lation, the sentiments and aspirations in favour of a closer 
 union will have to be met and acknowledged and satisfied. 
 (Applause.) What will then take place ? Gentlemen, I 
 hardly venture to give my own opinion, but perhaps I may 
 be pardoned for saying that in my own estimation, in my 
 own views, and views largely held in the colony from which 
 I come, the solution may be found — without coming into 
 violent contact with the constitution of these realms, with- 
 out disturbing the existing state of things — in the old 
 British principle of representation ; a thing which has long 
 been familiar wherever the English language is spoken, or 
 wherever English literature is appreciated, as the picture 
 drawn of the traveller from New Zealand taking his seat 
 upon the broken arch of London Bridge or in the ruins of 
 St. Paul's. When Macaulay drew that melancholy picture 
 he was evidently thinking of the past ; he was thinking of 
 the Egyptians, of the Assyrians, of the Persians, of the 
 Greeks, of the ..lomans, who in turn crumbled into dust. 
 But so far as our experience is concerned those melancholy fore- 
 bodiiigs have not been realised ; nay, they have been 
 
3^ 
 
 falsified. The traveller from New Zealand we have here 
 to-day. (Cheers.) He is here to-day among us, not to 
 gaze upon a spectacle of ruin and desolation, but to be a 
 witness himself in his own person of the development of 
 British power to an extent of which the imaginative 
 Macaulay could never have dreamt. (Cheers.) And the 
 time may come when a New Zealander may stand at the 
 gates of Westminster Palace asking for New Zealand 
 admission into that historic hall, which having been the 
 cradle of liberty — (loud cheers, in which the remainder oi 
 the sentence was inaudible.) This may be in the more or 
 less distant future, but there is something which commands 
 our immediate attention. Political union may be more or 
 less distant, but there is a duty depending upon all parts 
 of the British Empire, and that is in favour of more 
 extended commercial relations. (Hear, hear). I claim 
 for the present Government of Canada that they have 
 passed a resolution by which the products of Great Britain 
 are admitted on the rate of their tariff at i2^ per cent., and 
 next year at 25 per cent, reduction. This we have done, not 
 asking any com])ensation. There is a class of our fellow 
 citizens who ask that all such concessions should be made 
 for a quid pro quo. The Canadian Government has 
 ignored all such sentiments. We have done it because we 
 ov/e a debt of gratitude to Great Britain. (Cheers.) We 
 have done it because it is no intention of ours to disturb 
 in any way the system of free trade which has done so much 
 for England. But we are told that this policy which has 
 been adopted by the Canadian Government cannot last, 
 because it is coming into conflict with existing treaties. 
 Let me tell you this, the Canadian people are willing to 
 give this preference to Great Britain ; they are not willing 
 to extend it to other countries at the present time. (Cheers.) 
 We claim that treaties which are opposed to us cannot 
 stand in the way of our policy ; we claim that they do not 
 apply, and that position we intend to discuss with the 
 Imperial authorities. But it may be that, after all, we may 
 
39 ' 
 
 fail in our contention ; it may be that, after all, it may be 
 held against us as it has been in the past. If the treaties 
 apply I have only this to say, that the position will have to 
 be reconsidered in toto. If the treaties apply, a new 
 problem will have to be solved ; and this problem, what 
 will it be ? The problem will be, that either Canada will 
 have to retreat or England will have to advance. (Hear, 
 hear.) It is not without some curious complications. Thirty- 
 or forty years ago, when Canada was given its present 
 constitution, when we v/ere given power to have self-govern^ 
 ment, we used it ; and, as some parties in this country 
 thought, we abused it. We taxed British goods, and some 
 people then said, *' What is the good of these colonies to us 
 if they tax our goods?" Now, gentlemen, I know some- 
 thing of John Bull. Max O'Rell says he holds well to 
 what he holds ; but whether we love him or do not love 
 him, we all acknowledge that he is full of pluck, energy, 
 and enterprise. When he found that his goods were being 
 taxed by his child Canada, John Bull discovered that the 
 boy had a good deal of his own quality, and that the 
 youngster was a chip off the old block. (Laughter.) At 
 present we are reducing the taxation on John Bull's goods. 
 Shall we be told by the people of Great Britain that our 
 policy is unacceptable to them? (No, no.) The matter is 
 in your hands. I will pursue the subject no further. 
 What are the feelings of Canada? There is a mixed 
 population in Canada. The people of Canada are not all 
 of British blood ; one-third of them are of French descent. 
 What are the sentiments of the people of French descent ? 
 What are their aspirations ? Gentlemen, the answer is an 
 easy one. My ancestors fought the soldiers of England 
 upon many and many a batdefield to keep and to preserve 
 to the King of France the colony of Canada. They re- 
 pulsed invasion after invasion, and of all the quarters where 
 French valour and British pluck and endurance met in 
 conflict there is perhaps no part of the world where the 
 characteristics of the two peoples shone with such eclat as 
 
40 
 
 in the forests of America. But the day came wlieii the 
 fortune of war declared against my ancestors. They became, 
 by the fate of war, followed by solemn treaty, British 
 subjects, and the day when they became British subjects 
 they claimed from the Imperial authority the right of British 
 subjects to exercise their own religion, to speak their own 
 language, and to maintain their own institutions. Their 
 religion was always respected, I am glad to say ; but their 
 political rights were long denied, though when the con- 
 cession was made it was made gracefully and with the 
 greatest amplitude. Let me tell you this : My fellow- 
 countrymen having obtained the rights of British subjects, 
 it is with them a matter of duty, a point of honour, a labour 
 of love, to accept and to maintain to the fullest extent the 
 obligations and responsibilities of British subjects. (Cheers.) 
 They are proud of their origin. They are descended from 
 a proud race, but if they have a pride of origin, few men of 
 English blood will refuse them that privilege. If they have 
 a pride of origin they have in their hearts another pride — 
 the pride of gratitude ; and let me tell you there is no class 
 of her Majesty's subjects in this broad empire from whom 
 will ascend to heaven on Jubilee Day more fervent i)rayers 
 than from her Majesty's French subjects that the Queen 
 may live and live long, ([.oud cheers.) 
 
 The Queensland Premier. 
 The Hon. Sir H. M. Nelson responded for Queens- 
 land. He gave the company the assurance of the people 
 whom he represented of their continued loyalty and 
 affection to her Most Gracious Majesty the Queen. He 
 thought no stronger proof could be had of the loyalty of 
 the people of Australia than the fact that everyone of her 
 Premiers had been given a most enthusiastic send-off when 
 sent upon their present mission to carry their sentiments and 
 lay them before the throne. (Hear, hear.) They were all 
 proud to belong to the British family ; they were proud 
 thfit they v/ere an integral part of that great race : and 
 
4» 
 
 their greatest ambition was to fulfil their cHities towards 
 the mother country. He agreed with the seritiments which 
 the noble duke delivered that afternoon with regard to the 
 trade of the empire. He was one of those who believed 
 that free trade was best for the whole world— (hear, hear) — 
 but it was to be coupled with a most important condition, 
 and that was that the whole world should accept it — 
 (cheers)— because it was the case with that principle as 
 with a great many others — that they may be made a hobby 
 of and may be ridden to death, and occasionally act in a 
 way contrary to what was intended when those principles 
 were established. With regard to protection, he must say 
 that his sentiments and the sentiments of the people he 
 represented amounted to this, that protection also was 
 a policy that must be entertained with the greatest caution. 
 (Hear, hear.) When they found themselves surrounded by 
 other nations who would not deal fairly with them, they 
 must do something to protect themselves to a degree that 
 was necessary to obtain fair and equitable trading con- 
 ditions. Taking a concrete example for instance in the 
 matter of sugar. They were now enjoying the privilege of 
 using sugar at a price somewhat less than the cost of pro- 
 duction. That was accomplished by means of protection 
 in foreign countries, but it was worthy of consideration 
 whether we might not be living in a fool's paradise, and 
 might not ultimately have to pay more for our sugar than 
 we should if other countries v/ere acting in a fair and straight- 
 forward manner. Could they afford to allow the sugar 
 industries of the West Indies, the Mauritius, the Fiji 
 Islands, Queensland, and other Australian colonies to be 
 destroyed as they must be if the present policy was pur- 
 sued? (Applause.) In such a case the empire must 
 eventually suffer, and he was therefore strongly in favour of 
 the scheme shadowed forth by the Colonial Secretary. 
 Some scheme should be devised whereby the mother 
 country would draw her supplies of raw products from her 
 own colonies instead of being dependent upon foreign 
 
42 
 
 nations. He need hardly say that if any scheme could be 
 formulated which would effect that object it would have the 
 entire sympathy of the whole of Australia. (Cheers.) He 
 could answer at any rate for the colony that he represented. 
 The effect of such a policy would be an immediate benefit 
 to the colonies, a benefit to the empire, and to the home 
 country in particular. Although perhaps not so quick it 
 would at least be quite as sure, and he had no doubt be of 
 a permanent nature. Although his colony was the second 
 youngest colony that enjoyed responsible and representative 
 government, they had thorough and complete faith in their 
 own colony, and hoped, with the assistance of the mother 
 country, that they were laying the foundation of one of the 
 pillars of what would constitute at some time or other the 
 greatest empire that had ever been in the world. (Cheers.) 
 
 Premier of South Australia. 
 The Hon. C. C. Kingston, Premier of South Australia, 
 also responded. He said the toast was divided into two 
 parts, commerce and the empire. It seemed to him that as 
 regarded commerce it appealed to their maturer instincts, 
 to their business ideas, they shared it with them in that 
 great commercial centre in looking for markets, more profit- 
 able markets for their raw produce. They, he believed, 
 were equally desirous of similar outlets for their manufac- 
 tures. If some scheme could be happily arrived at between 
 the mother country and her colonies by which those objects 
 could be achieved, they in South Australia would be only 
 too glad. They had been told that it was their duty to feed 
 the hungry ; they would be only too glad to discharge that 
 duty with Australian meat. (Laughter and applause.) 
 They had been told it was their duty to give drink to the 
 thirsty ; might they also entertain the pious aspiration that 
 the day might come when the thirst of Great Britain might 
 be more largely assuaged by the aid of Australian wines ? (Re- 
 newed laughter and cheering.) He believed a distinction had 
 been drawn by various political economists of the highest 
 
43 
 
 repute as regarded the policy to be adopted in new countries 
 and in old. He believed that excuses had been found for the 
 adoption of a protective policy in young countries. How- 
 ever that might be, that was the policy adopted in the 
 colony from which lie came, but he would say that at the 
 present moment in Australia they were doing what they 
 could for the purpose of sweeping away the intercolonial 
 barriers to free trade. (Hear, hear.) He would not 
 attempt to say all he felt ; but he did claim as an Australian 
 born and bred, representing his native colony, and one who 
 until this auspicious occasion had never had an opportunity of 
 setting his foot on European shore, that they in Australia 
 yielded to none in their loyalty and attachment to the 
 Sovereign. He was charged as president of the Austra- 
 lasian National Convention with the duty of laying at the 
 feet of her Majesty the loyal sentiments to which he now 
 endeavoured faintly to give expression, and he was also 
 charged by the people of his own colony with a similar 
 duty ; and he wished to tell them how earnestly he sym- 
 pathised with everything that appertained to the goodwill 
 and prosperity of the great empire whose traditions they 
 were glad to share in, whose hopes and aspirations were 
 their own, and whose responsibility they were prepared to 
 accept to the very fullest extent. (Cheers.) 
 
 Our Colonial Guests. 
 
 Mr. A. L. Jones in giving " Our Colonial Guests and 
 Other Visitors," said that if any nation should be proud of 
 its colonies it was England. (Hear, hear.) 
 
 Chief-Justice Way, responding, said that in a few short 
 weeks they would all disperse to their respective homes, 
 and when they got back to Canada, Africa, Australia, 
 New Zealand, and the islands of the sea, they would think 
 of the happy incidents of that evening, and of the Jubilee 
 celebrations. They would remember the statesmanlike and 
 epoch-making address of the President of the British 
 J^mpire League. They would regretfully remember that they 
 
44 
 
 were not able to stay longer to enjoy the society of the fair 
 occupants of the gallery, who lent so much beauty and grace 
 to the proceedings of that evening ; and they should 
 remember most of all that in the city of Liverpool the flame 
 of loyalty and patriotism and love to their brethren beyond 
 the sea burned with a flame unsurpassed in no other part 
 of the broad British Empire. (Applause.) 
 
 Sir John Lubbock, Bart., M.P., also responded, and 
 the Lord Mayor proposed the liealth of the chairman, 
 which was cordially drunk. 
 
 Edinburgh, Mo)iday\ June j^i/i, 1897. 
 
 The party were entertained to luncheon by the Cor- 
 poration at the Waterloo Hotel. The Lord Provost 
 presided, and among the other guests were the Marquis of 
 Lothian, the Earl of Rosslyn, Lord Balfour of Burleigh 
 (Secretary for Scotland), I^ord Dalrymple, Lord Young. 
 Lord Trayner, l^ord Kincairney, Lord Kingsburgh, 
 Lord Adam, Lord Kyllachy, Lord Stormonth- Darling, 
 Sir Charles Pearson, Sir Alexander Christison, Sir Lewis 
 MTver, M.P., Sir R. Murdoch Smith, Sir George 
 Reid, P.R.S.A., Sir Thomas Grainger-Stewart, Sir Thomas 
 Clark, Sir John Cowan, Sir Stair Agnew, Sir Henry 
 Littlejohn, General Chapman, C.B., Mr. J. B. Balfour, 
 M. P., the Solicitor-General for Scotland (Mr. Charles Scott 
 Dickson, Q.C., M.P.), and Mr. Robert Cox, M.P. 
 
