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32X

■MfiaiiMiiiiarttiwiiiiitiwmiiKiriMitmaMWtiMiVfirt

FASTING COMMUNION

1 .VI
1 '!»

i'&a&~rf&i'*>->'**

'4»AiSfeBtag&«;a»ATStewfa*ii,i%i,i^^ ■

LONDON : PKiNTEn nv

SPOTTIStt'OODB AND CO., NISV-STREET SQIARE
AND PAHLIAMENT STREET

FASTING COMMUNION

HISTORICALLY INVESTIGATED FROM

THE CANONS AND FATHERS, AND SHOWN TO

BE NOT BINDING IN ENGLAND.

BV THE REV.

HOLLINGWORTH TULLY KINGDON, M.A.

ASSISTANT-eURATE, S. ANDRBW's, WBU.S aTRBBT :
LATE VICE-PRINCIPAL OP BALISBURV THEOLOT.ICAL COLLECK.

MORIBUS UTENTIUM IN CONTRARIUM NONNULLiB LEGES
HODIE ABROGAT/E SUNT.-Cn»/M«.

O MH NHSTEYON TO DASXA EniTEABI KAN XHMEPON KAN AYPION
KAN OnOTEOYN META2XHI TH2 KOltiOHUX-A CArr*fto»i.

SECOND EDITION.

AND CO.

CONTENTS.

PAOE

PAR')' I.
//OIV CANON LAW BINDS.

CHAP.

I. Difference between Canons
II. Canons wyn- binding

III. DiSUSER ABROGATES CaNON LaW

PART 11.

THE CANONS ALLEGED FOR FASTING COMMUNION.

I. History of the Canons .

SECT.

i. Origin of the Canons

ii. The African Canon . . .

iii. The Spanish Canons

iv. The Gallican Canons .

r' 43

■f

. 43

.61

. 67

. 7»

- -

•^

i{ Contents.

CHAP. SECT.

I. V. The Quinisext Canon . • • •
vi. The Canon of Constance

vii. The supposed Canon of Nicaea . • •

viii. Maundy Thursday . . • •

IT. iNTEkPRETATtON OF THE CANONS . • •

i. The meaning of ' jejunus '

il The change of Hours and Habits . . •

III. The Inconveniency of Private Sklection of

Disused Canons . • • •

IV. The Fast after Communion . . • •

PART III.
THE TESTIMONY OF THE FATHERS.

I. The Authority of individual Fathers

II. Pope Soter . •

III. Tertullian

IV. St. Cyprian . . • •
V. St. Greoory Nazianzene .

VI. St. Basil . . • •

VII, St. Ambrose . •

VIII. Timothy of Alexandria

IX. Theophilus of Alexandria

iTHERS.

I'HERS

. 187

•

. 194

•

200

. 225

, •

. 231

•

. 233

. 243

•. •

• 249

. 254

Contmts.

CHAP.

X. St. Epiphanius

XI. St. Chrysostom

XII. St. Augustine .

XIII. Socrates .

PAOI

259

Hit
3*5

PART IV.
THE JEWIHH ^FAST' BEFORE THE PAHSOVEK. 329

PART V.
THE ADVISABILITY OF FASTING COMMUNION. 347

FASTING COMMUNION.

INTRODUCTION.

A FEW years ago a Jesuit father, English by birth and
-^^ education, was conducting a retreat for priests in
the north of France. One day, at the time of recreation,
the parish priest called on his brethren to sympathize with
him in his satisfaction at having that day communicated
two men. The English priest was astonished. 'What! only
two > ' and the answer was, ' I have never seen such a sight
before, during the twenty years that I have been here as
Cur^.'

This seems shocking to us to hear of now ; but it was
probably the state of things in England just before the
Reformation, which the Church then struggled to amend.
Biel ' says that a layman is only bound to communicate
once a year, and at death, and that not by our Lord's own
command, but by the law of the Church. He does not
accept our Lord's words as a law, being led by the denial

' De Canone Missa, Lectio Ixxxvii. lit. x. fo. 237, ed. 1542: 'De Com-
munione laicorum immo gtneraliter fidelium rationis usum hrbentium dicitur
secundum Alexandrum quol non tenetur nisi ex mandate Ecclesia semel in
anno : et in articulo mortis. , . . Verba vero Christi quse in prseceptum sonare
' videntur, Nin manducrytriHs, &c., intelliguntur de manducatione spiritual! :
ut supra dictum est.' In a volume of sermons printed at Hagenau in 1513, it
IS said on Maundy Thursday, ' In primitivft Ecclesi4 omnes fideles singulis
diebus communicabant ; postea communicabant domlnids diebus tantum.
Postea statutum est quod solus sacerdos sumit in persond omHutm.'—Sermo
«xiv. R. They are called Sermones Parati.

inii'ii»iB«iiii'i(*»ii>iw

■ ^y i W. I >! ! >■ *

Ml'

2 Introduction.

of the Cup to the laity to explain spiritually the command,
« Except ye eat the Flesh of the Son of man, and drink
His Blood, ye have no life in you.'

It is much to be feared that the action of those priests
in the Church of England, who are spoken of on all sides
as insisting on Fasting Communion as a necessity, even
under pain of committing mortal sin, will (if not checked)
issue in some such neglect of communicating, as was the
rule before the Refonnation, and obtains in some forf.ign
countries now. If it be true that some of these rigorist
priests have refused to communicate invalids, because the
medical man had directed food to be taken every two
hours,' and have distressed devout aged persons by saying
they were committing a mortal sin by supporting their
enfeebled nature with a little food before communicating—
if this be true (and the evidence is too strong to be
doubted), it is clearly advisable that some enquiry should
be made into the grounds of this teaching.

Now there are three grounds taken up by those who are
' said to be teaching thus. The first is, greater reverence to
the Sacrament ; the second is, the obligation of the canons
of the Church ; and the third is, the assimilation of our
rule to that of other Churches. The main object » of this
essay is to enquire into the obligation of canons on this
subject ; but a little may be said, by way of introduction
and in the course of the enquiry, on the other two heads.
With respect to greater reverence to the Sacrament.

I One such, after refraining from Communion for some time, becoming
greatly distressed, persuaded a priest to celebrate at a q^f^er before one in the
morning. Thus the ' natural fast ' was observed, though food had been taken
within an hour of the act of Communion. The inevitable exhaustion of the
sick was disregarded. Surely this could not have been ' a reasonable service.

This is no isolated case. , . , , . .. e ^

» I heard in private that I vas supposed to have .shirked the argument from
the Fathers ; in this edition, therefore, much care has been devoted to the
discussion of all known passages from the Fathers which seem at all to bear on
the subject. The object has been to make the historical investigation as
thorough as possible.

Introduction,

tually the command,
1 of man, and drink

ction of those priests
poken of on all sides
as a necessity, even
will (if not checked)
lunicating, as was the
ains in some forf.ign
ame of these rigorist

invalids, because the
be taken every two
jed persons by saying

by supporting their
fore communicating —
is too strong to be
t some enquiry should
ching.

n up by those who are
s, greater reverence to
oligation of the canons
he assimilation of our
e main object « of this
tion of canons on this
by way of introduction

the other two heads,
tice to the Sacrament.

nion for some time, becoming
e at a quarter before one in the
d, though food had been taken
e inevitable exhaustion of the
ive been 'a reasonable service.'

have shirked the argument from

care has been devoted to the

ers which seem at all to bear on

the historical investigation as

All physical and physiological questions should be out of
question here, for all men are not constituted alike, and all
men have not the same ideas of reverence. It may please
some to argue that, because digestion goes on much more
rapidly when the work of day in brain or body is proceed-
ing than during sleep, therefore a man is in reality more
fasting at twelve o'clock in the day after a light breakfast
than he would be at six o'clock in the morning after a
heavy supper. But this convinces no one who feels bound
by the technical law that a man who is to celebrate or
communicate must be fasting from the middle of the pre-
ceding night. For such a man would feel at liberty to
celebrate or communicate soon after midnight, though he
had supped a short time before ; since, as Merati observes
in his notes on Gavanti,' ' Strictly speaking, there is nothing
to hinder a priest from celebrating on Christmas night,
though he have eaten just before midnight.' Then, again,
English ideas of reverence are at present diflferent froni
those of foreigners. Foreign canonists » say that neither
snuff, nor smoking, nor chewing tobacco breaks the fast of
the priest about to celebrate; whereas to wash out the
mouth, or to suck an aromatic capsule to remove the
adventitious stench, would be forbidden. Indeed, if a priest
feels it necessary to wash his face before celebrating, he
must be careful to keep his lips shut, lest any water
should enter his mouth and mix with his saliva. To
English minds, or at all events to English senses,' there is

' Gavanti, Thaaurus Sac. Rituum cum AdditionUms C. M. MeraH, Ve-
netiis, 1769, torn. i. p. 235. Comfn. in Rubricas Missalis Romani, vmsv,
tit. iii. § 12. ' r •

» Gavanti, TTiesaurm, torn. i. p. an. Quarti Commentaria in RuMcas
Missalis, Venetiis, 1727, pars iii. tit. iv. g 4, p. 371.

* It is satisfactory to find that in Mexico the use of tobacco before cele-
bration is prohibited by the canons of several councils. One in Peru con-
demns the custom in strong language : « In conciHo Limensi prohibetur sub
reatu patna atertue damnationis Presbyter, celebraturis ne tabaci pulverem
nanbusetiam praetextu medicinae ante Sacri icium svmaxA.'—T^eologia Practica
auct. D. Nicolao Pauwels, pars ii. p. 463 ; Lovanii, 1716. '

C'i

A Introduction.

a perception of lack of reverence in the odour of tobacco
being breathed in the face of fasting communicants : and
it might be thought that acquired foulness of breath should
be avoided as much as anything else. It might almost be
said that real piety was at a low ebb, when reverence must
depend upon the dicta of physiological professors.

But, apart from this, ideas of reverence are very various.
If at some times it be thought necessary out of reverence
for the Sacrament to receive fasting, it was thought at
other times equally necessary to receive, on Maundy
Thursday at least, after a banquet or Maundy. This
custom, best known as popular in North Africa, is yet
heard of in Phrygia, Constantinople, Gaul, and Spain; and
it does not seem to have been finally discontinued till the
end of the seventh century.' Indeed the discontinuance
of the custom is distinctly stated to be out of reverence
for Lent rather than from reverence for the Sacrament;
though in Spain it was forbidden because of the abuse of
the custom by the Priscillianists.

Now it must be remembered that in our northern
climate there is a greater demand upon the resources of
the body for heat than in southern climates ; » and often
distress of body, in those who are not quite hardy and
strong, prevents what is of chief importance— reverence of
mind. So that, if real reverence be desired, some are com-
pelled to obviate extreme distraction and anxiety by some
slight partaking of food.* For it is clear that, if our service

• See below, part ii. chap. i. § 5.

» See an exceUent little pamphlet on TAe ChurcKs Rule of Fasting considertd
in its Medical Aspect, by George Cowell, F.R.C.S., Surgeon to the Westminster
Hospital. London : Church Printing Company.

» Tims John Johnson wrote, • There are many who cannot communicate
fasting without great uneasiness and indevotion, unless they go directly from
their bed to the altar ; and these men must indulge the cravings of an inferior
nature, so far as to quiet their spirits and preserve a due attention of mind in
the service of God; . . and, indeed, we of this northern climate are vain if
we pretend to imitate the old Eastern, African, or Italian Churches in their fost-
ings. Our air is much more severe than theirs,' &c. See the whole passage
below, at the end of the Essay.

our of tobacco
lunicants : and
r breath should
ight almost be
reverence must
issors.

re very various,
ut of reverence
^as thought at
;, on Maundy
Maundy. This

Africa, is yet
ind Spain; and
ntinued till the

discontinuance
at of reverence
the Sacrament;
of the abuse of

1 our northern
tie resources of
:es;' and often
uite hardy and
:e— reverence of
I, some are com-
mxiety by some
at, if our service

• of Fasting considered
an to the Westminster

cannot communicate
they go directly from
:ravings of an inferior
; attention of mind in
n climate are vain if
[Churches in their fost-
iee the whole passage

Introduction. X

of God is to be rational and spiritual, and not merely
bodily and external, then reverence of reason and spirit
must be of more importance than mere reverence of body,
unless there is some definite command of God or man
compelling the conscience to the contrary. Now all who are
worthy of attention agree that there is no Divine command >
binding the conscience to Fasting Communion ; almost all
agree that there is a Divine command to receive Commun-
ion ; and all must agree that there is a Divine command
to worship especially in spirit and in truth. It follows that
recollectedness of mind and devout reverence of spirit
must be of more importance than accidental disposition of
body.

Therefore, without discussing the material questions of
physiology (which, though shocking to some, are useful to
others) about the action of the saliva in the mastication of
the element, or the period of duration of digestion, it may
be concluded that if the feeble, or aged, or sick find their
minds distressed by a fasting body, they do not otherwise
than well in taking some small portion of food to quiet the
distress of body.» For, as Mr. Poyntz has well said, ' The

' Thus Biel, discussing the exceptions to this rule of Fasting Communion,
shows that if a priest by inadvertence have consecrated and consumed water
and so have broken the natural fast, he is bound to repair his error and perform
the proper act of consecration. He sums up thus : ' Ex una enim parte habet
sacerdos prseceptum Christi : ut scilicet sanguinem consecret post corporis con-
secrationem : habet et districtum Ecclesiae praeceptum de percipiendo conse-
cratum. Ex alia autem parte non habet nisi leve praceptum EceUsia compara-
tive, scilicet de jejunio ' (Biel, De Canone Misses, Lectio x. lit. d. fo. 14, ed.
1542)- He also argues that the priest is not fasting when he communicates oii
^ood Friday : « In die Farasceves particula posita in calicem percipitur cum
vmo non consecrato. Et verisimile est quod vinum citius descendat in ventrem
quam ilia particula : ei^ ex consuetudine Ecclesiae sacerfos percipit Eucha-
ristiam non jcjumts, '

* I am allowed to record the following anecdote of the gentle Bishop
Burgess of Salisbury. He was himself in the habit of communicating fasting,
and explained his custom to one who remarked on his not taking breakfast.
But when the natural reply came, ' If it is right for you it is right for me,' he
immediately answered, • I lay my commands on you never to attempt it :'you
are not strong, and come of not robust parents, and it would be impossible for
you to practise it, and wrong for you to try to do so.'

•j**.«a«K*l»-wc^'M«3««*'^

iwmimwfiiii

Introduction.

ii-

highest reverence that can be paid is that it should be re-
ceived by a devout and earnest Christian.' ' Anything that
disturbs devotion and earnestness detracts from due
reverence. /

The third ground relied on is the necessity of assimila-
ting our rule to that of other Churches, with especial view
to future union. May God in His mercy grant that union
which all Christians must long for! But it may be
doubted whether any course of action which is likely to
hinder many from the Sacrament of Union in England
would be likely to forward union. The rigour of Fasting
Communion has been variously relaxed in various places.
The communicating after a Maundy hindered not the union
of North Africa with Rome and Constantinople.' The
Egyptians who communicated every Saturday after supper
were not out of Communion with other Churches. The
refusal of the Mechlin and Roman rituals to allow Com-
munion to the sick who had broken the ' natural ' fast (ex-
cept by way of viaticum to the moribund ») hindered not
union with Cambray, where the Manuale allowed the sick,
who were unable to remain fasting, to communicate often
in the same illness. Gabriel BieP ai^ues that by the

' The Fast before Communion, by Rev. Newdigate Poyntz ; London,
Palmer, 1872, p. 6.

» Socrates, the ecclesiastical historian, has a chapter on the varieties of
customs. It is of great value as showing how the widest variation in practice
and discipline did not hinder intercommunion.— Socrates, Hist. bk. V. chap.
22. The chapter is given below, part iii. chapter xiii.

• Van Espen, Jus Ecclesiasticum Universum, pars ii. § ii t't- »v. cap. iv.
§ 6 ; Lovanii, 1753, torn. i. p. 404.

* See the passage quoted in a previous note. Some, it is true, have con-
tended that the presence of the presanctified particle is sufficient to consecrate
the common wine and water. In the Ordo Romanus it is said, • Sanctificatur
vinumnonconsecratumpersanctificatumpanem' (ap. Hittorpium Romje, 1591,
p. 49, B. So also Alcuin, Id. p. 50, A). Micrologus also (Id. y. 388, B) in
chap. 19, says, ♦ In Parasceve vinum non consecratum cum Dominic4 oratione
et Dominici Corporis immissione jubet consecrare. ' But this is directly opposed
to the rule which requires the priest not to take the ablutions before a second
mass, since they are not consecrated by the reliquia, and would break his fast. It
is argued out in the glosses on Gratian, and decided ' Evacuatur opinio quw
dicit quod quicquid Sanguini Christi commiscetur Sanguis est.'—/?* Com. dist. I,

Introduction.

it should be re-

Anything that

acts from due

sity of assimila-
th especial view
[rant that union
iut it may be
lich is likely to
ion in England
gour of Fasting
1 various places,
jd not the union
intinople.' The
day after supper
Churches. The
5 to allow Com-
latural ' fast (ex-
») hindered not
allowed the sick,
mmunicate often
les that by the

ite Poyntz ; London,

er on the varieties of
St variation in practice
tes, Hist. bk. v. chap.

ii. § I, tit. iv. cap. iv.

le, it is trae, have con-
sufficient to consecrate
is said, ' Sanctificatur
ttorpium Romae, I59i>
also (Id. p. 388, B) in
:um Dominic^ oratione
this is directly opposed
:Utions before a second
vould break his fast. It
Evacuatur opinio qu%
est.' — J)eCotis.6\&i. i,

precept of the Church the priest does not communicate
fasting on Good Friday ; for he takes the presanctified
particle in common wine, and as the wine is at once taken
up by the system, the natural fast is broken when he com-
municates. Is it possible to suppose that Pope Leo III.,
an old man,' could have habitually performed his seven or
nine Masses a day without some portion of food taken
before some of them } Must we suppose that children
going to or coming from school were absolutely fasting
from the previous midnight when they were taken into
Church to consume the remainder of the consecrated
elements, as was done at Constantinople and at MAcon } or
if u be argued that Christian children might have been
fasting, was the Hebrew child fasting to whom a portion
was given as recorded by Evagrius and others ? *

But the giving the Cup to the laity, pronounced a Jieresy
by the Council of Constance, is quite as likely to hinder
union in the West as the relaxation of the rule of Fasting
Communion ; for those who are not able to communicate
fasting have not yet been called heretics openly.' It may
not be well to give up much in prospect of problematical
success.

With excellent intention Mr. Poyntz* has learnedly
argued that it is within the power of each diocesan Bishop
to grant a dispensation from this fast, which therefore
should be sought at his hands. If the argument of this
essay is correct, there is no law binding in England to

cap. Sufficit, §Et alteram. Extra deCel. Mis. Ex parte. Decretum, col. 1904;
Decretales, col. 1367 ; Lugduni, 1606. Durandus (Rationale, lib. vi. cap. 75)
s-iys the wine is not consecrated but is hallowed (sanctificari).

' 'Fideliuirf relatione virorum in nostram usque pervenit notitiam, Leonem
papam sicut ipse fatebatur una die vii vel ix missarum golemnia sapius cele-
brasse ' (Walafrid Strabo, De Sebus Ecdesiasticis, cap. xxi.). Leo IIL died
A.D. 816, and Walafrid was made Abbot of Reichenau in A.D. 842.

* Evagrius, Hist. Eccl. lib. iv. cap. xxxvi. Nicephorus, lib. xvii. cap. xxv.
St. Gregory of Tours, De Gloria Martyrum, lib. 1. cap. x.

* Sala indeed thinks 'ut hicc opinio error in fide censeri debeat.'— Bona,
Opera Liturgica, vol. ii. p. 109, note, 1749.

* The Fast before Ccmmunion, Palmer, 1872.

'^ii

Introduction.

require the fast, and so no English diocesan bishop would
grant a dispensation if asked to do so. If we accept the
dicta of foreign canonists as our own, and say, for the sake
of some nearer prospect of union, that the law of fasting
is to be regarded as binding, in England, then the sug-
gestion of Mr. Poyntz does not help us ; for he seems to
have overlooked or ignored the fact that the same extern
authorities ' say that none but the Pope himself can grant
the dispensation. True, Charles V. never received fast-
ing, but then he had a running dispensation from Pope
Julius III.

When the arrogant pride of the exclusive Ultramon-
tane is lowered, so as to render union possible, it will not
be impossible to lessen any difficulty on this score by re-
quiring a dispensation, if necessary. Until this blessed
consummation be arrived at, it may be doubted whether
a sudden attempt at rigour will not do more harm than
good. Violent language about 'mortal sin' is too easily
used ; it may attract attention to subjects too long ne-
glected, but it often wounds earnest Christians, shocks those
who are growing in the faith, and imperils the health
of souls. It is therefore earnestly to be deprecated.

We must now try to see what is the law of the Church.
But there is one great difficulty which we have to meet in
dealing with questions of this kind. We are too apt to
carry our modem views with us when we search into
antiquity. Some carry into the writings and sayings of
antiquity a meaning which they will not bear. There are,
indeed, two ways of approaching an ancient author. A
man may previously make up his mind what the writer
must have meant, and then try to convey to the words he
used the preconceived meaning. Or a man may try to
find out what the words used must have meant at the time,

■ Supttna Summarum, ab R. P. Silvestro Prierate I.ugduni, 1551, p. 346,
S.V. Eucharistia III. § viii. P. M. Quarti Commentaria in Rubrkas Missalis,
Venetiis, 1727, pp. 13 and 377.

Introduction.

an bishop would
If we accept the
say, for the sake
he law of lasting
d, then the sug-
for he seems to
: the same extern
limself can grant
er received fast-
ation from Pope

lusive Ultramon-
tssible, it will not
this score by re-
rntil this blessed
doubted whether
more harm than
iin' is too easily
cts too long ne-
ians, shocks those
perils the health
leprecated.
iw of the Church.
t have to meet in
'e are too apt to

we search into
s and sayings of
bear. There are,
icient author. A

what the writer
T to the words he
man may try to
leant at the time,

Lugduni, 1551, p. 346,
\a in RtibrUas Missalis,

and then come to the conclusion that the writer must have
meant what he said. Too many writers, whether contro-
versialist or not, have adopted the former method, which is
distinctly most liable to error ; ' but it has been the endea-
vour in this essay to adhere to the latter plan.

It is worth while to give one or two examplep of the
erroneous method which have reference in some way to the
matter of this treatise. The first example is that of a
mistake, which is all the more mischievous from the great
and deserved popularity of the book and its author. It is
taken from Miss Yonge's capital ' Book of Golden Deeds,'
and is from a description of the rescue of a young nobleman
from slavery by his grandfather's negro slave."

That same night the two faint, hungry, weary travellers, foot-
sore and exhausted, came stumbling into Rheims, looking about
for some person still awake to tell them the way to the house of
the priest Paul, a friend of Attalus' uncle. They found it just as
the church bell was ringing for matins, a sound that must have
seemed very much like home to tjiese members of an episcopal
household. They knocked, and in the morning twilight met the
priest going to his earliest Sunday morning service. Leo told his
young master's name, and how they had escaped ; and the priest's
first exclamation was a strange one, ' My dream is true ! This
very night I saw two doves, one white and one black, who came
and perched on my hand.' The good man was overjoyed, but he
scrupled to give them any food, as it was contrary to the Church's
rules for the fast to be broken before Mass; but the travellers were
half-dead with hunger, and could only say, 'The good Lord pardon
us, for, saving the respect due to His day, we must eat something,
since this is the fourth day since we have touched bread or meat.'
The priest upon this gave them some bread and wine, and after
hiding them carefully went to church, hoping to avert suspicion.

This account is very remarkable ; for this is not a

' St. Jerome complains of this, 'Et quisquam tam iniquus lector erit, ut non
ex meis dictis, sed ex suo me sensu judicet ? ' — Ep. xlviii. ad Pammachium,
Verona, 1734, torn. i. col. 212.

' A Book 0/ Golden Deeds, by Charlotte M. Yonge, 1864, p. 120. A most
delightful and edifying book.

1 f,

IntrodHction.

case of men who wished to communicate or celebrate Mass,
but of two men who wished to hide. It is asserted as a
broad rule, that no food was to be taken before the hour
of Mass by anyone whatsoever. The priest was going to
matins about three o'clock i^.M., and Mass would not be
said until six hours later. If therefore, in the sixth century,
we find a priest scrupling to give runaways who were
starving any food on a Sunday morning six hours before
Mass was said, it would be a remarkable thing indeed.
But when we turn to the original story as told by
St. Gregory of Tours in his most amusing and interesting
history, then, lo and behold, the scruple of the priest, the
desire for pardon on the part of the runaways, and the rea-
son for both, all vanish together, and the narrative, shorn of
its adventitious matter, is more easy of acceptance. The
original and a literal translation are placed side by side :' —

Hi autem nocte ipsA adti-
gerunt ad urbem ingressique
invenerunt hominem, quera
scisciuti sunt, ubinam esset
domus Paulellii presbyteri: indi-
cavitque eis. Qui dum per pla-
team prjeteriret, signum admatu-
tinas motum est : erat enim dies
Dominica. Pulsantesque ja-
nuam presbyteri, ingressi sunt
Exposuitque puer de domino
sue. Cui ait presbyter, 'Vera
est enim visio mea ! nam vide-
bam duas in hac nocte columbas
advolare et consedere in manu
mea : ex quibus una s^lba, alia
autem nigra erat' Dixeruntque
pueri presbytero, ' Indulgeat
Dominus ' pro die suS. sanctS, !

But that very night they
reached the city, and as they
entered they found a man, whom
they asked where the house of
Paulellius the priest was : and
he showed them. But as he
was passing along the street, the
bell went for matins, for it was
Sunday. They knocked at the
door of the priest and ■?(fent in.
And the slave told who his
master was. To whom the
priest says, 'Well, then, my
dream is true! for I saw to-
night two doves fly to me and
settle down on my hand : of
which one was white, and one
was black.' And the youths
said to the priest, ' The Lord

' Gregorii Turonensis Hislotia Francorum, lib. iii. cap. xv. Paris, 1561,
p. 136; Parisiis, 1699, col. I2I.

'It has been acutely suggested that the real meaning of this is, • Please,
sir, be good to us for this your holy day's sake ! '

ilrrri

Introduction.

jr celebrate Mass,
i is asserted as a

before the hour
est was going to
ass would not be
the sixth century,
aways who were

six hours before
Die thing indeed,
tory as told by
ig and interesting
of the priest, the
vays, and the rea-
narrative, shorn of
acceptance. The
:d side by side :' —

It very night they
; city, and as they
■f found a man, whom

where the house of
the priest was : and
them. But as he
; along the street, the
or matins, for it was
rhey knocked at the
; priest and tvent in.
slave told who his
LS. To whom the
3, 'Well, then, my
true! for I saw to-
ioves fly to me and
n on my hand : of

was white, and one
,' And the youths
e priest, ' The Lord

i. cap. XV. Paris, 1561,
ning of this is, ' Please,

Nam nos rogamus ut aliquid
victui praebeas ; quarta enim
inlucescit dies, quod nihil panis
pulmentique gustavimus.' Oc-
cultatis autcm pueris, praebuit
eis infusum cum vino panem, et
abiit ad matutinas.

vouchsafe it for his holy day's
sake ! For we ask you to give
us something to eat ; for the
fourth day is now dawning
that we have tasted no bread
or meat.' When therefore he
had hidden the youths, he gave
them bread sopped in wine, and
went to matins.

Here we have a wonderful instance of ' farsed ' history ;
and the ' farsura,' or force-meat, all arises from a miscon-
ception of the word indulgent. In later Latin this would
certainly mean pardon, therefore it must mean this here.
But a difficulty arises because there is nothing in the story,
as given by St. Gregory, which makes sense if indidgeat be
translated ' pardon.* Therefore into the narrative there
must be inserted an interpolation to force the sense.
Inventive genius is set to work, and some imaginary scruples
of the priest and pleading on the part of the runaways have
to be introduced to make the tale run smoothly. The truth
is that the meaning of pardon had not yet become appro-
priated to indulgeo, and St. Gregory rarely uses the word in
this sense. In order to ascertain this beyond reasonable
doubt, I have read all St. Gregoiy's works as given in the
Benedictine edition, with the following result. I find I have
noted down thirty-two places besides the present where
'indulgeo' is used, and in only four' of them does it

' St. Gregory's works, though very interesting, are not very commonly
found in private libraries, so the context of these four passages is here given.
Where a/(»^,f isgiven in the references to St. Gregory, it cites the Paris edition
of the Historia Francorum of 1561 ; the column refers to the Benedictine
edition of the works of St. Gregory, Paris, 1699. The four passages with the
sense of pardon attached to indulgeo are the following : — Hist. Francorum,
lib. ix. cap. viii. p. 494, col. 426 : ' Rogo ut indulgeatis malis meis qua
contra vos gessi ' — I ask you to pardon the wrongs I have done you : of a man
imploring pardon from a king and a queen-mother. Dt Gloria Martyrum,
lib. i. cap. Ixxviii. col. 809 : ' Indulge injuriam hujus delicti '—excuse the wrong
of this fault : a duke iks pardon of a pious archdeacon who had been igno-
miniously maltreated by his servants who had mistaken orders. Id. lib. i.
ap. Ix XV . ol. 821 : <Ne crimen indultumiterareturulterius' — lest the crime

I I;

Introduction.

certainly mean pardon, and in these the context is unmis-
takable. Once we get the clue to the step by which it
came to mean « pardon,' for we find the phrase iidulgere
veniam} The common meaning of the word is much the
same as the idea conveyed in English by the word
• indulge ; ' that is, it means granting with a certain amount
of favour or condescension some request which the peti-
tioner had no antecedent claim to expect would be granted.
Thus we find the word used thirteen times' of some benefit
or mercy vouchsafed by God ; five times of granting some
petition or request : sometimes it has the simple meaning
of being kind to anyone ; sometimes it is giving some
present with a sense of favour or great need on the part of
the receiver :• twice it is used of indulging in sleep ;* while

which had been pardoned should be repeated again : the reason given by St.
Gregory for the sudden death of a woman who, convinced of her sin by the
Jordan retreating from her feet, confessed aloud that she had murdered her
uight illegitimate children, and asked the people assembled to pray for her.
VUiB Patrum, cap. vi. § 4, col. I172 : ' Cuncta quK locutus est dementer in-
dulsif— he kindly excused all he had said : St. Galle forgives a priest who
had reviled him. Another instance may be perhaps found in Histcria Fran-
eorum, lib. v. cap. xxxix. p. 277. Remark in only one of these is the word
used of pardon from God for sin committed ; the other instances are of over-
looking or excusing faults against a superior.

' De Glorid Confcssorum, Prsefatio, col. 893.

» In these it is generally used of some miracle. The following are the
passages:-- «>/. Ftancorum, lib. i. cap. xiii. p. 14: 'Quod peteret ut indul-
geat poUicetur'— God promises to grant Solomon what he asked. Id. lib. 1.
cap xiv. p. IS, col. 16: 'Salubremeffectumindulgeat.' Id. lib. ii. cap. xxx.
p 93 : ' Si mihi victoriam indulseris.' Id. lib. x. cap. ult. : ' Munus divinitus
iiidultum.' Dt Glorid Ccn/ess. cap. xlvii. col. 933: ' Multa indulgeri beneficia.'
De Glo. Martyrum, lib. i. cap. Ixxi. col. 801 : ' Munus indultum divinitus.'
Vita Patrum, cap. v. col. 1 164: 'Quanto Deus indulgeat' Id. cap. x. col.
1205:' Incrementum a Te indultum.' Id. cap. xi. coL 1209 : • Lymphas sibi
divinitus indultas.' Id. cap. xix. col. 1244: • Charismata caelitus indulta.' Id.:
' Miracula quotidianis indulta momentis.' Id. col. 1246 : ' Ut alimentum dig-
naretur'indulgere.' And the passage in present question, Hist. Fratu. lib. iii.

cap. XV. p. 137' . . .

• For example, a bishop was being conveyed dose prisoner somewhitlier,
and when the boat in which he was being carried stopped at a certain town,
the bishop of the place came to see and console him, and went away 'indul-
gens aliquid vestimenti,' giving him some clothes.

« DeMiraeuUs St. Juliani, cap. xxxvii. col. 877 : ' Ut modicosopore mdul-

Introduction.

context is unmis-

step by which it

e phrase iidulgere

word is much the

ish by the word

li a certain amount

St which the peti-

would be granted.

Es' of some benefit

I of granting some

le simple meaning

it is giving some

leed on the part of

ng in sleep ;* while

the reason given by St.
ivinced of her sin by the
t she had murdered her
sembled to pray for her.
; locutus est clementer in-
Ue forgives a priest who
J found in HUtoria Fran-
wit of these is the word
»er instances are of over-

The following are the
: • Quod peteret ut indul-
'hat he asked. Jd. lib. i.
at.' Id. lib. ii. cap. xxx.
ip. ult. : ' Munus divinitus
Multa indulgeri beneiicia.'
[unus indultum divinitus.'
lulgeat' Id. cap. x. col.
coL 1209: 'Lymphas sibi
mata caelitus indulta.' Id.:
[246 : * Ut alimentum dig-
stion, Hist. From. lib. iii.

ose prisoner somewhither,
stopped at a certain town,
im, and went away ' indul-

: « Ut modicosopore indul-

the noun ' indulgentia* is used once with a sense of per*
mission,' once with the meaning of acceptance, and once of
the king's favour.

If then the word indulgeat alone be regarded, there is
every probability of its not meaning ' pardon ' in this pas-
sage ; and as there is nothing in the context to warrant
this meaning, it is impossible that it should in this instance
bear this interpretation. But when the words ' pro die suA
sanctd ' are taken into consideration, it makes the impossi-
bility of the paraphrase given by Miss Yonge all the more
apparent. The simple phrase has to be rendered, ' Saving the
respect due to His holy day,' a meaning which can scarcely
be tortured out of the words. They simply mean 'for His
holy da) 's sake.'

The meaning of the passage is sufficiently clear to
make it surprising that such a strange interpretation should
have been foisted in. The trembling runaways were eager
to obtain food and refuge, and they seize upon the priest's
dream as an argument in their favour. The priest said
the doves flew to him and settled on his hand, settled down
as it were to roost. A heathen might have exclaimed,
' Accipio omen' or something of that sort, but the Christians
say, ' God grant it for His holy day's sake.' The priest no
doubt ran a great risk in hiding runaway slaves, but they
plead the sacredness of the day in their favour, and the
moment the priest says, * My dream is true,' they cry out,
' God grant it ! ' if it be not ' Please, sir, be good to us.'

It is true that Miss Yonge is not wholly answerable for
the mistake, as she does little more than translate Thierry »
(to whom she herself refers), who works up into his narrative

geatur.' De Mir. St. Martini, lib. i. cap. ii. col. 1003: 'Corpori quietem
indulserat.'

■ Dt Glo. Mar. lib. i. cap. Ixx. col. 800 : ' Accepts indalgentii ' — leave
being received. De Mir. St. Martini, lib. iii. cap. Ix. col. 1 1 12. Historia
Francorum, lib. v. cap. xviii. p. 250.

' iMtres sur VHistoire de France, par Augustin Thierry. Ed. 7, Paris
1842, Lettre viii. p. 138.

f?r4i,V.''*»~*i*'-"«Ms>AV>i

|!-,

ii-1

,. Introduction.

a note of the Benedictine editors. But these latter have
edited this particular work in a controversial rather than a
critical spirit, as is observable elsewhere in the work For
instance, in the story as told by St. Gregory of the Jewish
boy being communicated, and afterwards saved in his father s
furnace by the special intervention of the Blessed V.rgm
herself the editors draw attention to the fact that the boy
speaks only of receiving bread,' from which they argue m
favour of reception under one species only ; but when
there is special mention of a woman receiving the Chalice
as if it were the ordinary custom, the editors make no

remark.' . ,

There is not to be found elsewhere in the writings of bt.
Gregory any proof that 'it was contrary to the Church's
rule for the fast to be broken before Mass,' in the manner
assumed. True we read of a terrible fate befalling a priest
who ventured to consecrate when drunken, or ' sodden with
wine.'» We also read of a deacon who was blinded * be-

« Greg. Turon. Optra, Parisiis, 1699, col. 73* i De GloriA Martyrum lib. i.
cap. r U^vas the reserved sacrament (called the Body and Blood of he
Sd) which was given to the boy. and there is abundant evidence that he
2 tLn was the^same as it U in the Liturgy of the Pr«sanct.fied wjth the
G^elJ now. The species of bread was imbued with the consecrated wme,
SSchwithen allowed to dry. The moUtening with unconsecrated wmc,
wh ch ilLstantly spoken of, was not merely to assist deglutmon but was to
Tev^fe the moistureof the liquid species. Cf.^««*.^«^.f^. Lb. -cap. xhv ,
Co Carthag. IV. can. bcxvi. [a.d. 398] ; Co. Mat.sconll. «in. v.. [a.d. sSSl-
Fo; the GrSk custom see Leo Allatius. De Missd Pr.sa,utificatorum, a treat.«
printed at the end of his work DeEccUsia: Consensu, Colom* AgnppmK, 1648,
col 1537 ; Neale, History of Ihf Eastern Church, Introduction p. 718, London.
,850 For the Latin Tse. compare the gloss on Gratian III. De Consec.
Dist iii ap. xciii. : 'Eucharistiam licet intinctam dare cau^ necessitatis.
This of the reserved Sacrament. It was forbidden to give it intinct in Church; cf.
Co. Bracarense III. can. i. [a.d. 675] ; Co. Claramont. can. xxvu. [A.D. 1094].
It may be that this custom of reserving a host dipped in the Chalice was the
origin of the reception of a presanctified particle in ~>"""°"/'"\*"'^;?'"^y,
the priest on Good Friday in the Western Church. M.crologus h« a chapter
(xix.) De Vitandd Intinctione, ap. Hittorpium, Romae, 1591, P- 3»» »•
» De Glorid Confessorum, cap. Ixv. col. 947.

• De GloriA Martyrum, lib. i. cap. Ixxxvii. col. 819.

• DeMiraculis St. Martini, lib. iii. cap. xxxviii. col. iioo.

Introduction.

these latter have
:rsial rather than a
in the work. For
gory of the Jewish
saved in his father's
the Blessed Virgin
c fact that the boy
rhich they argue in
5 only ; but when
icciving the Chalice
: editors make no

1 the writings of St.
iry to the Church's
[ass/ in the manner
ite befalling a priest
:en, or ' sodden with
lO was blinded * be-

)e Glorid Martyrum, lib. i.
ic Body and Blood of the
ibundant evidence that the
the Proesanctified with the
fith the consecrated wine,
J with unconsecrated wine,
Lssist deglutition, but was to
Hist. Ecc. lib. vi.cap. xliv.j
icon II. can. vi. [a.d. S^Sl-
Vasatutificatorum, a treatise
I, Coloniae Agrippinse, 1648,
itroduction, p. 718, London,
I Giatian III. De Consec.
un dare cauia necessitatis.'
) give it intinct in Church; cf.
ont, can. xxviii. [A.D. 1094].
ipped in the Chalice was the
I common wine and water by
Micrologus has a chapter
inwE, 1591, p. 388 B.

1. 819.

iii. col. 1 100.

cause he neglected matins, to entertain with a social cup u
friend whom he met as he wa.s going to church. Again,
an abbot is introduced ' excusing himself if m drinking In
a king's tent by pleading that he had not yet sung his
appointed psalms.' But matins were the private pntyers
of the clergy, and it would be rather as if a man said, ' I
will not take any breakfast till I have said my prayers.'
The question even here is not before Mass, but before
matins. It must be remembered that matins were said
some six hours before Mass,' and that the clergy used to
go to bed again after matins. In one instance a layman,*
a labourer, w'* had given lodging to a priest, got up to go
to work in the very early morning, and called to his wife
for his 'jentaculum,' or early morning food. The priest
was awake saying his matins, and the good labourer would
not begin to eat before the priest had given him his bless-
ing. This was of advantage to him later on in the day ;
for he heard evil spirits lamenting that they could not
attack him because he was protected by the priest's blessing.
This shows the very natural feeling that some religious act
was most advantageous before bodily necessities were at-
tended to, but it does not show that there was a general
rule that none should eat before Mass at nine o'clock.

But if we must be careful how we impose our own
sense upon a passage, so also must we take heed how we
allow ourselves to ai^ue il posteriori in respect of time.
When Dr. Pusey is giving a passage from St. Chrysostom '
which speaks of a celebration in the evening, he appends a

' Vitu Piitrum, cap. v. col. 1 166.

' By a canon of the Council ofMentz, can. Ivii. [a.d. 813], no clerk might
be absent from matins, except when sick, under pain of excommunication for
seven days for each ofStnce.—Summa Conciliorum, Carranza, Parisiis, 1668,
P- 563 ; cf. Co. Bracai. II. can. Ixiii. Bruns, ii. p. 55.

* The clergy were not to take the prandium before 9 a.m., i.e. the hour
of Mass. It does not follow they might not take the jentaculum at 4 A.M.
Cf. Co. Bracarense II. can. Ixv. Bnins, part ii. p. 55.

* De Glorid Confessorum, cap. xxxi. col. 919.

* T/ie Doctrine of the Real Presence, p. 556, note 4.

' Mt«»iCH»«Pl>«

Introdttctioii.

note of time which seems now most natural, ' Easter
Eve.' He does not support this by any argument, and
there is nothing in the sermon to make it certain. The
Greeks thought the sermon was preached on the festival of
the Holy Cross in September ; but the Benedictine editors,
with ituer criticism, show from internal evidence that it was
preached on Good Friday.'

Another curious instance of attaching to the words of
antiquity a sense which they will not bear is to be found in
t'we manner in which the sixth canon of the second council
of Macon has been interpreted. The latter part of the
canon runs as follows : ' —

Quaecunque reliquiae sacrificiorum post peractain missam in
sacrario supersederint, quarta vel sexta feria innocentes ab illo cujus
interest ad Ecclesiam adducantur, et indicto eis jejunio easdem
reliquias conspersas vino percipiant. ^-

The exact rendering of which is : — '

Whatever residue of the sacrifices remain over in the sacrarium
after celebration of Mass, let children be brought to the church,
on Wednesday or Friday, by him whose business it is, and a fast
having been enjoined them, let them receive the same residue
with wine poured over.

There is not much difficulty here if none be introduced
from without. The ' indicto jejunio ' would refer to the
fast after Communion, as the position of the words would
imply. But Dr. Falkner' represents the meaning thus: —

' The coimcil of Mascon {Cone. Matis. II. c. vi.) directed them
[i.e. the residue] to be given in church to such Christians as kept
their fasts there on the fourth and sixth days of the week.

> ' Non enim in festo Sanctae Cnicis quae in Scptembrem incidit, quseque
nondum illo sevo oelebrabatur, hanc habuit homiliam Chrysostomus, sed in
die Parasceves, eadem nempe qua crucifixus est Dominus. ut ipse in plurimis
locisdeclarat.' — Admonitio in Homiliam de Ccemeterio etde Cruce, St. Ckry-
sostomi Opera, Parisiis, torn. ii. p. 396.

* Co. Matiscon II. can. vi. Bruns, torn. ii. p. 251.

* Libertas EcclesiastUa ; or a discourse vindicating the lawfulness of those
things which are chiefly excepted against in the Church of England, by
William Falk> ^, D.D., fourth edition, London, 1683, p. 226.

Introdttctioiu

most natural, 'Easter
by any argument, and
make it certam. The
ached on the festival of
the Benedictine editors,
nal evidence that it was

:aching to the words of
)t bear is to be found in
n of the second council
The latter part of the

post peractam missam in
sria innocentes ab illo cujus
indicto eis jejunio easdem

:inain over in the sacrarium

be brought to the church,

e business it is, and a fast

receive the same residue

re if none be introduced
nio' would refer to the
ition of the words would
nts the meaning thus : —

tis. II. c. vi.) directed them
. to such Christians as kept
li days of the week.

in Septembrem incidit, quseque
homiliam Chrysostomus, sed in
est Dominus. ut ipse in plurintis
:aemeterio et de Cruce, St. Ckry-

i. p. 251.

idicating the lawfulness of those
in the Church of England, by
Ion, 1683, p. 226.

Bingham ' too was not free from the same bias, for he
renders the words in this manner : —

If any remains of the Sacrifice after the service was ended were
laid up in the vestry, he who had the care of them should, on
Wednesday or Friday, bring the innocents to Church, fasting, and
then, sprinkling the remains with wine, make them all partake of
them.

These interpretations are scarcely tenable. The syntax
requires that indicto jejunio be subsequent to the bringing to
Church. The phrase is not unknown in contemporary
writers to express the proclaiming or imposing an unusual
fast for a particular occasion.* The sprinkling with wine
was to moisten the species of wine which had been dried
on the other species for the purpose of reservation : ' there
is no ground here for the argument of Bossuet and other
Roman Catholics, that there is here an allusion to Com-
munion under one species.

Again, it is always well to compare the context of
passages \'hich are quoted, in order to be certified of
their sense. That giant of authority and accuracy of
thought, St. Thomas Aquinas, himself has not escaped error
from neglecting this rule. No other explanation can be
given of the following mistake. He is alleging the famous
African canon which excepts Maundy Thursday from its
rule of Fasting Communion, and he recites the objection : *
'Therefore on that day at least a man can take th^
Body of Christ after other food.' To this objection he
thinks it a sufficient answer to quote St. Augustine's letter,

' Antiquities, bk. xv. chap. vii. § 4.

' Thus St. Gregory if Tours, who was present at the second Council of
MScon, uses the phrase telling how an imminent danger was averted : ' Pro-
t nusconcurrentes populiad basilicam Sancti indictis jejuniis vigilias celebrant,

mox salvantur. '—ZiVfer de Glorid Confessorum, cap. xlv. Parisiis, 1699,
col. 932 A. See also Hist. Francorum, lib. ii. cap. xxxiv. col. 90, &c.

* See above, note on p. 14.

* St. Thomas, Summa, pars iii. quawtio bcxx. art. viiL § 3, Venetiis, 1757,
torn. V. p. 546, col, I.

■ C

Introduction.

i I

written three years after the third Council of Carthage, which
re-enacted this canon, at which he was probably present, and
at which he had considerable influence.

But nffw this has been abrogated ; for, as Augustine says, this
custom is held throughout the whole world, i. e. that the Body of
Christ should be taken by the fasting.

Yet as a matter of fact St. Augustine takes the Com-
memorative Supper on Maundy Thursday for granted, and
does not argue for or against it. Not only does he not say
that it is abrogated, but he says not one word against it,
but rather the contrary. The point under discussion is
whether a man might or might not take t\ic prandmm or
morning meal, and so break the Lenten fast on Maundy
Thursday.' The following is the sense of the passage,
which is obscure, if not corrupt :—

Some persons fancy that on the anniversary of the day when
the Lord held the I^st Supper it should be lawful to offer and
receive the Body and Blood of the Lord after food, as if for a
more striking commemoration. Now I think that this celebration
had better be at such an hour, that a man may keep the Lenten
fast by not taking luncheon, and still communicate after food by
coming to the oblation after the three o'clock meal. There is
therefore no compulsion in the African canon to take luncheon
before that Maundy, though it is not forbidden.

It is impossible to think that St. Thomas can have
read this, which is the immediate context of the
passage which he quotes, for it is directly contrary to the
meaning for which he quotes it. It would almost seem
(though it is hard to believe) that St. Thomas only knew
the passage in the extract given by Gratian.

A somewhat similar error has been made by Gavanti «
in his commentary on the rubrics of the Missal. He says

• See the whole passage discussed at length below, part iii. chapter xii.
« Comment, in Rubricas Missalis, pars iii. tit. ix. : Thaaurus Sacrorum
RUtmm, Venetiis, 1769, torn. i. P- 210.

-.f-,^«^^-.'>'-^'':''V-- ■ 'v^r

Introductiott,

if Carth^e, which
)ably present, and

\ugustine says, this
s. that the Body of

t takes the Com-
^ for granted, and
ly does he not say
; word against it,
ider discussion is
; the prandiutn or
1 fast on Maundy
;e of the passage,

ary of the day when
: lawful to offer and
"ter food, as if for a
that this celebration
lay keep the Lenten
micate after food by
ock meal. There is
on to take luncheon
en.

Thomas can have
context of the
:tly contrary to the
ivould almost seem
Thomas only knew
itian.

made by Gavanti '
e Missal. He says

w, part iii. chapter xii.
ix. : Thesaurus Sacrorum

that this rule of fasting 'emanates from the Apostles.
Clement (Ep. ii.) says that he received it from St. Peter.'
Now first of all, in the Second Epistle of Clement, the fast
spoken of is the fast after Communion, and not the so-called
natural fast from midnight. This, as St. Thomas himself
says, ' has been abrogated by the contrary custom, because
it could not be easily observed.' Next, the epistle itself is
a very poor forgery, interpolated by the pseudo-Isidore, and
therefore is not a powerful argument that a custom therein
spoken of emanates from the Apostles. Gavanti could
scarcely have verified his reference in this case.

Nor indeed could Giustiniani ' have verified his refer-
ences when he cited St. Basil's letter 'ad Casaream
Patriciam ' as upholding Fasting Communion. For there
is not one word about this in the letter from beginning
to end, as anyone may see if he will read the letter which
is given at length below, in the chapter on St. Basil.

It is difficult, however, to explain such a mistake as

I the following, which occurs in a note by the editor of
St. Chrysostom's Sermons on the Statues in the Oxford
Library of the Fathers.' The peculiarity of the passage
is that the editor goes out of his way to correct John

[ Johnson, and writes himself down ungrammatical.

The Holy Communion was always received fasting. On this
point it may be worth while to correct a mistake of Johnson in his
'Clergyman's Vade-Mecum,' part ii. p. 214, ed. 1709. He gives
thus the sixteenth canonical answer of Timothy, bishop of Alex-
andria A.D. 380, Bev. Pand. ii. 169, &c. ' If a man [when fasting
m order to communicate, Gr.] in washing or bathing swallow a
[drop of water, may he communicate? ^. Yes.' The answer
really, 'Since the devil hath found occasion to prevent his

' In I Cor. xi. 20 : Benedict! Justiniani Genuensis S. J. In omnes B
Pauli Epistolas Explanat. torn. i. p. 561 ; Lugduni, 1612.

"The Homilies of St. John Chrysostom on the Statues translated, Oxford,

1842, p. 159, note g. The translation is by Mr. Budge; but the note in

I question is by the editor of the volume, the Rev. Charles Marriott, Fellow of

I Oriel College, Oxford. The note is referred to in the index to the volume,

I which shows that it is regarded as important.

c 2 -

--.ibaii*J!l—M*i"*" ■

111''

?!'

;l t

20 Introduction.

communicating, let him do it oftener.' This plainly implies he is
not to do it then.

The original and the Latin translation as gi/en by
Beveridge' in the passage referred to in the note is as follows,
from which it will be seen that Mr. Marriott's translation is
impossible.

i^^\ ,lf>tr h ^arara, ar>P(^>h Q"ia ^tiam invenit Satanas

r„v Ku,\{,iiy ai,rf,y rm «,.vo.W«c occasionem prohibendi eum a
,rvx.orcp«.r«Dro^o.,>c.. communionc, frcquentius hoc

faa'et.

In the first edition of his very useful ' Vade-Mecum '

jShnson only professed to give the sen.e of the canons

in a summary form : in the later editions, however, he gave

them mostly at length, and his version of this answer is

sufficiently accurate.' * If Satan find an occasion of

hindring us from the communion, Ae will the oftner dott\'

which distinctly implies that the man is to communicate,

. the water notwithstanding. It seems a pity that Mr.

Marriott attempted to improve upon Johnson with a render-

ing so strangely divergent from grammatical accuracy.

But when such great names are found to have slipped,
I cannot hope to have escaped, especially in a subject
which so often breaks up new ground. I had hoped to
have had the advantage of severe adverse criticism ; but
though this was promised more than a year ago, it has
never come to my assistance.

. This is the text referred to; but in the modem carefaUy edited Synta^ia.
of CaZs, published at Athens, the answer begins rather differently: N^
Ard ST« L.va, K. T. X._that is, • Yes ; since if Satan have found an oc-
casion • &c.-SivTa7M« ««»'<»"»•'. Athens, l8S4. vol. iv. p. 34>-

^The Clergyman's Vade-Mecum, by John Johnson. M.A., V.car of Cran-
brook, London, 1723, S"^ ed. part ii. p. 254.

plainly implies he is

tion as gi/en by
e note is as follows,
iott's translation is

tiam invenit Satanas
1 prohibendi eum a
le, frequentius hoc

;ful ' Vade-Mecum '
:nse of the canons
s, however, he gave
1 of this answer is
id an occasion of
/// the of titer do it ; '
is to communicate,
3 a pity that Mr.
mson with a render-
atical accuracy,
ind to have slipped,
scially in a subject
1. I had hoped to
[verse criticism ; but
a year ago, it has

I carefully edited Syntagma
ns rather differently: Nol-
if Satan have found an oc-

. iv. p. 34«-

son, M.A., Vicar of Cran-

PART I.

HOW CANON LAW BINDS

CHAPTER I

DIFFERENCE BETWEEN CANONS.

nPHE authority of the Church to make laws, and to en-
-^ force them upon those within her pale, depends upon
the commission of our Lord to the first rulers of the Church.
There must exist within every society some power to make
rules for its well-being and guidance. In the Church this
power was first conveyed to St. Peter, and then to all the
Apostles by the Lord Himself:' the same power was after-
wards declared by the Church (under the guidance of the
Holy Spirit) to have descended to the successors of the
Apostles, the Bishops. ' I will give thee the keys of the
kingdom of heaven, and whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth
shall be bound in heaven, and whatsoever thou shalt loose
on earth shall be loosed in heaven,' is the commission to St,
Peter : then to all the Apostles, ' Whatsoever ye shall bind
on earth shall be bound in heaven, and whatsoever ye shall
loose on earth shall be loosed in heaven.' This power,
thus delegated, would include that which was afterwards

' St. Matt. xvi. 19 ; xviii. 18. Some think that the power was conveyed
by the saying, ' Ye shall sit on twelve thrones, judging the twelve tribes of
Israel ' (St. Matt. xix. 28) ; but this is more appropriately referred to the last
judgment, as the Lord says, ' In the regeneration, when the Son of man shall
sit in the throne of His Glory.'

How Canon Law Binds.

[PT. I.

: , I

! : !

I i'

specially conveyed-viz. the power of remitting and retain-
ing sins : but now there was the further power of legislation
and government. ,

That this power was thus understood at the time to be
conveyed would appear from the words used by our Lord
to St. Peter ; for here, as elsewhere, the Lord accepts a
custom or formula in common use, and incorporates it into
His own institution. He commonly adapted to His own
use what He found ready to hand in the existing Jewish
commonwealth, which had been no doubt divinely guided to
adopt that which afterwards would prove useful in the
Gospel Kingdom. In His temptation He twice vanquishes
Satan with a text from the Shema, which as a devout Jew
He said twice daily. He appoints chief disciples under
Him to be His constant attendants : they are twelve in
number, according to the number of the twelve tribes. He
calls them Apostles ; a name well known amongst the
tribes, as borne by those messengers who were sent to
collect the taxes and voluntary offerings of the dispersion
to the temple worship. Later on, He appoints others under
the twelve : these are seventy in number, according to the
number of the council that assisted Moses. He gives a
prayer : there is but one clause new. He appoints Sacra-
ments : Baptism was then at all events well known, just
after St. John the Baptist ; the Holy Eucharist is allowed
on all hands to be the adaptation of some ceremony in
common use. One while, He takes a parable from the
Rabbis, and sublimates it to His own use ; another while,
He takes some well-known formula or proverb, and vivifies
and quickens it to bear a deep spiritual meaning. If He
gives a form of benediction to His ministers, it is the com-
mon form of blessing amongst His countrymen, ' Peace be
with you ;• but it is made instinct with quickening grace.
If He preaches a sermon, He takes as His text some custom
or precept of His own time. If He answers a question as
to what was the first and greatest commandment, He cttrs

Lmmmmx<iKim»"<- ■

[PT. I.

nitting and retain-
ower of legislation

I at the time to be
used by our Lord
le Lord accepts a
ncorporates it into
apted to His own
he existing Jewish
t divinely guided to
rove useful in the
[e twice vanquishes
:h as a devout Jew
lief disciples under
they are twelve in
twelve tribes. He
nown amongst the
who were sent to
js of the dispersion
ppoints others under
ler, according to the
kloses. He gives a
He appoints Sacra-
its well known, just
Eucharist is allowed
some ceremony in
a parable from the
use ; another while,
proverb, and vivifies
lal meaning. If He
nisters, it is the com-
untrymen, ' Peace be
th quickening grace.
His text some custom
mswers a question as
mandment, He . tes

ClI. I.]

Difference betweeti Canons.

His questioner to the Shema^ which was said morning and
evening. Thus was the Church built on the ruins of the
synagogue, though the glory of the latter house was to V;
far greater than that of the former.

Here, then, in this particular of giving power of internal
legislation binding on the conscience of Christians, the
Lord adopted a well-known formula amongst the Jews.
When one was appointed Rabbi, which was the highest
academical degree, there was given him a key to denote
that then was given him the power of opening the law by
authoritative exposition, and of locking up or releasing the
consciences of men. At the same time, we are told,' there
was said : ' We give to thee power to bind and to loose ; '
that is, they had power given them to decide in matters of
casuistry what was binding and what was not. These
decisions became gradually incorporated in books of decrees,
and answered very nearly to the canons, just as the Talmud
would answer to the Decretum of Gratian. In these words,
then, probably the power of making canons was conveyed
to the Church ; first to St. Peter alone, and then to all the
Apostles.

This power was exercised by the Apostles. The first
council or synod at which they met to issue such decisions
was that recorded in Acts xv. ; where many Apostles were
assembled, and St. James, as Bishop of Jerusalem, pre-
sided and summed up. At this council certain canons
were decided upon; and succeeding councils or synods
seem to have followed the example of this synod at
Jerusalem. They were summoned to meet some pressing
need, or to decide some urgent question, and they issued
such canons as seemed requisite to the occasion.

But, first of all, there has ever been a distinction

' Stier, Words of the Lord Jesus, ed. Clark, vol. ii. p. 348. Compare also
Elheridge's Hebrew Literature, p. 54 ; Lightfoot On St. Matlheu xvi. 19, vol.
ii. p. 305, ed. 1684. To ' bind ' was to forbid j to ♦ loose ' to allowi

How Canon Latv Binds.

[PT. I.

between councils : some are esteemed, (I.) general ; and
some, (II.) special or particular.

(I.) General Councils.

The definition of a general council depends upon the
views of the one who defines. If he be an ultramontane,
he has his own peculiar definition ; if he be a cismontane,
his definition is different. So, too, the number of general
councils varies ; but the whole Church is agreed to acknow-
ledge four at least, or six according to some. This is much
the same, as the fifth and sixth did practically little more
than confirm the canons of the preceding four.' It may be
convenient to name them : —

1. Council of Nicaea, A.D. 325.

2. „ Constantinople I., A,D. 381.

3. „ Ephesus, A.D. 431.

4. „ Chalcedon, A.D. 451.

5. „ Constantinople II., A.D. 553.

6. „ Constantinople III., A.D. 680.

Now, if the common cismontane, or Galilean, defi-
nition of a general council be taken — viz. (i) one that was
general or universal in its convoking ; (2) that was free in
deliberation; (3) that has been generally or universally
received — it will be seen that the determinations of such
councils are to be received with the utmost '•espect.

II, Particular or Special Councils.

These have ever been subdivided by canonists into three
classes: — i. National, including all bishops within a nation
or realm. 2. Provincial, including all the bishops in a

' It is interesting to read the view taken of this distinction between genera
and local Synods in the eighth ctntury. The Second Council of Niccea th
writes ; ' By these six holy Synods then (which alone we acknowledge a
general) the orthodox faith has been firmly settled, nor do we receive any
other Synod besides these. However, we do not reject local Synods, nay
rather we love, embrace, and receive them, and honour their divinely-inspire
canonical constitutions, corrections, and useful legislations with the utmost o
servance.' — Co. Nicaen. II. (A.D. 780), actio iii. Carranza, Smmma Conciliorum,
Parisiis, 1668, p. 530.

[PT. I.
.) general ; and

spends upon the
m ultramontane,
be a cismontane,
imber of general
Treed to acknow-
e. This is much
ically little more
our.' It may be

A.D. 381.

A.D. 553.
., A.D. 680.

r GalHcan, defi-
(i) one that was
that was free in

y or universally

linations of such

it '•espect.

monists into three
ps within a nation
the bishops in a

inction between genera
Council of Nioea th
ne we acknowledge a
nor do we receive any
eject local Synods, nay
ir their divinely-inspire
ions with the utmost o
za, Stnnma CoHciliorum,

CII. I.]

Difference between Canons,

»5

province with a metropolitan at their head. 3. Diocesan :
a bishop may sit in synod with his chapter.

Particular or local councils may make canons to b'nd
within the limits of their authority. Thus with us, ' The
Lord Chancellor and the three chief judges declared that,
by the common law of England, every bishop in his
diocese, and the archbishops in convocation, may make
canons to bind within the limits of their jurisdiction.' '

Sometimes, by general acceptance, the canons of a small
provincial council may become binding even further than
the canons of a general council.

But as the authority for making canons varies, so Iso
the canons themselves vary. There are canons of faith and
canons of discipline.' Canons of faith, when duly enacted,
can never vary or become obsolete, because the faith is one
and indivisible, at all times and in all places. Directly, there-
fore, a council defines an article of faith, that article or canon
i.s at once binding within the limits of the jurisdiction of the
council. For a local or particular council may define an
article of faith, subject to the revision of a general council ;
and, as a matter of fact, the Nicene faith was affirmed at
several local councils before it was universally declared in
the first general council.

It is not so with a canon of discipline. Discipline may
and does vary with the times, and with places ; ' so that
canons of discipline passed by a general council need not

' Bishop Stillingfleet, Ecclesiastical Cases, vol. i. p. 336, 1698.

' The difference was marked at the Council of Nice, as St. Athanasius has
pointed out in his often-quoted saying, ' They wrote concerning Easter, "It
seemeth good as follows " . . . but about the faith they wrote, not " it seemeth
good," but " thus believes the Catholic Church." ' (Treatises against Arian-
ism, Oxford Translation, p. 80 ; Opera, Ed. Ben. Paris, 1698, torn. i. pars ii.
p. 719, D.) Similarly, in the first Council of Braga (a.d. 563), it was proposed
' First let us make enquiries about the fundamentals of the Catholic faith;
next let the rules of the Fathers be made known by reading the canons ;
lastly, let matters affecting obedience to God or the clerical office be carefully
discussed.' — Bruns, Canones, ii. p. 29.

• So Leo Allatius, ' De Ecclesiae occidentalis et orientalis perpetua consen-'
sione,' lib. iii. cap. xiii. § 17 ; Colonise Agrippinap, 1648, col. 1161.

How Canon Law Binds.

[I'T. I.

bind everywhere .• nor need they bind the conscience at a^l
times : for the manners of different places vary, and so also
the manners of different times ; and variation of manners
would require variation of discipline.

. St Augustine points out that Christians '" ^s day did not abstain from
29). Who. heasks. ^^'^"W ''*='''''''^'° «! */''e '^ foieVuci adhuc tang^^
cap. xiii ; opera, ParUiis, 1694. torn. viu. col. 457-

li iii .;i

[PT. I.

conscience at all
i vary, and so also
ation of manners

CH. II.]

Canons, Hozv Binding.

lay did not abstain from
jr the Apostles (Acts xv.
are, • Si manu a cervicc
arte pauci adhuc tangere
Mankhaum, lib. xxxii.

CHAPTER II.

CANONS, HOW BINDING.

THE Church, then, has power to draw up canons bind-
ing on the conscience of its members. This is true,
as we have seen, as well of a bishop in his diocese as of an
archbishop (or metropolitan) in his province, and of the
whole Catholic Church in a general council. Of such canons
so drawn up, canons of faith are at once binding upon all
who owe obedience to the council, particular or general : ' but
canons of discipline are not so binding. We must now
confine ourselves to the canons of discipline, and see how
these bind the conscience. But first let us remark how, in
Apostolic times, this distinction was observed.

The First Epistle to the Corinthians is most instructive
on this head. It is in a great measure an inspired answer
to certain questions of conscience, which had been sub-
mitted to the apostle by the Church at Corinth. Some of
these questions were questions of faith, some were questions
of discipline. It is, then, interesting and profitable to
observe how the apostle deals with these.'

' Thus, with respect to the Council of Trent, there were ten local councils
held in France to receive and promulge its decrees. The canons of faith were
at once received everywhere, but not one of the councils received all the
canons of discipline. ' Sed quantum concilia hiec unius labii sunt in recep-
tione decretorum circa Fidem, tantumdem circa acceptationem, modumque
acceptandi decreta disciplinae, discrepant : nullum est enim, quod hsec uni-
versa receperit, eorumque executionem jusserit. '— Gibert, Corpus yuris Canoniti,
1735, to™- •• P- '46-

» We may find alike difference between canons of faith and discipline as
there is between Inspiration and Revelation. We believe that councils are
under the guidance of the Holy Spirit, if they be properly constituted ; we may.

How Canon Laxv Binds.

[I'T. I.

|p!ii*

ii 1

First then, with question, of faith. Some had been
denyins .he resurrection of the dead ; and the apostle ha,
to meet this denial. On this point he clearly and un^
IquWocally lays down the faith as once for all dehvered
o' he saints' he shows that this h»<' >-- ™«
Joclared to them, that they had received .t, and that ,
wa necessary to their salvation : ■ Moreover, brethren, I
lechre unto you the Gospel which I preached unto you,
wW a so ye have received, and wherein ye stand : by
Ihich also ye are saved, if ye keep .n memory wha 1
; 1;. unto you, unless ye have bcUeved m a,n
He then goes on to quote the canon of faith, which seem
"riv formed part of the Apostolic Cr«d as framed and
:i;;:e::a by th'e Apo.st.es : .For I delivered unto yc. firs
of all that which 1 also received how 'hat Chr^ d.ed Jor
.i„s -.ccordinK to the Scriptures, and that He was
Tri^ nd th:f He rose again the third day according to
the S riptures.' Tl.on, and not till then, the apostle p.<^
ce^ds to argument, not as if there were two possible views
Xher of which might be accepted without sin, but msisting
on the fact that there is but one way-the acceptance e^
2 faith though, out of condescension to their weakness
t:l^Lor the doctrine, putting aside the obiections o
!;;l^ents. Then he ends with a glorious statement of the
faith crowning all with a stirring peroration.

How different is his manner with a question of dis-

revelation, then, may ^/""^ *''"~„^„„ , mMtrs, or the constant flow of reve-
„,ae to Dav.^ '^^-;,„^;-;, ^ e-laC -ade to St. Cyprian about the
lations in th. • • ly Church oy ^^ .^^ ^^^^^^ j,, choose out

duration of v -uUon ^^^^^^ ^V- ^ ^^„„„^ ^, ,,,^^,^

that which w> of "-P^'J^f;; ^,, Holy Spirit's guidance, yet are not
though prompted '^'^^^'^^J^^.comcn passed the canon against eatmg
binding at all t.mes The Apost^iic^^^^^^ Sancto'jbut St. Augustine says

things strangled w.th a ' P^ ,n i> day o" '""^ ^"^J^'^'' ^^ ^'^ ''"«''"' "'
ThiStuS^ --r o^flS. prU passed are binding from the

time of their acceptance.
. I I Cor. XV. . J

[PT. I.

Some had been
d the apostle has
clearly and un-
for all delivered
been sufficiently
A it, and that it
:over, brethren, I
•cached unto you,
ein ye stand : by
1 memory what I
)eHevcd in vain.'
faith, which seem-
ed as framed and
ered unto you first
at Christ died for
and that He was
day, according to
:n, the apostle pro-
two possible views,
ut sin, but insisting
-the acceptance of
1 to their weakness,
e the objections of
ms statement of the
ation,'
a question of dis-

ere He is the Guide. A
object, like the revelations

the constant flow of reve-
6 to St. Cyprian about the
ed its subject to choose out
larly, canons of discipline,
t's guidance, yet are not
d the canon against eating

; but St. Augustine says
: subject, he was laughed at
)assed are binding from the

CII. II.]

Canons, How Biiuiiug.

cipline! Let u.s choose out one which presents the most
striking features. Tiic Corinthians had asked about the
lawfulness of eating mcat.s which had been offered in
sacrifice unto idols. Now this was one of the matters
. which had occupied the attention of the Apostles, who had
been gathered at Jerusalem to decide on the whole ques-
tion of the admission of the Gentiles to the Church of
Christ. St. Paul himself had been present at this council ;
he had been himself sent back to Antioch with the
authentic and autograph letter of the council ; he, there-
fore, knew its canons and decrees perfectly well ; indeed,
in his progress 'throughout Syria and Cilicia,' «as they
wont through the cities they delivered them the decrees for
to keep, that were ordained of the Apostles and Elders
which were at Jerusalem.' We should therefore expect
that the apostle's answer would be short and decisive, and
somewhat of this kind :— ' This is a question which has
been decided in a general council of the Apostles and Elders
at Jerusalem, and you must therefore abstain from eating
such meats under pain of mortal sin.' At all events, this
would be the decision of some amongst us now. But what
is his real reply ? He deals with the question as perfectly
open, and to be decided chiefly, if not entirely, by the law
of charity, which avoids giving offence to the weaker
brethren. There is no allusion whatever, however distant,
to the canons of discipline issued by his own means from'
Jerusalem. At the outset, he lays down the duty of humility
and charity: 'We know that we all have knowledge:
knowledge puffeth up, but charity edifieth.' The apostle
then goes on to argue that an idol is a nonentity, and
therefore there cannot be any inherent evil in eating that
which has been offered to an idol ; and in conclusion he
gives his decision in three rules, which embody the laws of
charity and common sense. His three nales are these :—
I. Buy what is sold publicly in market, and don't ask any
questions as to where it came from ; for it is suflxiently

iCHN

;:l

li;t

i,i''.i

'^;',:-!

iii;"ji

'i:!:;r

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■ ■i«,'i
liiiiiilii

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/fozv Canon Law Binds.

[I'T. I.

consecrated to your own use by being part of the fulness of
the earth, which is the creation and property of your Lord.
2. If you are invited to dine with a heathen, go if you like ;
and when there, eat all that is set before you without
hesitation, asking no questions. 3. If, however, soipe one
says that you are eating an idol-sacrifice, you had better
refrain for his sake, not for your own conscience' sake,
which would not be touched.

Here, then, is a private matter which affected only the
individual conscience ; the apostle lays down that it is in-
different whether or no a Christian maii eats of meat
consecrated to an idol, though this practice had been
condemned in a council of Apostles. When, however, the
act became a scandal to others, the apostle earnestly
deprecated it. Just as, in another matter of discipline
affecting public scandal, he speaks with peremptory utter-
ance : — ' If any man seem to be contentious, we have no
such custom, neither the Churches of God.*

Having thus seen how St. Paul deals with canons of
discipline, let us go on to consider what vigour they
have since been held to obtain, and how they bind the
conscience.

Here, again, we must first remember that canons of
discipline have been distinguished into those that enforce
divine law, and those which only declare human law.

Each of these classes has been again subdivided, and
we have, i. divine law natural, and 2. divine law positive.

I. Divine law natural is invariable and immutable. It
is the light of reason (properly illuminated) about those
things which we owe to God and man. The Ten Com-
mandments are an abridgment of this divine law, and all
the moral precepts of the Old Testament are only ex-
planations of the same. The summary of natural law is
declared by our Lord to be the essence of the precepts of
the Old Testament : ' Whatsoever ye would that men

inds.

[PT. I.

en. II.]

Canons, How Binding.

; part of the fulness of
»roperty of your Lord.
:athen, go if you like ;
t before you without
If, however, soipe one
:rifice, you had better
own conscience' sake,

rhich affected only the
ays down that it is in-
in mail eats of meat
lis practice had been
I. When, however, the
the apostle earnestly
r matter of discipline
with peremptory utter-
Dntentious, we have no
)f God.'

il deals with canons of
ider what vigour they
nd how they bind the

nember that canons of
into those that enforce
eclare human law,
n again subdivided, and
i 2. divine law positive,
ble and immutable. It
luminated) about those
1 man. The Ten Com-
■ this divine law, and all
restament are only ex-
nmary of natural law is
ssence of the precepts of
er ye would that men

should do unto you, even so do unto them : for this is the
law and the prophets.'

2. Divine law positive can change and has changed.
We find it in the Old and New Testament, and in the
traditions of the Church from Apostolic times which explain
the New Testament.

Human law is subdivided into, i. written, and 2. un-
written, i. Written human law of the Church is contained
in those commonly called canons or constitutions ; and 2.
unwritten human law is called custom.

Now some canons of discipline contain natural law, and
these, so far as they contain this, are always binding ; ' but
where they contain positive human law, these are not bind-
ing anywhere until they have been promulged and
accepted.* This is true of canons of discipline of general
councils as well as of particular councils. It is but follow-
ing the Apostolic rule. St. Paul had received a letter of
canons from Jerusalem to the Churches of Syria and
Cilicia, in answer to their appeal for a decision on a matter
of deep importance ; as he went throughout these provinces
he 'gave them the decrees for to keep, that were ordained
of the Apostles and Elders which were at Jerusalem.' But
these canons had not been promulged in Corinth: therefore
the apostle does not seem to have regarded them as bind-
ing there, nor does he refer to them at all.

