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.-'9ir"T- -__— • • 
 
Proposed Annexation of Wiiftiipeg. 
 
 "i ^ r /<! 
 
 feu.. 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 OP 
 
 HON. ZACHARIAH CEAmER, 
 
 OF MICHIGAN, 
 
 1 1 ;'l ' I 
 
 IN THE SENATE OP THE UNITED STATES, APRIL 22, 1870. 
 
 
 The next resolution on the Calendar was the 
 following, submitted by Mr. Cuandler on the 
 10th instant : 
 
 Renolved, That the President of the United States 
 be, and ti o hereby is, rcq uested to appoint two ormore 
 commisaioners, or other diplomatic ngents, to open 
 negotiations with the people of Winnipeg, witn a 
 view to the annexation of that district of country to 
 the United States as a Territory or as a State. 
 
 Mr. CHANDLER, Mr. President, I offer this 
 resolution in the interest of peace, of good 
 neighborhood, and of good-fellowship as be- 
 tween Great Britain and the United States of 
 America. It is rumored, I know not with 
 what truth, that the Dominion of Canada is 
 about to send an army to the Red River settle- 
 ment to put down the government that now 
 exists there. Whether that rumor be true or 
 not I cannot say ; but I wish to show before I 
 move the reference of this resolution that it 
 would be a very injudicious act on the part of 
 the Dominion to attempt that thing. 
 
 Now, Mr. President, why should we not 
 open negotiations with the people of the Win- 
 nipeg settlement? There is a government 
 which has been established for more than six 
 months, a " government of the people, by the 
 
 Eeople, and for th'e people." Two attempts 
 ave been made to overthrow that government 
 by the Dominion, and both of those attempts 
 have ignominiously failed. In one instance 
 the attempt was made to organize the savages 
 of that region, officered by a Dominion officer, 
 to put down this government ; but, sir, that as 
 well as the other attempt to put down this 
 people's government was overthrown, and the 
 government of Winnipeg has remained unques- 
 tioned since lust November, except in tnose 
 two instances. 
 
 Mr. President, why should we not open 
 negotiations with theso people? The peo- 
 ple of the United States have decreed that 
 thf. land of this continent of North America 
 belongs to the people inhabiting that land. 
 The Government of the United States has said 
 
 // 
 
 
 
 to the whole world, " Here is your home, if 
 you see fit to come in and occupy this goodly 
 land;" and the Government of the United 
 States simply charges the citizen of the world 
 the actual expense of putting up the boundary 
 stakes and lines and limits, to wit, ten dollars 
 for each lot. We say to the whole world, 
 "Come in and occupy this land;" and they are 
 coming by thousands and hundreds of thou- 
 sands annually, and by millions in ever^ decade. 
 But, sir, in contradistinction to this decree 
 that has gone forth to all the world, here is a 
 Dominion which declares that this land belongs, 
 to whom? To the Crown, not the people. To 
 the Grown of Great Britain belongs this vast 
 territory, says this Dominion established on 
 our borders. These two systems are so dia- 
 metricbll^antagonistical that they cannot exist 
 side by r-'de. One or the other must go down. 
 Either this continent of North America is for 
 the people who occnpy it or it is for the Crown. 
 
 When the southern rebellion broke out and 
 Fort Sumter was tired upon the British Gov- 
 ernment did not wait three days before it ac- 
 knowledged the belligerent rights of the rebels. 
 No, sir, they did not wait three hours; for they 
 issued the proclamation of neutrality before 
 they heard of the firing upon Sumter. But 
 allow that they had heard of the firing upon 
 Sumter ; here were seventy men in a fort in 
 Charleston harbor fired on; and there were 
 thirty-odd million people belonging to these 
 United States; and yet, sir, the moment the 
 first gun was fired at Fort Sumter the British 
 Government made haste to acknowledge the 
 belligerent rights of our rebels. 
 
 But my friend from Massachusetts will say, 
 "How about the Alabama claims? You are 
 complicating the Alabama claims?" No, air; 
 I am doing no such thing, for I gave notice 
 three or four years ago that I would never 
 again call up the Alabama claims, or consider 
 them under any conceivable state of fact. I 
 then put on record a mortgage against the 
 
 iz'c^qia 
 
 t^Jfi.if.. IVK-Ste' 
 
7^* 
 
 'v^ 
 
 dominion of Great Britain lying north of us of 
 $2,'200,000,0l)0, and I 8im|)ly propose now to 
 levy exeeuiion in part. Tliul is all. The time 
 has not quite arrived to foreclose and take pos- 
 session of the whole, but the tinie has arrived 
 to open negotiations for a goodly portion. 
 