 Lord Balb'our of Burleigh proposed "Our Colonies." 
 The Hon. Wilfrid Laurier, Premier of Canada, in 
 rising to respond, was greeted with loud cheers. He said : 
 — My Lord Provost, Ladies and Gentlemen, if upon an 
 occasion of this kind it be not out of place, and it be not 
 transgressing the bounds of propriety, to speak of oneself, 
 I would say that this visit to Scotland was one of the 
 anticipated pleasures of my trip to Great Britain in con- 
 nection with the Jubilee celebrations. I have the honour 
 to come from the great Dominion of Canada ; and let me 
 
45 
 
 tell you, ladies and gentlemen, that not only to one who 
 has studied history, but to one who, like myself, was born 
 and brought up in Canada, the name of Scotland is precious 
 indeed. (Cheers.) Dear, indeed, is Scotland all over the 
 world, but dear it is to all men who appreciate religious and 
 civil and political liberty, because it is to pay to Scotland 
 only the tribute due to her to say that she has been 
 in the van of the cause of religious, civil, and political 
 liberty. Might I be permitted to go a little further 
 in history, and to come to times when religious and civil 
 liberty were unknown, and to come to the old days, on 
 which I dwell with great pleasure— being, as I am, of French 
 descent — to the time when Scotland was the trusted ally 
 and friend of the land of my fathers? Scotland to-day has 
 united with England, but the day was when Scotsmen 
 fought English troops in favour of Scottish nationality, and 
 in these days, if 1 have read history correctly, they got all 
 the help they could from the King of France. To-day, 
 visiting Holyrood — associated as it is with the memory of 
 one of the loveliest women that the world ever saw, a 
 woman who, after three hundred years, excites the contests 
 of men — I could not but be reminded of the days of Mary 
 Stuart, leaving the shores of France with tears in her eyes, 
 and exclaiming, "Adieu, adieu, pays charmante de France." 
 But the day came when England and Scotland, which had 
 been fighting each other were united. I say were united, but 
 I heard to-day in the city of Edinburgh a different interpre- 
 tation of the history of that transaction — I heard that my 
 reading of history, that the throne of Scotland had been 
 united to England, was not a correct one, but that the correct 
 interpretation of history was that England was annexed 
 to Scotland. (Laughter and cheers.) But the times 
 move, and after the annexation, if I may say so, of 
 England to Scotland — if I may bt permitted to again 
 correct history — I would say that England and Scotland 
 were annexed to Canada, and with that annexation the 
 Highlanders had a great deal to do. In the last struggles 
 
46 
 
 which made Canada British the courage of the Highlanders 
 shone as it never shone, perhaps, in any other battlefield. 
 In the struggle my ancestors were the victims ; but let me 
 tell you, ladies and gentlemen, that we soon took our 
 revenge on the Scottish Highlanders. After the siege of 
 Quebec the Scottish regiment of Highlanders was disbanded, 
 and they were allotted land upon the banks of the St. 
 Lawrence at a place called Murray's Bay. Then came our 
 revenge. They succumbed to the charms of our French- 
 Canadian women. (Laughter.) They were a new settle- 
 ment, and they had to take wives, and they married French- 
 Canadian girls. If there are any Scottish lasses in this hall 
 who find fault with that, let me tell them — and I do not 
 commit any breach of that gallantry upon which the race to 
 which I belong prides itself — that they might have done 
 worse than they did on that occasion. But, if that be not 
 sufficient, let me give another reason, which I think will be 
 satisfactory to all, and that is that they had to marry 
 French girls or not to mary at all. With such a problem, 
 I know what a Scotsman would do. So they married 
 French girls, and in the course of time little Scotsmen 
 came into the world. Scottish were they, or French ? The 
 only thing I know is that the supremacy of woman asserted 
 itself, and the little Scotsmen were taught by their 
 French mothers the language that was dear to Mary, 
 Queen of Scots. They all talked French then. They all 
 talk French now, and if we were to go to Murray's 
 Bay, ladies and gentlemen — and I hope some of you 
 may go some time or other there — you would find Mac- 
 kenzies, Macneils, and Macbrides, and you would find 
 little Mackenzies, Macneils, and Macbrides, not speaking 
 English, but every one speaking French, and none of 
 them a word of Gaelic. (Laughter and cheers.) That 
 is how the population of Canada is composed — composed 
 of a great mass, not only of British Islanders, but with a large 
 admixture of French blood. If I may be permitted to 
 allude to myself, let me say that when I was ten years of 
 
47 
 
 age, my dear father — and for this let his memory be ever 
 blessed by me — sent me to an English school in a Scottish 
 settlement in the l^rovince of Quebec, by the name of New 
 Glasgow, in the County of Terrebonne, surrounded by a 
 French population. In that school I could not speak a 
 word of English, and none of the boys could speak a word 
 of French. How could we understand each other ? There 
 is one way in which boys can always understand each other — 
 we could fight, and fought we did, and having fought as we 
 did, we became the very best of friends, and I am glad and 
 proud to say that amongst these school-fellows of mine I 
 have made in after life some of my best personal and 
 political friends. This is the toast of the colonies, and in 
 the programme I see the word " federation." Federation is 
 in the air. The relations of the colonies to-day to the 
 motherland are satisfactory, and we must admit that they 
 are so for the time being ; but they are not permanent, they 
 are temporary. The time will come when the present rela- 
 tions of the colonies to the motherland, satisfactory though 
 they are to-day, will not be satisfactory, and when that time 
 comes, my fellow-countrymen, the relations must become 
 one of two things — either they must break altogether or 
 they must become closer. (Cheers.) Shall it be breaking 
 the present relations, or shall it be a closer union than that 
 union which now exists? Gentlemen, the answer has to 
 come from England and ScoUand and Ireland. The 
 answer is not in the mouth of the colonies, because the 
 colonies are ready to stand by the motherland so long 
 as the motherland acts to the colonies as she is 
 doing at the present time. (Cheers.) There was a time 
 when you of Scottish origin fought for your nationality. 
 There was a time when those of a like origin with myself 
 in Canada, even after the Fall of Quebec, fought against the 
 Queen and the British Crown, so long as they believed 
 that injustice was to be done to them ; but from the day 
 that their civil and political liberty was acknowledged they 
 became loyal in their hearts and loyal in their actions. 
 
48 
 
 (Loud cheers.) I have the honour to belong to a proud 
 race, and gratitude is a virtue of which I sliall ahvays be 
 proud. If there be a thing for which I pride myself to-day 
 it is that we are all equals in Canada. We certainly do not 
 go back upon the past. No one of us, whether of ICnglish, 
 Scottish, or Irish, or French origin, wishes to ignore the 
 past, or wants to forget it ; but if we look into the past 
 it is simply to derive insi)iration for the future — to be 
 inspired by the past to do better for the future. We have 
 been divided in the past. The world has seen many and 
 many a struggle ; but at the present time, in tliis Jubilee 
 year, we can say we are on the dawn of a brighter day. 
 (Cheers.) These are the opinions which we entertain in 
 Canada. The Government of which I have the honour to 
 be the head have endeavoured to give some practical shape 
 to those opinions. We have endeavoured by our legislation 
 this very session which is now going on to give the com- 
 merce of Great Britain a preference, because it is Great 
 Britain, and for no other cause. (Cheers.) These are the 
 sentiments with which I approach you to-day. These are 
 the sentiments which I shall take away to my own country. 
 We knew much before we came here of the hospitality of 
 Scotsmen. I shall take away with me the memory of to- 
 day, I shall take away with me the perfume of the heather, 
 and give it to the Scotsmen of Canada. (Loud cheers.) 
 
 Sir George Turner, Premier of Victoria, also replied 
 to the toast. He said: — My Lord Provost, my Lords, 
 Ladies and Gentlemen, — -The task devolves u})on me this 
 afternoon of endeavouring to thank you, the citizens of 
 sweet Edinburgh, for the cordial reception which you have 
 given to the toast of " Our Colonies," proposed in such an 
 able, eloquent, earnest, and heartfelt speech which we have 
 listened to from the proposer of the toast. Since we have 
 come into Great Britain we have received on every hand 
 marks of kindness, goodwill, and esteem. We possess in 
 our Australian colonies sound political constitutions, and I 
 think I need hardly tell you that if we are to survive the 
 
49 
 
 treats that are in store for us, we, as I'reiiiicrs, will have to 
 be blessed with good constitutions ourselves. (Cheers and 
 laughter.) Among the various marks of kindness which 
 our friends in Scotland have given to us to-day is 
 this. Thinking, perhaps, that they had overlooked some- 
 thing, and desirmg on our entrance into this great 
 country to show that they were remembering us, 
 they concluded that they could not do better than to 
 send us a kind and a c:lose embrace in the form of one 
 of your good old Scottish mists, (f/iughter.) We in tiie 
 various colonies had thought that the invitation which 
 was given to us was one that we were bound to accept. 
 We come here, the Premiers, not so much on our own 
 account as because there was undoubtedly a unanimous 
 opinion and feeling throughout the length and breadth of 
 the whole of Australasia that the invitation having been 
 extended to us in such kind and cordial terms, we were 
 bound to accept it and to come here for the purpose ot 
 representing the great portions of the empire which exist 
 beyond the seas. We hear a good deal about the colonies ; 
 and, as the proposer of the toast has told you, some time 
 ago people in Great Britain thought that tliey might well do 
 without the colonies. The day of any such feeling as that 
 has, I am certain, passed away. (Cheers.) What are the 
 colonies? I think you will be proud, as we are proud, to 
 know that the colonies are — and we hope and earnestly 
 trust ever will be — a portion of the great British Empire. 
 Who are our colonists ? Are they not your and our own 
 people? (Hear, hear.) Who are these hardy old pioneers 
 who in the early days, under adverse circumstances, 
 amidst difficulties, dangers, and trials, went into the 
 wilderness, and have in the course of years made it a 
 flourishing garden ? Were they not Englishmen, Irish- 
 men, and Scotsmen — and a great proportion of them Scots- 
 men ? (Cheers.) We in our colonies are not unmirdful 
 of these facts, because if you look round among the 
 various positions, the highest in the land — in our 
 
 D 
 
so 
 
 Parliaments, in our judicial bodies, and in our other 
 spheres of life — you will find that our friends the 
 Scotsmen alwajs stand prominently to the front. 
 (Cheers.) They are glad and proud to occupy these 
 positions, and need I tell you that we — speaking for the 
 native-born in these colonies — are just as proud 
 and as glad to see our friends from Scotland holding these 
 high positions and giving us the benefit of their superior 
 knowledge, advice, and assistance? We are glad that they 
 do hold these positions, and we do hope that for many 
 years these old men will help us along, and that that 
 crimson tie which binds us to the motherland will be 
 strengthened and increased. We, among ourselves, occa- 
 sionally feel inclined to quarrel and dispute. We have 
 little tariff d' Terences and differences about riparian rights, 
 but I venture to say this, that if ever a foreign foe landed 
 upon any part of Australia all these differences would be 
 forgotten, and we would be banded together as one people 
 to resist any attack upon the colonies. And if it did 
 happen that one of the colonies was in difficulties and 
 required any assistance financially, which is not likely to 
 occur, then I am perfectly certain every other colony would 
 feel that it was its bounden duty to come to the support 
 and assistance of that colony in the time of need. If those 
 feelings exist among ourselves, as they unquestionably do 
 exist, should they not, and do they not, exist still more, 
 strongly between all the colonies and the grand old mother 
 country? (Cheers.) I can agree with the proposer of the 
 toast, and I say this unhesitatingly, that if ever the British 
 islands or the British Empire was placed in a position of 
 danger or difficulty, one word sent round the world by 
 cable would cause the British flag to be hoisted in every 
 city, town, and village throughout the colonies, and not 
 only those who look upon them as their adopted land, 
 but those also who are native-born, would rally round 
 the flag, and it would be hard, indeed, to say 
 which would be the first to come there and 
 
51 
 
 to extend a strong right arm to assist the old mother- 
 land. (Cheers.) I envy the Premier of Canada for 
 the proud position in which he stands here to-day. He 
 speaks for a Dominion— a united nation within a nation. 
 I have to speak as one of several Premiers. Perhaps I do 
 not on some matters express the views they would express 
 to you, but I feel certain that when I tell you that the 
 whole of the Australian Colonies are loyal to the liritish 
 nation I am perfectly certain I express their unanimous 
 and undivided opinion. (Cheers.) But with the word 
 " Federation " staring us in the face, we must, as we have 
 for some time past, be earnest in our desire to follow the 
 noble example which has been set to us by Canada. I trust 
 before this Jubilee year has passed away, we will add to the 
 united dominions in the world another - that of United 
 Australia — (cheers) — and that when next the Premiers are 
 invited to this land, for the purpose of conference or other- 
 wise, we will be able to speak with one voice. Again, I can 
 envy my friend from Canada, because he has taken a bold 
 step in bringing forward legislation for the purpose of 
 endeavouring to carry out what is in the minds and wishes 
 of all of us — closer commercial relations between the 
 colonies and the motherland. The step taken there is a 
 bold one. None of us can tell what the end will be. We 
 hope it may be successful. We will watch it with the 
 deepest interest, and if it does answer the object in view, 
 need I tell you that we will be only too pleased and too 
 glad to endeavour to follow the grand example that 
 Dominion has set to us ? We bring to you, from your far- 
 off brethren in the land beyond the sea, a mesFiage of good- 
 will. We bring to those born of the British nation a message 
 of continued loyalty and devotion to that nation, to the 
 throne, and to our gracious Queen. (Cheers.) What mes- 
 sage are we to take back with us to our several colonies ? 
 We need have no doubt whatever what we will have to tell 
 them on our return. We will have to tell them that in these 
 great islands our brethren received us as brethren^ and that 
 
 D 2 
 
5« 
 
 their feelings are feelings of affection and love towards the 
 great colonial possessions of this great empire. What- 
 ever the results of our visit may be, I feel perfectly certain 
 of this, that they will enable us to go back and tell those 
 whom we represent here that it is your desire, as it is our 
 desire, that that bond of union which exists between us may 
 be strengthened, and year by year may become stronger and 
 stronger, and that indeed for all time it may be indissoluble. 
 On behalf of the various Premiers, I have to thank you for 
 your kindness. I would have hoped that this duty would 
 have been entrusted to a Scotsman. I told you that they 
 hold high positions in our various colonies, and no doubt 
 you are well aware that the Premier of Queensland, Sir 
 Hugh Nelson, is one of yourselves. He, I am certain, 
 would have been only too glad to have undertaken the task 
 which has been allotted to me ; but, having tliat task 
 allotted, it was my bounden duty to accept it, and on behalf 
 of the colonies I return you our sincere thanks for the 
 kindness you have shown us in entertaining us here to-day 
 and the welcome you have given us, with an earnest hope 
 and prayer that the relations that exist between us may long 
 continue friendly, may grow and increase, and that the 
 colonies may be ever proud of the British nation, and that 
 the British nation may ever have just cause to be proud of 
 her colonies. 
 