The same method has ever been observed. Thus, after
the first General Council of Nioea, letters were written to

' Van Espcn (De Veterum Canonum StabUitate, § 2, Opera, vol, iii, p 2 •
Lovan.i, 1753), who points out that many canons affecting the clergy are of
natural law : • Hi proinde similesque canones, si non stent jure positive
semper tamen stabunt jure naturali : saltern quoad ea qua juris naturalis in
illiscontinentur.'

.J.y? ^*^"' ^*^'>^'*^g'^*^^g»»'£eclesiajtiearum, pars i. cap i •
Nulla lex vim obligandi habet ante factam illius promulgationem.' Gratian"
befoie had the well-known apophthegm, 'Leges instituuntur cum promul-
gantur, firmantur cum moribus utentium approbantur. '— Z)^<:r«itew, pars i. dist
IV. cap, iii. § Leges. Compare De Marca, De ConcordanUa Sac. et Imp II
svi. §§ s, 6; Bambergae, 1788, torn, i, p, 310, '

'immimm

h>. H

How Canon Law Binds.

[PT. I.

the bishops who were not at the council, with a copy of the
canons. Similarly, also, after the Council of Ephesus a
circular letter was written to all the bishops who were not
present, that they might make the canons known.'

The minister of publication, then, is the bishop, the
successor of the Apostles, in his diocese. As Pope Leo IV.
wrote to the bishops of Britain : ' Since in the holy councils
rules have been promulged and received by bishops, who
besides bishops have power to be publishers cf the decrees

of the canons ? ' . . . j u

Some persons have thought that a Church is bound by

the decrees of a council, if representatives of the Church

were there. But this has never been alloweo by good

canonists, and. indeed, it has never obtained. The British

Church was represented by three bishops at the Counci

of Aries, in 314 A.D. ; yet the canons of that council

about Easter never seem to have obtained in Britain,

in consequence of such representation ; nor did the Church

in our land keep Easter as the rest of the Western Church

did until St. Augustine of Canterbury promul-ed this

canon of discipline for the Christians of his obedience

in the seventh century. It is, therefore, of no more than

historical interest to us to learn that representatives of the

English Church were present at the Synod of Dort, and

that one of our bishops preached the opening sermon.

First, then, for the binding of canons of discipline on
the conscience, they must be promulged and accepted in
the various provinces and dioceses.

It is. then, clearly open to particular Churches to
refuse to' accept certain canons of discipline' even though

• • Ut Prselati. quibus publicandi onus incutnbit, huic muneri non defu- '
turi essent.'-Gibert, i. 24. ' Cum in sacris conciliis ab episcopis promulgatae
sunt regul* et receptee, quis extra episcopos promulgator canonicarum qu.vent
esse sententiarum?'-PopeLeoIV. Ad Episcopos Brttauma, cit. Gibert. ..25.

» There are many canons of the fourth Council of Constantmople which
were never received in France {Gibert, i. 104). The canons of d.sc.plme of
Trent were not received in their entirety in France, nor m Belgium, norm
Spain.

'uds.

[PT. I.

CH. II.]

Canons, How Binding.

cil, with a copy of the
Zouncil of Ephesus a
bishops who were not
inons known.'
;n, is the bishop, the
se. As Pope Leo IV.
ice in the holy councils
iived by bishops, who
blishers cf the decrees

a Church is bound by
itatives of the Church
een allowed by good
obtained. The British
Ijishops at the Council
inons of that council
e obtained in Britain,
»n ; nor did the Church
of the Western Church
erbury promul2:ed this
tians of his obedience
efore, of no more than
t representatives of the
[le Synod of Dort, and
e opening sermon,
canons of discipline on
lulged and accepted in

particular Churches to
discipline' even though

cuinbit, huic muneri non defu- '
onciliis ab episcopis promulgatae
romulgator canonicarum quiverit
ios Britannia, cit. Gibert. i. 25.
ouncil of Coustantinople which
,). The canons of discipline of
France, nor in Belgium, nor in

passed by a general council. Thus the Church of England
refused to accept the foreign canons about marriage.
When the papal legate endeavoured to impose them, there
was the now proverbial cry, « Nolumus leges Angliae mutari ; '
so it has been doubted whether certain canons were ever
received in England. To give an example :—

The disciplinary canons of Trent were not considered
as binding in England by the Roman Catholics resident in
our midst. And why? Because they were never pro-
mulged and accepted, therefore they had no binding force.'
Hence follows one of the most striking proofs that the
Roman Catholics do not represent the old Church of
England— for they distinctly lack identity of law. When
the missioners trained in foreign seminaries came over to
England, at the end of Elizabeth's reign and the beginning
of the reign of James I., they probably knew nothing of,
and cared less for, the law of the Church of England. So,
in one noteworthy particular at least, they introduced the
law they knew best. The canons of Trent had never
been imposed in England, so these they brought not (ex-
cept where they suited their convenience seemingly), but
they introduced the old foreign canon law existing on
the continent before the Council of Trent No doubt
they thought this was the old English law, or ought to
have been, if it was not. To take this lijteworthy par-
ticular.

The law of the Church of England as to a valid marriage
has never been altered. This was declared plainly and
distinctly in the judgment of the highest Court of Appeal
in 1843.' The Church of England has always required

' Cf. Memnrs of Pantani, pp. laj and 372. Ultramontanes will of course
I say that the binding force depends upon the imposition of the Pope. This waa
I not the ancient opinion.

* Chief Justice Tindal, in giving the opinion ot the Judges (before the House
cf Lords, July 7, 1843), said : • There never existed a rule that a contract per
I verba dt prastnti ^constituted a marriage in foct. . . . One of the earliest

How Canon Law Binds.

[PT.

it to be necessary to a valid marriage that it should be,
(i) per verba de prasenti, ' by mutual contract ; ' (2) in facie
ecclesia, ' in the face of this congregation ; ' (s)per presbyte-
rutn sacris ordinibus cottstitutum, ' in the presence of a priest
in holy orders.' This old law of the Church of England is
still asserted in the rubrics of our marriage service. But
this is not the law of the ' Roman obedience ' in England ;
they hold pretty much the same law as that of Scotland,
which does not require the presence of a priest. Hence
the great efforts made in mixed marriages to prevent the
marriage ceremony from being performed first in an English
Church.' This would be a valid Sacrament in their eyes,
that it should be per verba de prasenti being all that is
required ; another service would be a sacrilegious iteration
of the Sacrament. This law, that consent made Holy
Matrimony, was never accepted in the English Church ;
hence the Roman Catholics in England have no legal
identity with the ancient Ecclesia Anglicana.

Canon law, then, to be binding on the conscience,
must have been promulged and accepted. The imposi-
tion depends upon the local council even in canons of
discipline passed at a general council, because its real
vigour depends upon its having been accepted. What,
then, are the disciplinary canons of Carthage or of Con-
stance to us? Absolutely nothing more than historical

constitutions in English ecclesiastical law expressly and pointedly required the
presence of a priest in orders to complete the contract of marriage. In sub-
sequent constitutions there was nothing tc reverse or shake off the effect of
this.'— y«m/, vol. vii. part i. Compare this with the definition of the Council
of Florence : ' Causa efficieus matrimonii regulariter est mutuus consensus
per verba de praesenti expressus.' — Carranza, Summa Conaliorum, Parisiis,
1668, p. 657.

' ' Factum valet, fieri non debuit,' would be said by them ; but another
marriage of the same parties would be an iteration of the Sacrament, and
therefore sacrilege. This statement is made on the authority, oral and
written, of a priest of the Roman obedience in England. There seems to be
no manual of canon law as it is regarded to bind the Roman Catholics in
'England.

' -x

that it should be,
itract;' (2) in facie
;' {i) per presbyte-
presence of a priest
urch of England is
iage service. But
ience ' in England ;
s that of Scotland,
■ a priest. Hence
jes to prevent the
i first in an English
nent in their eyes,
i being all that is
crilegious iteration
»nsent made Holy
; English Church ;
md have no legal
cana.

on the conscience,
)ted. The imposi-
even in canons of
11, because its real
accepted. What,
irthage or of Con-
[ore than historical

Canom, How Binding, ^j

documents of very great interest, unless it can be shown
that they have been promulged and enforced in England :
and then they do not bind by their having been passed at
this or that foreign council, but by their acceptance amongst
ourselves.

ltd pointedly required the
act of marriage. In sub-
: or shake off the effect of
le definition of the Council
:er est mutuus consensus
ma Conaliorum, Parisiis,

id by them ; but another
n of the Sacrament, and

the authority, oral and
land. There seems to be

the Roman Catholics in

How Canon Law Binds.

[PT. I.

CHAPTER III.

DISUSER ABROGATES CANON LAW.

CANONS of discipline then must be published, that
they may have binding force ; but still more, for this
binding force to continue, they must be continually en-
forced, or ' put in ure ' ; they must be enjoined constantly,
so that it may be known that they are binding.

This is the reason why councils so constantly repeat the
same canons over and over again. It must astonish those
who are commencing to read the canons, to find how con-
stantly councils seem to repeat what has been said before,
to the same effect, if not in the same words. The canon
had been either badly kept, ' male observatus,' or abrogated
by disuser, ' abrogatus per non usum ; ' therefore it required
to be re-enacted.

If, therefore, we want to know what is binding, we
. must find out what is being enforced. ' Pour connoltre les
Lois et les coutumes qui sont en vigueur, il faut voir celles
qui sont le plus constamment suivies dans les jugements,'
is the rule given by Fleury, the great ecclesiastical his-
torian: and again, 'Et gdn^ralement, on n'est point
oblig6 d'observer les Lois ^crites, qui demeurent notoire-
ment sans execution.''

This, no doubt, is ihf; reason of the answer given by
Archbishop Sumner to a priest who was in doubt about the

■ iHstituliott cm Droit Ecclisiastique, partie i. chap. ii. Opuscules, Nismes,
1780, vol. ii. p. 162. Compare Gibert, i. 65: 'Praeterea oportet ut usu
recipiantur, et retineantur, i.e. acceptentur et non abrogentur contrari& con-
suetudine.'

nds.

[PT. I.

I^ON LAW.

St be published, that
but still more, for this
3t be continually en-
B enjoined constantly,
re binding,

> constantly repeat the
X must astonish those
ions, to find how con-
has been said before,
e words. The canon
servatus,' or abrogated
' therefore it required

what is binding, we
' Pour connoltre les
ueur, il faut voir celles
:s dans les jugements,'
reat ecclesiastical his-
nent, on n'est point
ui demeurent notoire-

■ the answer given by
was in doubt about the

chap. ii. Opuscules, Nismes,
; : ' Prxterea oportet ut usu
lOn abrogentur contrari& con-

CII. III.] Disuser abrogates Cation Law. »•

force of canons, an answer said to have been acquiesced in
by the late Bishop Phillpotts of Exeter. The decision was
that the rubrics were binding on the conscience, but that
canons were only binding when enforced by the bishop.
Whether this had respect to the fact that the rubrics had
become statute law or not, does not matter ; the same dis-
tinction will apply in either case. For when canon law
becomes incorporated in rubrics, it becomes continually
binding, as being constantly enforced in the book which
priests are bound to use continually. Hence the ' rubricae
generales' of the missals, and the 'cautelx,' which incor-
porate the general canons and rules affecting the celebration
and reception of the Sacrament of the Altar, bind those
who belong to Churches which use the unreformed office
books. These canons, by being thus continually enforced,
are binding on the users of the book ; so that that which
is therein contained becomes really binding more by being
in the rubrics than by being in the canons.

In a similar manner, other canons are continually
enforced by the proper officer, the bishop, at his visitation.
This is the very end and object of the visitation, that the
bishop may see that such canons as are in force are
observed, and that he may punish the offender against
them. Hence articles of visitation, and enquiries to which
the clergy and churchwardens have to make answer. If
these things fall into desuetude, on the conscience of the
bishops be it : they are directly responsible to the Great
Head of the Church for their conduct.

It was for this that the eariier councils used to number
on their canons from the canons passed at preceding coun-
cils. Thus, the first canon of the Council of Ancyra would
be numbered ' twenty-one ' in the code of canons received
and enforced, since there were twenty canons passed at the
Council of Nicaea; and by this numbering the council
recognised and re-enfon.ed all the twenty canons. Thus
the Council of Chalcedon quoted the ninety-fifth canon of

%
%

s«

How Canon Law Binds.

[FT. I.

Antioch which council only issued sixteen new canons;
Cut wtn the twenty canons of Nica. the twcntj^fWe of
Ancyra, the fourteen of Neoc^sarea, the twenty of Gangra.
fnd'the sixteen of Antioch are all added together the
number of ninety-five canons is arrived at ; and we find
the eanon quoted at Chalcedon> Thus the canons o
preceding councils were at each council again accepted, .f
they were still regarded as binding.

But as time went on, and canons were mult.phed
there was a kind of digest of canons made to be read at
the opening of a council, that the council might see what
Lad^en Lady ordained, and either accept all ^at had
been so published, or such parts of them as seemed good
The digest written by the great Durandus." and read at
the Council of Vienne, was printed in iS4S. m case the
Council of Trentmightfindituseful. In this the renowned
Juris Speculator points out the advisabiHty or propnety^^^^
re-enacting certain ancient canons as if they had lost force,
though they were in Gratian's Decretum: m other cases
he suggests some for discussion; e.g. 'Hoc m plensque
mundi partibus non servatur, pensandum est an expediret

''Trom a similar cause, too, canons have been constantly
codified and reduced to order, that they might the more
easily be known and enforced. Thus, in the African code
we find the canons of various councils reduced to method,
and re-enacted. Nor can there be much doubt that when
> the book of canons was drawn at London, 1603-4. tha
book was intended to be for the Church of En^and wh^^^^
the 'Codex Ecclesiae African*' was for the Church of
North Africa-viz. the book containing all the canons then
binding on the English Church ; for there is very little new

« See Johnson's VadfMemm, vol. ii. p. 4»- ..■.,« p n Ouiller-

mum Durandum Juris Speculatorem nuncupatum,' &c. Pansus apud PoncetuT
lePreux, IS4S-

[FT. 1.

n new canons;
! twenty-five of
enty of Gangra,
ed together, the
It ; and we find
, the canons of
gain accepted, if

vere multiplied,
ide to be read at
1 might see what
cept all that had
as seemed good,
lus,' and read at
[545, in case the
this the renowned
ity or propriety of
ley had lost force,
n : in other cases
Hoc in plerisquc
\ est an expediret

/e been constantly
y might the more
1 the African code
educed to method,
h doubt that when

ndon, 1603-4. tl»at
1 of England what
for the Church of
all the canons then
re is very little new

ndi, per R. P. D. Ouiller-
c. Parisiis apud Poncetunr

CII. III.]

Disuser abrogates Canon Law.

3»

in them, they merely incorporate and re-enact old canons.
That this was intended seems probable, to say the least,
from the fact that the visitation articles of the bishops,'
directly after the passing of the code, do not travel much
beyond the lines laid down in the canons or rubrics.

The following passage from a good English canonist.
Bishop Stillingfleet, is so much to the purpose that it is
cited at length.'

There are some canons, where the general disuse in matters of
no great consequence to the good of the Church or the rights of
other persons may abate the force of the obligation ; especially
when the disuse hath been connived at, and not brought into
articles of visitation, as Can. 74, about gowns with standing collars^
and cloaks with slea>es. But the general reason continues in force —
viz. that there should be a decent and comely habit for the clergy,
whereby these should be known and distinguished by the people ; and
for this the ancient custom of the Church is alleged. ... If we
do strictly oblige persons to observe all ecclesiastical canons made
by lawful authority, we run men into endless scmples and per-
plexities ; and Gerson himself grants that many canons of general
councils have lost their force by disuse, and that the observation
of them now would be useless and impossible.

But it will naturally be asked how long must disuse
prevail, and how widely, to remove binding force from a
canon ? Here Gibert, the French canonist, shall give us
answer.' He says : —

' See a vety interesting collection of these at the ei d of the second report
of the Ritual Commission in 1868.

' Ecclesiastical Cases, part i. 1698, p. 374. Bishop Sai derson also says, < It
is certain that laws rightly constituted may be abrogated -y a contrary custom,
so that they cease any Icnger to oblige.' Quoted by Bishop Wordsworth in The
Law of the Church on Ritual (Rivingtons, 1868, p. 16) ; who also quotes
Ayliffe's Parergon and Coke to the same effect.

» Corpus Juris Canonici, Proleg. pars prior, tit xx. g 3, diffl i. vol. L
p. 164 ; see also p. 65. Van Espen, pleading for the restoration of discipline,
says, ' Scio quidem, consuetudine, prselatorum et superiorum tacito interveniente
consensu, posse interduro rigorem disciplinee mitigari, quin et canones ipso«
aliquatenus abrogarL' — De Vet. Canonum Slabilitatc, §4, I^vanii, 1753, torn,
iii. p. 4 i see also p. 7. He shows how the penitential canons were abrogated
by disuse. It used to be unlawful for a priest to enjoin any penance not laid

■immmmmam

How Canon Law Binds.

[PT. I.

Abrogated canons have lost the force of law, because the
superior consented to their disuse, which has prevailed for more
than forty years without disturbance or interruption.

Here, however, must arise the question as to who is the
superior whose consent is required for abr<^ation. It is
the bishop in his diocese or the metropolitan in council in
his province. Just as the bishop is the diocesan officer for
the promulging a law and seeing that it is kept, so he is
the superior whose consent or whose silence allows contrary
use to abrogate a positive canon. Similariy the metro-
politan in council passes canons for the province and
accepts or rejects canons from without, and his silence con-
firms the abrogation by disuser of a law within his
province.

Of course, Ultramontanes assert that the Pope is the
superior whose consent is required ; but Ultramontanes do
not allow the independence of national Churches, and take
their stand on the false decretals. To these I do not refer ;
all the authorities here relied on are Gallican or Anglican,
who acknowledge the independence of particular Churches.

Nor can it be said that a general council is the su-
perior whose consent is required ; for it has been seen that,
in a matter of discipline and not of faith, the canons even
of a general council are accepted or not by the local and
particular councils ; that is, by the metropolitan and his
suffragans. The imposer of a canon, therefore, is the
metropolitan in his province, and the bishop in his diocese.

Gibert, therefore, goes on to show what is required for
contrary custom to abrogate canon law.'

down in the Pcenitentiale. He also points out how some canons of the early
Church, affecting the character of candidates for orders, are nowhere observed
in the West. ' Sunt innumeri canones abrogati aut per non usum aut per usum
contrerium, probatum silentio superioris.'— Gibert, i. 109.

> Corpus yuris CanoHtci, torn. i. pars posterior, p. 9». The opinion of
Giatian on abrogation is worth quoting :— ' Just as by the contrary customs of
the users some laws have been now abrogated [to abrogate is wholly to remove
the law], so by the customs of the users the laws themselves are confirmed.
Wherefore the law of Pope Telesphoras (who decreed that generally the dei^y

[PT. I.

law, because the
>revailed for more
tion.

as to who is the
brc^ation. It is
itan in council in
3cesan officer for
is kept, so he is
e allows contrary
larly the metro-
he province and
d his silence con-
law within his

the Pope is the
fltramontanes do
lurches, and take
je I do not refer ;
can or Anglican,
ticular Churches,
ouncil is the su-
is been seen that,

the canons even
: by the local and
ropolitan and his

therefore, is the
dop in his diocese,
lat is required for

me canons of the early
s, are nowhere observed
r non usum aut per usum
109.

>. 9a. The opinion of
the contrary customs of
gate is wholly to remove
smselves are confirmed,
that generally the dei^y

CIl. III.]

Disuser abrogates Canon Law.

That a canon should be abrogated by contrary usage there are
required but three points :— i. That the usage should be reason-
able ; that is, not adverse to good morals, a. That it should be
lawfully pleaded ; that is, that it should obtain for forty years with-
out the protest of the Church. 3. That it should be general ; that
is, in the Universal Church if the question is of universal abroga-
tion, or in the nation if of national disuser, or in the whole pro-
vince or diocese if the matter be of provincial or diocesan
abrogation.

When a canon has thus been abrogated either by
disuser or by contrary usage it becomes practically dead ;
it cannot be revived as binding on the conscience except
by the same authority which first enacted it ; therefore, as
the bishop has ever been regarded as the diocesan officer
for the publication of ecclesiastical law. it is evident that no
canon which has become dead by disuser can be revived
by a mere priest to make it binding on the conscience. It
may be adopted by an individual as a useful rule for him-
self, so long as it does not affect others ; or it may be
recommended to others, but it clearly may not be laid
down as a general rule, binding the consciences of the laity
or clei^ in general.

should fast from flesh and delicacies from Quinquagesima), since it has not been
approved by the customs of the users, does not convict, as guilty of a fault,
those who act otherwise.'— Z)«r,f/!««, pars i, dist. iv. cap. iii. § Leges, and
cap. vi. S Hkc et»i. Similarly the great summist St. Thomas: 'Custom both
has the force of law, and abolishes law, and is the interpreter of laws.'—
Prima SeeuHda, quaest. xcviii. art. 3. In the Summa Summarum of Sylvestro
Mazzolini (s. v. Lex, Lugduni 1551, pars ii. p. 139) there are many canons
alleged as being abrogated by disuser or the contrary custom. Two are con-
nected with the subject of this Essay— viz. the communicating after food on
Maundy Thursday, and the fastmg after the act of Communion. These, as the
gloss on Gratian and St. Thomas point out, are abrogated by the contrary
custom, and not by any positive enactment.

PART II.

THE CANONS ALLEGED FOR FASTING COMMUNION

CHAPTER I.

HISTORY OF THE CANONS.

Section i. Origin of the Canons.

" I ''HE first thing that strikes a man who begins to in-
-1- vestigate the subject, is that it is difficult to find
canons which enforce Fasting Communion. He would
probably turn to the three massy folios which contain the
Decretum, the Decretals, and the Extravagants, and he
would only find one short paragraph about the Fasting
Communion of the laity. This paragraph is no ancient
canon, whether of a general or local council, but an ex-
tract, and it may be said an unfair extract, from St. Augus-
tine's letter to Januarius. It would seem to imply that in
St. Augustine's day there was no exception to a stringent
rule of Fasting Communion, whereas indeed there is no
question about the commemorative feast before Communion
on Maundy Thursday at least. It would seem as if the
letter were written in answer to questions how to keep the
African canon lately introduced for Fasting Communion.

This extract seems to have misled, if such a supposition
may be ventured on, even St. Thomas himself: ' for he

' Summa, pars iii. qusestio Ixxx. art. 8, j 3 ; Venetiis, 1757, torn, v.
p. 546, col. I. That St. Thomas was thus misled is rendered likely by the
fact that the argument he advances is first seen in a gloss upon Gratian III;
De CotuK, Dist. i. cap. xlix. § Exceptio.

The Canons on Fasting Communion. [PT. II.

! I

quotes two portions of the letter, both of which are in the
extract, and he falls into a strange error, which he could not
have made if he had been conversant with the letter itself
He recites the objection that 'on Maundy Thur'-day at
least a man may take the Body of Christ after other food.'
To this he thinks it sufficient answer to quote a passage
from this extract of St. Augustine as it is found in Gratian.
' But now this has been abrogated, for, as Augustine
says, this custom is held throughout the whole world — viz.
that the Body of Christ should be received by the fasting.*
Yet St. Augustine not only does not say that it is abrogated,
but he takes the Maundy for granted. It is quite clear
that St. Thomas could not have read through this letter,
when he quoted St. Augustine to prove the disuse of the
Maundy which was insisted on, or at least sanctioned, by
several African councils at which St. Augustine himself
was present. r "

Then, if the enquirer turns to our own English canonist
Lyndwode, he cannot find there any prohibition of lay Com-
munion after meat, though he will find the prohibition of
those who have not received particular absolution after
confession.

If he takes up a summary of the canons, such as that
of Carranza, and looks in the index, the only reference
given is to a canon falsely attributed to Pope Soter.

But there are certainly some canons which are com-
monly adduced, and to the consideration of them we must
now turn.

The first point to be considered about them is the
history of their origin, as this must be the starting point of
all historical investigation of their meaning and value. In
order to this, it will be well to quote at length the opinion
of a learned Greek monk at the very commencement
of the twelfth century. This is important and valuable for
several reasons. It is one of the earliest existing attempts
(to investigate the bearing of these canons; and, as the

iii

HI'

wtmunwH.

[I'T. II.

CH. I.]

History of the Canons.

:h of which are in the
or, which he could not
with the letter itself.
Maundy Thur'-day at
irist after other food.'
r to quote a passage
it is found in Gratian.
d, for, as Augustine
the whole world — viz. •
iceived by the fasting.'
ay that it is abrogated,
ed. It is quite clear
id through this letter,
rove the disuse of the
,t least sanctioned, by
>t. Augustine himself

• own English canonist
>rohibition of lay Corn-
find the prohibition of
>cular absolution after

le canons, such as that
;x, the only reference
I to Pope Soter.
mons which are com-
ition of them we must

ed about them is the
be the starting point of
[leaning and value. In
e at length the opinion
very commencement
ortant and valuable for
rliest existing attempts
e canons; and, as the

writer says, he seeks to deal with them historically, not in-
troducing his own opinions, but drawing out his teaching
from the canons themselves. The testimony comes from
Constantinople, nearly two hundred years before St. Thomas
Aquinas, from the pen of a man who took a foremost place
at the time in matters of learning. The passage is quoted
at length by Leo Allatius in his work 'De Ecclesiae
perpetuA consensione,' ' from a manuscript in his possession,
and a portion is quoted with full approbation by Martene,
in his work ' De Ritibus Ecclesiae.' " It has therefore the
advantage of acceptance in East and West. The author is
Joannes Phumes, a monk in the monastery of Mount Garius
in the Propontis, in the reign of the Emperor Alexius Com-
nenus, that is, somewhere about A.D. i lOO. He seems to
have taken a considerable part in the controversies of the
day between the Latin and Greek Churches, and to have
been acknowledged by his contemporaries as a man of
great learning.

He is giving the substance of a discourse which he
represents himself as having delivered before the Empress
on the subject of the change of customs in the Church.
The letter or essay begins thus : —

Since your Holiness, most sacred Father, desired my vileness
to write to you (who were present at the time and were listening)
the discourse I delivered before the Empress — I mean the one
about the change in the reception of the Communion and its
gradual alteration and advance— see, taking courage from your
request, I do this briefly, saying and adding nothing of my own,
but only comparing the words of the sacred canons with each
other, and explaining them from themselves. And I say that the
first Christians were indiflferent and not exact about many matters,
holding firmly and safely to one thing only — viz. belief in the one
Holy Trinity, Giver of Life, of one substance, Eternal ; and in
one Person of the Trinity, our Lord Jesus Christ, who for us men
and for our salvation devised the dispensation which is ineffable, and

' Lib. iii. cap. xiii. § 15; Coloniae Agrippinse, 1648, col. 1 1 53.
' Lib. I cap. iii. art. 4, § 2; Antuerpiie, 1763, p. 107.

.w"

Il:'

I'.

46 The Canons on Fasting Communion, [pt. II.

far exceeds everything that is now. Though even then there were
some hereUcs who differed about this, and withdrew to different
opinions. But about the other things that were done in the
Church they paid attention just so far as was sufficient for the
faith and was accurate, being zealous for one thing only that was

urgent ,

Wherefore, since the Church of God ever advances towards
that which is better, we find that the work of a priest and the
Communion of the Holy Bread has been advanced towards m-
provement even till the present time. For those that were before
us did not celebrate this at set times, nor did they partake of it
fasting as it seems, but rather after they had taken the anston.
On account of this custom the Synod which was summoned at
Laodicea [cir. a.d. 367] in Phrygia, anxious lest, under pretence of
this custom, the Thursday on which the Lord's Supper' took place
should be relaxed fro.n fasting (since men would be first eatmg
and satiating themselves, and after this celebrating the awful
sacrifice and receiving), the Synod, I say, wrote in the fifUeth
chapter in the following words :- ' That it is not lawful m Lent on
Thursday in the last week to relax the fast and dishonour the whole
Lent, but the whole of Lent must be fasted, and dry food taken.'
For since Christ at evening gave the Divine mystery to His
disciples, and made them parukers of His own holy Flesh and
Blood, though He had manifestly taken the anston previously, they
too used to do the same every day* when Christ was offered, and
having first taken the ariston [that is, the heavy meal in the fore-
noon], used to partake of the Eucharist thus celebrated.

This custom they continually observed, not only on other days,
but on that great Thursday, and never thought they were doing
wrong in observing the ancient tradition.

Which tradition this holy Synod is manifestly abrogating, and
says,» • Be it so : Let it be conceded that the custom exist always,

' That is, the Thursday before Good Friday, when the commemorative
•Supper of the Lord' was celebrated, in remembrance of the Last Supper
when the institution of the Blessed Sacrament took place.

« Joannes seems to imply that a similar reason led to the enactment of the
preceding canon. This, he would r.rgue, confines celebrations during Lent to
Saturday and Sunday, not because the Communion broke the fast, but because
the preceding ariston broke the fast ; and Saturday and Sunday were throughout
the Eastern Church feasts of obligation even during Lent.

» Joannes seems here to be citing the words of the synod. The passage is
difficult and the Latin translation of Allacci has been taken as a guide to

'mton.

[PT. II.

CH. I.]

History of the Canons.

itn then there were
thdrewto different
were done in the
s sufficient for the
thing only that was

r advances towards
tf a priest and the
weed towards im-
>se that were before
they partake of it
taken the ariston.
[1 was summoned at
t, under pretence of
Supper ' took place
rould be first eating
lebrating the awful
irrote in the fiftieth
ot lawful in Lent on
dishonour the whole
nd dry food taken.'
ine mystery to His
own holy Flesh and
ston previously, they
rist was offered, and
vry meal in the fore-
:elebrated.

it only on other days,
;ht they were doing

estly abrogating, and
custom exist always,

lien the commemorative
Ace of the Last Supper
ace.

to the enactment of the
ebrations during Lent to
roke the fast, but because
1 Sunday were throughout
ent.

synod. The passage is
leen taken as a guide to

and let bodily food precede the Communion of the Spotless Body.
Yet this must not be also on the Great Thursday, since it is Lent,
and the fast has been proclaimed ; for the whole temperance of
Lent is dishonoured by this transgression.' Since then the canon
evidently forbids men to do this on that day, it is manifest that
with the me.i of that age the day used to be relaxed from the fast,
because men took the ariston before the Communion of Grace.
And this Synod made this distinction in its decrees which it put
forth for the well ordering of the Church.

But the holy local Synod at Carthage [a.d. 419], in some other
determinations useful for ecclesiastical affairs in those parts, or on
account of the distance between Phrygia and Carthage being
ignorant of what had been ruled there (since, indeed, it seems it
had not then received, though so long a time had intervened, the
things decreed at Nicaea at the first Synod, as it was making en-
quiries ' from Constantinople, and Antioch, and the Alexandrian
Church), is seen to pass a different canon in respect of the afore-
said day. For it says thus in the forty-first chapter—' That the
holy things of the altar are not to be celebrated except by fasting
men, the one anniversary being excepted in which the Lord's
Supper is celebrated.' In these words it forbids the taking of
food at other times befu; the Communion, but because of the
custom that this was do'^ • -5 one day it concedes the previous
eating at the holy office: . rvjtstly because the Lord did so with
His disciples. For if men used not to partake after the ariston,
why should it be said that the holy things of the altar are not to
be celebrated except by fasting men, the exception confessedly
suggesting the idea? Then the Council goes on to speak of
something else that was wont to be done at that time—* But if
the comnaendatory of any who died in the afternoon, whether
bishop or others, has occurred, they say that only the prayers
were to be celebrated, if those who offered them had taken the
ariston.' For it seemed that if anyone died in the afternoon the

the meaning. As Allacci was a Greek he may be supposed to know what was
meant.

' They only made enquiries because the legate of the Bishop of Rome had
quoted as a veriUble canon of Nicsea some rule which did not exist in the
authentic copy brought to Carthage by Csecilianus, the metropolitan of Africa.
They luJ not like to accuse the Patriarch of Rome of falsity or forgery without
reference t-> thr- other patriarchal sees. Joannes is quoting the canon as it
appears in the Code of the African Church drawn up in a.d. 419, and not as
the Canon of Hippo, where it was first passed, A.D. 393.

'ir

IP'

41 7/i^ CVi«<w« <?« Fasting Communion. [PT. II.

ceremonies of the holy office were celebrated, and this though all
had taken the ariston. But the Synod forbade that custom, and
says that the oblation indeed may be made for the dead in the
afternoon, but this must only be if those who do so are fasting.
But if they chance to have taken the ariston, the commendatory is
to be only with the prayers, excluding altogether the taking the
ariston in the whole of the year, as has been said, and allowing
them only to use this custom on one day, because also it had its
beginning at the Mystical Supper.

But after an interval the fathers of the seventh CEcumenical
Synod [a.d. 692] with all discretion put an end also to this policy,'
in their twenty-ninth chapter thus proclaiming :— ' The canon of
those at Carthage declares that the holy things of the altar are
not to be celebrated except by fasting men, with the exception of
one day, whereon the Lord's Supper is celebrated, when, perhaps,
the fathers used this policy for certoin local reasons profitable to
the Church. Since, however, there is nothing urging us to forsake
our stringency, we, following the traditions of the Apostles and
Fathers, determine that men ought not to relax the Thursday in
the last week of Lent, and dishonour the whole Lent,' but men
must fast and eat dry food the whole of Lent' The Synod deter-
mined to agree with the utterances of Laodicea in Phrygia ; yet
it did not despise the Synod at Carthage which thus determined,
but even praised it for its policy. ,

This is a very remarkable passage, showing that, in the
opinion of the writer, the restriction of celebration and
reception to fasting men began in the middle of the fourth
century, and was then gradually introduced. He points
out that the first restriction was at the Council of Laodicea,
and originated not because of the necessity of Fasting Com-
munion, but because of the respect due to the Lenten fast.
The second restriction he shows was in the African canon,

« They only discontinued the Maundy so far as it interfered with the strict-
ness of the Lenten fast. This was the only reason given for their refusal to
re-enact the African canon. The Trullan fathers, therefore, knew of no
other fast than the ecclesiastical fast; the technical 'jejunium naturse' was
unknown to them.

» The latter words, • but men must fast and eat dry food the whole of Lent,
are found in the Canon of Laodicea but not in the Canon of the Council in
TruUo. Cf. Bruns, i. p. 46.

ji'i'mrii'T't^i'^-"''^-^"^

nion.

[PT. II.

en. I,]

History of the Cations.

id this though all
that custom, and
r the dead in the
lo so are fasting.
; commendatory is
ler the taking the
said, and allowing
ause also it had its

renth CEcumenical
also to this policy,'
: — 'The canon of
igs of the altar are
h the exception of
;ed, when, perhaps,
isons profitable to
irging us to forsake
f the Apostles and
IX the Thursday in
»le Lent,' but men
The Synod deter-
;a in Phrygia; yet
\ thus determined,

«
jwirig that, in the
celebration and
Idle of the fourth
iced. He points
uncil of Laodicea,
r of Fasting Com-
3 the Lenten fast,
he African canon,

terfered with the strict-
iven for their refusal to
therefore, knew of no
■jejunium naturae 'was

food the whole of Lent,'
'anon of the Council in

which he knew as it appears In the African Codex drawn up
at or after the Council of Carthage held in A.n, 417. Whether
he is perfectly right or not about the custom of receiving
after the arlston being usual,' there can be little doubt
that the general statement is true, that there was no such
rule as a compulsory abstinence from food from midnight
till the act of Communion at least for the first four centuries.
The African canon is the first rule known. Indeed there
may be seen indications of the near connection of the
Blessed Sacrament with a meal In the traditional feeling In
some parts that Communion was a breach of the fast, and
in the postponing the hour of celebration on fast days until
such time as the fast was over. Thus, In discussing the
question of the commemorative CccmDomitn, St. Augustine
recommends that the Lenten fast be still observed, and that
the celebration be held in the evening after the refection
which was usual at three o'clock. But be this as It may,
it Is most significant and noteworthy, that the first rule of
any Church to be found in favour of Fasting Communion
IS at the end of the fourth century.

Now the conversion of Constantine made a marvellous
change in the Church. It was affected within and without,
m external worship and in the inner life of its members.'
The scourge of persecution was removed, beautiful and
costly edifices arose to the gloiy of God in Christ, and the
Church was no longer compelled to worship in mean build-
ings hidden from view. But at the same time this tended
to the decadence of the holy piety which had hitherto
been in the ascendant.* So long as it was dangerous
to life or limb to he a Christian, then indeed men o.ily

'The Aquarii in St. Cyprian's time used to offer water only i„ the mominfr
nd wme w.th some water in the evening, at or after the cJna. St. cZ^t
has no blame for the celebration being at or after Supper: it cnM, therXe
ave been no s.r.ct rule in his day that no food was to intervene be;weeTce e'-
Dration or communion and the previous midniglit.

' See Fleury's Maur, des Chr4tiem, cap. Iv. Opuscules, Nismes i78ou
'«">. 1. p. 252 Reiachement des Chretien^.' . nismes. 1 78*^

* !

ill !

A !

i-i

I Hi i

«l

50 The Canons on Fasting Comvnuiion. [pt. 11.

professed Christianity because of their intense belief. This
belief taught them that their Lord was the judge of the world,
to reward the righteous and to punish the wicked ; and as
day by day they lived in fear of death, so day by day they
lived pure and holy lives for the most part. Therefore, as
Joannes Phurnes implies, they had no need to pass canons
of discipline, but they had to be strict about the one only
faith. But when the Court became Christian, Christianity
became as it were the fashion. The old idolatry had been
so long undermined that few believed it, but many pro-
fessed adherence to it as the State religion, and readily left
it when the State did. Amidst the great influx of members
into the Church many now entered from temporal and low
motives ; some from curiosity, some to please their relations
or friends: and so it came to pass that among the corn
there were seen symptoms of the tares. We find St.
Augustine warning the Catechumens • who were preparing
for Baptism that they must not be scandalized on finding
that many of those professing Christianity were persons of
evil lives. He gives a long and sad list of evil livers within
the pale of the Church, which shows that, when the world
became Christian in name, there was but little real change,
but it remained the world still. This was seen especially
in the matter of excess in food ; and St. Augustine has
to acknowledge that there was much truth in the accusa-
tions of the Manichees in this respect. Indeed, St. Augus-
tine took this so much to heart that as soon as he was
ordained priest he began to take this most earnestly in
hand, and he soon found the opportunity for which he had

been waiting.

Aurelius, the friend of St. Augustine, who had been
deacon of Carthage, was raised to the Episcopal dignity,
and by being Bishop of Carthage became chief Bishop of
the African Church. Soon after his consecration St.

» De CaUchizaudis Rudibus, cap. vii. § n, Opera, Parisiis, 1685, torn. vi.
col. 270.

..A -

wtnmon.

[PT. II.

Cii. I.]

History of the Canons.

intense belief. This
le judge of the world,
the wicked ; and as
, so day b> day they
part. Therefore, as
need to pass canons
about the one only
hristian, Christianity
)ld idolatry had been
:d it, but many pro-
gion, and readily left
;at influx of members
am temporal and low
» please their relations
that among the corn
tares. We find St.
> who were preparing
candalizcd on finding
anity were persons of
ist of evil livers within
that, when the world
but little real change,
lis was seen especially
nd St. Augustine has
1 truth in the accusa-
t. Indeed, St. Augus-
at as soon as he was
this most earnestly in
unity for which he had

Justine, who had been
the Episcopal dignity,
aecame chief Bishop of
r his consecration St

Opera, Parisiis, 1685, torn. vi.

Augustine addressed to him a letter' on the terrible abuses
and disorders which were disfiguring the African Church,
and implored him to do something towards checking them.
He particularly inveighs against the feasting and drunk-
enness which prevail in the churches, and over the tombs
of the martyrs. He says that the common people, unin-
structed and ignorant, thought that this feasting was not
only in honour* of the Saints departed, but actually con-
duced to their greater satisfaction' in Paradise. The evil
is so deeply seated that he thinks nothing short of a coun-
cil will have any influence in checking it. He suggests
that the drunkenness and excess be at least kept from the
places of the Sacraments and confined to private houses,
and so by degrees it might be abated and cured.* He
says also that drunkenness and luxurious feastings in the
cemeteries may be perhaps abated, if the oblations for the
dead were not costly and were granted to all who asked
for them. The Benedictine editors ascribe this letter to
the year a.d. 392.

The very next year the council asked for by St. Augus-

' E|>. xxii. ; Parisiis, torn. ii. col. 27.

' St. Gregory of Tours tells us of instances where the Saints in whose
honour the feast was being held miraculously supplied the wine which fell
short. — De Miraculis S. Juliani, cap. xxv. De Glorid Coiifessorum, cap. v.
Opera, Parisiis, 1 699, col. 876, 899.

' St. Gregory of Tours records the histoiy of a widow who provided a
daily mass to be said for her departed husband. She gave the subdeacon
money to provide the expensive Gazetan wine (so called from Gaza in Pales-
tine); but he kept this for his own private drinking, and provided vinegar for
the oblation. Hereupon the departed appeared to his wife and remonstrated,
'Alas ! alas ! my sweetest wife, what has all my labour in the world come to
that I have now to drink vinegar in the oblation.' She answered, 'Not un-
mindful of thy love, I have always offered the strongest Gazetan for your rest.'
However, the next morning .she communicated, which she had not done for
some little time : ' when she drank from the Chalice such sharp vinegar that she
thought her teeth would fall out if she swallowed it not in a hurry.' — St. Gre-
fe 'ry of Tours, De Glorid Confessorum, cap. Ixv. Parisiis, 1699, col. 947.

* St. Chrysostom adopted a like policy on a similar occasion. He urged
his hearers to go home to feast, as, if excess was the result, the scandal would
be less. ' Do you wish to enjoy luxury ? Enjoy it at home, where, if drunken-
ness happen, there will be many to take care of you.'— //o/«. in Martyres,
Opera, tom. ii. p. 669 A.

E 2

52 T/ic Canons on Fasting Communion. [pt. II.

tine was held at Hippo Regius, where St. Augustine was
now working as a priest. The Metropolitan of Carthage
Aurelius, came and presided over the council himself and
appointed St. Augustine to preach before the assembled
bishops. In this council many canons of disciphne were
passed, some of which afifected the very questions urged
in St. Augustine's letter of the year before. There can
scarcely be any question that the earnest appeal of St
Augustine to Bishop Aurelius was the proximate cause of
the summoning of the council which met at the town where
St Augustine was priest : we should expect, therefore,
that the bishops would take some measures to grapple with
the abuses that St. Augustine had protested against. The
twenty-eighth canon lays down that the Sacraments of the
Altar are to be celebrated by fasting men,' except only on
Maundy Thursday. Taking up the question of the oblation
for the dead, the canon says that if the commendatory is
to be offered in the afternoon, it is to be offered only with
prayer, and without the oblation, whoever it be that has
died The next canon absolutely prohibits all the clergy
from feasting in church, except under strong necessity, and
the laity are to be dissuaded from so doing as much as

possible. . • .

These canons follow so closely upon St. Augustmes
letter, and so embody the spirit of his recommendatiotis,
that it seems impossible to separate the one from the other.
But in order the better to see how these canons could be

. This is the first canon on the subject, and it is passed at the provincial
Council of Hippo, in A.D. 393- "aronius (who acknowledges the extreme vake
and importance of the Council of Hippo) ascnbes th.s canon to the th ri
Council of Carthage, in A.D. 397; but that councd adopted and re-enacted the
Canon of Hippo : 'Cseterum quoniam diversa erat ahouarum Ecclcsmrum con-
suetudo, passimque post coenam sacrificium offerebatur, earn sustuht m AfncS
concilium Carthaginense Tertium. statue s ut a jejun.s semper, exceptd die
anniversaria Coen« Domini, offerre.ur.' {Bnrom. An„ales m An. 34, Luoe
,718 lom i P n7.) The more important national councl was more widely
i"wn The canon is generally cited as Joannes Phumes cites it from the
Codex Canonum EcclesU Africaner, drawn up probably A.D. 419.

lifc-.

niton.

[PT. II.

CII. I.]

History of the Canons.

5t. Augustine was
ilitan of Carthage,
uncil himself, and
)rc the assembled
of discipline were
y questions urged
>efore. There can
nest appeal of St.
iroximate cause of
t at the town where
expect, therefore,
ires to grapple with
:sted against. The
I Sacraments of the
en,' except only on
stion of the oblation
le commendatory is
e offered only with
lever it be that has
ihibits all the clergy
itrong necessity, and
lo doing as much as

pon St. Augustine's
is recommendations,
: one from the other,
lese canons could be

is passed at the provincial
nowledges the extreme value
bes this canon to the third
adopted and re-enacted the
t aliquarum Ecclesiarum con-
batur, earn sustulit in Africa
jejunis semper, excepts die
(■ A finales in An. 34, Lucoe,
mal council was more widely
;s Phumes cites it from the
)bably A.D. 419.

in answer to St. Augustine's appeal to the chief Bishop of
the African Church, it will be well to sec what grounds there
arc for supposing that the disorders he reprobates were in-
deed at all connected with the Blessed Sacrament. Now,
there are several hints in St. Augustine's letter and else-
where which help us in this matter.

First, then, he says that in this excess they differed
from other Churches throughout the greater part of Italy,
and from 'the transmarine Churches.' What are these
transmarine Churches .' We are helped here by St. Augus-
tine's saying that at Hippo they had a bishop from those
parts. • We have a bishop from those parts, for which we
give great thanks to God ; although his modesty and
gentleness are such, yea his prudence and solicitude in the
Lord is so great, that even if he were an African he would
soon be persuaded from the Scriptures to cure the wound
made by a licentious and badly free custom.' Now we
know that Valerius the Bishop of Hippo was a Greek ; St.
Augustine, then, in speaking of transmarine Churches, clearly
intends to refer to the Greek Churches.

From St. Chrysostom's writings and homilies we know
something of the habits of the Greek Churches at the time,
and we must see in what the difference consisted. It was
not in the matter of excess. We learn from St. Chrysostom
that his people had the evil habiv of spending holy days
in rioting and drunkenness. This, then, was not the point of
difference. Nor did they feast at home. St. Augustine
and St. Chrysostom both strive to make their people keep
the feast at home ; and the latter uses an argument which
he thought would weigh with his people. He says that
if they were at home, and excess was the result of their
feast, at all events they would have friends to take care of
them. One point of difference may have been that the Greeks,
sometimes at least, feasted in taverns and not usually in
church,' like the African sensualists. But may we not see

' Suicer, s.v. i^dirij, says distinctly: • Certe tempore Chryscstomi e(»

;»

r Irf I

■■!i

.Pi

14 7//f Citnofis on Fasting: Commiitiion. [PT. II.

another and still more striking point of difference ? We
know that the Greeks partook to excess after their com-
munion : when was the African feast ? There is reason
to suppose it was at all events sometimes before Com-
munion.

It is hard to think, with Faustus the Manichee, that these
feasts sprang from the imitation of heathen observances.
It is more pleasant to think, with some writers, that these
were connected with the Christian agapa rather than the
heathen Siliccruia. Indeed we are told that they were
called agapa: fuueraks. This love-feast was for all Christians
in common—rich and poor alike partook of it. It was a
token and pledge of unity and love. Hence perhaps we
may see how it was supposed that the dead benefited by
the feast ; for we find in St. Augustine and elsewhere
that it was thought that the dead benefited by the feast,
and not only by the offering of the Holy Eucharist at the
time. As the blessed dead in Paradise were united with
the Church on earth in- true union of spirit, though with-
drawn from sight and from the struggles of this world,
so they would be regarded as benefiting by anything that
would benefit the Church at large. Now the agapk or feast
was for the sake of promoting and maintaining true unity
and union ; how appropriate then would be the thought that
the Saints in Paradise had some interest in such a feast— nay,
must they not benefit by it in .some sort Y Such may have

Augiistini M'"' a<lh"C »" '^mplis fiebant.' So also Justell in his note on th
eleventh canon of the Council o Gangra : ' Hunc quoque in Ecclesia convi-
vandi morem Chrysostomi sctate observatum fuisse planum est.' (Bibliofheca
Juiis, Lutetire, i66i, torn. i. p. 8i.) They ground their opinion upon two
dilTerent passages, but it may be doubted, perhaps, whether St. Chrysostom
is speaking of his own times, or the times of the Corinthians spoken of by St.
Paul. He certainly admonishes his hearers against excess, ^i- KamnXtiv, after
the vigil kept in church. The holding kyiirai in churches was finally con-
demned at the TruUan Council, in A.u. 692 (canon Ixxiv.), so that the custom
lasted on after St. Chrysostom's time for three centuries. The sermon in
which the following passage occurs is falsely ascribed to St. Augustine, ' O
quam plures sunt ex vobis qui priiis tabemam visitant <iuam templum • '— &r.
xiii. Ad Fraties in Ermo, Parisiis, torn. vi. App. 340.

mmmm

niimon.

[PT. II.

cn. I.]

History of the Canons.

of difference ? We
53 after their com-
? There is reason
times before Com-

Vlanichee, that these
;athen observances.
: writers, that these
pa rather than the
old that they were
vas for all Christians
ok of it. It was a
Hence perhaps we
dead benefited by
tine and elsewhere
lefited by the feast,
oly Eucharist at the
ise were united with
spirit, though with-
ggles of this world,
tig by anything that
>w the agap^ or feast
[lintaining true unity
\ be the thought that
in such a feast — nay,
rt y Such may have

Iso Justell in his note on th
: quoque in Ecclesia convi-
s planum est.' (Bibliotheca
id their opinion upon two
)s, whether St. Chrysostom
lorinthians .spoken of by St.
iSt excess, iv »tairn\«(9>, after
I churches was finally con-
n Ixxiv.), so that the custom
centuries. The sermon in
ribed to St. Augustine, 'O
uU quam templum!' — Ser.
340-

been the argument of some ; but however this was, the
fact remains, that in St. Augustine's day the dead were
thought to be advantaged not only by the prayers of the
faithful, not only by the offering of the Holy Eucharist, but
by these common feasts in church. Now there is reason
for supposing that the agapce and these feasts for the dead
were at all events before Communion.

Some in modern times have been angry with St.
Augustine for supposing that the Corinthians, whom St.
Paul blames, were guilty of excess before Communion. As
is well known, St. Chrysostom was clearly of opinion that
the evil which the Apostle was remedying was excess after
Communion. How is it that St. Augustine thought that it
was before ? Probably it was because each interpreted the
passage according to the practice known to him as existing
in his own day. It would be natural that they should do
so, for, as St. Jerome said, every man thought that the
customs of his province were derived by tradition from the
Apostles; and we find that neither St. Chrysostom nor
even St. Augustine was free from this tendency. Both, for
example, think that in the Apostles' times the celebration
of the Eucharist was always in the morning, because in
their own day it was at nine o'clock in the forenoon. St.
Chrysostom, therefore, has to explain how it is the Apostle
speaks of a livmov, or evening meal, when he was really
talking of the apiarov, or morning meal. St. Augustine is
in much the same position. For the Priscillianists, like the
Manichees who fasted on Sunday, said that St. Paul and
his congregation at Troas evidently fasted all day on
Sunday, and that this example justified them in their
practice. Now this was regarded as heretical in St. Augus-
tine's day ; he therefore had to meet their argument. This
he did, not by boldly saying that there was no reason for
doubting that the disciples met together to break bread
in the evening succeeding the first day of the week when
the necessary business of the day was over, but he has

III!

T/ie Canons on Fasting Communion. [PT. ii.

to suggest several other ways of interpreting the passage.
He says that if St. Paul did preach for eighteen or twenty
hours, it was not that they fasted as a religious act, but
only that it was necessary for him to finish what he had to
say.

Similarly St. Chrysostom interprets passages from his
own point of view. He thinks, for example, that because
it was after the morning meal that Hannah was so deeply
moved, Eli took for granted she had been drinking to excess.
Such was the evil habit in St. Chry.sostom's day . ; there-
fore he thus interpreted the passage. 1

Now in St. Chrysostom's neighbourhood the feasting in
honour of the Saints was after Communion. Hence he
naturally takes for granted that the excess of the Corin-
thians took place immediately after the Communion. But
St. Augustine took for granted that the Corinthians ex-
ceeded before Communion. Probably, then, the excess
he so strongly denounced in his letter to Aurelius was
sometimes at least previous to Communion.

Again, there is another reason for thinking this, and that
is the peculiar connection of the mortuary celebration with
the excess condemned in St. Augustine's letter. He says
that one way to prevent the.se luxurious feastings in
church would be to regulate the commendatories. He
advises that much money should not be spent upon them,
and that commendatories should be granted without charge
to all, and if any money were given it should be at once
distributed to the poor. How is this then met ? There is
a canon passed to insist on Fasting Communion, from
which Maundy Thursday is excepted ; but the commenda-
tory is expressly brought under the rule, which shows that
it had not been hitherto unusual to celebrate after food for
the commendatory of the dead.

These feasts for the dead seem to be represented in
modern times by the Irish wakes. The Irish hold a feast
round the corpse, eating and drinking the best they can

tuiiinon.

[PT. II.

cii. I.]

If is to ty of the Canons.

■prcting the passage.

r eighteen or twenty

a religious act, but

inish what he had to

ts passages from his
laniple, that because
annah was so deeply
:n drinking to excess,
jstom'.s day.'-. ; there-

■t'
'(

rhood the feasting in
imunion. Hence he
excess of the Corin-
e Communion. But

the Corinthians ex-
ly, then, the excess
tter to Aurelius was
inion.

hinking this, and that
uary celebration with
le's letter. He says
xurious feastings in
ommendatories. He

be spent upon them,
•anted without charge
it should be at once
then met ? There is
g Communion, from
; but the commenda-
ile, which shows that
ilebrate after food for

to be represented in
he Irish hold a feast
ig the best they can

afford, drinking io the health of the dead. In Africa the
funeral probably took place soon after death, and there the
feast and the mortuary celebration took place in church.
If the anniversary feast took place in church, how much
more the wake itself

There is another point to be considered which helps to
show that the mortuary celebrations were frequently if not
ordinarily after food. In the Canon of Hippo there are
two matters considered as bearing upon the new rule of
fa.sting celebration-- viz. Maundy Thursday and the com-
mendatory of the dead. These two questions must have
been prominently before the council: the Maundy they
recognized and continued, but the celebrating for the dead
after food they prohibited. Remarkably enough, a similar
connection between the Maundy and the mortuary celebra-
tion is seen in the Spanish canons against the Priscillianists.
These heretics seem to have degraded the Blessed Sacra-
ment into a mere appendix to the <i^rt/A In the face of
these low views about the Sacrament, the Spanish Church
forbade the feast before the celebration, whether on
Maundy Thursday or on the occasion of the ' Missa
mortuorum,' and then passed on to say that the priest
must be jejunns, or fasting, not having taken any food
whatsoever. From this it appears that there existed in
Spain in the sixth century the custom of offering the
'Missa mortuorum' after food as well as the Maundy
Thursday celebration after the anniversary Ccena Domini.
The Priscillianists claimed these in favour of their own
debased views of the Blessed Sacrament, and in conse-
quence of their terrible heresy the Spanish councils con-
demned the Maundy and the ' Missa mortuorum ' after food.
This throws back a little light on the letter of St.
Augustine and the consequent Council of Hippo, and brings
additional r.rgument to show that in St. Augustine's days
the feasts for the dead celebrated in church were probably
before the celebration of the Holy Eucharist.

'ii

"1' '

^Mi

11 i

T/te Canons on Fasting Communion. [PT. II.

With these probabilities before us we can follow the
policy of the fathers ft Hippo. St. Augustine had ear-
nestly appealed for a council to put a stop to the abuses he
mentions : he says it would be impolitic to stop it all at
once, but he implores the Metropolitan to ward it off from
the tombs of the Martyrs, from the places of the Sacraments,
and from the House of God. The bishops then determine
to begin with the House of God and the Sacraments. The
clergy they can bind absolutely : so they lay down that no
celebration of the Blessed Sacrament is to be after food
(except on Maundy Thursday), not even for the commend-
ing the soul of a bishop at his death. Next they prohibit
any bishop or clerk from feasting in church (except under
some peculiar necessity), and try to persuade the laity
to give up their habits of so doing as much as possible.

This is the history of the first group of canons on Fast-
ing Communion which emanated from the African Church.
The Canon of Hippo was re-enacted at two at the least of
the later Councils of Carthage ; it therefore appears at
Hippo in A.D. 393, at Carthage in A.D. 397, and again at
Carthage in A.D. 419. It was the result of an earnest
attempt on the motion of St. Augustine to ward off the
terrible irreverence of possible excess from the Blessed
Sacrament.

Then there follows a gap of nearly two hundred years,
and the next canons we find on the subject are at the end of
the sixth century. Here again there is a group of them. This
time, however, it is not a mere re-enactment of the same
canon at the same place. But we find the rule formulated
at councils in France and Spain. At Mdcon, inieed, the
Canon of Hippo is adopted and incorporated in the canon
of the council on the subject ; but the Spanish canons
arose from thek own domestic troubles with the Pris-
cillianists.

The most remarkable consideration is that the TruUan
Council at the end of the seventh century does not condemn

MMH«

wmmim

. '^"•^ .

J^jA- .afe.'»

lomtnumon.

[PT. II.

cn. I.]

History of the Canons.

e us we can follow the
at. Augustine had ear-
: a stop to the abuses he
npolitic to stop it all at
litan to ward it off from
laces of the Sacraments,
bishops then determine
d the Sacraments. The
I they lay down that no
(lent is to be after food
even for the commend-
:h. Next they prohibit
ti church (except under
■ to persuade the laity
IS much as possible,
roup of canons on Fast-
om the African Church,
d at two at the least of
it therefore appears at
A.D. 397, and again at
e result of an earnest
Justine to ward off the
xess from the Blessed

arly two hundred years,
subject are at the end of
is a group of them. This
enactment of the same
ind the rule formulated
At Mdcon, inieed, the
corporated in the canon
ut the Spanish canons
troubles with the Pris-

tion is that the Trullan
itury does not condemn

Communion after food cn Maundy Thursday, but con-
demns the breach of Lent implied in the canon.

The testimony of the canons therefore is not that the
rule they formulate on this question may not admit of
exceptions. The Spanish canons, which condemn within
their jurisdiction communicating after the ' prandium,' do so
because the Priscillianists had degraded the Sacrament in
their heresy; the Council of Mdcon accepts the Cceiia
Dominica on Maundy Thursday ; and the Trullan Council
discountenances it only so far as it would seem to militate
against the strictness of Lent. The Council of Constance
in more modern times takes Fasting Communion for
granted, but there is no question about the custom in such
late times.

But even if the canons had a very different aspect, it
would have to be shown that they are now binding in
England ; for a local council of Africa, however interest-
ing and valuable historically, is powerless to bind the con-
science in England, and we may say, as was said at Con-
stantinople, that p-' doubt there were good reasons for the
canons put forth, hut that we do not accept them. But if
the Anglo-Saxon canons be alleged, it is evident that they
have been so long unenforced as to lose their vigour ; for
if they were still binding, no man might taste food on
Sunday until after he had heard the sermon at noon-
day.'

I affirm, therefore, on the foregoing argument that
no canon alleged is binding on the conscience, so that not

' ' It is a very bad custom that many men practise both on Sundays and
also other Mass days ; that is, that straightways at early mom they desire to
hear Mass, and immediately after the Mass, from early mom the whole day
over, in drunkenness and feasting they minister to their belly and not to God.
But we command that no man taste any meat before the service for the High
Mass be completed, but that all, both females and males, assemble at the High
Mass and at the holy and spiritual church, and then hear the High Mass and
the preaching of God's \ioxA.'— Anglo-Saxon Witness, by Rev. J. Baron, M. A.
'869, p. 30. Johnson (Canons, Oxford, 1850, vol. i. p. 478) ascribes this to

A.D, 994.

■i

tSBSn^^sBe^MfiCsii

':k

WJ,

'11

.Jt

m.w:

liii

60 T/ie Canons on Fasting Communion. [I'T. ii.

to observe it entails sin, much less mortal sin, as some
rigorist priests amongst us are not backward to assert.

But if any such canons are still binding, how is it that
each canon is not binding in its entirety ? The African canon
allowed or required Communion after food on Maundy
Thursday. Why do not the rigorists enforce this ? They
cannot think that it was condemned by the Council in Trullo.
for this only condemned the implied breach of Lent and
not Communion after food. The Canon of M4con accepts
and re-enacts the Maundy Thursday celebration after food.
Then, again, the Canon of Auxerre and the Anglo-Saxon
Canon will not allow anyone who has broken his fast to be
present in church while Mass is being said : the rigorists
encourage men to break this part of those canons. The
Anglo-Saxon Canon requires men to be fasting at High
Mass, to hear the sermon whether they communicate or
not. Why is not this binding ? The main object of the
Canon of Constance is to withhold the Cup from the laity :
this certainly is not binding. The first Council of Braga
anathematizes anyone who communicates before three
o'clock in the afternoon on Maundy Thursday. Will the
rigorists try to say that this anathema holds good .>

The answer to this will be that times have changed:
and this is the very answer that is maintained throughout
this essay.

For it is preposterous to say that part of the canon has
been abrogated by disuser and change of times and that
the other part is still binding, though it has not been re-
enacted or continuously enforced. It could only bind by
being incorporated in our code of canons, or by being con-
tinuously enforced in a rubric in an office book, or by the
bishop in his visitation.

MMMi

'.*«* .fi, ti^t~i. ^^ f-, i

tunion.

[I'T. II.

ortal sin, as some
/ard to assert,
ling, how is it that
The African canon

food on Maundy
iforce this ? They
e Council in Trullo,
reach of Lent and
I of MAcon accepts
ebration after food.
\ the Anglo-Saxon
roken his fast to be

said : the rigorists
ihose canons. The
be fasting at High
:y communicate or
main object of the
Cup from the laity :
t Council of Braga
cates before three
hursday. Will the
lolds good .'
mes have changed:
intained throughout

irt of the canon has
e of times and that
it has not been re-
could only bind by
ins, or by being con-
fice book, or by the

CH. l] History of the Canons. 61

Section 2.— The African Canon.
Council of Hippo Regius, a.d. 393. Third Council of Car-

THAGE, A.D. 397. CoDEX ECCLESI^ AfRICAN>E, A.D. 419.

The history of the Council of Hippo Regius has already
been given in the preceding section : there remains, there-
fore, only the investigation of the particular canon of the
council with which this essay has to deal.

The canon as it appears in the African Codex is as
follows :' —

Ut Sacramenta Altaris non-
nisi a jejunis hominibus cele-
brentur, excepto uno die anni-
versario, quo Cana Dominica^
celebratur: nam si aliquorum
pomeridiano tempore defunc-
torum, sive Episcoporum, sive
caeterorum commendatio faci-
enda est, solis orationibus fiat :
si iili, qui faciunt, jam prarisi
inveniuntur.

That the Sacraments of the
Altar be not celebrated except
by fasting men, the one yearly
day being excepted when the
Lord's Supper is celebrated:
for if the commendatory of any
dead, whether bishops or others,
have to be offered in the after-
noon, it nust be only with
prayers, if those who offer it
have already taken the pran-
diitm.

The first thing which calls for remark is the form in
which this canon is framed. The canon, wherever it appears
(and it appears in several councils), is in a form which St.
Athanasius affirmed was a sure sign of the introduction
of something new. The Canons of Hippo commence either
with the form 'placuit ' or with the dependent conjunction
' ut,' which implies the presence o(thep/ac»it in some former
canon. The Canons of Hippo have come down to us only
in the form of a Breviariutn, or concise summary drawn up

' Bibliotheca Juris Canouki, C. Justelli, Paris, 1661, torn. i. p. 349.

'That is, the Maundy, or Common Supper on Maundy Thursday before the
celebration of the Eucharist, in commemoration of the Mystical Sapper at
which the institution of this Sacrament took place. See below, p. 100, on
Maundy Thursday.

The Canons on Fasting Communion. [PT. II.

by one of the bishops present, the primate of the Byzacene
province, who was called Myzonius. But the form ' Ut
Sacramenta ' distinctly implies that the verb ' placuit ' has
a place or influence there.' This form of canon (for the
' placuit ' is only the Latin representation of iho^t) is said
by St. Athanaslus to be a sure sign of the introduction of
something new, when it first appears, and not the attestation
of the existence of an old tradition.

St Athanaslus* is ridiculing the folly of the Arians in
dating their creed, as if the faith varied with worldly dates,
and was not ever the same. Then he goes on to show
how the Council of Nicaea made a great difference between
canons of discipline then first introduced and canons of
faith which were only attested as being true. ' Without
prefixing Consulate month and day they wrote concerning
Easter, It seemed good as follows ; for it did then seem
good that there should be a general compliance. But
about the faith they wrote not it seemed good, but thus be-
lieves the Catltolic Church', and thereupon they confessed how
the faith lay in order to show that their own sentiments
were not novel but Apostolical, and what they wrote down
was no discovery of theirs, but is the same as was taught
by the Apostles.' St. Athanasius clearly marks out first
the distinction between canons of faith and canons of dis-
cipline, and, next, he distinctly asserts that the presence of
an sho^e, or a ' placuit,' or an ' it seems good ' marks out
some determination that has not the sanction of an Apos-
tolical tradition.

The same test has; been applied also to other canons on
the same ground. The Council of Sardica allowed an

' Thus in the Codex Ecclcsia Africana the canons of the Breviarium
depend upon the Si placet of the speech of the metropolitan Aurelius in the
Acta prefixed to canon xxxiv. {JustelH Bihliothna, torn. i. p. 347). In the
preceding canons there appear the words ' item placuit ut ' or ' et ut. ' Simi-
larly in the collection which goes under the name of the third Council of Car-
thage. See Bruns, Canones, i. p. 122 sq., where the phrase is either ' Placuit
ut ' or * item (or similiter) placuit ut,' or simply ' ut.'

' Opera, Ed. Benedictina, Parisiis, 1698, torn. i. pars ii. p. 719 d.

union.

[PT. II.

CH. I.]

History of the Canons.

c of the Byzacenc
3ut the form ' Ut
verb ' placuit * has
jf canon (for the
n of fSofe) is said
he introduction of
not the attestation

' of the Arians in
ath worldly dates,
goes on to show
difference between
:d and canons of
J true. 'Without
wrote concerning
• it did then seem
compliance. But
good, but thus be-
hey confessed how
r own sentiments
t they wrote down
tie as was taught
ly marks out first
md canons of dis-
lat the presence of
good ' marks out
ction of an Apos-

o other canons on
rdica allowed an

ons of the Breviarium
opolitan Aurelius in the
)m. i. p. 347). In the
it ut ' or ' et ut. ' Simi-
le third Council of Car-
hrase is either ' Placuit

trs ii. p. 719 D.

appeal to the Pope of Rome : this was a local council of
no wide pretensions at the time, but the Popes of Rome
were so pleased with this recognition of their importance
that (let us hope through ignorance) they not unseldom
cited the canon as having been passed at Nicaea. But when
this claim was exploded, then came the not unfrequent
argument that the canon only embodied ancient custom
which amounted to a right. However, Archbishop de
Marca brought the canon to the test that St. Athanasius
had proposed, and he shows* that, since the canon depended
upon a ' si placet,' it was manifestly not merely the attes-
tation of an ancient Apostolic tradition, but it was indeed
tlie utterance of something altogether new. Nor does our
own Dr. Pusey at all think that this argument is unsound,
for he quotes* it with approval.

If, therefore, this argument was sound in St. Athana-
sius when he struggled for the true faith against the Arians,
if it is sound when Archbishop de Marta uses it to pro-
tect particular Churches against the insidious encroach-
ments of Rome, it certainly must also be sound when it is
used to show that Fasting Communion is not an Apostolic
tradition, but was introduced, most advantageously and
necessarily no doubt, but still introduced, as something
new at the Council of Hippo.

For consider what this 'si placet' with its answer
'placet' and the documentary 'placuit ut' implies. It
certainly implies that the question involved was introduced
to the council as a debateable point, that then there was
more or less discussion upon it, and lastly, that it was
given from the president for the free votes of the assembled
bishops. There can be no question that wherever the

' De Concordia Sacerdotii et Imperii, lib. vii. cap. iii. § 8 ; Opera, Bam-
bergae, 1788, torn. iii. p. 299.

" The Councils of the Church, p. 142, 1857. He also quotes Tillemont,
' This form is very strong to show that it was a right which the Pope had not
had hitherto.'

;ii

•m.

fk\

64 T/ic Camus on Fasting Conwinnion. [PT. II.

form ' placuit ut ' occurs, or even the dependent conjunc-
tion ///, which depends upon a previous ' placuit,' that it
was perfectly open to the bishops to say ' non placet '
instead of 'placet.' This freedom of opinion manifestly
showed that the question offered was not an Apostolic
tradition, such as infant baptism or the keeping Sunday,
but was introduced as something advisable or necessary to
the well-being of the Church. Had it been a tradition in
full force, there would have been no need of a canon of this
kind; it would be a gilding refined gold. About this
Canon of Hippo, then, there is no mark whatever that the
bishops are incorporating or continuing ancient law or
custom. There is no * let the ancient customs prevail ' of
the Nicene Council about this canon. It is clear that the
bishops thought themselves perfectly free to say 'placet*
or • non placet ' as they thought best ; they say ' placet,'
and the proposal becomes a Canon of Hippo with a ' placuit
ut.' Can we suppose that the fathers at the ' plenary ' Coun-
cil of Hippo were so ignorant of the forms of canons, or
so misunderstood language and precise language, as to
place their own ' placet ' over something which was already
regarded as an ordinance of God, or as an immutable
Apostolic tradition ? No, there can be no question that
Joannes Phurnes is right at least thus far, that the rule of
Fasting Communion was first formulated in this canon.
Therefore is it that the later councils of Carthage merely
repeat and re-enact this canon. Therefore was it that
when, some twenty-five years later, the bishops' legates of
Mauritania had instructions to moot, and try to pass, a
canon of fasting celebration, they were quite satisfied to
find that the canon had been passed at Hippo and was
confirmed at the council they were attending. Would they
have had this question in their instructions if there had
been an universal Apostolic custom of Fasting Communion .'
Similarly it was to this Canon of Hippo, as the first on the
subject, that the Council of Macon referred in the sixth

ill

^itii-

ti/fiion.

[PT. II.

CH. I ]

History of the Canotis.

epcndcnt conjunc-
s ' placuit,' that it

say ' non placet '
opinion manifestly

not an Apostolic
: keeping Sunday,
ble or necessary to
been a tradition in
i of a canon of this
gold. About this

whatever that the
ig ancient law or
customs prevail ' of
[t is clear that the
ree to say ' placet '
; they say ' placet,'
ippo with a ' placuit
he ' plenary ' Coun-
forms of canons, or
se language, as to

which was already
as an immutable
; no question that
far, that the rule of
ted in this canon.
)f Carthage merely
erefore was it that

bishops' legates of
and try to pass, a
e quite satisfied to

at Hippo and was
iding. Would they
ctions if there had
isting Communion .'
0, as the first on the
ferred in the sixth

century. They would not have referred to this had they
any idea that it was an Apostolic constitution.

Next, the exception of the anniversary feast in com-
memoration of the Last Supper is further proof that Fast-
ing Communion was no Apostolic rule, for then no one
would have ventured to have inserted their own exception.

Similarly, as Joannes Phurnes well points out, the
prohibition of the commendatory celebration after food is
a token that up to that time '<^)@re had been no restriction
in that respect, and that, Irom the habits of the people, it
might have been supposed that charity in this particular
would supersede the new canon of Fasting Communion.
Had there been an ancient rule on this matter, there would
have been no celebration for the dead after food or after
the pranditim had been taken ;' therefore there would
have been no need for a special mention o.i this head.

From the canon itself, then, it is quite clear that it is
introducing something new. This is clear from the form
which the canon takes, and from the exception it is autho-
rized to make, and also in the manifest allusion to a
not uncommon practice of the celebration for the com-
mending the soul of a departed Christian taking place
after the prandutm. *

Still, though the council was 'plenary' for Africa, it
was a local or provincial synod so far as we are concerned.
In Africa even later councils passed resolutions about the
fe-enactment or otherwise of the Canons of Hippo, so that
the council was not ipso facto regarded as binding ; it there-
fore cannot suo vigore bind anyone at all in England.

There is one more point to be spoken of on this canon,
and that is the meaning of the word celebrare. Authorities

I The meaning of the word 'jejunus' is not here discussed, because a
section is devoted to the question (see p. 127, and following) ; where it is seen
that 'jejunus' here cannot mean without food since the stroke of midnight, but
in all probability it means simply ' before taking the prantiium.'

^MmUiiMm

66 The Canons on Fasting Communion. [pt. H.

seem divided as to whether it may be said to include the
laity here or not. It is true that, by the s.xth century at
least, the word seems to have acquired a mean.ng wh.ch
included the laity who were present at Commumon. whether
they themselves communicated' or not. In th.s case the
canon excludes from being present all who had taken the
prandinm, whether they communicate or not. and m tlm
respect it is like the old Anglo-Saxon canon, wh.ch pro-
hiWted all food on Sunday till after High Mass had been
said. So that the reach of the canon is wider than they
would wish who commonly cite it as binding now. Bu
while from the context and the language of subsequent
canons it would seem that Bartholomew of Bresc.a had
good grounds for confining the meaning to prtests,ycX the
language of St. Augustine in his letter to Januanus w.U
probably show that it should here be extended to the la.ty.
But this argument is unimportant. What is of real mv
portance is. that the canon is the first introduct.on of
, Lting celebration into the law of the Church m t^.e West,
and. so far as Christians in England are concerned, .t does
not bind their consciences proprio vigore.