 Mr. President, the Hudson bay territory, 
 which is now under the government of Winni- 
 peg, contained in 18G1 a population of seventy- 
 one thousand goals. It comprises the whole 
 territory lyin^ north of us where the waters 
 empty into this Hudson bay. It extends from 
 the coast of Labrador to British Columbia. 
 All of this vast interior of the continent is now 
 in the possession ind under the government 
 of the people of Winnipeg. It is for that ter- 
 ritory [pointing it out on the map] that I pro- 
 pose now to negotiate — as large almost as a 
 continent. We paid $7,000,000 for this small 
 strip you see on the map, icebound Alasiia, 
 three years ago ; and now the people of Win- 
 nipeg come and offer us this whole vast terri- 
 tory for the privilege of becoming citizens of 
 these United Slates. 
 
 Sir, I call upon the Committee on Foreign 
 Belations to give this subject their earnest and 
 immediate and favorable consideration. Here 
 is a "Government of the people, b^ the people, 
 and for the people," that has remained unques- 
 tioned for six months asking for annexation 
 to the United States. Shall we turn a cold 
 sliouider upon that people and upon that vast 
 territory that they propose to proffer us as a 
 free gift? I trow not, sir. I believe that the 
 time has arrived when these negotiations should 
 be opened, and opened in earnest. My friend, 
 the chairman of the Committee on Foreign 
 Kelations, was slow to adopt my views upon 
 the Alabama claims and our difficulties with 
 Great Britain. He opposed me year after ^ear 
 for four long years ; but his mind is progressive, 
 and at the end of four years, discovering his 
 error, he came up to ray standard, and 1 now 
 entreat him to go a step further and come up 
 to my standard now. 
 
 Mr. DRAKE. Get a peg higher into Win- 
 nipeg. [Laughter.] 
 
 Mr. CHANDLER. It will be observed that 
 this Hudson bay territory comprises nearly 
 the whole of the British possessions. Here is 
 the Dominion, comprising Upper and Lower 
 Canada, NovaScotia, New Brunswick, &c.; but 
 it is a mere speck upon the map. Then, here 
 is British ColumLia, which is not included in 
 the Hudson bay settlement. But this is not 
 all, for it is not only the people of Winnipeg 
 who are suing for admission or for annexation 
 to the United States, but British Columbia with 
 one loud voice sends up the desires of her peo- 
 ple to be admitted into this great nation, and 
 here is Nova Scotia on the extreme east almost 
 unanimous forannexation to the United States. 
 
 Mr. Presideut, what is the title of Great 
 Britain to this vast continent? I have said 
 
 that she owes ns, and I have put the mort- 
 gage on record, $2,200,000,000, or one half tlie 
 whole expenses of the war. My friend from 
 Massachusetts concurs with me that she is 
 justly, honorably, and equitably bound to pay 
 us one half the expenses of our war for her 
 course during that war. She cannot pay it and 
 we never expect her to pay it in coin. We 
 simply say to Great Britain, " Give us a quit- 
 claim deed to this ctntinent and we will for- 
 five you the debt, and nothing short of that." 
 lut, sir, what does she give us ? Great Britain 
 has not now and never had title to one single 
 acre of land on this continent. She gives us 
 a quit-claim deed of what she never owned. 
 Some of her explorers, many of them driven 
 out by the persecutions of the British Govern- 
 ment, discovered headlands on this contiiietit 
 and raised the British flag ; and upon that 
 baseless foundation rests her entire title to this 
 soil. 
 
 But my friend from Massachusetts will say, 
 "Has she not the right of conquest?" Yes, 
 sir; and how much right did she get by that 
 conquest? She got the exact right possessed 
 by the conquered and no more, not one iota 
 more than the conquered possessed ; and the 
 conquered possessed no more right than she. 
 But the Senator will say, " Did you not ac- 
 knowledge the right in the purchase of Lou- 
 isiana?" Yes. sir; we purchased Louisiana 
 for a small sum. But suppose France to- 
 day held Louisiana and this northwest terri- 
 tory, do you think we would pay her for it? 
 We were then aweak nation, and it was cheaper 
 and better for us to recognize a right that did 
 not exist in fact than to go to war. But what 
 should we do to-day, sir? We should not pay 
 France four millions nor forty millions nor any 
 millions to evacuate the Louisiana purchase. 
 We should say to France, "Your presence 
 here is an intolerable nuisance, and therefore 
 you must leave." That is all wo should say. 
 
 How is it with this Dominion ? That Domin- 
 ion has become an intolerable nuisance. It 
 costs us to-day to protect our northern frontier 
 from smuggling more thaik ten million dollars 
 a year ; but that is not all. It is estimated 
 that our Treasury suffers to the extent of 
 $40,000,000 a year by smuggling, notwith- 
 standing this vast expenditure to protect that 
 frontier. 
 