 Sir Hugh Nelson, Premier of Queensland, in pro- 
 posing " Prosperity to the City of Edinburgh," coupled 
 with the name of the Lord Provost, recalled the fact that 
 he had received his education in St. Stephen's School, the 
 High School, and Edinburgh University. 
 
 The Lord Provost, responding, expressed regret that 
 the colonial visitors had not been favoured with better 
 weather, and hoped that the latter part of the day would be 
 more auspicious. 
 
53 
 
 Glasgow, Tuesday^ June \$th. 
 
 The Lord Provost presided at a luncheon given in the 
 City Chambers, many of the magistrates and leading 
 citizens being present, when the toast of " Success to out 
 Colonial Empire " was proposed. 
 
 The Hon. W. Laurier, Premier of Canada, was 
 cordially received on rising to respond. He said — Once 
 more, ere we part with the soil of Scotland, it is my privi- 
 lege again to express to you, fellow-citizens, the gratification 
 which we feel in our hearts for the kind reception which has 
 been given us in this ancient land. With you, my lord, I 
 could have wished that the day had been warmer ; I could 
 not wish that the hearts had been warmer. We have 
 received Scotch hospitality. I cannot say more than that. 
 (Applause.) Much gratified was I to have the opportunity 
 of visiting those Clyde workshops, which to-day have a 
 universal and world-wide repute, and which have exhibited, 
 perhaps as nowhere else, what is Scotch pluck, Scotch 
 energy, and Scotch endurance. Of Scotch pluck, energy, 
 and endurance I knew something before to-day, because it 
 has been my privilege to see something of it in my own land. 
 I say but a truism which is appreciated and well. known by 
 every Canadian when I assert that Scotsmen are amongst 
 the best of our citizens, and b/ far the most successful 
 business men we have. It is said amongst us that a young 
 Scotsman who leaves the mother land to come to Canada 
 never fails to carry out the wishes and instructions of his 
 pious mother, and never fails to say his prayer. And it is 
 said that the prayer of the young Scotsman when he 
 lands in America, whether in the States or Canada, is — 
 " Oh Lord, I do not pray you to give me wealth, 
 but let me know what it is, and I will attend 
 to it." (Laughter.) And all the Scotsmen we 
 have had up to the present time amongst us 
 have shown that, wherever wealth was, their sagacity led 
 them to seek it and to find it. (Applause.) When they 
 
54 
 
 first came to Canada, after the annexation of Canada to 
 the British Crown, looking over that large country of 
 forests, they at once went into the fur trade, and the 
 millionaires of the early part of this century in Montreal 
 were all Scotsmen, and in the fur trade. From the fur trade 
 they went again into the forests for the timber trade, and of 
 the timber trade they made an enormous succe*^ . From 
 the timber trade they went into the shipping trade, and the 
 pioneer of the shipping trade with us — I say it with some 
 pride in the city of Glasgow — was a boy born in the city of 
 Glasgow, the late Sir Hugh Allan, who was the pioneer 
 of the shipping trade between Canada and Europe. 
 (Applause.) From the shipping trade they went into the 
 railway business, and while we have millionaires to-day in 
 Montreal quite a number of them are Scotsmen. And I 
 would not wonder, now that the gold has been discovered 
 in British Columbia and the province of Ontario, if those 
 who were to rip out the wealth from the bowels of the earth 
 were again to be Scotsmen. (Laughter.) And if we are 
 ever to have what you have suggested, and what in the 
 bottom of my heart I wish for — a more united Empire than 
 we liave at the present time — I am sure the Scotsmen will 
 not be backward in that cause. (Ai)plause.) You have 
 spoken, and spoken fitly, of the Colonial Empire of Britain. 
 The time is past when nations could be circumscribed 
 within their own original limits ; and Great Britain has 
 given a lesson to the world on this subject, which the world 
 has attempted to follow and imitate, but which Great 
 Britain alone has successfully carried out. The Colonial 
 Empire of Great Britain is one by itself at the present time, 
 but we colonists hope that it may be more than it is to-day. 
 (Applause.) No doubt Britain has done much by her arms 
 and otherwise in the past for the colonies, but there is 
 perhaps something more to be done for us colonists of the 
 nineteenth century. For my part, I never hesitated to say 
 — speaking in my own native tongue, the French, amongst 
 my fellow-countrymen of the French race, on the banks 
 
^55: : 
 
 of the St. Lawrence — I never hesitated to say, and 
 still more do I say it here to-day, that much as I would 
 value the privilege of being the citizen of a Republic on 
 the St. Lawrence, still more do I cherish the prospect of 
 being a citizen of the British Empire. (Applause.) Let 
 me tell you this, that in this as in everything else, we are 
 far from having reached perfection. Much has been done. 
 Still more remains to be done. We, as colonists, are proud 
 of our position, I admit ; and if we are proud of it it is 
 simply because at the present time we are free, and free- 
 dom — I need not say it on the soil of Scotland — ^freedom 
 is the greatest boon of all. (Applause.) You Scotsmen 
 in olden time, if I know your history correctly, never hesi- 
 tated to fight whenever fighting was the price of freedom. 
 In the colonies we did not hesitate to fight when our free- 
 dom was to be interfered with. I need not say we 
 would have been less than men if we had submitted to 
 tyranny — (applause) — and now that we are free, we would 
 be less than men if we did not appreciate our freedom and 
 the hand that gave it io us — the hand of Great Britain. 
 (Applause.) We are free to-day, but we are only colonists. 
 Will I break your hearts if I say that we aspire to be a 
 little more than colonists ; we aspire to play a greater part 
 than we are now playing in the Empire of Great Britain. 
 (Applause.) No, I am sure you will appreciate the motive ; 
 and, if we tell you that our ambition is to remove what 
 disparity there may be between an Imperial subject and a 
 colonial subject, I am sure when the day comes we may 
 count on your support. (Applause.) It is the intention 
 of the colonists at the present time not to go backwards, 
 but to go onwards until we have a fully united empire — the 
 British Empire. (Loud applause.) 
 
 The Hon. R. J. Seddon, Premier of New Zealand, was 
 also warmly cheered on rising to acknowledge the same 
 toast. He said : — I feel proud to think that an opportunity 
 has been given to me to say a few words to those who are 
 gathered together at this festive table. It has been said 
 
56 
 
 that those of Glasgow are commercial — that this is the 
 manufacturing centre almost of Great Britain. In one 
 respect it is. But let me tell you more than that, that the 
 hospitality, the cordiality that has been shown to myself 
 and to the Premier representing the other colonies ma:k 
 you as being true to the great nation — to Scotia. Your 
 hospitality is proverbial. (Applause.) Well, I feel i^roud 
 to be able to say that in my veins courses Scottish blood. 
 The best woman ever born in Scotland was my mother. 
 (Laughter and applause.) This is the tu-st opportunity that 
 I have ever had of speaking in Scotland, but to-day you do 
 not want to be told by me of the Scottish people or Scot- 
 land. You want to know something of New Zealand— you 
 want to know of your sons and daughters who helped to 
 make that great colony the matchless gem in the British 
 crown. (Applause.) Yes; I have no hesitation in saying 
 here — and I say it with pride — that, go from one end of 
 Scotland to the other, I know that there is a warm feeling 
 towards those in New Zealand. (Applause.) And if I say 
 that, from them I give to you a kind greeting. Their com- 
 mand to me was to the people at home — "Tell them we are 
 well and happy. Tell them that our hearts are with them, 
 and from the day we left Scotia until now we have never 
 wavered ; we have been true to our traditions, true to our 
 own flesh and blood, doing our best here to improve the 
 condition of this country, and at the same time only too 
 willing and too glad to help those that we left behind." (Ap- 
 plause.) When 1 tell you that the little country that I allude 
 to can now send out its nine millions of produce — that we 
 now have something like twenty millions of sheep — that we 
 have gold put out to the extent of over a million sterling — 
 that we have laid down in P^nglish grasses something like nine 
 millions of acres : when I tell you that, as a food-producing 
 country, we are able to feed you — and I speak your mind 
 when I say that you would rather be fed by us than by 
 foreign nations who are not in sympathy with you — (hear, 
 hear, and applause)— yes ; and as I went through your 
 
57 
 
 Cathedral to-day and saw those tattered and battered flags, 
 and when I looked back on the past — and I know what it 
 has cost Scotia, what it has cost Great Britain — and then 
 when I make enquiries as to where your food comes from, 
 where your greatest trade Hes, it pains me to think that we 
 who are your own flesh and blood, anxious and willing, 
 while barred by these nations, cannot help you as we desire 
 to do. (Applause.) This brings me to the question of 
 closer trade relationship with the British Empire, and, as 
 level-headed Scotsmen, you want to know something ot 
 what can be done, and be done on lines beneficial to you, 
 and at the same time helpful to the colonies. We must 
 not for a moment urge a departure from the policy which 
 has been mentioned here to-day and laid down. It is not 
 now for us to go into details or to raise anything of a con- 
 troversial character, but it is for us to prove and to show to 
 you that it is for your advantage, outside altogether the ties 
 of affection, outside altogether the ties of traditions, to 
 cultivate that trade. When I say thr>t the trade of the 
 colonies — I allude now only to Australasia — amounts to 
 over ;!{^ 1 00,000,000 sterling per annum ; when you come to 
 ascertain that, when you come to know, as I tell you, taking 
 the most protected colony we have — I allude with due 
 respect to the colony of Victoria — by the return sent to the 
 Imperial authorities you will find that in the year 1894 their 
 imports were about ;)^4, 500,000, and the estimates supplied 
 by the department show there that the foreign imports 
 amounted to ;;^ 1,300,000 ; and when I say that we have 
 arrived at that stage it is high time that those here in our 
 mother country should know the facts. It may be, and is, 
 true that your works are well filled, the orders are there, 
 but I say that with the increased population of the Empire, 
 with the increased territory added to the Empire, your 
 docks, your shipbuilding yards should be increased four- 
 fold, and your great city of Glasgow, much as it has grown, 
 has still further room for expansion, and if we can help you 
 in that we know that we are bringing closer the Empire and 
 
58 
 
 its colonies. (Applause.) I desire to say this also in re- 
 spect to our colony. You have been told that we are some- 
 what progressive and experimental in respect to our legisla- 
 tion. I see sitting here at the table Mr. Faithfull Begg. 
 He has relatives in our country who respect him as he and 
 his family and those dear to him are respected in Scotland. 
 Well, he has been moving in the direction of givmg the 
 franchise to the ladies. I know that many here probably 
 will shake their heads and consider that that is somewhat of 
 too experimental a character, but the wise sons of Scotia in 
 New Zealand are supporters of it. They opposed it at 
 first, but the experiment has proved so successful that 
 now there is not a Scotsman in New Zealand but would 
 tell you that it is wise to trust his "mither" and the 
 " lasses frae the heather." (Laughter and applause.) I 
 desire before I sit down to thank the British Empire 
 League for the important part it has taken in giving to you 
 and to us the great pleasure we have had in meeting. The 
 tour we are making has been made under and with the as- 
 sistance of the British Empire League. I don't know whether 
 that league has any branches here or not, but the objects ot 
 the league are to promote closer trade relationship with the 
 view of encouraging the manufacturers and the commerce 
 of the mother country, and I feel sure that what they have 
 done in that respect in the past, and the fact that they have 
 assisted in the satisfactory meeting of to-day, will entitle 
 that league to your support. I would further say, now we 
 have met the representative men and ladies of Glasgow, no 
 warmer reception could be given than you have given to us, 
 but we have also seen at a distance the people of Glasgow, 
 and it has pleased me more than all, that wherever we have 
 been to-day, from the thousands outside we have received a 
 hearty welcome, and one which will never be effaced from 
 my memory or the memories of those gentlemen who are 
 here with me. (Applause.) Time will not permit 
 me to say anything further than that we are in the 
 mother country to add, if possible, some lustre to a great 
 
59 
 
 event in the history of that great personage, Queen and 
 Empress Victoria. (Applause.) The time is 0[)portune ; 
 the time has been embraced. People from all countries, 
 speaking all languages, are gathered and will gather 
 together to do honour to one during whose reign the 
 greatest freedom has been given to the world ; and, as 
 has been stated by my friend Mr. I,aurier, where you 
 give freedom, wherever a nation is governed by reason 
 and not by force, that nation with gratitude accepts the 
 freedom, and you, with us, as your Withers of old, will ui)hold 
 the crown and the constitution to which the world owes at 
 the present time much of the good that has been given to 
 mankind. (Applause.) In the words of the poet, I would say — 
 
 When "J^ritain's flag flies wide unfurled 
 
 All tyrant wrong repelling ; 
 God made the world a better world 
 
 For man's brief earthly dwelling. 
 (Applause.) 
 
 Mr. Faithfull Begg, M.P., proposed "The Ladies," 
 and the Hon. Sir George Turner, K.C.M.G., Premier of 
 Victoria, replied in a humorous speech. 
 