Historically, then, the Canon of Hippo is of enormous
importance. It shows how the Church of Africa struggled
with the sins of drunkenness and gluttony. It .s referred
back to by at least four later councils in various parts.
But it does not bind the English conscience, for there is no
proof that it was ever accepted here as it was at MAcon;
and though the former part was enforced m England for
some time, there is no proof of its having been regarded as
binding for the last three hundred years-that is. seven

. T1,„« m Greeorv of Tours has the record of a woman who was present at

a.„;sr.i» s::'r^^r :s '^. =

Oratione DominUA; Opera, Parisiis, p. 205, I/20.

niott.

[PT. H.

CH. I.]

History of the Canons.

id to include the
sixth century at
I meaning which
nniunion. whether
In this case the
iio had taken the
: not, and in this
canon, which pro-
rh Mass had been
s wider than they
inding now. But
ige of subsequent
:w of Brescia had
to priests, yet the
to Januarius will
ended to the laity,
^hat is of real im-
rst introduction of
:hurch in the West,
; concerned, it does

jpo is of enormous
of Africa struggled
jny. It is referred
Is in various parts,
ence, for there is no
is it was at MAcon ;
ced in England for
ig been regarded as
rears— that is, seven

woman who was present at
lusband : ' Mulier vero per
orationi vacabat, celehrans
sorum, cap. Ixv. : Opera,
;, be using the word in this
Sacerdote cekbramus.'—Di

times the period assigned for the lapse of a canon by
desuetude.'

Section i.—The Spanish Cations.

FiKST AND Second Councils of Braga, a.d. 563 and a.d. 57a.
Seventh Council of Toledo, a.d. 646.

The Spanish Church was long troubled with the
Priscillianist heresy." The very means that were at the
first taken to stop the heresy rather tended to its increase.
Priscillian, after whom it was called, was quite the man to
head a new sect. He was a wealthy man, of good birth, a
great ascetic, learned in the wisdom of the world, ready in
speech if not eloquent, and of a handsome presence to give
effect to his teaching. His influence seems to have been
so considerable that the bishop, to whom the Council of
Saragossa committed the charge of opposing and ex-
tinguishing the heresy, applied to the secular arm to help
him in the work he had undertaken. Unfortunately the
bishop who was appointed to this task did not shine by
comparison with Priscillian. Indeed, it is hard now to see
why such a man was chosen except it were for his un-
scrupulous power of attack. Sulpicius Severus describes •
the man, who was a bishop of Sossaba named Ithacius,
as ' of no weight or piety, but daring, loquacious, impudent,
extravagant, and a great gourmand.' The historian says
that this man was so unwise as to include all who led a

' The Church of England notoriously breaks one of the canons of the
third Council of Carthage by addressing three of the collects said at the altar
to God the Son— viz. the Collects for the Third Sunday in Advent, for St.
Stephen's Day, and for the First Sunday in Lent. See Co. Carthag. III.
can. xxiii. : ' Cum altari adsistitur semper ad Patrem dirigatur oratio.'

'■' A good account of this heresy will be found in Neander's Church History,
Bohn's Standard Library, vol. iv. p. 492. Oddly enough, it is quite unnoticed
in Mr. Blunt's Dictionary of Sects and Heresies, 1874.

' ' Certe Ithacium nihil pensi, nihil sancti habuisse definio. Fuit enim
aiidax, loquax, impudens, sumptuosus, ventri et gulae plurimum impertiens.'—
Sacra Historiie, lib. ii. cap. cl. ; Amsterdam, Elzevir, p. 119, 1656.

Il::

11' ■
it'

T/ie Cations on Fasting Commutiion. [pt. ii.

strict or ascetic life under the suspicion of being heretics.
This man, with some other bishops, so prosecuted theoppo-
sition to the heretics that, despite the protests of St. Martin
of Tours and the indignation of St. Ambrose, PriscilUan
and many of his rich or powerful followers were beheaded.
The result of this was the spread of the evil. PriscilUan
was at once regarded as a martyr, and there was added to
the other attractive subtleties of the sect the new impetus
of enthusiastic admiration for the martyrdom of their chief
leaders. For three hundred years and more this sect so
tainted the Spanish Church, that for a person to come from
Spain was quite sufficient to rende- him suspected of heresy
This is constantly seen in the History of St. Gregory of
Tours, though he does not speak of the heresy under this
name. On one occasion > an ambassador from Spain was
passing through Tours on Easter Day, and he attended
Mass at the Cathedral, but did not communicate ; and at
the feast afterwards in the « Church-house,' St. Gregory
cross-examined him because he suspected him of heresy,
and his answers confirmed the suspicions.

Their heresy embraced errors about the full verity of
the Incarnation, though they seem to have acknowledged
some union of God with flesh ; yet how far they admitted
any possibility of suflfering it is impossible to say
« As » they denied the Resurrection of Christ, they must
have denied either the susceptibility of His Body to injury,
or the continuance of His corporeality. Against the latter
alternative is the objection, that they can scarcely have been
willing to give up a body derived from the Divine nature
to the kingdom of earthly matter. But, in that case, Christ's
Body, which is supposed not to have needed Resurrection,
cannot have experienced injury and death ; in the place of
the Resurrection must be substituted the Ascension, and,

» Ihstoria Francorum, lib. vi. cap. xl., Parisiis, 1561, p. 358.

» \iomt^^ Doctrine of the Person of Christ (Clark's Library), div. i. vol. u.

p. 470-

mon.

[PT. II.

cii. I.]

History of the Canons.

f being heretics,
iccutedtheoppo-
;sts of St. Martin
ibrose, PriscilUan
i were beheaded.
e evil. I'riscillian
lere was added to
the new impetus
lorn of their chief
nore this sect so
•son to come from
spected of heresy,
of St, Gregory of
heresy under this
\x from Spain was
and he attended
municate ; and at
use,' St Gregory
ed him of heresy,

the full verity of
ave acknowledged

far they admitted
ipossible to say.
Christ, they must
lis Body to injury,

Against the latter
scarcely have been
the Divine nature
1 that case, Christ's
:eded Resurrection,
th ; in the place of
he Ascension, and,

1561. p. 358-

s Library), div. i. vol. u.

accordingly. His sufferings must undoubtedly be deemed
Docetical.'

As a consequence of their errors about the incarnation,
there followed errors about the Blessed Sacrament of the
Lord's Body and Blood. It would seem that they degraded
this to a kind of corollary to a preceding meal, founding
their idea upon the example of the original institution. They
therefore received the Communion in church, but reserved
both species, and did not consume them with the rest. It
may be that this was to partake at home after a meal, as
we hear some Lombards were said to have done in the
eighth century.' But they would seem to have claimed the
annual Maundy before Communion on Maundy Thursday
on their side, and celebration for the dead after food. All
these customs were therefore condemned by Spanish
councils with increasing severity. The not consuming in
church, certainly harmless in itself, was condemned under
perpetual anathema.' The custom of Maundy Thursday,
familiar to the Churches on the shores of the Mediterranean,
was also condemned in the following canons.

In the anathemas of the first Council of Braga (A,D,
563), the following is the sixteenth.'

If anyone on the Thursday
before Easter, which is called
Maundy Thursday, does not
have Mass at the lawful hour,
after three o'clock in church,
fasting, but, like the sect of
Priscillian, celebrates the fes-
tival of that day after nine
o'clock in the morning by Mass
for the dead after he has broken
his fast, Let him be anathema.

' So Pope Stephen IIT. (A.D. 755) writes to Pepin to enlist his sympathy
against the invading Lombards. --^aro«»V^««a/«f, Lucse, 1742, torn. xii. p.

613.

"^ Co. CKsaraugustanum I. (A.D. 381), can. 111.; Brans, li. p. 13,

' Bruns, ii. p. 32.

Si quis quinta ferii Paschali
quae vocatur Ccena Domini, hori
legitime post nonam jejunus in
Ecclesia missas non tenet, sed
secundum sectam Priscilliani
festivitatem ipsius diei ab hor^
tertia per missas defunctomm
soluto jejunio crfit, anathema
sit.

/'//*' Canons on Fasting Communion. [PT. II.

The same is seen in the second Council of Brafja, held
nine years after the first (A.D. 572), which again condemns
the PriscilHanists, and on much the same grounds. For
though in the fresh canon passed at tlie council there is no
mention made of Maundy Thursciay, and only Mass for the
dead after food is condemned, yet in the same council there
was a collection of old canons of various councils made, and
these were re-enacted and re-enforced ; and amongst them
there reappears the Canon of Laodicea, condemning the
breach of Lent by the Maundy on Maundy Thursday ;
and this breach of Lent, for the purpose (as it would seem)
of lowering the teaching about the Blessed Sacrament, was
anathematized at the first Council of Braga.

The tenth canon of the second Council of Braga under
the renowned St. Martin is as follows : ' —

Placuit ut quia per stultitiam
prsesumpti nupererrorisautcerte
ex veteris Priscillianae adhuc
hseresis fcetore corruptos cogno-
vimus quosdam presbyteros in
hujus prsesumplionis audacid
retineri, ut in missd mortuorum'
etiam post acceptum nierum
oblationem ausi suntconsecrare,
ideo hoc praefixae evidentis sen-
tentise admonitione servetur ut
si quis presbyter post hoc edic-
tum nostrum amplius in hdc
vesania fuerit reprehensus,
id est, ut nee jejunus sed quo-
cumquc jam cibo praesumpto
oblationem consecraverit in
altari continue ab officio suo

It seemed good that, since
we learn that some priests, cor-
rupted by the folly of a lately
adopted error, or certainly from
the foulness of the now old
Priscillian heresy, are held in
the audacity of this presumption
til at in Mass for the dead, even
after they have taken unmixed
wine, they have been bold to
consecrate the oblation, on this
account this should be ob-
served by the admonition of
the prefixed manifest sentence,
that if any priest after this our
coict be any more discovered
in this madness, that is, that
not fasting, but after any food

' Bruns, ii. p. 42.

' In the seventh century some Spanish pric&ts used to say Mass for the
dead publicly by name for those who were still alive, as a kind of curse on
them.— Co. Toletan, xvii. (A.D. 694), can. v.

unwii.

[I'T. II.

CM. I.]

History of the Canons.

icil of Braga, held
\\ again condemns
lie grounds. For
:ounciI there is no
only Mass for the
same council there
councils made, and
ind amongst them
I, condemning the
aundy Thursday ;
(as it would seem)
ed Sacrament, was
iga.
cil of Braga under

ned good that, since
lat some priests, cor-
the folly of a lately
Tor, or certainly from
;ss of the now old
heresy, are held in
ty of this presumption
LS3 for the dead, even
have taken unmixed
1 have been bold to
: the oblation, on this
this should be ob-
iT the admonition of
jd manifest sentence,
y priest after this our
any more discovered
ladness, that is, that
g, but after any food

used to say Mass for the
ive, as a kind of curse on

privatus a proprio dcponalur
episcopo.

whatever, he have consecrated
the oblation at the altar, he be
at once deprived of his office
and be deposed by his own
bishop.

The Church of Spain, then, because of the prevalence of
the Priscillianist heresy, condemned the Maundy and any
celebration for the dead after food within the limits of their
jurisdiction. But this was not binding beyond Spain, for,
as we shall see, the canon of Africa, accepting and recog-
nizing (if not enforcing) the feasting before Communion
on Maundy Thursday, was, just after this second Council of
Braga, incorporated into one of the canons of the second
Council of Mdcon in Gaul.' The Galilean bishops did not
feel bound to give up the Maundy, because they were not
troubled with the Priscillianist heresy at the time. If,
then, the neighbouring Church, intimately connected with
Spain as it was, passed a canon in A.u. 585, accepting the
feast before Communion on Maundy Thursday, which
had been condemned in A.D. 572 and A D. 563, at Braga,
these canons and anathemas of the eight or twelve bishops
at Braga need not affect us in England after thirteen
hundred years. The reservation of the Blessed Sacrament,
permitted and applauded by many fathers, was condemned
at Saragossa because of the Priscillianists ; but this is not
generally condemned now. The consecrating after food
was condemned for the same reason, because of the
Priscillianists ; it need not follow that, where the Priscillianist
heresy is not known, the condemnation is binding. At all
events the fathers at Macon did not think so.

These canons are only for priests, as is also the canon
of the sixth Council of Toledo in A.D. 646. It seems that
at this time, partly owing to the advanced age of many of
the Spanish bishops, there were constantly accidents arising

' Co. Macon II. (a.d. 585), can. vi.; Bruns, ii. p. 251.

\hf

,*»'

The Canons on Fasting Communion. [I'T. II.

from the fainting or illness of the celebrant. The bishops
therefore determine that no priest or bishop is to attempt
to consecrate without another priest at hand to take up the
office if he faints. This, however, might be open to abuse;
they therefore end a long canon thus : ' —

Lest, however, that which is recommended, by reason of the
weakness of our nature, should be turned into the bane of pre-
sumption, let no man presume to offer Mass after taking any least
portion of food or drink ; let no minister or priest leave the
office unfinished when he have commenced it without patent
symptoms of uneasiness ; if any presume upon this rashly, he will
incur the sentence of excommunication,

This again affected Spanish priests ; but however inter-
esting it be historically to us now in England, there can be
no question that it has no binding force on the consciences
of English priests or laymen.

Section 4. — The Gallican Canons.

Council of Auxerre, a.d. 578. Second Council of MAcon,

A.D. 585.

Just about the time that the Spanish councils of Braga
were condemning the Maundy and all communicating after
food, two Gallican councils considered the same question,
though the result they came to was slightly different.
There was some reason for this ; for both Auxerre and
Mdcon, where the councils in question were held, were
at some distance from Spain, and therefore were more free
from fear of Priscillianist infection. Still, in the sixth
century the state of morals in Gaul does not seem to have
been very high. No one can read the History of St. Gregory
of Tours without perceiving this. He declares that it is
unpleasant to him to be an accuser of his brethren ; but it
was like people like priest, for the times were certainly
characterized by great license. It may be said that the

" Bruns, i. p. 262.

" ' I 'i ^iiwr ;

mmunton.

[I'T. II.

CH. l.J

History of the Canons.

lebrant. The bishops
r bishop is to attempt
it hand to take up the
ght be open to abuse ;

ended, by reason of the
ed into the bane of pre-
ass after taking any least
ster or priest leave the
enced it without patent
upon this rashly, he will

ts ; but however inter-
England, there can be
»rce on the consciences

n Cations.

ND Council of MAcon,

inish councils of Braga
ill communicating after
red the same question,
was slightly different,
for both Auxerre and
stion were held, were
lerefore were more free
n. Still, in the sixth

does not seem to have

History of St. Gregory
He declares that it is

of his brethren ; but it
: times were certainly

may be said that the

people spoken of were semi-barbarous, and no doubt this is
true ; but then the rules which were necessary at such times
need not be necessary for all time.

The times were certainly evil times. We read in St.
Gregory that one bishop was murdered in church during
the office on Easter Morning ; ' another bishop was poisoned
as he rises to go to vigil on Christmas Eve ; * another
bishop had made great preparation to keep his birthday
with a rich entertainment,' when he was set upon by two
brother bishops and their men, who tore his clothes, killed
his servants, took off all he had prepared for the feast, and
left the poor bishop ' in grandi contumelil' These two
bishops weic warlike, and donned their coats of mail and
went to war.* When their offended brother complained,
the two were deposed at a synod of Lyons ; but they went
to Rome and said they were unjustly treated, and the Pope
ordered their immediate restoration, which took place.
They then made it up with Bishop Victor, whom they had
thus insulted ; but for a time Bishop Victor suffered for his
forgiving disposition, for the council of bishops excom-
municated him for privately making up a quarrel on
account of which he had publicly accused the others. The
two bishops went on from bad to worse, and finished dis-
gracefully a course of luxurious immorality.

St. Gregory himself was abused by another bishop about
some property in question between them, and Gregory gives
his answer, which says that he will not imitate the scurrilous
language of his brother bishop ; and goes on, * Oh, if
Marseilles had you for a bishop, ihe ships would never
bring thither oil nor other merchandise, but would be
wholly employed in bringing you paper that you might
have greater opportunity for defaming the good ! ' '

' Historia Francomm, lib. viii. cap. xxxi., Parisiis, 1561, p. 466.

' Ibid. lib. iii. cap. xvii. 1 56 1, p. 138.

• Ibid. lib. V. cap. xx. 1561, p. 254.

« Ibid. lib. iv. cap. xliii. 1 561, p. 197; lib. vii. cap. xxxvii. p. 417.

» Ibid. lib. V. cap. v. p. 221.

;4 Tlie Canons on Fasting Communion. [PT. II.

Altogether they were very rough times, and strong
measures were very necessary to ensure reverence in
church. For the house of prayer was not safe from violence ;
fighting spread into the churches, and men's lives were
nowhere safe. On one occasion, Guntchramnus, the king,
who had escaped many attempts at assassination, addressed
the people in church, and asked them not to murder him,
as his brothers had been so lately n.urdered.'

In these times, too, the bishops and clergy were not free
from being addicted to much wine. We cannot, therefore, be
surprised to find that the Council of Auxerre would not
allow any of the clergy to be present even at Mass after
they had touched any food : for it was quite clear that if
they did they would probably go on to excess. In the case
of the first canons which were framed on the subject of
Fasting Communion, we have seen that there was grievous
liability to excess among the African Christians, which was
the cause of the first passing the canon that men must com-
municate before taking the pranditm. So now again, in the
case of the two Gallican canons on the subject, if the
Church in Gaul was free from suspicion of Priscilliar.ist
heresy at the time, yet it was not free from habits of excess.
There was therefore good reason that the Council of
Auxerre in A.D. 578 should pass the following canon : »—

It is not lawful for priest, or deacon, or subdeacon, after he has
taken food or drink, to handle {tradare) the Mass, nor to stay in
church while Mass is being said.

This canon is like the Anglo-Saxon canon in the tenth
century, which ruled that no one was to take any food before
he had attended High Mass and had heard the sermon.
The Gallican canon refuses to allow anyone in Holy Orders
to be present at Mass if he has taken any food. This
could only be in prospect of excess, because no one could

' Hist. lib. vii. cap. viii. p. 381.
2 Canon xix. Bruns, ii. p. 239.

^iligiiiliJS'T'

union.

[PT. II.

CH. I.]

History of the Canons.

;imes, and strong
iure reverence in
safe from violence ;
men's lives were
iramnus, the king,
sination, addressed
ot to murder him,
:red.'

:lergy were not free
annot, therefore, be
Vuxerre would not
sven at Mass after
quite clear that if
ixcess. In the case
I on the subject of
there was grievous
iristians, which was
hat men must com-
30 now again, in the
the subject, if the
ion of Priscilliar.ist
om habits of excess,
at the Council of
lowing canon : * —

iubdeacon, after he has
! Mass, nor to stay in

I canon in the tenth
take any food before
heard the sermon,
^one in Holy Orders
;n any food. This
ecause no one could

(81.

19-

pretend that there was any symbolism about hearing Mass
before food was taken. Nor can it be said that it was to
compel all to communicate with the officiant ; ' for there is no
word of that, and as communicating is included in ' tractare
Missas,' the latter part would be superfluous. But it is
distinctly forbidden for any person in Holy Orders to be
present in church if he has taken food previously. I have
not learned that anyone is desirous of enforcing the latter
part of the canon ; indeed, generally, as in Mr. Blunt's ' Dic-
tionary of Theology,' the latter part is omitted. Now it
is quite true that one part of a canon may be abrogated bj*
disuser and another part may be still in force. But then the
part in force will either be found continuously recognized in
some rubric of an office book or in the bishop's visitations,
or it will have been incorporated in some fresh code of
canons, which gives it renewed vitality. But nothing of
this is claimed for this canon : both limbs or clauses there-
fore stand on the same ground so far as members of
the English Cnurch are concerned, and it is preposterous
to quote one part as binding, and to ignore the other.
Both parts were no doubt equally necessary at the time for
the sake of reverence, and the necessity of both has passed
away in England.

The second Council of MAcon was called together by
the King's writ to depose a bishop, and in the canons issued
by them there was one about the fast before Communion,
which is as follows:—

Item we decree that no presbyter stuffed with food or drunken
with wine presume to handle the sa rifices {coiitrectare sacrtficta)
or to celebrate Mass on private or fe tal days, for it is not fitting
that bodily food should be placed belore spiritual ; but if any have

' Such, however, is the opinion of Caitiinal Bona, whose authority is very
great. (Herum Litiirgicamm, lib. i. cap. xxi. § 2, Ed. Sala, vol. ii. p. 108.)
The heading of the canon is, ' Ut missoe a jejunis clericis celebrentur et audi-
antur ; ' which shows whait the opinion of the scrilje was who added these head-
ings, though, as it is uncertain when they were added, it is not wise to attach
too much authority to them.

mimMmfwmmmmmmm

The Canons on Fasting Commnnion. [PT. II.

of set purpose attempted this, let him lose his rank of honou.-.
For already in such a question it has been defined in African
Councils, which definition we have thoviglit fit to add to our
decree, and here . — ' That the sacraments of the altar be cele-
brated only by fasting men, the one yearly day being excepted
when the Lord's Supper is celebrated.' Whatever residue of
the sacrifices have remained over in the sacrarium after the cele-
bration of Mass, let children be brought to the church, on
Wednesday or Friday, by him whose duty it is, and a fast having
been enjoined them, let them receive the same residue with wine
poured over.

There is much here of interest ; but first remark the
strong language with which the canon commences. ' Con-
fertus cibo aut crapulatus vino.' This of itself must show
that it was excess that was aimed at, especially as we see
the canon pointedly adopts Communion after a meal on
Maundy Thursday. This strong language probably has
reference to the terrible case of irreverence and impiety re-
lated by St. Gregory of Tours.' He tells us that a priest
who was keeping vigil kept drinking all night, yet, at the
time of celebration, he was chosen to be celebrant on
account of his social position. Sodden with wine as he was
he consecrated, but fell down in an epileptic fit. Here was
the real occurrence of impiety arising from excess ; and it
may well be that this canon was expressly framed in con-
sequence of this judgment upon such impiety. For St.
Gregory of Tours himself was present at this council, as he
tells us, and argued with a bishop who maintained that
homo did not include tnulier. He that records this instance
of Divine judgment may well have urged the framing of the
canon, and the strong language may have arisen from the
abhorrence of the bishops of such an act of impious pre-
sumption.

Then again, remark how the language implies that
no such rule had obtained before in Gaul : ' Jam enim de

' De Glorid Martyrunt, lib. i. cap. Ixxxvii. Paris, 1699, col. 819.

wi/mittuiimHiK

mtiion.

[PT. II.

CH. I.]

History of the Canons.

-m-'

his rank of honou.'.
1 defined in African
t fit to add to our
•f the altar be cele-
day being excepted
iVhatever residue of
irium after the cele-
to the church, on
is, and a fast having
ne residue with wine

: first remark the
jmmences. ' Con-
f itself must show
ipecJally as we see
J after a meal on
age probably has
ce and impiety re-
Is us that a priest
I night, yet, at the
I be celebrant on
ith wine as he was
ptic fit. Here was
om excess ; and it
sly framed in con-
impiety. For St.
; this council, as he
o maintained that
icords this instance
the framing of the
ve arisen from the
ct of impious pre-

uage implies that
ill : ' Jam enim de

ris, 1699, col. 819.

tali caus4 ct in conciliis Africanis definitum est.' It has
been already defined in Africa, and we do no more than
accept their definition. This is not the language of men
who were cognizant of a rule or custom binding on the
conscience before they issue the canon, but it is rather
the language of those who were adopting a new rule to be
binding for the future.

There is also clear proof that the Gallican fathers knew
no earlier canon or rule or custom than the Canon of Hippo,
which, as we have seen, first formulated the rule because of
the prevalent exc .-ss. The fathers of the council say not,
this ancient rule o( the Church issuing from the Apostles
we insist on with greater severity, but they say, this decree
we make, and it is no new one, foi it has been already
decreed in Africa.

The latter part of the canon having respect to the
reverent consumption of the remainder of the consecrated
elements, with the injunction of a subsequent fast, is very
interesting, and will be spoken of again. In the mean time,
if the canon is now to be regarded as in force, the exception
of the Maundy Thursday Communion after food also holds
good. And it might be said the subsequent fast is also
compulsory ; for if a subsequent fast were necessary for
' innocentes,' how much more for adults. But none would
be probably found to say that it is binding in its entirety ;
therefore it must all fall together in England. For there is
nothing to maintain among us the vigour of one limb of the
canon any more than another. . The canon, full of historic
interest as it is, is altogether lacking in binding vigour.

Section 5. — The Quinisext Cauon.

A.D. 692.

The fifth and sixth general councils had been busied
wholly with canons of faith and doctrine, and had separated
without issuing any canons of discipline. This was felt to

The Canons on Fasting Communion.

be a deficiency, to remedy which a council was held at
Constantinople in A.U. 692. It is now known by two natnes,
one which takes its origin from the reason of the meeting
of the council, and the other from the place where it met.
It is called Quinisext ' because it is a quasi supplement to
the fifth and sixth councils ; and it is called the Trulian
Council because it met in the domed chamber, or Trullus,
of the Imperial Palace at Constantinople.

It was intended to hold rank as a general council, and
it assembled with all the dclat due to such an assembly.
But many of its canons established the fact that there was
a divergence between the discipline of East and West, and
thus prepared a way for the great schism. One great point
of divergence was the question of the marriage of the
cl«?rgy. While the fathers of the council refused to allow
bishops to live with their wive", if they had been previously
married ; and while they refused to allow a priest after his
ordination to enter holy matrimony ; yet they permitted
priests to live with their wives, except at certain times of
their ministrations. At the same time they rejected from
Holy Orders anyone who had in any way, either by himself
or his wife, countenanced a second marriage. No man was
to be eligible for Holy Orders who had married a second
time, or married one who was a widow or had acted as if she
had been married*

Here there was a considerable divergence from the
discipline of Rome. But still further the old rule of the
East, that Saturday should never be fasted, even in Lent,
except on Easter Eve, was now insisted on as compulsory,'
and Old Rome was called upon to change her time-
honoured custom of fasting on Saturday. This was not
only displeasing to the Bishop of Old Rome, but he re-
garded it as an insult ; and though his legates seem to have

' It is called ffiJcoSos wevJ^KTij, concilium quinisextum.
» Canon iii.
• Canon Iv.

■■'-"•••"-•■■-'"'-

mion.

ncil was held at
wn by two names,
)n of the meeting
lace where it met.
isi supplement to
:alled the Trullan
imber, or Trullus,

neral council, and
such an assembly,
ct that there was
ist and West, and
. One great point
marriage of the
il refused to allow
ad been previously
V a priest after his
et they permitted
it certain times of
they rejected from
r, either by himself
ige. No man was
married a second
had acted as if she

rergence from the
:he old rule of the
ted, even in Lent,
on as compulsory,'
change her time-
ly. This was not
Rome, but he re-
gates seem to have

quinisextum.

CH. I.]

History of the Canons.

signed the canons of the council, yet the Pope of Rome
refused to accept or recognize them ; and they have never
been regarded in the West as of binding force. If, then,
any canons of the council are quoted or referred to by
western writers, it is more by way of illustration or example
than as to authoritative documents.

The council considered the question of the African
canon on Fasting Communion and its exception on Maundy
Thursday. The exception had been reckoned as a breach
of the Lenten strictness, and it seemed to recognize the
propriety of breaking Lent on one of the days in Holy
Week. This license had been condemned in the middle of
the fourth century at the Council of Laodicea ; but St.
Augustine showed that indeed there need be no breach of
Lent, for a man might make the evening meal his Maundy,
and communicate afterwards. Still the temptation to avoid
strictness led to men taking the prandium on this day and
communicating afterwards. This was the case in some in-
stances, as we have seen, in the Spanish Church, and the
Priscillianist heretics fostered the habit. The fathers at
Constantinople therefore abolish anything which would seem
to interfere with Lenten strictness ; but they do not annul
the Maundy as a meal before Communion. They re-enact
the canon of the Council of Laodicea, using the same words ;
but they do not condemn communicating after food on that
day. They formulate their rule as follows : ' --

The canon of the fathers at Carthage declares that the things
of the holy Altar are not to be celebrated except by fasting men,
with the exception of one annual day when the Lord's Supper is
celebrated, when perhaps those holy fathers used such a policy at
that particular time for certain local reasons profitable to the
Church. Since, however, there is nothing urging iis to forsake our
stringency, we, following the traditions of the Apostles and Fathers,
determine that men ought not to relax the Thursday in the last
week of Lent, and dishonour the whole Lent.

■ Canon xxix. Druns, i. p. 46.

I-

80 T/ie Canons on Fasting Communion. [rr. il.

There is no word here of the question being thus decided
because of any supposed dishonour to the Dlcssed Sacra-
ment, but it is out of honour for the Lenten fast ; and this is
seen from the reference to the traditions of the Apostles
and Fathers. For, as the Greek commentators point out,
these references are to the canons of the Apcstles and to
the Council of Laodicea. The canons of the Apostles
(which the council had already accepted as binding •) with
no faltering utterance insist upon the keeping of Lent ;«
and the Council of Laodicea condemned any breach of the
strictness of the Lenten fast on Maundy Thursday. The
council therefore says that it acknowledges the binding
force of these canons rather than that of Africa, which seems
at all events, and had been held by some, to sanction a

breach of Lent. _

If therefore we are to regard the canon of the Quinisext
Council as being of any force, it does not at all forbid the
Communion after meat on Maundy Thursday. There is not
one word about this ; but it forbids any such departure from
the Lenten strictness as was thought to be implied in the
African canon. This canon, as we shall see, was held to
permit the taking oi^prandium on Maundy Thursday, and
St Augustine in his explanation of the canon seems to
acknowledge that such was its force: but at the same time
he shows that it was quite possible to observe Lent ai-'d yet
communicate after food, by going to the oblation after the
usual meal at three o'clock in the afternoon. This sug-
gestion of St. Augustine is not condemned by the Quinisext
canon, for it does not involve a breach of Lent.

This then shows that in the mind of the fathers at
Constantinople in a.d. 692 there was not the same opinion

« 'irany bishop, or presbyter, or deacon, or reader, or singer fast not the
holy forty days [before] Easter, or on Wedne«lay or Friday. ""!«« ^^ ^
hindered by bodily infinnity. let him be deposed ; .f he be a layman, let h^m
be excommunicated.'-^/. Can. Ixix.; Bums, .. p. lo ; Bevendge, Codtx
Canonum Ap. 1678, p. 456.

•m'

Hit ion.

[PT. II.

)eing thus decided
he Blessed Sa:ra-
n fast ; and this is
i of the Apostles
ntators point out,
e Apostles and to
I of the Apostles
as binding ') with
eeping of Lent ; '
any breach of the
y Thursday. The
idges the binding
\frica, which seems
3me, to sanction a

)n of the Quinisext
.t at all forbid the
•sday. There is not
iuch departure from
be implied in the
.11 see, was held to
mdy Thursday, and
le canon seems to
lit at the same time
jserve Lent aisd yet
e oblation after the
:emoon. This sug-
\ed by the Quinisext
of Lent.

d of the fathers at
ot the same opinion

ader, or singer fast not the
y or Friday, unless he be
if he be a layman, let him
p. lo ; Beveridge, Codex

CH. I.]

History of the Canons.

as now exists among some, that to take any food whatever
between the stroke of midnight and the act of Communion
is in itself a dishonour to the Blessed Sacrament.

This also is seen probably in the canon of the same
council, which allows the Easter Eve fast to cease at mid-
night of Easter Morning. If the same canon had said that
the celebration was to be at midnight, and that this was to
be the breach of the fast ; or if it had said that men were
not to communicate upon Easter Day after they had broken
their fast at midnight, there could have been no question
on the subject. But the fathers say nothing of this: they
simply say that men may cease fasting at midnight. We
must remember that too much stress must not be laid upon
this argument, as we cannot with sufficient certainty (so far
as I know) decide the time of the celebration at Easter.
According to the Benedictine editors, we find St. Chrysos-
tom speaking of a celebration in the evening of Good
Friday, which is a warning to us not to speak too positively
about the customs of those times. The answer of Dionysius
of Alexandria is quite different, for he gives two distinct
hours for breaking the fast — midnight and three o'clock in
the morning ; and as there was but one celebration then, so
far as any evidence goes, there could have been no rigorist
rule of not eating after midnight before Communion.*

But as the fathers at Constantinople did not condemn
the communicating after a meal on Maundy Thursday, but
only the breach of the Lenten fast, it is evident that there
did not exist then the same rigorist view as is adopted at
present by some of our brethren in the English priest-
hood.

Either, then, we may say that the Quinisext canon is no
longer binding, whether because it was never received, or
because of its desuetude ; or we must allow that it does not
condemn Communion after food on Maundy Thursday.

' Bruns, Canones, i. p. 6i ; :t<ivra.yna Kca/imiw, tom. iv. p. I.

■I

1 ,1

I' !

i'l

'■•&

The Caiwns on Fasting Communion. [pt. II.

^v.cnon d.-The Canon of Constance.

A.D. 14' 5-

Mr Poyntz,' in his valuable pamphlet, cites a canon
of the Council of Constance as binding upon the con-
sciences of Englishmen now.

The subject was again brought up at the Cou-il of Cons^^^^^^^
in 1415, when it was enacted as follows:-' The F^^^wortt^y
authority of the sacred canons and the '^PP™-^ ^"^^^j'J^^
Church has held and still holds that a Sacrament of this kmd
ought not to be celebrated after supper, nor /;-- ^ ^^^^^^^^^
faifhfulw^o are not fasting, except m 7«. ^/'^^J^j^ ^ °^^^^^^^^
necessity or a right either granted or admitted by the t^hurcn.
ThTs the aJcst'decision on the subject, and the one that should
Ivem our practice ; for the English Church was represented a
'consTance, 'and, according to the admitted rule, this canon, not
having been repealed, is still in force.

On this passage 't must be remarked, that if the argu-
ments of this essay are true, there are two errors m the
last sentence: first, that the presence of representative
bishops at a council binds the Church represented ; and
secondly, that all unrepealed canons are in full vigour.

First Mr. Poyntz says that if a Church be represented
at a council, it is therefore bound by the conclusions of
that council. We have seen that this has not always held
The Church of Britain was not bound by the Council
of Aries in A.D. 3i5. though represented there by three
bishops who signed the canons. The West did not receive
Slfcanons of'the Quinisext Council in A. D. 692, though
represented there by legates from Rome, who also, as

. The Fast be/ore Communion discussed and shcrwn to ^'fif'^^^'^
PnuHpUso} CaJon Lav,. By the Rev. Newdigate PoynU, M.A. London.

""^'r/kf !'; Ltnce. the Synod of Aries in Fn.nce is said to have had three
Britisht i presenl at it. Ld yet we are sure the canons there made were
Lt received in Britain. '-Johnson's Vade-Mecum, vol. ... p. ex.

Hilton.

itance.

ilet, cites a canon
ng upon the con-

'ouncil of Constance,
—•The praiseworthy
oved custom of the
:rament of this kind
nor received by the

of infirmity or other
tted by the Church.'
d the one that should
:h was represented at

rule, this canon, not

d, that if the argu-
e two errors in the
: of representative
h represented ; and
e in full vigour."
urch be represented
y the conclusions of
has not always held,
and by the Council
;nted there by three
West did not receive
in A.D. 692, though
Rome, who also, as

shcnun to be dispensable oh
ite Poyntz, M.A. London,

ince is said to have had three
■ the canons there made were
, vol. ii. p. ex.

ClI. I.]

History of the Canons,

•»

the Greck.s assert, and as Anastasius, the librarian of the
Vatican,' acknowledges (writing about A. D. 870), signed
the canons there pasred. The disciplinary canons of
Trent were not universally received. Nor, indeed, is the
Church of England bound by the Synod of Dort, how-
ever much some Calvinists would wish to make it out.
It need not follow, therefore, that because the English
were represented at Constance, a)! the canons of discipline
then passed are now binding on the English Church.

Next, Mr. Poyntz says that it is 'an admitted rule'
that an unrepealed canon still binds. This rule is not
admitted, if by 'repealed' a distinct contrary enactment
of a council is meant. As has been seen, disuser with the
silent consent of the bisliop, even for forty years, is held
by the canonist Gibert to annul and make void a canon.

But now for the canon of the Council of Constance
itself: to understand this, we must enquire into its history,*
which is most instructive.

Complaint was made to the council that Jacohel
de Misa, parish priest of St. Michael, in Prague, had
established Communion under both kinds, and that his ex-
ample had been followed by other churches. The council
referred the matter to their theologians, who, after much
discussion, reported their decision under six conclusions,
which were as follows : —

1. The Lord instituted the Eucharist under two kinds.

2. It was a praiseworthy custom not to administer this
Sacrament after supper, except to invalids.

3. Though it was the custom of the primitive Church to

' He says they were surprised into doing so. Fleury, Histoirt Ecclisiastigtie,
Paris, 1703, torn. ix. p. I19; Abrigl Chronologique, Paris, 1768, torn. i. p. 502;
Van Espen, in 'Jits Canonicum, Lovanii, 1753, torn. iii. p. 359.

* The authorities here relied upon are as follows ; — Hardouin, Acta Con-
ciliorum, Paris, 1714, torn. viii. col. 381 ; Von der Hardt, Corpus Actorum
Magni Constantiensis Concilii, torn. iii. 626, iv. 334 ; Lenfant, Histoire du
ConcUe de Constance, Amsterdam, 1727, tom. i. ; Fleury, Histoire EccUsiaS'
tique, tom. xxi. p. 321, Paris, '726.

G 2

i !■

■It:

The Canons on Fasting Commumon. [PT. II.

communicate under the two kinds, yet, to avoid all risk,
it vas lawful to introduce the custom of communicating
the laity under the species of bread only.

4. This cuslom, observed for so long a time, ought to
pass for a law, which none ought to disapprove or change
without the authority of the Church.

5. He who says that it is unlawful tn observe this

custom is ii\ error.

6. Those who wilfully maintain the contrary ought
to be reckoned as heretics, and us such repressed and

piHiislicd,

The council then formulated these conclusions into
a canon, part of which is quoted by Mr. Poyntz.

Now there is no trace whatever that any complaint or
representation was made to the council '.lafc the Eucharist
was celebrated after supper.' Jaeobel, in his answer,
asserts this. It is quite true that Lenfant finds in a MS.
that there were floatir-; < umours, totally devoid of foun-
dation, tl.dt the Wickli/fites and Hussites were in the
habit of such profanation : but he says that there is no
trace in the records of the council, nor in the history of
the times, that such a thing was practised or reported to
the council, Nor, indeed, is it alluded to in the short
heading of the canon The headings of the request for
the decree, the decree, and the sanction of the canon,' run
as follows : —

Condemnation of the Communion of the laity under both
kinds of bread and wine is asked for.

Condemnation of Communion under two kinds lately revived
among the Bohemians by Jacobel de Misa.

That no presbyter, under pain of excommunication, communi-
cate the people under both kinds of brea.^ and wine.

It is quite clear from this, that the question of cele-
bration after supper is introduced only by way of argu-

' Lenfant, torn. i. p. 370-
' Von der Hardt, /(V. oV.

mumon. {n. II.

t, to avoid all risk,
I of communicating

ng a time, ought to
isapprove or change

ful tn observe this

the contrary ought
such repressed and

ese conclusions into
r. Poyntz.

lat any complaint or
:il that the Eucharist
obci, in his answer,
enfant finds in a MS.
ally devoid of foun-
lussites were in the
ays that there is no
nor in the history of
.ctised or reported to
ided to in the short
gs of the request for
on of the canon,* run

3f the laity under both
two kinds lately revived

ommunication, communi-
1^ and wine.

the question of cele-
only by way of argu-

370-
. cil.

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-m

CH, 1.]

History of the Canons.

ment ; just as afterwards Bossuet, defending Communion
under one kind, argues that, as some other attendant cere-
monies, such as posture of communicants, and their num-
ber, &c., had been changed, so might the giving of the
cup be also changed. The theologians of the council
were clearly anxious to adduce some parallel to the in-
terference with the ■ 'te as it had been instituted. True^
they say, it was instituted in two kinds, but it was also
instituted after supper. The Church has altered the latter,
with general consent, therefore it has power to alter the
former. That this was the reason of the introducing the
question of communicating after supper may also be seen
from one of the treatises published by command of the
council. Maurice of Prague wrote (A.D. 1417) in answer to
Jacobel ; and, amongst other arguments, he cited certain
points wherein the Church had altered the institution of our
blessed Lord, and the four points he insists on are these.
The Church has broken the Lord's institution or com-
mand, — • *

1. By communicating fasting.

2. By using leavened bread.

3. By enforcing celibacy on priests.

4. By allowing laity, and even women, to baptize.

It is clear, then, that the matter in hand was the denial
of the Cup to the laity, and that the question of Fasting
Communion was only introduced as an argument in favour
of the power of the Church to alter the institution of our
Lord. Indeed, Lenfant writes that it is not at all clear
whether the council meant to condemn communicating
after supper, or after any food at all : it did not care
to make it clear, for it was only used as an argument to
bolster up the monstrous decision to withhold the cup.

Now the Church of England (thank God!) has de-
liberately put aside the enactment of the Council of Con-
stance, refusing the cup to the laity, which is the special
enactment of the canon. This has been done by intro-

IIUM

86 The Canons on Fasting Communion. [PT. II.

ducing the contrary practice, by inserting rubrics directing
the giving of the cup, and by asserting in a public docu-
ment that ' the cup of the Lord is not to be denied to
the lay people.' It might well be said that, as the main
enactment of the canoa has been repealed by the Church
of England, the arguments which were employed to sup-
port the enactment will fall with it ; just as when a judg-
ment is reversed, all obiter dicta uttered in giving judg-
ment lose whatever value they ever had,- -and that, say all
lawyers, is nothing at all.

But, whatever may be said on that score, the words of
the canon of Constance may be used in England against
the binding force of the rule of Fasting Communion. For
it must be evident that the language of the canon is very
carefully worded ; and worded according to the rules laid
down by canonists in order that a custom may have force
of law. The argument of the canon will therefore hold
for any contrary custom which has obtained ; for the whole
canon or decree of the council runs thus : —

Although Christ instituted this venerable Sacrament after

supper, and administered to his disciples under both kinds of

bread and wine ; yet this notwithstanding, the excellent authority

of the ancient canons, and the approved custom of the Church,

have held, and hold, that this Sacrament ought not to be cele-

b/ated after supper, nor be received by the faithful who are not

fasting, except in case of infirmity or otherwise of necessity of

right yielded or acknowledged by the Church. And just as this

custom was reasonably introduced for the avoiding certain dangers

and scandals, so by a like or greater reason it could be introduced

and reasonably observed, that, although in the primitive Church

this Sacrament was received by the faithful under two kinds, yet

since then it should be received by the celebrants under both

kinds, and by the laity under the species of bread only : since it

is most firmly to be believed, and in no wise to be doubted, that

the whole Body and Blood of Christ are truly contained as well

under the species of Bread as under the species of Wine. Whence,

since this custom has been reasonably introduced by the Church

and holy fathers, and has been observed for a very long time, it is

mr-

numoH.

[PT. II.

ig rubrics directing
; in a public docu-
)t to be denied to
d that, as the main
lied by the Church
; employed to sup-
ist as when a judg-
ed in giving judg-
I,- -and that, say all

: score, the words of
n England against
; Communion. For
f the canon is very
ng to the rules laid
om may have force
will therefore hold
lined ; for the whole
s : —

rable Sacrament after
5 under both kinds of
the excellent authority
;ustom of the Church,
ought not to be cele-
e faithful who are not
erwise of necessity of
rch. And just as this
voiding certain dangers
it could be introduced
the primitive Church
I under two kinds, yet
celebrants under both
)f bread only : since it
se to be doubted, that
truly contained as well
jciesofWine. Whence,
oduced by the Church
ir a very long time, it is

CM. I.]

History of tlu Canons.

to be regarded as a law which none may disapprove or alter at
his own will, without the authority of the Church. Wherefore it
ought to be thought erroneous to say that it is sacrilegious or un-
lawful to observe this custom or law ; and those that obstinately
{perlinaciter\ assert the opposite of the foregoing are to be re-
strained as heretics, and severely punished by their diocesans.

Here the denial of the Cup to the laity is said to be
a custom against the institution of the Lord, reasonably
introduced, and observed ' aiutissim^,' for a very long
time ; this custom is therefore to be regarded as a law,
the obstinate impugning of which is to be held and pun-
ished as heresy. Let us change the wording slightly and
say, the practice of receiving the Blessed Sacrament after
a slight meal, to support health in a cold climate, is a cus-
tom not against the institution of the Lord, reasonably
introduced into England to prevent neglect of Communion,
observed ' diittissim^,' for as long a time at least as the
denial of the Cup to the laity had been at the time of
the Council of Constance ; it is, therefore, of equal force
with a law, the obstinate impugning of which is to be held
as a heresy !

For we must remember that if the Church of England
has power to introduce a custom of granting the Cup to
the laity, contrary to the enactment of Constance, and
contrary to the practice and custom of the West, there will
also be a power to allow other customs, if they be not
'contra bonos mores,' or against the express rule of
Holy Scripture. However, therefore, we must sympathize
with the matter and manner of Mr. Poyntz in his pam-
phlet, it must be said that it is unfair and misleadisg to
tell us that a fragment of the argument of a canon is ' still
in force,' as binding on the conscience, when the enactment
of the canon itself has been flung to the winds. If the
custom of breaking the fast by such a light meal as is not
unusual in England before Communion is unlawful, so as
to be a ' mortal sin,' as some say now-a-days, and if this*

' 1

ill

i-l

^ciiji*.*

88 The Canons on Fasting Communion. [PT. II.

depe'nds on this Canon of Constance now, then there can
be no question that to give the Cup to the laity is a heresy.
For the Church of England has not refused to communi-
cate the faithful after breakfast, and if this disuser of our
Church for three centuries have not voided the contrary
custom of its binding force, there is no power to repeal the
Canon of Constance, and we are still guilty of heresy in
giving the Cup to the laity ! If, however, there is power
to grant the Cup to the laity, the Pope notwithstanding,
then the power to authorize a local custom will be present
also. It must be still remembered that the sole argument
now is, that Fasting Communion is not so binding on the
conscience that to deviate from the practice is a mortal sin,
or a breach of canon law.

Those, then, that insist upon Fasting Communion as
a means of breaking down one bar to union in the West,
must be more eager to deny the Cup to the laity, the
giving of which is condemned as a heresy. Indeed, some
years ago a parish priest was speaking of the custom then
springing up of not giving the Cup into the hands of the
communicants, and told the writer of this essay that
it was a good plan, as preparatory to, or as next to, the
refusing the Cup. In many quarters it is said that some
are not (as a matter of fact) communicated in the Cup,
and the writer has seen one person leave the altar before
attempting to receive the Cup. It is well, therefore, to see
beforehand whither we are drifting.

Ever since the Lord Jesus condescended to have a his-
tory to be measured and tested by human criticism, his-
tory has been consecrated to our use. History tells us
that the Church Catholic is made up of particular local
Churches whose customs have varied without breach of
unity. History and the canons of the Church show that
particular Churches may hive their own litui^ies, and in-
troduce alterations in tliem ; may have customs differ-
ing at different times, without there being any necessary

mmuHiou.

[PT. II.

now, then there can

> the laity is a heresy,
refused to communi-
if this disuser of our
t voided the contrary
o power to repeal the
11 guilty of heresy in
wever, there is power
ope notwithstanding,
ustom will be present
lat the sole argument
not so binding on the
■actice is a mortal sin,

.sting Communion as
o union in the West,
"up to the laity, the
leresy. Indeed, some
ig of the custom then
into the hands of the
: of this essay that
to, or as next to, the

> it is said that some
lunicated in the Cup,
leave the altar before

well, therefore, to see

scended to have a his-

human criticism, his-

ase. History tells us

up of particular local

ed without breach of

:he Church show that

own litui^ies, and in-

have customs diflfer-

; being any necessary

( I

en. I.] History of the Canons. 89

danger to inter-communion. History tells us that canons
of discipline, and customs unsanctioned by or unenforced
by canons, have been constantly allowed to fall into disuse
by particular Churches without endangering unity. If,
therefore, we believe that the Church of England is in-
deed a living part of the True Vine, we need not fear to
accept her relaxation of an ancient custom, when the
reason of that custom has been removed by entire change
of manners.

For if we hope that giving way on some minor points
will bring us nearer to communion with the main body of
the Western Church, it is to be feared that history will
tell us that the arrogance of Rome has been gradually
on the increase, and that nothing will serve our purpose but
unconditional submission. To threats of excommunica-
tion, however, history will give us the vigorous remon-
strance of the French bishops : ' Excommunicaturus ve-
nies .' excommunicatus abibis.'

Section 7. — The supposed Canon of Nieaa.

The authority of the first Council of Nicaea was para-
mount and transcendent' Its prestige was of course very
great. It was the first general council of the Church ; it
was attended by representative bishops from all parts of the
world ; some were bishops who had borne the brunt of
persecution - some who had been tortured even with the loss
of some member; and the Emperor Constantine himself
was there. It had all the prestige that confessorship and
constancy could give it in the eyes of devout Christians,
and that the presence of the Court could give it in the eyes
of the worldly. The result was that its authority was unques-
tioned. No one who wished to be reckoned as a member
of the Catholic Church refused to receive its determinations

> For a concise view of this see Pusey, Councils of the Church, 1857, p.
109.

■mm.u,^,im&mmmt>- 'm m m Mi,..

OQ The Canons on Fasting Communion. [PT. II.

with the utmost respect.' Some professed such regard for
them that thi;y spoke of them in language which falls little
short of that used of the inspired Scriptures. Men regarded
them as next in authority to the Gospels ; » and our own
homilies speak of them as 'allowed and received of all men.' »
Such being the case, it is no wonder that in any con-
troversies one side or other cited the authority of the
Council of Nicxa in their favour. Nor is it to be wondered
at that many canons and rules are attributed to the council
which are not to be found in the approved lists. At one
time the Pope claimed to hear appeals from all Metro-
politans by authority of this council.* At another Gratian *
incorporated into his Decretum canons as of Nicaea which are
unknown to history. A Jesuit discovered that by accident
the world had forgotten some twenty-four canons of this
council,^ which extolled the honour and glory of the Pope
of Rome above other bishops, and he was good enough to
publish them. While another learned man "> found out that
everyone had been wrong for some thirteen hundred years,
and that the true canons were eighty-four in number, as he
had found out from an Arabic Manuscript.

It is, therefore, to be expected that some would assert*

> The African bishops said in A.D. 419, 'Quod statutum est in Nicaeno
concilio violari a quoquam nuUatenus potest.'— Brans, Cattones, i. p. 159.

J • Sicut .Sancti Evangelii quatuor libros sic quatuor conciha accipere et
venerari me fateor.'-St. Gregory, Ep. xxv. (al. 24); Opera, Parisiis, 1705,

torn. ii. col. 515 B. ., ,Tj 1 »

• Second part of the Sermon agamst peril of Idolatry.

« See Brans, Canones, i. p. 157- A list of supposed lost canons, and
among them one on Fasting Communion, is given in Summa Conahoruni,
Auctore R. P. F. Longo a Coriolano, Parisiis, 1639, p. 68.

» Graiiani Canones Getmini ab Apocryphis discreti, Opera C. S. Berardi ;

Matriti, 1783, tom. i. p. 69. , , . ^

• A summary of these canons will be found m Carranza, i>umma amntum
ConcUiorum et Pontificum, Parisiis, 1668, p. 849.

» These are discussed by Berardi, tom. i. p. 7° sq-. »•»<! ^ summary of
them is given by Carranza, p. 852. . . . ^ , ,n,

This has been done; e.g. Giustiniani says, m his Commentary upon I Cor,
xi 20 • Quin etiam Patres Concilii Carthaginensis affirmant, hanc consue-
tudinem percipiendi Eucharistiam ante omnem cibum fuisse in Concilio Nicseno
fiTmsHnm7-£xplatta(iones in omnes B. Pauli Epistolas, Lugduni, l6i2, tom.

IMUUtOU.

[PT. II.

ssed such regard for
age which falls little
ures. Men regarded
)els ; ' and our own
received of all men.' '
ler that in any con-
le authority of the
• is it to be wondered
ibuted to the council
•oved lists. At one
als from all Metro-
At another Gratian *
IS of Nicaea which are
:red that by accident
'-four canons of this
id glory of the Pope
was good enough to
man ^ found out that
irteen hundred years,
Four in number, as he
:ript.
t some would assert *

lod statutum est in Nicaeno
uns, Canones, i. p. 159.
quatuor concilia accipere et
24); Opera, Parisiis, 1705,

iolatry.

' supposed lost canons, and

ven in Summa Conciliorum,

)39, p. 68.

creti. Opera C. S. Berardi ;

n Carranza, Summa omnium

. 70 sq., and a summary of

I his Commentary upon I Cor,
insis affirmant, hanc consue-
)um fuisse in Concilio Nicaeno
pistolas, Lugduni, l6l2, torn.

CH. I.]

History of the Canons.

that Fasting Communion was insisted on at the first general
Council of Nicjea.

But the anxiety which led some in ancient days to at-
tempt to support their claims with the authority of this
gr&at council, was also of avail in quickening the critical
faculty of their opponents ; so that in early times the
number and authenticity of the canons were severely
scrutinized. Thus when the Bishop of Rome claimed to
hear appeals from Africa under shelter of the Council of
Nicaea, the African bishops, not finding the canon cited in
their copy of the canons, sent for authenticated copies from
the Eastern Patriarchs.

This was done in the so-called sixth Council of Car-
thage held A.D. 419.' Before this council were read the
twenty canons from the text brought back to the African
Church by Csecilianus, Bishop of Carthage, who himself
had been present at the council and had subscribed its
decrees. This authentic copy had been preserved in the
archives of the Church of Carthage, and had always been
regarded as accurate by the Africans. But the canons
alleged by the legates of Zosimus, Bishop of Rome, were
not to be found among them : and when the legates pro-
tested that the African copy was defective and that the
text of the Patriarch of Rome was more likely to be cor-
rect, the African bishops, at the suggestion of St. Augustine,
agreed to accept the Roman text while they sent to

i. p. 561. Gavantialso says in his Commentary on the Rubrics (pars iti. tit.
ix. Venetiis, 1769, torn. i. p. 210), 'Ubi [i.e. Co. Car'^ oj III. 48] asseritur in
concilio Nicaeno fuisse hanc eandem consuetudinem sc -ioi.di Eucharistiam ante
omnem cibum, confirmatam : non aiunt institutam qui^' :n(ijiat ab Apostolis.'
Sala too, in his notes upon Bona (Opera, 1749, torn. ii. p. iii, note I), commits
himself to the same statement, which the Cardinal was too learned to admit
into his text.

' This has been given in every Church history at some length. The whole
is aiscussed by Van Espen in his Dissertation on the African Synods, § 10,
Opera, Lovanii, 1753, torn. iii. p. 272. See also Berardi, tom. i. p. 71. Mr.
Allies showed the bearing of the whole question upon the position of the
English Church in his Church of England cleared from Schism, ed. ii. 1848,
p. 130 sq.

,;*»*<"

93 The Canons on Fasting Cpmmnnion. [PT. II.

Constantinople, Alexandria, and Antioch for certified
copies.' Properly authenticated copies were sent from Con-
stantinople by Atticus the natriarch, and from Alexandria
by the patriarch Cyril. These copies agreed in number and
substance with the original copy lodged at Carthage by
the Metropolitan of Africa on his return from the council.

From this we learn that the canons were twenty in
number, and that none but these twenty were regarded as
genuine at the commencement of the fifth century, ninety
years after the council was held." We can scarcely suppose
that a Christian bishop would knowingly and wittingly'
have falsified the Code of Nicfea, but probably his assertion
arose from ignorance. The code of canons as he had it
was probably so written that the canons of Sardica followed
close on these of Nicaea under the same heading ; and the
carelessness of the scribe was not corrected by the learning
of the Bishop of Rome, who therefore protested that his
book was right and that the canon of Sardica was a verit-
able canon of Nicaea.

By this and many other suchlike historical proofs it may
be shown that historians are right in ascribing no more
than twenty canons to the Council of Nicaea, and that
other canons claiming this prerogative have no right to the

• ' Alypius, the friend of St. Augustine, proposed to send to the Eastern
patriarchs, saying that the original documents of Nicwa were said to be at
Constantinople. St. Augustine, with becoming resjiect for the Roman
patriarch, suggested that they should take his word till they learnt whether
there was ground for his statement or not. The Council asked the Eastern
patriarchs for * Exemplaria verissima Concilii Nicseni sub adstipulatione lite-
rarum suarum.' — Bruns, Canones, i. p. 160.

' The same is seen from the numbering the first canon of Ancyra 21 in the
Code of Canons acknowledged in the Council of Chalcedon. See above, p. 38.

• Archbishop De Marca asserts that it was vain to think the excuse given
in the text will hold, and says, * Perhaps we shall approach nearer the truth
if we say that Zosimus was somehow compelled to quote the Sardican canons
under the name of the Nicene Council, since Innocent I. had openly said that
the Church used no other canons than those of Nicsea in judging ecclesiastical
causes ; as well as that no Sardican Synod was known to the Africans beside
that which was held by the Arians, as Augustine witnesses in his 163rd letter.'
—De CoHcordantiA, lib. vii. cap. xvi. § I ; Opera, Bambergse, 1788, torn. iii. p.

353-

vtuitton.

[PT. II

:ioch for certified
vere sent from Con-
d from Alexandria
reed in number and
id at Carthage by
I from the council.
»ns were twenty in
:y were regarded as
ifth century, ninety
an scarcely suppose
igly and wittingly'
obably his assertion
anons as he had it
of Sardica followed
e heading ; and the
:ted by the learning
: protested that his
Sardica was a verit-

itorical proofs it may

ascribing no more

>f Nicaea, and that

have no right to the

m1 to send to the Eastern
'^icKa were said to be at
resjiect for the Roman
rd till they learnt whether
Council asked the Eastern
eni sub adstipulatione lite-
canon of Ancyra 21 in the
alcedon. See above, p. 38.
1 to think the excuse given
approach nearer the truth
quote the Sardican canons
:ent I. had openly said that
sea in judging ecclesiastical
own to the Africans beside
itnesses in his 163rd letter.'
Bambergae, 1788, torn. iii. p.

CII. I.]

History of the Canons.

title. The canons gathered by the Jesuit Alphonsus Pisanus
arc selections from the letters of Pope Julius invented by
the pseudo-Isidore. The Arabic canons are interesting and
contain much no doubt that is very ancient, and much
that is agreeable to the discipline of the early Church, but
they have no right to any authority as canons of the first
general council.'

But if they might be all reckoned in this category, and
if, in addition to these hundred and odd canons, all the
spurious canons in Gratian be reckoned as genuine, still
there would be no word of Fasting Communion from
beginning to end. This is the more remarkable since the
man who took upon him to write some letters, that Pope
Soter ought to have written but did not, inserts in them a
rule of fasting before celebration.

There is indeed so much known about the council that
it is hard to believe that any considerable rule or practice
which was then acknowledged or discussed has been since
lost to history. Historians have preserved anecdotes of it ;
synodal letters to several sees remain ; the twenty acknow-
ledged canons have been published in every code of canons
in Greek or Latin ; they have been discussed by fathers,
analyzed by canonists, scrutinized by controversialists,
sifted by critics ; and it is impossible to suppose that so im-
portant a rule as that of Fasting Communion could have
escaped notice in all this scrutiny.

What, then, is the authority for the assertion that Fasting
Communion was insisted on at the Council of Nicaea } An
obscure utterance of two bishops at an uncertain council
of Africa. I call it an obscure utterance, for as it stands
the grammar is rather puzzling and the meaning uncertain.
Indeed John Johnson boldly says,' ' I have omitted what is
here mentioned concerning the Council of Nice, because I

' On the number of the genuine canons of Nicaea see Van Espen, Disscr-
tatio in primam Sytwdum Nicaam, § 12 ; Opera, Lovanii, 1753, torn. iii. p. 78.
' Clergyman's Vade-Mecum, ed. 3rd, 1723, torn. ii. p. 187.

94 The Canons on Fasting Comninnion. [PT. II.

don't find that anyone has been able to penetrate into the
meaning of the fathers as to that particular.' The Greek
interpreter has altered the text to make it better sense, but
probably he has wholly mistaken the meaning. I say that
the utterance was at an uncertain council of Africa, for
Van Espen' justly calls the canons of the so-called Third
Council of Carthage (at which it first appears) a very
farrago of matter gathered from several Councils of Africa,
tinkered and corrupted by that monster of forgery the
pseudo-Isidore.

It may be that the passage has somewhat suffered in its
transmission from antiquity, but for the present we must
take it as we find it and see what is the real meaning so far
as it appears. It is a kind of extract from the acts of a
council and has been appended to a canon, whereas indeed
it should be introductory to another. It runs as follows : " —

Quibus insertis, Honoratus
et Urbanus, Episcopi legati pro-
vinciae Mauritanise Sitiphensis,
dixemnt : — ' Jam dudum cum
apud Sanctitotem vestram alle-
garemus scripta dilati sumus eS,
contemplatione quodfratresnos-
tri advenire possent de Numidii
legati : sed quia non pauci dies
sunt quibus expectati minimfe
venerunt, ultA praetermitiere
quae nobis mandata sunt a
nostris co-episcopis non opor-
tet; atque ideo, fratres, sug-
gestionem nostram libenter ad-
mittite. De fide enim Nicaeni
tractatus audivimus, verlim et
de sacrificiis inhibendis post
prandium ut a jejunis sicut dig-

When these had been in-
serted, Honoratus and Urbanus,
bishops legate of the province
of Mauritania Sitiphensis, said :
'A while ago, when we pro-
duced letters before your Holi-
ness, we were put ofT in the
hope that our brethren the
legates from Numidia might
arrive : but since the days are
not few that they have been
expected but have not come,
we must not further postpone
the matters intrusted to us by
our fellow-bishops : and there-
fore, brethren, do you willingly
admit our proposal. For we
have heard about the faith of
the Nicene Council, and also

' Dissertatio in Synodos Africanas, § 6 ; Opera, torn. iii. p. 266.
» Bruns, Canones, i. p. 133 ; Justelli Bibliotkeca JurU CanonUi Vetetis,
iMtetise, 1661, torn. i. p. 35a ' ?

mtimon.

[PT. II

> penetrate into the
cular." The Greek
it better sense, but
leaning. I say that
uncil of Africa, for
the so-called Third
It appears) a very
, Councils of Africa,
ster of forgery the

swhat suffered in its
he present we must

real meaning so far
; from the acts of a
non, whereas indeed

runs as follows : ' —

I these had been in-
onoratus and Urbanus,
egate of the province
tania Sitiphensis, said :
e ago, when we pro-
tters before your Holi-
; were put off in the
at our brethren the
from Numidia might
»ut since the days are
that they have been
[ but have not come,
t not further postpone
:ers intrusted to us by
iw-bishops : and there-
ithren, do you willingly
>ur proposal. For we
!ard about the faith of
ene Council, and also

, torn. iii. p. 266.

eca yurii CanonUi VetetiSf

CII. I.]

History of the Canons.

num est offerantur, et tunc et
nunc confirmatum est.

about prohibiting the sacrifices
after prandium, that, as is right,
they should be offered by fast-
ing men, it has been confirmed
both then and now '

The whole question here is to what does the adverb of
time tunc refer in this passage ? The Greek Canonists • Balsa-
mon and Zonaras say that it refers to the Council of Nicaea,
adding that they can find no other reference to such a rule
having been entertained at the Great Council. But we
must remember that however commanding is the authority
of these two commentators when dealing with Greek canons
and Greek customs, it does not follow that they must be
right when treating of Latin canons. In this particular
instance they have been in a great measure misled by the
inaccuracy of the translator of the canons, who cut the
knot by putting his own sense on the passage. The Greek
text as given by Justell,' Beveridge,' Hardouin,* and Rhalle'
runs as follows : —

■Ktpi r^c jr/(TT£<i»c yap rov iv
Nu'aiy rpdicrcirov fiKovtrafttV

For we have heard of the
faith of the tractate in Nicaea :

• The Commentary of Balsamon is as follows : • They said that the holy
things must not be offered by priests after they had tasted fojd, but fasting,
because they say this was also confirmed by the fathers at Nicsea in the
tractate of the faith, that is, in the definition of the faith (for tractatus in Latin
means testing), but in the canons of (lie first Synod in Nicaea nothing whatever
has been found about such a proposal.' Zonaras gives his opinion thus:
• They suggested, therefore, that the holy things ought not to be offered after
the ariston, that is, that the approach should not be made by priests who had
eaten, but fasting. They say also, we have heard in (he tractate of the
Niccne Synod about the faith that it was then also confirmed. Now the word
tractatus is Roman, and in Greek means issue, determination. But in the
canons of the first Synod of Nicsea nothing whatever has been found about
such a proposal.' It is strange that they thought it might be found in the
Nicene Creed; perhaps it was that they could find it nowhere else.

• Justelli Bibliotkeca Juris, tom. i. p. 351.

• Pandectce Canonum, tom. i. p. 573.

« Conciliorum Collectio regia maxima studio P. Joannis Harduini, Parisiis,
1715, tom. i. col. 885.

' HvreeYfMrui' BtiavKcii Upav Kcwivuv k.t.A. inh T.A. 'PdWi) koI M. Tlir\ri,
'ABtivyeii/, 1852, r6nos r. <rt\. 416.

<!■.■

The Canons on Fasting Communion.

hXtf^iv iiTTtt' Tftin Twi' yivofiivtov
fitTft TO iifnuroi' f'lyiutr, n'li I'lvu
I'tinTtkuii', to»t' iariv <'l£i«i', Ttpna-

(jtipUH'TUI, (CO« TOTC £/j£/3alwftlJ.

it is true about the holy things
happening after the ariston that
they should be offered (as is
right) by fasting men, and it was
then confirmed.

The translator, then, was clearly puzzled. First he was
wise enough to leave the Latin word tractattis un-
translated. He does not seem to have been familiar with
the use of the word to mean a council of bishops." Else-
where in this same code he translates it av^rirr^ois? where
probably it means a council : here however he is not quite
certain about the meaning and therefore he transfers the
word bodily into his Greek text. Balsamon and Zonaras
explain it as meaning' scope, drift, purpose, determination,
or testing.

Next the translator *■ reads ' verum est ' in place of
' varum et ' ; which connects the second part of the passage
with the first, as if the bishops had been desirous of finding
out whether or no it was true that the Council of Nicaea had
prohibited postprandial celebration ; but there is no hint
elsewhere of any such thing. Then he seems to have read
' de sacrificiis habendis ' instead of inhibendis ; while he
omits the * et nunc ' altogether. The reason of this omission
is evident, for with the interpretation he puts on the passage
the words would make nonsense : he could not say ' We
have heard that it is true that this was confirmed at the
Council of Nicaea and now,' therefore he omits the words
to suit his interpretation.

With this text before them the two Greek commentators

' Du Cange gives a string of authorities for this meaning. Vigilius of
"fapsus, the African, uses Tractatus plenus in the same sense as Concilium
plenum.

" Justelli Bibliotheca, tom. i. p. 333 and 347, where it is 'ad diem prae-
stitutam nostri tractatus,' the day fixed for our council. ,

* OKinttti, fioiKtviia, SoKiiicurla.

* This is the text according to Dionysius Exigims, but it is not accepted
as the real reading. {]vis.te\\i BiWoiAeca, i. 151.) Hardouin (I.e.) says upon
verum et, ' ffoc est verum etiam.'

timumofi.

about the holy things
ig after the ariston that
luld be offered (as is
fasting men, and it was
ifirmed.

izzled. First he was
word tractatiis un-
e been familiar with
1 of bishops.' Else-
s it av%r)rr)ois^ where
vever he is not quite
fore he transfers the
Isamon and Zonaras
rpose, determination,

m est' in place of

1 part of the passage
;n desirous of finding
Council of Nicaea had
but there is no hint

2 seems to have read
nhibendis ; while he
eason of this omission
le puts on the passage
\ could not say ' We
/as confirmed at the

he omits the words

Greek commentators

this meaning. Vigilius of
e same sense as Concilium

where it is 'ad diem prae-
ncil. . -

^tus, but it is not accepted
Hardouin (I.e.) says upon

CH. I.]

History of the Canons.

could do no more than understand the bishops to be speak-
ing of the Councilof Nicaea, and they could only say that
nowhere else was any such reference to be discovered.

But though the Latin be not clear and the Greek trans-
lation be inaccurate, yet a little care and thought will
probably shed much light on the passage and make it
clear.

In order to this we must take it in the connection in
which it is recorded in the Codex Ecclesice Africaner, and not
in the so-called Third Council of Carthage. There is good
reason for so doing. It has been already said that the
collection which passes under the name of the Third Coun-
cil of Carthage bears evidence of being a confused farrago
of canons, selected from various councils and dressed up as
belonging to one ; and this particular passage is manifestly
very much out of place. For the bishops ask the council
to listen to their proposal, and there is no proposal made by
them, but the council closes abruptly without listening to
them.' This is hardly likely. Then again, in the canons
of the Third Council of Carthage they have already ap-
peared several times with proposals which have been con-
sidered and discussed, but they have never been described
until now when they are called legates of Mauritania, and
their appeal to be heard is met with contemptuous silence,
and the council comes to an end. It reads like the counting
out of a tiresome member of the House of Commons. But
in the Codex Ecclesia Africans all this is remedied, and
becoming attention is paid to the two legates. The passage
introduces the two bishops as speaking for the first time,
therefore their description is given, and when they arc
mentioned afterwards their title is omitted. This is reason-
able enough. Then in the address to these bishops they
ask the council to attend to their ' suggestionem,' and the
next canon in the Codex commences, ' Illud autem
svggerimusi which is evidently taking up the suggestio

• See Bruns, Canones, i. p. 133. ' ', '

\ I

i ;i

The Canons on Fasting- Communion. [rx, ii.

k I

I*
It

they desire to make ; and the subsequent three or four
canons arc due to the proposals of Honoratus and Urbanus.
This sequence is so intelligible, that if we would try to
understand the meaning of the passage by its context, we
must look for that context in the Codex rather than in the
confused collection that goes under the name of the Third
Council of Carthage.

In the CodeXy then, we find that in A.D. 419 the canons
of various Synods which had been held under the presidency
of Aurelius, Bishop of Carthage, were read, discussed, and
in most cases re-enacted. Amongst others the canons of
Hippo Regius were read over. Canon xxxiv. of the
Codex informs us that, at the instance of Bishop Epigonius,
it was agreed that no alteration should be made in the
Canons of Hippo, except in the matter of making known
the time of Easter. Thereupon follow some twelve or
thirteen canons taken from the Council of Hippo, and then
there occurs a pause, marked by the passage in question,
Qttibiis insertis. It is as if the clerk of the council had
written, ' At this juncture, when these canons had been
entered in the Acts of the Council, the two bishops,
Honoratus and Urbanus, rose and addressed the president.'
Now, if we turn back to the acts of the council inserted
between Canons xxxiii. and xxxiv., we shall see that
-the president, Aurelius, had said something about these
bishops. He said that a letter had been previously read
before the council by Honoratus and Urbanus ; but that
he had also received a letter from Crescentianus, Primate of
Numidia, saying that he was either coming himself or that
he would send, as usual, some legates to the council. These,
however, had not arrived ; and as Honoratus and Urbanus
had come a long way ai\d said that they really could not
stop any longer, he thought it well to proceed to business,
which had best be done by reading (as had been desired)
the Breviarium of the Council of Hippo, which was then
proceeded with at once. 1,.;^ uf'

:i--l

ommtimon.

[rx, II.

CH. I.]

History of the Cations.

equent three or four
moratusand Urbanus.
t if we would try to
ige by its context, we
dcx rather than in the
he name of the Third

n A.D. 419 the canons
d under the presidency
re read, discussed, and
others the canons of
Canon xxxiv. of the
: of Bishop Epigonius,
lould be made in the
tter of making known
ollow some twelve or
icil of Hippo, and then
e passage in question,
rk of the council had
lese canons had been
cil, the two bishops,
idressed the president.'
of the council inserted
v., we shall see that
lomething about these
d been previously read
nd Urbanus ; but that
escentianus, Primate of
coming himself or that
■5 to the council. These,
lonoratus and Urbanus
t they really could not
to proceed to business,
J (as had been desired)
tlippo, which was then

At the end of this ' Breviarium,' Honoratusand Urbanus
rise with the letter of questions to be submitted to the
council, which had already been read before his Holiness
the president. But they preface the suggestions they have
to make by saying that two of the matters they had in
charge had already been dealt with— viz. ' De fide Nicxni
tractatus,' and ' De sacrificiis inhibendis post prandium : ' '
therefore they will at once go on to their next proposal.
Of the second they say that post-prandial celebrations had
been prohibited 'et tunc et nunc'

Now, taking for granted that we have the eScact words
of the bishops— and Africans were rather abrupt in their
Latin at times— to what can these adverbs of time possibly
refer > Of the nunc there can be no question ; the Canon
of Hippo inhibiting celebrating. ' post prandium ' had just
been read and re-enacted by the vote of the council. But
to what does the tunc refer i There can be no serious
question about this when the context is examined. The
whole attention of the council had been directed to the
Council of Hippo. The president Aurelius had drawn at-
tention to the summary of canons of this council appended
to the letter of the Primate Mizonius, and desired it to be
read. The bishop Epigonius had specially moved and
carried that this Breviarium or summary should be ac-
cepted and incorporated with the canons of their present
council. The summary commenced with the recitation of
the Nicene Creed, and it contained the prohibition of cele-
brations post prandium. When Honoratus and Urbanus
spoke, the one thing most prominently before the council
was the reading of this Breviarium. They say that in it
two of their instructions had been met — the one about the
Nicene Creed, and the other about Fasting Communion,
• et tunc et nunc confirmatum.' What can this refer to but

' If this had already been an universal custom, what occasion would there
have been for the Mauritanian bishops to have asked to have the question
decided by this Council ?