 Mr. President, nations are like individuals. 
 Because my friend from Massachusetts owns a 
 lot opposite mine he has no right to establish 
 a soap-boiling establishment or other nuisance. 
 I could appeal to the law and have that nui- 
 sance abated. Just so it is with nations. If a 
 nation is strong enough to abate a nuisance it 
 abates it. Are we strong enough to abate this 
 nuisance? 
 
 But again, sir, this Dominion is antagonistic 
 to our institutions. Establish a dominion 
 there, connect this whole territory into one 
 
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 >" Yes, 
 
 great Government, witharoyal scion at its head, 
 with its standing array, with its royal institu- 
 tions, and t'ue etfect would be to compel us on 
 our border to keep standing armies, to keep a 
 force which we should not otherwise be required 
 to keep. It would be a standing menace to this 
 Government, a menace that we ought not to 
 tolerate and will not tolerate. 
 
 Mr. President, notwithstanding Great Brit- 
 ain has no title, notwithstanding she never had 
 a title to any portion of this continent, if she 
 will quietly leave it, quietly roll up her flag 
 and carry it away, then we will say to Great 
 Britain we are ready now to meet you in peace, 
 in harmony, and in amity ; but if you under- 
 take to establish a dominion upon this continent, 
 with royal institutions, you must be prepared 
 to maintain that dominion by a force superior 
 to any force that the United States can bring 
 to bear against it. 
 
 Mr. President, it is said that the Dominion 
 proposes to send three or four or live or ten 
 thousand men up into the Winnipeg region to 
 overthrow that government. I hope that that 
 is not true. I hope that the Dominion will 
 undertake to do no such thing. But suppose 
 she does, there is a vast immigration going up 
 into the Winnipeg region ; I cannot tell how 
 great it is; but buffalo are abundant and game 
 ifl abundant, and immigrants are going up there 
 in great numbers; and as they are obliged to 
 subsist by hunting they all go well armed; and 
 then there are between two and three hundred 
 thousand Fenians, who are, as I am informed, 
 about to emigrate en masse to people that vast 
 territory, and for the Dominion to send five or 
 ten thousand men up there is simply to sacri- 
 fice them. Sir, it would be equal folly for them 
 to send twenty or thirty thousand men. Every 
 single man that goes there will become a perma- 
 nent occupant of the soil ; not one will ever 
 come back. They will all rest there when they 
 get there. I hope and trust, in the interest of 
 humanity, that they will not undertake to send 
 any force there less than one hundred thousand 
 regular British soldiery. Then they might have 
 some hope of makinga stand in that vast region ; 
 that is to say, if the people of the United States 
 should not protest ; and if they did one hundred 
 thousand would be no better than one hundred. 
 Mr. President, what is the condition of the 
 United States with regard to all other nations? 
 I was conversing one afternoon with some 
 Prussian officers, and among other things they 
 said to me: "How large is your Army?" 
 "But," I said, "forty thousand men." They 
 inquired, " How many reserve?" I answered, 
 "A million." "Ah," said one of the officers, 
 who spoke English very well, "I mean how 
 many officers." "We have officers for two 
 million." " No ; but I mean experienced offi- 
 cers." "Yes, I mean experienced officers; 
 every one has been in batt's." "But," said 
 he, "your troops are militia." I replied, 
 
 "Certainly, they are militia; but they have 
 all seen lour years' service in actual war." 
 "But militia cannot fight regular troops." 
 " Why not?" I inquired. "They cannot 
 fight them at all," said he; "it is no use; 
 militia cannot fight regular troops." Said I. 
 "Sir, you were in the battle of Sadowa." 
 "Yes." "How many men did you lose in 
 that battle?" " Eleven thousand." "But," 
 said I, "that was the skirmish before the bat- 
 tle; how many did you lose in the battle?" 
 He said, " We did not fight but one day; the 
 Austrians ran." "Well," said I, " my dear 
 sir, I have not any doubt that your men would 
 fight if they had any experience. In the battle 
 of Sadowa you lost exactly the same number 
 of men that General Grant did in the first day's 
 battle of the Wilderness; on the second day, 
 after sleeping on our arms, we lost fifteen thou- 
 sand men ; on the third day we lost about ten 
 or twelve thousand men, and on the fourth we 
 had a fight. It is the fourth day that tests the 
 capacity of your troops for fighting." I could 
 not make him understand that our troops had 
 fought four days in that desperate manner, nor 
 could I make him understand the difierence 
 between a Prussian regular and an American 
 volunteer. 
 