 Sir Hugh Nelson, the Premier of South Australia, pro- 
 posed " The Lord Provost and Magistrates," thanking them 
 on behalf of the young and vigorous colony he represented 
 for the hospitality extended to them that day. Our only 
 wish and desire is, he said, that our relations may be drawn 
 closer and more firmly together. Time would fail me if I 
 were to attempt to sing the praises of the great city of 
 Glasgow. I had occasion to visit it in my youth, and I 
 know the great changes that have been made in her pro- 
 gress during the last forty or fifty years. I daresay it is one 
 of the great events worth recalling in the reign of Her 
 Gracious Majesty the Queen, whose sixtieth anniversary we 
 are about to commemorate, that such immense progress has 
 been made, progress which I believe has not been paralleled 
 in any other part of the world — namely, the progress and 
 growth of the trade and commerce of the Clyde and of 
 
6o 
 
 the city of Glasgow. I br'ieve it is the second city of the 
 empire, and I behove that it has achieved that distinction 
 through the enterprise of the citizens who inhabit it. 
 (Applause.) They are, as you are aware, known all over 
 the world, and, as far as the feeling in the colonies is con. 
 cerned, I may say that we look to Glasgow for instruction 
 upon many points, If we want a good manager for a rail- 
 way we send to Glasgow for one. If we want a good expert en- 
 gineer it is to the city of Glasgow we come, and there we get 
 well served. In many other respects we have to take 
 lessons from Glasgow, and not the least of these is when we 
 come to look at our harbours and rivers in the colonies, 
 and when we find we have to improve them to make them 
 fit to receive the ships that carry the commerce of the 
 old country, it is to the Clyde and the Clyde Trust that we 
 come for instruction. (Applause.) Then in the matter of 
 local government we have Glasgow in the front. We hear 
 of the great things accomplished in the matter of local 
 government in Glasgow. We know how she has provided 
 her citizens with cheap carriage on the streets and roads, 
 how she has provided her citizens with economical but yet 
 effective water-works, and how she also provides the most 
 economical methods of light, and also the development of 
 hydraulic power and other things of that nature. All these 
 things we read about, and all these we study, and we look 
 to Glasgow in particular as being really the model or ideal 
 of a good local government, and the steps taken by her in 
 those du^ections are those that we are in the habit of 
 copying in our small way in the colonies. (Applause.) 
 
 The Hon. C. C. Kingston supported the toast, and 
 the Lord Provost having responded, the proceedings 
 terminated. 
 
 Manchester, Wedfiesday, June i6th. 
 The Directors of the Manchester Ship Canal conducted 
 the party from Liverpool to Manchester on the White Star 
 
6i 
 
 steamer Magnetic. Luncheon was served during the voyage, 
 Mr. J. K. Bythell, the Chairman of the Ship Canal Company, 
 presiding. In proposing the toast of " Our Colonies," 
 Mr. Bythell said the presence of so many Prime Ministers 
 helped us to realise the greatness of our empire. He had 
 not himself had the privilege of visiting any of our self- 
 governing colonies, but a long residence in India had 
 impressed him with a sense of the magnitude of the empire 
 which lies beyond the narrow seas of Britain. Well might 
 England be proud of her colonial sons. They were 
 vigorous, enterprising, and intelligent men, eminently fitted 
 to make nations that would leave their mark on the sands 
 of time. Mr. Bythell called the attention of his guests to 
 the general features of the waterway which, from an inland 
 city, had made Manchester a seaport. To those who were 
 familiar with the magnificent natural waterways in other 
 parts of the globe the canal might not be much to look at ; 
 but it was a fact all the same that there was not a steamer 
 running between the colonies and this country which could 
 not easily and safely sail up to Manchester. He would like 
 to point out that the canal was not altogether a joint-stock 
 enterprise, carried out for the sake of money-making. Even 
 the original shareholders, who found eight millions of the 
 capital, were largely influenced by a desire to benefit the 
 general trade of the district. And as the Manchester 
 Corporation had found five of the fifteen millions the 
 directors were to some extent in the position of trustees of 
 a great national undertaking. The canal had already been a 
 great benefit to the district, and he wished to take that 
 opportunity of impressing upon our colonial friends the fact 
 that a close connection between the new port and the 
 colonies would be mutually advantageous. The colonies 
 had vast quantities of surplus produce to sell, and here in 
 this district, within a radius of thirty-eight miles of Man- 
 chester, there were seven and a half millions of consumers. 
 Probably in no similar area in the world was there such a 
 market for the commodities the colonies had to sell. Our 
 
62 
 
 workers were in receipt of extraordinarily good wages, and 
 were accustomed to live well, consuming enormous quanti- 
 ties of such produce as the colonies wished to sell. The 
 Canal Company and the Corporation had provided every 
 accommodation for traffic, and in addition to lending five 
 millions the Corporation had constructed cold-air stores, 
 and perhaps the finest lairages in the world for the recep- 
 tion of live cattle. He thought it very likely that the visit 
 of the Colonial Premiers would do something towards 
 stimulating a trade which already existed between Man- 
 chester and the colonies. The colonies no doubt appreci- 
 ated the fact that it was the seller who had to come to the 
 buyer. He had received some complaints from Australia 
 that their importations of meat had not been received with 
 much fiivour in this district. No doubt that was due to the 
 fact that the trade in foreign meat in this district was largely 
 in the hands of an Argentine syndicate, and that the intro- 
 duction of Australian meat was met with a reduction in 
 prices. That was one of the vicissitudes of trade which, at 
 first at any rate, they could hardly expect altogether to 
 escape. He had too much confidence in the vigour and 
 intelligence of the colonies not to believe that they would 
 succeed in establishing a trade, once they had set their 
 minds to it. (Applause.) Mr. Bythell coupled with the 
 toast the names of the Premiers of Canada and South 
 Australia. 
 
 The Hon. Wilfrid Laurier (Premier of Canada) said 
 there had been for many years past an impression that 
 " the Manchester school " was not favourable to the 
 colonies, but this impression the present proceedings would 
 go far to dissipate. No doubt the impression arose from 
 the notion that a closer union with the colonies was not 
 compatible with the policy of free trade, which had been 
 so long the policy of Great Britain. He did not agree with 
 that doctrine at all, nor did he think it was held in any of 
 the colonies. They all admitted that protection would not 
 be acceptable to England, and that the policy of free trade 
 
^\3 
 
 must be continued. The colonies who desired closer com- 
 mercial relations with Great Britain had no idea that this 
 country should abandon free trade ; free trade had done 
 too much for England to make a return to protection 
 likely. So far as Canada was concerned, he would say that 
 although there was no expectation that England would go 
 back on free trade, they still believed it was possible for 
 England to have a closer commercial union with her 
 colonies than had been the case in the past. The Govern- 
 ment of Canada had acted on this conviction, and had en- 
 deavoured to open the door to closer commercial relations. 
 For a long time they had had a protective tariff in Canada. 
 It had now been revised in the direction of free trade. 
 The duties that were now levied were not so much pro- 
 tective as for the purpose of raising revenue ; and the 
 Government had determined that English goods would 
 be admitted at less than the ordinary rate. The reduction 
 for this year would be 12^ per cent., and for next year 
 25 per cent. (Applause.) They had put England on this 
 footing for two reasons. In the first place they had a sense 
 of gratitude to the old country; Great Britain had been a kind 
 mother to Canada. But there was also abusiness point of view. 
 They believed that if they gave greater facilities for trade with 
 this country it would be an advantage not only to this 
 country but to Canada also. If England sold more to 
 Canada she was likely to buy more from Canada. (Ap- 
 plause.) Trade, they believed, begot trade. Mr. Laurier, 
 in concluding, spoke in praise of the canal and the public 
 spirit of the people of Manchester in taxing themselves for 
 its construction. He had no doubt that if lines of steamers 
 could be established between the new port and the colonies 
 the advantages would not be confined to one side of the 
 water. (Applause.) 
 
 The Hon. C. C. Kingston (Premier of South Australia) 
 said he was an Australian born and bred, proud of the land 
 of his nativity, but still prouder of the land whose soil he 
 was treading now for the first time. As to the relations 
 
64 
 
 between the colonies and the mother country, he said they 
 rested on the basis of common sympathies and the ties of 
 blood and kindred. After all, it was true that blood was 
 thicker than water. So far as the constitutional con- 
 nection was concerned, he thought they could hardly 
 improve on the present arrangement. The colonies had 
 the privilege of managing their own affiiirs, and he hoped 
 that would always be the case. Those who wore the shoe 
 always knew best where it pinched, if it pinched at all. As 
 to the continuance and extension of commercial relations, 
 the colonies were with the mother country heart and soul. 
 The colonies produced wheat, oil, wine, fruit, wool, and 
 other commodities, and if they were only certain of a 
 remunerative market they could greatly increase their output. 
 On the other hand. Great Britain wanted fresh outlets for 
 her manufactures, and he could assure his friends here that 
 in the colonies they always gave the preference to British 
 manufactures where it was possible to do so. And surely 
 it would be better for this country to draw her food supplies, 
 when she could, from the colonies rather than from foreign 
 countries with whom any day England might be at war. 
 (Hear, hear.) In these circumstances could not something 
 be done to effect closer commercial relations between the 
 colonies and the mother country? The question had 
 engaged a good deal of attention in the Australian colonies, 
 and a resolution had been arrived at to do what they 
 fLiirly could to encourage British enterprise and com- 
 merce. It was time to have done with high-flown 
 sentiment, and approach the matter in a business spirit. 
 (Applause.) 
 
 The health of the chairman was proposed by Sir 
 George Turner, who remarked that the great canal along 
 which they were sailing might be of much service in bring- 
 ing the colonies into closer commercial touch with the 
 mother country. 
 
DINNER AT THE 'I'OWN HALE. 
 In the evening the Lord Mayor of Manchester (Mr. 
 Alderman J. F. Roberts), who entertained the Colonial 
 Premiers and other visitors at dinner at the Town Hall, 
 proposed the toast of " The Colonial Premiers." 
 
 The Hon. Wilfrid Laurier, Premier of Canada, 
 responded. It was with a great feeling of gratification, he 
 said, that the Colonial Premiers acknowledged their cordial 
 reception in all parts of the kingdom, and more especially 
 in Manchester. Whatever expectations they might have 
 had as to their reception, these had certainly been far 
 exceeded in actual fact. The colonies, he would say, were 
 proud of the mother country. (Applause.) They were 
 proud of being associated with that country, which, in all 
 the world, was the cradle of civil and religious freedom. 
 (Applause.) He was glad to say that the British Empire 
 League, while it might not have gone far in England, had 
 certainly gone' far in the colonies. It was an institution 
 Imperial in its constitution and in its aspirations, and it was 
 to this League that they were indebted for their present 
 visit to the great city of Manchester. Nothing could be 
 better than the bringing of them all together — Englishmen 
 and Britishers from all parts of the world. By seeing and 
 meeting each other they got to know each other the better. 
 (Applause.) It was this which was the purpose of the 
 League, and that pur[)Ose had been well carried out by the 
 visit to Manchester. 
 
 Sir George 'J'urner, Premier of Victoria, also 
 responded. He heartily thanked the assembly for the 
 reception given to him and the Premiers of other colonies. 
 Before they began their journey they knew they were 
 coming, not to a strange country, but to " home." (Ap- 
 plause.) Nothing could exceed the kind hospitality with 
 which they had been received by their kith and kin. 
 (Ap[jlause.) They in the colonies were proud of the 
 motherland, and he hoped he might say that the mother- 
 land was proud of the colonists. (Applause.) When they 
 
66 
 
 went back they would all be able to say that to them, 
 indeed had been held out the hand of kindness and of 
 friendship. (Applause.) He trusted that the bonds 
 already existing would as years went by bind them closer 
 and closer. Long miles might separate them from each 
 other, but the links in the chain were not easily to be 
 broken. In Australia they hoped to make themselves into 
 one dominion, as in Canada, and to constitute themselves a 
 nation within a nation. (Applause.) 
 
 Mr. W. H. Holland, president of the Manchester 
 Chamber of Commerce, proposed " Prosperity to our 
 Colonies." In the great success and prosperity, he said, 
 which fortunately had attended our colonial system some 
 credit was due to the far-sighted British statesmen who had 
 the courage to grant to our colonies the right to manage 
 their own affairs. The steps taken had had abundant 
 reward. Secondly, the success of the colonial system was 
 due to the way in which those who had the responsibility 
 put upon them had proved that they were worthy the trust 
 reposed in them, (Applause, 
 
 The Hon. R. J.Seddon (New Zealand), in responding 
 said that as a Lancashire man he had been prepared for the 
 reception with which the Colonial Premiers had been met. 
 (Applause.) He would only like to say how much they felt 
 they had lost in the transfer of Bishop Moorhouse from 
 Melbourne to Manchester. The gain to Manchester was 
 great. (A.pplause.) In the colonies they felt themselves 
 just as much a part of the mother country as did their 
 ancestors who lived in England long years ago. Mr. Seddon 
 laid stress on the fact that Australia was a great food-supply- 
 ing centre for Britain. 
 
 The Bishop of Manchester proi)osed the health of 
 the Lord Mayor. He had, he said, a peculiar pleasure in 
 being present. For nearly ten years he lived in the 
 colonies. During that time he saw not only the enormous 
 resources of the colonies, but also the splendid promise of 
 what perhaps he might be allowed to call the colonial 
 
67 
 
 commonwealth. Seeing the Colonial Premiers present, he 
 might say that he felt at home again, and he might also say 
 that he felt for the moment that he had had no right to 
 leave the colonies. (Laughter.) He was in Victoria when 
 it was that the greatest Powers in this world were thought 
 to be about to fall upon this country and to quench that 
 light of freedom and of truth which she had held up before 
 the world for such long years. Then there broke forth from 
 the hearts of the colonists, on ail sides, one long enthusiastic 
 cry, " They shan't hurt our mother. We will all die first." 
 (Applause.) He heard it, he felt it — the great feeling arising 
 from the very bottom of the hearts of the people. " Do 
 not," concluded the Bishop, addressing the Premiers, " do 
 anything to annoy them, but do everything you can to help 
 them. Unite with them, and we shall have with God's 
 blessing still the grandest empire upon which the sun has 
 ever shone." (Applause.) 
 
 The Lord Mayor briefly responded. Subsequently 
 his Lordship held a reception, and this was followed by a 
 pleasant "musical evening." 
 
 Birmingham, Monday, Ji/iie 2isL 
 
 The following party were entertained at the Council 
 House by the Lord Mayor and Lady Mayoress : — 'J'he 
 Hon. Wilfrid Laurier and Madame Laurier ; the Hon. 
 G. H. Reid (New South Wales); the Hon. Sir George 
 Turner ; the Hon. R. J. Scddon and the Misses Seddon ; 
 the Hon. Sir Hugh M. Nelson and Lady Nelson ; the 
 Hon. Sir Gordon Sprigg (Cape Colony), and Mr. vSprigg ; 
 the Hon. C. C. Kingston ; the Hon. Sir William \Vhiteway 
 (Newfoundland) and Mr. W'iiiteway ; tlie Hon. Sir 
 E. N. C. Braddon (Tasmania) and Lady Braddon ; the 
 Hon. Sir John Forrest (West Australia); Colonel and 
 Mrs. Denison ; Captain and Mrs. Bate, and Mrs. Edwards 
 
 K 3 
 
6S 
 
 (Canuida) ; Mr. deSoysaand Mr. W. A. F. Murray (Ceylon); 
 Mr. and Mrs. W. H. Daw ; Mr. H. W. Marcus ; Mi. and 
 Mrs. Freeman Murray ; Miss Newton ; and Mr. Kobson. 
 Amongst those present were the Colonial Secretary and 
 Mrs. Chamberlain ; Sir Arthur Hodgson ; the Bishop of 
 Coventry; Mr. Parkes, M.P. ; Mr. Jesse CoUings, M.P. ; 
 and Mr. Lawson Tait. 
 