1 ' ' 'I

]'■' .'•

if^wtlkM tf^riMMM^'

lOO The Canons on Fasting Communion. [PT. II.

the Council of Hippo held some twenty-five years before?
I am bold to say that it is absolutely impossible that it can
refer to anything else. With this meaning all becomes
clear, the sense is good, the difficulty which fairly overcame
John Johnson vanishes, and the bubble about a lost canon
of Nica:a bursts and all is simple and straightforward,*

There is, then, not the slightest ground for supposing
even for a moment that the- first general Council of Nica:a
ever passed such a canon as some have supposed in favour
of fasting celebration or Communion.

Nay vve may say more. Fleury* tells us that the
anxiety of the fathers of the council was very great to pre-
serve every ancient tradition or custom. If therefore they
did not— and it is manifest that they did not- speak of
Fasting Communion, it was because it was not a tradition
in their time.

This shows, even if there were no other proof, that the
custom is destitute of Apostolical authority, but was in-
troduced (wisely and well without question) at the Council
of Hippo.

Section 8. Maundy Thursday.

It is scarcely possible that the anniversary ' Ccena
Domini ' would have been instituted if there had been any
Apostolical ordinance against taking food between the
stroke of midnight and the act of Communion. This
anniversary was not (as some have asserted) confined to one
small region, but we hear of it in Africa, Phrygia, Antioch,

' 'Verisimile est Episcopos illos in m.indatis habuisse agendi de fide
Nicena, et de Saciificiis a non jejunis minime celcbrandis. Quin et verisimile
apparet quod per ea qu* ex Concilio Hipponensi prxlegi et de novo hie con-
firmari audierant, circa hxc puncta ipsis satisfactum fuerit : unde ad alia quae
suggerenda habebant, pergunt.' — Van Espen, Scliolion in can. xlvii. Codicis
Afiicamc, Opera, torn. iii. p. 3 10.

« ' On voit combien les peres etoient soigneux de conserver jusques aux
moindres traditions, quand elles ttoient anciennes.' — Hist, Eccl. lib. xi. cap.
xxiL torn. iii. Paris, 1704. p. 156.

iTaiMtoi» i T i iii!m i M i > ii ' g iiM ii u i : i i i<i»««ii <»a i « i'» ' * ""f' i m"

mmnmon.

[PT. II.

ity-five years before ?
impossible that it can
Tieaning all becomes
which fairly overcame
le about a lost canon
straightforward,'
rround for supposing
:ral Council of Nicaea
ve supposed in favour

ry* tells us that the
was very great to pre-
)m. If therefore they
ley did not— speak of
it was not a tradition

o other proof, that the
luthority, but was in-
lestion) at the Council

litirsday.

e anniversary ' Coena
I if there had been any
:ng food between the
f Communion. This
iserted) confined to one
frica, Phrygia, Antioch,

lalis habuisse agendi de fide
elebrandis. Quin et verisimile
isi prcelegi et de novo hie con-
actum fuerit : unde ad alia quae
Scholion in can. xlvii. CodicU

neux de conserver jusques aux
ines.' — Hist, Eccl. lib, xi. cap.

CII. I.]

History of the Canons.

lOI

Constantinople, Spain, and Gaul.* This gives a wide area for
the custom which was in vogue early in the fourth century.
Now, if the Apostles had laid down a strict rule that the
Blessed Sacrament should never be received after food
taken since midnight, it is hardly to be supposed that we
should find this annual deviation from their rule in such
early times. St. Augustine says, that if the Lord or His
Apostles had made it a rule that the Communion should
always be after food, none would have ventured to have
varied the custom. Similarly we may say, that if the
Apostles had made it a rule and had taught everywhere the
necessity of Fasting Communion, none would have ventured,
in such early days at all events, to have departed from their
ordinance. For, as St. Jerome says, each province in his
time asserted that the practices then in vogue amongst them-
selves were derived by tradition from the Apostles.

The anniversary ' Ccena Domini ' was a feast on the
Thursday before Easter in commemoration of the mystical
Supper at which or after which the Sacrament of the Lord's
Body and Blood was instituted. The Supper was itself
regarded as mysterious.' and St. Chrysostom and Greek
writers call it to hwtikou Bslirvov. It was not the Jewish
Paschal Supper — on that point the ancients were agreed ;
but at the same time the whole action of our dear Lord
before and at the Supper shed a deep mystery around it.
Therefore, as the feet-washing at the Supper was ever
regarded as having some mysterious reference to Baptism,'

' St. Augustine says it was widely prevalent in his day. He says that it
was one of those questions which varied ' per loca regionesque,' Ep. liv. AJ
yaniMrium.

» St. Isidore of Seville calls {i. Sacra mentttm, and says that in part memory
of it the Church office of Vespers was originated. —Z»^ Offlciis Eccl. lib. i.
cap. XX. Opera, Colonioe Agrippinoe, 1617, p. 395 H.

• St. Augustine says that it was not practised everywhere lest it should
seem to detract from the reverence due to Baptism. (Ad Januarium, Ep. Iv.
cap. xviii. § 33 ; Opera, Parisiis, 1688, torn ii. col. 141 F.) The tractate ap-
pended to St. Cyprian'? works (Parisiis, 1626, col. cxxi. App.) carefully dis-
tinguishes between the two, and likens the feet- washing to daily absolution:

•!

'fi'

102 T/ic Canons on Fasting Communion. [pt. Ii.

so this mystical Supper was regarded as having some
bearing upon the Sacrament of the Eucharist. In memory
of this therefore, when the taking the Sacrament at a meal
generally was given up, there was still preserved the annual
' Ccena Domini,' or Lord's Supper, on the Thursday before
Easter. This feast was always followed by celebration and
Communion. On this day at least there was therefore cer-
tainly no fasting from midnight as a physical preparation
for Communion. ' ^''

This feast was so popular, and had so great a hold on
the mind of the people, that the Thursday next before
Easter has in the West received its name from the feast,
and not, as we should rather expect, from the Blessed Sacra-
ment then instituted. In Western Liturgies it ever bears
the name ' Feria quinta in Ccna Domini,' or Lord's Supper
Thursday. The Ccena Domini is not what is now under-
stood in England as the Lord's Supper: it is not the
Sacrament of the Eucharist, but this annual commemora-
tive feast.' It is the annual meal after which the Eucharist
is celebrated and received.. In the East this name has not

• Supra diximus semel lotos baptismate eodem lavacro ulterius non egerc ; sed
hoc lavacrum quotidianis est excessibus institutum et jugis retractatio usque ad
novissima veniens,' &c. — Di' Ahlutiotw Pedum.

• The phrase Ccena Domini (or Hvf\ax\v lu^vov) is almost unknown as a
name of the Blessed Sacrament. Twice, indeed, St. Augustine uses it in this
sense, but he specially explains what he means, because he was using the words
in an unusual sense. He says that St. Paul calls the Eucharist the Lord's
Supper in I Cor. xi. 20 ; but St. Chrysostom explains the passage of the
agape. St. Augustine, however, uses the phrase elsewhere of the Sacrament,
as in his Exposition of the Sermon on the Mount, lib. ii. cap. Vii. § 26 ;
'De Sacramento autem Corporis Domini ut illi non moveant quiEstionem
qui plurimi in Orientalibus partibus non quotidie Cana Dominica: communi-
cant, cum iste panis quotidianus dictus sit.' (Opera, Parisiis, 1689, torn,
iii. part ii. col. 210.) St. Basil also uses the phrase, ii&v irai!ee((/tc«o m^ti th
KOivhv Ztiimov tv iKK\Ti<rt(f iaSUtu ical irlrttv fiiiTe rit Kvptcuthy it'tnyov iv oMtf
KaBvPpi(*iv. Reguliebrevius tractate, Interrog. cccx. Opera ed. Gaume, torn. ii.
p. 752 (Bened. p. 525 e). St. Isidore of Seville (A.n. 6cx)) seems to think
ihat the phrase ' communicating ' comes from the idea of Ca-na : • Ca'fta
vocatur a communione vescentium, Kotyhy quippe Grjeci commune dicunt.
Unde et commnnieantcs qaod communiter, i.e. pariter conveniant.' — Ori^ines,
lib. XX. cap. ii., Opera, 1617, p. 172 h.

nintiuioii.

[PT. II.

;d as having some
charist. In memory
Sacrament at a meal
preserved the annual
the Thursday before
d by celebration and
re was therefore cer-
physical preparation

i so great a hold on
hursday next before
lame from the feast,
)m the Blessed Sacra-
iturgies it ever bears
ini,' or Lord's Supper
t what is now under-
ipper : it is not the
annual commemora-
r which the Eucharist
ist this name has not

aero ulteriiis non egerc ; scd
et jugis retractatio usque ad

^ov) is almost unknown as a
St. Augustine uses it in this
cause he was using the words
Is the Eucharist the Lord's
explains the passage of the
elsewhere of the Sacrament,
Hit, lib. ii. cap. vii. § 26 :
L non moveant quaestionem

Ccetia Dominica: communi-
Opera, Parisiis, 1689, torn,
ise, ii &» iratSev((juc9a ftiirt rh

rb Kvptcuthy St7wyov iv o}Kl<f
X. 0/>era ed. Gaume, torn. ii.
! (A.n. 600) seems to think
the idea of Ca-tta : ' Ca'tta
pe Grjeci commune dicunt.
riter conveniant.' — Oripttes,

CH. I.]

History of the Canons,

"^3

been attached to the day : but although they speak of the
Kvpiaxbp Betwvov, the commemorative Lord's Supper, yet the
day itself has no other name than 'the great and holy
Thursday.'

In England in all probability the present popular name
is derived from the feast. The day is called Maundy
Thursday.' It is true that the word Maundy is generally
derived from Mandatum, as if it were Mandate Thursday.
Indeed, some spell the word Maimday to bring it nearer
the etymology they favour. In further support of their
derivation, the name dies Mandati is supposed to have
applied to the day.' But if it be a name of the day it is very
uncommon, so uncommon that all trace of such a name has
disappeared. True, L'Estrange, who favours this etymology,
seems to quote Balsamon for the use of the name ; but, as
all the world knows, Balsamon wrote in Greek, and no
translation of his Commentary in Latin uses the name
'dies Mandati' for Maundy Thursday. The word
Mandatum is liturgically applied to the feet-washing ; but
the feet-washing does not seem to have been so universally
popular as the festal character of the day arising from the
anniversary feast. St. Augustine tells us that in his day

' It was also called ' Shere Thursday,' which Nealc (Essays on Liturgiology,
1863, p. 520) derives from skier, with the sense of pain or affliction. The
MS. quoted below says it was so called because men used to shear their hair
and beards on that day in preparation for Easter. Baillie, in his infamous
Ladensium Autocatacrisis (1641, p. 78), calls it 'Shrif Thursday,' from the
absolution then given to the Lenten penitents.

» Minshew (1626) says it is ' quasi dies mandati ; ' though he is not quite
averse to the derivation from 'niaund,' which he thinks may come from the
Latin mandere, to eat. Luter writers omit the quasi and speak of dies mandati
as a name for the day. i) > Sparrow, Hamon L'Estrange, Wheatly, Nicholls,
Procter, Blunt, and even the Prayer Book Interleavetl. None but L'Estrange
venture on any authority for the name. Hampson (MedU ^vi Kalendarium,
London, 1841) boldly says that the name 'Dies Mandati' was known where
the Saxon mands were never heard of: he adduces no proof. Wheatly spells
it Maunday, so do Sparrow and Nicholls. In the Gentleman's Magasine for
July 1779, p. 354, it is said, • Maundy Thursday is the poor people's Thursday,
from the French maundier, to beg. The King's liberality to the poor on that
Thursday in Lent, a season when they are supposed to have lived very low.
jWJj««rf/Vi«^is at this day in French, a beggar.' . .

■ iHMiifinniiitfiii''^^

104 The Canons on Fasting Communion. [I'T. 1 1.

the fcct-washing was not practised in many parts because
it was thought to interfere with the doctrine about
Baptism, Indeed, as time advanced, the practice seems to
have been confined to monasteries and cathedrals. In
monasteries it was practised at other times besides Maundy
Thursday, though this was the great anniversary of the
institution of the practice. There is not much reason, then,
to suppose that the name Maundy is derived fron the
feet-washing on the day. The name dies Mandati is un-
known as a date, or a name of the day, and the manda-
tum or lavipedium does not seem to have been universally
popular.

The common liturgical name of the day in England,
as in the West, was ' Feria quinta in Ccena Domini ; ' so that,
in default of a better and more certain derivation, we should
rather look for some interpretation of this common name
of the day than the adaptation of an unused phrase. There
is a French word mandt, which seems to have been used
for a feast, and then for the feast for the poor ; and there is
an English word maundy, which means a feast or meal
given to the poor. This really seems the best derivation
for the name, whether these words have any connection or
not with the French mande and the English maund, both of
which mean ' basket'

This is the derivation of the name given in a manuscript
book of Homilies in the British Museum,' which dates
from about the middle of the fifteenth century. The
homily for the day begins thus : ' This day is called Schir-
thursday or ellis je day of Cristes Maundy, jat is
Maundy thursday. For jat day sowpid Criste wt his
■^disciples beforn his passion.' It is clear from this that in
the mind of the author of the Homily ' Cristes Maundy '

• MS. Harleian, 2247, fol. 85 B. A passage much to the same purpose is
quoted from Sir Thomas More's Wories, p. 1038 : ' In hys seconde parte,
which I call hys seconde course, he treatcth the maundye of Christ with Hvs
Apostles upon the Sheare Thursday, wherein our Saviour actually dyd insti < x
the Blessed Sacrament.' '

i n i imi i i i wr

otnmumou.

[I'T. II.

1 many parts because
the doctrine about
the practice seems to
and cathedrals. In

;imes besides Maundy

It anniversary of the

ot much reason, then,

is derived fron the

2 dies Mandati is un-
day, and the manda-
have been universally

the day in England,
ena Domini ; ' so that,
derivation, we should
f this common name
nused phrase. There
is to have been used
he poor ; and there is
ms a feast or meal
i the best derivation
ve any connection or
iglish mannd, both of

jiven in a manuscript
useum,' which dates
enth century. The
s day is called Schir-
!s Maundy, jat is
)wpid Criste wt his
ear from this that in
y ' Cristes Maundy '

nuch to the same purpose is
18 ! 'In hys seconde parte,
aundye of Christ with Hvs
iviour actually dyd insti -^e

CH. I.]

History of the Canons.

I OS

is the Supper of Christ, the direct representative of the
liturgical name of the day ' Coena Domini.' He does not
stop to say that maundy means a meal, or feast, or supper,
because it was a word in common use, as it was a century
later.' The more probable meaning of Maundy Thursday
is Feast Thursday, the English phrase representing the
Latin Ccena Domini. The name still remains in Latin
and English, though the reason of it has passed away."

It may be that it was the determination to relax the
severity of the fast or that Thursday, under whatever plea,
which made the maundy so popular. At all events, there is
evidence of a constant attempt to render the fast on this
day less strict than on the other days of Holy Week, and
the attempt seems to have been successful.

The first' notice that we have of the Maundy or anniver-
sary Lord's Supper is at the Council of Laodicea in the fourth
century. The fiftieth Canon of the Council is as follows : —

' Thus Hutchinson (A.D. 1552) translates St. Augustine's words, 'Eum
adhibuit ad convivium in quo corporis et sanguinis sui figuram disctpulis
commendavit et tradidit.' ' He admitted Judas unto the ^/(iM//(/f wherein He
delivered to His disciples the figure of His Body and Blood.' (K^oris, Parker
Society, p. 259.) Elsewhere he argues against those who thought it necessary
to have a feast before Communion. ' Moreover, in that the text saith that
wAi/e they were eating Jestis took bread, and ordained His Last Supper, some
do reason hereof that the Sacrament is not to be received fasting, as the custom
now is, but after other meats and drinks, after a certain refection, banquet or
maundy, which they say those that be rich should make to refresh the poor
and needy. For the defence of this maundy they allege not only Christ's
example, but also where it is written that the Corinthians indeed kept such a
maundy. But Paul reprehendeth them therefor' &c. p. 221.

' The threefold Episcopal Benediction as used at Salisbury on this day is
as follows : ' Benedicat vv>s Deus qui per unigeniti sui passionem vetus pascha
in novum voluit converti, concedatque vobis ut expurgato veteris fermenti
contagio nova in vobis perseveret conspersio. Am.-n. Et qui ad celebraudam
Redemptoris nostri Coenam mente devota convenistis etei'nam dapium vobis-
cum epulas reportetis. Amen, Ipsius quoque opitulante dementia mundcmini
a sordibus peccatorum qui ad insinuandum humilitatis exemplum pedes lavare
voluit discipulorum. Amen,' — MS. Benedictionale, Salisbury Cathedral
Library. Here the coena comes before the feet-washing.

» We must remember that St. John Cassian (Instil, iii. 3 Atrebati, 1628,
p. 45) implies that the Church office of Vespers was in memory of the Coena
Dominica, the Mystical Supper at which the institution of the Blessed
Sacrament took place. So also St. Isidore of Seville, De Officiis Eccledoiticis,
lib. i. cap. XX.

i A

1 - B

io6

The Canons on Fasting Commnnion. [I'T. II

It is not lawful in Lent in the last week to break the fast on
Thursday, and dishonour the whole Lent ; but men must fast the
whole of I-ent on dry diet.'

Now the Lenten fast might be broken in two ways,
cither by taking the ariston or prandium, that is, the chief
meal of the forenoon, or by eating more nourishing or more
delicate food than Lent allowed. Probably both of these
arc here referred to. Joannes Phurnes, as has been seen,'
distinctly asserts that at this time it was the general custom
to take the chief meal of the forenoon before the Eucharist
was celebrated. This would account for the canon im-
mediately preceding this in the Code of Laodicea, that the
Sacrament of the Eucharist was not to be offered in Lent
except on Saturdays and Sundays, which were in the East
always regarded as festivals, even during Lent. The
logical sequence of the two canons would then be made
manifest. Canon xlix. forbids the offering of the Eucharist
during Lent except on the weekly festivals of Saturday and
Sunday. If at that time the ariston were taken before the
oblation, the ariston would break the Lenten fast, therefore
the oblation with the preceding ariston could only be on
festivals. Canon 1. extends the prohibition even to Maundy
Thursday, because of the breach of the Lenten fast implied
by the Maundy. That this canon does refer to the taking
the ariston' before the Communion is seen by the words of

' Caiioties Apostolorum et Conciliorum, sacc. iv. v. vi. vii. ed. Bruns,
Bcrolini, 1839, i. p. 78. The canon was re-euactecl under St. Martin in
A.D. 572 (Co. Braga II. can. 1.; Bruns, ii. p. 53), and again in A.D. 692 at
the TruUan Council, can. xxix. ; Bruns, i. p. 46.

' See abjve, p. 46.

' St. Augustine in the well-known Epistle to Januaiius (Ep. liv.) traces
the breach of the Lenten fast on Maundy Thursday in his day by taking the
prandium, to a custom of bathing on that day, ' because men could not l)ear
the fast and the bath simultaneously.' He then goes on to trace the habit of
bathing on that day, not, as we should expect, to the lavipedium, probably
because it was not familiar to him, but to the Anniversary Maundy pre-
paratory to Communion. This of itself conveyed a festal character to the
day, which was therefore chosen for the bath preparatory to the Easter Eve
Baptism.

ysn'-T-nriii'ftfiiii

nmnniou.

[i-T. II.

ClI. I.]

History of the Canons.

107

ek to break the fast on
but men must fast the

irokcn in two ways,
um, that is, the chief
c nourishing or more
jbably both of these
:s, as has been seen,'
s the general custom
before the Eucharist
for the canon im-
)f Laodicea, that the
o be offered in Lent
ich were in the East
luring Lent. The
rould then be made
ring of the Eucharist
vals of Saturday and
■ere taken before the
.enten fast, therefore
m could only be on
tion even to Maundy
: Lenten fast implied
s refer to the taking
seen by the words of

iv. V. vi. vii. ed. Bruns,
ictecl under St. Martin in
»nd again in a.d. 692 at

Januaiius (Ep. liv.) traces
ly in his day by taking the
scause men could not l)ear
les on to trace the habit of
> the lavipedium, probably
(Anniversary Maundy pre-
a festal character to the
paratory to the Easter Eve

the canon being cited by two subsequent councils, and
applied distinctly and directly to the Maundy. In the
sixth century the selection of ancient canons made at the
Second Council of Braga" adopts the words of the Council
of Laodicea ; nnd we know from the tenth canon of this
second Council of Braga,» and from the sixteenth of the
first Council of Braga,' that the reason of the revival of the
canon was that the Priscillianist heretics had abused the
Maundy. Again, just at the end of the seventh centun,-,
the words of the Laodicean Canon are used at Constanti-
nople,* and this in direct reference to the Maundy or
Coena Domini, which had been sanctioned by African

canons.

The Council of Laodicea, then, in the middle of the
fourth century forbade the Maundy, not because of any
supposed irreverence to the Blessed Sacrament, but because
of the dishonour to the Lenten fast. It is clear, then, that
in the mind of the bishops there assembled the partaking
of food between midnight and Communion was not regarded
as an irreverence. • ■ -^ - \ . ;>. : .

The next notice which we have of the Maundy comes
from Africa at the end of the same century. The fathers
at Hippo and Carthage felt that the importance of the
Maundy was so great that the fast of Lent could not
supersede it." In consequence of irreverence they felt
bound to pass a canon, that for the future the general rule
was to be that men should celebrate the Communion
fasting ; but from this general rule they make the special
exception of Maundy Thursday. This canon was adopted
and re-enforced by several African councils.

It, however, seems to have puzzled some, for St. Augus-

< Co. Bracar. II. can. 1.; Bruns, ii. p. 53- , ..,:,..; ,

« Bruns, ii. p. 42.

» Co. Bracar. I. can. xvi.; Bruns, ii. p. 32.

• Co. Quinisextiun, can. xxix. ; Bruns, i. p. 46. o ^ r- i.

» Breviarium Hipponense, can. xxviii.; Bruns, i. p. 138 5 Co. Carlhag.
III. can. xxix. ; Bruns, i. p. 127. See these discussed above, p. 50 sq.

1 08 T/n- Canons on Fasting^ Communion. [i-r. ir.

tine has to explain what is best to be clone about the
Lenten fast on this day. The Cana Domini he takes for
Krantcd ; but he recommends that it be so managed, that
the usual Lenten refection at three o'clock in the afternoon
should form the Maundy before the Communion. Thus
the Lenten fast would be intact, there would be no f>ran.
diitm to break the fast, and the canon ordering the Maundy
\\o\x\(\ be satisfied. But he says that ' we' (i.e. probably the
bishops in the council who passed the canon) ' dare forbid
none, though wc compel none, to take the prandium,' or
forenoon meal the taking of which implied the relaxation
of the Lenten fast. From this it is clear that neither the
African fathers nor St. Augustine in particular thought
that reception after food taken since midnight was in itself
a dishonour to the Blessed Sacrament. It is evident that
St. Augustine thought more of the Lenten fast.

There is one circumstance which must here be noted in
passing. The canon which excepts the Maundy Thursday
Communion from the law of fasting especially ordains that
the mortuary celebrations are not to be excepted from that
' rule ; which would imply that at that time there was a
contrary use in this regard, and taken in conjunction with
St. Augustine's letter, which led to the passing of the canon,
gives us to understand that the liberty in this respect had
been abused.

But while St. Augustine and the African fathers were
recognizing the C(vna Domini by a canon, St. Chrysostom '
was speaking of it as having been a means of irreverence
which tended to the institution of the Lenten fast. He
says that men used to approach the Holy Mysteries with
very little heed, especially on the day when the institution
of the Sacrament took place, and that on this account the
Lenten fast was introduced to ensure some preparation at

• • Many of old came carelessly and anyhow to the mysteries, and especially
i p enc! ' '""""'''' thea,.'-a«/.a JuJ^os, iii. Parisiis, torn

nmunion.

[I'T. ir.

be done about the
Domini he takes for
)e so managed, that
ock in the afternoon
Commiinion. Thus

would be no prait-
•rdenng the Maundy
'}e' (i.e. probably the
canon) ' dare forbid
2 the prandium,' or
plied the relaxation
Icar that neither the

particular thought
dnight was in itself

It is evident that
ten fast,
ist here be noted in

Maundy Thursday
ecially ordains that
excepted from that
: time there was a
ti conjunction with
issing of the canon,
in this respect had

frican fathers were
n, St. Chrysostom '
;ans of irreverence
Lenten fast. He
oly Mysteries with
hen the institution
'n this account the
'me preparation at

mysteries, and especially
'udaos, iii. Parisiis, torn.

CII. 1.]

History of the Canons.

109

all events. Now, whether this account of the origin of
Lent is likely or not Ih not I ^ our purpose here, but what is
to the purpose is the reference to a somewhat hurried re-
cci)tion on Maundy Thur^lay. J-or the feast on that d;iy
before Communion must have Ix'cn known to St. Chryso-
stom and his audience ; otherwise the rcf'-rcnce would not
have been made by the former or understood by the latter.
At Antioch, then, towards the end of the fourth century, the
Maundy was not unknown, though the practice had been
discontinued.

About this time we learn that the Egyptians never
communicated except after food. This probably is the last
instance of the prevalence of a custom which had been at
the first universal. It is recorded as an historic fact and
without blame.'

The next notice wc have of the Maundy is about two
centuries later, and comes from Spain. Here we find it
condemned in more than one council,' not on its own
account, but because it had been misused by the Priscillianist
heretics. This heresy, as is well known, distracted the
Spanish Church for several centuries, which accounts for
the sternness of the denunciations of later councils : the long
continuance of the struggle and the pernicious character
of the heresy revealed the necessity of increasing severity.
The various views of these heretics are not vety accurately
known, but they seem to have combined the errors of the
Manichees with the visions o\ the Gnostics. They denied
the verity of the Incarnation, and consequently the resur-
rection of the body. It was no doubt in consequence of
these errors that they held low and faulty views of the

' It must be rememliered that this is no expression of opinion on my
part, as some seemed to think when the same w.as siid in the first edition.
Socrates mentions it without blame, as he does many other habits and practices
which would shock us now. He records without blame that in Thessaly ' all
of them but a very few die unbaptized.' — Eccl. Hist. lib. v. cap. xxii.

* Co. Bracarense I. [a.d. 563], can. tvi. ; Bruns, ii. p. 32 ; Co. Bracar.
II. [a.d, 572], can. X. and can. 1.; Bruns, ii. pp. 42, 53.

The Canons on Fasting Communion. [PT. ii

Sacraments. At one time they were in the habit of receiv-
ing the Communion without consuming it, while later on
they seem to have made much of the Maundy and the
v\'lake for the dead, to the degradation and depreciation of
the Blessed Sacrament. The former error was probably
due to their Manichean proclivities. The Manichean
heretics, the teetotallers of their day, anticipated the
Poman Catholics in their refusal of the Chalice. Pope
Leo the Great ' calls on his hearers to be on their watch
against those who declined the Cup in the Communion, as
this was the symptom of pernicious heresy. In imitation
of the Manichees, the Priscillianists seem to have offered
themselves for Communion along with the others, but for
some reason they seem to have reserved both species.
This may have been to hide their rejection of the Chalice.
The Manichees had declined the Chalice in Church : this
led to their detection. The Priscillianists reserved both
species (as it would seem) in order to hide their uncatholic
custom under a prevalent practice.* The Council of
Saragossa therefore condemned the practice of not con-
suming in Church under a perpetual anathema : ' ' If iny

' ' Cumque ad tegendam infidelitatcm suam nostris audeant interesse mys-
teriis, iti; in Sacranientorum Communione se temperant ut interdum, ne penitus
latere non possint, ore indigno Christi Corpus accipiant, Sanguinem autem
redemptionis nostrre haurire omnino declinent.' — Serm. xli. In Quadrog. iv.;
Opera, Parisiis, 1675, torn. i. p. 217.

- That both species were reserved may be seen from two passages. St.
Gregoiy Nazienzen tells us that both species reserved by his sister were the
means of her miraculous recovery from illness : ii -kom n tmv ivTirimSv rod
Tinlov ffifiaros ^ toS at/taros ^ x^V iinaaipurtv. (Orat. xi. Funebris Oratio in
laudem sororis ; Opera, Parisiis, 1609, torn. i. p. 187 A.) The other passage
is from the life of St. Basil, falsely ascribed to his friend St. Aniphilochius.
A Jew had intruded himself to see the first celebration of St. Basil, and was
converted by seeing a miracle. He then took home some of either species to
show his wife. ' Cum vero de utrisque servasset reliquias domum abiens uxori
ostendit.' {^Acta Saiiclortim, Junii, torn. ii. pp. 943-4.) Probably the same is
seen i". what St. Jerome says of Exuperius, Bishop of Tolosa : ' Qui Corpus
Domini canistro vimineo, Sanguinem portat in vitro.' — Ep. ad Rusticum, cxxv.
(al. 4); Opera, Veronte, 1734, tom. i. col. 941 e.

» Co. Cresaraug. I. |_A.D. 381], can. iii.jBruns, ii. p. 13; cf. Co. Toletan. I.
[A.D. 400], can. xiv. ; Bruns, i. p. 205. Pope Stephen III. (A.D. 755), writing

«ij

«Bni «u ii ili r i irii i w ii B M iiftai ii M lli W il iiiMfeii^ l iWWW

nmunwit.

[PT. II

1 the habit of receiv-
ng it, while later on
le Maundy and the
and depreciation of

error was probably
3. The Manichean
lay, anticipated the

the Chalice. Pope

be on their watch
the Communion, as
eresy. In imitation
eem to have offered

1 the others, but for
lerved both species.
:ction of the Chalice,
ilice in Church : this
anists reserved both
hide their uncatholic
} The Council of
practice of not con-
anathema : ' ' If ^xvy

stris auckant interesse mys-
;rant ut interdum, ne penitus
ccipiant, Sanguinem autem
■Serai, xli. In Quadrag. iv. ;

sn from two passages. St.
rved by his sister were the

flf TOU Tl TUV 6,VttrVKUV ToO

Drat. xi. Funebris Oratio in
87 A.) The other passage
is friend St. Aniphilochius.
ration of St. Basil, and was
ne soTie of either species to
liquias domum abiens uxori
j-4. ) Probably the same is
)p of Tolosa : ' Qui Corpus
0.' — Ep. ad Rusticum, cxxv.

ii. p. I3;cf. Co. Toletan. I.
phen III. (A.D. 755), writing

CH. I.]

History of the Canons.

Ill

one is proved to have received the grace of the Eucharist
in Church and not to have consumed it, let him be anathema
for ever.' *

Now there was nothing inherently wrong in taking
home the Communion. Fathers of the Church had recog-
nized and commended the custom. Tertullian speaks ' of it
as well known, in his day ; St. Ambrose "^ refers to the
custom in speaking of a shipwreck ; St. BasiP commends the
practice amongst monks, whether hermits or secular ; St.
Jerome* is not without reference to the habit ; St. Gregory
Nazienzen ' speaks of his saintly sister as treasuring up the
Sacrament. But when the custom became perverted by
heretics, and it became the means of concealing erroneous
tenets, then the Church affected by the heresy forbade the
custom within the limits of its authority.

Not otherwise was it with the Maundy. The anniver-
sary feast before Communion had been ordained by
councils and recognized by St. Augustine at least, but when
it was abused by heretics to favour their own low views of
the Sacrament of the Lord's Body and Blood, then it was
condemned under severe penalties in the Church infected
by the heresy. The first and second Councils of Braga
condemn the Maundy, and the practice of offering the

to Pepin to enlist his aid against the Lombards, says that the Lombards reserved
in unholy vessels the Sacrament to consume at home after food. This habit of
the Priscillianists may have arisen from some such motive. Pope Stephen writes
thus : ' Munera sacra, id est, Corpus Domini nostri Jesu Christi in suis con-
taminatis vasis, quos folles vocant, misenmt : et cibo carnium copioso saturati
comedebant eadem munera.' — Baronii Annales, Lucai, 1742, tom. xii. p. 613.

' Ad Uxorem, lib. ii. cap. v. ; Opera, Parisiis, 1675, p. 169 n.

■i De Exressu Fratris sui Salyii, lib. i. §§43 and 45. One not yet fully
initiated into the Christian mysteries, in fear of death by shipwreck, asked for
the Sacrament from those who were initiated, and fastening it round his neck
in a n»pkin committed himself to the sea.

• Ep. ad Casaream Patriciam, xciii. (Jil. 289) ; Opera, ed. Gaume, tom. iii.

p. 267.

* Ep. xlviii. (al. 50), § 1$ ; Opera, Veronae, 1734, tom. i. col. 225. He
blames a man for receiving at home when he did not consider himself fit to
come to church. * An alius in publico alius in domo Christus est ? ' ..

Orat, xi.; Optra^ Parisiis, 1609, tom. i. p. 187 A.

ilii!

jili
II

The Canons on Fasting Communion. [PT, il.

ij';

}■-:

mortuary oblation after food, because of the ' most exe-
crable poison of the Priscillianist Sect,' and because some
priests were 'corrupted with the foulness of the old
Priscillianist heresy.' - , «

Here again we have the same connection between the
mortuary celebrations and the Maundy that has been ob-
served before. This connection at first sight seems difficult
to explain. But what was it that made the Priscillianists
go astray in this matter of the mortuary celebration ? At
first it might be supposed that it might be some result of
their denial of the resurrection. But this cannot be the
case, for it is not the wake or feast for the dead that is con-
demned, but the celebration of the Sacrament after food.
Had it been the wake for the dead that was condemned, it
might have been ascribed to their disbelief in the Incarna-
tion and resurrection of the body. For they fasted on
Christmas Day and on Sunday to show their disbelief in
the doctrines then commemorated ; and these customs were
therefore condemned by Spanish councils," If, then, they
had used the feast for the dead as an argument against the
resurrection, or as an argument that the flesh was evil, and
had thus upheld their Manichean tenets, then we should
expect to find the feast condemned. But it is not the feast
for the dead that is condemned : it is the celebration of the
Mass for the dead after taking wine, or celebrating Mass
for the dead after the Maundy on Maundy Thursday. It
must be then concluded that the reason of the connection
between the Maundy and the mortuary celebration, and the
condemnation of the two together in these Spanish councils,
was that both were commonly celebrated after food, and
that the Priscillianists argued hence for the importance
of the feast and the comparative unimportance of the
Communion.

There has before been shown reason for thinking that the

' Co. CKsaraug. I. can. ii.; Bruns, ii. p. 13 ; Co. Bracar. I. iv.j Bruns,
ii. p. 31 ; Co. Bracar. II. Ivii.; Bruns, ii. p. 54.

mtimon.

[PT.

of the ' most exe-

and because some

ulness of the ok I

ection between the
r that has been ob-
sight seems difficult
ie the Priscillianists
y celebration ? At
It be some result of
this cannot be the
he dead that is con-
crament after food,
t was condemned, it
;lief in the Incama-
For they fasted on
ow their disbelief in
i these customs were
icils,' If, then, they
irgument against the
le flesh was evil, and
lets, then we should
But it is not the feast
he' celebration of the
or celebrating Mass
undy Thursday. It
on of the connection
J celebration, and the
lese Spanish councils,
rated after food, and
for the importance
unimportance of the

n for thinking that the

Co. Bracar. I. iv.; Bruns,

CH. I.]

History of the Canotts.

original condemnation of Communion after food in the
African councils was due in a great measure to the excesses
in the wakes for the dead which had been condemned so
strongly by St. Augustine. This is confirmed by the
special mention of the mortuary celebration in the African
canon. There is therefore good reason for thinking that
there was prevalent in Spain a habit of holding the
mortuary or commendatory Mass after a meal or feast in
honour, or for the consolation, of the dead. The Priscillian-
ists seized hold of this in favour of their false and low
views of the Sacrament of the Altar, degrading the Sacra-
ment into an appendix or corollary of the feast,^ claiming
also Maundy Thursday in favour of their error. The
Church of Spain therefore, in abhorrence of such views, con-
demned both the Maundy and also the celebration for the
dead after food, making Fasting Communion compulsory
at all times without exception.

But though the Maundy had been Condemned in Spain
because of the Priscillianists, yet that would be no reason
why it should not be maintained elsewhere.' It is there-
fore well worthy of note, that thirteen years after its con-
demnation in Spain, the Maundy was recognized without
comment in the South of France. In a.d. 585 the second
Council of M4con* accepts and incorporates so much of
the African canon as recognizes the MaundJ^ as an ex-
ception to the general rule that priests must be fasting
when they offered the oblation. If the council had not
intended to recognize the Maundy, there was no need to
have quoted more than the first words of the African canon.
It is not as if they quoted the whole of the canon, but they

I It is very remarkable that St. Isidore of Seville (cir. a.d. 600) alludes to
the Maundy as being observed in his day, though it had been condemned at
some Spanisli councils : • Coena Dominica dicta est co quod in illo die Sal-
vator pascha cum discipulis suis fecerit : quod tt usque hodie sicut est traditum
celebratur.'— Onr;fiw«, lib. vi. cap. xviii.; (?/m», Colonise Agrippinae, 1617,
p. SO H.

» Co. Matiscon II. [a.d. 585], can. vi.; Bruns, ii. p. 251.

\'\

1 14 T/ie Canons on Fasting Cotnmumon. [pt, II.

quote only half of it, and this includes the Maundy, and
excludes the condemnation of the commendatory celebra-
tion after food. It is also to be remarked that the canon
does not itself condemn celebration after food, so much as
after food taken to excess. ' No priest stuffed with food,
or drunken with wine,' confertus cibo aut crapulatus vino,
is strong and to our ears coarse language. It may well be,
therefore, that they were content to acknowledge and main-
tain the Maundy, so long as excess was not tolerated for
a moment. Had the council desired to discourage or con-
demn the Maundy, there would have been a special clause
to that effect, as there was a century later at Constantinople
when the same African canon was recited. It may safely
be ai^ued that, as the fathers at Micon incorporated the
African canon with its recognition of the Ccena Domini,^
they too regarded the anniversary commemoration as
advantageous and edifying, so long as all approach to
excess was avoided.' *:>■ > '

The last time we hear of the Maundy in its original
position* is at the council held at Constantinople at the
end of the seventh century in the dome chamber of the
Imperial Palace, hence called in Trullo.* The fathers

• Thus Caitlinal Bona says of this second Council of Macon : ' Confirmat
citatum canonem Concilii Carthaginensis cum exceptione diei Coenae Do-
minies' (Kerum Litur. lib, i. cap. xxi. § 2, ed. Sala, torn. ii. p. 1 10), 'It
confirms the Canon of Carthage together with its exception of Maundy Thurs-
day.' So, too, Bingham, speaking of the lattr canons on Fasting Communion,
writes: 'Seme of which allow the African custom of communicating after
eating on the Thursday in Passion Week ; but others, on account of the
Priscillianists, forbid W— Antiquities, xv. vii. § 8.

• They wouldthus seem to agree with the Trullan fathers, who did not
condemn reception after food, but only the Breach of the strictness of the Lenten

fast.

• There is a very striking ceremony mentioned by Martene (De Monachorum
Ritibusy lib. iii. cap. xiii. § 49) as obtaining at several monasteries, six of which
he mentions by name. After Mass on Maundy Thursday the brothers go in pro-
cession to the Refectory, and there find Hosts (presumably unconsecrated) placed
over the bread they are to eat. This is probably a reminiscence on the anni-
versary of the institution of the primitive custom of consecrating each meal with
a portion of the reserved Sacrament.

• Concilium in Trullo sive Quinisextum [A.D.'692], can. xxix.; Bruns, i.
p. 46.

^nniumon.

[PT, II.

:s the Maundy, and
Timendatory celebra-
rked that the canon
ter food, so much as
:st stuffed with food,
aut crapulatus vino,
ige. It may well be,
knowledge and main-
vas not tolerated for
to discourage or con-
been a special clause
iter at Constantinople
cited. It may safely
,con incorporated the
f the Ccena Domini,^
' commemoration as
: as all approach to

aundy in its original
Constantinople at the
lome chamber of the
fruUo* The fathers

ncil of Macon : ' Confirmat
exceptione diei Coense Do-
I. Sala, torn. ii. p. i lo), ' It
exception of Maundy Thurs-
lons on Fasting Communion,
torn of communicating after
[it others, on account of the
J.

Prullan fathers, who did not
of the strictness of the Lenten

by Martene {De Monaehonim
/eral monasteries, six of which
mrsday the brothers go in pro-
lumably unconsecrated) placed
^ a reminiscence on the anni-
of consecrating each meal with

D.'692], can. xxix.; Bruns, i.

CII. I,]

History of the Cations.

there assembled speak with great respect of the African
canon, which had been passed three hundred years before,
and they praise its policy ; but, at the same time, they
give preference to the earlier canon of Laodicea, and dis-
continue the Maundy' so far as it interfered with Lenten
strictness. But this is not done, as it was in Spain, because
of any irreverence to the Sacrament accruing thence, but
wholly and entirely on account of the Lenten fast. The
very words of the Council of Laodicea arc used, though
without acknowledgment, and the same reason given, that
the breach of the fast by the Maundy dishonours the whole
Lent : there is no word of greater reverence for the Sacra-
ment. The bishops in the canon say that, in obedience to
the tradition of Apostles and Fathers, they prohibit the
Maundy. But what, according to them, is the tradition?
Is it that it is unlawful to communicate after a meal > No,
it does not seem so. Is it that none may taste food be-
tween the stroke of midnight and the act of cortimunion >
No, the council says not so. But the tradition is that it is
unlawful to take the prandiutn or ariston on Maundy
Thursday because of the constraining rule of Lent* This
shows us that the Council of Laodicea Was condemning
the Maundy when it spoke of the breach of Lent on that

» The Lenten fast was broken in two ways on Maundy thilrsday— by
takmg the prandwm before the Anniversary Coerta Domini (see St. Angus-
tine, Ep. hv. AdJantMrium), and by taking more delicate food at the Ccena
Itself. The breach of Lent was condemned and discontinued; but it is
remarkable that the Trtjllan canon does not condemn reception on this day
after fo«i, but it condemns the breach of Lent. In the sixteenth anathema
of the first Counca of Braga, held in a.d. 563, it is seeii that the Maundy
feast was held by some at 9 A.M., which would of itself dishonour the Lenten
fast.— Bruns, 11. p. 32. See above, p. 69.

» Zonaras points out that when the fathers say they are following the tra-
ditions of Apostks and Fathers, they allude to the Apostolical Canon (can
Ixvni. Bruns, i. p. 10), which deposes a bishop, priest, or deacon, and excom-
municates a layman, who does not fast during Lent ; and to the Canon of
Laodicea (can. 1. Bruns, i. p. 78), which prohibits the breach of the fast on
Maundy Thursday : S^M-ovMa r&v 0,my Ktt»6,>t,^ <t. t. A. inh r. A 'PcUAij koI
M. n.JTA,- •A(H,yf,„,;>, 1852, TO/*. B. <r.A. 367. Both of these canons have respect
to the Len/en fast, and not to the fast before Communion.

1 16 The Canons on Fasting Communion. [rT. II.

Thursday ; it also helps us to see that the previous fast
was ecclesiastical, and not what is now called the 'natural-
fast that is spoken of in connection with Communion.

This council in Trtillo has more pretensions to authority
than the Spanish councils, and it condemns the Maundy
because of the Lenten fast, since this was the chief point
in which it affected them. The Council of Braga con-
demned the Maundy not because of Lent, but because of
the Priscillianist heresy. They, therefore, condemned the
reception after food as practised on Maundy Thursday,
and not the breach of the Lenten fast, which aftected them
much more closely.

But men were more ready to forego Communion than
they were to forego the relaxation of the severity of Lent.
As the fast before Communion became more rigidly in-
sisted on, the old rule of communicating upon Maundy
Thursday became unobserved,' but, at the same time, the
old rule that the severity of the Lenten fast was to be main-
tained on that day was also unobserved. After the
Council in Trullo there sprang up an idea, which became
a reason on Scriptural grounds, that it was fitting that there
should be two meals on Maundy Thursday. Long before
this St. Augustine had to argue on the point whether or
no it was well to take the prandium, or morning meal, before
the anniversary C(ena ; and his determination was that it
was allowable, but unadvisable. But now men found out
another argument for the relaxation of the fast. They
said that the Lord rose up to wash the disciples' feet
during supper ; hence there was a pause of more or less
duration between the two parts of the meal. This practi-
cally made two meals. Therefore, notwithstanding the
Lenten fast, it was clearly right and proper to have two

> The Greeks now communicate upon Maundy Thursday, but do not com-
municate on Easter Day. Gratian (De Comecrat. Dist. ii. cap. xvii.) and St.
Thomas t^Sumtna TI. Ixxx. lo) refer the rule of communicating on Maundy
Thursday to Pope Soter, but erroneously. See Berardi, ii. p. 85.

wiumon.

[PT. II.

CH. 1.]

History of the Cations,

117

t the previous fast
called the ' natural '
1 Communion,
lensions to authority
lemns the Maundy
was the chief point
incil of Braga con-
>nt, but because of
fore, condemned the
Maundy Thursday,
which aftected them

50 Communion than
:he severity of Lent,
me more rigidly in-
ating upon Maundy
: the same time, the

fast was to be main-
bserved. After the
1 idea, which became

was fitting that there
irsday. Long before
:he point whether or
■ morning meal, before
minafion was that it
: now men found out
n of the fast. They
sh the disciples' feet
lause of more or less
le meal. This practi-
, notwithstanding the
J proper to have two

ly Thursday, but do not com-
/. Dist. ii. cap. xvii.) and St.
of communicating on Maundy
Berardi, ii. p. 85.

meals on that day, or at least to have one meal divided
into two parts. This continuation of one meal in two parts
divided by an interval of time was spoken of as ' continua-
tio jejunii ' ; for the division of one meal broke not the
Lenten fast, which only allowed one meal. Ti. x?. was
something about this that was attractive and which retained
the sympathy of all. It is one of the deep events of the
day which had a mystical meaning attached to it by
Durandus' in the thirteenth century, though the practical
bearing of it was condemned in the twelfth century,' as canon
law forbade two meals. But the popular will was too great
for canons ; and when Durandus recounted ' the canons
condemning the breach of the Lenten fast on this day, he
added, ' In most parts of the world these canons are not
kept ; it must be considered whether they had better be
maintained or not.' Since his day there have been no
canons of any note which have taken cognizance of the ,
matter.

The other observances of this great day have no par-
ticular bearing on the question of this essay, and none of
them save the lavipedium, or washing of the feet, at all
equalled the Maundy in interest. It is remarkable that as
in many parts the feet-washing was objected to on the
ground that it detracted from the honour due to the
Sacrament of Baptism, so in some parts the Maundy

' Rationale, lib. vi. cap. Ixxv. % 7. Beleth, who lived in the twelfth
century, speaks of this division of the meal as a necessary part of the manda-
tum. ' First, the priests must give the poor a repast, and afterwards eat a
little but not more than usual. Then they must rise from table and wash the
feet of the poor. When this has been done they can sit down again at the
table and eat again, which does not break the fast, but interrupts it. For no
man must eat twice on that day, that the fast be not broken.' — Rationale Dhr.
Officiorum, cap. xcv. Beleth is commonly printed at the end of Durandus ;
cf. Rationale, Lugduni, 1584, fo. 53'-

" See the Gloss, de Consecra. dist. iii. cap. vii. jejunium : ' Because the
Lord rose from Supper and washed the feet of His disciples, and again returned
to Supper, therefore some wish to wash the feet of others, and to make two
meals, after the manner of the Lord : but this custom is condemned.^

* Durandus, Be Coneilio Celehrando, part iii. tit. xiii. Parisiis, 1545, pp.

'74, «7S-

..s:^.

',^i

1 18 The Canons on Fasting Communion. [rr. II.

was interpreted to lower the dignity of the other Gospel

Sacrament.

In our own country the handing round the loving cup
after the washing of the feet was a striking part of the
ceremonies, and this certainly would have been regarded
by St. Augustine as breaking the Strictness of the Lenten
fast. This lingered on after the washing of the feet passed
away. ' After je blessing je Lord Almoner calls for wine
and drinks to all je poore je Kings health,' was the rubric
in 1664,' which would have a somewhat unseemly aspect
in a solemn service in church, were it not for its affinity to
the loving cup in the Sarum office. At Salisbury, in the
Cathedral renowned throughout the world for its beauty
and its beautiful ' use,' there was on Maundy Thursday a
certain regulated portion of wine handed to all the officials
and dignitaries of the Cathedral, the higher dignitaries re-
ceiving a larger portion, as was suitable to their office.
Hence probably arose the custom of the ' Maundy Ale.'
This Caritaiis pottts was clearly the shrunken representa-
tive of the ancient Ccena Domini for the better class, as the
Maundy, or feast for the poor whose feet were washed, was
its representative for the poor.

In our own day the Maundy is still represented by the
ghost of a departed ceremony, when ushers in white scarves
marshal the poor in the Royal Chapel to receive the
Maundy, now wholly commuted for a money payment.
So that the ancient Oena Domini is new chiefly known
amongst us by the name ' Maundy money,' though church-
men still keep alive the name Maundy Thursday.

Though this most ancient custom only exists amongst
us now in name, yet that name should be a continual
reminder that there is no inherent dishonour to the

« In a cop7 of the first edition of Sparrow's Canons, in the Cathedral
library at Salisbury, there is a contemporary manuscript on the fly-leaf at the
end containing the order of the Maundy in 1664. The book is probably one
of those given to the Cathedral library by Canon Izaak Walton, son ot
' Honest Izaak.'

^imutiion. [PT. II.
jf the other Gospel

)und the loving cup
striking part of the
have been regarded
;tness of the Lenten
ng of the feet passed
Imoner calls for wine
;alth,' was the rubric
hat unseemly aspect
not for its affinity to
At Salisbury, in the
world for its beauty
^Jaundy Thursday a
ied to all the officials
higher dignitaries re-
itable to their office,
if the • Maundy Ale.'
shrunken representa-
he better class, as the
"eet were washed, was

ill represented by the
ushers in white scarves
hapel to receive the
tr a money payment,
is new chiefly known
loney,' though church-
ly Thursday.
1 only exists amongst
ihould be a continual
nt dishonour to the

mr's Canons, in the Cathedral
nuscript on the fly-leaf at the
\. The book is probably one
Zanon Izaak Walton, son ot

CH. I.]

History of the Canons.

119

Blessed Sacrament in the fact of its being received after
food taken since the next preceding midnight. Had the
Apostles ordained Fasting Communion, the Maundy would
never have been .observed ; had there been any inherent
irreverence in non-Fasting Communion, the Maundy would
not have been condemned at Constantinople only on the
ground of the honour due to Lent. It is most remarkable
that the only reason given for the discontinuance of com-
municating after food on Maundy Thursday is that it has
been abrogated by the contrary custom.'

The discontinuance of the Maundy, therefore, may be
claimed in favour of the argument of this essay about the
abrogation of canons by disuser. Just as the fast after
Communion was abrogated by the contrary custom, and
just as the communicating after food on Maundy Thursday
has been abrogated by the contrary custom, so in England
whatever canons were in force for Fasting Communion have
been abrogated by disuser and the admission of the con-
trary custom.

• Gratian, iii. Dt Cons. Dist. i. cap. xlix. § Exceptio : ' Derogalum est per
contrariam consuetudinem.' Mazzolini, Summa Summarum, s.v. Lex, Lug.
duni, 1551, pars ii. p. 139. It is o»ly the communicating after food that comes
under this head of abrogation. For the Cardinals at Rome, and many pre-
lates elsewhere on the Continent, do not allow the /aw/ on this day to become
abrogated by disuser.

.* !

il(anr i B)iM ili itfi

120

Tlu Canoiis on Fasting Communion. [PT. ii.

CHAPTER II.

INTERPRETATION OF CANONS ,

IT is an old principle of law, that canons must be under-
stood by having respect to the times and manners of
the places and persons for whom they were first made.
Unless this be done, they will be mych misunderstood, and
be made to press unequally. Now, if we look back to the
times when the custom of Fasting Communion was insisted
on, it will be found that the m^als were very different from
what they are now. But here, of course, we meet with
much difficulty. Habits in some parts and at some times
vary so rapidly, that it is almost impossible to pourtray the
habits of a past age with pr<ecision, and the rules made for
one time soon become inexplicable.

For example, it -as part of the discipline of Lent, in
Africa at least, that men should wholly abstain from the
use of the bath ; and St. Augustine traces the breaking the
fast on Maundy Thursday, not so much to the desire of
celebrating after supper, as to the necessity of eating after
the bath. He points out that the catechumens who were
about to be baptized at Easter would naturally offend
others if they did not bathe first. Hence they bathed on
Maundy Thursday. Then followed, as a matter of course, a
heavy meal.' He does not stop to explain why food was

' ' Quia jejunia simul et lavacra tolerare non possunt.'— ^. ad Januarium,
Ep, liv. § 9. ' Amongst the Greeks as well as Romans bathing was always
a prelimtnaiy to the hour of meals. Indeed, the process of eating seems to
have followed as a matter of course upon that of bathing ; for even Nausicae
and her companions, immediately after they had bathed and anointed them-

- ^«A- .itS^; fstLii^^-.

.r .J>I I P l W'«WW » W i ft' l i>i

mmunioH.

[PT. II.

ANONS. ,

inons must be under-
;imes and manners of
jey Ayere first made,
h misunderstood, and
if we look back to the
nmunion was insisted
re very different from
ourse, we meet with
'ts and at some times
ssible to pourtray the
id the rules made for

discipline of Lent, in
>lly abstain from the
aces the breaking the
luch to the desire of
essity of eating after
itechumens who were
>uld naturally offend
lence they bathed on
5 a matter of course, a
xplatn why food was

tssunt.'— Ep. ad Januarium,
Romans bathing was always
I process of eating seems to
bathing ; for even Nausicae
bathed and anointed them-

CII. II.]

hiUrprdation of Canons,

121

necessary. It was a matter of every day experience amongst
them, and he wrote as if it were acknowledged on all hands
that this was the case. He says not that the bath was
regarded as a breach of the fast, and so the feast did not
break the fast more ; nor does he say that the bath
was of the nature of a Turkish bath, a long, tedious, and
exhausting process, which required food ; he accepts it as a
matter of fact, and says no more about it. He simply says,
' They cannot bear fasting and the use of the bath at the
same time.' Some thirty years ago this would probably
have been understood of a warm bath, now-a-days a bath
would commonly be understood to be a cold sponging bath,
and the impossibility of fasting at the same time as a man
used his bath would not seem natural in modern times.

In similar manner, the time and character of meals have
so entirely changed, that it is difficult to enter into the
canons and sermons of former days. Probably the customs
may have varied less abroad than in our island. The meals
in Italy ' seem to have been a slight meal at daybreak, a
full meal about eleven o'clock, and a he^^vy meal in the
evening. The mid-day meal was naturally of some import-
ance, as is the pranzo of modern Italy. The writer, after
a hot walk through Rome, arrived at San Clemente so
perilously near the hour of pranzo that the bonny monk in
charge could not let him see the church, and y^t it wanted

selves, sat down to eat by the river's side while waiting for the clothes to dry. '
— Smith's Dictioitary of A Hliijuities, s.v. Baths. Men used to bathe to get an
appetite.

' See Smith's Dktionary of Antiquities, s.v. Cana. The writer of that
article takes the time of Augustus as the date of his description ; but probably
in the country places at 'least there was not much variation in the hours.
These are nearly the same in Italy now. I lately spent three days in an
Italian coasting steamer with peasants only for fellow-passengers. These
took bread and wine at daybreak, or when they woke ; a meal of two or three
courses (if they could afford it) about 1 1 A.M., and a more pretentious meal
about 3 P. M. The allowance of the cabin passengers began with a cup uf
coffee in the early morning, if desired, with two meals, one of four, the other
of five or six courses. One meal began with hard-boiled eggs, and ended with
fruit : 'ab ovo usque ad mala.' — Horace, Sat. I. iii. 6.

l!f

122 T/if Canons on Fasting Communion. [VT. II.

twenty minutes of eleven. The substantial character of the
meal is relieved by the siesta during the extreme heat of
the day. In the East, too, there seem evidences that the
mid-day meal was apt to be accompanied with symptoms
of repletion, which are said to be regarded by men of rank
in Mexico and India as compliments due to the hospitality
of the host. This is more fully shown in a subsequent

section.

Indeed, there was some little to be sasd in excuse of this.
There was no beverage but water, or some fermented and
therefore intoxicating drink. The life of the Nazarite,
therefore, was one of perpetual fastirjg ; he could drink
nothing but water. It was reserved for Christians to invent
beverages as a substitute for wine in times of fasting, or to
introduce them from unexplored heathen lands. Coffee is
said to have been invented to drink in fasts ; but this was
unknown in Europe till comparatively modern times.

It must then be remembered that in times when Fasting
Communion was introduced, excess in eating was the rule
and not the exception ; and in order that men might come
reverently to Communion, it was necessary that th*- rule
should be that they should come fasting.' And this not
only to Communion, but to Baptism, Confirmation, and
Ordination, whether as bishop, priest, catechumen, or candi-
date. This, too, probably led to the rule in some parts
that none should eat directly after Communion, lest excess
should so soon dishonour their service.

But amongst us the habit of excessive eating at one
or two meals has generally passed away, and lighter meals
are perhaps taken oftener ; so that a man after a light
dinner and tea overnight, and a light breakfast in the
morning, will, in this cold climate, be probably more fasting

» The picture drawn by the Welsh priest, Sir Thomas Malory, of the daily
life of King Arthur and the Knights of his Round Table, could not have seemed
very unnatural in the fifteenth century. It is a picture of gross feeding, hard
fighting, and luxurio'is immorality.

mitnioii.

[PT. II.

Cll. II.]

IntirpnUUion of Canons,

'23

ial character of the
ic extreme heat of
evidences that the
led with symptoms
led by men of rank
le to the hospitality
n in a subsequent

ud in excuse of this,
omc fermented and
e of the Nazarite,
g; he could drink
Christians to invent
nes of fasting, or to
;n lands. Coffee is
fasts ; but this was
modern times,
times when Fasting
eating was the rule
jat men might come
essary that th*^ rule
ting.' And this not
, Confirmation, and
itechumen, or candi-
rule in some parts
nmunion, lest excess

essive eating at one
ly, and lighter meals
a man after a light
ht breakfast in the
»robably more fasting

'homas Malory, of the daily
'able, could not have seemed
cture of gross feeding, hard

^rtually than one who gorgcil at supper. It may indeed
be argued, as has been done, that the invention or intro-
duction of tea and cofifee has quite done away with the
necessity of the ancient custom of Fasting Communion,
•or we do not really know when the fast which Latin
canonists call natural fast, i.e. absolute abstention from all
nourishment from midnight, came to be insisted on ;
probably, as we shall see, it was in the thirteenth or four-
teenth century: before that the utmost extent of the
necessary fast seems to have been either from sunrise or
from the night's sleep.

Still, though there was good reason for this, the effect
was to decrease the number of communicants rapidly.'
We find St. Chrysostom complaining that they stood close
enough in church to hear him preach, but that almost all
left the church without communicating. Therefore we find
the canons soon accommodating themselves to the relaxed
rule,' and only requiring three Communions in the year,
at Christmas, Easter, and Pentecost.' This, again, soon

' Compare the remarkable custom mentioned by Mr. Scudamore :— ' In
the Swedish Church the celebrant very rarely communicates at all. . . .
They seem to have fallen into this most uncatholic practice and opinion from
tht striettuss viith which confession vmu required of them before communion. It
was often difficult in that country for the priest to meet with a confessor,' &c.
— Notitia Eucltaristica, p. 605.

» See Scudamore, Notitia Eucharistica, p. 806, sq.

• Gratian (Decrelum, pars iii.; De Constcr. dist. ii. cap. xvi.) quotes Pope
Fabian (A.D. 25°) «« upholding this ; but Berardi points out that the citation
is from the Capitularia Regum Francorum, of the ninth century. (Gratiani
Canenes Genuini ab Apocryphis Discreti, Matriti, 1783, vol ii. p. 120; on
these Capitularia see Van Espen, De Capitular ibus, torn. iii. p. 477.) The
first Council of Toledo bears witness to the decline of piety, condemning those
who come to church but never communicate. (Co. Toletanum I. can. xiii.
A.D. 400.) The rule seems to have been first formulated in the rixth century,
at the Council of Agde (a.d. 506). (Bruns, Canones, 1839, pars altera, p.
150; Co. Agathense, can. xviii.) It is true that Gratian quotes a canon o!
Elvire (A. D. 305), but it is not found amongst the eighty-one canons of that
Council ; and Berardi (vol. i. p. 31) shows tl\at the matter of the canon does
not agree with the fourth-century times. The rule of Agde was accepted at
Tours in A.D. 813, in the fourth Council of Tours.— Fleury, Hist. Eccl. vol. x.
p. 151, 1704.

124

The Canons on Fasting Communion. [PT. II.

dropped down to once a year, at Easter.' Then again,
casuistry, in the course of time, settled that it was only a
Church regulation that men must communicate once a year,
but if they communicated once before death, receiving the
Viaticum, this was sufficient to satisfy the requirements of
the divine law. Thus the state of things represented in the
north of France a few years hack (spoken of in the Intro-
duction) came about, and the English Church at the
Reformation set herself to try and remedy it ; and did this
by not insisting upon the ceremonial part of the custom of
Fasting Communion.

But perhaps some will endeavour to argue, that to com-
municate fasting is a custom which cannot be altered, since
it is of natural or divine law. No doubt it is so in part
but it consists in part of di vine law, in part of human
positive law. The portion which is of divine law natural
is immutable, as has been seen ; but this is the reason, or
moral part of the custom — viz. that extreme reverence
must accompany the act of faithful Communion ; the human
positive law was, that the way in which this reverence was
to manifest itself was in remaining fasting till after the act
of communion. This may be changed.' If, when men
were gross feeders, it was necessary to make them attend
service fasting, it does not follow that, when habits have
entirely changed, the same strictness must be continued.
In Italy and the East the work of the day used to
commence commonly at three or four o'clock in the
morning,' and the synaxis seems to have been about nine

' This was the rule formulated in A.D. 12 1 5, at the fourth Lateran Council,
can. xxi., under pain of excommunication and being refused burial. — Fleury,
Hist. Ecd. vol. xvi. p. 4CX>, 1 71 2.

* ' That the Lord's Supper is sacredly and with reverence to be received
is taught us by the Apostles ; but whether this reverence ought to be expressed
by taking it vtrgitu saliva, fasting or not fasting, the Apcstles left the Churches
to their choice.' — Bishop Jeremy Taylor, Duclor Dubitantium, bk. iii. chap,
iv. Rule 12, § 7, i8ss, vol. x. p. 338.

" Martial seems to tell us that the jentaculum, or early morning meal, was
taken about 3 or 4 a.m. — Smith's Dictionary, s.v. Cana. ' *

munion.

[PT. II.

ter.' Then again,
that it was only a
nicate once a year,
eath, receiving the
lie requirements of
1 represented in the
:n of in the Intro-
la Church at the
dy it ; and did this
•t of the custom of

irgue, that to com-
ot be altered, since
ibt it is so in part
in part of human
divine law natural
is is the reason, or
extreme reverence
lunion ; the human
this reverence was
»g till after the act
\P If, when men
make them attend
when habits have
lust be continued,
the day used to
ir o'clock in the
e been about nine

5 fourth Lateran Council,
refused burial. — Fleury,

reverence to be received
ice ought to be expressed
ipcstles left the Churches
tbitantium, bk. iii. chap.

early morning meal, was

na. • -

ClI. II.J

Interpretation of Canons.

131

o'clock. This does not make it a necessary act of devotion
now to communicate at seven o'clock in the morning,
when the main work of the day does not commence till
nine or ten o'clock. The invention of gas has wholly
altered the manner of life in England ; and the Church has
in every age shown her Catholic elasticity in accommodating
her rule to that of the country of her children, bringing
Christianity to leaven the daily social life, and not
endeavouring to stem the course of the river. When the
synaxis was at 9 A.M., the work of life for the day had
been going on for some four or five hours : so this would
about answer to a celebration at noon with us, when a man
might be called fasting, if he willingly abstained from food
after his breakfast at half-past eight or nine o'clock. Canons
of discipline have always been variable with change of
habits, as is reasonable ; and in England it is here con-
tended, there is now no canon binding on the conscience
which enforces Fasting Communion. Remarkably enough,
there is no such canon alluded to by Durandus in the digest
of canons spoken of above ; there is none such in Lynd-
wood ; there is none such incorporated in the Cautela of
the Sarum Missal : it cannot therefore be maintained that the
foreign canons, or even the Anglo-Saxon canons on the
subject, were regarded as binding on the conscience of the
laity (for with them alone are we concerned) ; if there were,
they would without doubt appear somewhere. No, it
depends not upon canons, but upon custom ; and this has
been so long unenforced, that by the obtaining of the
contrary custom it has been voided of all force affecting
the conscience. Whether it be advisable as a matter of
discipline or devotion is' another question altogether ; it is
only now contended that it does not bind the conscience.

Nay more, as the moral of the custom is that extreme
reverence accompany the act of Communion, it is a question
whether the usual light breakfast of modern England, less
heating than the bread and wine of the acratisma of Greece,

, V:

126 The Canons on Fasting Communion. [PT. II.

or the jentaculum of Italy, does not in some cases quiet
the volatile activity of the mind in the morning, and enable
some persons to control their thoughts and train them to
a greater reverence.

Certainly, nature teaches us that severity of fasting
comes from hot countries, and that cold climates require
more constant food.' Most instances of prolonged fasting
are to be found in the East ; most instances of polyphagie
(as the French call it) are in colder climates. Once more,
the excessive work (at all events in London and large
towns of England) crowded into one day renders more
frequent food necessary ; and it is to be gravely doubted
whether a priest, who lies in bed till eleven o'clock, if he
has to celebrate at mid-^ay, in order that he may have
fasted from midnight with impunity, is serving God with
his time as well as one who takes a light breakfast to
enable him to do some work for God before mid-day.

Be this as it may, we must be sure that we fully
understand the habits and times when Fasting Communion
was insisted on, before we assert that it is of perpetual
obligation, binding the faithful laity as well as clergy.

' It is noteworthy that the first commutation of the corporal penance of
fasting into the recitation of psalms or money payment comes from Britain.
This is first found in the Penitential of Theodore, Archbishop of Canterbury.
This politic man, Greek as he was, found that fasting could not be maintained
in Britain, and therefore ordered that, ' Instead of living for a year upon bread
and water, the penitent might sing fifty psalms on his knees, or give a certain
sum to the poor, or procure a presbyter to say a mass for him,' &c.— See
Marshall's PenitenHal Discipline, Oxford, 1844, p. 132- This Penitential
became universally received throughout the West. John Johnson writes :
' There are many who cannot communicate fasting without great uneasiness
and indevotion, unless they go directly from their bed to the Altar; and these
men must indulge the cravings of an inferior, nature so far as to quiet their
spirits, and preserve a due attention of mind in the service of God.' See
below, at the end of the essay.

A*^>i-.4?*''

nttnion.

[PT. II.

some cases quiet
orning, and enable
and train them to

leverity of fasting
d climates require

prolonged fasting
inces of polyphagie
ates. Once more,
London and large
day renders more
)e gravely doubted
leven o'clock, if he
that he may have

serving God with

light breakfast to
jfore mid-day.
iure that we fully
•"asting Communion

it is of perpetual
well as clergy.

f the corporal penance of
ment comes from Britain.
Archbishop of Canterbury,
g could not be maintained
ving for a year upon bread
lis knees, or give a certain
I mass for him,' &c.— See
I. 132. This Penitential
. John Johnson writes :
without great uneasiness
ed to the Altar; and these
re so far as to quiet their
the service of God.' See

CH. II.] Interpretation of Canons.

Section i. — The meaning of ' yejunus.'

Itf

This is one of those words to which successive genera-
tions of casuists have attached a technical meaning un-
known to early Christian writers. In the earliest ages of
Christianity it had the general meaning of self-restraint
with respect to food, especially undertaken in the fear of
God. But when the eager love of Christians had cooled
down, and more precise rules became practically needful,
fasting gradually became subject to more exact definition.
But we have to be careful lest with our modern sense of a
technical meaning of 'jejunus' we read the canons of the
ancients, and attach the modern meaning to the word.
This would be to imitate the example of the student who,
being much impressed with the desirability of a celibate
clergy, translated in St. Augustine ' nos singuli' by 'we
who are unmarried.'

In the seventh century St. Isidore of Seville in his
Etymologies derives ' jejunus ' from the medical use of the
word.' A certain part of the viscera is called the
jejunum because it is always found empty on dissection.
The bishop reversed the right order, but showed that he
attached the same meaning to the word that physiologists
had done centuries before : they regarded it as meaning
that emptiness which gives rise to a sense of hunger. In
this sen:: it was used by classical writers both physically
and metaphorically. Cicero speaks of men's ears being
' empty ' of eloquence," meaning they had not heard what
they were anxious and eager to hear. We find it used of
men who had no opportunity of satisfying their hunger,

' 'Cui nomen est inditum ex qu&dam parte viscerum tenui semper et
vacua, quod vulg6 jejunum vocatur.' — Origincs, lib. vi. cap. xix. ; Opera,
Colonioe Agrippin*, 1617, p. $2 G. Bopp derives the word from a root 'jam,
refr«nare, cohibere.'— See Pott, Etymologisclie Forschungen, 1833, i. 262.

' Jejunas igitur hujus multiplicis et oequabiliter in omnia genera fusae ora-
tionis aures civitatis accepimus.— Ora^r, cap. xxx. § 106; Opera, Lipsiae,
1827, p. 157.

.^tU.

tat The Canons on Fasting Communion. [PT. II.

who were taking no full meals.' Further on we shall see
that the general habits were to eat to satiety at meals, and
to take at least two meals a day. If a man did not take
two full meals a day, he would be said to be fasting ; and
the same seems common to Greek and Latin. The most
noteworthy example of this use of the word is to be found
in St. Luke's account of St. Paul's shipwreck. The apostle
addressed the sailors and said," ' This is the fourteenth day
that ye have continued fastings having taken nothing.' If
these words meant literally and baldly having taken no
food at all, the physiologists would tell us this were impos-
sible. Men lying in bed with all their functions acting
slowly could not live fourteen days without food, even
were there some comatose state or some diseased suspen-
sion of vitality. But for men in constant exertion of body
and anxiety of mind, with unusual demands upon their
physical resources, to remain alive and vigorous after four-
teen days without food of any sort or kind, is a physio-
logical impossibility. We cannot suppose that there was
in this instance a special intervention of Almighty God
as in the case of Moses and Elijah probably, for these
rough sailors were certainly not Christians, and probably
heathens. Indeed, St. Paul's advice to them to take some
food showed that he did not regard them as sustained
miraculously without the need of ordinary support. We
must believe, then, that the apostle spoke in a manner
which the sailors would have understood to mean that they
had had no opportunity or inclination to prepare and par-
take of regular meals ; they snatched what food they could
whenever it was possible. This, as we should expect, is the

' Sometimes it simply has the meaning of not having taken any food,
without having respect to length of time at all. Thus a deputation to a queen
were asked not to do dishonour to the royal hospitality by leaving the palace
without taking anything to eat or^rink ; ' ntjejunus a regali domo recedat.'- -
St. Gregory of Tours, Historia Francorum, lib. viii. cap. xxrf. Parisiis, 1 561,
p. 468 ; Ofera, 1699, col. 404.

» Acts xxvii. 33.

munwn.

[PT. II.

CII. II.]

Interpretation of Canons.

ler on we shall see
tiety at meals, and
I man did not take
to be fasting ; and
Latin. The most
ivord is to be found
rreck. The apostle
the fourteenth day
taken nothing.* If
y having taken no
us this were impos-
:ir functions acting
without food, even
tie diseased suspen-
nt exertion of body
emands upon their
vigorous after four-
kind, is a physio-
)ose that there was
of Almighty God
probably, for these
itians, and probably
them to take some
them as sustained
linary support. We
spoke in a manner
»d to mean that they
to prepare and par-
vhat food they could
should expect, is the

ot having taken any food,
hus a deputation to a queen
ality by leaving the palace
w a regali domo recedat.'- -
li. cap. xxxi". Parisiis, 1561,

word

explanation of Cornelius a Lapidc, wiio on the
•jejuni' here has the comment : —

Not that they had really eaten nothing, but very little and
irregularly, just as much as was necessary to keep them alive. . . .
When, therefore, he says taking nothing, he means very little, and
as gooJ. as nothing ; or nothing in comparison with a regular and
proper prandiuin or cmna, but taking a little by snatches ratlicr
than taking a regular meal.

Hammond in his commentary on the passage has a
quotation which is very much to the point from a commen-
tator on Hesiod, who had said ' and they ate no meat ' : —

Because they were not at leisure or quiet even at meal times,
but all in their armour, with their hands defiled with blood; theie-
fore he said, * neither did they eat meat,' for the meal time is a
time of leisure and rejoicing.

The same too is seen in the progress of St. Luke's
narrative, for he goes on to say : — ' When they had eaten
to satiety {Koptadevti%) they lightened the ship.' On the
advice and encouragement of the apostle they for the first
time during the storm had a regular meal, of which they
partook to the full.

It was the habit to take a mouthful or two of food on
rising from bed in the early morning before going to work :
this small portion of food, not regarded as a meal, was
sometimes called a ' continuation of fasting,' ' because it
reckoned as nothing.