 But, sir, I say to you here that the United 
 States to-day have more men that have actually 
 been in battle under fire than all the rest of 
 the world put together, more experienced sol- 
 diers and more experienced officers. We are 
 to-day the strongest military Power on earth. 
 
 with 
 erritory 
 
 or a State, as the resolution which I offer sug- 
 gests ; and my word for it, you will have no 
 fighting. There is no desire on the part of 
 any nation on the earth to fight with us on the 
 land. Not a soldier will be sent. The British 
 are taking away their troops, and have taken 
 them nearly all away now. They have stopped 
 fortifying the Dominion. They admit that they 
 could not hold it thirty days after war was pro- 
 claimed. Then, sir, when we once take pos- 
 session of this continent we shall hold it, hold 
 it for the people, hold it for the occupants, 
 hold it against the world. 
 
 Mr. President, the time has about arrived for 
 us to proclaim to the world just what we mean. 
 We have, as I before said, deCk'eed that this 
 continent of North America belongs to the 
 people inhabiting it, and we have proclaimed 
 to all the world, " Come in and take posses- 
 sion of this land, and all we charge you is the 
 expense of setting up your metes and bounds." 
 
 Mr. President, this continent is ours, and we 
 may us well notify the world now as at any 
 future time that we will fight for our own if we 
 must. We desire a peaceable solution of this 
 and all other questions. We have been for- 
 bearing toward Great Britain ; we have been 
 forbearing toward all the world ; but the time 
 
 Let us open negotiations with Winnipeg 
 a view to its annexation either as a Terr 
 
has now arrived to assert the Monroe doctrine. 
 I am glad that my friend, the chairman of the 
 Committee on Foreign llelations, concurs witii 
 me on this point. The time has arrived or nearly 
 arrived wnen we shall say to all the world, 
 "Hands off from this continent; it is ours, 
 and we intend to possess our own." 
 
 Mr. SCOTT. I ask leave to move that when 
 the Senate adjourns to-day it adjourn to meet 
 on Monday next. 
 
 The VICE PRESIDENT. That motion is 
 in order. 
 
 Mr. CHANDLER. I desire to-morrow to 
 transact business from the Committee on Com- 
 merce. I ask the Senator to withdraw his 
 motion in order to give us to-morrow for that 
 purpose. 
 
 The VICE PRESIDENT. The Chair will 
 state that the Senate have already adopted a 
 resolution reading as follows : 
 
 Ordered, That on Friday and Saturday nest, immo- 
 diatcly after the nrivilegod morning busincs.s shall 
 have been concluded, the Calendar shall bo taken up 
 for the consideration of general orders not objeuted 
 to, aud no other businuss shall bo in order. 
 
 Mr. CHANDLER. Then I hope this motion 
 will not prevail. 
 
 Mr. SUMNER. Oh, let us adjourn over. 
 
 The VICE PRESIDENT. The Senator 
 from Pennsylvania moves that when the Sen- 
 ate adjourns to-day it adjourn to meet on Mon- 
 day next. 
 
 Mr. TRUMBULL. I hope that motion will 
 be adopted. I do not think that we can gain 
 anything by attempting to sit here as contin- 
 uously as we do. I am sure so far as we are 
 individually concerned it is calculated to break 
 every man down who does his duty and knows 
 what is going on in the Senate. If we can 
 
 shirk our duties here, perhaps we can bear np 
 under them. We come here every day at 
 twelve o'clock and remain sometimes away 
 into the night, and every day to a very late 
 hour for dinner — between five and six o'clock — 
 besides having to attend the meetings of com- 
 mittees in the mornings, and we cannot con- 
 tinue that every day in the week. I hope the 
 motion will prevail. 
 
 Mr. CHANDLER. It is well known to 
 every member of this body that business is 
 greatly behind. It is well known that there 
 are a great number of bills that ought to be 
 passed. I wish my friend from Illinois had been 
 as careful of the health of the Senate when 
 we had the Georgia bill before us and were 
 sitting here night and day listening to speeches. 
 I wish he had considered the health of the Sen- 
 I ate then. But now, inasmuch as his bill is out 
 i of the way, he is at once greatly distressed for 
 fear somebody will get sick. I am sure they 
 cannot get any sicker than I was of the Georgia 
 debate. [Laughter.] 
 
 I hope that this motion will not prevail, and 
 that we shall be allowed two days for busi- 
 ness. That is more than we have had yet in 
 four and a half months. I do not remember 
 that we have had more than one day for busi- 
 ness during this session. Now, I hope that 
 these two days which have been set aside for 
 business will be devoted to the business of the 
 Senate. I should be glad if the Senate would 
 give to-morrow to the Committee on Com- 
 merce. But as a previous order has been 
 adopted, and it will not be given to the Com- 
 mittee on Commerce, I hope we shall go on 
 with the Calendar according to the resolution 
 that has already been adopted, and shall not 
 adjourn over till Monday. 
 
 Printed at the Office of the Congressional Qlobe. 
 
 
 / 
 
 a. 
 
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