 The Lord Mayor having proposed " The Premiers of 
 our Self-governing Colonies," 
 
 The Hon. W. Laurier, who was received with loud 
 cheers, said : My Lord Mayor, Ladies and Gentlemen, — 
 I can assure you, my Lord Mayor, that your guests to-day 
 will never forget the kind and— more than kind — the warm 
 reception which was accorded them to-day in this far-famed 
 city of Birmingham— far-famed for its energy, its activity, 
 and its commercial enterprise — far-famed for its connection 
 with some of the greatest men that have ever adorned the 
 British Parliament, the last, but by no means the least, of 
 whom is the right hon. gentleman who is so honourably 
 connected with colonial development in the British Empire. 
 (Cheers.) Sir, it is a sign of the times, perhaps, that at this 
 present moment Her Majesty's Secretary of State for the 
 Colonies represents the city of Birmingham. There was 
 an impression in time gone by that the city of Birmingham 
 and the Manchester School in general were not favourable 
 to the colonial connection. Whatever of truth there 
 might have been then in the soft impeachment I have no 
 time at this moment to discuss. Let me only say to-day 
 that, whatever may have been the impression in the past, 
 the impression is general — not only throughout the Colonies, 
 but, so far as I have been able to gather, also in the mother- 
 land—that it is for the best interests, not only of the English- 
 speaking race, but of mankind at large, that there should be 
 a more intimate connection between the motherland and 
 her colonies. (Cheers.) Indeed, this is the thought which 
 has absorbed the anxious reflections of many and many a 
 man in this country. Many schemes of union have been 
 
69 
 
 proposed ; none of them, so far as I know, has yet been 
 accepted. The reason, perhaps, is that of all the schemes 
 of un'on which have been presented up to the present time, 
 every one more or less involved a departure from those 
 principles of freedom of trade which have been accepted, 
 not in all places, perhaps, so much as in this city of Birming- 
 ham. Now, it has been stated that the early apostles of 
 freedom of trade have not seen their dreams — not their 
 dreams, but their expectations realised. It is undeniable 
 that in the early days of the crusade of free trade the hopes 
 of Mr. Richard Cobden and Mr. John Bright were that 
 some day not far distant from then the principles which 
 had been accepted here would also be accepted by the 
 world at large. Those expectations had not been reahsed. 
 But, sir, if any misfortune has arisen out of that, I suppose 
 that no one will claim that the misfortune has been for 
 Great Britain. The misfortune has rather been for other 
 nations. (Hear, hear.) I am convinced of one thing ; 
 that at present to-day there is no country that can compare 
 with England —(hear, hear) — compare with England in 
 many ways. She has reduced her public debt ; she has 
 increased her population, though she has settled the earth ; 
 she has reduced the number of her crimes ; she has closed 
 some of her prisons. Where is the nation that can say so 
 much ? It would be folly to imagine that the English 
 people would ever depart from those principles of free 
 trade which they adopted some fifty years ago. (Hear, 
 hear.) Realising this, and at the same time realising the 
 great utility which would follow from a closer union between 
 England and her colonies, the Canadian Government have 
 undertaken in some degree to solve the difficulty. They 
 have given to the trade of Great Britain a preference in 
 their own markets. (Cheers.) Now, sir, this we have 
 done deliberately, and for this let me tell you, gentlemen, 
 the Canadian Government and the Canadian people ask 
 nothing in return. They have done it out of gratitude for the 
 motherland. (Cheers.) They do not ask any ^uiW pro </uo ] 
 
70 
 
 they do not ask for the pound of flesh ; they do not require 
 a price for their loyalty. (Cheers.) Whatever they have done 
 they have done deliberately. But I may tell you this — though 
 I am of French origin I am l]ritish enough to understand 
 that business should not be forgotten. (Laughter.) We 
 have done it because we expect in some way, not legis- 
 lative concession, but some return simply from these 
 applications of the freedom for trade in which you 
 believe. We know that if we give the preference to the 
 products of Great Britain in our market we shall buy from 
 Great Britain many of those goods which we are now 
 buying from other countries ; and we should expect that if 
 we gave that preference you, and especially you gentlemen 
 of the city of Birmingham, shall buy more of the products ot 
 Canada than you are now buying. (Cheers.) Let me say 
 one word more, ladies and gentlemen. There is one thing 
 more ./hich we expect from the British Government and 
 from the British people — it is that they will, at no distant, 
 but at an early, date, renounce those treaties which at the 
 present time are hampering the relations between Canada 
 and the motherland. If that be done, that is all that we 
 require. If that be done, I have reason to hope, and to 
 expect, that the example put forward by the colony of 
 Canada will be followed by the other colonies. (Cheers.) 
 Now, I know that the time at your disposal is very short. I 
 have only one word more to say to you. It is the most 
 pleasant of all. It is once more to assure you that the 
 greeting accorded to us to-day shall never fade from the 
 memory of any one of us. (Cheers.) 
 
 The Hon. Sir Hugh Nrlson, Premier of Queensland, 
 proposed " Her Majesty's Ministers." He said :— My Lord 
 Mayor, Ladies and Gentlemen, — The toast that I 
 have to submit to you is one which I know you will all 
 drink with the greatest cordiality. The toast is the health 
 of " Her Majesty's Ministers." (Ap[)lause. ) You are all 
 aware, probably as much as I am myself, of the immense 
 responsibility that rests upon those gentlemen who enter]the 
 
service ot tlie country and undertake the administration of a 
 great empire like the one to which we are all proud to 
 belong. The magnitude of their responsibilities is hardly 
 realisable by an ordinary mem])er of the community. Yet 
 we know that u[)on them, to a lary;e extent, if not entirely, 
 devolves the future destiny of the empire to which we belong. 
 They have to maintain the dignity and the good name and 
 prestige of the empire amongst all the foreign nations of the 
 world. They have to administer and provide an army and 
 a navy that will protect the empire against all the Queen's 
 enemies. They have also to deal with the Queen's internal 
 enemies — I mean the criminal portion of the community — 
 and deal out foirly, but firmly and with justice, the adminis- 
 tration of the law. They have to deal with, and promote 
 and foster as far as they can, and also to protect, if the 
 necessity arises from foreign aggression the immense trade 
 and commerce of this empire. And last, but not least, from 
 our point of view at any rate, they have to advise and ])ro- 
 mote the great buttresses of the empire to which we belong 
 — namely, the great self-governing colonies and other pos- 
 sessions of her Majesty's dominions, and it is in the latter re- 
 spect that we are more particularly concerned to-day. It gives 
 me the very greatest pleasure to propose this toast, but it gives 
 double pleasure to be able to associate with it the name of 
 the Right Hon. Mr. Chamberlain, Secretary of State for 
 the Colonies. (Applause.) We have derived great gratifica- 
 tion already from our visit to the old country, but not the 
 least pleasure that we received was the hearty shake of the 
 hand from our immediate chief, Mr. Chamberlain, who has 
 the advice and control of the colonies under his sway. 
 (Applause.) It is pleasing, indeed, to be recognised by 
 him as comrades, as all w^orking in the same field, and 
 endeavouring, each in our own sphere and as far as our own 
 capabilities go, to build up an empire of free, of intelligent, 
 of happy, contented, and, above all, of loyal people. We 
 have every confidence in Mr. Chamberlain's administration 
 of the affairs of the colonies. We know that he is a faithful 
 
72 
 
 friend to us ; we know that in all our difficulties we can 
 depend upon his advice ; we know, further, that, whenever 
 it is possible, we can depend on him when we require his 
 assistance. (Hear, hear.) The toast is not one that 
 requires many words to commend it, especially in the 
 present company, which I can see is entirely in sympathy 
 with me, and I am sure, therefore, you will all cordially rise 
 and join with me in drinking the health of " Her Majesty's 
 Ministers," coupled with the name of Mr. Chamberlain, 
 Secretary of State for the Colonies. (Applause.) 
 
 The Right Hon. J. Chamberlain was received with 
 cheers on rising to reply. He said : — My Lord Mayor, 
 Ladies and Gentlemen, — I have very cordially to thank 
 Sir Hugh Nelson for the graceful way in which he has 
 proposed this toast, and you for the cordiality with which 
 you have greeted it. On any other occasion than this I 
 should be i)repared to enter at length upon a discussion 
 and a defence of every act of her Majesty's Ministers-- 
 (laughter)— and I should prove, I hope to your, and I am 
 quite sure to my own, satisfaction— (laughter) —that this is the 
 best of all possible Governments. (Laughter and applause.) 
 But to-day, ladies and gentlemen, there is only one act of 
 the Administration for which I am disposed to take credit, 
 and for which I ask your hearty approval, and that is 
 the invitation which we have sent by command of the 
 Queen, and on behalf of die people of the United King- 
 dom — (applause) — to the Premiers of all the self-governing 
 colonies to share in our rejoicings, and to take their part in 
 the celebration of the long reign of the best and the greatest 
 of English Sovereigns. (Cheers.) My Lord Mayor, the 
 Throne is the only constitutional connecting link beween 
 the colonies and ourselves. In all else these great self- 
 governing communities are as independent as we are ; but 
 we are all united as fellow-subjects of one monarch, we are 
 all united by our common loyalty, by our common deter- 
 mination to maintain a common empire. (Applause.) The 
 Government have attached the greatest importance to this 
 
73 
 
 visit, which is absolutely unique in the history of the 
 country. To-day, as never before, and, as I suppose, 
 never again, the Premiers, the rulers, the constitutional 
 rulers of these sister nations, meet us all at one time, 
 together to do honour to the monarch of these realms, 
 and to show to this country, to the colonies, and to all 
 the world the essential unity of the British Empire. 
 (Applause.) — My Lord Mayor, we are delighted to see 
 them in our own good city of Birmingham. (Loud cheers.) 
 I would venture to tell my honourable friend Mr. J^aurier 
 tliat there are many cities in the United Kingdom, but 
 there is only one Birmingham. (Laughter.) He spoke 
 just now of the Manchester school as having exercised some 
 influence over us at some period of our history. That is a 
 mistake. (Laughter.) We have our own school. By that 
 alone are we educated, and to that alone are we responsible, 
 and never in Birmingham has there been any of that spirit 
 which has been, rightly or wrongly, associated with tlie 
 Manchester school, which consisted in a neglect of the 
 colonies, and in a want of appreciation of their importance 
 in the British Empire. (Hear, hear.) No, sir, the feeling 
 that we entertain now on that subject w^e always have 
 entertained, and I have no doubt that my fellow-citizens 
 have shown it to-day, and that the Premiers will feel that 
 here, in the very centre and heart of England, as in all 
 parts of the United Kingdom, they are at home, and that 
 they are welcomed with a heartfelt love and affection which 
 we reserve only for those of our own household. (Cheers.) 
 I cannot doubt that in the future these gentlemen, our guests, 
 will feel, even if they have never felt it before, that the mother 
 • country is, indeed, proud of her children — ^(hear, hear) — that 
 she rejoices in their vigorous youth, in their enterprise, in 
 their growth and their prosperity, and that she craves from the 
 bottom of her heart their love and their affection, and will 
 hold it to be her greatest possession. (Cheers.) I noticed the 
 other day that our distinguished guest Mr. Laurier, who 
 represents two races in the greatest and the most power- 
 
74 
 
 ful of all our colonies, and who is able to tell us that as 
 between the two races there is no difference of opinion in 
 regard to their loyalty to their common monarch — (cheers) 
 — I observed, I say, that Mr. Laurier, when he set foot 
 upon these shores, and in his first speech, at I^iverpool, 
 while he spoke of the satisfactory character of the relations 
 between the colonies and this country, nevertheless uttered 
 a warning which it would be well to bear in mind. He 
 said that the situation as it is to-day could hardly be 
 expected to last for ever, and that either the colonies 
 would draw closer to us and would take a larger share in 
 the government and administration of the empire, or else 
 they might insensibly, and I hope unwillingly, drift apart. 
 Sir, that is in my opinion the greatest problem with which 
 the statesmen of the empire have to-day to deal. (Hear, 
 hear.) Sir, I hope that the feeling in the colonies is the 
 same as the feeling at home. I am certain that in the 
 United Kingdom we all should feel that a separation between 
 ourselves and any one of our colonies would be not only a 
 disaster, but it would be the greatest discredit that could 
 fall upon us. (Hear, hear.) And if that feeling is shared 
 by our kinsmen across the sea, then I do not doubt that our 
 statesmen are capable of finding some effective means ot / 
 giving a practical shape to the aspirations which we have in 
 common. (Cheers.) Sir, this is a question of the utmost 
 importance to the colonies as well as to ourselves, and I 
 cannot help thinking that they must agree with us that it is 
 better to form an essential, a valued, an important part of 
 the greatest empire that the world has ever known than to 
 establish an independent but a minor State which may 
 exist, perhaps, at the tolerance or goodwill of some foreign 
 Power. (Hear, hear.) But to me, and I think to my 
 countrymen, this is not so much a matter of interest as it 
 is of sentiment — (hear, hear)— and I am glad of that, 
 because although, like Mr. Laurier, we are men of business, 
 still I firmly believe that now the power of sentiment is 
 great in the government and the administration of the 
 