' Aioi^ffTJff/ibj really means ' a continuance of the fast,' and is spoken of by
Athenoeus as one of the names of the early morning snack, like the German
IVeckenbnd. Athenceus (lib. i. § 19, Tauchnitz, torn. i. p. 19) quotes a passage
which implies that this was but a small portion of food. ' I will take a little
breakfast, and will come again after I have taken two or three bites of bread '
SpTOu Sit ^ Tplj hwiAaxiiV. Then he says, -rhv juii» olv iucpaTiir/ihy Siat^trrur/t&i'
iKtyoy, 'they used to call the acratismus a continuation of the fast.' On
this Casaubon has a note : ' Proprie iuanttrruriiif &,t jejunii continuatio :
Sia ri<rTlitaeai ad finem usque jejunare. Qui apud Gntcos primi auctores huJMs
moris fuere, facti invidiam verbo isto levatum iverunt, quasi non tarn levi hoc
cil)0 insititio jejunium frangerent quam ilUul privslarent ut ad prasscriptum
moribus aut religione jejunii finem possent durare.'— Is. Casauboni Atiima<i-
vershncs in Athciuciim, Lugduni, 1600, p. 19.

Hi;!

«,^H

130 The Camus on Fasting Communion. [I'T. ii.

In general, then, the early meaning oi jcjunus was very
nearly akin to ' hungry.' But hunger may be voluntary ov
involuntary ; so we find that jgwms became appropriated
to voluntary hunger for the sake of religion. St.ll the
original meaning of the word did not wholly die out, and it
is remarkably preserved in the modern French names of
meals. The second heavy meal of the day is called ' dmer
This is derived from the medieval word 'disnare. which
Du Cange regards as a contraction of dejejnnare, 'to break
the fast • It may be said that this used to be the name of
the first heavy meal of the day, and as this meal became
later and later, the name still clung to it. But granting
that it was the first heavy meal of the day. there was the
early slight refection before it ; and as the diner became
later, the d^jetiner became of more and more importance,
and has now become the first regular meal. Still there is
the previous cup of coffee or chocolate ; so that the
jejunium departed from is but the natural hunger which

arises between meals.

But in early Christian writings this hunger, self-imposed
for the sake of religion, was self-restraint either in the
quantity or the quality of the food. This is most clearly
seen in the exhaustive homily of St. Basil on fasting,
where he uses every argument to persuade men to fast.
It was a common saying in early times that Adam's life in
Paradise was a fast. This perhaps would be surprising to
modern ears. We have been accustomed to contrast the
temptation of our Blessed Lord after a protracted fast with
the temptation of Adam in the midst of all that he could
desire. But Adam's life was said to be a fast for several
reasons ; ' first because he was not to eat of a certain tree.

» Dejcjunio, I. Opera, e<l. Gaume, 1839, torn. ii. p. i.

. Tertullian, De J^uniis, c.p. iii. Parisiis, 167S, P- 545 c:/Salvns al.o-
auin si uni arbusculavV/V"""'' maluisset.' St. Basil, Be J.-jumo, I. § 3. &c
r Ambrose, Dc Rlii ct J^uhIo, cap. iv. I'arisiis, ,836, torn. .. p. 359- St.
Lwiid that the fi.i five days of Creation were days of fasting, because
there is no word of eating.

miiitwn.

[I'T, II.

Cii. 11.]

Interpretation of Canons.

131

of jcjumis was very
nay be voluntary c/
lecame appropriated

religion. Still the
/holly die out, and it
m French names of
day is called ' dtner.'
rord ' disnare,' which
dejejunare, ' to break
ed to be the name of
as this meal became
to it. But granting
he day, there was the
as the diner became
,nd more importance,

meal. Still there is
»colate; so that the
natural hunger which

s hunger, self-imposed
estraint either in the
This is most clearly
St. Basil on fasting,'
persuade men to fast,
les that Adam's life in
would be surprising to
tomed to contrast the
• a protracted fast with
st of all that he could
to be a fast for several
o eat of a certain tree.

om. ii. p. I.

1675, p. 545 c : ' Salviis alio-

Basil, /><• y.-Juiiio, I. § 3. &c. ;

isiis, 1836, torn. i. p. 359- ^^•

m were days of fasting, because

So far forth as the tree of knowledge was concerned Adam
was fasting while he was sinless, and his refusal to keep
the fast in that particular caused the fall of man. But
still he was fasting for two other reasons : because he did
not eat flesh meat, and because he drank no wine, the use
of which had not yet been made known. From this wc
learn that a man would be called fasting if he exercised
self-restraint and self-discipline in respect of food, by
abstaining from this or that kind of food, and in particular
from flesh and wine.

We can, then, understand how one going to martyrdom
in forenoon would reject a cup of wine,' since this would
break his fast, and he would be martyred having just
broken the ecclesiastical discipline. Similarly we find that
a fisherman, finding he was out of wine when the feast of
the Epiphany approached, prayed to St. Martin, ' Most holy
Martin, send me some wine for this sacred festival, lest
while others are feasting I remain fasting.' This only had
respect to wine, for we do not hear that the fisherman ran
short of other food,*

In early times this religious self-restraint in respect of
food was much left to the individual conscience, and this
was true discipline, Cassiodorius, who as a secular magis-
trate of consular rank had great knowledge of men and
how to deal with men before he was made a bishop, ascribes
the liberty in this respect to the wisdom of the Apostles,
who left this to the conscience and discretion of the in-
dividual. None can read much of the ancient fathers with-
out discovering that there was great diversity in fasting, and
that this diversity arose from the liberty of the individual
Christian to make his own rule. The Church said w/ien
her members were to fast, but left it to them to determine
/tow they would obey her direction,

• Prudentius, Hymn 6, /> Cor. 54, 0/Vnr, Rom», 1788, torn. ii. p. 1029,
» St. Gregory of Tours, De Afiraculis S. Afartini, lib. ii. cap. xvi.; Opera,
Parisiis, 1699, col. 1048, ' ne ego jejuuus remaneam.'

132 The Canons on Fasting Communion; [pt. 11.

Nor need \vc be surprised at this : there was in those
early times no defined rule, because there was not so much
necessity for external rules when each man was more
ready to be guided by the custom of his own Church.
Then the rule lately adopted by the ' Old Catholics ' at
their first synod was fully recognized. ' It does not fall
within the competence of a Church authority to lay down
special regulations or laws respecting the extent, the nature,
or manner of fasting, because the methods of its exercise
are determined by circumstances of climate as well as by
the occupation, customs, and bodily constitutions of each

individual.'

One meaning then q{ jcjiinus has reference to the
quality of food taken ; but another general meaning was
connected with the quantity of food taken during the

day.

Those who wished to be fasting during Lent omitted
the meal of the forenoon, that is, the ariston amongst the
Greeks, the prandium amongst the Latins. Whether this
really affected or not the taking of the Weckenbrod, the
stay-stomach at waking, is not easily to be determined.
Certainly with some so small a portion of food was not
regarded as a breach of the fast, though it may have been
different with others where no particular definition pre-
vailed. A man, as we have seen, might be calleo fasting
if he had taken no set serious meal : but the forenoon
meal was regarded as breaking the fast

There is abundant evidence of this, and a remarkable
illustration of it is found in the Canon of Hippo, which, as
the first canon about Fasting Communion, occupies a good
deal of our attention. In this canon the word jejimits is
clearly synonymous with non pransns;^ that is, a man is

• This is seen not only from the knguage of the canon itself, but from the
expression used by the bishops legate of Mauritania Sitiphensis, alwut this
canon: ' De sacrificiis inhiliemlis /<;.'/ //•<///</«««/ ut ab jejunts offerantur.
(Codex J-ah-si.e A/ricamc, can. xlvii. ; Justelli liibliotheca, torn. i. p. 35'.
I'arisiis, i66l.) Also in St. Augustine's commentary on, or explanation of, the

''iJijs-!*-.- .•%i'-ii'>ss^it*.aX;-

wtumon.

[PT. II.

CII. II.]

Interpretation of Canons.

»33

there was in those
;re was not so much
ich man was more
af his own Church.

•Old Catholics' at
. ' It does not fall
athority to lay down
le extent, the nature,
thods of its exercise
limate as well as by
lonstitutions of each

as reference to the
[eneral meaning was
d taken during the

during Lent omitted
ariston amongst the
atins. Whether this
the Weckenbrody the
y to be determined,
tion of food was not
agh it may have been
icular definition pre-
ight be calleo fasting
il: but the forenoon
st

lis, and a remarkable
n of Hippo, which, as
mion, occupies a good
n the word jejunits is
Hs\^ that is, a man is

the canon itself, but from the
itania Sitiphensis, alwut this
m lit ab jejtiuis offerantur.'
Bibliotlu'ca, torn. i. p. 351,
iry on, ov explanation of, the

fasting if he have not taken the prandium. The canon
says that a man may not celebrate other^vise than fasting,
nor if he have taken i\iG prandinm may he celebrate for the
commendatory of the soul of anyone, not even of a bishop.
But in this canon Maundy Thursday was excepted from
the rule of fasting celebration. Now this exception was
held to countenance a breach of the Lenten fast. For three
hundred years ' was this Canon of Hippo regarded as
militating against the strictness of the Lenten fast. Rut
why } At first sight there seems no connection between
the canon and the Lenten fast : for the canon only says
that a man need not be fasting when he celebrated. And
if the technical ' fast of nature ' — that is, the fast from the
chiming of midnight — had been known when the canon was
written, there need have been no question about the Lenten
fast. For as St. Augustine points out, it is quite possible
for a man to keep the fast of Lent by not taking the
prandium, and still communicate after food after three
o'clock in the afternoon. But we get a help to the
meaning from the question that Januarius asked of St.
Augustine, ' Must we fast, and come to the oblation after
foodV This shows that the only fast then known was
what moderns would call an ecclesiastical fast ; and the
canon was interpreted to mean that a man might break the
ecclesiastical fast on that day and take the prandium, as
well as the Dominica Cosna, before he communicated. St.
Augustine, who ought to know the meaning of the canon
first passed in his own time at his own city of Hippo, allows
the possibility of this interpretation.' When, therefore, the
Trullan Council declined to re-enact this canon three

Canon, as it would seem, he gives as a reason for the double celebration on
Maundy Thursday : ' Mane propter prandcnUs, ad vesperam vero proptery,^'«-
nanles.'—Eip. liv. (al. 118), cap. vii. §9, Parisiis, 1688, torn. ii. col. 127.

' It was first formulated A. D. 393, and in a.d. 692 the Trullan Council
said it dishonoured the Lenten fast.

' See this discussed below in the Chapter on St. Augustine, part iii.
chapter xii.

1 •

! '.I

134 The Ovioiis on Fastiti.ic Commnnioii. [PT.

hundred years after it was first formulated, they did so, not
at al! on the ground of greater reverence for the Blessed
Sacrament, but wholly and entirely on the ground that it
recognized a breach of Lent ; and this could only be on
the supposition that if a man need not on that day be
jcjuHUS, he might take the prandium, the taking of which
caused a breach of the fast. From this we may see that
the fast spoken of in the Canon of Hippo was an ecclesi-
astical fast, and in no sense the modern ' natural fast.*

That fasting had the sense of not taking the forenoon
meal may be seen from many passages,' some few of which
may be taken to prove the rule. St. Paulinus of Nola
(died A.D. 431), writing playfully about a man who had
come to stay with him, says." ' When the Paschal solemnity
recalled the days oiprandia: Easter recalled the morning
meal which the fast of Lent had taken away. Similarly
St. Jerome writes' when speaking of some ascetics. The.se,
he says, had the same rule of fasting all the year round, for
they never took more than one full meal. He then goes
' on to show how they combined the keeping the ecclesias-
tical tradition and their own self-appointed discipline ; for
during the great forty days of Easter, when it would have
been heresy to fast, 'ccena mutantur in prandia,' their
dinners were changed into luncheons ; that is, instead of

1 There are many passages in the Epistle of St. Augustine to Casulanus
which show that this was his idea of a jejunium : 'In hujus Sablxiti ^,y««w
sive irandio,' i.e. fasting or not : ' alios Sabbato prandcnUs, alios jejunanUs.
Of Easter Eve he says : ' Ut etiam illi Sabbati jejunium devotissime celebrcnt,
tiui cte'eris per totum annum Sabbatis/raW^-wA' (Ep. xxxvi. §§ 5, 26, 31, 32,
&c.: opera, Parisiis, 1688, torn. ii. col. 69 seq.) Similarlyin the sixth century,
at the second Council of Tours (A.D. 567). the rule laid down for the fast of
the monks shows that this depended on the taking or omission of the prandmm :
' Ut de Pascha usque ad Quinqu.igesimam [i.e. Pentecost ; so Gregory of
TMrs,I/ist. Franc, lib. x. cap. xxxi.; Co. Aurelian I. can. xxv. (A.U. 511);
St Aug. Ep. Iv. § 29, &c.] exceptis Rogationibus omni die fratribus //vi//</i«w
prxparetur ; iwst Quinquagesimam tola hebtlomade ex asse jgu»e»t,' &c.-
Co. Turon. II. can. xvii.; Bruns, ii. 229.

2 ' Ut solemnitas Paschalis rcvocavit dies pramiwntrii, Ep. xv. ed. Mi}.^e,

col. 227. . , o

• Ep. xxii. § 3S ; Opem, Veroncc, 1734, torn. 1, col. 118.

UtttOII.

[PT.

CH. II.]

Interpretation of Canons.

135

, they did so, not

for the Blessed

ic ground that it

could only be on

on that day be

taking of which

wc may sec that

w was an ecclesi-

natural fast.'

iking the forenoon

some few of which

Paulinus of Nola

: a man who had

Paschal solemnity

called the morning

away. Similarly

le ascetics. These,

the year round, for

eal. He then goes

jping the ecclesias-

ited discipline ; for

vhen it would have

r in prandia,' their

that is, instead of

Augiistinc to Casulanus
In liujus .Sablxiti jcjunio
xndentes, alios jejunauUs.''
um devotissime celebrcnt,
p. xxxvi. §§ 5, 26, 31, 32,
tilarlyinthe sixth century,
laid down for the fast of
imission of the prandium :
entecost ; so Gregory of
1 I. can. XXV, (A.u. 511);
iini die fratribus prandium

ex asse jejunettt,^ &c.—

'/7/w,' Ep. XV. cd. Mi{,me,
col. 118.

taking their one meal in the afternoon they took it in the
morning. By taking their full meal in the forenoon they
kept the feast and satisfied the ecclesiastical tradition, while
by only taking one meal in the day they gratified their
own discipline. To the same purpose there is a curious can-
onical answer of Thcophilus of Alexandria.' On a certain
year the fixed fast of the Epiphany fell on a Sunday, and
the decision of the bishop was invoked to .solve the diffi-
culty and say what should be done ; for here was a Sunday,
and to fast on a Sunday was heretical, while to ignore the
Epiphany fast was antagonistic to ecclesiastical tradition.
The bishop suggested a compromise. If men took some
food in the forenoon, this would satisfy the Sunday require-
ments ; while if they only took a few dates, this would be .
of a fasting character. This again shows that the omission
or taking the morning meal constituted a fast or feast. If
a man did not take the prandium he was reckoned as
jcjunus?

But as time went on men began more and more to
enquire what was the meaning of jejnnus, and more and
more exact definitions were issued.

In the seventh century, St. Isidore of Seville (died A.D.
616) in his book of Origines has definitions of fasting, which
show that in his day there was no such distinction known
as the jejunium natura, the fast from the previous mid-
night.' According to his definitions fasting was much the
same as abstemiousness. He distinguishes between a fast,
a station, and xerophagy. A station was a regularly ap-
pointed fast, on certain set days ; whereas an ordinary fast

■ "timori'^ *o»iimv, Athens, 1854, torn. iv. p. 342.

* This canonical answer also shows that the Patriarch of Alexandria in the
fifth century did not reckon the taking a slight portion of food in the morning
a bar to communicating in the afternoon ; for he orders that the Synaxis be
celebrated after three o'clock in the afternoon, to pay due honour to the fast,
and bids men eat some dates to do honour to the Lord's d.iy. He would
hardly have made this canon if he had thought the dates eaten since midnight
would prevent celebration or communion. See below, part iii. chapter ix.

' Oiigines, lib. vi. cap. xix.j Opera, Colonize Agrippinae, 1617, p. 52 O.

136

T/tc Ouiotis on Fasting; Citnmtimoti. [PT. II.

was a voluntary abstinence; vlille xcrnpliagy was the
abstnininp from moist food and taking only dry bread. If
we compare this with a modern definition, wc shall at once
see the difference.

St. IsinoRF., A.n. 636.

Jcjunium est parsimonia
victiis abstincntin(iuc cil)onini.

CozzA,' A.n. 1724.

Jejiinium corporalc proiit a
parsimonia seccmitur aliud est
(|iiod naturale, aliud ccclesias-
ticum appellatur.

Here the difference is very observable. In the seventh
century there is no trace of any such meaning as that of a
natural fast. I

Gradually the word jcjunus came to mean when dlfjcs-
tion was complete. Now the ancients observed that there
was some connection between a full stomach and sleep,'
so the question arose in ecclesiastical definitions as to
whether sleep was necessary or not to complete digestion.
Thus there is a statute quoted by Du Cange* which runs as
follows : — * Let no one, unless he have slept in the night,
and unless his digestion be complete, presume to celebrate,
because he is not reckoned fasting. But if his digestion
be over, though no act of sleep have preceded, yet he may
lawfully celebrate : but though sleep have preceded, yet if
digestion be not complete, he may not celebrate.' Here
there is most stress laid upon the completion of digestion ;
just as there is in the gloss of Bartholomew of Brescia
(most probably) upon the Canon of Hippo as given in
Gratian : —

But when shall a man be called fasting} Say that I eat to-
day, and sleep not by day nor night, am I fasting at the beginning

' Tractahti Dopnatlco-Moralis </<• yejuiiio Eccksiastico, Roma;, 1724,
p. I.

' St. Ambrose is only expressing the common idea when he says of night,
' Tunc fervet camis illecebra ; tunc tcntata illudit : coquitur alms, potitsque
digeritur.'' — In Psalmum cxviii., expositio, Scrmo viii. § 46; Ofera, Parisiis,
Gauthier, 1836, tom. ii. p. 287.

' Under the word ' Missn, viissam eelebrarf,' Parisiis, 1845, tom. iv. p.

434-

invitimoii.

[PT. II.

xcrnpliagy was the
^ only dry bread. If
ition, \vc shall at once

!ozzA,' A.n. 1724.

nium corporalc proiit a
mia scccmitur aliud est
aturale, aliud ccclesias-
.ppellatur.

'able. In the seventh
meaning as that of a

I to mean when dlpfcs-
ts observed that there
I stomach and .sleep,'
cal definitions as to
o complete digestion.
Cange' which runs as
/e slept in the night,
, presume to celebrate,
But if his digestion
preceded, yet he may
) have preceded, yet if
not celebrate.' Here
npletion of digestion ;
rtholomcw of Brescia
>f Hippo as given in

U'tigf Say that I cat to-
[ fasting at the beginning

Ecclesiastico, Romte, 1724,

n idea when he says of night,
dit : coquitur cihus, potusque
lO viii. § 46 ; Oftra, Parisiis,

',' Parisiis, 1845, torn. iv. p.

cn. II.]

Interpretation of Canons.

137

of another day ? Some say that I am. {Extra dt tmp. onl litmu.)
Otherwise sleep would be said to break the fast, which I do not
believe ; but I si.y that t/iefast exists when digestion is eomplete.

This was the opinion of the great canonist about 1250
A.n. Hitherto there has been no trace of any question of
a fast from midnight, or any such term or notion as that of
a ' natural ' fast ; the only conception we find of the dcfini
tion of a fasting man is a man with an empty stomach.

But it was difficult to say when digestion was complete.
Some said it was not complete .so long as a man was con-
scious of having eaten this or that food. But this was
uncertain, for the perception of some fragrant roots re-
mained even after sharp hunger persuaded a man that his
digestion was complete. Hitherto no Alexis St. Martin
had appeared to allow the process of digestion to be
periodically investigated ; ' it was, therefore, quite clear
that some further definition was wanted to make the
matter sufficiently intelligible,

St. Thomas Aquinas is the first to solve the difficulty
so far as I can discover. He came forward in his ' Summa'
and distinguished between various kinds of fasting." ' Fast-
ing is of two kinds, the one that of nature, which is required
before taking the Eucharist ; and this is broken by any
drink, even of water, after which even it is not lawful to
take the Eucharist. There is another fast of the Church
which is called the fast of the faster; and this is not broken
except by such things as the Church intended to forbid by
instituting the fast." This was but twenty years after the
definition of Bartholomew of Brescia, last cited ; but it met
the difficulty, for there only remained to determine when
the fast of nature commenced, and all would be quite clear
and' straightforward. St. Thomas says it began with the

> Alexis St. Martin wsis a French Canadian, whose stomach had been
lacerated by a shot. This was healed in a most remarkable way by a kind of
llap which allowed of insfiection.

■' Summa, Secunda Secundw, QuEest. cxlvii. art. 7, ad Secundum; Venetus,

1756, torn. iv. p. 178.

■ j;r;

' H'MWWIM I W "Mf ■ ■ «- i t^«»WW

138

The Canons on Fasting Communion. [PT. II

day, but, because various people reckoned their days dif-
ferently, it was necessary that one should be chosen. Now
the Roman Church began her day at midnight, therefore
the day of the fast was to begin from midnight, and a man
might not eat any food between the stroke uf midnight
and celebration. Here, then, is the first notice we have of
this distinction ; and now begins the idea of some symbo-
lism, which arises from the convenience of having a purely
technical rule of fasting. This is not traceable further
back than the thirteenth century. But even then it did not
command universal assent, for some in the fourteenth
century said that a man might take ginger or electuaries
by way of stay-stomach, and yet not interfere with the fast
before Communion. In other words, they still maintained
that the fast was ecclesiastical, and ignored the so-called
' natural ' fast.

But the authority of St. Thomas Aquinas gradually
won acceptance for the notion, which was also very con-
venient by accuracy of definition, that a man was fasting,
ready for celebration and Communion, at five minutes past
twelve o'clock at night, though he only finished eating
when the clock began to chime. This notion exclusively
now prevails at Rome. But this is remarkably different
from the old definition, which made it depend upon com-
pletion of digestion. Therefore it is vain that men now
quote the Canon of Hippo as favouring their notion of
Fasting Communion, since ihQwovAjcjwins has now a very
different meaning attached to it from what it bore of old.
The definition of the fast of nature as necessary for Com-
munion, and distinct from the ecclesiastical fast, is unknown
before the middle of the thirteenth century.

It is vain also that men argue, from the supposed
' symbolic fast commencing with a symbolic day,' in favour
of a material carnal Presence of our Blessed Saviour. If
the symbolism commenced, as it seems to have done, not
earlier than the thirteenth century, we can scarcely with

vvnnnion.

[PT. II.

CII. II.]

Interpretation of Canons.

139

:oned their days dif-
uld be chosen. Now
t midnight, therefore
midnight, and a man
; stroke uf midnight
rst notice we have of
idea of some symbo-
:e of having a purely
lot traceable further
it even then it did not
; in the fourteenth
ginger or electuaries
interfere with the fast
they still maintained
gnored the so-called

s Aquinas gradually
1 was also very con-
t a man was fasting,
I, at five minutes past
only finished eating
lis notion exclusively

remarkably different
it depend upon com-

vain that men now
Liring their notion of
:jumts has now a very
1 what it bore of old.
IS necessary for Com-
stical fast, is unknown
ntury.

;, from the supposed
tnbolic day,' in favour
■ Blessed Saviour. If
■ms to have done, not
ive can scarcely with

safety make it the ground of an argument about tlie teach-
ing of the early Christians, There can be no question about
St. Chrysostom's doctrine with respect to the Holy Eu-
charist, but he has no word of a ' symbolic fast.'

Section 2. — Change of Hours and Habits.

There is an argument which has been advanced by
some to prove the early prevalence of the custom of com-
municating before the first food of the day whS taken,
which is indeed lacking in force. It has been said that the
early hour of the celebration was a strong argument in
favour of no food having been taken before Communion.
But there is no force whatever in such an argument ; and
to show how valueless it is, one example may be taken from
the third century.

A patriarch of Alexandria, in giving his decision about
the time for breaking the fast on Easter Eve, said that if a
man had been careful in his obedience to the law of fasting
during Holy Week, then he might be allowed to break his
fast at midnight : if, however, he had paid little attention to
that law, he was to continue his abstinence until three
o'clock in the morning.' Now, when was the celebration
on Easter Morning ? Whatever time be fixed for it, there
would be some who were not fasting the ' fast of nature'
when the hour arrived. St. Epiphanius speaks of the cele-
bration and Communion being at sunrise," about four o'clock
perhaps. If so, all the communicants would have been
allowed by the canonical answer of Dionysius of Alexandria
to have broken their fast since midnight. Or if we place
the. hour of celebration at three o'clock, and those who were
negligent and least devout during Holy Week were still

' Sixro-y^ Kwivitv, Athens, 1854, torn. iv. p. I.

» Adverfiis Hareses, lib, iii. torn. ii. cap. xxii. Colonise, 1682, torn. i. p,
1 105. This was probably the time of the Easter celebration in Gaul, at all
events in the sixth century. Cf. St. Gregory of Tours, Historw, lib. ii- cap.
xxxiv. 1561, p. 102. t - A

140

The Canons on Fasting Communion.

fasting, yet the more devout had been allowed to take food
three hours before, directly after midnight had struck.

If there were no such canonical answer extant as that
of Dionysius, yet would the fallacy of the argument be
quickly made apparent by a simple investigation of the
facts of the case.

It would seem that the most usual time for celebration,
when liberty and peace had been granted to the Church,
was nine o'clock in the morning.' This was ever re-
garded as a sacred hour ; ' and though it has been said that
it was so called because the celebration was usually at that
hour, yet its sacredness was probably the reason why that
especial hour was fixed upon originally. It was regarded
as sacred because at that hour the Holy Spirit descended
upon the Apostles at Pentecost,' and the Church in its ful-
ness was born. It was also regarded as sacred because at
that hour the Lord Jesus Himself received sentence from
Pilate* When, therefore, the Church could build her
temples in the light of the sun, and could choose her own
time for her highest act of worship, it was natural that this
sacred hour should be fixed upon for the celebration of the
Holy Eucharist. There was also another reason for this. In
East and West this hour would be before the chief meal of
the day. The hour for this meal seems to have varied from
ten A.M. to twelve noon ; but the sacred hour was at all
events before this, which was advisable and Qven necessary,

' For proof of this see the mass of evidence collected by Mr. Scudatnore
in his invaluable Notilia Eitcharistica, p. 34.

" Gavanti, Thesaurus, pars i. tit. xv. § 2; Venetiis, 1769, torn. i. p. 71:
' Tertia hora dicitur ^sacra, quia sacris Missanim solemniis dicata, ab Italis
Aurea.'— Gratian, Decretum, pars i. dist. xliv. cap. xii.

• Thus TertuUian, /V yejutiiis, cap. x. O/ura, Parisiis, 1675, p. 549 u.
St. Cyprian, De Oiatioite DominkA, Opera, Parisiis, 1726, p. 215 ; St. Basil,
Kcguhe fushis Tractatcc, Interrog. xxxvii. § 3, Opera, Gauine, torn. ii. p.
536 ; Sermo Asceticus, % 4, torn. ii. p. 450; St. Jerome, Com. in Danielem,
cap. vi. 10, Vcronae, 1736, torn. v. col. 659.

< Constit. A postal, lib. viii. cap. xxxiv. ; Chrk's Aitte-Niccne Liiirary, p.
247 ; St. Ignatius, Ad Trallenscs, cap. ix. (longer recension) ; Clark's Library,
p. 200; St. Athanasius, De VirginitaU, % 12, Opera, 1698, torn. ii. p. n6.

tnmumon.

[PT. II.

CII. II.]

Interpretation of Canons.

141

allowed to take food
ight had struck,
nswer extant as that
of the arfjument be

investigation of the

time for celebration,
anted to the Church,

This was ever re-
i it has been said that
n was usually at that
' the reason why that
ly. It was regarded
!oly Spirit descended
the Church in its ful-

as sacred because at
ceived sentence from
rch could build her
ould choose her own

was natural that this
the celebration of the
er reason for this. In
fore the chief meal of
is to have varied from
icred hour was at all
e and qven necessary.

:ollected by Mr. Scudatnore

''enetiis, 1769, torn. i. p. 71:
1 solemniis dicata, ab Italis
p. xii.

ra, Parisiis, 1675, p. 549 u.
lis, 1726, p. 215 ; St. Basil,
Opera, Gaume, torn. ii. p.
Jerome, Com. in Danieleiii,

c's Ante-Nicene Library, p.
recension); Clark's Library,
^pera, 1698, torn. ii. p. n6.

For men when they ate a regular meal ate to the full, and
were certainly in no condition for a solemn act of worship.
This was true even of those who were numbered amongst
the communicants in the fourth century, when the Church
was rising from the age of persecution. On all hands,
therefore, nine o'clock in the morning was the most appro-
priate hour for celebration ; and so long as there was but
one celebration at the one altar in a church on a day, this
was the usual hour for celebration except on fasting days.
There is no occasion here to go into the question of the
hour of service on fasts, because this is really beside the
question ; for the hour of Communion was postponed
because there was a feeling that the Communion broke the
fast. When therefore we read of a celebration at noon, or
at three in the afternoon, or at six or later in the evening,
the chances are strongly in favour of the day being an eccle-
siastical fast. But as none would necessarily argue that
these hours were ' early,' there is no occasion to do more
than mention the existence of such hours of celebration.

Now nine o'clock in the morning cannot in any sen.se
be said to be so early as to make it probable that no food
would have been taken before the celebration of that hour.
In our own days it would not be so reckoned by the
rigorists. Those who now seldom if ever have a late Com-
munion in their churches, celebrate commonly at six, seven,
or eight o'clock, and would probably 'speak in a dis-
paraging tone' (as Keble said ') of a celebration at nine
o'clock, as not being quite free from suspicion of laxity.
But it was far different in ancient days, and in more
southern climes. Men had been up and doing for four or
five hours, probably, at nine o'clock, and the work of life in
brain and body would have caused waste of tissue, and
have promoted hunger.

For we must remember'that when a man leaves his bed

* LitUrs 0/ spiritual Counsel, ^. 2i^.

jBKT^WTWiBWSURrt^ff^I^WR**^^

142 77ie Cations on Fasting^ Comintinion. [I'T. II.

and assumes a vertical position, all the functions of life
become at once much more active. While he is in a
horizontal position all his muscles are relaxed, there is but
little waste of tissue ; as a rule the pulse is slower in a
man in good health, the brain is less active, and the man is
dozing if not asleep. Therefore is it thut some rigorist
priests lie in bed all Sunday morning if they have to
celebrate at mid-day, and reckon their somnolence as true
devotion. But the moment a man rises from the horizontal
to the vertical posture all his sinews become taut, the
pulse quickens in consequence, the heat of the body in-
creases, and the work of life becomes more active because
there is greater waste of tissue. This causes in a healthy man
the greater craving for food, or hunger, even though behave
not been using any violent exertion. The work of life, then,
had been in full swing for some four or five hours when
the usual hour of celebration came at nine o'clock.' It is,
then, manifestly a mistake to argue that the usual hour for
the celebration was so early as to preclude the probability
of a man having taken any food previously.

From the full and gossiping narratives of St. Gregory
of Tours we may glean hints of the usual life of a priest in
the sixth century, which seem to show that it was not so
active nor so wearing as that of a priest in London work
at the present time. It may be interesting to trace the
daily routine so far as we can, and it will be seen that, if
the periods of sleep were more broken than they are now,
they recurred more frequently.

The priest then went to bed early, and if the next day
were a holy day with a vigil, he rose from sleep to go down
to keep vigil. This is referred to more than once. St.
Gregory himself on one occasion was loth to get up, and
some one, who had woke him twice with words of reproach,
boxed his ears the third time with such violence that all

• St. Chrysostom points out it is only the glutton and sluggard that lie in
bed after sunrise.— /« Acta Apcst. hom. xxxv. § 3, Parisiis, torn. ix. p. 272 E.

ovunumon.

[I'T. 11.

CH. 11.]

Interpretation of Canons.

143

[ the functions of life
. While he is in a
e relaxed, there is but
e pulse is slower in a

active, and the man is

it thut some rigorist
ning if they have to
:ir somnolence as true
ses from the horizontal
;ws become taut, the

heat of the body in-
:s more active because
:auses in a healthy man
;r, even though he have

The work of life, then,
3ur or five hours when
it nine o'clock.' It is,
that the usual hour for
reclude the probability
viously.

•ratives of St. Gregory
usual life of a priest in
low that it was not so
priest in London work
nteresting to trace the

it will be seen that, if
:en than they are now,

y, and if the next day
: from sleep to go down

more than once. St.
vas loth to get up, and
with words of reproach,

such violence that all

lutton and sluggard that lie in
\ 3, Parisiis, torn. ix. p. 272 E.

thoughts of further slumber were dissipated. In another
instance, a bishop and an abbot have a similar dream
before keeping vigil ; ' and, again, a bishop is said to
descetidi probably from his couch, to keep the vigil of
Christmas."

When he rose to keep vigil he perchance took a cup
of wine. A bishop, calling for this as usual, was poisoned
and never reached the church ; * a priest drank so often
that he drank too much, and was visited with Divine judg-
ment upon his sin.* Again, a monk, who was persuading
some to keep vigil with him, entertained them with a cup
of wine, though his store was but small ; but the saint in
honour of whom vigil was kept was so satisfied with this
that the wine was miraculously replenished for the feast of
the morrow.®

During vigil psalms were sung, and there was time for
other occupations : e.g. St. Gregory at one time searched
for the relics of saints during a vigil.^ Vigils generally
ended ^ with matins, and then all went to bed.*

If there were no vigils to keep, the priest rose just
before daybreak to say matins. If it were a Sunday or
holy day, then matins were said in public, and a bell was

' De Ghri& Confemrum, cap. Ixxx. Parisiis, 1699, col. 963.

» His'oria Francomm, lib. iii. cap. xvii. Parisiis, 1561, p. 138; Parisiis,

1699, col. 123.

• This of the bishop in the last quotation.

• The chief thing remarked upon here is the consecrating when having
drunk 'o excess.— Z»t' GloriA Martyrum, lib. i. cap. Ixxxvii. Pr.risiis, 1699,

col. 819.

» De MiraculU S. yuliaui, cap. xxxv. Parisiis, 1699, col. 875.

• Historia Fratuorum, lib. x. cap. ult. Parisiis, 1561, p. 636.

» As matins were said about one or two in the morning, the vigil did not
last much longer probably. In the Council of Auxerre (a.d. 578), held just
at this time, it is forbidden to finish the vigil before two o'clock in the morn-
ing.— Co. Antissiodorensc, can. xl.; Bruns, ii. p. 238.

» De Glorid Martyrum, lib, i. cap. xi. Parisiis, 1699, col. 734 ; De Glorid
Confessorum, cap. Ixxxiv col. 968. On this occasion the bishop gets up at
nine o'clock, after going to bed at daybreak. He must huve had five or six
hours of sleep after his vigil. On another occasion St. Gregory slept till eight
o'clock.—/?* Afir. St. Martini, lib. i. cap. xxxiii. col. 1030.

Tli?seesaw?i;;R«iM*^Jwwi»«?'ii?3.iA

illy

».;

ill

144

The Canons on Fasting Communion. [rx. II.

run;i to invite others to assemble* At other times, and
when there was no church near at hand, the priest said
matins in his room.* After matins he went to' sleep again.
If it were a Mass day, he said Mass at nine o'clock.

In the Cathedral of Tours, Terce and Sext were insti-
tuted by Bishop Injuriosus, about A.D. 530, and the custom
was continued in the time of St. Gregory, A.D. 580 : from
this being especially mentioned, it would not seem to have
been general for these offices to be said in that century.'

Then followed the prandium, the first heavy meal of the
day. After this, again followed a period of sleep. Thus a
wife, who had been sequestered from her husband on his
elevation to the episcopate, became indignant at not being
able to see him, and forced her way in to see if another had
not been usurping her place. She found the bishop asleep
in his bed-chamber in the afternoon, with a snow white
lamb on his breast to betoken his purity of heart.'*

After this followed sometimes Vespers, and always the
coena, or evening meal: this latter was sometimes pro-
tracted until after dark.

This is the life of a priest in the sixth century, so far
as can be traced from the writings of St. Gregory of Tours.
If priests lay in bed until nine in the morning, they would
go straight from bed to the altar ; but laymen lived more
busy lives, and there is no reason to suppose that they
remained without any food at all until so late an hour.

Indeed, we find that it was usual to take a few mouth-
fuls of food at the time of rising, to stay the cravings of
nature until the time for the first heavy meal of the day.»

> Historia Francorum, lib. iii. cap. xv. Parisiis, 1561, p. 136; Parisiis,
1699, col. 121 : 'Signum ad matutinas motum est, erat eitim dies Dominica.''
^De GloriA Coiifessorum, cap. xxxi. Tarisiis, 1699, col. 919.
» Historia Fraiiconwi, lib. x. cap. xxxi. § 15, Varisiis, 1561, p. 634;

Parisiis, 1699, col. 53d.

« De GloriA Confissor-m, cap. Ixxviii. Pansiis 1699, col. 959.

» St. Gregory of Tours, De GloriA Coiifessorum, cap. xxxi. Parisiis, 1699,
col. 919.

jiiSMaiui i ii

*>f

'Jommnnton.

[I'T. II.

CH. II.]

Interpretation of Canons.

t4$

' At other times, and
t hand, the priest said
lie went to' sleep again.

at nine o'clock.
:e and Sext were insti-
,D. 530, and the custom
rregory, A.D. 580 : from
/ould not seem to have
said in that century.'

first heavy meal of the
eriod of sleep. Thus a
)ni her husband on his
indignant at not being
in to see if another had
found the bishop asleep
ion, with a snow white
irity of heart.*
/■espers, and always the
• was sometimes pro-

le sixth century, so far
>f St. Gregory of Tours,
le morning, they would
but laymen lived more
to suppose that they
itil .so late an hour,
il to take a few mouth-
to stay the cravings of
leavy meal of the day.'

Parisiis, 1561, p. 136; Parisiis,
est, eral eitim dies Dominica.^
5, 1699, col. 919.
§ 15, Varisiis, 1561, p. 634;

iiis, 1699, col. 959.

truin, cap. xxxi. Parisiis, 1699,

As has been seen, this refection was even spoken of as ' a
continuation of the fast,' because so small a bite of bread
reckoned as nothing: and nothing has been adduced to
show that it was regarded by the Christians as so breaking
the fast as to prevent Communion.

In the times and places here spoken of, that i.s, in the
first four centuries, and in southern climes, the main busi-
ness of the day was over before the first heavy meal,
the prandium of the Romans, and the upurrov of the
Greeks. St. Chrysostom tells us that the law courts sat not
noon or evening, because the full meals made them unfit
to attend to business.' At Athens they certainly began
early in the morning in the time of Aristophanes, who
introduces a chorus of old men going to the assembly be-
fore it was light enough for them to see their way. They
threaten to box the ears of the boy with the lantern ; he
therefore puts out the light, and they are left like moor-
hens in the mud." Our law courts commence some five
or six hours later ; and this may be taken as a fair sample
of the great change in hours between the early ages of
Christianity and our own in England. The law courts
commence about ten o'clock, and Parliament sits in the
afternoon (in parliamentary language; morning) and evening,
if not night. A member of Parliament during session
commonly goes to bed, for his night's rest, about the time
when in ancient days a man was rising refreshed with his
night's sleep for his day's work.

This shows the change of hours to be very considerable.
If, then, in our day few persons would call nine o'clock an
early hour, how much less could it be so called in the
fourth century ? It might just as well be argued in our own
day that mid-day was so early an hour for the celebration
that it might be presumed that none had taken any food
previously.

' Ad populum Aiiliochennni, Horn, ix. § I, Parisiis, trni. ii. p. 98 u.
' Aristophanis Vesptt, 254; cf. Achamenses, 17.

'(i

I '1

146 The Canons on Fasting Communion. [PT. IT.

This change of hours may be for the worse The in-
vention of gas a..d the discovery of cheap f^^^^^^^
turned night into day, and the natural t.me for res s
often turned to a time of work, and vtcc vcrsd, and th.
unnatural strain on the body cannot be wholesome but
there is no question of the fact, and it must be taken mo
account in all attempts to interpret the anc.ent canons m
an equitable manner. ' To speak disparagmgly of a m^d-
day celebration now is the same as speakmg disparagmgly
of a celebration at nine o'clock in the early Church ; ye
that was the general hour of Communion then. At that
time it was previous to the first heavy meal of he day.
which answers to our luncheon-so is a m.d-day celebration
now with us ; and there is nothing to show that St. Augus-
tine would not have regarded a man fasting ^f ^'^"^^y <^^
reverent Communion if he had taken the usual hght English
breakfast some hours previous to the hour of celebration.

It is indeed well that men should exercise self-denial
or hardness in rising early, to show reverence for H.m
Whom they are about to receive, if they are able to bear it
but this cannot justify any in ' speaking disparagingly of
mid-day celeVations, still less in saying that to communi-
cate after food taken since midnight is an unworthy recep-
tion or even a mortal sin ! In no sense was nine o clock
early in St. Chrysostom's days ; there can therefore be no
argument drawn from the time of celebration to show that
food had not been taken since the previous midnight before
the act of Communion.

But if there has been a change of hours, and if this be
thought to be for the worse, there has been a more decided
change in the habits of men at table, and this for the better.
In ancient days there seem to have been two meals a day
or what they regarded as meals ; for the small portion of
food taken in the early morning, like the foreign cup of
coffee at rising, was scarcely looked upon as a meal : it
^vas more what Athen^us calls it, ' a continuance of fasting.

MiMii il tf'i M a ' i '""»i"

nmiiiiioti.

[PT. IT.

CM. II.]

Interpretation of Canons.

147

the worse. The in-
cap mineral oils have
jral time for rest is

vice versd, and this

be wholesome ; but
it must be taken into
he ancient canons in
paragingly' of a mid-
peaking disparagingly
he early Church ; yet
mnion then. At that
;avy meal of the day,

a mid-day celebration
, show that St. Augus-

fasting sufficiently for
the usual light English
: hour of celebration.
Id exercise self-denial
(W reverence for Him
hey are able to bear it ;
iking disparagingly ' of
ying that to communi-
t is an unworthy recep-

sense was nine o'clock
ere can therefore be no
:elebration to show that
•revious midnight before

of hours, and if this be
las been a more decided
e, and this for the better,
'e been two meals a day,
for the small portion of
like the foreign cup of
ked upon as a meal : it
a continuance of fasting.'

The two regular meals of the day, which would answer to
our modern luncheon and dinner, were not only full meals
but heavy meals. There is abundant evidence on this
head; but examples will be chosen from the Christian fathers
rather than others, because it is with the habits of Christians
that we have now to deal.

When Christianity began to leaven the world, sensu-
ality was rampant. Philosophy had attempted something ;
but what was a cold, lifeless, unsympathetic Philosophy ?
That could not hope to effect a change in the habits of all
men. Temperance Societies would have no chance at all
were it not for Christianity. Philosophy was for the cold,
selfish, intellectual, exclusive few. Philosophy chiefly
lived upon its exclusiveness ; it hugged itself on its infinite
superiority to its neighbours, the ignorant masses, on whom
it looked with contempt, and never attempted their im-
provement. Sensuality reigned triumphant. Indeed, a
perusal of the present code of Canons of the Orthodox
Church of the East, the accumulation of the necessary rules
of past ages, would show how shocking was the state of
heathenism with which the Church of Christ had to grapple.
At present we are only concerned with the matter of food,
and there is ample proof that in the fourth century Fasting
Communion was very necessary to ensure outward reverence

at the least.

It has been already seen that when the Empire became
Christian, and many professed Christianity because it was
fashionable to do so, there was a flood of demoralization
poured over the Church. St. Augustine had to warn his
catechumens specially against being scandalized by the evil
lives of professing Christians.' It is, therefore, in the end of
the fourth century that we should look for the commence-
ment of the rule of Fasting Communion, and there we first

• Be Catechizandh Rudibus, cap. vii. § II ; Ojxra, ParisiJs, 1685, torn. vi.
col. 270.

i«ti*»S't4>««a*»»"»»^*'-

148 The Canons on Fasting Commnnion. [I'T. II.

find it formulated. In East and West wc can trace the neces-
sity of it, in the account given in East and West of the
prevalent gluttony and drunkenness.

To begin from the East. The Homilies of St. Chryso-
stom are full of such evidence, for they contain constant and
continual reference to the habits of the day. He had the
greatest How of speech of any preacher of his time, and
was gifted with the most remarkable power of language.
This enabled him at once to turn to account anything that
happened before his eyes ; and he seized every opportunity
for reproof, for praise, or exhortation, as the case might be,
and enforced each with rich abundance of oratory. The
result is, that we have materials in his Homilies for a good
sketch of the manners and customs of the Christians of his
day, and one passage from his writings will receive illustra-
tion or correction from many others.

The Homilies on the Statues, as they are called, help us
to the understanding of much of the dispositions and habits
of the men of Antio ,h in the fourth century. Irritated by
the attempt to levy new taxes, the excitable people rebelled
and abused the Emperor, and dragged about with every token
of ignominious insult the statues of the imperial family.
Then came the reaction, and the mob cowered down in fear
of the imperial vengeance. Just at this time came the com-
mencement of Lent, and the priest John (as St. Chrysostom
was then) seized the opportunity, and called on the
people to fast and repent in reality, to obtain favour with
God that temporal judgments might be averted. At first
the effect was wonderful : the churches were thronged, and
men seemed to be in earnest. But too soon they wearied
of this excess of devotion and fasting ; and moreover they
began to think that they would not be punished much,
for had not their aged bishop gone to plead their cause
with the Emperor ? and iiad not the messengers despatched
to tell the Emperor been most providentially delayed by
unusual stress of weather > So the congregations became

imutnon.

[PT. 11.

ni. II.]

Interpretation of Canons.

149

can trace the ncccs-
it and West of the

iiilies of St. Chryso-
;ontain constant and
ic day. He had the
icr of his time, and
power of language.
:count anything that
;d every opportunity
IS the case might be,
ce of oratory. The
Homilies for a good
the Christians of his
5 will receive illustra-

icy are called, help us
ispositions and habits
entury. Irritated by
itable people rebelled
iboutwith every token

the imperial family,
cowered down in fear
s time came the com-
in (as St. Chrysostom

and called on the
to obtain favour with

be averted. At first
es were thronged, and
too soon they wearied
g ; and moreover they
)t be punished much,
e to plead their cause
messengers despatched
videntially delayed by

congregations became

thinner, and after the first week of Lent, when the five
days of fasting had been broken by the two days, Saturday
and Sunday (which were feast days in the Kast even during
Lent), there were many who gave up fasting any longer
and took the ariston ' as usual.

Hereupon St. Chrysostom with great wisdom did not
so much blame them for taking the ariston, and so dis-
honouring the fast, as for not coming to church after-
wards. No doubt, he said, it was bad enough to eat the
aris'ion,but it made it far worse not to come to church ; for
if they had the thought of coming to church before their
eyes, they would not be so likely to eat to excess. The
comm<?nccment of the passage is given in the translation
of Hutchinson," because the vigour of the sixteenth century
English well renders the strong language of St. Chryso-
stom.

If thou determine with thyself to come otherwhiles to the
Communion after thou hast eat and dnmk, by this means thou
slialt learn to be modest and sober in thy behaviour, thou shalt
never offend in drunkenness nor defile thyself in gluttony ; but
remembering God's Table, thou wilt take meat and drink with
moderation, lest coming to the church, if thou smell of wine or
belch inordinately through the fulness of your stomach, thou be a
laughing-stock to all that see thee in that taking.^

The preacher next goes on to say that he wishes those
who were present to report what he had said to those whom
they had left at home. After saying that in the matter of
the fast they had perchance a valid excuse, viz. bodily in-
firmity, still this could not hold with respect to hearing
sermons, he goes on to say that the law courts did not sit

' The Greek ariston and the Latin pramUum were the names of the fore-
noon meal which answered to our 'hincheon,' liut the word is left untranslated
that it may be known that word is used in the original. Tlie omission of llie
ariston would make a day a fast; these men, therefore, broke the e;clesiastical
fast by taking the ariston, and thereupon were ashamed to come to church.

' The Works of Roger Hutchinson, Fellow of St. John's College, Cam-
bridge, afterwards of Eton College. Parker Society Edition, 1842, p. 223.

• Ad Poptdum Antioehenum, Horn. ix. § i, Parisiis, torn. ii. p. 97 K.

ISO

The Civwiis on Fastiiii:^ Communion. [I'T. II.

Dooii Mor evening, because then men would be sleepy or
unfit for thought because they would Inve eaten to excess.'

For that hearer would be unsuitable, not who has eaten and
drunk, but who does not attend to what is said, who yawns and is
inattentive, who has his Imh there indeed, but his mind wandering
elsewhere— this man, though fasting, is good for nothing as a
hearer. He, however, who is wide awake and sober, and keeps
his attention, though he have eaten and drunken, would be our
most suitable hearer of all. For in the law courts and council
chambers outside this rule obtained, as might be expected, for
they do not know self-restraint. Wherefore they eat not for nour-
ishment, but even to bursting, for they drink often beyond excess.
Therefore, rendering themselves unfit for the administration of
their affairs, they shut up both law courts and council chambers
evening and afternoon. But let nothing of this kind be here, but
let him that has eaten be a match for him that is fasting in sobriety
of soul. For he cats not, nor drinks so as to burst iiis belly nor
to cloud his understanding, but to repair his enfeebled body.

This passage clearly shows that the ariston or first
regular meal of the day was ordinarily so full a meal as to
make a man obviously unfit for his business, still more for
public worship. It also shows that the taking the meal
even in Lent suggested the probability that a man would
not be fit for public worship soon after.

But perhaps a still more remarkable passage occurs in

the second homily about Hannah. The preacher asks how

it was that Eli thought her drunken. We should probably

answer that she was evidently under the influence of strong

excitement, and the passionate movement of her lips, and it

may be the excited action of her arms, suggested this as the

most natural cause at a time when the degeneracy of the

priests had most probably led to much evil life among the

people. But St. Chrysostom has in view the opportunity

of rebuking his own people, so he says that Eli thought

Hannah drunk because it was mid-day soon after the first

^ Ad ropulum Antioshenuni, Horn. ix. g I, Parisiis, torn. ii. p. 98 B.

otiiiitiiiiton.

II would be sleepy or
have eaten to excess.'

not who has eaten and

s said, who yawns and i»

I, but his mind wandering

good for nothing as a

ce and sober, and keeps

drunken, would be our

law courts and council

might be expected, for

are they eat not for nour-

ink often beyond excess.

jr the administration of

s and council chambers

of this kind be here, but

1 that is fasting in sobriety

as to burst his belly nor

his enfeebled body.

t the ariston or first
ily so full a meal as to
business, still more for
t the taking the meal
ility that a man would
:er.

able passage occurs in
The preacher asks how
. We should probably

the influence of strong
;ment of her lips, and it
ns, suggested this as the

the degeneracy of the
uch evil life among the
in view the opportunity

says that Eli thought
-day soon after the first

, Parisiis, torn, ii. p. 98 B.

[I'T. II.

CH. II.]

Inttrprctation of Canons.

151

heavy meal, clearly and distinctly inti.n.itinii tluil such
would have been the natural inference.

Hut' why, pridico, did the priest even suspc< t tliis? Was it
because he saw her laughing, or .lancing, or staggeruiK, or tumbling
down ? Was it because he heard her uttering shameful or unbe-
coming language? No. Whence, then, had he this suspicion.
Not rashly, not by accident did he think this, but from the time
of day ; for it was mid-day when she made her prayer. How is
this clear? From the words that go before. For Ilannah rose
up (it says) after they had catm in Shiloh, ami after they had dn,nk,
and stood before the Lord Do you see ? The time that all make
a time of relaxation she made a time of prayer ; and after her meal
she hastened to supplication, and loosed the fountain ol her tears
and maintained her understanding sober and temperate ; and afte
her meal she prayed so earnesUy that she received a gift beyoncl
nature, and lost her barrenness, and set straight her infirm nature.

Then follows an earnest application of this example.
Hut the teaching of the passage is that it would be natural
in St Chrysostom's day to suppose that a woman after the
first heavy meal of the day would be entirely unfitted for
devotion by having exceeded in meat and drink. There
had been much the same application in the first homdy
about Hannah.'

She rose up after they had eaten and drunk in Shiloh and
stood before the Lord. It is not said without reason ' after hey
had eaten and drunk,' but that you may learn that the time which
others make a time of recreation and ease, this she made a time
of prayer and tears by her excessive abstinence and watching.

Nor are these passages at all solitary in St. Chrysostom,
as indeed those must know who are at all conversant with

» lis before St. Chrysostom had said, ' And so, whether yuh'^ve eaten

Sn^ani S^lil^f LTs e^n so pra, and no^t give up^he h^bit : for
iS one day you shall have prayid in this fashion, you will on the next correct
the shame that occurred the day before.'

» Sermo de AnnA, i. § 5. tom. iv. p. 707 «•

! A

t.il

^.uaai "ijiliiKJiiiwi iiMiiiii'»'«'

ml ■Ti iidilW

15-

Thc Canons on Fasting Covtvinnion. [PT. II.

■ i i :

If! 1 t

his writings ; but for such as are not familiar with them, one
more passage is given, which is pecuh'ar, as implying that
grace after meat would atone for gluttony at the meal. He
says if St. Paul and Silas sang psalms and hymns in prison,
how much more should we sing who are free.'

Mucli more should we, who are well off aud enjoy freely the
good things of God, send up to Him hymns of thanksgiving, so
that if any unseemly thing have happened to our souls from drun-
kenness or gluttony, on the entrance of psalmody all those un-
seemly and wicked results may lightly depart. And just as many
rich persons, filling a sponge with balsam, wipe down their tables,
so that, if any mess have happened fr( a the food,' this being drawn
over the table makes it clean ; so, intieed, let us do, filling our
mouth with spiritual melody, so that if there be any defilement in
the soul from gluttony we may wipe it off with this melody ; and
let us stand up and say together — Thou hast made me glad, O Lord,
through Thy works, and I will rejoice in giving praise for the opera-
tions of Thy hands.

Here, then, remark the peculiar interpretation of this
verse of the psalm. St. Chrysostom interprets it as if it
applied to the physical exhilaration of the animal spirits by
food, equally with the spiritual exultation of the righteor'^
in the intellectual appreciation of the working of Provideni\;.
Nor can we quite eliminate from the context the idea that,
if a man has overeaten himself, the thanksgiving for the
physical sense of satisfaction will remove suspicion of fault.
It is quite true that health of body and vigour of mind
commonly go together, and that sufficiency of good food is
a blessing for which we ought to be most thank^'ul.. But
few would have understood this particular text in this way,
had not the pleasures of eating been extremely appreciated
at the time. From the manner of its introduction, we may
suppose that it was the text then in common use as grace
after meat, just as now we use (as has been done in the
West for many centuries), ' All Thy works praise Thee, O

• Expositio in Psalmum xli. g 2, Parisiis, torn. v. p. 132 D.
'•' Istiiith xxviii. 7, 8.

f P

■HMSIeMlMtii

iimmBmS^^mmS^^oHmU^-

ovimumou.

[PT. II.

CII. II.]

Interpretation of Canons.

153

amiliar with them, one
iliar, as implying that
tony at the meal. He
3 and hymns in prison,
are free.'

oflF aiid enjoy freely the
mns of thanksgiving, so
1 to our souls from drun-

psalmody all those im-
part. And just as many
, wipe down their tables,
le food,' this being drawn
;d, let us do, filling our
lere be any defilement in

with this melody ; and
ist made me glad, O Lord,
iving praise for the opera-

interpretation of this
[1 interprets it as if it
f the animal spirits by
ation of the righteor'^
Aforking of Provideni,;.
context the idea that,

thanksgiving for the
love suspicion of fault.
' and vigour of mind
ciency of good food is
e most thank^'ul.. But
icular text in this way,
extremely appreciated
3 introduction, we may

common use as grace
has been done in the

works praise Thee, O

is, torn. V. p. 132 D.

Lord, and Thy saints give thanks unto Thee.' It would
have never occurred to any one now-a-days to use as grace
after meat, ' Thou hast made me glad through Thy
works.'

These passages may suffice ' to show from St. Chryso-
stom that eating to excess was the rule in his day, and this
to such an extent, that he endeavoured not so much to pre-
vent it altogether, as to lessen and lighten it by trying to
lead his people to think of higher things at the time of
their meals.

Nor is St. Chrysostom alone in this witness. Perhap-^
in his voluminous works and popular sermons he entora
more into the details of daily life than the other Fathers,
but he is not alone in his witness to this luxurious habit of
feeding to excess. The great St. Basil often alludes to it
in one way or another. Persuading men "^ to fasting he
cries out —

Tell me, you are not able to fast ? Pray, arc you not able to
gorge yourself all your life, and wear out your body with the load
of what you eat ?

But it may be said that St. Basil was an ascetic, and
used strong language about those who indulged more than
he would have ascetics indulge. It may perhaps be also
said that the revoltingly profane behaviour in church
on Easter Day which he inveighs against ' was the reaction
from the severity of the Lenten fast ; and that St.
Ambrose,* in using similar language, is only translating

• Other passages may be found in Horn, in Martyres, torn. ii. p. 668 d :
• After this spiritual theatre is dismissed, let us keep alive the flame and go
home with the same devotion, not suffering ourselves in taverns and brothels,
and drunkenness and junketings. You have turned night into day with these
holy vigils, do not turn day into night by drunkenness and excess and loose
songs. ... Do you wish to enjoy luxury? enjoy it at home, th"t if drunken-
ness supervene, there may be many to take care of you.' See also Horn, in
Kalendas, tom. i. p. 702 A ; Horn. X. in Gen, cap. i. torn. iv. p. 72.

« Horn I. de Jejunio, § 4, ed. Gaume, tom. ii. p. 4.

» Homilia in Ebriosos, Horn, xiv.; Oyra, ed. Gaume, tom. ii. p. 1 7 1. '

• De Elid et Jejunio, cap. xviii. gg 66, 67, &c.

4.
I

Wi|ttfW«»UKM»>B*<^M

w»3££bk

;l !

154

The Canons on Fasting Communion. [PT. II.

iif,

iffin

■I

iiiiiiii r

St. Basil. But this will not account for the following passage
from St. Clement of Alexandria.' This saint describes as
not uncommon a sight which cannot easily be seen
now-a-days. ,

You may see such people, liker swine or dogs for gluttony than
nen, in such a hurry to feed themselves full that both jaws are
stufifed out at once, the veins about the face raised, and besides,
the perspiration running all over them as they are tightened with
their insatiable greed, and panting with their excess.

This may suffice for the East. In the West we know
most about Africa ; and here there is evidence that there
was little restraint at times in eating and drinking. Passing
by Tertullian, whose Montanist proclivities may be held to
have caused exaggeration of the failings of his time in this
respect, we find that St. Cyprian had a distinct revelation
on this very subject. In his retirement from the Decian
persecution, he wrote to his clergy at Carthage that by
revelation he had special knowledge that the persecution
would not last long. He then goes on to say that the
revelation at the same time admonished,'^

that we be sparing in diet and sober in drink, lest, that is, worldly
allurement should enervate a breast lately elevated with heavenly
vigour ; or lest the mind, burdened by too excessive fastings,
should be less wakeful for the utterance of prayer.

"^^ It can scarce be supposed cither that a revelation on
this head would have been vouchsafed, or that the saint
would have sent special word of it to his clergy at
Carthage, unless excessive eating had been the habit of the
Christians in his diocese.

But, as we have already seen, in St. Augustine's day ex-
cess in eating and drinking was indeed the rule in Africa.
This formed one of the points in which the Donatists

' Padagogus, lib. ii. cap. i. ; Clark's AttU-Nicene Libmty, vol. i. p. 194.
Thirteen pages are devoted to a chapter on eating, and ten are upon drinking.
' Ep. vii. Ad Clerum de precando Deo; Opera, Parisiis, I?a6, p. 15.

J Communion. [PT. II.

: for the following passage

This saint describes as

cannot easily be seen

ine or dogs for gluttony than
jlves full that both jaws are
le face raised, and besides,
as they are tightened with
h their excess.

In the West we know
e is evidence that there
ng and drinking. Passing
roclivities may be held to
ailings of his time in this
had a distinct revelation
rement from the Decian
rgy at Carthage that by
dge that the persecution
goes on to say that the
lished,''

n drink, lest, that is, worldly
ately elevated with heavenly
1 by too excessive fastings,
:e of prayer.

ther that a revelation on
:hsafed, or that the saint
of it to his clergy at
had been the habit of the

n St. Augustine's day ex-

ndeed the rule in Africa.

in which the Donatists

'ite-Nicene Library, vol. i. p. 194.
;ating, and ten are upon drinking.
Ojvta, Parisiis, l?26, p. 15.

CH. II.]

Interpretation of Canons.

155

attacked the Catholics; and St. Augustine set himself
most earnestly to reform their license in this respect.

Feastings and drunkenness are reckoned to be so lawful that
they are celebrated even in honour of the most blessed martyrs,
not only on solemn days (which, indeed, none would not regard
as lamentable if he looked net or this with carnal eyes), but even

every day But let us toleivite this in luxury and waste of home,

and of those feasts which are held within private houses, and let
us receive with them the Body of Christ, with whom we are for-
bidden even to eat bread; only let so great a shame be kept away
from the sepulchres of the bodies of the -^aints, only from the
places of the Sacraments, from the houses of prayer.

Similarly the African writer who passes under the name
of St. Cyprian," but who probably is somewhere about the
time of St. Augustine, bears the same witness :—

Drunkenness is so common in our Africa, that men hardly
hold it as a crime. Do we not see a Christian compelled to
advance to drunkenness by a Christian at the memorials of the
martyrs ?

vVe cannot therefore wonder that it was in Africa first
that we read of fasting celebration being insisted on as a
rule. But Africa was not singular in the West, for we find
Sulpicius Severus rallying the Gauls on their voracity ; and
the rule given by St. Jerome to Eustochium ' (who was, be
it remembered, not only a religious Christian woman, but
a professed and consecrated virgin of high social position
as well) would hardly be regarded as necessary now.

Let your meals be moderate and never eat to repletion. For
there are many women who, though they are sober from wine, are
drunk from the copiousness of food. When you rise from prayer
at night, let not incomplete digestion cause eructotion, but empti-
ness. Fast daily, and take a refection which shuns satiety.

' Epist. xxii. (al. 64), § 3. Parisiis, 1688, torn. ii. col. 28.

« DeDuplici Martyrio, % 25 ; Cypriani Opera, Parisiis, 1726, Appendix,

p. cclxvi,

> Ep. xxii. Opera, Veronre, I734» to™- •• co>- 99-

156

The Canons on Fasting Communion. [rT. II.

Mm;

But was not all this fully known before to our dear
Lord ? Have we not been at times startled with such
references in our Lord's discourses to His own chosen
disciples ? ' Take heed to yourselves lest nt any time
your hearts be overcharged v/ith surfeiting and drunkenness
and cares of this life, and so that day come upon you un-
awares.' ' These words, as we find by comparing the
Synoptic Gospels, were spoken not to the multitude at large,
but to the chosen twelve, as the Lord sat on the Mount of
Olives, lingering still in view of Jerusalem and the Temple.
The warning was addressed not to the people at large, not
to the disciples in general, but to the chosen twelve. Must
we not think that the warning was addressed through them
to such cases as the Fathers at the commencement of the
fifth century speak of .' • -

In prospect, then, of such habits, it would be natural that
the Fathers of the Church in council would try to prevent
irregularities and profanity, at all events externally, at the
highest and most glorious worship of the Church. If. then,
it was thought probable that men, if they ate at all, would
eat to satiety or excess, it would be well that they should
come to church before the first heavy meal of the day, or
(in the language of ecclesiastical usage) fasting, that is to
say, amongst the Greeks before they had taken the arision,
with the Latins before ihc prandium. It was necessary, to
ensure outward decorum, that men should come to Com-
munion fasting.

But it may be said that if men believed, as we know
they did, it was impossible that infirmity of nature shou'd
lead them into such terrible profanity as to press forward

' .St. Luke xxi. 34, compared with St. Matthew xxiv. 3, St. Mark xiii. 3.
The words ' well drunk,' in the speech of the Architriclinus (St. John ii. 10),
point to the same. In ages before the ' making merry ' of Joseph and his
brethren have in Hebrew and Greek a distinct reference to satiety if not excess
(Gen. xliii. 34). To be fed to the full, i.e. with sense of repletion even to
loathing, is the desire of the carnal Isnielites (Exodus xvi. 3, Numbers xi.
19, 20). Nor is the Apocrypha without such reference, Ecclus. xxxi. 21, &c.

.ommutiion.

[ft. II.

CH. II.]

Interpretation of Canons.

157

m before to our dear
es startled with such
5 to His own chosen
ves lest Pt any time
citing and drunkenness
ly come upon you un-
id by comparing the
the multitude at large,
d sat on the Mount of
sal em and the Temple,
he people at large, not
! chosen twelve. Must
ddresscd through them
commencement of the

it would be natural that
il would try to prevent
^ents externally, at the
f the Church. If. then,
f they ate at all, would
; well that they should
ivy meal of the day, or
sage) fasting, that is to
r had taken the ariston,
I. It was necessary, to
should come to Coni-

believed, as we know
rmity of nature shou'd
ity as to press forward

thew xxiv. 3, St. Mark xiii. 3.
\rchitriclinus (St. John ii. 10),
ing merry ' of Joseph and his
eference to satiety if not excess
ath sense of repletion even to
i (Exodus xvi. 3, Numbers xi.
eference, EccUis. xxxi. 21, &c.

to Communion when disordered by excess of food. Can it
be thought that when St. Clirysostom strains human
language to express extreme reverence for the mystery
of the Altar, men would desecrate the service by unseemly
conduct .'

It is indeed hard to think so ; because, as we look back
upon primitive antiquity, when love was warm and fresh
and eager, there is apt to arise a halo of romance which
makes us humbly to conceive that we are not only no
better but much worse than our fathers. But it would
almost seem as if the First Epistle to the Corinthians was
written that there might be dis ouraged any ideal concep-
tion of the primitive Apostolic Church. Even then there
was irreverence at Communion from the effects of excess
in food ; and we find some hints of the same further on in
history. Thus St. Chrysostom gives the irreverence from
satiety, especially on Maundy Thursday, as a reason why
Lent was instituted before Easter to ensure some sort of
preparation before Communion.

Why do we fast these forty days ? In ancient days many used
to approach the mysteries carelessly and as it might happen, and
especially at this time when Christ instituted them.'

• Thus St. Chrysostom would seem to imply that irrever-
ence caused by the Maundy was one reason for the institu-
tion of the fast. Walafrid Strabo (a.d. 850) says distinctly
that it was necessary that the celebration should be before
the prandium, since that often degenerated into excess.'

Also a great reason of necessity demands this [fasting], since
evidently it is credible that men taking the prandium before Com-
munion (a bad habit, always having a tendency to get worse)

' Contra Judaos, iii. § 4; Opera, Parisiis, torn. i. p. 6ii C.

' De Rebus Ecclesiasticis, cap. xix. apud Hittorpium ; De Catholics
Ecclesia Divinis Officiis, Komae, 1591, p. 343. It is one of the reasons given
by St. Thomas ; ' Tertio propter periculum vomitus et ebrietatis, qua; quandoque
contingunt ex hoc quod homines inordinate cibis utuntur.' — Summa, p. iii.
quxstio Ixxx. art. 8, Veneliis, 1757, torn. v. p. 546.

t/'

it'll

ill ■

)!
illli

ill

11!

ll!
11

ill!

5!!;' !■

158 T//C Canons on Fastinj; Comvmnion. [PT. II.

would sometimes sHi) on from slight refections even to excess of
drunkenness.

St. Gregory of Tours, too, tells a terrible story of a priest
consecrating even in the morning when in a state of
drunkenness after a night's drinking.' It is therefore no
wonder that we find such canons as that of MAcon, that ' no
presbyter stufifed with food or drunken with wine is to pre-
sume to handle the sacrifices or Masses on private or festival

days.'

In our own country there was good ground for similar
canons. Constantly do we find canons against priests
drinking to excess; there was good reason then in the tenth
century for the following canon, which is ascribed by
Johnson to the year A.D. 994 : —

Further, we command all mass priests, who are willing to sing
Mass before High Mass either on Sundays or other mass days, that
they do it secretly, so as that they may draw no part of the people
from High Mass ; for it is a very evil custom, which some men
practise both on Sundays and other mass days, that they will hear
Mass early in the morning, and then presently all the day after
serve their own belly, not God, by drunkenness and junketing.

> « So Epachius the priest, when he rashly presumed to do what he was
unworthy to do, was hurled to the ground by the Divine judgment. This
man, when he had sought the church to celebrate the vigil of Christmas, kept
going out of the Temple of God every hour, and kept drinking in his own
house licentious cups with foaming bowls, so that many affirmed that they saw
him drinking in that night after cock-crow. But since he was of a family of
senatorial rank, and no one in that town of Riour spoken of before was
reckoned of higher rank in the estimation of the world, he was sought out to
celebrate the solemnity of the Mass. Nor did the wretched man, sodden with
wine as he was, hesitate to press on eagerly to that which no man, though
fasting, can without fear undertake with trembling conscience. But when
the sacred words were finished, and the Sacrament of the Lord's Body was
broken, he himself received and distributed to others to eat ; but he at once
fell to the ground, uttering a cry like a horse's neigh ; and casting from his mouth
foam with the very particle of the Sacred Mystery which he had been unable
to masticate, he is borne away from the church by his own people. Nor from
that day was he without the infirmity of epilepsy, but throughout the lunar
periods, with increase and decrease, this always lasted, because the wretched
man did not at all abstain from taking too much wine.'— Z?tf GloriA Martyrum,
lib. i. cap. Ixxxvii.; Opera, Parisiis, 1699, col. 819.

■ i^imm

messSi

Communion. [pt. ii.
ctions even to excess of

terrible story of a priest
when in a state of
g} It is therefore no
hat of MAcon, that ' no
en with wine is to pre-
es on private or festival

;ood ground for similar

:anons against priests

eason then in the tenth

which is ascribed by

its, who are willing to sing
ys or other mass days, that
3raw no part of the people
custom, which some men
3S days, that they will hear
presently all the day after
unkenness and junketing.

<f presumed to do what he was
ly the Divine judgment. This
ite the vigil of Christmas, kept
and kept drinking in his own
lat many affirmed that they saw
But since he was of a family of
if Riour spoken of before was
the world, he was sought out to
the wretched man, sodden with
to that which no man, though
mbling conscience. But when
ament of the Lord's Body was
o others to eat ; but he at once
;igh; and casting from his mouth
stery which he had been unable
\ by his own people. Nor from
epsy, but throughout the lunar
ys lasted, because the wretched
:h wine.' — De GloriA Martyrum,
.819.

CII. IT.]

Interpretation of Canons.

159

Now we command that no man taste any meat till the service of
the High Mass be finished ; and that all women, as well as men,
assemble themselves to High Mass, and the preaching of Gotfs
WonV

Here, then, it is not only about Communion, but about
attending at service and hearing the sermon. The tendency
of men was such that when they took food they gorged them-
selves, hence they were forbidden to touch food until they
had heard High Mass and the sermon. It is quite manifest
from all testimony that when such canons were passed
there was sufficient reason for them ; but it does not follow
that such canons must consequently bind always and at all
times. If so, the rigorists must certainly attend mid-day
celebration and hear the sermon before they venture to
touch food ! No, we must remember that when Fasting
Communion was the custom, excess in eating was the rule
and not the exception, and in order to secure reverence at
Communion, it was necessary that the rule should be that
men should come fasting." The necessity of this is seen
from the various rules that men should be fasting not only
at Communion but at sermon time ; and not only so, but
also at Baptism, Confirmation, and Ordination, whether as

> A Collection of the Laws and Canons of the Church of England, by John
Johnson, M.A. Oxford, 1850, vol. i. p. 478. This is much the same as the
nineteenth Canon of Auxerre (a.d. 578), which forbids priest, deacon, or
subdeacon to remain in church while Mass is being said, if he have touched
meat or drink. —Bruns, Camnes, tom. ii. p. 239.

» This is always one reason, if not the only one, given in ancient days for
the introduction of the custom of Fasting Communion. Thus in a MS. Book
of Homilies in the British Museum (Harleian MSS. 2247, fo. 86) the rule is
ascribed to the prevalence of excess and drunkenness, and ends, 'So holy
Chirch hath turned that foule use fo gretter honeste and holynes, that ys to
sey, to sey Miisse fasting, and men and women to r»ceyve ge Sacrament fasting
but' if grete nede and sikenes cause it.' In a MS. in my possession of the
thirteenth century (dated A. D. 1 268), consisting of skeleton sermons on the Blessed
Sacrament by the preaching friars at Cologne, there are a few notes on the
seven petitions of the Lord's Prayer, showing how these pray against the seven
deadly sins, and pray for the seven beatitudes. The petition ' lead us not
into temptation ' is explained as a prayer against gluttony, ' ne vincamur
temptatione cibi vel potus superflui.' This would scarcely have occurred to
an ordinary English Christian in our day.

ss^ra^e^^s^ees--

.. „_.i:i.._..»

wii

li'
If!

I
I

1 60 77/t' {TrtwrJ/zJ w Fasting Commwiioii. [PT. II.

bishop, priest, catechumen, or candidate, all were to be fast-
ing. Nay, even more than this, in ord'ir to prevent false
swearing and to ensure accuracy in testimony, it was
obliged to be laid down as a law that men were to be fast-
ing when they gave testimony upon oath.' We are there-
fore not to be surprised that the same gross habits necessi-
tated a rule " that none should eat or drink- soon after
Communion, not only lest excess should dishonour their
.service, but even to prevent much worse irreverence. It is
distressing to read of penances being apportioned to bishops,
priests, deacons, clerks, monks, and laymen for profanity
even to vomiting through drunkenness or overeating.' But
these penances reveal the necessity of the rule of Fasting
Communion ; and the varying severity of penance teaches
us that the bishops were of the same opinion as St.
Chrysostom, that temperance after Communion was even
more important than before. For the penance for dishonour-
ing the Sacrament by excess after Communion is consider-

• Thus one of the canons of Isaac, Bishop of I-angres (cir. A.u. 750) is as
fallows : ' cap. ii. De Pajwiis caveiidis. Trxcipimus ut perjuria caveantur,
nee admittantur testes ad juramentum antequam <liscutiiintur. Et si aliter dis-
cuti non possint, separcntur ab invicem et singulariter intiuirantur. Et non
licet soli accusatori testes eligere absente suo causatore. Et omiiino utillm
nisijejunus^A. juramentum vel ad testimonium admiltitur.'— Migne, Patrohgue
Citrsus Computus, torn, cxxiv. col. iioi.

» See p. 179 et seq.

» These are generally to be found in English Missals amongst the Caultl.r.
The Sarum is as follows : ' .Si quis aliquo casu guuc Eucharistiam evomuerit
vomitus ille debet incinerari, ct cineres juxta altare debent lecondi. Et si
fuerit clericus, monachus, presbyter, vel diaconus, quadraginta diebus poeni-
teat, episcopus septaaglnta, laicus triginta. Si vero ex infirmitate vomuerit
quhique diebus poeniteat.' (Maskell, Ancient Lituriy of Church of England,
1846, p. 175.) That in the Hereford is: 'Si quis per ebrietatem vdvoraci-
tatcni Eucharistiam evomuerit quadraginta diebus pceniteat. Clerici vel
monachi, diaconi vel presbiteri, septuaginta diebus: episcopus nonaginta
diebus. Si per infirmilatem evomuerit septem diebus poeniteat.' (Missalf ad
usum Herfordmsis Ecclesue, 1874, p. xxxv.) A rigorist priest acknowledged
that his daily celebration before taking any food always made him very sick ;
but he never did penance. • Si quis patitur continuum vomitum, tutius est
quod non detur ei Eucharistia, quia sufficit ei fides et bona voluntas,' is the
rule of Hereford.

mnumon.

[PT. II.

CM. II.]

Interpretation of Canons.

i6t

:, all were to be fast-
•d':;r to prevent false
testimony, it was
Tien were to be fast-
ith.' We are there-
gross habits necessi-
or drink- soon after
Duld dishonour their
se irreverence. It is
)portioned to bishops,
laymen for profanity
3 or overeating.' But
r the rule of Fasting
\f of penance teaches
ame opinion as St.
ommunion was even
enance for dishonour-
mmunion is consider-

[-angres (cir. A.u. 750) is as
f)imus lit perjuria caveantur,
iscutuintur. Et si aliter dis-
lariter inquirantur. Et non
jsatore. Et omitino iiutlii.i
nittitur. ' — Migne, Patrologic

tlissals amongst the Cautehe.
ulic Eucharistiam evomuerit
tare debent lecondi. Et si
!, quadraginta diebus poeni-
irero ex infinnitate vomuerit
ursy of Church of England,
iuis per ehrktatem vel voraci-
bus poeniteat. Clerici vel
liebus : episcopus nonaginta
iebus poeniteat.' (Missali! ad
rigorist priest acknowledged
always made him very sicl< ;
ntinuam vomitum, tutius est
des et bona voluntas,' is the

ably heavier than the penance for communicating after
food.'

The fact, then, that the same rule held for hearing
sermons, Baptism, Confirmation, Communion, Ordination,
and taking oaths in a court of law, shows that there was
no such idea contemplated, as some would insist on now,
that the fa -it before Communion was ' a symbolic fast
beginning with a symbolic day.' I do not protend to
know quite what this means, but as the reverence sought
in making the Communion the first food received in ' a
symbolic day ' cannot apply to Baptism, nor to hearing
sermons, nor to Confirmation, nor to Ordination, nor to
giving testimony on oath, and as there was the same rule
for all, we can scarcely suppose that there was originally an
exceptional symbolism for one. If this symbolism existed,
it was introduced as a pleasing reason to persuade men to
accept a rule which gross habits had rendered necessary.

It is indeed a matter for the deepest thankfulness that
Christianity has with us so leavened society that drunken-
ness and excess have decreased, at all events amongst
persons who are found as communicants at God's Altar.
It cannot be said that there is the same reason for a rule
of Fasting Communion now in England that there was
nine hundred or fifteen hundred years ago. The introduc-
tion of tea and such like beverages has wrought a wholesome
change for the better. While, therefore, there exists the
same reason for the ecclesiastical fast, the same reason for
humiliation, mortification, and purification of the soul,
there is not the same reason for the technical rule of a
fast from midnight next preceding the act of Communion.

This may not perhaps be true of the mining and some
manufacturing populations ; but we must remember that

' * Whosoever shall eat before he goes to Housel, and after that partake
of the Housel, let him fast seven days.' (Bacon, Anglo-Saxon IVitness, p. 28.)
The other penances are irom thirty to ninety days.

<«iffi

162 The Canons on Fasting Communion. [I'l'- H-

Christianity has reached most of those in a spasmodic and
hysterical form, which, if anythin-. would promote and
stimulate excitement and desire for excitement rather than
the steady sobriety of a godly life. - ^

But it is not only in connection with the habits at table
that we seem to trace a change for the better . for. lookmg
into the manners generally as shown in the hom.hes of St.
Chrysostom. we may find that men were then so undis-
ciplined that they needed some sharp curb to ensure exter-

• nal reverence. . .

On this head of the emendation of manners the opinion
expressed by the Greek Archbishop Alexander of Syra
and Tenos, after his visit to England in 1870, is well worthy
of record. He said that he thought that the English carried
their Christianity into their daily life more than any other
nation with which he was acquainted. It is consoling
perhaps to hear this. To those who are watching and
labouring for their Master, it would oftentimes seem as if
there never could have been a time of such laxity and
such backsliding as that in which their lot was cast. It
is ever the cry of a man disheartened in his work for God.
' We are no better but even worse than our fathers. It is
therefore encouraging and helpful to hear a cheering opinion
expressed by a foreigner, whose merits have occasioned his
being raised in his own country to a high position of
authority and responsibility in the Church of God.

Indeed, if we look back into history, we shall find
grounds for thanking God and taking courage for not
only shall we find that there has been a great change for
the better wrought by Christian teaching among us in the
matter of eating and drinking, but there has been also a
wholesome change of manners. If St. Chrysostom were
alive in our day and were present m our churches,
he would marvel at the reverent demeanour of the wor-
shippers : for in his homilies he speaks over and over
again of the irreverence in his congregations.

t ,

mmniiioii. [I'l- ll-

: in a spasmodic and

would promote and

tcitcmcnt rather than

th the habits at table
e better , for, looking
in the homilies of St.
were then so undis-
curb to ensure exter-

f manners the opinion
3 Alexander of Syra
n 1870, is well worthy
lat the English carried
z more than any other
Ued. It is consoling
ho are watching and

oftentimes seem as if
le of such laxity and
their lot was cast. It
;d in his work for God,
han our fathers.' It is
hear a cheering opinion
rits have occasioned his
to a high position of
Zhurch of God.

history, we shall find
aking courage, for not
been a great change for
iching among us in the
t there has been also a
If St. Chrysostom were
esent in our churches,
demeanour of the wor-

speaks over and over
jregations.

cli. II.]

Iiitti/ntatioti of Cunoits.

1-3

It is too true tliat in some i)articulars tl:crc docs nut
seem very much improvement, and the reproof of St.
Chrysostom mi^'lit well be read out amongst ourselves.
Does he rei)rove with great severity his congregation for
neglecting worship and discipline on Good Friday and
ICastcr Eve, for the indecent enjoyment of attendance at
the Circensian Shows? We have been shocked at the
murder of the chief of a Christian State in a theatre on
Good Friday ; nay, nearer home, by gaieties, on that most
sacred day. In many things, however, there has been a
great change for the better.

The applause in church during the sermon is not per-
haps so much to be condemned if kept within moderate
bounds ; and though sometimes St. Chrysostom bids his
people rather show their approbation of his sermons by
doing what he bids them, than by applauding loudly and
then doing what he condemns, yet at times of great excite-
ment he seems to have thanked them for their applause,
which was a great encouragement to him.' This would
seem strange to us now. It is somewhat unpleasant to hear
some popular preachers make a periodic pause for the con-
gregation to cough and use their handkerchiefs, which to a
stranger sounds like applause. But there is no especial harm
in this. A well-known priest of English birth, who had
received orders in America, used to say that, though he
was pleased with the silent attention of his congregation in
England, he much missed the murmurs of approval or
assent he had been accustomed to in the New World. But
we are well escaped from the interruption and mockings of
heretics with which, for example, the arguments of St. Basil
were sometimes received.*

How painful is it to read of the tumults which too often

< Sermo anteqmm irel inExilium, § 4, Parisiis, torn. iii. p. 418 A. There
clearly was a great burst of applause, which makes the preacher cry out,
' Really this is seemly and gi-eat for you ; this is a bright token of peace ; this
is the panegyric of the people. It is my crown and your fruit.'

» St. Basil, Iloin. rontra Saklluuios, torn. ii. p. 269 A, 270 B, ed. Gaume.

M 2

'm^tU^iia^S^S^**^^'^

1 64 Tl^*: Canons on Fasting Communion. [I'T. II.

accompanied the work of choosing a bishop! Not to
mention the well-known choice of St. Ambrose at Milan,
the contest for the Sec of Rome in the middle of the fourth
century will more than suffice for our purpose. The name
of Pope Damasus is generally connected with St. Jerome,
and his renowned revision of the Latin Version now uni-
versally received as the Vulgate. At Rome too he is well
known by the especially beautiful form of character in
which the inscriptions of his time are engraved in stone.
But he did not mount the throne of the See without
violence and even bloodshed.' One day when his oppo-
nent, Ursinus, was actually being consecrated in the Julian
Basilica, Damasus, at the head of an unruly and tumult-
uous mob, rushed in and stopped the consecration. This
sort of profanity constantly marked the quasi-canvass of
the two candidates, until, after some hundred and thirty
had been killed in church on one occasion, the ladies'
candidate, Damasus, succeeded to the Episcopal throne.

Many of our people are very ignorant and superstitious,
and the clergy of England, thougU still as a body they are
stupor mitmU for general knowledge, might as a rule know
more than they do ; yet let us hope there is not much
necessity amongst ourselves for the canon which denounces
deposition against a bishop who consults a wizard.

Still the chief change for the better is seen in the
reverent demeanour of our congregations at public worship.
All other improvements culminate in this : for if it be said
that in London the irreverent ones do not come to church
as a rule, it may be said that these would represent the
heathen population of Antioch and Constantinople who
did not come to church ; and the Christians and communi-
cants would be a selection from the population then as
the congregations and communicants are now in London.
In St. Chrysostom's homilies we constantly read of his

» Socrates, Historia Ecclesiastica, lib. iv. cap. xxix. ; Ammianus Marcellinus,
lib. xxvii. cap. iii. eel. Groiiovius, Lugduni Batavonim, 1693, p. 373-

nmiinioii. [I'T. Il»

a bishop! Not to
:. Ambrose at Milan,

middle of the fourth
purpose. The name
:ted with St. Jerome,
itin Version now uni-

Romc too he is well
form of character in
re engraved in stone.

of the See without

day when his oppo-
secrated in the Julian
1 unruly and tumult-
s consecration. This

the quasi-canvass of
; hundred and thirty

occasion, the ladies'
: Episcopal throne,
rant and superstitious,
:ill as a body they are

might as a rule know
pe there is not much
anon which denounces
ults a wizard,
better is seen in the
ions at public worship,
n this : for if it be said
do not come to church
; would represent the
d Constantinople who
iristians and communi-
he population then as
3 are now in London.

constantly read of his

xxix. ; Ammianus Marcellinus,
avonim, 1693, p. 373.

til. II.]

InktpnUUioH of Canons.

165

taking his hearers roundly to task for their bad behaviour
in church, for laughing and talking and making such a
disturbance, that some could not in the least tell what was
going on. In one homily there is a passage which occupies
some three or more pages folio on this very subject, a part
of which is here given :' —

In a house a man may see good order. The mistress sits on
the chief seat with all shamefastness and her maidens spin quietly,
and each of the domestics does what he is told. But here (in
church) the disturbance is great, the confusion is great, and there
is no difference from a tavern. The laughter, the noise is as
great as it is in the baths, or in the agora, all crying out and
bellowing.

Nor may we suppose that this was only upon one
particular occasion, for it is to be found in all periods of
the homilies. Thus again, when in his homilies on the
Psalms the saint is speaking of the solemn march of the
Israelites in silence round and round Jericho, he cannot
refrain from pointing a reproof at his own people : '—

A wonderful and astonishing sight it must have been to see so
many thousands of men, in battle array, marching in rank and
harmony, in silence and order, as if no one were there, with that
music of the trumpets arranging everything. Let them who make
a tumultuous disturbance in church be ashamed ; for if where
the trumpets sounded there was such order, what pardon will they
meet with who by their own private disturbances prevent the
accurate hearing of others where God Himself is speaking?

Similarly in one of his homilies on the Epistle to the

Hebrews he says : ' —

The priest of God stands offering the prayer of all j and are
you laughing without any reverence ? . . . This is too what I say
to women, who in the presence of their husbands do not dare to

' Horn, xxxvi. in Ep. I. ad Corinthios, Parisiis, torn. x. pp. 340-342.

» Expositio in Ps. xliii. Parisiis, torn. ^•. p. 148 B. Similarly he urges his
hearers to keep silence in church. Expos, in Ps. viii. torn. v. p. 77 C. See
again In Acta, Horn. xxiv. § 4, torn. ix. 198 D sq. In Mat. Iloni. xxxii.
torn. vii. 374.

» In Ep. ad Ilebraos, cap. ix. Horn, xv. Tarisiis, torn. xii. p. 156 A.

-ffi

i^I!

■," (

i66 The Canons on Fasting Communion. [PT. II.

do this readily; and if ihcy do it, it is not at all times.but only at
seasons of relaxation : but here they do U always. Tell n e U
woman, do you cover your head and yet laugh as you sit in
church ?

Nor is this unseemly behaviour confined to ordinary

congregations or to ordinary service., but we find language

unuch more violent used to describe the manner m wivich

the communicants approached the holy table : and this

not once nor twice, but several times :— t

Since then, we too are about this very evening' to see Him
tl«ndLdto the cross now as a Lamb slain and sac^^^^^^^^
let us approach, I beseech you, with awe and much -c - j^^^
veneration. Know ye not how the angels s ood at ^^^^'^^^^
thou-h it contained not a body, the empty tomb? But notw.th
I'jing hTs since it once held the Lord's Body, they accord
much honour even to the place. The angels, who are far above
ornaU^e,wer^ present at the tomb with such awe and reverence;
Z do we who are about to stand not by an empty tomb, but by
?eTabl Itself which holds the Lamb, do we approach wUh
t mu t and uproar ? And what for the future will be our excu.c ?
peak not this without point ; but since I see this evening many
Laklg a disturbance, shouting, pushmg each other about jumping
revmng, and rather procuring punishment for themselves thai
Ilvation-on this account I make my exhortation to you abou
hese things. What are you about, O man? When the priest
stands before the Table hfting up his hands to heaven, cal ing on
treHorSpuit to be present and to touch the offerings there is
much quiet' there is much silence. When the Holy Spint gives
ms gr-e \vhen He has descended, when He has vouched
Se offerings, when thou seest the Sheep slain and ready.
ten dost thiu bring in tumult, tficn disturbance, then conten-
tn r« revilings. And how wilt thou be able to enjoy this
SacAfice when you approach this Table with such a distur-
We? Does it not suffice that we approach it with our sms.
but also do we not suffer the very moment of approach to pass
'lout trespasses? For when we are contending, when we ar
makinp a disturbance, when we are snarling at each othe , how
Tali we be without sins? Why are you in a hurry, tell me?

, . The evtnihg of Gcod Friday; a. the };enedictine editors point out.

'ominiinion. [fT. II.

t at all times, but only at

it always. Tell me, O

yet laugh as you sit in

r confined to ordinary

=, but we find language

: the manner in which

holy table: and this

s:— , ^ "-i- ■

very evening' to see Him
,amb slain and sacrificed,
2 and much reverence and
;els stood at the sepvlchre,
ipty tomb? But notwith-
Lord's Body, they accord
angels, who are far above
:h such awe and reverence;
by an empty tomb, but by
mb, do we approach with
: future will be our excuse?
ce I see this evening many
r each other about, jumping,
iment for themselves than
■ exhortation to you about
) man? When the priest
lands to heaven, calling on
ouch the offerings, there is
Vhen the Holy Spirit gives
;d, when He has vouched
: Sheep slain and ready,
! disturbance, then conten-
thou be able to enjoy this
Table with such a distur-
; approach it with our sins,
noment of approach to pass
ire contending, when we are
snarling at each other, how
e you in a hurry, tell me?

};encdictine editors point out.

CH. II.]

Interpretation of Caucus.

167

On what account are you driven on when )0U see the Sheep
slain ? '

This passage is strong enough, but it might well be
supposed to represent an unusual occurrence if there were
not othei passages in the same strain. A great part of
two pages is occupied with a similar exhortation in a
Christmas Day sermon : '—

When we are to approach this tremendous and divine Table
and holy mystery, do it with fear and trembling, with a clean
conscience, with fasting and prayer, not making a disturbance, not
kicking each other nor pushing your neighbours. For this is a
mark of extreme madness, and no ordinary contempt. Wherefore
it brings on those that do such things much punishment and
vengeance.

On another occasion on the Epiphany the saintly
preacher uses much the same style of reproof : "—

What, then, is this sin? This, viz. not to approach with awe,
but kicking, beating, full of anger, shouting, reviling, pushing your
neighbours, filled to the full with disturbance. I often spoke thus
and will not give over. Do you not see in the Olympic games,
when the judge of the games goes through the agora, having a
crown on his head, robed in a vestment, holding a wand in his
hand what order there is when the herald cries that there be
silence and quiet behaviour ? How, then, is it not incongruous"
that when the devil holds his pomp there should be this quiet,
but when Christ calls us to Himself, there should be much
tumult ? In the agora silence, in church hubbub ; in the open sea
a calm, and a storm in the harbour: tell me, O man, why are you
making a disturbance ? . v

Again, writing of the betrayal of Judas:*—
Let us approach the reception of these awful and tremendous
mysteries with meekness and modesty, and much reverence, not

1 Horn, de Ccemeterio et de Cruce, % 3, Parisiis, tom. ii. p. 401 B.

. In diem natalem Dni. nostri Jesu Christi, § 7, Pansns, tom. p.

^^^^'De Baptismo Christi et EpiphauiA, § 4, Piinsiis, lorn. ii. p. 374 B.
4 De Proditione Jud<e, Horn. ii. ad fmem, Parisiis, torn. .1. p. 39«> »•

i68 The Canons on Fasting Communion. [pt. II.

pushing and kicking, neither crying out with noise and shouting,
but approaching with compunction and tears.

These passages show us that in St. Chrysostom's days
even the external behaviour of the communicants in church
was grievously lacking in reverence. In this respect there
has been a wonderful improvement. If, then, in those times
when the cutward behaviour was so shocking there was
need of carnal preparation for reception, so that man might
not receive after food for fear of irreverence still worse,
why should the same be necessary now when external
reverence is in all probability the symptom of deepened
inner devotion,' When St. Chrysostom is holding up
Hannah the mother of Samuel as an example of reverent
behaviour and devotion after having taken the forenoon
meal, he says, if she was so devout after her meal, what
would she have been fasting ? We may well reverse the
question and say, if these men and women of St. Chryso-
stom's congregation were so irreverent and profane when
fasting, what would they have been after their full meal in
the forenoon .' There may have been reason then for their
rule of Fasting Communion, but this does not make it
binding now. Perhaps some one may say that the pro-
longed fast was the reason of their violent eagerness at that
service. But that is not the question now. Evidence has
been adduced that at the time when the rule of Fasting
Communion was first formulated, at the end of the fourth
century, there was a prevalence of undisciplined habits at
home and abroad, at table and in church. This necessi-
tated the prohibition of the sitting of the law courts after
the full meals of the day : it necessitated the rule that
witnesses should be fasting when they gave evidence on
oath: how much more therefore did it necessitate that
men should be fasting when they approached the sacred
offices of our religion ? There was no exception for one
more than another ; for Baptism, for Confirmation, for

Hnion. [PT. II.
oise and shouting,

;hrysostom's days
inicants in church
this respect there
en, in those times
Dcking there was
o that man might
:rcnce still worse,
>w when external
torn of deepened
m is holding up
imple of reverent
ken the forenoon
:r her meal, what
Y well reverse the
en of St. Chryso-
and profane when

• their full meal in
ason theft for their
does not make it
say that the pro-
t eagerness at that
»w. Evidence has
le rule of Fasting
! end of the fourth
sciplined habits at
ch. This necessi-
le law courts after
ited the rule that

• gave evidence on
it necessitate that
cached the sacred

exception for one
Confirmation, for

CH. II.]

Interpretation of Canons.

169

Ordination, for the Blessed Sacrament, compulsory fasting
became the rule ; and if any difference was made in re-
spect of the Holy Communion, it was in the custom of a
fast after and not before the celebration. If, therefore, we
wish to interpret the canons aright, we must take all this
into consideration ; and, as Keble said on this matter, we
must ' learn to make candid allowance for the difference
between our circumstances and those with a view to which
the primitive canons were framed.' ' In other words, while
we acknowledge the necessity of the fence of fasting to
preserve holy solemnities from irreverence when these
canons were first framed, we must also -acknowledge that
with change of manners this necessity has passed away,
and fasting as a guard for the truth of oaths in the law
courts, or for the solemn offices of our religion, is no longer
necessary in England.

' Letters of Spiritual Cottusel, p. 239.

■' -I

I70

The Canons on Fasting Covwmnioiu [pt. ii.

CHAPTER III.

THE INCONVENIENXY OF PRIVATE SELECTION OF

DISUSED CANONS. i' ^

IT has been seen that the officer for enforcing canons is
the bishop in his diocese : upon him rests the responsi-
bility and the jurisdiction. This, too, is seen in the inter-
pretation given by St. Chrysostom to the passage alleged
as giving authority for making canons. The Lord said, ' If
he shall neglect to hear them, tell it unto the Church : but
if he neglect to hear the Church, let him be unto thee as an
heathen nun and a publican. Verily I say unto you,
Whatsoever ye shall bind on earth shall be bound in
Heaven : and whatsoever ye shall loose on earth shall be
loosed in Heaven.'

In these words, if wo take St. Cyprian's dictum, we shall
understand the Church to mean the bishop as representa-
tive of the Church, as he should be in reality. For St.
Cyprian said, ' You ought to know that the bishop is in the
Church, and the Church is in the bishop ; ' ' that is, as
Bishop Jeremy Taylor " has it, ' He is in the Church as the
head is part of the body, and the Church is in him as in
their representative, and all their power is ministered by
his hand, and their interest promoted by him.' Nor does
St. Chrysostom differ from this interpretation, for of the
above text he says in effect, 'Tell it to the bishop of the
Church, who is to minister food and discipline to the congre-
gation.' And herein he is followed by the Greek Fathers.

■ Ep. Ixix., Farisiis, 1726, p. 123. „, , , t^.

' Ductor Diibitantium, book iii. ch.ip. iv. rule 2, § 1 ; Works, ed. Eden,
vol. X. p. 276. The Bishop quotes St. Cyprian and St. Chrysostom.

inutnioiu [pt. ii.

cn. III.] The Inconvcnicncy of Private Selection.

171

J SELECTION OF

r enforcing canons is
im rests the responsi-

is seen in the inter-
» the passage alleged
The Lord said, • If
into the Church : but
m be unto thee as an
ily I say unto you,

shall be bound in
ose on earth shall be

ian's dictum, we shall
bishop as representa-
: in reality. For St.
lat the bishop is in the
bishop ; ' ' that is, as
s in the Church as the
Church is in him as in
3wer is ministered by
d by him.' Nor does
jrpretation, for of the
t to the bishop of the
iscipHne to the congre-
by the Greek Fathers.

lie 2, § 1 ; Works, ed. Eden,
and St. Chrysostom.

This, too, would seem the most probable interpretation ;
for the Lord at once goes on to address the Apostles person-
ally, ' Whatsoever ye shall bind ; ' and in them Me addresses
their successors the bishops.

Hence we can understand that the sense of extreme
responsibility may prevent hasty action on the part of
bishops ; and we may believe that an especial grace is
given them in their consecration to this end. Oftentimes,
it may be, their action seems cowardly or time-servinjif,
whereas it may arise from the deepest sense of responsi-
bility. We can well see that the inconveniency would be
intolerable, if a priest, in the vigour of his youthful zeal,
were to have the power of declaring the mind of the Church
on tho"e things which lie nearest his heart. Experience
teaches that when an eager zealot holds an opinion
strongly, and is called on to give the grounds of his view,
he will probably say that it is the teaching of the Church,
which is at once 'an easy and a conclusive argument ; but
generally, when pressed home, the assorter of this will give,
as the grounds of his claiming the Church to be on his
side, the views of one or two particular doctors.

This power of uttering or reviving ' canons was never
in the hands of the priests at their individual discretion ;
indeed, the inconveniency would naturally be intolerable.

For no one would be quite certain whom to obey, if one
priest revived one particular canon of a local council, and
inflicted it on his congregation on pain of mortal sin, and
another priest imposed something else on his. Confusion
must be the result, and this cannot be according to the
will of God. From the first, ' all the power of commanding
and making ecclesiastical laws, that is, laws of religion, [has
been regarded to reside] wholly in the pastors and bishops

• A canon which has been abrogated by disuser requires to be re-enacted
to have the vigour of law ; and no individual priest can pretend to this power.
' Lex abrogata non renovatur, sed restauratur velut mortua erat et exsusci -
tatur, cum ejus observatio sancitur.' — Gibert, Corpus Juris Canonici, 1735,
vol. i. p. 165.

172

The Canons on Fasting Commnnion.

in the supreme order of ecclesiastics.' * If priests ever had
this authority granted them, let one single notice of such
authority be quoted, and there may be some pretence for
the modern practice of certain priests.

But it is rather to be feared that the same tendency
that so often appeared of old, of priests endeavouring to
usurp the powers and offices confined by custom or church-
law to bishops alone, is once more showing itself. It is one
of the prava consuctudines condemned by name in canon-
law,' ' that priests should usurp authority which belongs to
bishopr alone.' There are other symptoms that this is
springing up amongst us.

Take, for example, the whole questions of Sisterhoods.
It is well known that, in consequence of grave scandals,
and no doubt other reasons, the Church of England for
some centuries did not recognize monastic life within her
pale. But in our own times there has been a revival of
this, especially in Sisterhoods. Now the ancient canons
are explicit enough on this head ; they declare, as Durandus
has drawn from them, that all such should be under the
bishop of the diocese. But more than this. Constantly do
we find laid down that the Confirmation and the Consecra-
tion of Virgins are to be restricted to bishops alone.' Thus
St. Jerome writes, speaking of a man hurriedly advanced to
a bishopric : * —

Yesterday a catechumen, to-day a bishop ; yesterday in the
amphitheatre, to-day in church ; at evening in the circus, in the
morning at the altar j just now a patron of actors, now a conse-
crator of virgins.

' Jeremy Taylor, Works, ed. Eden, vol. x. p. 276.

" Gibert, vol. i. pars ii. p. 85 : ' QuS presbyteri usurpant qu« sunt ordinis
Episcopalis.'

» ' Cette consecration ne pent etre faite que par PEvique ; et les vierges
qui la rejoivent doivent atre dgees de 2$ ans.' {Fleury, Jnstitulion au Droit
Ecclhiastiqtie, partie i. ch. xxviii. Opuscules, I -80, torn. ii. p. 305.) See Co.
Carthag. II. can. iii.! 'Ut Chrismatis conie.lo et puellarum consecratio a
presbytero non fiant ; vel reconciliare quemquam in publica missS presbytero
non licere, hoc omnibus placet.' See also Co. Carthag. III. can. xxxvi.

« Ep. Ixix. Ad Oceanum, § 9. Opera, Verona, 1734. tom- »• col. 422-

•Sk=:

nmumon.

[I'T. ir.

CII. III.] Tlie Inconvmicncy of Private Selection.

173

If priests ever had
lingle notice of such
le some pretence for

the same tendency
sts endeavouring to
)y custom or church-
nrxg itself. It is one

by name in canon-
ity which belongs to
nptoms that this is

itions of Sisterhoods.
e of grave scandals,
iirch of England for
lastic life within her
as been a revival of
■ the ancient canons
declare, as Durandus
should be under the
this. Constantly do
on and the Consecra-
bishops alone.' Thus
tiurriedly advanced to

shop ; yesterday in the
ig in the circus, in the
of actors, now a conse-

276.

:ri usurpant qu« sunt ordinis

par VEvique \ et les vierges
(Fleury, Institution au Droit
>, torn. ii. p. 305.) See Co.
et puellarum consecratio a
in publica missS presbytero
rthag. III. can. xxxvi.
1734, torn. i. col. 422.

Now, if we believe that there is a special grace given to
those who solemnly dedicate themselves to a religious life,
we should take good heed that the one who pretends or
offers to administer this grace has indeed authority for so
doing. But we find that no priest might consecrate
virgins without the special delegation of his bishop.

One sisterhood in especial is content to be in perfect
sympathy with the bishop of the diocese, and to accept at
his hands the dedication that he is willing to give them. But
how many are content to think they receive the especial
grace of a sister's life at the hands of a priest ? If not, what
means the ring on the hand of her who is called a bride
of Christ ? Who placed it there .^ By whose authority .'
It will be found that a priest has intruded into the bishop's
office ; and the excuse made will probably be that no
bishop of the Church of England would pretend to marry
nuns to Christ, therefore priests must do it. But ' there is
not in the world a greater presumption, than that any
should think to convey a gift of God, unless by God he be
appointed to do it.' '

Then again, in the administration of vows, this was
wisely restricted to bishops in ancient days, but now priests
usurp to themselves authority to do this, invito et inscio
episcopo.

Surely this is of the essence of Presbyterianism, wherein
the priest thinks that he has inherent in his priesthood
powers which have been with general consent restricted to
the office of bishop.* If priests are to be found within the
pale of our Church who are not content with the means of
grace offered by the bishops, but pretend to supersede their
authority in this matter, it is not surprising that other

• Bishop Jeremy Taylor, Dtictof Dubitantium, bk. iii. chap. iv. Rule 12,
§ 10, Works, ed. Eden, vol. x. p. 339.

' It is of the highest importance that the office of bishop should be jealously
guarded. ' Ecclesiie salus in summi sacerdotis dignitate pendet ; cui si non
exors qu.nedamet ab omnibus eminens detur potestas, tot in Ecclesiis efTiciuntur
schismata, quot sacerdotes,' — St. Jerome, Dial, adv. Luci/erianos, Veronal,
1735, torn, ii, col. 182.

,1 ^ i

-i ;

il' !

;' : 1
%'■ \
■if :

lii

174 The Canons on Fasting Conmnn'um. [I'T. H.

priests should be found who think themselves qualified to
m.ike a new breach, and erect themselves into legislators
and judges, capable of re-enacting obsolete customs, and
making them binding on the conscience.

But the inconveniency of this is seen to b'* the more
intolerable, when these priests are found to pick and choose
what customs or canons they see fit to exercise themselves
upon. Still, be it remembered, it is only a question of
enforcing these as a matter binding on the conscience of
all, on pain of mortal sin : there is no question of recom-
mending this or that to the individual conscience as con-
venient for discipline.

Some pick out Fasting Communion, which was a custom
of the Church, and insist on this, as Mr. Oxcnham did in
his sermon ; and if his text has anything to do with the
sermon, it must mean that, in Mr. Oxenham's opinion, any
person who, by neglecting Fasting Communion, declines
to hear the Church is to be excommunicated by the greater
excommunication, ' let him be unto you as a heathen man
and a publican.' No wonder so monstrous a conclusion
caused some indignation.

But if they do this, why do they not accept for them-
selves the rules that were prevalent at the sume time as
this canon or custom of Fasting Communion ? I deplore
the fact that several cases have been reported to me of
persons allowed to depart this life without Communion,
either because the priest or the dying person had taken
food since the preceding midnight. Let all such priests
accept for themselves the canon given in Gratian,' enforced
also in the decretals," that a priest is to say his hours, and
visit the sick ; then he may go to his work in the fields
(opus rnraleX but he must remain fasting till the appointed

> Dicretum, pars i. dist. xci. cap. ii. Lugduni, 1606, col. 433.

" Dccrdalcs Grcgoril, lib. iii., De CeUbratione Missariim, cap. i., Gloss on
Succurrere : ' Missani celebrando usque ad statutam horam ut hie dicit id est
nonam, vel usque ad tertiam,' Lugduni, 1606, col. 1364.

!U».

mmnnioii. [I'T. H.

smselvcs qualified to
elves into legislators
jsolctc customs, and
:e.

iecn to bf* the more
id to pick and choose
) exercise themselves
only a question of
•n the conscience of

question of recom-
il conscience as con-

n, which was a custom
Mr. Oxenham did in
thing to do with the
enham's opinion, any
Communion, declines
licated by the greater
ou as a heathen man
)nstrous a conclusion

not accept for them-
; at the same time as
nmunion ? I deplore
en reported to me of
without Communion,
ing person had taken
Let all such priests

1 in Gratian,' enforced
to say his hours, and

his work in the fields
ting till the appointed

CII. III.] The I ncoHvcnicncy of Private Selection. 175

hour, that he may be able to attend to the needs of travel-
lers, or the sick, or the dead at a funeral. But when is the
appointed hour ? Three o'clock in the afternoon, says the
glb.ss : but sometimes nine o'clock in the morning. It would
be well if such priests would make a round of their sick
people, and then remain without food until three o'clock
in the afternoon. It will be said that this canon was made
for different times. This is no doubt true, but it has never
been removed from the code of ecclesiastical law ; and it
would seem to be quite as much binding in England as the
custom of Fasting Communion.

Similarly, priests and people should on this principle
remain fasting until after High Mass on Sunday, and
hear the sermon fasting : this is the law laid down by the
Anglo-Saxon Canon.'

But the whole question of the Marriage of the Clergy
is one which is \itxy much to the point in this connection
of argument. Neither East nor West allow bishops to be
married men. In former days, when a man was made a
bishop he was obliged to leave his wife, if he had one," but
now he is not allowed to have one. With us there is free
option for bishops to do as they like in this matter. In the
West, no priest is allowed to be married. In the East, no
priest is allowed to enter matrimony after his ordination.
Will our rigorist brethren, all of them, accept this rule for
themselves ? Then, again, in the East the canons against a
priest being in any way connected with a second marriage
are very severe. No man might be ordained priest who
had himself married twice, or had married other than a
virgin. Yet examples of such marriages as that of Father
Hyacinthe with a rich widow are not unknown amongst us,
though condemned by canons passed within the four

, 1606, col. 433.
' Missariim, cap. i., Gloss on
tarn horam ut hie dicil id est
)1. 1364.

' Johnson's Canons A. C.L. Oxford, 1850, vol. i. p. 478. Also Anglo-
Saxon Witness, by Rev. J. Baron, 1869, p. 30. See above, p. 59, note.

» See such passages in St. Gregory of Tours as Historia Framorum, lib. L
cap. xliv. Parisiis, 1561, p. 32, &c.

1/6

The Canons on Fasting Communivn. [i"r

seas, as well as on the Continent. Now, all these rules
were drawn up and enacted with a view to the greater
reverence for the Sacraments ; there is no reason, therefore,
why they should not be binding now, unless the idea of
reverence has been changed ; and if it be changed in one
particular, why may it not change in another ?

The canons of the Apostles' depose or excommunicate
all who do not fast on Wednesday and Friday. Where is
there any canon repealing this.? Truly it has dropped
out of our canoi's and rubrics, and our Church only requires
the fast on Friday. But then Fasting Communion stands on
much weaker ground ; for no canon on this subject was
enacted earlier than A.D. 393, and then it was only a local
council that issued the canon which has dropped out of our
code in England. On this question of fasting the great
canonist Durandus brings together all the various regula-
tions, and ends by saying :« ' It is by no means expedient
that the things contained in this chapter should be put out
under a precept, for many, yea infinite mortal sins would
follow ; ' that is, the precept would not be kept. This is an
honest avowal, and most wholesome advice ; but the gloss
in Gratian seems very shuffling, unless we take into account
abrogation by disuser. Upon a decree that the fasts of
Wednesday and Friday are on no account to be broken
there is the following gloss : » ' That is, by those who are
bound to keep them either by a vow or penance. Or say
that this was in the primitive Church of necessity, but now
of counsel.' How would one be met with indignant rhetoric
if such a gloss were attempt d in this essay ! What is there
to make such a gloss one whit more effective about the
Wednesday fast than it would be with us about Fasting Com-
munion ? The Wednesday fast has never been repealed, but

> Canon Ixix. (al. 68), Bruns, i. p. lo. See above, p. 80, note 2.
» De Comilio Celebrando, pars ii. tit. Ivi. Parisiis, 1545, p. 123.
• Decretum, pars iii. Di Consecrat. dist. iii. cap. xvi. Lugduni, 1606, col,
1969.

imuntvu.

[i-r.

low, all these rult-s
new to the greater
no reason, thcreforci
, unless the idea of
be changed in one
tiother ?

2 or excommunicate
I Friday. Where is
uly it has dropped
Church only requires
ommunion stands on
on this subject was
n it was only a local
s dropped out of our
of fasting the great
1 the various regula-
no means expedient
ter should be put out
e mortal sins would
t be kept. This is an
advice ; but the gloss
we take into account
ree that the fasts of
ccount to be broken
t is, by those who are
or penance. Or say
of necessity, but now
ith indignant rhetoric
essay ! What is there
e effective about the
is about Fasting Com-
ver been repealed, but

ibove, p. 80, note 2.

siis, 1545. P- »23-

;ap. xvi. Lugduni, 1606, col.

CIl. III.] The Inconvcutaicy of Private Schxtion. 177

been abrogated by disuser ; and it has not been enforced
by a continuous decree in our rubrics. True ; but neither
has this rule of Fasting Communion.

It would be tedious to go through tic whole list of
ancient canons or customs which have now died out, as some
would say, or, as a canonist would argue, have become
abrogated by disuser. •

By what right, then, do priests administer the Cr.p to
the laity } This has been freely condemned as a heresy in
the West. By what right do priests celebrate the Blc cd
Sacrament at an early hour without having previously sd id
matins > This was enj )ined universally. By what right
does any priest vary in any way the ceremonial or ritual
from that adopted at the Metropolitan Cathedral ? There
are many canons on this scure. By what right does any
priest enter matrimony.? All canon law abounds with
condemnation of such conduct, or approarh to it. By what
right are beards of priests allowed tu grow, against the
canon which says, ' Sacerdos neque comam neque barbam
nutriat ' ? This too out 01 reverence for the Sacrament,
lest dishonour should be done in the reception of the Cup.
By what right does any priest in baptizing pour water on
any child which is not certified at the moment to be weak ?
The Church of England directs immersion ; the ancient
Church looked askance, to say the least, upon baptism by
afifusion without immersion : but are we therefore to insist
upon ' dipping ' like Anabaptists .> By what right do priests
baptize at other times than Easter, or at the most Pentecost ?
This has been condemned by many canons. By what right
do priests communicate those whom they do not know
to have confessed, and received ab; olution ? Yet this is
canon law of England, to be found in Lyndwood (and
Fasting Communion is not), which has never been repealed
in set terms.

It will be answered to this, by the right of the law or

tf.

178 T/ic Canons or Fasting Communion. [iT. il.

custom, positive or negative, of the Cluuch of England ;
and it will be a ritjht answer.

Bill if it is a ri^jht answer, and if custom to the contr.uy
has removed binding vigour from these ancient law^ or
c inons, what right has an individual priest, one of the ivi-
ferior clergy who vere never admitted to have sole voice
(if any at all) in Church legislation, what right has a
priest, mcro mot.,, io claim a power of galvanizing into
life and vigour a dead canon or custom ?

By '.'.tat right does any individual priest say ' that to
communicate after any food is that 'which God has for-
biddeii,' ' a service which you have great reason to fear He
will never accept ? ' To such an one would St. Chrysostom
address his scathing words, ' Let them degrade the Lord
Himself, who iCor supper gave the Communion to His
Apostles.' 1.. ' them excommunicate the Apostles for
receiving after supper.

By what right do priests in England say, as ome con-
stantly do, that to communicate otherwise than fasting
since the preceding midnight is a mortal sin .? By no right
hun^an or divine ; for there is no positive precept binding
in England the contravention of which would be what they
call a mortal sin. If they know the meaning of what they
say, it is wicked in them ' making the heart of the righteous
sad whom God hath not made sad ; ' if they do not know
the meaning, it is unpardonable in them to use such
language at random.

• r/u Duty of Fasiius Commumcn, a sermon by F. N. Oxenhixm, M.A.
Rivingtons, 1873, p. 20.

'ommntiion, [I'T. 11.
Cluiich of England ;

;ustom to the contr.ny
these ancient laws or
I priest, one of the ivi-
ted to have sole voice
on, what right has a
cr of galvanizing into
am ?

lal priest say ' that to
: 'which God has for-
'reat reason i-o fear lie
would St. Chrysostom
icm degrade the Lord
le Communion to His
icate the Apostles for

[land say, as >ome con-
otherwise than fasting
lortal sin .• By no right
lositive precept binding
lich would be what they
le meaning of what they
he heart of the righteous
i ; ' if they do not know
in them to use such

rmon by F. N. Oxenham, M.A.

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CII. IV.]

The Fast after Covimnnion.

179

CHAPTER IV.

THE FAST AFTER COMMUNION.

BUT not only was a fast before Communion advisable
and perhaps necessary in former times, when excess
in eating was the rule, there was also a constant tendency
towards insisting on a fast after reception. This we see,
for example, in the complaints of St. Chrysostom, that men
fasted indeed before, but spoiled all by excess directly
after, communicating : — ^'

Let us all also listen to these words, as many of us as come
to this Sacred Table with the poor. When we leave we do not
seem to have seen them ; but we even get drunk and hurry by
the hungry : of which the Corinthians also were accused. And
when does this happen ? say you. Always, and specially at fes-
tivals, when specially it ought not to happen. For then, after
Communion drunkenness succeeds, and contempt of the poor.
And when you have received the Blood, when should be your
time for fasting and soberness, you play drunken tricks, and
make merry. Why, even if you have taken something very
excellent at luncheon \ariston\, you are careful not to spoil
the first with any other unpleasant food ; yet when you have
been feasting on the Spirit, you bring in on the top of this a de-
licacy of Satan. Consider, when the Apostles partook of those
Sacred Suppers, what they did. Did they not betake themselves
to prayer and hymnody ? Was it not to holy vigils ? Was it not
to that long discourse abounding in much thoughtful wisdom ?
For then He recounted and taught them those great and wonderful
things, when Judas had gone to summon His cnicifiers. Did you
not hear how the three thousand who enjoyed the Communion con-
tinued stedfastly in prayer and in doctrine, and not in drunkenness
and revellings? And you indeed fast before you partake, so that

N 2

■t

1. •

•• .i>s - tt «W*'Si' g i: »> 4ta: ;;: ' j a'i Ki g"'

i8o The Canons on Fasting Cohwiunion. [pt. H.

somehow or other you n.ay show yourself .vorthy of the Com-
munion ; but when you have received, and ought to P-t-ct ym^
temperance, you ruin all. Yet, indeed, U is not of equal UT^port-
ance to fast before and after, for truly you ought to be temperate
at both times, but most specially after you have received the
Bridegroom. Before this, then, that you maybe northy to re-
ceivef and after, that you may not show yourself "nworthy of
what you have received. What, then, is it necessary to fast after
receiving? I do not say this, nor do I bind you down to it. For
this, too, were good, yet I do not enforce it, but T do exhort you
not to feast to excessive repletion. > ,:

The same was complained of in England in the tenth
century : —

It is a very bad custom that many men practise both on
Sundays, and also on other mass^days, that is that ^tjaightw^s
at early morn, they desire to hear Mass, and immed,ately after
Mass, from early morn, the whole day over, in ^drunkenness and
feasting they minister to their belly, not to God.

This was met by a custom of a fast after Communion,
intimations of which are. found nearly as often as we find
the fast before Communion mentioned. The two are found
together in the accusations made against St. Chrysostom
. He communicated others after eating. He ate a smal
cake after Communion.' Both charges seem of equal
force. We find reference to the custom also in the sixth
century at the Second Council of Macon (A.D. 585)- For
although this speaks of reception of the residue of tae con-
secrated elements, and that seemingly by those who were
not generally communicants, yet the reception is the same,
and there is the same reason for reverence. The latter
part of the canon runs as follows : '—

" Whatever residue of the sacrifices remain over in the Sa-
craiium after celebration of Mass, let children be brought to

•St. Chnsostom, in Episi. I. ad Cor. Ilom. xxvii Paris 1732, vol. x.
p 247 A subsequent fast is to this day a matter of counsel m the Greek Church.
^AfHa-Saxou mi"<-ss, by Rev. J. Baroh, London, 1869, p. 30.
. Co^Matiscon. II. can. vi.; Owcu-s, Bruns, 1839, vol. n. p. 251.

nninwiioii. [rx. li.

;lf .vorthy of the Corn-
el ought to protract your
; is not of equal import-
i ought to be temperate
you have received the
1 maybe northy to re-
)w yourself unworthy of
it necessary to fast after
lind you down to it. For
: it, but T do exhort you

England in the tenth

y men practise both on
hat is, that straightways,
ss, and immediately after
aver, in drunkenness and
to God.«

fast after Communion,
irly as often as we find
led. The two are found
gainst St. Chrysostom.
iting. He ate a small
:harges seem of equal
astom also in the sixth
MAcon (A.D. 58s). For
f the residue of tae con-
ngly by those who were
le reception is the same,
reverence. The latter
i

;s remain over in the Sa-
Et children be brought to

lorn, xxvii. Paris, 1 732, vol. x.
;r of counsel in Ihe Greek Church.
I, Ldndoh, 1869, p. 30-
UII8, 1839, vol. ii. p. 251.

ClI. IV.]

T/ic Fast after Communion.

ici

the church, on Wedncf.ilay or Friday, by him wlmsc busiiies.s it is,
and, a. fast hmnng been enjoined them (indicto eis Jejunio), lot llicin
receive the same residue witli wine poured over.

Here there is no word of an antecedent fast, but there
is of a subsequent fast. Probably the reason why the
antecedent fast is not spoken of is, because the children
were generally brought after school, when they had not
eaten for some time ; and therefore there svas no fear of
antecedent excess. That the children were brought after
school, and therefore just before a meal, is seen from the
story told by Evagrius,' of the Jew's child being taken
with the other children at Constantinople. The child did
not return at the usual hour from school, and therefore
the father asked the reason of his being late. The boy
told him the reason, and the infuriate father threw the
child into his furnace, from which his mother took him
unharmed two days afterwards. Now this shows that it
was usual to take the children at such time as they would
be naturally expected at home : otherwise the unbelieving
Jew would not have learned what his son had been doing.
It also .shows that there could have been no question asked
about any antecedent fast, for the Jews did not fast on
Wednesdays or Fridays, even if we suppose it was on
a Wednesday or Friday that this happened, as is spoken
of at Macon. Neither does Evagrius say that at Con-
stantinople there was a subsequent fast. But this sub-
sequent fast seems to have been introduced (after Evagrius
wrote, perhaps), for it appears in this canon of Macon.
It would seem, then, that if aii antecedent fast were re-
quired of these children, it was only the usual abstinence
from food between meals ; the children had been to school,
and then, instead of going home, they went to church ;
therefore, as they came to church from school, they w -e
regarded as fasting, and no questions were asked on this

' Hist. Ecd. lib. iv. cap. xxxvi. History of t/ie Church, by Eusebius,
Socrates, and Evagrius, (translation), London, 1709, p. 494. .

•!'

;

l82

The Canons on Fasting Cotnmitnion. [I'T. il.

score, and no enactment made in this canon of MAcon.
Only they were bidden to abstain voluntarily for some
time afterwards from food, indicto eis jejitnio, and then
communicated. Indeed, it would seem that Wednesdays
and Fridays were chosen because on those days devout
Christian men omitted to take the forenc on meal. These
children thus communicated would be directed to fast pro
hAc vice with their parents, instead of taking their meal as
usual, for children would be exempt from this tradition.

It may be remarked in passing, that this is an argument
that the Fathers at MAcon in the sixth century, and at
Constantinople in the fourth, would have reckoned a wor-
shipper as fasting at noon, if he had taken an early light
breakfast ; for as a rule children always took the Wecken-
brod in the early morning.

The next notice we have of this subsequent fast is in
the passage quoted by Gratian from the supposititious
letter of St. Clement to James, the brother of the Lord.
This passage, as Berardi ' points out, is probably from
the Capitularia Regum Francorum, of the ninth century.
Thus the passage runs : —

Let so much holocaust for certain be offered on the altar as
ought to suffice the people. But if any remain over, let it not be
reserved to the morrow ; but with fear and trembling, let it be
consumed by the diligence of the clergy. But let not them who
consume the residue of the Body of the Lord in the Sacrarium
immediately betake themselves to the reception of other food,
lest they think to mingle common food with the sacred portion.
If, therefore, the Lord's portion be eaten early, let the ministers
who consumed it fast till twelve o'clock ; and if they have re-
ceived at nine or ten o'clock, let them fast until the evening."

It is worth while, in passing, to remark how our own
rubric is framed on this passage : —

' Gratiani Canones Genulvl ab Apocryphis discreti op/r a et studio C. S. Be-
rardi, Matriti, 1783, pars ii. cap. i. vol. it. p. 19.

» Gratiani Decntum, pars iii. De Consecratione, dist. ii. cap. xxiii. Lugduni,
1606, col. 1921.

CovimunioH.

[I'T. ir.

cir. IV.]

The Fast after Communion.

183

this canon of MAcon.
n voluntarily for some
'0 eis jejimio, and then
seem that Wednesdays
; on those days devout

forenc on meal. These
I be directed to fast pro

of taking their meal as
>t from this tradition.
, that this is an argument
e sixth century, and at
d have reckoned a wor-
had taken an early light
ways took the Wecken-

lis subsequent fast is in
from the supposititious
he brother of the Lord,
out, is probably from
yi, of the ninth century.

n be offered on the altar as
y remain over, let it not be
r and trembling, let it be
■gy. But let not them who
le Lord in the Sacrarium
! reception of other food,
1 with the sacred portion.
:en early, let the ministers
ock ; and if they have re-
"ast until the evening.'

remark how our own

discreti opf. a et studio C. S. Be*

'9-

iont, dist, ii. cap, xxiii. Lugduni,

If any remain of that which was consecrated, it shall not be
carried out of the church, but the Priest, and such other of the Com-
municants as he shall then call unto him, shall, immediately after
the Blessing, RE VERENTL Y cat and drink the same.

Here, then, a subsequent abstaining from food for five
or six hours after Communion prevailed in France in the
ninth century ; and perchance we may say that Gratian,
by incorporating it into his Decretum, recognized its ex-
istence at least in the twelfth century.

It would be natural to suppose that this regulation
would be found too rigorous for continuance ; and we
find that in the thirteenth century it had passed away
altogether.' Some t^ll us, indeed, that Divine Grace is
always given to those who simply and devoutly follow
the custom^and precepts of the Church, even in the power
or capability of fasting /or lengthened periods. If this
were the case, what need were there for canon law for-
bidding lengthened fasts.? What need for discontinuing
this practice of fasting for six hours or so after receiving ?
Surely there is much more real truth in the position of
St. John Cassian, that spiritual virtues and capacity for
corporal austerities do not stand on the same ground. At
all events, St Thomas seems to have thought so, for he
ascribes the neglect of the fast subsequent to Communion
not to decay of devotion, but to increase of devotion —
viz. to the multiplication of celebrations. For thus St.
Thomas writes : —

' At all events in some parts. In the fourteenth century there is a trace of
it in England, as the following extract from the renowned Fupilla Octili oi
John De Burgh will show :— ' Post sumptionem vero Eucharistiae propter ejus
reverentiam convenit a cibo aliquamdiu abstinere : sed non multum diu.
Magis enim requiritur prjeparatio per abstinentiam et devotionem ante suscep-
tionem Eucharistire, quam post. . . . lUud autem decretum . . . quod dicit
diu esse abstinendum loquitur secundum atOiqua tempora, quando raro cele-
brabantur missae.'— Pars iv. cap. viii. Z. This Professor of Theology and
Chancellor of Cambridge did not agree with St. Chrysoslom's saying quoted
above:— 'It is not of equal importance to fast before and after reception;
for truly you ought to be temperate at both times, but most especially after you
have received the Bridegroom.' .

I r

i . 1 '■

1 84

The Canons on Fasting Communion. [PT. II.

According to the ancient cahrns it was laid down by Pope
Clement I. (Epist. ii. near beginning), as is told in the Dcmium
de Cons. dist. ii. cap. xxiii.; If the LonVs portion Ite eaten in the
morning, let the ministers who took it fast till noon ; and if they re-
ceived at nine or ten o'clock, let them fast till evening. For anciently
the solemnities of Mass were celebrated less frequently, and with
greater preparation. But now, since we must celebrate the sacred
mysteries oftener, it cannot be easily observed ; and therefore it
has been abrogated by thb; contrary custom.'

St. Thomas, then, does not say that this custom had
been given up because, from lack of piety, men would not
seek grace to maintain this corporal austerity; he says
that 'it cannot be easily observed.' We can hardly think
that St. Thomas would have maintained, as some do
now-a-days, that capacity for corporal fasting is a necessary
consequence of, and is always given in answer to, devout
worship. Nothing of this kind does St. Thomas say, but
' non posset de facili observari.' *

Next, St. Thomas says that this canon, as he thinks it,
of St. Clement has been abrogated. But how } Does he
say, with Mr. Poyntz, that this, ' not having been repealed,
is still in force ? ' No, he does not ; he says it has been
' abrogated by tite contrary ctistom! V

So, then, St. Thomas is at one with the ai^ument of
this essay on abrogation by disuser.

Here is a custom which St. Thomas thinks conies from
no less antiquity than that of one who was contemporary
with the Apostles themselves ; ay, from one of whom an
Apostle said, his name was in the Book of Life. This was
laid down, statutum, by St. Clement, Pope of Rome. It
is a decree concerning reverence due to the most sacred
office of the Christian religion ; a decree which has for its
object greater devotion to our blessed Lord Himself ; and
St. Thomas, without hesitation or apology, says it cannot

• St. Thomas, Summa, pars iii. qtuest. Ixxx. art. 8, ad finem, Venetiis,
1757, torn. V. p. 547, col. 2.

Communion.

[rx. II.

CH. IV.]

The Fast after Committiion.

i8s

it was laid down by Pope
IS is told in tlie Darctmn
iPs portion lie eaten in the
t till noon ; and if they re-
fill evening. For anciently
I less frequently, and with
: must celebrate the sacred
bserved ; and therefore it

.Y CUSTOM.'

y that this custom had
f piety, men would not
ral austerity ; he says
We can hardly think
aintained, as some do
ral fasting is a necessary
en in answer to, devout
les St. Thomas say, but

5 canon, as he thinks it,
1 But how } Does he
t having been repealed,
t; he says it has been

with the argument of

be kept, and therefore has been abrogated, not by direct
enactment of any council, nor by the decree of any suc-
ceeding Pope, but by the contrary custom.

I therefore maintain, that just as the custom of fasting
after reception, which prevailed at one time, ' has been
abrogated by the contrary custom,' as St. Thomas says ;'
so now in England the custom of fasting from the previous
midnight before reception has also ' been abrogated by
the contrary custom.' And for the same reason, quia non
posset de facili observari, ' because it cannot be easily
observed.' -

>mas thinks conies from
who was contemporary
from one of whom an
Jook of Life. This was
nt, Pope of Rome. It
iue to the most sacred
iecree which has for its
sed Lord Himself; and
apology, says it cannot

txx. art. 8, adjlnem, Venetiis,

\l>.L^

187

PART III.

THE TESTIMONY OF THE FATHERS.

CHAPTER I.

THE AUTHORITY OF INDIVIDUAL FATHERS.

' T TNE des causes du relAchement de la discipline et de
^ la corruption des moeurs dans les derniers siiicles, a
^t^ de prendre pour lois les opinions des Docteurs parti-
culiers.' Thus wrote the historian Fleury,' and his opinion
is the more valuable since his particular line of study-
must have forced him to consider the question. But all
must have observed that short quotations from the Fathers
are constantly adduced, apart from their context, as if they
were conclusive on a subject, without respect being had to
the particular value of the quotation. Such quotations must
be received with respect, but they do not bind the con-
science, nor do they necessarily cause blame to attach to
those who do not agree with them. The answer of Arch-
bishop Hypatius of Ephesus, in A.D. 533, to some Eutychians
is much to the purpose. Certain Easterns, invited to a
conference by the Emperor Justinian, had quoted some
passages from St. Cyril, which seemed to them to wear an
Eutychian face. • We receive,' said the archbishop, * what-
ever agrees with his synodal letters which have been

» Institution au Droit EceUsiastique, part. i. cap. ii. O/niscules, 1780, vol. ii.
P- "63-

I.S8

The Testimony vf the Fathers.

[it. mi.

approved in the council— viz. the letter to Nestoriiis, and
the letter to the ICasterns. Wluit [s not agreeable to these
we neither condemn nor receive as an ecclesiastical law.''
This seems to give the exact position of an e.vtract from a
Father : we' neither accept it as of itself binding, nor reject
it as of no value.

Such quotations show that certain opinions were held
without blame, or that certain customs obtained at the time
of their being written. But in the matter of customs, that
doctors of great name have spoken strongly in favour of
them, docs not necessitate their being continued always
in the Church. '

We have seen already that in the third and fourth
centuries, and later, there prevailed gross habits of eating,
which have amongst us in England in a great measure been
overcome ; so that the cause for the custom of communi-
cating fasting having passed away with us, the passages in
particular Fathers may all the less be pressed into a law for
us now.

But as passages are now constantly quoted from the
Fathers on this subject without much careful examination of
their real bearing on the whole question, I have here col-
lected all the passages in the early Fathers that I can find
referred to with a view of ascertaining their real value.

In ancient days the passage in St. Augustine influ-
enced most writers on the ecclesiastical offices. St. Isidore '
at the commencement of the seventh century incorporates
St. Augustine's words with his own remarks, and succeeding
writers either employ his words without acknowledgment,
or refer to him by name. An extract from the passage in
St. Augustine found its way into Gratian's ' Decretum in

• Paris, 1701, torn. iv. p. 338. The Ecclesiastical History of M. VAbbi
Fleury, London, 1720, vol. iv. p. 1 12.

' St. Isidore, De Ecclesiasticis Officiis, lib. i. cap. xviii. Apud Hittorpium,
De Divinis Officiis, Romae, 1591, p. 6.

■ Decretum, pais iii. De Comecratione, dist. ii. cap. liv. Lugduni, 1606,
col. 1940. • •

Fdt/urs.

[it. mi.

Cll. I.] The Authority of ludividual Fathax.

189

letter to Ncstoriiis, and
s not agreeable to these
J an ecclesiastical law.''
an of an extract from a
itself bindinij, nor reject

ain opinions were held
ms obtained at the time
matter of customs, that
:n strongly in favour of
)cing continued always

1 the third and fourth
I gross habits of eating,
in a great measure been
he custom of communi-
with us, the passages in
3c pressed into a law for

tantly quoted from the
h careful examination of
;stion, I have here col-
Fathers that I can find
ing their real value,
in St. Augustine influ-
ical offices. St, Isidore '
ith century incorporates
remarks, and succeeding
ithout acknowledgment,
act from the passage in
Gratian's' Decretum in

uiastical History of M. VAbbi
. cap. xviii. Apud Hittorpium,
it ii. cap. liv. Lugduni, 1606,

such a form as seemingly to lead St. Thomas Aquinas into
error. This passage has indeed been quoted so persistently
and confidently, that men have wholly lost sight of its his-
tory, and therefore have greatly misstated its meaning.
The letter in which it occurs was written three years after
the Council of Carthage which had re-enacted the Canon
of Hippo on Fasting Communion. The Council of Hippo
was held in A.1J. 393, in consequence of St. Augustine's
earnest appeal to the Metropolitan of Carthage, and
St. Augustine had much influence at the council. The
Council of Carthage was held some four years after, when
St. Augustine was bishop, and was probably present. The
letter was written in answer to certain questions, and the
portion from which the passage is taken is wholly about
the matters connected with the Canon of Hippo on Fasting
Communion, and its exception of the Ccena Dominica.
He therefore naturally refers to this canon, and in doing so
uses the language familiar to himself and his hearers, as
being the language of the council of the Apostles at the
first council at Jeru.salem : ' Tlacuit Spiritui Sancto ; it
seemed good to the Holy Ghost.' This docs not make
thi^ particular Canon of Hippo more binding upon us than
the canons of the Apostolic council, or the canons of the
Council of Nica:a, or of any other properly constituted
council, local or general. As canons they all stand on the
same ground, and the same language may be used of them
all. But just as the Trullan Council recognized the Canon
of Hippo with great respect, but annulled it so far as it
might seem to militate against Lenten strictness, so we
may listen to St. Augustine and the Canon of Hippo with
respect, but decline to be bound by the enactments of the
council. For just as a direct revelation of the Holy Spirit
may be of local and temporal importance* only, so a

' Such as the revelations made to Samuel and the seers of old ; or to David
for his own personal guidance ; or to the prophets of the early Church for an
immediate object, such as the conversion of soiUs (I Cor. xiv. 24, 25); or ta
St. Cyprian about the duration of a persecution ; or such like.

190 The Tcstmony of the Fathers. [pt. iii.

canon of discipline may be wholly due to the leading
of the Holy Spirit, and yet be not necessarily binding
always. St. Augustine himself says of one canon of which
the Apostles said ' Placuit Spiritui Sancto,' that if any in
his day thought of observing it he was laujhed at by his
neighbours.' If that particular canon, though passed by
Apostles, had a local and temporal bearing, and was never
annulled by any direct enactment, and yet was not regarded
as binding by St. Augustine, it is possible that the same
may be said of other canons. So of this canon of Fasting
Communion, the gross habits of the degenerate Christians
of the day made such a canon very advisable and even
necessary ; but these having passed away, the necessity of
the canon has passed away with them. But some, not
knowing that St. Augustine is referring to the enactment
of the council, are not slow to assert that he is laying
down a principle that Fasting Communion was a divine
regulation. This opinion must disappear when the history
of the passage is examined.

The testimony of St. Augustine, then, is that at the end
of the fourth century it had been found necessary to pass
a crnon for Fasting Communion in Africa, with the pro-
vision that Maundy Thursday was excepted from the
general rule. This is precisely what we find elsewhere.

The authority next relied upon is that of St. Chry-
sostom, but, of the two passages alleged from his voluminous
writings, one is merely an assertion that the Lenten fast
was regarded as making worthy of the Easter Communion,
and the other occurs in the articles of accusation. This, as
is naturally said, shows the feeling of the time. True, but

' Contra Faustum Maniclucum, lib. xxxii. cap. xiii. : ' Quis jam hoc Chris-
tianus observat ut turdos vel mmutiores aviculas non attingat nisi quarum
sanguis effusus est, aut leporem non edat si manu a cervice percussus nuUo
cruento vulnere occisus est ? Et qui forte pauci adhuc tangere ista formidant
a caiteris irridentur.' {Opera, Parisiis, 1694, torn. viii. col. 457.) Yet this was,
indeed, as St. Chrysostom says, Xlntii^roi voiM0Mla, In Acta, Horn, xxxiii
torn. ix. p. 257, D. "r; '

f the Fathers.

[PT. III.

wholly due to the* leading
je not necessarily binding
says of one canon of which
•itui Sancto,' that if any in
t he was lau^jhed at by his
r canon, though passed by
3ral bearing, and was never
It, and yet was not regarded
t is possible that the same
So of this canon of Fasting
f the degenerate Christians
in very advisable and even
issed away, the necessity of
vith them. But some, not
5 referring to the enactment
to assert that he is laying
\ Communion was a divine
disappear when the history

stine, then, is that at the end
een found necessary to pass
lion in Africa, with the pro-
ly was excepted from the
{ what we find elsewhere,
upon is that of St. Chry-
i alleged from his voluminous
sertion that the Lenten fast
y of the Easter Communion,
icles of accusation. This, as
eling of the time. True, but

xxxii. cap. xiii. : ' Quis jam hoc Chris-
es aviculas non attingat nisi quarum
at si manu a cervice percussus nuUo
te pauci adhuc tangere ista fonnidant
694, torn. viii. col. 457.) Yet this was,
VTO% Donodiota, In Acta, Horn, xxxiii

C 1 1. I.] The A tithority of Individual Fathers. 1 9 1

just as the Puritans heaped strange charges against Arch-
bishop Laud when determined on his murder, so the Arch-
deacon John had his many black rabbits which he asserted
made a black horse.' We must remember, too, that one
article of accusation was that ' he had eaten a small cake
just after Communion ; ' but St. Thomas Aquinas tells us
that the subsequent fast has been abrogated by disuscr:
and why, then, must the other habit be said to be
binding .' Both are produced as accusations of St. Chry-
sostom : both therefore (it may be argued) were regarded
as irreverent at the time. The passage, therefore, cannot
well be produced as enforcing one habit without the other.
Of the other passages from the Fathers, one, that of
Pope Soter, is from the false decretals, a forgery of the
eighth century ; two, St. Basil and his imitator St. Am-
brose, speak of the Lenten fast before Communion ; two,
St. Gregory and St. Epiphanius, merely speak of the time
of celebration, and have no word of a fast before Com-
munion at all ; while Tertullian intimates that there was
a habit of partaking of the reserved Sacrament before every
meal to consecrate the food ; St. Cyprian has no word of
blame for the Aquarii for celebrating after supper ; and the
historians, of whom S*^crates is taken as a sample, tell us
that the custom of receiving after supper, as a general
habit, and not only on Maundy Thursday, lasted in Egypt
until the fifth century. Nor is this contradicted by the
evidence of three patriarchs of Alexandria, Dionysius,
Timothy, and Theophilus, who certainly were no rigorists.

St. Augustine, then, and St. Chrysostom are the only
writers in the first five centuries who speak strongly about
taking no food before Communion : none others have been
adduced who say a word about the necessity of a fast from
midnight before Communion. Of these St. Chrysostom
admits that a man who is not fasting may be a worthy

> St, Chrysostom : his Lift and Times, by Rev. W. R. W. Stephens,
Murray, 1872, p. 327. • " .

■■'*!

ill . !

''l~ I

•|a:j

ig^

TZ/e Tcstintony of the Fathers.

[PT, III.

receiver, and St. Augustine speaks of a praiseworthy
custom of receiving after food on Maundy Thursday.
This is language which would be intolerable to rigorists of
our own time.

The general testimony of the early Fathers, therefore,
is decidedly against the teaching of the rigorists, that no
one can be a worthy receiver unless he have previously
abstained from food from the previous midnight.

It is true that from the beginning of the seventh
century we begin to find different language. But even then
for some time the writers acknowledge that such a rule was
necessary, because of the gross habits of eating and drink
ing to excess ; so that none might baptize or be baptized,
might confirm or be confirmed, might ordain or be
ordained, might celebrate or communicate, or might take
an oath in a court of law, unless he weieat the time fasting.

It is only in the middle of the thirteenth century that
wc first hear of the ' natural ' fast from the commencement
of the day of the Roman Catholic Church — viz. midnight ;
and it is only in the sixteenth or seventeenth centuries that
wc hear of any doctrinal value being attached to the habit.

If the custom was, indeed, so important as some would
have us believe the Fathers to have thought, we cannot
suppose either that they would not have said more on the
subject, or that, speaking so nearly on the subject as some
of them do, they should not have spoken more fully and
decisively. St. Jerome has not a word which can be
alleged as having even the most distant reference to the
subject, yet he speaks continually of fasting, and frequently
of communicating. The Fathers who are cited in the first
four centuries, TertuUian, St. Cyprian, St. Gregory, St.
Basil, St. Ambrose, St. Epiphanius, .seem to know nothing
whatever of th<; necessity of a fast from midnight to prepare
the mouth and body for reception. They only speak of the
necessity, or advantage, of a preceding ecclesiastical fast to
purify, and make worthy the soul as a preparation for
Communion.

the Fathers.

[PT, III.

)caks of a praiseworthy
1 on Maundy Thursday.
: intolerable to rigorists of

early Fathers, therefore,
J of the rigorists, that no.
nless he have previously
vious midnight,
leginning of the seventh

language. But even then
ledge that such a rule was
abits of eating and drink
ht baptize or be baptized,
:d, might ordain or be
nn:unicate, or might take
le weioat the time fasting,
le thirteenth century that
; from the commencement
c Church — viz. midnight ;
seventeenth centuries that
:ing attached to the habit.

important as some would

have thought, we cannot
lot have said more on the
ly on the subject as some
ve spoken more fully and
t a word which can be
; distant reference to the
• of fasting, and frequently
1 who are cited in the first
Cyprian, St. Gregory, St.
us, seem to know nothing

from midnight to prepare

They only speak of the

ceding ecclesiastical fast to

oul as a preparation for

Clli I.] The Authority of Individual Fathers. 193

But if they had severally said that they did mean that
Communion should be preceded by a fast from midnight,
this would command our respect, but not oblige the
conscience. For the laws of the Church .do not depend
upon the particular statements of individual Fathers, but
upon the collective utterance of a council.

ri ii kW fc w a y ai Hl * iii«Wa

! 1

]^^

19+

The Testimony of the Fathers. [PT. III.

CHAPTER II.

■ >i

POPE SOTER. A.D. \^0.

TOWARDS the end of the eighth century there
appeared a collection of canons and decretal letters
of Popes, supposed to have been gathered by one Bishop
Isidore. This collection was first brought into Germany
from Spain. The fact that it came from Spain under the
name of Isidore made men ascribe the collection to the
renowned St. Isidore of Seville, whose learning was known
throughout the Church at large ; and this again contributed
much to the ready acceptance of the decretals. These
professed to be of immense value, for there were letters of
the earliest Popes of Rome, showing very clearly that, from
the first, the Bishops of Rome had not only been consulted,
but that they had issued directions to all bishops in the
whole Church, as if they were indeed the 'lords over God's
heritage.' Nay, even St. James himself, the Lord's brother,
the Bishop of Jerusalem, the central resort of the whole
Church till the destruction of the Temple, even St. James
was not free from this control. For here, in this collection,
were letters from St. Clement of Rome, giving him direc-
tions how to conduct divine worship, and how to regulate
ecclesiastical affairs. It is manifest at once that the value
and importance of such documents would be of surpassmg
interest to the Church at large, ort the supposition that they

were genuine.

But not long after they had been issued, Mincmar, the
acute Archbishop of Rheims, expressed his doubts about
their authenticity. He said that the deeply learned Diony-

iiU

? Fathers.

[PT. III.

CII. II.]

Pope Safer.

'95

II.

.D. 170.

: eighth century there
nons and decretal letters
gathered by one Bishop
t brought into Germany
Tie from Spain under the
ibc the collection to the
hose learning was known
nd this again contributed
3f the decretals. These
, for there were letters of
ng very clearly that, from
1 not only been consulted,
3ns to all bishops in the
ecd the * lords over God's
limself, the Lord's brother,
:ntral resort of the whole
; Temple, even St. James
7or here, in this collection,
r Rome, giving him direc-
ship, and how to regulate
est at once that the value
Its would be of surpassing
rt the supposition that they

been issued, ITincmar, the
xpressed his doubts about
the deeply learned Diony-

sius, who, in his humility, gave himself the title of Exiguiis
(who died A.D. 540), had with great labour collected and
issued a body of canon law. He had the whole stores of
the Vatican at his disposal, and yet these decretals were
perfectly unknown to him. It could not be said that
Dionysius was a careless editor who could have overlooked
them, for he was well known as a careful and laborious
student, and he professed to have given his very best
endeavours to gather all the canons he could find. How
was it, then, that so many letters should have escaped
the notice of a man who lived and studied at Rome,
whence these letters were supposed to have issued ? Next,
how was it they should have been collected in Spain, and
have been unknown at Rome? Thus argued Archbishop
Hincmar ; but the documents were of very great advantage
to the Curia of Rome, therefore they were pressed forward
as much as possible. If true, they proved the claim of
Rome to universal empire over the Church Catholic, there-
fore Rome accepted them as true. As the Roman Catholic
priest Joseph Berington wrote, some sixty years ago,' ' We
know what use was made of the general ignorance, in order
to give currency and validity to the supposed authenticity
of certain documents by which the prerogative of the
Roman See was to be extended ; but which the penetration
of a just criticism has long since pronounced to be spurious.
The design of these fictitious compositions was to show that
all the power that was at that period [circ. A.D. 800] assumed
by the Pontifis was founded on the acts of ancient councils
and the dogmatical epistles of their early predecessors ; and
if any proof of the grossest ignorance or <?f the most fixed
apathy were wanting, it might be hence adduced that such
palpable fictions were generally received without being
examined, or, if examined, that the fraud remained un-
detected.' Thus it happened that for a long time these
forgeries passed current as true.

' .4 Literary History of the Middle Ages, London, 1814, p. 166.

1 95

The rcstimony of the Fathers. [I'T. HI.