•75 
 
 world. (Cheers.) Sir, that sentiment is deep in our hearts, 
 it lias taken a firm hold of the people of this country ; and 
 if it is ecjually predominant in the minds of the colonies, 
 then I, for one, have no doubt that tliis great emi)ire of 
 ours, powerful as it is, is nothing to what it will become in 
 the course of ages, when it will be in i)ermanence a 
 guarantee for the peace and the civilisation of the world. 
 (Hear, hear.) My Lord Mayor, if our self-governing 
 colonies desire now, or at any future time, to take their 
 share in the glories and in the resi)onsibilities of the empire, 
 they will find that we are ready to meet them more than 
 half-way — (applause) — and that we will make it our duty 
 to establish firmly that principle of our connection — " Each 
 for all, and all for each" — upon which alone the stability 
 and the prosperity of the empire can depend — (applause) — • 
 and if they are wishful to draw closer the commercial 
 relations between themselves and us, now or at any future 
 time, again I say we will meet them, and in no huckstering 
 spirit. (Applause.) We will not treat this as a transaction 
 in a ledger, to be weighed in proportion to the exact 
 balance of profit and of loss. No, there is a principle, and, 
 as I have said, a sentiment behind it which will carry all 
 before it, because we see in such tightening of imperial 
 bonds a guarantee for security and for continued unity. 
 (Hear, hear.) And, my Lord Mayor, 1 do not tliink it will 
 be said that in making such suggestions we are actuated by 
 selfish interests. The United Kingdom to-day is stronger, 
 is more powerful^ than it has ever been in the course of 
 its history. For many years to come, probably, it will 
 exceed in wealth, in population, in trade, in naval and 
 military resources, all the colonies put together. But it is 
 not in our own interest alone that we speak. We think of 
 the interest of the colonies as much as of the interest of the 
 mother country. We think of the future of our race as well 
 as the future of our own people — (cheers) — and it is in this 
 view that we raise now a discussion which may, perhaps, 
 not yet be ripe for setdement ; but this is a creative and a 
 
■7« 
 
 critical time, and upon what we do ijovv, and upon what we 
 say now, may de[)end this future, to wliich none of us can 
 look forward without a feeling of inspiration. (Hear, hear.) 
 I hoi)e, therefore, that our kinsmen will take this question 
 into consideration, that they will not lose sight of the 
 possibility of that federation of free nations which will 
 establish on a firm and a lasting foundation that great 
 edifice of imperial dominion for which our ancestors and 
 theirs have so gloriously prepared the ground. (Cheers.) 
 > Again rising, Mr. Chamherlain asked vSir (lordon 
 Sprigg, Prime Minister of the Cape Colony, to propose the 
 last toast, the health of the Lord Mayor. 
 
 Sir Gordon Sprigg, who was loudly cheered, said : 
 My Lord Mayor, ladies, and gentlemen, — When Mr. 
 Chamberlain proposed that I should submit the health of 
 the Loid Mayor I think he scarcely remembered that I, 
 although not exactly a Birmingham man, am here to-day, 
 after an interval of fifty years, amongst what I may call my 
 old friends and acquaintances. It is probably known to 
 few of you that my grandfather and my father were master 
 manufacturers in this town of Birmingham — (applause)— 
 carrying on a successful business in the hardware trade in 
 Bradford Street down in the neighbourhood of the Bull 
 Ring. It is fifty years to-day, save for a few months, since 
 1 stood in your noble Town Hall, not then, of course, as a 
 speaker, but rather as a stripling just entering into manhood, 
 and listened to the public speakers at one of the great 
 political meetings of that day. It was at the time when the 
 French Revolution of 1848 had just occurred, and when the 
 thrones of all Europe were tottering, and some of them 
 tumbling, to their foundations, and I well remember that day, 
 how the question was asked, " Is the throne of Victoria 
 going to stand ? " S'r, the answer is given to-day. 
 (Applause.) The throne of Victoria stands to-day after 
 the lapse of these fifty years, and it stands firmer to-day 
 than it did in the year 1848. (Applause). And the 
 reason why that throne stands so firm, firm beyond 
 
77 
 
 all other thrones throughout the world, is because from 
 that throne proceeds a rule of truth and justice. (Ap- 
 plause.) That is the rule which we, Her Majesty's 
 humble Prime Ministers in the different dependencies of 
 the empire, are endeavouring, in accordance with our 
 humble abilities, with more or less success, faithfully to 
 carry out, as is our bounden duty as the servants of Her 
 Majesty the Queen. (Applause.) And I am thankful to 
 be able to assure you, coming from a colony and from a 
 part of the empire which has excited a great deal of interest 
 in recent times, that the prospects of peace and of a satis- 
 factory settlement of the complicated questions which 
 surround us in that part of the empire are more hopeful 
 than I have known at any period within the last eighteen 
 months. (Applause.) I was rejoiced, indeed, to hear 
 the speech of the right hon. gentleman the Secretary 
 of State for the Colonies when he announced that the 
 Government of which he is so distinguished a member 
 was prepared to meet us even more than half-way in all our 
 ap})lications and desires for the unity of the empire — (hear, 
 hear) — and I can only assure the right hon. gentleman 
 that, let him stand by — and I feel thoroughly convinced 
 that he will stand by — the policy which, on behalf of Her 
 Majesty's Government, he has announced as the policy 
 which it is intended to pursue with regard to the colonies 
 generally, and especially with regard to the colony which I 
 represent here to-day — I can assure him, I say, that if he 
 stands by us we shall, as a united ])eople, stand manfully by 
 him. (Applause.) Sir, it would not be proper for me, at 
 this late stage of the proceedings, and after the very able 
 and interesting speeches to which we have listened to-day, 
 to take up more of your time. I would simply say, referring 
 to whot I stated at the commencement, that although I 
 knew Birmingham well fifty years ago, I found it ditiicult in 
 travelling through your city to-day to recognise the various 
 streets until i came to New-street, and then I recollected 
 the saying that, "Birmingham is a town"— a groat town it 
 
78 
 
 was even in that day — " built on the hills ; it has only one 
 level street, and that is New-street," and I recognised New- 
 street when we passed into it to-day. (Laughter and 
 applause.) But there are changes in all respects through- 
 out the town— all has changed except the hearts of the 
 people of Birmingham. (Applause.) You have welcomed 
 us to-day, coming from the distant parts of the emi)ire, with 
 a generous and magnificent hospitality, the record of which 
 I shall carry back with me and retain to the end of my life, 
 and to which I shall make reference continually when I 
 rejoin my countrymen — those amongst whom 1 live across 
 the sea. And when I say that I shall rejoin my country- 
 men there, I know that although to-day I stand here in 
 England, yet when I pass over those 6,000 miles of water, 
 and when I set foot on the shores of Table Bay, at the foot 
 of Table Mountain, I shall feel I am in England still. 
 (Applause.) That is the sentiment which I, in common 
 with the other Prime Ministers from the different parts of 
 the empire, cherish. That is the sentiment which we are 
 endeavouring to inculcate in every one of the settlements in 
 which we live ; and I believe that feeling is growing. I 
 entirely coincide with the remark made by Mr. Chamberlain 
 in the course of his speech : Many exceptions have been 
 taken that it is only sentiment that binds the empire 
 together, but I would ask, sir, what more do you want than 
 sentiment? (Hear, hear.) Sentiment I regard as the 
 strongest power in existence, and so long as the sentiment 
 of empire rests in the bosoms of the inhabitants, scattered 
 as they are over the face of the earth, the stability of the 
 empire is sure. (Applause.) Ladies and gentlemen, I have 
 great pleasure indeed in submitting to you the toast of the 
 health of the Lord Mayor of this town. (Loud applause.) 
 
 The Lord Mayor, in reply, expressed his thanks for 
 the kind manner in which the toast had been received, and 
 for the equally kind manner in which it had been proposed 
 by Sir Gordon Sprigg. There was a singular appropriate- 
 ness in the fact that Sir Gordon had proposed it in that he 
 
79 
 
 was elected to the City Council by the burgesses of Bradford 
 Street, and Sir Gordon had reminded them of his former 
 connection with that quarter. His (the Lord Mayor's) only 
 regret was that their visit should have been so short. He 
 thought, perhaps, they would take back with them a very 
 good opinion of the city of Birmingham, but it was nothing 
 to what they would have taken if they had had time to see 
 more of the city. Although England was a small country, 
 he dared say they would find it fatiguing to " do" it in a 
 fortnight. He sometimes wondered if the colonial Premiers 
 would return to their colonies alive after their experience of 
 the last fortnight or so. He was sure they might take the 
 welcome of the city as a sample of the welcome which they 
 would have received in every city in the United Kingdom. 
 It had been an unmitigated pleasure to have entertained 
 them, even if it had only been for a short time, and the 
 community would always entertain a very pleasant recol- 
 lection of the visit of the colonial Premiers. (Applause.) 
 
 Merchant Taylors' Hall, London, Monday, July ^th. 
 
 The Duke of Devonshire presided at Merchant 
 Taylors' Hall over a meeting convened by the British 
 Empire League, "to welcome the Colonial Premiers in 
 the City of London." The Premiers present were Mr. 
 G. H. Reid (New South Wales), Mr. R. J. Seddon (New 
 Zealand), Sir William Whiteway (Newfoundland), and 
 Sir Edward Braddon (Tasmania), and among other persons 
 present, in addition to a large number of ladies, were 
 Colonel Denison (president of the British Empire League 
 in Canada), Sir Robert Herbert, Lord Sidmouth, Lord 
 Onslow, Sir John Lubbock, M.P., Lord Tennyson, Lord 
 Gort, Sydney Buxton, M.P., Sir George Bowen, Sir 
 Donald Smith, Sir Henry Barkly, Sir Edward Carbutt, 
 Sir J. Puleston, Sir James Youl, Sir F. Young, H. Kimber, 
 
8o 
 
 M.P., SirH. Havelock-Allan, M.P., Sir Augustus Adderley, 
 Sir A. Shea, G. Cawston, W. Garland Soper, F. Faithfull 
 Begg, M.P., J. Lowles, M.P., B. L. Cohen, M.P., 
 H. M. Matiieson, Major-General E. C. Sim (Master 
 of the Merchant Taylors' Company), W. Herbert Daw, 
 W. Becket Hill, J. Paddon, Colonel Innes, Dr. Culver 
 James, Herman W. Marcus, and C. Freeman Murray 
 (secretary). 
 
 Letters regretting inability to attend the meeting were 
 announced from, among others, Sir Wilfrid Laurier, Mr. 
 C. C. Kingston, the Duke of Fife, Lord Salisbury, Lord 
 Dufferin, Lord Crewe, Lord Hopetoun, I^ord Kintore, 
 Lord Rothschild, Mr. A. J. Balfour, M.P., and Cardinal 
 Vaughan, as was also the receipt of a telegram from 
 Ireland, from the Tyrone members of the League, sending 
 hearty greetings to the Colonial Premiers. 
 
 The ]JuKE OF Devonshire, who was cordially greeted, 
 said : — Ladies and gentlemen, — In opening the proceedings 
 of this meeting of the British Empire League it may be 
 satisfactory to you to know that I think there is very little 
 in the way of business which we have to transact on this 
 occasion. At all events, as far as I know, there is nothing 
 upon the agenda of the proceedings which need lead to any 
 protracted amount of business. 
 
 The Queen and the League. 
 
 The only announcement of any importance which I 
 have to make in connection witli the League itself is diat 
 which I have already made at Liverpool, but which I 
 think is of such interest and moment that it ought to be 
 communicated to the members of the British Empiie 
 League at a meeting of their own. 1 refer to the fact that 
 we have been honoured by the acceptance by her Majesty 
 the Queen of the office of patron of this League (cheers), 
 and that his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales and 
 other members of the Royal Family have also been 
 graciously pleased to signify their acceptance of the office 
 
8i 
 
 of vice-patrons. (Renewed cheers.) I think that announce- 
 ment is one which will be received as a great honour by 
 every member of the League, but it is also one which I 
 have the greatest pleasure in being able to make, because 
 it is an additional proof, if proof were required, that the 
 objects of this League are purely of a national character, 
 and that they are in no way identified or connected in 
 the smallest degree with any political party in this country. 
 (Cheers.) I need not say that I would not have presumed 
 to ask the Queen or the members of her family to associate 
 their names with any association or league tlie objects of 
 which were political and not purely national, and it is only 
 after satisfying themselves that our aims and objects are ot 
 that character that the gracious permission I have just 
 been able to announce has been granted. As I have said, 
 we have no business to transact on this occasion beyond 
 formal business. The feature of this meeting is the 
 presence among us of a certain number of those Colonial 
 Ministers who are at present paying a visit to our shores. 
 (Cheers.) Some of tliem, I am happy to say, have been 
 able to be present and others may still arrive, but it is not 
 difficult for us to understand that in the multiplicity and 
 importance of their engagements others may have found 
 it impossible to keep the engagement which they had 
 accepted here. Some of those gentlemen have already 
 been brought more or less into contact witli the British 
 Empire League, and some of them have already been good 
 enough to express their sympathy with its objects, their 
 desire to promote its efficiency, and, if possible, to extend 
 the sphere of its operations within their respective 
 colonies ; but, although in various ways these gentlemen 
 have already become aware of the existence of our League 
 and have manifested their sympathy with its aims and 
 objects, it has been thought desirable that advantage should 
 be taken of their presence among us in London at this 
 time to invite them to take part officially in a formal 
 meeting of the League, to enable them to make acquaint- 
 
 F 
 
82 
 
 ance with the council of the League and with some of its 
 most prominent members. It has further been thought 
 that I, as president of the League, should be authorised to 
 tender to them the offer of any services to the colonies 
 which they think it may be in our power to render, of any 
 services which we may be able to render in the cause ot 
 Imperial unity or in the promotion of any measures which 
 may tend to increase and secure that unity. (C'heers.) 
 
 The Aims of the League. 
 