•|l

With a truth-loving Christian it would always be a
stron- argument against any claim that, to substantiate it,
recourse must be had to lies and forgery. But so it has not
been with the Court of Rome. In support of its preten-
sions Canons of Nicsa have been cited which have not
been found in any properly authenticated copy of the
canons ; false decretals and false canons have been issued
and palmed off on the unsuspicious minds of religious men ;
and in the eleventh century ' a fiction was contrived with
more shameless effrontery, under the denomination rf the
Donation of Constcintine/ ' which professed to yield the
kingdom of Rome to the Pope ! Of later years, the spirit
of forgery has been content with tampering with the text
of the Fathers.* '

These decretals have been proved false by many
arguments. The Calvinist David Blondel with remarkable
acumen has exploded them ; but though we must sympathize
with his indignation at the forgery, we could wish he had not
rivalled Maldonatus in the violence of his language.

First, then, it is manifestly impossible that such docu-
ments could have lain hid for seven centuries. It is quite
impossible to suppose that important letters, deciding the
ritual and discipline of the Christian world, written by
martyrs and Bishops of Rome^ could have lemained un-
known for six or seven centuries ; so unknown that no trace
of much of their contents should have been found earlier
than the eighth century.

Next, how could such letters have escaped the research
of Dionysius Exiguus at Rome, that scrutinizing book-
worm .' They were very much to his purpose ; and while it
is conceivable that one of two might have escaped his notice,
the supposition that such a mass of letters should have been

■ « Berington's Histoi'y o/lhe Middle Ages, p. 22S-

» A year or two back some tracts were issued on this subject; The arrows
were sharp enough but the bow strangely weak.

'athci's.

[I'T. III.

cii. ir.]

Pof>c Safer.

197

: would always be a
lat, to substantiate it,
ry. But so it has not
iupport of its preten-
citcd which have not
nticatcd copy of the
ions have been issued
inds of religious men ;
on was contrived with
; denomination cf the
professed to yield the
■ later years, the spirit
mpering with the text

oved false by many
ondel with remarkable
gh we must sympathize
; could wish he had not
of his language.
)ssible that such docu-
i centuries. It is quite
int letters, deciding the
;ian world, written by
uld have lemained un-
unknown that no trace
[lave been found earlier

ve escaped the research
that scrutinizing book-
is purpose ; and while it
: have escaped his notice,
letters should have been

'. 225-

,ed on this subjects The arrow*

unknown to him, writing and studyirg at Rcnr.e, is only
tenable on the ground of their absolute falsity.

Thirdly, in a marvellous way these letters are a cento jf
the writings of councils, fathers, and royal edicts of various
dates, but certainly long after the time of the Popes who
were supposed to have used such language. This selection
has been made with a great deal of cleverness : the language
has been mutilated, curtailed, and worked up to make it
appear as truthful as possible. If, then, the later writers
were indebted to these decretals for their phrases, how
could they have helped naming their authority, which
would have added weight to their own utterance ?

Nexf, it is remarkable that the early Popes should have
been able to cite Scripture in the same words as the
Vulgate, a revision which is generally thought to be due to
St. Jerome, at the commencement of the fifth century.

Then, again, it is noteworthy that the early Popes, as
thus represented, wrote very bad Latin, and all in the same
style. Could they all have had one master, or one
amanuensis ? Probably all had one amanuensis who lived
in the eighth century.

It is next remarkable that there is no word of interest
for the great events which troubled the early Church. The
early heretics are not named. There is no reference to
times of persecutions or worldly troubles ; no encouragement
of martyrs or confessors ; no dealing with questions of the
lapsed and their penance ; no discussion of flight in perse-
cution.

Then, if they were really written by Popes of Rome to
various bishops of widely distant sees, can we suppose
that they would be unknown in Rome, and see light first in
Germany or France, whither they had travelled from the
Spanish peninsula ? This is certainly very much unlike the
later policy of the Roman Curia, which generally knew
anything which would seem to tend to its own advantage.
Now, seeing that in the eighth century the habit of

t'l

■Hi

198

T/ic Testimony of the Fathers . [I'T. HI.

Fasting Communion had become common, it would be
expected that an impostor would ascribe this to a papal
rescript or edict. Just as he ascribes the fast after Com-
munion to a letter of St. Clement to St. James, Bishop of
Jerusalem, as embodying a command to him of St. Peter,
so he ascribes to Pope Soter a canon forbidding priests to
consecrate after taking food.

The pseudo-Isidore (who well calls himself peccator)
attributes two decretal letters to Pope Soter of Rome, both
of which are rather clumsy forgeries. The first gives him
the title of ApostoliccB Sedis Archicpiscopus, a title quite
unknown in his day. The letter is dated by the names of
consuls who had enjoyed that office long before Soter was
bishop. The passages from Scripture are cited in the
Vulgate revision of St. Jerome, which dates from the fifth
century, and the doctrinal discussion of the Incarnation is
much indebted to the argument and language of St. Leo
in the sixth century.

The second decretal letter is supposed to be addressed to
the Bishops of Italy. In it it is said that it is a great abuse
that women consecrated to God, and nuns, should be
allowed to touch the sacred vessels or palls, or to bear
incense round the altar. This is spoken of as a pestis
which must be stamped out. It is early times for these
holy women to have been so troublesome.

The second canon here laid down is, that each priest
when celebrating was to have another behind him, to
succeed to his work in case he should faint.

The third rule is, that no one is to dare to offer Mass
after food and drink, or any even the smallest thing

taken.

This is given by Carranza as a veritable order of Pope
Soter ; ' but, though it would appear natural to a forger of

« Summa omnium Conciliorum collecta per F. Barth. Carranzam, Parisiis,
1668 p 37. Others later than this seem to cling to the hope that these
decretals may be genuine. 'Epistolas duas exaravit Soter, quas decretales

athcrs.

[I'T. III.

CII. II.]

Vofc Sohr.

199

)mmon, it would be
cribe this to a papal
s the fast after Com-
St. James, Bishop of
\ to him of St. Peter,
I forbidding priests to

:alls himself pcccator)
e Soter of Rome, both
The first gives him
cpiscopns, a title quite
dated by the names of
long before Soter was
ure are cited in the
ch dates from the fifth
of the Incarnation is
d language of St. Leo

•osed to be addressed to
that it is a great abuse
and nuns, should be
s or palls, or to bear
spoken of as a pcstis
3 early times for these
;some.

wn is, that each priest
lother behind him, to
Id faint.

s to dare to offer Mass
en the smallest thing

the eighth century, there is no ground whatever for
supposing that such a rule existed in the time of Pope
Soter, or that this Bishop of Rome left behind him any
such documents as the letters in question.

The only verdict that can be given about this canon is,
that it does not at all suit the times to which it professes to
belong.

vocant ... Has hwctici fictitias arbitrantur, sed incpti ut testimonia
Catholicorum evincunt.' (Potitijidum D,u:tum, i^cr G. J. ab I'.ggs, Colon.a<,
1718 p 26.) See,\,ov,tyi:x,Gratu,mCauouesGc,tuiniabApoco'J>f"^'''^c>-ft'>
Opera C. S. Berarrii, Matriti, 1783; and Van Espcn, Disscrtalio d, Collatume
Isidon, opera, Lovanii, 1753, to«n. iii. p. 461.

veritable order of Pope
ar natural to a forger of

F. Barth. Carranzam, Parisiis,
J cling to the hope that these
exaravit Soter, quas decretales

200

The Testimony of the Fathers.

[I'T. III.

CHAPTER III.

TERTULLIAN. A.D. 200.

THE earliest quotation alleged in favour of Fasting
Communion that is not (like the supposed Canon of
Pope Soter) from a forged document is from Tertullian.
He is writing to his wife to diSsuade her from marrying a
second time in case he died first. Amongst other argu-
ments he adduces several, which show the inconvenience
and discomfort that would arise if she, a Christian woman,
married a heathen. It is in this connection' that the
passage in question occurs.

Non sciet maritus quid se-
crete ante omnem cibum gustes ?
Et si sciverit esse panem, non
ilium credit esse qui dicitur?

Will not thy husband know
what it is you taste secretly
before all food? And if he
have known it to be bread, will
he not believe it to be that
which it is said to be?

From this passage, then, we may learn that the three
following practices were not unknown at the end of the
second century: (i) The portio Dominica was reserved;
(2) It was reserved and partaken in private houses ; (3) It
was taken ante omnem eibnm. These practices \vere not
unknown. This is proved by this passage in Tertullian ;
but nothing more can be proved than this. It would be
valueless logic to argue that, because these were the habits
of Tertullian's wife, therefore they were compulsory upon
all African Christians, or on the whole world. Similarly,

» Ad Uxorcm, lib. ii. cap. v., Opera, rarisiis, 1675, P- '^9 »•

Fathers.

[I'T. III.

cn. III.]

Tirtiilliaii.

201

II.

:>. 2CX).

I in favour of Fasting
the supposed Canon of
ent is from Tertullian.
le her from marrying a
Amongst other argu-
ihow the inconvenience
she, a Christian woman,
s connection ' that the

Vill not thy husband know
: it is you taste secretly
re all food? And if he
known it to be bread, will
lot believe it to be that
h it is said to be ?

lay learn that the three
lown at the end of the
lominica was reserved ;
n private houses ; (3) It
hese practices were not
; passage in Tertullian ;
than this. It would be
ise these were the habits
y were compulsory upon
whole world. Similarly,

Paribiis, 1675, P- '^9 B.

it would be futile to argue that, because such habits were
allowed to the wife who (according to thu supposition) had
a heathen husband, therefore they were allowed to all,
whether there were a chance of domestic persecution or
not. There is no statement here that it is a general
custom. Still it may be allowed, for argument's sake, that
these three customs were prevalent in North Africa at the
end of the second century. Let us see how this affects us
now in the nineteenth century.

(i) Tiie reservation of the Portia Dominica was cus-
tomary. This probably arose from the prevalence of heathen
persecution, which made it dangerous for the laity to resort
often to the places where the priests used to consecrate.
As time went on the practice was continued or not, as the
necessities or the discretion of the Church demanded. In
England the reservation has been abandoned, because of
the terrible profanation of the Sacrament about the time of
the Reformation. The rubric in our Prayer Book which
prevents this seems founded upon the passage cited in
Gratian, which is probably due to the ninth century.
There is no general rule in the Church against this ; but
the Church of England, in her undoubted right, has for-
bidden reservation by this particular rubric. This habit,
therefore, though recognized by Tertullian, is clearly not
binding on us now, since it has been directly abrogated for
us by our own National Church.

(2) Home reception was permitted. This is distinct
from reservation, because reservation in Church was prac-
tised long after home reception had died out. For it died
out rather than was forbidden. The monks who lived far
from any priest were allowed and encouraged to reserve the
Eucharist in their cells for home reception, as St. Basil '
tells us. So when the ' tall brethren ' were burnt out by

' Ep. xciii. (al. 289) Ad Orsariaiii Patriciam de Ccmmunioiie, Opera, ed.
Gaiimc, Paris, 1839, torn. iii. p. 267. See the whole Icttei- translated below,
at tlic bcginniiiij of chapter vi. . •

202 The Tcsthiiouy of tlu Fotlurs. [iT. ill.

Thcophilus of Alexandria, the reserved 1-ucharist was
burnt in their huts.' In pretended view of persecution, he
Kutychian Bishop, Dorotheus of Thessalonica, consecrated
baskets full, and distributed to his flock when he heard
of the meeting of the council to condemn h.s tenets
But when the Church had freedom of worship without
persecution, and priests became multiplied, then the need of
the custom died out, and the custom itself became discon-
tinued. With us the same rubric which forbids reservation
also prohibits home reception, though our Church allows
special home celebration for the sick. Two out of the throe
cus Is. then, are directly against the rule of the Nationa
Church of England. It can therefore be hardly said hat
the third custom is binding from this testimony of Tertul-
lian The passage cannot well be claimed as cnforcmg
Fasiing Communion unless reservation and home reception
be also insisted upon. It may be cited as beanng w.tne^
to customs then allowed in Africa, and not as testifying to
a law binding now in England.

U\ There was also the custom of receiving ante oviuem
cibum But what does this mean ? The general interpre-
tation in modern times is that it implies a habit of tasting
Communion. So far as I know, this meaning was attached
to The passage at the commencement of the seventeenth
century; and when a meaning has once been g'ven ^o ^
passage it is often taken for granted that this must be the
'm^Ilg. and it is quoted over and over ^^^^^
question. But would it have been so very difficult for the
woman to have concealed the taking the portto m the
TarUest dusk of dawn? Wh</theman called to h« wife «
for the earliest portion of food, the je,ttaeulum, when she
went to prepare or to produce this, could she not have

1699, col. 919-

it.

■

^others.

[IT,

111.

CII. 111.]

TiUmUiui.

203

icrvctl I'Aicharist was
icvv of persecution, the
jssalonica, consecrated
flock when he heard

condemn his tenets.
n of worship without
plied, then the need of

itself became discon-
lich forbids reservation
igh our Church allows
Two out of the three
tic rule of the National
ore be hardly said that
is testimony of Tcrtul-
: claimed as enforcing
;ion and home reception
:ited as bearing witness
and not as testifying to

of receiving ante ouinem
The general interpre-
iplies a habit of Fasting
is meaning was attached
nent of the seventeenth
s once been given to a
ed that this must be the
and over again without
1 so very difficult for the
taking the portio in the
: man called to his wife »
;he jmtaculum, when she
this, could she not have

DM fto» ffirou»ola», nol irojJfoc tf,
Vita S. Chrysostomi, cap. vii.;

wrum, cap. xxxi.; Opera, Parisiis,

t;ikcn the f>orlio without beiny observed .' Or, if it be
argued that this particular heathen husband did not always
take this meal, and did not i>.']uire or allow his wife to take
such an early morsel of food, th^ x. would liave been, there
must have been, many opportunities of taking the rcscfv»^d
portio some time before the prandiuni at 10 or 11 A.M.
For the women had their own private apartments, and if
the reception were to be once some time in the moruiiitr
with the only condition that it was to be before any food at
all was taken in the day, it could not have been difficult to
have chosen out a moment of privacy. It is, then, possible
that the meaning attached to the words by Giustiniani,
Petau, and others, may not be the right meaning after all,
but that there may be another meaning which is more
likely to be the true one.

For it is quite possible that the word omticm may have
its common distributive ' force, and the ' before all food '
may really have the meaning of * before every meal'

At first sight, it may be that this will not at once meet
with ready acceptance, but there are many arguments
which render this interpretation not only possible, but most
probable.

For, if the common rendering be the true meaning of
TertuUian, we should have expected something in addition.
There is required the addition of something like • prime
mane,' » or the phrase ' ante primum cibum,' or other such,
if before all food since the stroke of midnight next pre-
ceding were meant. If there had been no such rule as

' In this sense it would be said to refer 'ad quantitatem discretam.' Not
only would it mean ' every kind of,' like the omne olus of Horace, but ' every,'
like the ' militat omnis amans ' of Ovid, or the 'omnia facere omnis debet ' of
Cicero, or the 'exhorruit omnis mater' and 'in omni turre furentem' of
Valerius Flaccus, or the 'omnis fames' of St. Ambrose, or the 'omni die*
of some canons, or the ' omnis vivens ' of St. Jerome.

» The traditional expressions amongst medical men show that, if anything
is to be taken before any food during the day since sleep, the phrase is ' primo
mane ; ' if it is to be taken before the principal meal of the day it is ' ante
prandium.'

iii

m
W

i^l

2J4 The Testimony of the Fathers. [n. iii.

that of the so-called 'natural' fast in the seventeenth
century, it is hardly likely ' that this meaning would have
been affixed to the words.

Then, again, if it be ' before every meal,' then, mdeed,
the heathen husband would soon and readily discover a
habit so frequer.t. If whenever they took their meals to-
gether there was something taken by the wife before the
meal commenced, it would be difficult to conceal this habit ;
whereas a reception in the early dusk of dawn would easily

have been disguised.

But the strongest argument is, that we should have

expected that the early Christians must have had some

especially solemn way of blessing their food. The heathens

even consecrated their meals by a libation. The Jews hac

their solemn form of blessing their meals. Must not th(

Christians have borrowed from the Jews some of their pioui

customs in this respect ? Nay, does not St. Paul sugges

this or rather does he not point to a common custon

amon" the Christians as that which sanctifies all meats t<

their 'ise ? In his first pastoral Epistle he affirms the law

fulness of all meats without distinction on this one condi

tion that the meat be ' received with thanksgiving; fori

is sanctified by the Word of God and prayer.' « Now thi

occurs in the middle of a paragraph where the Apostle i

defending the truth of the Incarnation against some wh

would rise to impugn it. Those who denied the Incarnj

tion would condemn marriage and prohibit meats ; but t

. Christians who rightly believed, every creature of God Wc

'' permissible on one condition, if it be p.iia ii.x"P^aUc

.1 think it probable that scholars would agree that it is scarcely possil
to translate • ante omnem cibum ' by ' before any food taken since muln.gh
ilad "here been any previous reference to .he first food of the day, or any d
rnSon about the commencen.ent of the day, it might, perhaps, have be
nossible • but I am bold to maintain that, taken in its bald position it is i.
nossible to translate ' ante omnem cibum ' in a manner which will make
testify to a practice of Fasting Communion in the modern sense of the phras

• ■ Timothy iv. 5.

•)/ the Fathers. [n. HI.

il' fast in the seventeenth
lat this meaning would have

re every meal,' then, indeed,
soon and readily discover a
er they took their meals to-
aken by the wife before the
difficult to conceal this habit ;
ly dusk of dawn would easily

ent is, that wc should have
istians must have had some
ing their food. The heathens
jy a libation. The Jews had
T their meals. Must not the
I the Jews some of their pious
xy, does not St. Paul suggest
point to a common custom
which sanctifies all meats to
ral Epistle he affirms the law-
distinction on this one condi-
ved with thanksgiving ; for it
God and prayer.' « Now this
ragraph where the Apostle is
ncarnation against some who
hose who denied the Incarna-
te and prohibit meats ; but to
red, every creature of God was
an, if it be iiiia ejvx"f'<''^"**

would agree that it is scarcely possible
before any food taken since midnight.'
e to the fust food of the day, or any dis-
the day, it might, perhaps, have been
that, taken in its bald position, it is im-
ibum ' in a manner which will make it
inion in the modem sense of the phrase.

ClI. III.]

Tattilliaii.

205

Xafi^avofjLtvoi'. Now the word 6v;^ap;TTto was not yet
appropriated to the noblest sense, as it has been since ; still
it is hardly possible to exclude some reference here to the
Blessed Sacrament. The Apostle u.ses words which may
either mean ' with thanksgiving ' or ' after Eucharists ; ' and
about the meal thus partaken of, he uses also words which
would sound strong, ' for it is sanctified (dyuil^eTai, " made
holy") by the IVord 0/ God and invocation.' St. Basil tells
us that the Lo'-d in mercy chose out the simplest form of
food— bread and wine— to be the means of conveying
to us His benefits, in order that our minds might be
turned to Him and His Passion whenever we partake of
any food. May we not see in these words of St. Paul some
reference to the Eucharist ?

The Blessed Sacrament itself was instituted at a meal.
The l^ord was known at Emmaus in the Breaking of
Bread, that is, as St. Augustine ' teaches, in the Blessed
Sacrament. The evening meal at Emmaus thus com-
menced. Thenceforward the phrase 'breaking of bread'
became known for the Holy Eucharist. For example, in
^he second chapter of the Acts, the Syriac Version
(which dates not later than A.D. 200), for ' the Breaking of
Bread,' has the Greek word Eucharist transferred into Syriac

letters.

It is perfectly true that it has been doubted by some .
whether the phrase does always mean the Holy Eucharist,
or whether it does not sometimes mean merely an ordinary
meal." But this very fact that there is a doubt may

> « Eja fratres ubi voluit Dominus afnosci ? In fractione panis. Securi sumus
panem frangimus, et Dominum agnoscimus. Noli'it agnosci nisi ibi propter
nos qui non eum visuri eramus in came et tamen manducaturi eramus ejus
came' i.' (Serm. ccxxxv. (al. de tempore 140), Opera, Parisiis, 1683, torn. v.
col. 990 ; compare also Serm. Ixxxix. (al. 9), col. 487 E, Serm. ccxxxii. (al.
de tempore \i^), col. 983 D, Serm. ccxxxix. (al de temp. 146), col. 998 D.)
Giustiniani (in I Cor. x. 16, torn. i. p. 538) does not agree with St. Augus-
tine : • Non simplicem fractionem intelligit qualis erat ilia cujus meminit Lucas
(cap. xxiv. p. 35) qud ingentium necessitati consulebatur.'

» 'Nam licet fractio panis possit victum communem tantum significare,

2o5 The Testimony of the Fathers. [PT. III.

be claimed in favour of this suggested interpretation of
TertuUian. For if, at first, every meal that was different-
ially Christian commenced with the Eucharist, and this
was known as the Breaking of Bread, it is clear that the
phrase would have a double acceptation. There would be
the special sense of the Holy Eucharist itself, and there
would be the general sense (known to the world) of the
meal which was CDnsecrated, or sanctified, by commencing
with the reception of the Eucharist. The very fact that
there is a dispute as to what is meant by the phrase,
is a strong argument in favour of the proposed rendering.

Hence, we can see why the Apostles are described as •
• breaking bread from house to house.' They, as the only men
capable of consecrating the Eucharist, went from house to
house to con.secrate, and thus to bless the food. This, too,
explains the rather difficult passage in the shipwreck of St.
Paul. The Apostle encouraged the sailors und others on
board to take a good meal by setting the example himself.
He began his meal by the consecration of the Eucharist, and,
it is said by St. Luke, ' in the presence of them all; to show
that the usual reserve of the mysteries was here broken
through in the presence of the danger of immediate death,

tamen cum in Ca-na Domini panis signanter frangi dicatur : cum in vetus-
tissimis Ecclesiis quotidie Eucharistiam celebrare moris esset : cum ex obla-
tionibus a populo factis sumi solerent panis et vinum ad eum usum sacrum :
dubitari vix potest quin hie [Acts ii. 48] ter mille homines in quotidiana Com-
munione et fractione panis Coenam Domini celebraverint.'— Bishop Pearson,
Lectio in Acta Apcst. I. Opera Posthuma, London, 1688, p. 34.

' Act5 ii. 46. There can be no mistake about the meaning in such places
as Acts XX. 7. ' When the disciples came together to break bread.' St.
Thomas Aquinas in his Commentary upon I Cor. xi. refers the excess there
condemned by the Apostle to participation in the Sacrament itself. 'I-i
primitiva Ecclesia fideles panem et vinum offerebant, quae consecrabantur m
Sanguinem et Corpus Christi, quibus jam consccratis divites qui multa obtu-
lerant, eadem sibi repetebant.' And again, ' Alius autem scilicet dives, qui
mulia'obtulit ebrius est ad literam ; propter hoc quod nimium sumpsit de vino
conseciato.' {Opera, torn. xvi. fol. 75, Komas- '570.) St. Thomas, therefore,
would seem to think that the 'portio Dominica' was larger in the earliest times
than with us. This, perhaps, may account for the early feeling that it broke
the ecclesiastical fast.

'ulhcrs.

[I'T. III.

CII. III.]

TcrtiilUan.

207

ited interpretation of
al that was differcnc-

Eucharist, and this
id, it is clear that the
ion. There would be
arist itself, and there

to the world) of the
tified, by commencing
:. The very fact that
leant by the phrase,
; proposed rendering,
sties are described as '

They, as the only men
st, went from house to
is the food. This, too,
in the shipwreck of St.

sailors und others on
g the example himself.
»n of the Eucharist, and,
ice of them all,' to show
teries was here broken
[er of immediate death,

fiangi dicatur : cum in vetus-
•are moiis esset : cum ex obla-
t vinum ad eum usum sacrum :
lie homines in quotidiand Com-
slebraverint.'— Bishop Pearson,
Ion, 1688, p. 34.
out the meaning in such places
ogether to break bread.' St.
Cor. xi. refers the excess there
in the Sacrament itself. 'I-i
'erebant, quae consecrabantur in
tsecratis divites qui multa obtu-
' Alius autem scilicet dives, qui
ic quod nimium sumpsit de vino

1570.) St. Thomas, therefore,
I ' was larger in the earliest times
• the early feeling that it broke

S. Luke xxii. 19.

\u^iiv upruv
iicXairev

I COR. xi. 23, 24.
iXa^hv ciprot'

Kai ti)(ltpHTTtitTUC

and the consecration took place even in the presence of the
heathen. It is impossible to suppose that St. Luke is not
affirming that this was a consecration of the Eucharist ;
for he uses the same words, and almost the same form of
words, in which he himself and his master St. Paul record
the institution of the Blessed Sacrament. This is more
cleatly seen in the original than in the Authorized
Version, therefore the three passages are here placed in
juxtaposition: —

Acts xxvii. 35.

Xa/3«.»i' iipTOV
iv-^<ipi(TTi)aiv

j/pf«ro iadUit'.

From this comparison it will be seen that the 'before them
air is the inserted peculiarity : this presence of the heathen
also explains the necessity of the addition of tw ©ep in this
account. It is really impossible to suppose that St. Luke
could have written these words in the Book of the Acts with-
out having a definite intention of speaking of the Blessed
Sacrament. The commentators allow there must be some
reference to the Eucharist, but do not quite see what is
meant. It certainly seems that this would be the distinc-
tively Christian mode of commencing a meal ; and now to
inspire the Christians with fortitude, so that they might set
the example of courageous demeanour, St. Paul breaks
through the sacred reserve with which the Sacrament was
commonly fenced in, and ' breaks bread in presence of all,'
heathens as well as Christians. The result was that the
heathens, inspirited by the courage displayed by the little
flock in their midst, were the better nerved for the effort they
had all to make in order to save the lives of all on board.
This consecration before the meal was probably only the
performing in public what was generally reserved for the
company of the faithful. The extreme peril compelled

2o8 The Testimony of the Fathers. [ri. ill.

St. Paul to break the reserve, that the Christians might
not lack the consolation of the Bread of Life in that

extremity.

With this agrees the opinion of Bishop Pearson,' ' whose
very dust is worth gold.' He writes, ' The meals of the
disciples were at that time common and sacred ; that is,
they celebrated the Sacrament of the Eucharist in a

common feast.'

This Apostolic custom may well have lingered on for a
century, and Christians may well have been in the blessed
habit of 'sanctifying' their meals by taking each it-nb.
eijxapiarim in the highest and best sense.« Such, indeed,
seems to be the opinion of one well qualified by his
learning to give weight to any conjecture. Father Jean
Fronteau, Chancellor of the University of Paris in the

> 'MensK enim discipulorum tunc tempovis communes et sacrx ctiam
fuere • hoc est in communi convictu Sacramentum Eucharistise celebrabant.'—
Lcdmies in Acta Apostolorum, iii. § vi.; Opera Posthuma, 1688 p. 53-

» There is a very striking custom mentioned by Martene m his account of
the rites of the monks. He tells us that in some six Uses of the monks, on
Maundy Thursday Hosts (presumably unconsecrated) are placed on the bread
to be eaten at the refection after Mass. ' Missd finita, Conventus sedet m
choro donee illi qui ad Missam ministraverint sint divestiti. Tunc Prior prae-
cedit 'et seniores post eum, sicut sunt in ordine, pueri vero in iiltimum euntes
in modum processionis, sicut quotidie fit ad processionem capituh ; etvenientes
in refectorium sedent ad mensas unusquisque in suo ordine :menssedebent esse
coopert*. Hostia: vero ponantur per mensas super panes. Facta bened.ct.one
a Priore sub silentio, gut voluerit, accipiat hostiam et comedat Pnore tamen
incioiente.' (De Ritihus Monachorum, lib. iii. cap. xiii. § 49. Antuerpise,
,76a torn iv p 129.) Fleury (^/««« des Chrhiens, §53) says that most
probably the monks preserve many of the customs of the earliest Christians.
This is a striking remembrance of the time when the meal was blessed by par-
ticipation in a Hostia which had been consecrated. There is also an mterestmg
storv told by Gregory of Tours which is much to the pomt. The rich wife of
a bishop had built a church, and superintended the decoration of the mtenor.
To do this the better she sat in the church reading the legends of the samts,
so as to explain to the painters what she wished to have represent«i. A
poor person coming in to pray saw her sitting there, dressed in black and grey-
headed and took her for a beggar. He, therefore, put a loaf m her lap and
Dassed on. She thanked him and kept the bread, and as long as it lasted she
took a small portion of it as a blessing before every meal. • Benedictionem
ex e4 singulis diebus sumens donee expensa ^i\..'-Historia Framorum, lib. u,
cap. xvii.

[I'T. III.

istians might
Life in that

irson,' ' whose
meals of the
cred ; that is,
acharist in a

gercd on for a

in the blessed

ng each fisrit

Such, indeed,

a'ified by his

Father Jean

Paris in the

es et sacrse etiam
itite celebrabant.'—
1688. p. 53.
e in his account of
;s of the monks, on
laced on the bread
Conventus sedet in
. Tunc Prior prae-

in ultimum euntes
ipituli ; et venientes
: mensiE debent esse

Facta benedictione
ledat Priore tamen
. § 49, Antuerpiae,

1 S3) s*y* ''**' most
B earliest Christians,
was blessed by par-
is also an interesting
it. The rich wife of
ition of the interior,
egends of the saints,
we represented. A
rf in black and grey-
a loaf in her lap and
long as it lasted she
il. • Benedictionem
a Francorum, lib. ii.

CII. 111.]

Tcrtitllian.

209

middle of the seventeenth century wrote,' ' The ancient
Christians in receiving their guests or their friends offered a
prayer ; and it is most probable that they gave them the
holy Body of Jesus Christ before they took their meal : for
this was the gage of hospitality, and the sacrament of
mutual friendship, and each Christian had the Eucharist
in his house, at that time when, as St. John Chrysostom
says, the private houses were as holy as churches were
afterwards.' Nor, indeed, does our own countryman, the
learned Cave, dissent from the idea that the Christians
' used before every meal to give some parts of the Holy
Eucharist.' *

There is, therefore, very good a priori reason for
supposing that the real rendering of the words ante omnem
cibum is the natural one ' before every meal.'

There is also a chain of evidence, extending from early
times, that the meals of Christians were regarded at all events
as a quasi-religious service. That which at first was a religious
act in itself was afterwards employed as a means of guiding,
or checking, the not unusual temptation of eating or
drinking to excess. The fact that the Blessed Sacrament
was instituted at a meal has ever, as St. Basil points out,
shed a solemnity over a Christian's meals. He is con-
tinually reminded, ' Whether ye eat. or drink, or whatever

' ' Certum est ex Homero adventante sive amico, sive hospite, domo eum
acceptum fu.sse cum libatione vini diis factd, et porrecto illi poculo. cum ver-
borum fonnuia qu4 felicem ei adventnm optavere et ritu consimlli discessuri
hospites dimissi fuerunt, precantibus iis qui dimittebant ut cum Deo irent et
prospero itinere uterentur. Et hoe sunt Philotesi* subitanece et extemporales
Consimile ahquid egere Christiani veteres: hospites atit amicos excipiebani
praemissa ad Deum oratione, et Corpore Christ! Sanctissimo ante gucmvis
abum eos refeasse valde probabile est. Erat enim inter illos hospitalitatis
tessera et amiciti* mutuje sacramentum, et quivis Cl.ristiantts dotal Eucharis-
tiam habebat : eo scilicet tempore quo private domus tarn sancta quam postea
Ecclesiae fuerunt, ut ait Sanctus Chrysostomus. ' (♦M-T„rf« Veterum • plisMa
authore R. P. Joanne Frontone, Canonico Regulari Sanct* Ge*iovef£e"S Unt
versuatis Parisiensis Cancellario. Parisiis, ,660, p. 6.) The ante quemvis cibum
of P ronteau is nearly akm to the ante omnem cibum of Tertullian

» Primitive ChiManity, by William Cave, D.D. part i. chap. xi. London
'»39> vol, 1. p. 229. ^ '

210 T/iJ Testimony of the Fathers. [PT. ill.

ye do. do all to the glory of God.' Thus the old form of
frrace. which has been used for many centuries in the West,
is a relic of this idea of the meal. The form is a short
religious service in itself, and it inelmies the meal as part
of the service. This must be obvious to all who use it,
but for those to whom it may not be familiar, it may be

well to describe it. , , • r i

The service commences with a psalm and gloria, tol-
bwed by the lesser litany and Lord's Prayer. The priest
(if one be present) then blesses the food, after which
a prayer is said, that all may partake of the heavenly
table provided hereafter. At this point the meal follows
after which the service proceeds with a short psalm and
gloria, a thanksgiving for the food received, three versicles
and responses, and the concluding Apostolic benediction.
Thus, from the opening psalm to the concluding prayer for
blessing the whole is a religious service, of which the meal

forms a part.'

A very ancient, and at the same time a most interesting
and beautiful blessing of the table has been preserved in a
tract which is included amongst the works of St. Atha-

. Can th.re be any reference to such a custom in St. Basil ? He says that
tom-xkeu, the number seven for the daily prayers, the mid-cay prayer must be
divTled into wo parts, one before and the other after the m.d-day me 1
ZtoAscetuus, U, opera, Ganme, tom.ii. p. 450.) ^^^^^^^^
crivincr thanks (.iYap.(rT.i.) before meat on the three texts, St. Matt. xiv. 19,
Ac s xxvS^ « I tL. iv. 4 ; in two of which there is most probably re erence
fo the Hoi E.charist. '(Moralia, Reg. Ivi. torn. ii. p^ 387 ; - as. h.s
KostkVo St Gregory Naaanzene on the solitary life, Epstolan. torn. ....
o^ 1) In he himns of Prudentius, Autc cibum and Post cibun, there .s
LceWso mud iference .0 the Blessed Sacrament as we should expect
I LrvTreference in the addless to Christ as Columba potens, smce the
SS wastr^dTn a dove-shaped vessel ; but TertuUian applies the
Lucharist W8« .Christum columba demonstrare sol ta

r'he speSof t tt columL domus,' that is. a Church. ^A^v. Valen^n.
.; S pS 1675. p. 25. A.) However, in the hymn Post abum Vr^A^r.-
Uu's" i;:s ! ieS to^he SacrLent (C,.-.^^^^
where the ' parcis victibus ' is much to the puqiose of this essay .-

• Parcis vielibus expedita corda
Infun- 11 melius Deum receptant,
Ilmc pastus animx est, sapiirque verus.'

[I'T. 111.

lie old furm of
es in the West,
orni is a short
,• meal as part
all who use it,
iliar, it may be

and gloria, fol-
er. The priest
»d, after which
f the heavenly
he meal follows,
hort psalm and
i, three versicles
)lic benediction,
uding prayer for

which the meal

most interesting
:n preserved in a
ks of St. Atha-

Basil ? He says tl.at,
lid-day prayer must be
er the mid-day meal,
ie grounds his rule for
ixts, St. Matt. xiv. 19,
lost probably reference

p. 387 ; see also his
, Epislola ii. torn. iii.
d Post cibum, there is

as we should expect.
!umba potens, since the
TertuUian applies the
mba demonstrare solita
hurch. (Adv. Valentin,
m Post cibum, Prudcn-
;, 1781, torn. i. p. 277)1
his esSay i —

ClI. III.]

TcrtitlUan.

rus.

211

nasius.' It has been doubted, indeed, whether the treatise
itself is to be ascribed to the pen of St. Athanasius ; but the
grace before meat has manifest tokens of antiquity. The
reference to the redintegration of the scattered dust o" ^he
Christian dead in the Resurrection recalls the memorj of
the times of martyrdom, when heathen unbelievers, thinking
to destroy the memory of the Saints, scattered their ashes
upon running water, that their surviving brethren might not
gather them as relics. The passage in St. Athanasius is as
follows : —

After the assembly at the ninth hour, eat your bread, giving
thanks (twxnp.ffr./arrt^o) over your table thus : ' Blessed be God, who
has mercy on us and nourishes us from our youth, who giveth
food to all flesh. Fill our hearts with joy and gladness, that al-
ways having all sufficiency we may abound to every good work in
Christ Jesus our Lord,« with whom glory, power, honour and
worship IS due to Thee with the Holy Ghost for ever and ever.
Amen.' And then when you have sat down at the table and come
to break the bread, having sealed it thrice with the sign of the
cross, giving thanks (tux"P""-oOaa) say thus : 'We give thanks to
Thee, our Father, for Thy Holy Resurrection,' for Thou hast made
It known to us by Thy Son Jesus : and just as this bread which is
on this table was scattered and having been brought together be-
came one : so let Thy Church be gathered from the ends of the
earth mto Thy Kingdom, for Thine is the i^ower and the glory for
ever and ever. Amen.' And this prayer you should say when jou
break the bread and wish to eat : but when you have placed it on
the table and wish to sit down, say the 'Our Father' all through.
And we say the prayer above written, ' Blessed be God,' when
we have finished our meal and rise from the table.

This passage is very much to the purpose here, as
showing that the blessing of the meal had in the mind's of

' De VirginUate, %\ 12 and 13; Opera, Parisiis, 1698, torn. ii. p. 117 a.
The grace after meat there given is not so much to our purpose.

' This passage is a quotation from the great intercessor^ prayer in the
anaphora of the Liturgy of St. Mark, in use at Alexandria, where St Atha-
nasius was patriarch. Three texts are blended together— Ps cxxxv 2S
Acts xiv. 17, 2 Cor. ix. 8. • • 3.

' This probably means, ' the resurrection to life which Thou hast cranted
us and made known to us by Thy Sor.'

a^i*^

2 1 2 The Testimony of the Fathers. [I'l'. HI.

the Christians of the time some definite connection with
the Holy Eucharist. That there was this connection is
seen from three considerations: first, the blessmg of the
table is the breaking of the bread with prayer ; secondly,
there is an exquisite reference to the resurrection of the
body ; and. thirdly, not only does the Greek remind us of
the Holy Eucharist, but a great part of the first prayer .s
taken from the intercessory prayer in the anaphora of the

Liturgy of St. Mark. , . , .i

First of all, it shows that the breaking of bread was the
hallowing of the meal. This most probably was in memory
of the most solemn 'breaking of bread' which of old blessed
each Christian meal. It is quite true that this breaking of
bread with prayer was the ancient Jewish form of hallowing
a meal,' but there is clear evidence, as has been seen, that
in Apostolic times the breaking of bread was with Chris-
tians a participation in the Eucharist. It is impossible
to suppose that any Christian could break bread with
prayer at the commencement of a meal without being irre-
sistibly reminded of the Blessed Sacrament. As St. Basi
has said, the Lord especially chose out the conrimonest
articles of food to convey His grace, that all Christians
should be reminded of Him and His Passion whenever they
took their meals.

Secondly, in this form of grace there is a most remark-
able and beautiful reference to the resurrection of the body.
It is difficult to suppose that this reference would have
been made had there not have been originally in the minds
of the Christians who used it some connection with the
Blessed Sacrament. The promise of a resurrection to hfe
was intimately attached by our Blessed Lord to partici-
pation in the Eucharist ;• and in a symbolism connected
with this He likened Himself in His death, burial, and
resurrection to a grain of wheat hidden in the ground to

. See Buxtorfs Synasogn Judaica, cap. xii. lliwilea:, 1680. p. 242.
a St. John vi. 51 58.

[I'T. HI.

mncction with
connection is
lessing of the
cr ; secondly,
rection of the
remind us of
first prayer is
laphora of the

bread was the
vas in memory
1 of old blessed
lis breaking of
m of hallowing
been seen, that
iras with Chris-
; is impossible
ak bread with
liout being irre-
;. As St. Basil
;he commonest
c all Christians
1 whenever they

a most remark-
ion of the body,
ice would have
lly in the minds
lection with the
surrection to life
Lord to partici-
olism connected
eath, burial, and
n the ground to

ijE, 1680, p. 242*

CFI. III.]

Tcrtiilliaii.

bring much fruit to life.' In the form of grace the symbo-
lism would seem to have a double aspect, referring not
only to the compacting of the body after the dust has been
scattered, but to the Bread of Life, by participation in which
scattered members are compacted into one body. Such
had been the teaching of the Apostle in his application of
the doctrine of the Holy Eucharist to the question of eating
things offered to idols.' • We being many,' he wrote, ' arc
one bread and one body ; for we are all partakers of that
one Bread.'

That this symbolism was constantly present to the
minds of the early Christians and was a consolation to them,
may be seen from that exquisite saying of St. Ignatius as
he went to martyrdom— a saying not unfrequently quoted
in the early ages of Christianity :* ' I am God's wheat, let
me be ground by the teeth of wild beasts that I may be
found pure bread of Christ.' Here there is a distinct con-
nection between bread compacted from the dust of flour,
and man's body compacted from the dust of death in the
resurrection.

It may be that this is the real interpretation of the origin
of the custom ♦ of the feasts at the tombs of the faithful
departed. If the Blessed Sacrament was the pledge of the
resurrection to life, and if in this connection of thought the
blessing of a Christian feast had special reference to the
resurrection of the body, there would be special appropri-
ateness in Christians breaking bread, whether in the
Eucharistic feast or otherwise, at the tomb of those

' St. John xii. 24.

* I Cor. X. 17. ■
» Ignatii Epistola ad Romanos, cap. iv.; Patres ApostoluL, ed. Hefele,

1855. P- aoo. The passage is quoted by Eusebius, HUtoria F.cclesiastica,
lib. iii. cap. xxxvi. ; and by St. Irenseus, Adv. Hareses, lib. v. cap. xxviii.

• This was a very early custom (Constitutionts Apostolica, lib. viii. cap.
xliv.), and had become so much abused that St. Ambrose stopped it at Milan,
and St. Augu.stine strove against it at Hippo. (St. Augustine, Confessiones,
lib. vi. cap. ii. ; Opera, Parisiis, 1689, torn. i. col. 1 19 ; Epistola xxii. § 3,'
torn. ii. col. 28, &c. ) See above, p. 54.

!I4

The Tcsiimoiiy of the Fathers.

[it. III.

departed in the Coniinunioii of tin; Body and Blood of the
Lord. Some have interpreted the hard sayinj; of St. Paul,
• Why are they baptized for the dead V as mcaninjr that
Baptism itself was a pled^je of the resurrection to life.' So
the Christian feast at the tomb of a saint might iiave been
esteemed an act of faith in the resurrection.

The same connection of thought may help us to under-
stand the somewhat hard saying of St. Cyprian, who speak-
ing of the Blessed Sacrament says, 'We celebrate the
Lord's Resurrection in the morning.' ^ Now the Apostle
St. Paul speaks of the Holy Eucharist as being the means
of ' showing forth the Lord's Death till He come ; ' how
then does St. Cyprian speak of it as specially showing forth
the Lord's Resurrection, more than any other of the greaf;
facts of our redemption > It may be that the idea of resur-
rection connected with bread compacted of the dust of flour
was present to the mind of St. Cyprian when he used the
expression ; and therefore he spoke of the means whereby
we participate in the hope of the resurrection as a celebra-
tion of the Lord's Resurrection, which was indeed the first-
fruits and earnest of the harvest of mankind.

It is quite possible, too, that the same c mnection of
thought may have combined with the greatness of the
festival itself to give such pre-eminent importance to the
Communion at Easter, the annual celebration of the Lord's
Resurrection.

But, be this as it may, there can be little reason for
doubting that the reference to the resurrection in this form
of grace is indeed a reminiscence of the time when the
table was blessed by participation in the Holy Eucharist.

If, however, there be any lingering doubt on this head,
it must be removed by the third consideration, that the
language used is Eucharistic. Not only does the word
svxapiareip constantly occur, but most of the first prayer is

• See Bishop Wordsworth's Commentary upon i Cor. xv. 29.

» Ep. Ixiii. Ad Cacilium, Parisiis, 1726, p. 109. See below, p. 227. •

.rs.

[it. III.

nr. in.]

Tcrtullian.

''5

T and Blood of the
sayinji of St. Paul,
' as incaninjf that
ection to life.' So
t might have been
Dn.

■ help us to under-
^prian, who speak-
We celebrate the
Now the Apostle
s being the means
He come ; ' how
ally showing forth
3ther of the greaf.
; the idea of resur-
>f the dust of flour
vhen he used the
le means whereby
:tion as a celebra-
s indeed the first-
nd.

mc connection of
greatness of the
nportance to the
tion of the Lord's

e little reason for
ction in this form
le time when the
Holy Eucharist.
)ubt on this head,
deration, that the
y does the word
the first prayer is

-or. XV. 39.
See below, p. 227.

taken \rord for word from the Litur^jy of St. Mark.' This
is peculiarly interesting. Not only are the three passages
of Scripture referred to in the same order and in the
same form of words, but there is the same addition at the
end.

St. Athanasius, j Lifiirgy 0/ St. Mark.

Who giveth food to all •'■*■ cvxxv

flesh.

Fill our hearts with Joy
and gladness, that alwayr,
havingall sufficiency, we may
abound to every good work
in Christ Jesus our Lord.

25-

A;ts xiv.
'7-

2 Cor. ix.
8.

Who giveth food to all
flesh.

Fill our hearts with /<'i'
and gladness, that always
havingall sufliciency,we may
abound to every good work
/« Christ yesus our Lord.

Where the text differs from the Greek Vulgate, there
the form of grace and the Liturgy of St. Mark agree.

It is certainly in favour of the Athanasian origin of the
form of grace that 'the prayer said before and after the
meal should be mainly taken from the Liturgy in use at
Alexandria, of which St. Athanasius was patriarch.

There is one more point of interest to be mentioned,
and that is that the passage is quoted from the great inter-
cessory prayer, which in St. Mark's Liturgy comes just
before, and not, as usual in the East, after, the consecration.
This again would show the intimate connection of thought
between the breaking of bread at table and the consecra-
tion of the Bread of Life. At the table, as well as at the
Altar, this passage is used before the prayer at the break-
ing of bread.

From these considerations it may be seen that this most
ancient form of blessing the meal has a distinct reference
to the Blessed Sacrament ; and is probably a reminiscence
of the early times of evangelic earnestness, when each meal
was hallowed by participation in the Holy Eucharist.

That there was some form in use amongst Christians in

' .See Neale's Primitive Liturgies, in Greek, 1859, p. 20 ; the same in
English, p. 17. Bishop Brett's Collection 0/ Liturgies, 1720, p. 32.

21^)

Till- Ttstimony of the Fathiis.

fi'T. in.

J I

the East ill early times is clear from the constant reference
to it made by St. Chrysostom : ' ' Just as the devil lays
many snares in feasts, havin^j as his alhes drunkenness, and
f^'hittony, and unrestrained lau;^hter, and an uncollected
mind ; so then should we especially raise ajjainsthim before
and after meat the fortress of psalms, and we should rise from
the feast in common with wife and children, and sing holy
hymns to God.' Indeed, he j^oes on to speak of the particular
verse of the psalm, which was probably sung after meat in his
day: 'Just as .some rich men fill a sponge with balsam,
and wipe down their tables, that if there be any mess from
the food when this is drawn over, it may show a clean
table ; so in very truth let us also do, filling our mouths
with spiritual melody instead of balsam, so that, if there

' Expositio in Psahnum xli. Opera, Parisiis, torn. v. p. 132 C. So also, in
his Second Homily De Annd, St. Chrysostom urges her example as one most
worthy to be followed : ' A meal that begins with prayer and ends with prayer
will never fall short, but more abundant than ft fountain will l)ring us all things
good. . . . For where there is prayer and thanksgiving there comes the grace
of the Holy .Spirit, and devils are scared and every power of the enemy flies
and departs. . . . We ought, when we begin and when we leave off, to thank
(JckI, for then most certainly we shall not easily fall into drunkenness if we
have settled into tliis habit. And so, whether you have eaten or drunk too
much, when yon rise do not even then give over the habit ; yea, though we
can scarce hold up our heail, though we be staggering and tumbling, let us
even so pray and not give up the habit. For if on one day you shall have
praye<l in this fashion, you will on the next correct the shame that occurred
the day liefore.' (Horn. ii. De Annd, % 5, Parisiis, torn. iv. p. 719 b, c, d.)
Compare De Baptismo Christi ad fin., tom. ii. p. 375 h. In Matt. Horn.
Ixxxii. (al. 83), tom. vii, p. 784 n. The French divine Jean Fronteau, just
tjuotetl, writes of the early Christians : ' Ante prandium prcces ad Deum fu.sa',
et laudes ei dictie tanquam auctori omnium bonorum, ut docet Clemens
Alexandrinus. Cibos a Deo bencdici petierunt, ita ut pane suo quotidiano
tanquam sancto usi sint, nee sine religionc ilium tractaverint.' (Familia Chris-
tiana: Epislola, Parisiis, 1661.) Tertullian speaks of the care of the Christians
lest any breo shc^ld fall to the ground : ' Calicis aut panis etiam nostri aliquid
decuti in te ■ v \ anxii patiinur.' Rigault's comment is, 'panis etiam non
Eucharistici, am profani.' (/><• CcronA, iii. Opera, Parisiis, 1675, P- 102 a.)
This the Chi.jtians learned from the Jews, who were very particular in this
respect. See Buxtorrs Synagoga Judaiea, cap. xii. Basileae, 1680, p. 248.
Tertullian also tells us that the agapie commenced with prayer : ' Non prius
discumbitur, quim oratio ad Deum pra^ustetitr.' (ApologelicHs, xxxix. Opera,
p. 32 B.) May we not see a reference to a reception of the Reserved Sacra-
ment in the priegitstetur ?

CIS.

fl'T. Ill,

ru. Ill]

Tirtulliait.

-''7

constant reference
as the devil lays
s drunkenness, and
id an uncollected
against him before
ve should rise from
ren, and sing holy
ak of the particular
i{j after meat in his
ongc with balsam,
be any mess from
lay show a clean
illing our mouths
, so that, if there

r. p. 132 c. So also, ill
er example as one most
■er ami ends with prayer
1 will bring us all things
g there comes the grace
ower of the enemy flies
n we leave off, to thank
into drunkenness if we
have eaten or drunk too

habit ; yea, though wc
ig and tumbling, let us
ine day you shall have
he shame that occurred
om. iv. p. 719 n, c, n.)
J7S B. In Matt. Horn.
me Jean Fronteau, just
<x prcces ad Deum fusa;,
iini, ut docet Clemens
ut pane suo quotidiano
erint.' {Familia Chris-
le care of the Christians
anis etiam nostri aliquid
; is, ' panis etiam non
'arisiis, 1675, P- 102 a.)

very particular in this
Basileae, 1680, p. 248.
:h prayer : ' Non prius
^lo^etiais, xxxix. Opera,
of the Reserved Sacra-

have been any defilcmc-nt in the soul from gluttony, we
may wipe it off with Diis melody ; and let us say, standing
together, "Thou hast m.ide me glad, O Lord, through Thy
works, and I will rcjoic. 11 giving praise for the operation
of Thy hands." An. I let prayer be added after the
psalmody, so that \vc may hallow the house itself together
with the soui; Here, then, Is distinct reference to a psalm
and prayer, as accompanying a meal before and after, so as
to cast a religious aspect over the whole.

The same is seen in the custom, which has prevailed
from early times, of a meal being accompanied with some
religious reading. Thus, in the si.xth century, St. Gregory
of Tours tells us that this was not unusual : ' ' On a certain
day being invited to his table, while we were sitting to-
gether, he specially asked that something might be read for
the instruction of his soul ; and I, having opened the
Book of Solomon, pitched upon the first verse that met
my eye.* This, which was edifying and desirable for all,
especially in those great feasts which were often very long
and tedious, was later on » insisted upon at the tables of
bishops, and in monasteries. Somewhat of this has lin.
gcred on to our own times, not only in the annual reading
of Scripture at the feast at Eton, but in a strange and
edifying ceremony with which the dinner used till very
lately to conclude in one of our Inns of Court.

' Ilistoria Ftanconim, lib. v. cap. xiv.; Opera, Paris, 1699, col 216
Pans, 1561, p. 234. St. Gregory also tells us that at a feast the king ba.le
h.m make h.s deacon sing ; and then each priest sang a psalm before the kinc
(//«/. lib. viii. cap. iii. 1561, p. 432, 1699. col. 378). So it is recorded that
at an installation feast of a Bishop of Salisbury certain priest vicars sanir an
anthem before the new-made Bishop. *"

» Co. Bracar. II. (a.d. 572), can. Ixv. : -Non oportet aliqnando clerico,
nisi hymno duto edere panem, et post cibos gratias .luctori deo referro ' (Bruns
11. p. 55.) Co. Rhemense (A.I.. 813), can xvii.: 'Episcopict Abbates ante
joca turpta facere non permittant sed pauperes et ind.'gentes secura ad mensam
labeant, et lecHo diviua ibi personet, et sumant cibum cum bcnedictione et
laude Domini.' (Carranza, p. 566.) Co. Toletan III. (a.d. 589) can vii • '!„
omni sacerdotali convivio lectio Scripturarum divinarum misceatur ' (Bruns i
p. 214.) Durandus has a chapter on the subject, De CouciUo Cdibrando pus
Ml. tit. V. Parisiis, 1545, p. 169. ' *^

a,:

2l8

The Testitnony of the Fathers.

[PT. III.

I: i

I III

1 I

f 1

At ' the Ancient and Honourable Society of Clifford's
Inn ' the grace after meat is offered by the head of the
lower table. It consists in his raising above his head three
times, and striking gently on the table three times, four
small loaves attached to each other in baking, sc as to form
a cross, somewhat after the fashion of the rolls in Germany
and Switzerland. It is understood that the three raisings
and knockings are in reference to the ever-blessed Trinity,
in whose Name the rite is performed. The loaves are then
pushed from the head along the table, and off the lower end,
to indicate that all that is left is to go to those who want.
' A good old practice,' adds my informant, ' which has
yielded to the ultra-Protestantism of the present day.' The
custom no doubt comes down from the times when the
ritualistic black patch in the wig really covered the tonsure
of the priest. No words are now used, for the officiant is
now a layman.

In perfect harmony with this argument is the fact, that
in meditTeval art the representation of the historic scene of
the Institution of the Eucharist always had its place, as is
the case with the marvellous fresco of Leonardo da Vinci
at Milan, in the refectory ; and not, as is so common in
modern churches in England, over the altar. This would
hardly have seemed natural had there not been a traditional
connection with a time when each meal was hallowed by a
remembrance of the Sacrament.

There is, then, much to persuade us that the ante oinnem
cibnm of TertuUian means ' before every meal : ' and,
indeed, this is the most natural meaning of the words. For
there is no one word which expressed the same as our
modern English word * ' meal,' unless it be dims. The

' Du Cange gives many instances of this use of the word, such even as
* duos cibos,' two meals ; and St. Isidore of Seville (about A.D. 600), in his
Origines, often uses the word where we should use ' meal.' Thus in his chapter
'De Escis,' he has, *Jentaculum est primus cibus — veteres prandium vocabant
omnium militum cibum ante pugnam. Merenda est cibus qui declinante die
sumitur. £st autem ccena vespertinus <:/%».' — Origines, lib. xx. cap. ii. ; Ofitfa,
Colonia: Ayripp nif, 1617, p. 172 Gaud ir.

U-'.-<

Fathers.

[PT. III.

CM. III.]

TcrtulUaii.

219

)le Society of Clifford's
ed by the head of the
ng above his head three
table three times, four
in baking, sc as to form
of the rolls in Germany
that the three raisings
he ever-blessed Trinity,
d. The loaves are then
le, and off the lower end,
I go to those who want,
informant, ' which has
f the present day.' The
m the times when the
ally covered the tonsure
ased, for the officiant is

gument is the fact, that
of the historic scene of
vays had its place, as is
) of Leonardo da Vinci
t, as is so common in
the altar. This would
:re not been a traditional
meal was hallowed by a

us that the ante omncm
)re every meal : ' and,
ning of the words. For
jssed the same as our
less it be dims. The

use of the word, such even as
Seville (about A.D. 600), in his
use 'meal.' Thus in his chapter
hus — veteres prandium vocabant
nda est cibus qui declinante die
Origines, lib. xx. cap. ii. j O/'Htu,

rendering, therefore, of the passage would have been ' before
every meal," had not others occupied the ground with the
bald meaning ' before all food,' as if it was meant to exclude
any taking of food previously from the midnight next pre-
ceding.

Now, no one would have us believe that if the primitive
Christians, in their evangelic piety, blessed their simple
meals with the previous partaking of the Blessed Sacra-
ment, we are therefore bound now to follow their example.
If, therefore, the passage does not affect us otherwise than
historically in its obvious and natural sense, why should
it be supposed to bind us in its constrained and unlikely
meaning.'

iHdeed, if we translate this passage ' before every meal,'
it helps us perhaps to understand another saying of Ter-
tullian, which certainly requires something to help it to be
understood by modern ears. This saying has been hardly
dealt by; for, in the effort to make it intelligible, some
writers omit some of the words, while others curtail it in a
different fashion, each endeavouring to assimilate the pas-
sage to his own meaning.

Our own Bishop Fell' (and Cave'' agrees with him)
evidently thinks the passage is in favour of a practice of
reception after food. In a note upon St. Cyprian, he
writes, ' It is clear that the Eucharist, though taken at early
dawn, was also distributed at evening, of which Tertullian is
a trustworthy witness "We take the Sacrament of the
Eucharist at meal time from the hand of the presidents ; "
and elsewhere he tells us it is taken at the close of the
stations. The custom of communicating after Supper
lasted a long time in the Church.'

The passage has been carefully translated in Clark's
'Ante-Nicene Library;' and after attentive examination

' S. Cypriani Opera, Oxonii, 1682, Epistolae, p. 156. The note of
Bishop Fell is upon Epist. Ixiii.

■ rriinitive Christianily, part i. cliap. xi. London, 1839, vol. i, p. .■31.

11:

The Testimony of the Fathers.

[rx. III.

r ■ 11

I, ii ,

820

it will probably be found that this is the true render-
ing :— '

We take also in meetings before daybreak, and from the hand
of none but the president, the Sacrament of the Eucharist, which
the Lord both commanded to be eaten at meal times, and enjomed
to be taken by all alike.

Here is precisely what the former passage has been
telling us, according to my argument. Whether we take
Bishop Fell's abbreviated statement, or the other translation
at length, it is asserted that the Blessed Sacrament was
either taken or commanded to be taken at meal tin^e.
Does not this throw light upon, and receive light from, the
habit of some receiving privately in their own homes the
Reserved Sacrament ante omnem abum,' before every meal .> '
That such is probably the case is rendered apparent from a
consideration of the argument of the context of this second

passage.

ForTertuUian is referring to the various points in which
the custom of his day had deviated from the lex scripta of
the Gospels. He is arguing in defence of a soldier who had
refused to wear a chaplet given him at the distribution of
the imperial largess. The Catholics had condemned the
soldier as unnecessarily attracting attention and inviting
martyrdom by refusing to do what Scripture had not
condemned. TertuUian glories in the soldier's act, and
says that this appeal to Scripture is unwise, since Scriptural
injunction could not be pleaded for many customs which
obtained in his days. The Catholics could have easily
answered this argument, but that is not to our present
purpose. Tertullian enumerates customs connected with
Baptism, &c., for which he says there were no Scriptural
grounds. Here, then, was a wonderful opportunity for the
introduction of Fasting Communion as a remarkable devia-
tion from the Institution ; and if it was not only a custom
in his days, but as important a custom as some would have

^icrs. [FT. III.

s the true render-

k, and from the hand
■ the Eucharist, which
:al times, and enjoined

passage has been
Whether we take
the other translation
sed Sacrament was
iken at meal time.
:eivc light from, the
heir own homes the
' before every meal ? '
:red apparent from a
)ntext of this second

rious points in which
om the lex: scripta of
of a soldier who had
It the distribution of
had condemned the
tention and inviting
Scripture had not
le soldier's act, and
iwise, since Scriptural
many customs which
:s could have easily
; not to our present
toms connected with
e were no Scriptural
il opportunity for the
3 a remarkable devia-
as not only a custom
I as some would have

CH. III.]

Tcriullian.

us believe, it must have been introduced. Let us see if it is
to be found in the passage. The context is given in as
literal a translation as possible : ' —

In a word, to begin with Baptism. As we are about to enter
the water, in the very same place but a little before in the church,
under the hand of the Bisliop, we testify that we renounce the
devil and his pomp and angels. Tiien we are dipped three times,
making a somewhat fuller answer than the Lord appointed in the
Gospel. Thence be'>.g taken up we taste a mixture of milk and
honey, and from that day we refrain from the daily bath for a
whole week. The Sacrament of the Eucharist commanded by the
Lord, both at meal time and to all, w'e take even in antelucan
meetings, nor from the hand of others than the Bishop.

It is very difficult to see what deviation from the
Institution there is in receiving only from the hands of the
Bishops. TertuUian cannot possibly mean that none might
communicate except from the hand of the Bishop, since he
contemplates his wife communicating herself, and others
also reserving the Communion for home reception later on
in the day. He can only mean that in his day none but
the Bishop himself consecrated the Sacrament. That this
was usually the case we learn from other sources, as Fleury
tells us : ' 'II n'y avoit qu'un sacrifice dans chaque Eglise,
c'est-a-dire dans chaque diocese. C'^toit I'Eveque qui
Toffroit, et les Pr^tres ne le faisoi.nt qu'au d^faut de
I'Eveque, absent ou malade.'

But he cannot mean that the only time that they
received the Communion was in the meetings before
daybreak — nay this he points out by the ' etiam,' we receive
it even then, which distinctly implies reception at other
times. For if this were the only time of reception, and it
were the rule to receive only when no food had been taken

' De Corond Militis, cap. iii. Parisiis, 1675, p. 102. Krazer {De Liturgiis,
1786, p. 656) argues from this passage that the times of celebration were
niorning and evening.

' Mccurs dti CfirJtietts, § xiv. Opuscules, Nismes, 1780, torn. i. p. 161.
In (he English translation, London, 1698, p. 82.

ji*?

22i

t li,
1 t'

yV/f Tvstinioiij of the Fatlurs.

[it. III.

since midnight, Tcrtullian certainly missed a striking devia-
tion from Gospel precedent in not saying so. But we
indeed know from elsewhere in his writings that men
received indeed from the hands of the Bishops, but would
reserve Communion till later in the day. It would seem as
if the argument in his mind was, The Lord commanded it
to be taken at meal times, and it is true wc do com-
municate at such times ; but we deviate from this, for
we even communicate before dawn. And when' we do
so, we receive at the hands only of the Bishop, though
the attendant priests are there with him : yet the Lord
(wlio in this assembly is represented by the Bishop)
bade all the Apostles (here represented by the priests) to
offer.

The inference from this passage, then, is that there was
at least no stress laid upon Fasting Communion. They
communicated indeed before dawn sometimes, but it was
because the assembly was then held either from present
fear of persecution, or in memory of past fear. There was
no idea of necessarily communicating before any food in the
day was taken, for then TertuUian would certainly have
made a strong point of this. But the only deviation from
Gospel precedent on this head that he can discover in the
customs of his own day about communicating, is that it is
*even in meetings before dawn,' not always, or always
without having touched food since midnight.

The same also is seen in St. Cyprian, as will be found in
the chapter on his testimony. He condemns the Aquarii
for offering in the morning water only ; he does not con-
demn them for offering at supper time in the mixed chalice.
This, as Bingham ' has well observed, manifests ' that in
Cyprian's time there was no absolute rule to forbid com-
municating after supper.'

But here perhaps the objection will arise that this

• AntiquiHes, bk. xv. chap. vii. § 8, Bohn's edition, 1856, vol. ii. p.
833. See below, p. 229.

IL.

t/urs.

[it. III.

ClI. III.]

TevtuUian.

'^l

iscd a striking dcvia-

saying so. But \vc

writings that men

: Bishops, but would

T. It would seem as

Lord commanded it

s true we do com-

:viate from this, for

And when' we do

the Bishop, though

him : yet the Lord

cd by the Bishop)

:d by the priests) to

len, is that there was
Communion. They
lometimes, but it was
either from present
last fear. There was
)efore any food in the
vould certainly have
; only deviation from
e can discover in the
jnicating, is that it is
t always, or always
inight.

m, as will be found in
jndemns the Aquarii
y ; he does not con-
in the mixed chalice,
d, manifests ' that in
; rule to forbid com-

will arise that this

edition, 1856, vol. ii. p.

interpretation of Tcrtullian is antagonistic to the rule that
none should communicate more than once in a day. With
such a rule I have great sympathy ; and fifteen years ago I
made application to one, who has since been advanced to a
foremost position in the Church, for a reference to the
canons which forbad this, in order to convince a junior of
his error. The answer obtained ran thus: 'There arc
ancient canons against communicating twice in a day.
Those who wish to be true to the primitive Church will
respect them ; ' but there were no references given, nor
indeed have I ever been able to find any. It is dangerous
to map out the canons of the primitive Church by our own
instinctive feelings of reverence, however trustworthy they
seem to ourselves. The only reference given by Biel ' on
the question of communicating more than once in a day
is to a decision of Pope Alexander II., in the eleventh
century, forbidding priests to consecrate twice without
necessity.

In primitive times there was only one celebration at the
one altar in the church ; but liberty was given to each
Christian, as it would seem, to reserve as much as he
pleased for his own devotional reception when there was
deficiency of celebrations. Now, since it was the common
custom to have one only celebration on a day, this would
hardly have been broken through had there not existed the
habit of frequent reception in the same day. When
Walafrid Strabo tells us, in the ninth century, that Pope
Leo III. consecrated often seven or nine times in a day, it
is clear from the context that this was from devotion, and
not from necessity. For Walafrid ends his discussion.*
' therefore let each man be rich in his own opinion, so long
as there is agreement of faith, so that they who ofier often
think not that God cannot otherwise hear petitions, nor
they who offer only once suppose that the subtilty of their

' De Cauoiie Missie, lectio Ixxxvii. lit. R, Lugduni, 1542, fo. 236.

' De Rebus Ecc'esiasticis, cap. xxi. cd. Ililtorpius, Romie, 1591, p. 345.

L:J^

l; llill

224

The Testimony of the Fathers.

[PT. III.

'''V '

%
ll

I 1

a IM
ta 1

faith is more acceptable in the sight of God than the
devotion of their betters.* It is manifest, therefore, that
Walafrid regarded frequent celebration as a devotional act,
though seemingly he did not quite agree with it. But when
that which was introduced from devotion became extended
from the cupidity of priests, who wished to receive money
for saying many masses on the same day, it was forbidden '
to say more than one mass, except on grave necessity.
Probably the habit of multiplying celebrations from deep
feeling of devotion would not have been introduced had
there not already existed a habit of communicating mere
than once in the same day from the reserved Sacra-
ment.

Tertullian, therefore, most probably teaches us that in
his day there existed still the most blessed custom of con-
secrating each meal by a previous reception of the reserved
Eucharist, though sometimes they communicated ' even in
their assemblies before dawn.' Neither in his days, nor in
those of St. Cyprian, had the general relaxation of morals
commenced, which arose partly from the removal of the
fear of imminent death from persecution, partly from the
influx of political Christians into the Church, consequent
upon the conversion of the Emperor and his Court.

I conclude that Tertullian cannot be cited with any
justice in favour even of a habit, much less of a paramount
rule, of always taking the Blessed Sacrament before any
food taken since the midnight next preceding.

■ ' Suificit sacerdoti unam iiissa'n in die una celebrare : quia Christus
semel passus est, et totum muadui^i redemit. . . . Qui vero pro pecuniis, aut
adulattonibus sa;culariuin, un& die praesumunt plures facere missas, non scstimo
evadere damhationem.' (Pope Alexander II. (Pope a.d. 1061-73) *" Decreto
He Consec. dist. i. cap. liii.) In England more celebrations than one (except on
Christmas Day, Easter Day, and unforeseen necessity) were forbidden to priests
at the Council at Westminster under Archbishop Hubert, A.D. 1200. See
Co\\\&['% Ecclesiastical Histoiy, bk. v. cent. xiii. Straker, 1840, vol. ii. p. 41 1 ;
and again at Oxford under Archbishop Stephen Langton, in A.D. 1222,
Lyndwood, J^ovinciale, lib. iii. tit. xxiii., Oxford, 1679, p. 227.

'hers.

[PT. III.

CH. IV.]

St. Cyprian.

225

t of God than the
ifest, therefore, that
as a devotional act,
; with it. But when
m became extended
:d to receive money
ly, it was forbidden '
on grave necessity,
^brations from deep
een introduced had
)mmunicating more
he reserved Sacra-

y teaches us that in
ssed custom of con-
ption of the reserved
imunicated ' even in
:r in his days, nor in
elaxation of morals
the removal of the
:ion, partly from the
Church, consequent
id his Court.
: be cited with any
less of a paramount
crament before any
^ceding.

celebrare : quia Christus
Qui vero pro pecuniis, aut
s facere missas, non scstimo
le A.D. 1061-73) *" Decreto
irations than one (except on
y) were forbidden to priests
I Hubert, a.d. 1200. See
tiker, 1840, vol. ii. p. 41 1 ;
I Langton, in A.D. 1222,
1679, p. 227.

CHAPTER IV.

ST. CYPRIAN. A.D. 250.

'T^HE testimony of St. Cyprian would certainly seem to
be that in his day there was no strict rule of
Fasting Communion.' The rule that was afterwards for-
mulated at the Council of Hippo does not seem to have
been regarded as binding in his day. If such a rule
were known to be binding, there can be little question that
St. Cyprian would have adduced it in his argument against
the curious conceit of some whom we must call the Aquarii
of his time. These men seem to have had the notion that
celebrations in the morning should be with water only, without
wine, and that the mixed chalice should be offered only in the
evening after supper. St. Cyprian says in effect that this
was in simplicity, and not in wilful error ; but he does not
tell us the grounds of their peculiar view. He suggests,
indeed, that perhaps they ' feared, in the morning sacrifices^
lest by the savour of wine they should be redolent of the
Blood of Christ ; ' but he does not say what was the origin
or ground of this fear. It is quite true that in some manu-
scripts the passage is paraphrased in such a way as to imply
that it was fear of persecution : ' Lest any should fear to
offer wine, lest in the morning hours, through the savour
of the wine, its smell should be by its fragrant odour re-
cognized by the perception of unbelievers, and he should
be known to be a Christian, since we commemorate the
Blood of Christ in the oblation of wine.' But this passage

' Yet the passage here argued from is referred to as upholding the natural
fast from midnight before Communion; cf. Cozza, Tractatus de Jejunio EccUsi-
astico, Romie, 1724, p. 2.

Jt>

226

The Testimony of the Fathers.

[PT. Ill,

fe S.\

< I

I', '

•. 1 .
l.i. )
1 I*

!■!

■! ]

If ,

'I '
if, I

is probably the marginal explanation of a scribe, which
has gradually usurped a place in the text of St, Cyprian.
There is another possible explanation of this fear, and that
is that the Aquarii were.ascetics, who, from a mistaken view
of discipline, rejected wine in the morning as breaking
their fast, but had no objection to it in the evening at the
conclusion of their discipline. In England, in our own day,
the ministers of some Dissenting chapels, where the teaching
of teetotalism is upheld, have been known to celebrate
what they call the Lord's Supper in bread and water. But
a curious instance of mistaken sense of reverence is to be
found in the suggestion of a vicar of Dudley, about fifty
years ago. In a pamphlet upon advisable alterations in the
Book of Common Prayer, he suggested the propriety of
celebrating on Good Friday with bread and water. He
said that there was a natural feeling against taking wine
upon so solemn a fast, and yet to his mind some memorial
of the Great Sacrifice was of the highest desirability ; he
therefore pleaded that it would be very appropriate to cele-
brate with bread and water !

But whatever was the real foundation of the conceit of
these Aquarii, their peculiarity is not so much to our
present purpose as the answer of St, Cyprian, He points
out that the custom of the Church has ever been to use
the mixed chalice, and that he himself had received a divine
admonition that this was the only way of celebrating the
Eucharist. He shows how in prophecy and type wine was
ever ascribed to the Eucharist, while water prefigured the
Sacrament of Baptism, He then, towards the end of the
letter, inserts some objections or arguments of those against
whom he is contending, and he gives his own answer to
these objections. But when he records the objection about
offering after supper, he says not one word about any
custom of Fasting Communion, though it would have been
much to his purpose ; he says nothing about any Apostolic
rule, or Divine command on this head, but he gives two

jaiiigj

'aiJurs.

[PT. III.

CH. IV.]

St. Cyprian.

227

1 of a scribe, which
te.Kt of St. Cyprian,
of this fear, and that
roni a mistaken view
morning as breaking
n the evening at the
land, in our own day.
Is, where the teaching
known to celebrate
ead and water. But
of reverence is to be
f Dudley, about fifty
able alterations in the
:ed the propriety of
;ad and water. He
against taking wine
[tiind some memorial
best desirability ; he
' appropriate to cele-

ion of the conceit of
ot so much to our
Cyprian. He points
as ever been to use
liad received a divine
y of celebrating the
r and type wine was
ivater prefigured the
ards the end of the
;nts of those against
his own answer to
the objection about
le word about any
it would have been
ibout any Apostolic
i, but he gives two

reasons of a much less conclusive character. He says that
the mass of the people could not so well be brougiit
tojfcther in the evening as in the morning ; and he
says that they celebrate the Lord':; Resurrection in the
morning.

This latter reason will at first sight seem remarkable,
siu^e the especial mystery of our redemption, commemo-
rated in the Eucharist, is the Sacrifice of the Lord's Death,
which we therein show forth till He comes. But it shows
that this ' worship of the dispensation ' included all the
mysteries of the Incarnation, and was a thanksgiving for
all.' As, therefore, the service itself, the Breaking of the
Bread, the Shedding forth of the Wine, was a commemo-
ration of the Lord's Death, so St. Cyprian seems to say
that the time of offering it was commemorative of the
Resurrection of the Lord in the morning.