 I have upon two occasions, but not recently, had the 
 opportunity of speaking at some length upon the objects 
 and aims of this League, and during the last (ew weeks an 
 enormous amount has been said and written upon the main 
 idea which lies at the foundation of our association. I 
 shall not, therefore, upon this occasion take up any of your 
 time, or only very little of your time, in going overground which 
 has already been so fully occupied. I may, perhaps, add that 
 in my opinion perhaps almost enough has already been said 
 for the general idea of Imperial unity, and that it is nearly 
 time that we should devote some of our attention to matters 
 perhaps of minor importance— certainly, of less general 
 interest — but still, matters the solution of which go essen- 
 tially to the promotion of the original and general idea. I 
 think that by this time it has been abundantly proved that 
 a strong, and, I believe I might say, an almost universal, 
 sentiment exists in favour of the maintenance and the 
 strength of the idea of Imperial unity. (Cheers.) Fhat 
 that idea exists here in this country I do not think that our 
 colonial guests can for a moment doubt. Every word 
 spoken to them since their arrival on our shores, whether at 
 public meeting'; or in any other assembly of their country- 
 men which they have attended — every demonstration they 
 have witnessed in the streets, every word which has appeared 
 in the public press, must have convinced them that here at 
 least, to the fullest and most complete extent, exists the idea 
 of the establishment of a closer connection between our- 
 
83 
 
 selves and our colonies. (Hear, hear.) I may perhaps 
 here say that it is with the greatest pleasure that I have 
 observed to-day that among their numerous engagements 
 the Colonial Premiers were able on Saturday last to accept 
 the invitation which they received from the National Liberal 
 Club, because it is an additional proof of that which I was 
 referring to just now — that this movement is not connected 
 with or identified with the opinion of any political party in 
 this country ; but the welcome which they have received 
 and are receiving is one which is equally tendered to them 
 by members of every political party which exists among us. 
 (Cheers.) 
 
 The Dfsirk for Imperial Unity. 
 
 I have said that the i)roof is abundant of the desire of 
 a more effective national unity which exists here in this 
 country. We know equally well that it exists to the same 
 extent in those portions of the Empire which lie across the 
 sea. (Cheers.) Not only have we the speeches delivered 
 by our colonial visitors— men whom we are entitled to 
 regard as s;^eaking with authority not their own opinions 
 only but also those of the populations and the countries whom 
 they govern, and whom tbey represent here— not only have 
 we these utterances all in the same tune, but, if confirmation 
 were needed, in the reports we daily receive, in the 
 telegrams about the celebration of the sixtieth year of 
 her Majesty's reign in every part of the world, we learn 
 that they have in no degree misrepresented or exaggerated 
 the feeling in favour of Imperial unity which exists in the 
 Britisli dominions in every part of the world. (Cheers.) 
 All this has now been amply and sufficiently established, 
 and we may assume, as an incontrovertible and undoubted 
 fact, that, proud as we are of the great communities which 
 have been founded by the British race in all parts of the 
 world, communities some of which are already nations, all 
 of which are in process of becoming nations, nations 
 capable, if need be, of holding their own among the 
 
 F 2 
 
84 
 
 nations of the earth — (cheers) — -still, we all feel that such 
 consummation would still leave something to be desired, 
 and that we should have fallen short of our opportunities 
 and our capabilities if these nations should in the future be 
 destined to grow up as separate or independent nations, 
 and should not rather grow up as integral parts of a still 
 greater nation — the British Km])ire. (Cheers.) We feel 
 that this sentiment, the existence of which no one can 
 now doubt, will have missed its mark if in the future these 
 nations of which I have sp ':en shall not grow up into one 
 empire, which shall be connected with us by ties which 
 may be more or less close, more or less uniform, more or 
 less definite, but still which shall be substantial ties con- 
 necting us together in everything which connects our 
 government, our general policy, our commercial relations, 
 and our general defence. (Cheers.) The lesson which 
 has been impressed upon us more than ever in these last 
 few weeks — the idea which we have grasped more 
 perfectly than at any previous period — is, I think, that the 
 unity of the Empire is an equal privilege and advantage 
 to every part of the Empire. (Hear, hear.) We know 
 that while our colonies and our dependencies can by a 
 strengthened unity greatly enlarge and enhance our power 
 and influence in the world, yet at the same time we have 
 much which we can offer to them, and which we do offer 
 to them ; and it is not in the interest of these islands alone 
 — it is in the interest of the whole English-speaking race — 
 that we advocate the idea of unity, and we urge upon you 
 to take every measure that it is in your power to take to 
 cement and strengthen it. (Hear, hear.) But, ladies and 
 gentlemen, we believe ourselves, the British race both here 
 and abroad, that we are not only a sentimental people but 
 a ]jractical people, and the idea which must have occurred 
 to many of us, after witnessing the demonstrations at home 
 and abroad whicli we have witnessed in these recent times, 
 is, what is to be the practical outcome of it all ; what are 
 the measures which we are about to take in order to satisfy 
 
«5 
 
 the aspirations which many of us have formed ; and how 
 are we going to give effect to the sentiment the existence of 
 which, as I have said, is now undoubted? The answer 
 which I am disposed to give to these questions is that these 
 are essentially matters of detail, on the thorough examina- 
 tion and solution of which the relation of the general idea 
 must ultimately depend. 
 
 Closer Political Relations. 
 
 The aim which we all have in view — that of the 
 establishment of a closer unity of poHtical relations — must 
 be, in my opinion, the outgrowth, not the cause, of closer 
 relations in many minor and apparently subordinate matters. 
 I agree entirely with what was said at Liverpool a week or 
 two ago by Sir Wilfrid Laurier, the Premier of Canada 
 (cheers), when he said that it was not the genius of the 
 British people to frame constitutions or to devise political 
 theories ; that it was the habit of the English-speaking race 
 to proceed slowly, to be unwilling to disturb existing con- 
 ditions until they had been found to be eith-^r burdensome 
 or inadequate, and then boldly to apply the necessary 
 remedy. (Hear, hear.) The error, in my opinion, of the 
 predecessors of this league — the error of those who were 
 members of the Imperial Federation League — was that they 
 assumed somewhat prematun^ly that the necessary con- 
 ditions for the closer political connection of the various 
 parts of the British Em})ire already existed, and that they 
 were in too great haste to raise the structure when the 
 foundations had been not altogether fully laid. (Hear, hear.) 
 It is satisfactory, I think, to know that the recent weeks 
 have not been entirely given up either by ourselves or by 
 our visitors to great historical pageants or to festivities 
 and mutual congratulations. The opportunity has been 
 taken of the presence of the distinguished colonial statesmen 
 among us, some of whom we are able to welcome here 
 to-day (cheers) — the o))portunity has been taken by the 
 Minister who is responsible for our colonial relations(cheers) 
 
86 
 
 not only to have interviews with eacli of them individually 
 — interviews necessarily of a confidential character upon 
 matters relating to their own especial country — but also to 
 hold meetings of them collectively — meetings which also up 
 to the present time have been of a confident'al nature, but 
 at which questions of a more general character, affecting the 
 whole range of our relations, have been considered and 
 discussed. As I have said, up to the present time those 
 meetings have been entirely confidential. The time may 
 come when it may be found possible to make some public 
 statement respecting the tenour and character of those 
 discussions or the conclusions which ha^e been arrived at. 
 
 Mr. Chamberlain and the Colonial Premiers. 
 
 Whether this be so or not I do not think I am violating 
 any confidence when I say that the subjects which these 
 colonial statesmen have been invited to discuss with 
 Mr. Chamberlain are to a very great extent similar to, if not 
 absolutely identical with, those contained in the constitution 
 of the British Empire League — the extension of our trade 
 with the colonies, the effect of existing laws and treaties 
 upon our commercial relations with each other, the subject 
 of communications between the mother country and the 
 colonies, or between the colonies themselves, by means ol 
 steamships or of telegraphs, the subject of postal com- 
 munications — above all, the subject of Imi)erial naval and 
 military defence. (Loud cheers.) Those are the practical 
 questions which our guests have been invited to discuss and 
 are now discussing with Mr. Chamberlain, all in the sense 
 of leading up to, tending to an ultimate disscussion of, the 
 greater but perhaps more distant object of a closer political 
 and constitutional connection. (Cheers.) Ladies and 
 gentlemen, it is entirely fitting that these questions should 
 be discussed by men holding responsible positions such as 
 those who are now among us— men who are not at liberty 
 to speak their own individual opinions only, but who when 
 they speak feel that they are speaking in the names of their 
 
87 
 
 Legislative Assemblies and their constituencies — it is fitting 
 that these connnunications should take place in the first 
 instance between men holding these responsible positions 
 and the responsible Minister here ; and I do not invite them 
 on this or any other occasion to enter into any discussion 
 upon these subjects further than they may think wise or ex- 
 pedient with an irresponsible association such as ours. At the 
 same time, I do not think we can doubt that the task of our 
 Government at home and the task of these gentlemen when 
 they return to their countries across the sea will be made 
 easier the more these subjects are understood and appreciated 
 by the public both at home and abroad, by the representatives 
 of our people in Parliament, and by the constituencies which 
 they represent. (Hear,hear.) Iwould alsoaskthese gentle- 
 men to remember that it is for promoting a knowledge of and 
 encouraging discussion upon these very questions which 
 they are now discussing with the Colonial Minister that the 
 British Empire League exists, and when they return to their 
 colonies I hope they will remember that they can 
 do us no greater service, they can confer no greater honour 
 or favour upon us, than by making use, in any degree to 
 which they may think expedient, of the services and the 
 organisation of this League for making better known and 
 for promoting the discussion of quesrions in which 
 they may happen to feel an interest. (Cheers.) We can 
 assure them on behalf of this League that we 
 have no preconceived schemes, either political or com- 
 mercial, either naval or military, to advocate. Our object 
 is simply to help to discover, and when discovered to make 
 known, what are the opinions of those of our fellow- 
 countrymen abroad who are most concerned in these 
 matters. So far as I have been able to follow the progress 
 of these discussions very much yet remains to be done. 
 Our knowledge of the facts and our comprehension of many 
 of the conditions which underlie these questions are still in 
 a high degree imperfect, and it is the object and the hope 
 of this League that they may be able to do something, with 
 
the assisUincc of our fcllow-roiintrynicn al)road, to increase 
 that kno\vle<]f,'e and to 'lispd niisconreijtion, and any work 
 whirh tlicy can intrust to us witli that object is vvf)rk 
 which will be cheerfully undertaken by the council of this 
 League. (Hear, hear.) I firmly believe that in these direc- 
 tions— that of extending a knowledge of these questions and 
 of clearing away misconceptions, with the assistance which 
 will be cheerfully rendered by our colonial fellow-subjects — 
 there still remains a wide field of usefulness which m.iy be 
 occupied by an association such ;is this, nnd which, with 
 their assistance, we will, in the future, do all in (jur power 
 to occui)y. (Hear, hear.) I believe that nothing further 
 remains for me to do on this ocf;asion than to welcome 
 most heartily to our meeting to-day those of the colonial 
 Prim.c jMinisters who have been able tc; be [present, and to 
 assure them of the sympathy with which we, in conunon 
 with the great mass of our fellow-subjects, have welcomed 
 their presence among us on this auspicious occasion. 
 (Cheers.) I have the jjleasure to inform you th.it those who 
 are present are the Right Hon. K. J. Seddon, Premier of 
 New Zealand; the Right Hon. Sir William Whiteway, 
 Premier of Newfoundland ; and the Right Hon. Sir ICdward 
 Braddon, Premier of Tasmania ; and perhaps I should add 
 that if more of them, ;is we had lu)ped, are not j)resent 
 to-day, I believe it is in ;i, gre.it measure due to the con- 
 tinued progress of those conferences to which I have referred 
 with the Colonial Mitiister, one of which has taken place 
 only this morning, in consecjuence of which it h.is been 
 found difficult for some of them to kee]> their engagements 
 to-day. 
 
 Mr. Seduon, after thanking them warmly for their 
 hearty recejjtion to himself and the other i'remiers jjre- 
 sent, said that the good work done by the British ICmpire 
 League had been appreciated by every well-wisher of the 
 EmjjJre. He might go further and say that the presence of 
 the Colonial Premiers that day in the mother country was in 
 a great degree owing to the exertions and work of the 
 
8y 
 
 LcMji^iic. (Cheers;.) As to their disctissions uilli Mr. 
 Cliamhcrl.'iin lie was not :ii liberty to speak freely. The 
 (|iiesti()iis wl ' h had been propouiided and ;isserted by 
 the l,eaguc were nearer to fruition than many present 
 anticipated. It was with great iicasure that he saw so 
 many of the f^'entli.'r sex pres(;nt, and he was j>roii(l to I)e 
 able to state that he represented tlie adult population of the 
 colony the furthest away from the mother country, but in 
 loyalty and devoticjn to the Throne, and in determinatio?i 
 to maintain the ICmpirc at all ha/;irds, they wc-re the nearest. 
 ((Jheers.) 'i'lie I.ea^^uc had In.eii aeliievinj^ that whirh those 
 present earnestly desired, lie would like to see the word 
 "cohjuies" banishcid for (wer, as he would prefi-r to be 
 alluded to as one liviuj^' in a distant part of the l'',m|)ir(.'. 
 Tin; attitude (;f the e.oh^iiies in th(; past jjroved that they 
 were with the motherland. It had been said that sentitnc-nt 
 should count for little, but sentiment must ever c.ount f(;r 
 much (cheers) ; and the colonies those in the distant j;arts 
 of the lunjiire must not have th(;ir Ifjyalty ;j;aug(;d by the 
 amount they were able to ( ontribiite to either defence; or 
 any (jther purjjosc of tlu; I'aujjire. The prospector in the 
 colony, who suffered privatifjns whi( h only I'.ritons (ould 
 endure, w.is hel|)in;^' as much to jnaintain the; I'anjjire, and 
 to do '^()()(\ to those in the motherland, as he vva,s helping 
 to develo]) the eolony and those who were there. The 
 same must and should be said of the pioneer s<.'ttlers. 
 Surely those who had left the mother eountry to carve 
 out homes for themselves in the colonies should be 
 taken into consideration. (Hear, hear.) The nujuey 
 expended on the development of these new rountries on 
 the construction of roads and railways, on increasing trade 
 with the mother country -all came back to them in the 
 mother country. It was their wish tha.t their tnide as fir 
 as practicable should be done with the m^jther country. 
 it rmist be admitted that what was suitable years ago, arnl 
 under different conditi(»ns, was not suitable to-day, but the 
 requisite alterations could be made without any departure 
 
90 
 
 from the well-recognised principles of the great majority 
 in the mother country. Reference had been made to 
 treaties now in existence, and at the time they were made 
 circumstances might have justified and warranted their 
 existence. The colonial Ministers had not visited this 
 country to embarrass the Imperial authorities or to cause 
 any unpleasantness in regard to their foreign relations, 
 but when they said that it would be well that the treaties 
 he had alluded to should be considered, they felt that in 
 relation to the mother country and its colonies there was 
 a barrier which they asked those in authority to remove. 
 The conference now taking place between the colonial 
 Prime Ministers and the Imperial authorities sufficiently 
 warranted him in saying that it was a practical test of the 
 advantages of a closer connection between the mother 
 country and the colonies. If he went further and said 
 that later on, in the Eritish Parliament, the 10,000,000 
 who were at present disfranchised should be heard, he 
 only said that which required to be developed, and which 
 would eventually take place. Perhaps this was only a 
 dream, but if it could be done the sooner it was done the 
 better for all of them. With regard to the welcome which 
 was given to them by the National Liberal Club last 
 Saturday, he wanted it to be clearly understood — and he 
 thought he could speak also for the other colonial Premiers 
 — that they were there as the guests of the nation, and any 
 hospitality extended to them they felt was extended to the 
 colonies they represented. (Cheers.) If the Carlton Club 
 should happen to invite the colonial Prime Ministers to 
 lunch, it was only a question whether they would survive it, 
 but he thought they would try. The greatest hospitality 
 had been extended to them ; and to the British Empire 
 LcM^^ae they were greatly indebted because they had been 
 the executive. (Cheers.) 
 
 Sir William Whiteway, who was warmly received 
 on rising, after a few preliminary remarks, said : There are 
 none of us but desire to cement that union which we all 
 
feel does and should exist between the mother country 
 and the colonies. My friend Mr. Seddon has just said 
 that he would like to see the word " colony " expunged. I 
 do not concur with him ; I would rather that the term 
 " colony " should be synonymous with the term " family," 
 and that the mother country should possess this family of 
 colonies in various portions of the world, part and parcel 
 of one great household, determined to uphold the Bridsh 
 flag. (Cheers.) But I think it most desirable that at all 
 events some of you should pay visits to the colonies, 
 become a little more acquainted with our resources, with 
 the internal management of our affairs, and with ourselves, 
 socially and politically. Strange views are sometimes 
 entertained in this country with regard to us. I remember 
 being here a few years ago with a few colonists, and being 
 asked by a friend of mine in regard to these colonists : 
 " Do you really eat with them, and do they wear the same 
 clothes as we do," (Laughter.) That was only a few 
 years ago, and what ha])pened only to-day ? We received 
 an invitation from Irelau'^i, and we are, if you please, 
 requested to appear in our own native costumes. (Much 
 laughter.) Now, if I look over the history, which some of 
 you have no doubt studied, with regard to the colony I 
 represent, 1 find that Newfoundland is said to be 
 celebrated for its codfish, its dogs, its hogs, its fogs, and its 
 bogs ! (Laughter.) That is a very erroneous opinion, I 
 assure you. We have resources in that colony, which will, 
 I believe^ make it at a future time one of the brightest 
 jewels in her Majesty's crown. (Hear, hear.) 
 
 What Newfoundland Has Done. 
 
 I am a sanguine believer in the resources of. Newfound- 
 land, although it has been kept in its present backward state 
 for a period of 400 years. In 1497 it was discovered by 
 Cabot, the first land in the western hemisphere. Efforts 
 were made to prevent the colony being settled, so that the 
 fisheries should be carried on there by those resident in this 
 
92 
 
 country. And so these fisheries were persecuted until early 
 in the present century. It will hardly be believed, never- 
 the less it is a fact, that when I myself emigrated to New- 
 foundland, about fifty years ago, there were only about 
 twenty miles of road in the colony. Now we have thousands 
 of miles. We have 600 miles of railway across the island, 
 yet our population is only 210,000 people ; and I say these 
 are great works to be achieved by so small a number. 
 (Hear, hear.) Mr. Seddon said just now that you hardly 
 appreciate the work we have had to do in the colonies. 
 Further than that, looking round in England at this moment 
 I could point to hundreds who have made their money in 
 the colony I represent and come home to spend it. 
 (Laughter and cheers.) Were the money made in the 
 colonies spent in the colonies they would be in a different 
 position to-day. But we do not envy you. We do not 
 desire that a man should not spend where he pleases the 
 money he has made, but we do desire that when we are 
 asked to give large amounts to the defence of the Empire 
 you should consider these few facts. And be assured of 
 this, that when muscle is required anil men are required, and 
 when England may be in difficulties, the colonies will not be 
 backward in sliedding their blood for her. (Cheers.) I 
 remember that the initiatory step in the long series of de- 
 velopments whicli have made England to-day tlie su})reme 
 ruler of the seas was one with whicli my colony of New- 
 foundland was associated. The fishing vessels on its coast 
 and the thousands and tens of tliousands of men engaged in 
 that great industry were then forming the foundation of 
 England's present supremacy, and they are ready at any 
 moment of England's peril to come forward to lier aid. 
 
 The Follies of the Diplomatist. 
 
 But what has been secured in times past by the bravery 
 of the soldier and the sailor has, unfortunately been 
 disposed of by the diplomatist, (Hear, hear.) Yes ; we 
 have suffered in all times past, and we are struggling to-day 
 
under treaties — I may call them infamous treaties- -which 
 surrender to France two small islands off our coast, and 
 convey to the ]^'rench fishermen, in the most ambiguous 
 language, what we claim to be a concurrent right of fishing 
 along part of the shore of our own island, but what they 
 claim to be an exclusive right, and are exercising as an 
 exclusive right. Will you believe it that not long ago, when 
 endeavouringto arrange forthe construction ofa railroad across 
 the island, it was contended by the French that we could 
 not even erect a railway station on what is termed the 
 Treaty Coast ? -- and we were precluded for years by the 
 Government of this mother country from building that road! 
 During the present year we shall have completed that road, 
 but I may almost say that we have secured the railway 
 station surreptitiously We hesitated about giving any 
 information whatever as to what we were doing until we had 
 the road and the jetty constructed, lest the French should 
 protest that they would interfere with their fish on the 
 coast. (Laughter ) You laugh, and no wonder ; but these 
 are facts, and facts which are operating so prejudicially as 
 to retard the progress which we ought to make as the oldest 
 colony of Her Majesty's Empire. (Cheers.) One word 
 more and I have done. We cannot raise wheat. We are 
 not an agricultural country to raise produce of the character 
 to send here. ]>ut we produce an article which, I believe, 
 is admitted by all scientists to be a brain-producing food. 
 (Laughter.) New Zealand has some Newfoundlanders 
 there, and no doubt our fish product has tended to 
 increase its power and to help materially in making the 
 British Empire what it is to-day. Let me say, in conclusion, 
 with Mr. Seddon, that I return my most hearty and sincere 
 thanks for the hospitality and kindness extended to us not 
 only by Her Majesty's Government and those connected 
 with it, but by one and all, high and low, of the people ot 
 this country, with whom we trust ever to be brothers 
 fighting side by side and advancing arm in arm in the cause 
 of progress and civilisation. (Loud cheers.) 
 
94 
 
 Mr. G. H. Reid (Premier of New South Wales), who 
 arrived at this point, was called upon to speak. He stated 
 that the British P2rnpire League was an institution which 
 every colonist, whatever his views might be, could heartily 
 support. It seemed to h:m that the history of the relations 
 between the mother country and the colonies showed that 
 the less tightly the ties between them had been drawn, the 
 fewer the official ties were, the larger and broader and more 
 powerful were those other ties which lay deep in the nature 
 of the British race. That which made the Empire strong 
 was the fact that running through this great country and 
 running through the peoples of the self-governing colonies 
 were institutions which enabled all that was best in a com- 
 munity to assert itself. (Hear, hear.) 
 
 Sir Edward Braddon, in addressing the meeting, 
 remarked that, as the president had observed, the colonial 
 Premiers were not in a position to speak freely. Mr. 
 SeddDn had stated that although New Zealand was the 
 most remote colony from the mother country it was the 
 most loyal. He joined issue with that remark. (Laughter.) 
 Tasmania was somewhat nearer than New Zealand, and was 
 more loyal, and in their way, in a wholesome way, they 
 were go-ahead. It was true that they had not yet adopted 
 the female subject, but they had not put their women to the 
 trouble of voting directly when they were constantly voting 
 indirectly. (Laugliter.) Tasmania was the first British 
 possession to pass a law making education compulsory ; 
 and he might also claim for Tasmania that they had been 
 the first to pass a law which provided that no women should 
 serve in shops without being seated whenever they were not 
 recpiired to be in active work. (Hear, hear.) He was sure 
 that Tasmania would be foremost of all the colonies — a 
 long way before the colony represented by Mr. Reid — in 
 joining closer together the bonds which united them with 
 the mother country. It was all very well to talk about 
 loose bonds —they served very well now, when the colo)iies 
 were especially loyal ; but the time must come, it would 
 
not be in his day, when one ot two things must occur — that 
 the colonies must break away and set up their own nation- 
 hoods or become members of the Great British Empire. 
 He would leave this country — that was if he lived to do so 
 (laughter) — bitterly disappointed if some step were not 
 laken to forward that which would bring the mother 
 country and the colonies closer together. 
 
 Colonel George T. Denison (President of the British 
 Empire League in Canada), in proposing the election of 
 Lord Salisbury as a vice-president of the League, stated that 
 at the present time in Canada the entire people were abso- 
 lutely united on the general idea of the permanent unity of 
 the British Empire. (Cheers.) He said in the course of 
 his speech : I wish to take issue with both gentlemen who 
 preceded me (Mr. Seddon and Sir Edward Braddon) and 
 explain that my colony, Canada, is the most loyal of all. 
 (Cheers and laughter.) We in Canada are absolutely united 
 upon the general idea of the permanent unity of the British 
 Empire, and nowhere is that feeling stronger than with us ; 
 for our province was absolutely founded by men who went 
 there carrying that idea with them. I have come here from 
 Canada to make one or two suggestions. In the first place, 
 in reference to preferential tariffs, we have shown you that 
 we wish to give you a preference in our markets. (Cheers.) 
 But treaties interfere with us in the management of our own 
 tariff, and I wish to emphasise the fact that some steps 
 should be taken to give us absolute freedom to give every 
 advantage we wish to give to our fellow-countrymen all over 
 the world. (Cheers.) We wish to give that advantage to 
 our own people, and we do not wish to be forced to give it 
 to the foreigner. (Hear, hear.) It has been well put by 
 Rudyard Kipling ; — 
 
 *' ' Favoui to those I favour, bvil a stumbling-block to my foes. 
 Many there be that hate us,' says Our Lady of the Snows." 
 
 In Canada we have a population of about 75,000 seafaring 
 men. We are the fifth mercantile marine power in the 
 
96 
 
 world, and our flag is seen on every sea. (Hear, hear.) 
 We have fishermen all along our coasts, and I wish to ask 
 you people here in England to-day to unite with us and 
 press upon the Governments here and in Canada to take 
 stei)s by which these hardy, loyal, rugged mariners may be 
 trained and educated for naval pursuits, so that in case of 
 war they may form a great naval reserve. (Hear, hear.) 
 Now my last point is this. In Canada we have viewed 
 with considerable alarm the fact that the wealthiest and 
 most i)Owerful nation in all history is at this moment 
 dependent fcr her daily food for three out of every four of 
 her poi)ulation u})on two foreign nations who are, I am 
 thankful to say, friendly to her, and who, I hope, will 
 always be friendly, but who, it cannot be denied, might by 
 some possibility be engaged in war with us at some future 
 time. These two nations might then stop your food supply, 
 and that harm to you would spread great distress among 
 the people of our country. I have been deputed by the 
 League in Canada to ask you to look carefully into this 
 question. If there is no real danger, relieve our fears ; 
 but if you find there is any danger, let me urge upon you 
 as strongly as I can to take some steps to meet that danger. 
 Let the method be what it may— great national granaries, a 
 duty on food, a bounty or what not, but let something be 
 done. (Cheers.) 
 
 The resolution was carried unanimously. 
 
 On the motion of Sir John Luf.bock, M.P., Sir 
 Henry Strong, Chief Justice of Canada ; Sir Henry de 
 Villiers, Chief Justice of Cape Colony; and Mr. S. J. 
 Way, Chief Justice of South Australia, were elected mem- 
 bers of the council of the League. 
 
 Lord Tennyson afterwards proposed a vote of thanks, 
 which was carried by acclamation, to the Duke of Devon- 
 shire for presiding. 
 
 The President: I beg to thank you very sincerely 
 for the cordial manner in which you have been pleased to 
 
97 
 
 receive this resolution. I can assure you it has given me 
 great pleasure to attend so influential and enthusiastic a 
 meeting, and to listen to the very interesting speeches 
 which we have had the privilege of hearing from some of 
 our colonial visitors. (Hear, hear.) His Grace afterwards 
 stated that under the auspices of the League a ball wns 
 being organised, to take place next Friday at the Hotel 
 Cecil, in honour of the officers of the Indian and colonial 
 forces. In proposing a vote of thanks to Major-General 
 Sim, and recognising the courtesy of the Merchant Taylors' 
 Company in allowing them the use of their hall, the 
 President added : The City companies, like the British 
 Empire, are sometimes considered somewhat old-fashioned 
 institutions, but I think every one will admit that in these 
 later days, at all events, they have awakened to a very strong 
 sense of the responsibilities which their position and their 
 resources entail upon them ; and there is scarcely any 
 object of national importance or national usefulness to 
 which one or other of the companies has not in some way 
 or another in recent years contributed. (Cheers.) 
 
 The resolution was unanimously agreed to, and was 
 acknowledged by Major-General Sim, and the pro- 
 ceedings then terminated. 
 
LoN'bo.N : 
 
 PniN'I'lili liV Sl'OTTlSWUUDK & (V).. 
 54 CTllAfEClIUllCH STUKKT, E.C. 
 
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TEEMS OF MEMBERSHIP. 
 
 Minimum Subscription of Membership One Guinea 
 ])er annum. 
 
 Associate Members Five Shillings per annum. 
 
 The P'riends of the League are reminded of the great 
 exi)ense necessarily incurred in the production and in the 
 distribution, under the existing postal system, of its 
 correspondence and literature. 
 
 Subscri})tions in excess of the above towards meeting 
 this expenditure will be gladly received and acknowledged 
 by the Secretary.