But, if there had been in St. Cyprian's day a rule at all
similar to that in use amongst Roman Catholics now, he
would not have used any such minor arguments to answer

' It may perhaps be that St. Cyprian is contrasting the death of the world
to Christ and all Christians, with the Resurrection of Christ and the rising
again of all Christians with Him in their Baptism. But it also may be that
St. t ; •^rian is here asserting that the Resurrection is one of the mysteries of
the Dispensation, which is recognized and commemorated in the chief act of
worship of the Christian Church. In early liturgies this was marked ; it is seen
in the Western Litany, which is doubtless Eucharistic. (See Freeman's PriticifUs
of Divine Service, vol. ii. p. 324 seq.) It is specially commemorated in the
Liturgy of St. Chrysostom, in the Consecration Prayer : ' Remembering,
therefore, this command of our Saviour, and all things which He did for us :
His cross, His burial, His resurrection the third day, His ascension into
Heaven,' &c. (King's Rita and Ceremonies of Greek Church, London, 1772,
p. 170; Neale's Tetralogia LHurgica, p. 136.) Also it is one of the nine
points of the Dispensation commemorated in the nine portions consecrated in
the Mozarabic and Coptic rites, (Freeman's Principles, vol. ii. p. 328 ;
Krazer, De Liturgiis, 1786, p. 618.) See also above, p. 214. It may, how-
ever, only be a poetical expression, as in the following explanation of a passage
in the seventh Homily of St. Cssarius : * Sed quem imm nentis passionis
mtestus angor consecrat jucundior Resurrectionis hilaritas quodammodo conse-
crare dicitur "Jam tunc Christus ab Ecclesifi, cui Dominicum Corpus Resur-
rectio cons^cravit, recipiendus ostenditur." ' — De fienedictionibus Patriarcha-
rum, Auctore D. de Celada, Lugduni, 1647, p. 391.

iMiii

I'M-)

\: iii::ii

228

T/ie Testitttoiiy of the Fathers.

[PT. III.

this view of the Aquarii ; he would perchance have used
some such langua^jc as that of Mr. Oxcnhani, that such a
practice ' was what God had forbidden, a service, we have
great reason to fear, He will never accept.'

St. Cyprian, then, may be claimed as a witness against
modern rigorists. His testimony, negative as it is, is in
perfect harmony with that of canons and fathers elsewhere,
and goes to show that Fasting Communion was not known
as a rule until the end of the fourth century, when it was
necessitated by the prevalent custom of taking food to
excess.

The passage in St. Cyprian runs as follows : '—

All the discipline of religion and truth is overthrown, unless
what is spiritually enjoined is faithfully preserved ; unless, indeed,
anyone should fear in the morning sacrifices lest, by the savour of
wine, he should be redolent of the Blood of Christ. Thus, then,
the brotherhood is beginning to be kept back even from the Passion
of Christ in persecution, while they learn in the oblations to be
ashamed of His Blood atid Bloodshedding. The Lord, moreover,
says in the Gospel : Whosoever shall be ashamed of Me, of him
shall the Son of Man be ashamed; and the AposUe also speaks,
saying : If I pleased men I should not be the Servant of Christ.
But how can we shed our blood for Christ, if we are ashamed to
drink the Blood of Christ?

[Then the Aquarii answer this earnest admonition :- -]

Does anyone flatter himself with this consideration, that though
in the morning it appears that the oblation is made in water only,
yet when we come to supper we offer the mixed chalice ?

[To this pleading St. Cyprian answers warily :— ]

Well, but when we sup we cannot call' together our people to
the feast, so that we may celebrate the verity of the Sacrament in
the presence of the whole brotherhood.

' Ep. Ixiii. Ad Cttcilium, I'arisiis, 1726, p. 109.

» It is inconceivable that St. Cyprian should have brought forward this
argument of inconvenience, if there had been an obligatory custom in his
time of Fasting Communion of the same kind as we find in transmarine office
books.

'^atfu

:t'S.

[PT. III.

CH. IV.]

Sf. Cyprian.

perchance have used
Oxcnham, that such a
en, a service, we have
:cept.'

d as a witness against
egativc as it is, is in
and fathers elsewhere,
iiunion was not known
I century, when it was
»m of taking food to

as follows : ' —

ith is overthrown, unless
reserved ; unless, indeed,
ces lest, by the savour of
I of Christ. Thus, then,
ack even from the Passion
•n in the oblations to be
ig. The Lord, moreover,
' ashamed of Me, of him
the Apostle also speaks,
he the Seri'ant of Christ.
5t, if >Ye are ashamed to

irnest admonition :- -]

consideration, that though
jn is made in water only,
; mixed chalice ?

iswers warily : — ]

II' together our people to
erity of the Sacrament in

, 109.

Id have brought fonvard this

an obligatory custom in his

IS we find in transmarine office

229

[The Aquarli have their defence from our Lord's own
example : — ]

Well, but then the Lord ofTcrcd not the mixed chalice in tlie
morning, but after supper.

[St. Cyprian answers : — ]

Must we, then, celebrate that of the Lord after supper, that so
we may offer the mi.\ed chalice by multii)lying' Sacraments? It
behoved Christ to offer about the evening of the day, that the
very hour of the Sacrifice might show the setting and evening of
the world ; « as it is written in Kxodiis, AnJ the icho/e assembly of
the eongre^^ation of Israel shall kill it in the a<ening ; and again in
the Psalms, Let the lifting up of my hands be an ei'ening sacrifice.
But we celebrate the Resurrection of the Lord in the morning ;
and because we make mention of His Passion in all Sacrifices
(for the Lord's Passion is the Sacrifice we offer), we ought to do
nothing else than what He did.

Having given this passage at length from St. Cyprian,
there only remains to give the comment of the learned
Bingham uponit.' 'Cyprian' (he says), 'disputing against the
Aquarians, who celebrated in the morning in water only,
and in the evening in wine and water mixed together, docs
not contend with them about celebrating after supper, but
only because they did not at both times mix wine with
water, after Christ's example. He would not so easily have
passed over the practice of the Aquarians in celebrating
in the evening, had there been no instances of the like
practices in the Church ; but, as it was customary in Egypt
to celebrate the Eucharist on Saturdays after dinner, and
in Africa one day in a year after supper, all he pleads for

' It would be inconvenient or needless, he argues, to offer in the morning
and also in the evening.

» This may, perhaps, mean the death of llie world to Christ and Christians:
therefore, there is the contrast of celebrating in the morning the Resurrection
of Christ and Christians with and in Him. But the Resurrection is one of the
nine points of the Dispensation commemorated in the Oblation, and the name
of one of the nine portions in the Mozarabic and Coptic rites. See above,
p. 227, and also p. 214.

" Antiquities, bk. xv. chap. vii. g 8. Bohn's Edition, 1856, torn. ii. p. 833.

:■ Sm*BX3iBS>Ktl»tSE:

230

The Testimony of the Fathers.

[I'T. III.

upon this point is only this, that the general custom of the
Church to celebrate the luicharist in the morning only was
not against the rule of Christ, though He gave it in the
evening after supper, because Christ had a particular
reason for what He did, which He did not intend should
oblige the Church : Christ offered in the evening to signify
the evening or end of the world ; but we offer in the
morning to celebrate our Saviour's Resurrection. And he
gives another reason why they did not celebrate in the evening
generally, as in the morning, because the people could not
so well all come together in the evening as tn the morning,
lly which it is plain in Cyprian's time there was no absolute
rule to forbid communicating after supper, though the
practice began generally to be disused, and the common
custom was to receive fasting, and at morning service.'
There does not seem much to be added to this argument of
Bingham.

.fit

FiUfuis.

[IT. III.

CM. v.]

St, Gregory Naziaiisotc.

•If

general custom of the
the niorninfi only w.is
gh Mc Rave it in the
rist had a particular
did not intend should
the evening to signify
but we offer in the
[Resurrection. And he
:clebrate in the evening
E the people could not
ling as rn the morning,
e there was no absolute
r supper, though the
sed, and the common
\ at morning service.'
led to this argument of

CHAPTER V.

ST. GREGORY NAZIANZF.NK. A.n. 370.

A PASS AGE from St. Gregory Nazianzcne. has been
quoted in favour of Fasting Communion, but he only
says that in his day they celebrated ' before supper.' As this
might be said of any mid-day celebration in our own day, it
will not detain us long. The whole context of the passage '
is given that there may be no mistake as to the citation.

But what need is there, when yon are followin.'j examples that
are beyond you, that you should be badly advised ? since also
many other things of those which are there recorded are manifestly
different from what they are now, and not suitable to our times. For
example, just before His temptation He fasted; so do we before
Easter. The matter of the fast is one, but the difference of the
two times is not small. For He opposed these fasts against His
Temptation, but with us it signifies the dying with Christ, and is a
purification before a feast. And He fasted forty days, for He was
God ; but we accommodated this to our power, though zeal |)er-
suades some even to be eager beyond their strength. Again, He
celebrates the mystery of the Passover with His disciples in an
upper chamber, and after supper, and the day before the Passion ;
but we in houses of prayer, and before supper, and after His
Resurrection. He rose again on the third day, we after a long
time.

It is quite true that Nicetas " explains this * before

' Oratio xl. In Sanctum Pap/isma, O^ra, pRrisiis, 1609, torn. i. p. 659.

• ' Consimili cnim latione <liscipiilis post ctxinain ante unicum passionis
iliem Christus Pascha tradiclit ut nos in sacris domibus et jejuni, et post reditum
Cliristi ad vitam, illud celcbramus.' (St. Greg. Naz. Opera, Parisiis, 1609, lorn,
ii. col. 1069.) Nicetas lived at Constantinople in the eleventh century, some

\ I

m
i

232

T/ic Tcstiviony of the FatJurs.

[PT. III.

supper' of fasting; but probably ihe jcjuuintn uatiira,
the fast from midnight, was unknown to Nicetas. At all
events, it would seem to imply that men must be driven to
straits for authority who can argue that, because St.
Gregory here says that ordinarily the celebrations in his
day were before supper, therefore it was held to be for-
bidden to take any food, or even wash out the mouth,
between midnight and the act of celebration and Com-
munion. If such custom had been known to him, it would
have been very much to his purpose to say, ' we celebrate
not only before supper, but before we take any food in the
day.' But as he does not say this, we can hardly suppose
that such a stringent custom was known to him.

seven hundred years after St. Gregory, and probably interpreted according to
the practice in his day. The author of an article in the Christian Reinem-
bramer for July i860 (vol. xl. p. 194) thinks that the phrase 'after His
Resurrection' 'probably refers to the fact of the celebration being in the
morning, after the hour at which our Lord rose from the giave.' I venture
to think that this is a heavy strain to put upon the words ; and it seems hard
to suppose that there is anything more intended than an antithesis to ' the
day before His I'assion.'

4 I

he Fathers.

[PT. III.

CH. VI.]

St. Basil.

y the jcjunium uatiira,
own to Nicetas. At all
;t men must be driven to
irgue that, because St.
' the celebrations in his
e it was held to be for-
:n wash out the mouth,
f" celebration and Com-
» known to him, it would
ose to say, ' we celebrate
we take any food in the
5, we can hardly suppose
inown to him.

probably interpreted according to
article in the Christian Reiiiem-
inks that the phrase 'after His
of the celebration being in the
rose from the giave.' I venture
n the words ; and it seems hard
inded than an antithesis to ' the

CHAPTER VI.

ST. BASIL. A.D. 37O.

' I ''HERE are two passages referred to, or quoted from,
J- St. Basil's writings in favour of the fast from mid-
night before Communion. The first, which is referred to
by Giustiniani " in his Commentary on St. Paul's Epistles,
is hero given at length, for it is uncertain what particular
part of the Epistle, to which reference is made, is intended
to bear the sense for which it is cited. Certain it is that,
from beginning to end, there is uo word of Fasting Commu-
nion, and it is not easy to see why it is quoted. It may
have been that Giustiniani had the reference attached to
some other question about Communion, and it slipped in
by accident ; or it may be that some assertion of Fasting
Communion may be supposed to lie hid in the statement that
the monks and hermits partook of the reserved Sacrament.
As, however, Giustiniani is content with a marginal refer-
ence to the letter of St. Basil,' it is not easy to see why he
makes the reference at all ; and the whole letter is given at
length, as it is not very long, that the reader may judge for
himself. It is only an instance of the manner in which
quotations are multiplied without much care as to whether
they are to the question or not : —

Daily Communion and partaking of the holy Body and Blood
of Christ is good and very advantageous, since He Himself clearly

' In I Cor. xi. 20. B. Justinian! Jn omnes B. Fault Epistolas Expla-
nationes, Lugduni, 161 2, torn. i. p. 561.

'■' Ad Casariam Ptitriciam, Ep. xciii. (al. 289), ed. Gaume. torn. iii. p.
267.

Ji^i^J

234

The Testimony of t fie Fathers.

[PT. HI.

il i

'I*

I ' 'if

1 1!

::!!;'■ ,:

says, He that cateth My Flesh and drinketh My Blood hath eternal
life. P'or who doubts that to be continually partaking of life is
nothing else than to be living in many ways? We indeed com-
municate four times a week, on Sunday, Wednesday, Friday, and
Saturday, and on other days if there be a commemoration of any
saint. It is superfluous to show that it is in no way a great oflfence
for a man to be compelled, in the times of persecution, to receive
the Communion with his own hand, in the absence of priest or
deacon, for long custom has established this by this very practice.
For all the monks in the deserts, where there is no priest, retaining
the Communion at home, receive from themselves. Again, in
Alexandria and in Egypt each, even of those who live amongst the
people (as is done for the most part), has the Communion at
home, and receives at his own hands whenever he likes. For
when once the priest has completed the Sacrifice and given it, he
that receives it, say the whole of it at once, if he partake daily,
should believe that he partakes and receives at the hands of him
that originally gave it. For also in church the priest gives the
portion, and he that receives it holds it fast with all authority, and
thus conveys to his mouth with his own hand.' It is, then, virtually

' The Benedictine editors point out that this was not permitted by Theo-
dore of the Studium, who says that the hand should be covered by a linen
veil. But Theodore died (A.D. 826) some five hundred years later than St.
Basil, and in tl e meantime a spurious sense of modesty had come over men's
minds. When Nicetius of Lyons, in the sixth century, blessed Gregory of Tours
as a little child, he covered himself with a veil in token of modesty, lest he
should touch the child even with the tips of his fingers. (St. Greg. Turon.
Vita Patrum, cap. viii. § 2, Paris, 1699, col. 1185.) About that time it was
that the Council of Auxerre (in A. D. 580) determined, ' No woman may receive
the Eucharist with uncovered hand' (can. xxxvi. Bruns, ii. p. 241), or without
her ' dominicale,' that is supposed to have been a veil. Carranza {Sum/iia,
p. 376) has a note and a quotation from St. Augustine (which is really from
St. Ccesarius of Aries, A.D. 502, in ^//. ad Opera St. Aug. Sermo ccxxix.
Parisiis, tom. v. p. 2, col. 376): 'Quid per dominicalem intclligi debeat,
accipe ex St. Augustino qui de hoc agit in Sermone 152 [leg. 252] de tempore
ubi ait " omnes viri quando communicare desiderant lavent manus, et omnes
muliere.s nitida exhibeant linteamina, ubi Corpus Christ! accipiant, &c." '
But it is hardly likely that the fathers at Auxerre would speak of the ' nuda
manu' in can. xxxvi., and the 'dominicale ' in can. xxxix., if they referred to
the same thing. Indeed, in one ancient MS. of the Canons, the dominicale
is definitely interpreted of the veil over the head. ' Si mulier communicans
dominicale suum super caput suum non habuerit, usque ad alium diem,' &c. —
See Lc Brun, Explication de la Messe, diss. xv. part. iii. art. 5, Paris, 1726,
tom. iv. p. 247. See also Sala's note on Bona, tom. iii. p. 372. The Italian
women in some parts to tb<s day spread a white linen veil or mantle over the
head when they come to communibate. The clean white handkerchief that

ll'l;'^';;

'liiiii

wmm

athers.

[PT. III.

CH. VI.J

St. Basil,

235

My Blood hath eternal
illy partaking of life is
ys? We indeed com-
/■ednesday, Friday, and
commemoration of any
no way a great offence
persecution, to receive
e absence of priest or
is by this very practice,
re is no priest, retaining
themselves. Again, in
e who live amongst the
las the Communion at
lenever he likes. For
crifice and given it, he
e, if he partake daily,
es at the hands of him
;h the priest gives the
t with all authority, and
nd. ' It is, then, virtually

'as not permitted by Tlieo-
ould be covered by a linen
undred years later than St.
odesty had come over men's
ry, blessed Gregory of Tours
I token of modesty, lest he
fingers. (St. Greg. Turon.
;.) About that time it was
ed, ' No woman may receive
truns, ii. p. 241), or without
a veil. Carranza (Sumnia,
Justine (which is really from
^■a St. Aug. Sermo ccxxix.
jminicalem intclligi debeat,
le 152 [leg. 252] de tempore
ant lavent manus, et omnes
us Christ! accipiant, &c." *
; would speak of the ' nuda
I. xxxix., if they referred to
the Canons, the dominicale
. ' Si mulier communicans
isque ad alium diem,' &c. —
part. iii. art. 5, Paris, 1726,
m. iii. p. 372. The Italian
linen veil or mantle orer the
:an white handkerchief tfiat

the same whether a man receive one portion from the priest or
many portions at once. . ,

This is the whole of Jhe letter that has been preserved
to our times, from the beginning to the end ; and interesting
though it certainly is, there is not, so far as I can see, one
word to justify its being alleged in favour of Fasting
Communion.

Nor indeed is there much better reason to allege the
second passage, as is commonly done. For we must
always remember that when men speak of Fasting Com-
munion now-a-days, they expressly declare that the fasting
is not the ecclesiastical discipline for the sake of purging the
soul by mortification, but it is ' a symbolic fast, beginning
with a symbolic day,' or what has been called, since the
thirteenth century, 'jejunium naturae.' To such a fast
there is no reference in St. Basil.

The second passage has been quoted over and over
again for the l^st two hundred years, so that we know the
precise passage h'ch is supposed to speak of the 'natural'
fast. The i'. - is from the first Homily on Fasting.
This homily ...^^ »vritten to allure and persuade men to the
proper keeping of the Lenten Fast. This is seen in the
reference at the end to Easter and Good Friday ; so that, if
the homily were not to persuade men to the keeping of the
whole period of Lent, at least it was to the keeping of Holy
Week. The whole homily speaks of the advantage of
fasting in every way, and the necessity of it for everyone.
The saintly orator condescends to the lowest and minutest
motives to catch the reluctant and luxurious, as well as
employs higher and grander motives to encourage the eager
and religious. Just as our homilies speak of the en-
couragement given to fishermen by the eating fish on
fasting days, in order to persuade politic men to fast ; so
does St. Basil say that dainties will taste very much better

peasant women take to church with them in England probably has the same
origin.

236

The Testimony of the Fathers.

[I'T. III.

ill

after a course of fasting, and be not so likely to pall on the
palate, in order to entrap the luxurious and effeminate.
He speaks throughout of the habit of fasting, and he shows
from Old and New Testament, that those who pleased God
best, and were most accepted of Him, were men of spare
and fasting habit. From beginning to end there is not one
word of any distinction, such as men now-a-days would
make at the outset of their treatise on the subject, be-
tween the ecclesiastical and natural fast' With St. Basil,
abstinence for the sake of discipline, or self-restraint
from any particular kind of food, was a fast. Adam and
Eve, he says, fasted in Paradise : this is what TertuUian
and others had said before. For this opinion St. Basil
gives three reasons : they fasted because they were bidden
to abstain from the tree of knowledge ; secondly, because
they did not drink wine, which had not yet been invented ;
thirdly, because they abstained from flesh meat, which had
not yet been allowed to them. This shows what kind of
fast would satisfy St. Basil's requirements, as laid down in
this homily ; also, it makes manifest the meaning of the
passage generally cited, as maintaining the modern ' natural '
fast from midnight as necessary before a reverent com-
munion.

The passage occurs in the midst of a flight of rhetoric
about Samson's fast from wine and grapes as a Nazarite.
The whole of the immediate context is here given, and the
modicum generally quoted is marked by italics, that the
reader may see and judge for himself whether there is any
ground whatever for the passage being quoted, as bearing
out the teaching of the necessity of abstinence from all
kinds of food from the previous midnight before worthy
celebration and reception.

' See for example Cozza, Tractatus Dogmaticomoralis de Jejunio Eecle-
Siastieo, Romse, 1734, p. I ; 'Jejunium insuper corporale, prout a parsimonia
secemitur, aliud est quod naturale appellatur, aliud quod est juris naturae, aliud
deniqiie Exclesiasticum sive juris Ecclesiastici.'

"MW""'"'*"'

thers.

[I'T. III.

CH. VI.J

St. Basil.

^17

ikely to pall on the
»us and effeminate,
isting, and he shows
se who pleased God
were men of spare
:nd there is not one

now-a-days would
3n the subject, be-
.' With St. Basil,
le, or self-restraint
I fast. Adam and

is what TertuUian
5 opinion St. Basil
!e they were bidden
; secondly, because
yet been invented ;
ish meat, which had
ihows what kind of
its, as laid down in
:he meaning of the
ie modern ' natural '
re a reverent com-

a flight of rhetoric
apes as a Nazarite.
here given, and the

by italics, that the
irhether there is any

quoted, as bearing
ibstinence from all
light before worthy

moralis de yejunio Eecle-
orale, prout a parsimonia
uod est juris naturae, aliud

What made Esau profane and made him slave to his lirotlicr ?
Was it not one meal for which he gave up his birtliright ? Did
not prayer with fasting obtain Samuel for his mother? What
rendered Samson that mighty hero invincible ? Was it not fasting
with which he was conceived in the womb of his mother? Fasting
conceived him— fasting was his nurse— fasting made him a man ;
that fasting which the angel prescribed to his mother, ' Whatever
Cometh of the vine thou shalt not eat, and wine and strong drink
thou shalt not drink.' Fasting produces prophets, strengthens the
mighty ; fasting makes lawgivers wise, is a good guard of the soul,
a safe comrade for the body; is armour to the brave, training to
the athhte. This scares temptations, this anoints for godHness, is
companion of sobriety, cause of temperance. In wars it plays the
man, in peace it teaches quiet. It hallows the Nazarite, it perfects
the priest. For without faslitig it is not possible to venture on the
work of a priest, not only in the present mystical and true worship,
but also in that typical worship which was offered according to the
law. This made Elijah witness of the great sight ; for having
cleansed his soul by fasting forty days, he was thus thought worthy
in the cave in Horeb to see, as far as man can see, the Lord
Almighty. Fasting he restored to the widow her son, having
shown himself stronger than death in his fast.'

Now from this context it is quite clear that throughout
St. Basil is speaking of what would now be called an
ecclesiastical fast ; that is, .^elf-denial of some kind and to
some extent in the matter of eating and drinking. There
is no hint here of a so-called ' natural ' fast— viz. a perfect
abstinence from all food since the previous midnight. This
is clear without any explanation; but as it is always
advisable to show how any argument is clear, a brief
elucidation is subjoined.

The examples adduced by St. Basil will show what he

' De yejunio, Horn. i. § 6, Opera, ed. Gaume, torn. ii. p. 6. A passage
parallel to this is to be seen in St. Jerome (Com. in Ep. ad Titum, cap. i. 7
Opera, Veronae, 1737, torn. vii. col. 700): < Miramur autc n Apostolum iii
Episcopis sive Presbyteris damnasss vinolent am, quum in vcteri quoque lege
praeceptum sit, sacerdotes quum ingrediuntur Templum ministrare Deo, vmum.
omnino non bibere, et Nazarasum, quamdiu sanctam comam nutriat,' &c.
There need be no more reference to Fasting Communion in St. Basil than
there is in St. Jerome.

! enM«n.mwJxi ii i» - MMia«

:^«

^m-l

238

T/ie Testimony of the Fathers.

fPT. Ill,

>. Ill

means. He speaks of Hannah praying for a child : Samson
conceived and nourished : Nazarites : the priest in his minis-
tration : and EHjah.

First, then, of Hannah : how was s\\q fasting when she
prayed for a child ? Scripture tells us that her prayer was
offered just after a meal. The Hebrew distinctly tells us
that Hannah partook of the meal. It is quite true that the
Septuagint,' which St. Basil used, has 'after they had
eaten,' as if Hannah herself was excluded, perhaps, from the
eating, because it had been said before that ' she wept and
did not eat.' But even then the meaning is quite clear.
Hannah had no spirit to eat, as at a feast. Her husband
had given her a double portion, more than to any other of
his family, but she had no spirit to eat it. Therefore, when
she had eaten and drunk a little (as the Hebrew tells us),
she rose up and went to the Tabernacle to pray. This is
clear even from the Greek of the Septuagint ; for St.
Chrysostom praises Hannah for having eaten so sparingly
as to be able to pray fervently with acceptance. He says,'
' If she was praying thus after eating and drinking, what
would she be fasting ? ' It is quite clear, then, that the fast
of Hannah was taking less food than usual, not exhilarating
herself with the double portion granted her by her loving
husband, but eating a little without show of appetite.
Here, then, there is no ' natural ' fast, only the ecclesiastical
fast of a small refection.

Similarly, the fasting of Samson's mother, and Samson
himself, was so called, because they took no wine or strong
drink. This self-denial was, indeed, much greater than
would appear to us ; for the other beverages, which now with
us take the place of wine at our lighter meals, had not then
been invented. The life-Nazarite drank nothing but water,
but there was no restriction in other things beside what
came from the vine. The ' fast,' therefore, A Samson and

• /i«t4 rh ^a,yt'v avroii, Reg. i. 9.

» DeAnnd, Sermo ii. § 5, Parisiis, torn. iv. p. 719 E..

mmtm

thcrs.

[PT. Ill,

CH. VI.]

St. Basil.

239

for a child : Samson
e priest in his minis-
he fasting when she
that her prayer was
;w distinctly tells us
is quite true that the
las 'after they had
ed, perhaps, from the
; that ' she wept and
ming is quite clear.
feast. Her husband
than to any other of
it. Therefore, when
he Hebrew tells us),
le to pray. This is
Septuagint ; for St.
g eaten so sparingly
:eptance. He says,'
: and drinking, what
ar, then, that the fast
>ual, not exhilarating
ed her by her loving
t show of appetite,
nly the ecclesiastical

mother, and Samson
jk no wine or strong

much greater than
ages, which now with
r meals, had not then
ik nothing but water,

things beside what
fore, jf Samson and

1. iv. p. 719 E..

the Nazarites was self-restraint in the matter of all that
came from the vine, and fermented liquor of all sorts,
whether from grapes or other sources. When St. Basil,
therefore, instances the fast of a Nazarite, there could have
been no notion of a 'natural' fast present to his mind.
Nor can it be said that St. Basil was ignorant of the rule of
the Nazarite, for he quotes the very words of the angel to
Samson's mother. It is true that a newspaper corre-
spondent, pressed by this argument, said that St. Basil was
probably speaking of monks under the name of Nazarites ;
but as it is difficult to suppose that this gentleman had
read the whole of St. Basil's Homily, it is not worth while
to do more than mention his opinion.

St. Basil goes on to say that the fast which hallows the
Nazarite, perfects the priest. We have seen that St. Basil
was perfectly conscious what the 'fast' of the Nazarite
was ; and this juxtaposition shows that he also knew quite
well what the fast of the priest was, in his ministration or in
his work as a priest. For it was the same during his week
or period of seivice as was the fast of the Nazarite at all
times. The law ran thus:' 'And the Lord spake unto
Aaron, saying, Do not drink wine nor strong drink, thou nor
thy sons with thee, when ye go into the Tabernacle of the
Congregation, lest ye die: it shall be a statute for ever
throughout your generations.' That is, when the priest was
• on duty ' for any of the ministrations about holy things, he
was to refrain from wine and strong drink, he was to be for
the time like the Nazarite. This was the only restriction
on the priest, and falls short of the full fast of the Nazarite,
since the priest clearly could eat grapes, and whatever came
of the vine, so long as it was not fermented. '

Now the juxtaposition of this command with the
previous destruction of Nadab and Abihu has very naturally
led many to think that their sin in offering 'strange fire'
arose from their being at the time disordered with drink.
Thus the Targum of Palestine on the passage runs as
' Leviticus X. 8, 9.

240

The Testimony of the Fathers. [pr. iir.

i« k '

follows:' 'And the Lord spake with Aharon, saying,
Drink neither wine nor anything that inakcth drunk, neither
thou nor thy sons with thee, at the time when ye are to
enter into the Tabernacle of Ordinance, as thy sons did
tvho have died by the burning of fire.' If then, as St. Basil
argues, in the typical worship such care waii necessary that
a man was to fast from wine when he ventured on the work
of a priest, how much more in the present mystical and true
worship? 'Without fasting [from wine only] it is not
possible to venture on the work of a priest, not only in the
present mystical and true worship, but also in that typical
worship which was offered according to the law.' The
Christian priest was not to drink wine before he conse-
crated ; but there is no word here of any other restriction.
This, no doubt, was, as the Second Council of Macon, in the
sixth century, said, that the priest should not be ' crapulatus
vino ' in so awful a service. In the second Homily of Fasting
there is, perhaps, an allusion to this same restriction. In it
St. Basil says : ' If you come to-morrow smelling of wine,
and that rancid, how shall I reckon your crapula for fasting ?
Do not think it is because you have not just poured in un-
mixed wine, but because you are not pure from wine.' The
same reference is also seen at the end of the first homily,
in the passage quoted at the end of this chapter. But the
only fast mentioned by St. Basil is the ecclesiastical fast,
and our only plan to find out what he meant is to examine
what he said.

Nor when he instances Elijah is his meaning altogether
different ; for though the fast of forty days is alleged, it is
alleged, not as giving him corporal fitness for the approach
to the Presence of the Almighty, but as purging his soul.

» The quotation is from the translation by Etheridge, Targums on the
Pentateuch, 1865, ii. p. 174. Professor Blunt founds one of his Scriptural
coincidences upon this, Part i. § 14. See the exhaustive monograph on the
subject, De Fato Nadabi et Abihti, auctore Theodoro Scheltinga, Harlingse,
1742, p. 50 sq. The author, however, does not think the conjecture is likely
to be true.

IliWl'.f'i.Wll

ithcis.

[r r. III.

CH. VI.]

St. Basil.

241

ith Aharon, saying,
lakcth drunk, neither
imc when ye are to
nee, as thy sons did
If then, as St. Basil
e waii necessary that
enturcd on the work
:nt mystical and true
ine only] it is not
riest, not only in the
t also in that typical
J to the law.' The
ne before he conse-
any other restriction,
ncil of Mdcon, in the
Id not be ' crapulatus
nd Homily of Fasting
me restriction. In it
ow smelling of wine,
ir crapula for fasting ?
ot just poured in un-
)ure from wine.' The
i of the first homily,
lis chapter. But the
he ecclesiastical fast,
meant is to examine

s m.eaning altogether
days is alleged, it is

[less for the approach
as purging his soul.

Etheridge, Targums on the
sunds one of his Scriptural
[haustive monograph on the
doro Scheltinga, Harlingse,
hink the conjecture is likely

It is clear that St. Basil he'd, as St. Chrysostom did, that
the value of fasting was to purge the soul from sin and
make it worthy to approach ; whereas the modern fast
before Communion is the mere corporal, material, technical
preparation of mouth and stomach, as if that were neces-
sary. But that the thoughts of St. Basil were still on the
ecclesiastical fast of discipline, and not on the material
• natural ' fast, is seen by his further reference to Elijah.
' Fasting he restored to the widow her son.' This can only
be in reference to the famine rationii provided for the pro-
phet by the poor widow. There Is no room for any suppo-
sition that Elijah had refrained from all food from the
previous midnight.

Such, then, are the examples to which St. Basil likens
the fast of a Christian priest in his ministration. His pre-
paration for his work is the previous ecclesiastical fast, the
fasting habit, the practice of self-restraint and self-denial in
the matter of food, and it may be the abstinence from wine
before celebrating. This is all that can be drawn from St.
Basil's beautiful homily.

The same is seen again in his second Homily of Fasting,
where he is speaking of Lent and Holy Week as preparing
for the Easter Communion. Here, too, there seems some
reference to the admission of the Jewish priest to minister
within the sanctuary.

The Lord receives the faster within the holy chancel :• He
receives not him that is full of excess, as profane and unholy. For
if you come to-morrow smelling of wine, and that rancid, how shall
I reckon your a-apula for fasting? Do not think it is because you
have not just poured in unmixed wine, but because you are not
pure from wine.'

' That is, for communion. The same phrase is used by St. Chrysostom 1
'Therefore I pronounce, and cry with clear voice, that if anyone, after this ex-
hortation and teaching, goes of his own accord to the wicked pest of the theatres,
/ will mot retehe him witkin this chancd; I will not give him to partake of the
mysteries; I will not suffer him to touch the holy toble. '—Co«/ra Z«</wrf
Tkeatia, torn. vi. 276 D. So Agua Dt Davide et Sauto, Horn, iii, torn, iv, 769 c,

• HemUia dt Jejunio II. f 4, cd. Gaume, torn. ii. p. 17,

»-ir3=fe>W.sj?iai^Si^=i2^ ■,'

24^

The Testimony of the. Fathers.

[PT. III.

Mere, then, 'the faster' does not mean one who has
touched nothing since midnight, but one wl>o has kept the
ecclesiastical fast of some days previous. Again, if the
phrase, ' because you have not just taken unmixed wuk-,'
be thought to allude to a fast from midnight, there is no
word about abstinence from anything but vvine ; and St.
Basil distinctly says that a longer fast is necessary.
St. Basil, then, is not in these passages an advocate of ' a
symbolic fast beginning with a symbolic day' as necessary
for worthy celebration.

Nothing has been adduced from any part of St. Basil's
works to show that such a thing as a ' natural ' fast was known
to him. Indeed, the whole drift of all his writings goes far
to prove that such a technical fast was unknown to him.
But, if he had agreed with the modern rigorist school, it is
simply impossible that he could have written as follows
without some note of warning : —

Do you know Who it is you are about to receive ? He that
promised, / and the Father ivilUome and make our abode with htm.
Why, then, do you first take up the ground with dmnkenness, and
block up the entrance to the Ix)rd? Drunkenness does not
receive the Lord ; drunkenness chases away the Holy Spirit. For
indeed smoke chases away bees, and the fumes of drunkenness
chase away spiritual gifts.

It may be, and probably is, true that here St. Basil is
speaking of excess the day before, as he is of the previous
fast of Lent. But if the ' natural ' fast had been known to
him, it seems impossible that he would not have argued
from it. He would have said something of this kind : If it
be necessary that a man under pain of mortal sin take no
food from midnight before Communion, how can you take
to excess the day before ?

But be this as it may, there is no word of the ' jejunium
naturae ' in the two passages cited from St. Basil. In the
first there is no word of fasting at all ; in the second he is
speaking of the ecclesiastical fast, or a fasting habit.

lurs.

[I'T. III.

CH. VII.]

St. Ambrose.

243

iiean one who has
; who hiis kept the
us. Atjain, if the
ccn unmixed wine,'
idnij^ht, there is no
but wine ; and St.

fast is necessary.

an advocate of ' a
c day ' as necessary

^f part of St. Basil's
ural ' fast was known
his writings goes far
IS unknown to him.
rigorist school, it is
e written as follows

to receive? He that
jke our abode with him.

with drunkenness, and
)ninkenness does not
y the Holy Spirit. For

fumes of drunkenness

hat here St, Basil is
he is of the previous
it had been known to
uld not have argued
ing of this kind : If it
f mortal sin take no
an, how can you take

word of the 'jejunium
om St. Basil. In the
I ; in the second he is
a fasting habit.

CHAPTER VII. I,

.ST. AMIIROSE. A.n. 374.

'^"^WO passages have been alleged from St. Ambrose
-*- as bearing out the rigorist view of Fasting Commu-
nion. But it is necessary always to bear in mind that the
modern teaching about Fasting Communion is, that it is
necessary, for a reverent reception, that no food shall have
been taken since the stroke of midnight next preceding.
When, therefore, in ancient writers we read of a fast before
Communion, we must not at once take for granted that the
passage is favourable to this modern view, as some seem
inclined to do, but we must see what, indeed, the writer
meant. If we do this with the passages alleged from
St. Ambrose, we shall find that he is in either case speaking
of the Lenten fast ; and in the former passage he lays down
the principle that the Easter Communion is prepared
for, and purchased by, the strict discipline of the Lenten
fast.

It was, as we should expect, a common view of the
Christian fasts in general, and of Lent in particular, that
they purged the soul, and made a man a more fitting reci-
pient of the heavenly banquet at Easter. Later on, when
the testimony of St. Chrysostom is examined, it will be seen
that many Fathers, such as St. Gregory Nazianzene,
St. Basil, St. Chrysostom, St. Leo, and Theophilus of
Alexandria, speak of the fast as a purification before the
feast, and thus speak of the fast before Communion. But
this is a perfectly difierent idea altogether from that which
modern rigorists entertain about Fasting Communion.

R 3

•y: -

''^•niff'^iriiff^rniitiiirTTii'nr-iitiTiiiiiMM

t44 The Testimony of Ihe Fathers. [PT. in,

Wlicii, therefore, a passage is cited in favour of Fasting
Communion, it is not at all to the point if it be found to
speak of Lenten preparation.

The first passage from St. Ambrose is from his treatise
' De EliA et Jejunio," and, as it is wholly about the
Lenten preparation, it is somewhat misleading to cite it in
favour of Fasting Communion. The treatise opens in a
manner which has very much in common with St. Basil's
magnificent sermon on fasting ; but while St. Ambrose
borrows much from St. Basil, he is no slavish imitator, but
he assimilates the matter, and reproduces it in his own
manner. The passage is written much in the same strain
as an earnest priest now-a-days would employ to his own
congregation, to persuade them to a thorough and true
keeping of the Lenten discipline.

After having spoken of other advantages of the Lenten
fast, he goes on to speak of its advantage as preparatory to
the Paschal Communion : ' —

The mystic table also is prepared with fasting. That table of

which David says, Thou hast prepared a table before me against them

that trouble me. This Uble is purchased at the price of hunger ;

and that cup, inebriating with its sobriety, is sought out by thirst

for the heavenly Sacraments. For the Lord said, Ho, ye that thirst,

come to the water; and ye that have no money, come and buy, and

drink, and eat. And elsewhere he says, Lo, they tJiat serve Me

shall eat, but ye shall be hungry. Lo, they that serve Me shall

drink, but ye shall be thirsty. Who are the ye spoken of except

those who drank before, of whom he said above, Ye prepared a

table for demons, and filled the cup of fortune. Therefore, if the

holy fasts lead us at length to that venerable table ; if by this

hunger we gain eternal gifts —why do we doubt about those things

which are in human use, that the fast will make these things even

sweeter to us ?

But it is not every hunger that makes an acceptable fast, but
hunger that is undertaken from fear of God. Think : in Lent the
fast is every day except Saturday and Sunday. The Lord's Passover
concludes this fast. Now the day of the Resurrection has come ;

' De FJid it Jejttnio, cap. x. § 33 ; Opera, Parisiis, 1686, torn. i. p. 544 F.

thcrs.

[PT. III.

CII. VII.]

St. Ambrose.

favour of Fasting
it if it be found to

is from his treatise

wholly about the

ilcadinp to cite it in

treatise opens in a

ion with St. Basil's

while St. Ambrose

slavish imitator, but

duces it in his own

li in the same strain

employ to his own

thorough and true

itages of the Lenten
ige as preparatory to

'asting. That table of
'e before me against them
t the price of hunger ;
is sought out by thirst
I said, Ho, ye that thirsty
mey, come and buy, and
Lo, they tJiat serine Me
\ey that serve Me shall
e ye spoken of except
i above, Ye prepared a
tune. Therefore, if the
erable table ; if by this
oubt about those things
make these things even

an acceptable fast, but
d. Think : in Lent the
ly. The Lord's Passover
Resurrection has come ;

risiis, 1 686, torn. i. p. S44 '•

245

the elect are baptized, they come to the Altar, they receive the
Sacrament, they drink it in thirsting from every vein. Rightly do
men say, when they have been refreshed with spiritual food and
spiritual drink, Thou hast prepared a table bejb^e me against tlum
that trouble me. But not only hunger is sought, but the full disci-
pline of the fast. [St. Ambrose then quotes Isaiah Iviii. 3-7, as
showing what was the false and what the true fast.] You see what
is the kind and form of the fast, what is the habit of mind, that
)ou may have time for prayer, that you may meditate in the law
of God day and night.

There can be no question whatever that this passage
from St. Ambrose is wholly about the Lenten fast, pre-
paring not only by hunger and thirst of body, but by the
accompaniments of a true fast, prayer and meditation, for the
reception of the Easter Eucharist with reverent eagerness.
It is, therefore, manifestly incorrect to quote the passage
as in any way bearing upon the purely technical, or, as some
say, symbolic, fast of abstinence from food from the pre-
vious midnight, for it speaks only of the ecclesiastical fast,
which, as moderns say, has nothing to do with this fast
before Communion. The ecclesiastical fast is a preparation
of the whole man, body and soul, by way of humilia-
tion, mortification, purification, according to the Fathers.
The natural fast (so called technically) is a preparation of
the mouth and stomach, according to the moderns.

The second passage alleged from St. Ambrose seems at
first sight much more to the purpose ; but it will be found,
on closer examination, that the only reference is to the
ecclesiastical fast of Lent.

It occurs in the eighth sermon on the hundred and
nineteenth Psalm, in a passage which is an exposition of
the sixty-second verse : ' At midnight I will rise to give
thanks to Thee, because of Thy righteous judgments,'
St. Ambrose says that it is not enough to be prayerful by
day, but we must rise by night and at midnight for thfs
purpose. Night is specially a time when prayer is requi-
site; for then the body is languid because of digestion, and

''fWJWWBgTJW''^

246

The Testimony of the Fathers. [PT. HI.

the mind is sleepy, and the soul is oppressed, and this all
gives the tempter an advantage. Hence it will be found
that night is a time for temptations. This is the reason
why we find that night and midnight was a time for the
punishment of God to issue : this, therefore, was the time
that the Egyptian firstborn were slain. In order, then,
that the Israelites might be free from this punishment,
Moses sacrificed the lamb at evening tide, that those that ate
this and celebrated the Lord's Passover might escape the
sword of the destroyer. This, then, leads the preacl. -r
to the question of the antitype of the Paschal Lamb : '—

Diligently attend to this, understand it wisely, sift it anxiously.
This is not spoken without meaning, but divine mysteries are de-
clared to you. Do you, too, prevent the snares of the tempter; lay
up beforehand the heavenly banquet. The fast [of Lent] has been
proclaimed, take heed you neglect it not. And if hunger does force
you to a daily prandium," or if intemperance throws aside the fast,
yet preserve yourself the more by the heavenly feast.' Do not let
the feasts which have been prepared extort from you to be empty
of the heavenly Sacrament. Put it off a little while, the end of
the day is not far off; nay, many days are of that kind that men
come to church direcdy after noon, and hymns are sung and the
oblation celebrated.* Then, at all events, stand by ready, that you

' In Psalmum cxviii., viii. § 48 ; Opera, Parisiis, 1686, torn. i. p. 1073 D,
» The taking or omission of the prandium, or forenoon meal, constituted
the keeping or breaking the fast. St. Ambrose says, 'Keep the fast, but if
hunger compels you to break the fast' ... See p. 132 seq.

« The Latin of this passage is : ' Et si te fames quotidianum o ijit ad pran-
dium, aut intemperantia declinat jejunium ; tamen calesti magis te servato cott-
' vtvio.' Surely this recommends the exact opposite to what modem rigorlsts
would insist on. St. Ambrose says, ' If you are really unable to keep the fast
and are driven to eat the forenoon meal, which involres the breach of I.ent,
and your lack of self-restraint refuses the fast, yet, nevertheless, take the Com-
munion to save you in the temptations of the night.' He manifestly allows
an evening Communion, though the morning prandium have been taken ; at
the same time he earnestly persuades his hearers in the passage that follows to
keep the ecclesiastical fast, just as any earnest bishop or priest would in our

©•' . Jay.

• « The ecclesiastical fast of Lent lasted till different times on different days
at Milan. Sometimes the fast was broken at mid-day, and sometimes in the
evening. St. Ambrose is here alluding to this, and persuading men to keep
the ecclesiastical fast. We loam from St. Chrysostom that men kept away

teit'i ii ,',iat. .vitra

Fathers.

[PT. HI.

CH. VII.]

St. Ambrose.

24;

ippressed, and this all
^ence it will be found
s. This is the reason
ht was a time for the
therefore, was the time
slain. In order, then,
Tom this punishment,
tide, that those that ate
over might escape the
:n, leads the preacl 'r
e Paschal Lamb : ' —

it wisely, sift it anxiously.
: divine mysteries are de-
snares of the tempter; lay
he fast [of Lent] has been
And if hunger does force
ance throws aside the fast,
iavenly feast.' Do not let
ort from you to be empty
f a little while, the end of
are of that kind that men
hymns are sung and the
s, stand by ready, that you

arisiis, 1686, tom. i. p. 1073 D,
<t, or forenoon meal, constituted
ose says, ' Keep the fast, but if
See p. 132 seq.

mes quotidianum o^iiit ad pran-
\meu calesti magis te servato con-
)osite to what modem rigorlsts
re really unable to keep the fast
ich involres the breach of I,ent,
yret, nevertheless, take the Com-
e night.' He manifestly allows
prandium have been taken ; at
;rs in the passage that follows to
it bishop or priest would in our

different times on diffierent days

mid-day, and sometimes in the

s, and persuading men to keep

Ihrysostom that men kept away

may receive your gan'i'-on, that you may eat the Body of the Lord
Jesus, in which is remission of sins, the imploring of divine recon-
ciliation, and eternal protection. Receive beforehand the Lord
Jesus in the hospice of your mind : where His Body is, there is
Christ. When the adversary has seen your house occupied by
the brilliance of the Heavenly Presence, perceiving that space for
his temptations has been stopped up by Christ, he will fly and go
back ; and you will pass the middle of the night without any
offence. The evening sacrifice also warns you never to forget
Christ You cannot forget when you go to bed that Lord to
whom in the fall of the day you poured forth your prayer, who
filled you hungry with the feast of His Body. Nay, what you
thought of at eventide you will quickly remember when you wake
up. The Lord Jesus Himself will call you. He will admonish
you to rise, and take to you the armour of prayer at that time
when the tempter is wont to make his incursions.

Here, then, the course of St. Ambrose's argument leads
him to speak of the evening Communion as a safeguard
against the snares of the tempter at night. In Lent the
celebration was at mid-day, or in the evening, because the
ecclesiastical fast lasted either till mid-day or evening, and
the Comp.t lion was held to break the fast. The Commu-
nion was the close of the fast, and was the reward of having
kept the fast ; but St. Ambrose does not at all say that the
taking any food at all from the previous midnight of neces-
sity prevents Communion. He says if you take the pran-
dium, yet the more take the Communion ; though he
earnestly persuades towards the keeping the fast, and
evidently regards the Communion as the guerdon of those
who have kept the ecclesiastical discipline. There is no
more here to favour the rigorist view of Fasting Commu-
nion than there would be in the Canon of Toledo, which
repelled from the Easter Communion the man who had not

from church altogether if they had not kept the ecclesiastical fast, so that
there is no necessary question here of the jejmnum tiatura before the act of
Communion. St. Jerome argues against a man who partook of the reserved
Sacrament at home when he thought himself unfit to go to church. — Ep. xlviii.
§ 15; Opera, Veronao, 1 734, tom. i. co'. 225.

wmmimmmimmik

iBMBui**'*"^^

248

The Testimony of the Fathers.

[PT. III.

kept the fast of Good Friday.* If St. Ambrose had said
(what he does not say), ' you know that the man who does
not fast from all food until evening may not communicate,'
it would be nothing more than an assertion of the necessity
of the ecclesiastical fast to the proper preparation for recep-
tion of the Sacrament.'

There is nothing, then, in St. Ambrose which has yet
been alleged, which really bear? out the modem rigorist
view, that proper reception necessitates abstinence from all
kinds of food from the previous midnight.

• Co. Toletan. IV. (A.D.633) can. viii. : ' Quicumque in eo jejunium praeter
parvulos, senes, et languidos ante peractas imlulgentiae jireces resolvent, a
paschili gaudio depelletur nee in eo Sacramentum Corporis et Sanguinis
Domini percipiat.' — Bruns, i. p. 225.

' The author of the paper, quoted before, on • Evening Communions,' in
the Christian Remembrancer for July i860 (vol. xl. p. 205), writes as follows :
'It would appear probable that at Constantinople — at least in A.U. 404 —
there was a late celebration on Easter EVe. But St. Ambrose specially, and
without making any exception, enjoins a strict fast upon the consciences of
those who communicated late at Milan : just as the Eastern canons would have
enforce it at Constantinople. ' The passage referred to in St. Ambrose seems
to be the same as the letter of the t*o here spoken of; and the truth of the
foregoing paragraph lies hid in the words just as. For jutt as the Eastern
'canons' on Fasting Communion, in force at Constantinople in A.D. 404, were
passed on the Greek Kalends and had no existence^ so there is no proof of a
' natural ' fast enjoined by St. Ambroae<

['rrif-''ri-"-|'V^" '^''-'"" ^'''**^'

i^Tfliii

icrs.

[PT. III.

CM. VIII.] ArchbisJiop Timothy of Alexandria.

24^

Ambrose had said
the man who does
not communicate,'
on of the necessity
iparation for recep-

rose which has yet
le modem rigorist
ibstincnce from all
t.

|ue in eo jejunium praeter
ntiae jireces resolverit, a
1 Corporis et Sanguinis

vening Communions,' in
, 205), writes as follows :
—at least in A.u. 404 —
. Ambrose specially, and
upon the consciences of
istem canons would have
to in St. Ambrose seems
of ; and the truth of the
For jutt as the Eastern
tinople in a.d. 404, were
so there is no proof of a

CHAPTER VIII.

ARCHBISHOP TIMOTHY OF ALEXANDRIA, A.D. 385.

nr^HE 'canonical answer ' of Archbishop Timothy, in the
-■■ fourth century, evidences that at that time there was
commencing in the East amongst some a scrupulous feel-
ing about the fast before Communion. At the same time
it is not easy to determine whether the fast spoken of was
the previous fast for mortification and purifying of the soul
in preparation for Communion, or the more modern view of
a fast from the beginning of the day.

It is not difficult to understand how the question arose
at Alexandria. From the first foundation of that city there
was a strong colony of Jews there. Alexander had en-
couraged them to settle there, and offered them great
privileges in his new city ; and thenceforward Alexandria
formed a school of rabbinical theology which proved a
rival to the school of Palestine. The Alexandrian Jews
even threw off their allegiance to the Temple at Jerusalem,
and formed an establishment of their own at Heliopolis.

Everyone knov/s how great an influence Alexandria
had in preparing the way for Christianity. The translation
of the Hebrew Scriptures into Greek has weil been called
the gate of the heathen world to Christianity, and this is
due to Alexandria. Less direct, probably, was the in-
fluence produced by the teaching of the school of which
Philo is the representative ; yet there can be little doubt
that the abstract speculation of the Alexandrian philosophy
prepared the way for the realization of these searchings
after the truth.

250 The Testimony of the Fatliers. [I'T. HI.

This being the case, we should expect to find that at
Alexandria the Jews, who formed a third, or two-fifths, of
the population, would exert a great influence upon the tone
and feelings of Christianity.

Now the Jews fasted with great strictness : their religious
fast was from sunset to sunset, and during this time they
would not taste a drop of water, for even a drop of water
broke their fast. This v/ill account for the question arising
at Alexandria, whether water broke the fast in preparation
for Communion ; but at the same time it raises the question,
whether the fast was not the previous fast to purify the
soul from sin : for the only religious fast known to the
Jews was from sunset to sunset. It is quite true that some
assert now-a-days that there was a religious fast before the
Passover; but this is quite unknown to modem Rabbis and
ancient rabbinical interpreters, and depends upon the mis-
take of a modern writer.* Men were forbidden to eat
leavened bread for two or three hours before the Paschal
meal, that they ' might assemble with desire ' to eat the
unpalatable unleavened biscuit. There was no restriction
as to their eating anything else whatever ; and, as a Rabbi
assured me, there is no religious duty in it at all, for a man
would not commit a sin if he did eat leavened bread, since
all that was really required was that a man should eat
some of the Passover cake with apparent relish. While,
then, the strictness of a Jewish fast is a reason why the
question about water breaking the fast before Communion
should arise at Alexandria, it also gives us good reason for
thinking that the fast spoken of is "not a mere technical
fast from all food for a specified time, but the preparation
of the soul by a previous fast of mortification.

There is also another reason for this supposition ; for
ecclesiastical historians especially tell us that at this time
it was the habit in Egypt to communicate on Saturday
evening after a somewhat sumptuous meal. There is no

' See below. Part IV.

taiiinrrrrMiriirft°OTii*

rs.

[I'T. III.

CH. VIII.] Archbishop Timothy of Alexandria.

2S«

t to find that at
1, or two-fifths, of
ice upon the tone

ss: their reh'gious
ng this time they
1 a drop of water
e question arising
ast in preparation
lises the question,
fast to purify the
ist known to the
ite true that some
)us fast before the
odem Rabbis and
nds upon the mis-
forbidden to eat
jefore the Paschal
3esire' to eat the
was no restriction
; and, as a Rabbi
it at all, for a man
vened bread, since
\ man should eat
:nt relish. While,
a reason why the
jefore Communion
us good reason for
a mere technical
ut the preparation
ation.

is supposition ; for
5 that at this time
icate on Saturday
neal. There is no

reason for doubting that this was in imitation of the original
institution. Now, if there was at that time at Alexandria
a general rule or a general persuasion that it was sinful to
communicate after food taken since midnight next pre-
ceding, we cannot understand how any such custom as a
weekly celebration after food could have been allowed in
the neighbourhood. But if the fast be only a previous fast
of mortification, it is very easy to understand that after a
fast lasting from sunset to sunset they took their meal in
memory of the Coena Dominica, and communicated after-
wards, as was done pretty generally on Maundy Thursday.

The Archbishop Timothy, then, had been asked certain
questions, and his replies have been recorded as canonical
answers, which in general will be found to commend them-
selves to most men of sense. The sixteenth question and
answer are as follows : —

' Question. If a man fasting with a view to Communion
unwi'Ungly swallow water when washing out his mouth, or
in the bath, may he communicate afterwards }

' Answer. Yes; since if Satan have found it an occasion
of hindering from the Communion, he will do this the
oftener.' •

Here, then, at all events, we find that the Archbishop
would not agree with the modern rigorists, for they would
have said he might not communicate if he had swallowed
even a drop of water since the previous midnight.

But it may be that the nearness of time of the bath to
the celebration may have influenced the question. The
language of St. Augustine shows that it was usual to take
the bath in the morning, just before the prandium, or
morning meal. He traces the origin of the common breach
of the Lenten fast on Maundy Thursday to the custom of
bathing on that day, and he at once goes on to say that
men could not bear the bath and the fast at the same time.
If it were not natural to take the bath always in the
' SwToy/io Kavdvay, Athens, 1854, torn. iv. p. 341.

252

The Testimony of the. Fathers.

[PT. JII.

morning, it is not easy to sec why the bath might not have
been taken in the afternoon before the three o'clock refec-
tion spoken of by St. Augustine. It might well be, there-
fore, that a man woul(} take his bath and then at once
attend the Synaxis with the intention of communicating,
and of taking his ariston after the service. This bath was
somewhat akin to the Turki.sh bath,' and the mouthful of
water perchance arose from the cold water dashed against
the man on the one side and the other, after his stay in the
hot room. The sudden cold would make him gasp for
breath, and the water dashed against his face would be the
more likely to enter his mouth in his spasmodic breathing.
But we must remember that the work of day had been
going on for some four or five hours before nine o'clock ;
and a man might consider himself fasting though he had
taken the early mouthful of food at rising, and he might be
troubled at the bath-water forced into his mouth, which
he might consider the snare of Satan to hinder him from
Communion.

At all events, there is considerable evidence elsewhere
that at Alexandria there was no general persuasion that
food taken since midnight prevented reverent Communion.
This is seen from the decision of the patriarch Dionysius,
who allowed some to break their fast at midnight, and
others at three o'clock on Easter morning ; it is seen in the
fact that about Alexandria and in the Thebais there was a
habit of communicating after food on Saturdays ; it is seen
from the Canonical answer of the Patriarch Theophilus
about the Epiphany fast falling on a Sunday. A few dates

■ Speaking of the baths in ordinary use, St. Clement of Alexandria (A.o.
200), nearly two centuries before Timothy of Alexandria, writes : • The
ancients call them places for fiilling men, since they wrinkle men's bodies
sooner than they ought, and by cooking them, as it were, compel them to be-
come prematurely old ; the flesh like iron being softened by the heat, hence
we require cold as it were to temper and give an edge.' (Works, vol. i. p. 308,
Clark's Ante-Nicene Library.) An interesting and appreciative description of a
bath will be foand in Lord Lytton's Ltut Days of romftU.

f^..-..^.^.^--^..^- ^1^-.....- .

frs.

[PT, JII.

CH. VIII.] Archbishop T imothy of Alexandria.

9$3

h might not have
iree o'clock refec-
fht well be, there-
ind then at once
r communicating,
;. This bath was
i the mouthful of
er dashed against
tei* his stay in the
ike him gasp for
face would be the
smodic breathing,
of day had been
fore nine o'clock ;
ig though he had
', and he might be
his mouth, which
> hinder him from

vidcnce elsewhere
il persuasion that
:rent Communion,
triarch Dionysius,
at midnight, and
^ ; it is seen in the
lebais there was a
:urdays ; it is seen
riarch Theophilus
day. A few dates

lent of Alexandria (A.o.
xandria, writes : ' The
r wrinkle men's bodies
ere, compel them to be-
tned by the heat, hence
{IVoris, vol. i. p. 308,
reciative description of a

he said were to be eaten in the morning in hrnour of the
Sunday, and the Synaxis was to be held in the afternoon in
honour of the fast. We cannot think that either Dionysius
or Theophilus would have given these decisions, if they had
thought that thereby they were incapacitating their flock
from reverent communion or priests from celebrating.

It is certainly instructive that this question should have
been asked at Alexandria ; for while it may be traced to
the influence of the carnal mind of the Jews there, there
is good reason on this account for supposing that the real
reference is to the previous fast of mortification, and not
to any supposed ' symbolical ' fast.

But if indeed there were any reference to this technical
• jejunium naturae ' (which I do not at all believe), it might
have historical interest, but no particular binding vigour
amongst ourselves. If any man reads through the six
volumes of the Eastern Canon Law as lately published at
Athens, he will find much to astonish him, to say the least,
and much which will show how great a difference there is
in some points of discipline. To take an example at
random from canons affecting reverence to the Sacrament
of Baptism. There is a Canon of Nicephorus the Confessor,'
which allows that an infant in danger of death must be
baptized ; but it lays down that on no account is the child
to be returned to its mother, or even be in the same room
with its mother, until after her forty days of separation she
have been purified.

This would scarcely be accepted in England as binding.
There is, therefore, no binding force in the canonical
answer of Timothy, unless by acceptance and usage it has
been and still is acknowledged in England ; but if there
be any binding value in it, it certainly lays down that the
water does not hinder the act of pious Communion. This
is not what the rigorist teachers amongst us would accept
in modem times.

' HrrayiM Ktu>6mi', Athens, 1854, torn. iv. p. 431.

3 MtBWB-aaiffl <H ffl l W*ilW I

Hi.Wfc*«Mf^».^^5^*^^^;«»iV>L'

254

Tlie Testimony of the Fathers. [»'T. m.

CHAPTER IX.

THEOPHILUS OF ALEXANDRIA. A.D. 412.

THERE is a remarkable canon or canonical answer of
Thcophilus of Alexandria/ which has a great bear-
ing on the question of the modern fast before Communion.
It has not been hitherto quoted in this connection, but it
bears testimony to the fact that in his estimation, at all
events, there was no necessity for a fast from the previous

midnight.

On a certain year the fast of the Epiphany fell upon a
Sunday, and Theophilus the Patriarch of Alexandria was
applied to in the difficulty. For there was this dilemma.
If men fasted on Sunday they would be condemned as
heretics, but if they neglected the fast of the Epiphany they
would be transgressing ecclesiastical tradition. It would
seem that no general rule had yet been determined upon
with respect to a difficulty of this character, and the Patri-
• arch was appealed to for a decision in the matter.

In his answer he suggested a compromise, saying that
the day should in a certain measure partake of the charac-
ter of both fast and feast, so that thus either requirement
would be satisfied. In order to do reverence to Sunday
and avoid the reproach of fasting on the Lord's Resurrection
day, some portion of food was to be taken in the morning.
This, as has been seen before, would at once place the day

• Theophilus was consecrated to the see of Alexandria in A.D. 385, on the
death of Timothy, whose evidence is discussed in Chap. VIII.

rs.

[I'T. III.

CH, IX.]

Theophilus of Alexandria.

255

A.D. 412.

inotiical answer of
has a great bear-

eforc Communion,
connection, but it
estimation, at all
from the previous

liphany fell upon a
3f Alexandria was
was this dilemma,
be condemned as
the Epiphany they
radition. It would
n determined upon
cter, and the Patri-
le matter,
romise, saying that
take of the charac-
either requirement
:verence to Sunday
Lord's Resurrection
ken in the morning.
; once place the day

mdria in A.D. 385, on the
hap. VIII.

in the category of feasts, for no food would be taken in the
forenoon of a fasting day. But in order to show respect
for the fast, the food so taken wjis to consist only of a few
dates ; while the Synaxis was to be held at the time usual
upon fasting days— viz. after three o'clock in the afternoon.
This is a very instructive and interesting decision. It
shows that at the beginning of the fifth century a slight
meal taken in the morning did not prevent men from either
celebrating or communicating in the afternoon. The accu-
sation against unpopular bishops, therefore, that they com-
municated after food, has reference, probably, to taking food
immediately before Communion, and not to any supposed
symbolism about not taking bodily food on a technically
defined day before receiving the spiritual food of the
Blessed Sacrament. The decision is couched in the fol-
lowing form :—'

Both custom and propriety require that we should honour
every Lord's Day, and on it keep holy day, since on it our Lord
Jesus Christ led for us the Resurrection from the dead. Where-
fore, in the Holy Scriptures it has also been called the first day,
as being to us the beginning of life, and the eighth day as far ex-
ceeding the keeping of rest of the Jews. Since, then, it chanced
that it is the fast of the holy Theophanies, let us compromise this
and prudently accommodate one to the other. So that by par-
taking of a few dates • we may at once avoid the heresies which
dishonour the Resurrection day of our Lord Jesus Christ, and pay
due respect to the fast, by awaiting the evening Synaxis which on
that day, God willing, will be celebrated. Let us, therefore, on
that day hold Synaxis after three o'clock.'

■ Petau in his notes on St. Epiphanius (Adv. Hares, lib. iii. torn. ii. % 22,
Colonioe, 1682, torn. ii. App. p. 359) says that these dates were to be taken in the
evening after the celebration at the Synaxis. But the context implies
differently; and the synopsis of the canon as (j^iven in tha Syntagma Canondn
has, ' having taken a few dates in honour of the Resurrection Day, let us await
the evening Synaxis.' There can be no question that the explanation in the
text is correct.

' 3l^i^(ryMa kok^kwc, Athens, 1854, torn. iv. p. 342.

4.11

256 The Testimony of thc.Fatkcrs. fpT. IIT.

The holding Synaxis after three o'clock gave the cha-
racter of a fast to the day ; for, as we learn elsewhere, the
public celebration on ordinary fasting days was at three
o'clock. The Patriarch says that ' the evening Synaxis will
be then celebrated,' whereas the ordinary Sunday or festival
Synaxis would have been in the morning. This Synaxis
was the chief assembly of the day when the Blessed Sacra-
ment was celebrated. That this was so is clear from the
language of the Patriarch, who -ays that out of respect to
the fast there will be evening Synaxis, But he bids men
take some dates in the morning to show respect for the
Sunday. It is clear, therefore, that in his mind there was
no reason why the partaking of some slight portion of food
should impede Communion l?ter on in the day.

It may be that here, too, we have an instance of the
prevalence of the opinion that a small portion of food did
not break the fast. The small portion taken at rising from
bed was sometimes called 'a continuation of the fast,' as if
it did not interfere with a man's being still regarded as
fasting.' But some may argue that the fact of dates being
recommended to be eaten out of respect for Sunday dis-
tinctly implies that the fast was thereby relaxed. If so,
this relaxation of fast could not impede Communion, for
the Patriarch orders the evening Synaxis on that same

day.

In the fifth century, then, at Alexandria we find no such
rule or custom as that a man might not communicate if he
had taken any food since the stroke of midnight. It is
seen from a series of testimonies that no such custom was
prevalent at this Patriarchate.

At the end of the third century it certainly is seen from
the canonical answer of the patriarch Dionysius.' Applica-

• See above, p. 129.

» TtinarrrM (covrfwr, Athens, 1854, torn. iv. p. 1. The bearing of Ihis
answer of Dionysius is argued out in a note to the next Chapter, on the tes-
timony of St. Epiphanius, p. 262.

■MM

rs.

[PT. III.

ClI. IX.]

Thiophiliis of Alexandria,

257

)ck gave the cha-
irn elsewhere, the
ays was at three
ning Synaxis will
Sunday or festival
g. This Synaxis
lie Blessed Sacra-
is clear from the
out of respect to
But he bids men
w respect for the
is mind there was
ht portion of food
e day.

n instance of the
artion of food did
ken at rising from
I of the fast,' as if
still regarded as
act of dates being
t for Sunday dis-
y relaxed. If so,
I Communion, for
Kis on that same

ria we find no such
communicate if he
r midnight. It is
3 such custom was

tainly is seen from
nysius.' Applica-

[. The bearing of this
lext Chapter, on the tes-

tion had been made to the ratriarch by a bishop, (o know
when men might cease fasting on Faster morning, lie
answered that, properly considered, the fast should end wlu n
the Resurrection of our Lord took place ; and he then
examined the question carefully, to see if this could be accu-
rately determined from the four Evangelists. Having
established the position that the exact hour was not
certainly known, he gives his decision, that if men have not
fasted more than Good Friday and Easter Eve, they must
protract their fast until the fourth watch ; that is, until after
three o'clock on Easter morning. If, however, a man have
been diligent in fasting all Holy Week, then he may cease
his fast at midnight. It is inconceivable that Dionysius
would have given this answer if he had thought that a
' natural ' fast from the stroke of midnight was necessary for
Communion. He would not have allowed, much less have
laid down, a rule which would have prevented his people
from communicating upon Easter Day ; for the custom of
not communicating on the day itself was then unknown.

Similarly, it is seen that if the fast spoken of in the
question and answer of the patriarch Timothy be the pre-
vious fast from midnight, he had no such rigorous view as
modern Roman Catholics entertain ; while the habit in
the neighbourhood of Alexandria, in the fifth century, of
communicating every Saturday after food, is a further proof
that in that patriarchate, at all events, there was no such
universally prevailing custom of Fasting Communion in the
sense in which this is now understood.

Perhaps some may be found who will endeavour to
lessen this testimony of Theophilus by referring to his un-
justifiable behaviour in the whole matter of St. Chrysostom's
deposition. But we must remember that the TruUan
Council accepted his decisions as canonical, and the Eastern
Church to this day numbers this answer amongst her
canons : it has, therefore, greater authority than would ac-.
crue from the personal character of Theophilus. Again, we

!
' 5

mUlmmk

Cii \

asB

T/it: Tatitnoiiy of the Fathers. [l' T. III.

must also rcnicnibcr that in those troublous times Thco-
philus was not the only one who was to blame. Epiphanius
gave rise to much disturbance by his unwarrantable inter-
ference in several parts of the East, and at the end of his
long life came to Constantinople to arraign St. Chrysostom
of heresy. But he retired disappointed to find that he
carried so little weight against the patriarch ; and at his
last interview with him he expressed a wish that St. Chry-
sostom might not die a bishop; that is, in full exercise of
diocesan jurisdiction. St. Chrysostom retorted with the
wish that the old man might not live to reach home. Both
wishes came to pass. Theophilus, therefore, had not a
monopoly of vexatious interference ; and he certainly had
the friendship and esteem of St. Jerome.

MfMBiriiiiiimi'T''

tlurs.

[I'T. III.

CII. X.]

St, Epiphan'tHS,

259

ublous times Thco-
blame. Epiphanius
jnwarrantable intcr-
id at the end of his
aign St. Chrysostom
ted to find that he
itriarch ; and at his
wish that St. Chry-
s, in full exercise of
II retorted with the
> reach home. Both
herefore, had not a
ind he certainly had
e.

CHAPTER X.

ST. EPIPIIANIUS. A.D. 403.

npHE reference generally given to St. Epiphanius In
-*• favour of Fasting Communion is to a passage which
speaks of the time of celebrating the Sacrament. As has
been seen, this argument is really valueless, since it proves
nothing. The general hour for celebration, from the fourth
century downwards for a long period, was nine o'clock in
the morning. In our degenerate days nine o'clock is not
generally regarded so early as to exclude the possibility of
taking food before that time ; and certainly, when men rose
to their work, or at all events rose from their bed of sleep,
at four o'clock in the morning, it is worthless to argue that
nine o'clock was at all early in any true sense of the word.
If nine o'clock was early then, noon or one o'clock in the
afternoon is early now ; and it would be as valid an argument
to say, that because men communicated so early as noon,
there was strong ground for believing that they took no food
before communicating. If there is any force in the argu-
ment, there would also be force in arguing that, whenever
we read of there being an evening celebration, it was neces-
sarily after food. But the truth is, there is no force in
either assertion. For in these days the reception of the
Sacrament was regarded as breaking the ecclesiastical
fast. When, therefore, the fast lasted till noon, the cele-
bration was at noon ; when the fast lasted till three, the
celebration was at three, and so on : this does not in the
least prove that it was regarded as wrong to take any food
before Communion at other times. Nay, the very fact that

s a

lit

\ J '}

260

The Testimony of the Fathers.

[rx. III.

the Eucharist was then thought to break the fast may be
a reminiscence of the time when the celebration was after
a meal, or intimately connected with a meal, which was the
breach of the fast.

This is the only evidence that St. Epiphanius gives.
Indeed, the worthlessness of tiie argument may be seen
from this, that St. Epiphanius says that on Maundy
Thursday, in some places, the celebration is at three o'clock
in the afternoon, the very time, on the very day, when St.
Augustine recommends that the celebration should be held
after food. No chain is stronger than its weakest link ; if,
therefore, this argument from mere time is thus shown to
break down at this point, it cannot bear the strain that
some would have us believe. . ' .

The whole passage has been given from St. Epiphanius
for several reasons. It will be seen how minutely he goes
into some particulars, especially about fasting; and it will be
seen that he does not mention Fasting Communion at all.
If it were regarded by him as important as some regard it
now, there can be little question that he would have reckoned
it amongst the practices of the Church known to him. We
find him laying great stress on the point of a celibate clergy,
denying the possibility of a man who had married twice
being admissible to the diaconate ; but he has no word of
Fasting Communion :— thus presenting th;: exact opposite
to Bishop Jeremy Taylor, who is cited by the rigorists as
recommending Fasting Communion, and himself entered
matrimony with more than one wife.

Hitherto' we were briefly speaking of the things which this the
only Caiholic Church holds concerning the faith ; She that is also
the innocent Dove being the only one to her Husband, as He
saith. One is My Dove ; and likewise concerning her very many
virgins, who are without number ; and concerning the consub-
stantiality of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit ; and

' Adversiis Harcses, lib. iii. loin. ii. c.ip. xxl. Colonix, t682, torn. i. p.
1103.

fathers.

[PT. III.

Cii. X.]

St. Epiphanius.

261

reak the fast may be
celebration was after
a meal, which was the

St. Epiphanius gives,
gument may be seen
ys that on Maundy
tion is at three o'clock
he very day, when St.
)ration should be held
in its weakest link ; if,
ime is thus shown to
t bear the strain that

. . i . , . ■

]■ - . .'^ " ■ . " ■ :'-^ i-

n from St. Epiphanius
how minutely he goes
t fasting ; and it will be
ing' Communion at all.
tant as some regard it
le would have reckoned
;h known to him. We
lint of a celibate clergy,
vho had married twice
but he has no word of
ing th;: exact opposite
ted by the rigorists as
1, and himself entered

»f the things which this the
the faith ; She that is also
e to her Husband, as He
concerning her very many
I concerning the consub-
md the Holy Spirit ; and

xxl. Colonic, 1682, torn. i. p.

concerning the Incarnate Christ and His perfect presence, and the
other i)arts of the faitli. But concerning the laws of the same
Church I must again briefly set out in part the outline of the same
laws, such as naturally have been and are being observed in her,
some by enactment, some by voluntary undertaking, since God
rejoices over the virtue of His own teachinJ^ And, first of all,
there is a foundation, and, so to say, a step in the Church — viz. Vir-
ginity — which is practised and guarded by many, and is held in
reputation. But close after virginity follows solitary life with
many of the monks and nuns. After this comes continence, which
is founded on the same course. Then comes widowhood, kept
with all diligence and blameless conversation. Following on these
ranks there is holy matrimony, held in great honour, especially
single mani^^es, and in strict observance of the commandments.
But if any man on the death of his wife, or any woman on the
death of her husband, wishes it, he or she is permitted to be
married to a second wife or husband after the death of the first.
But as head of all these the mother, so to speak, and producer is
the holy priesthood springing chiefly from virgins ; but if not from
virgins, from monks. But if there should not be enough for the
ministry from monks, then from those who live apart from their
wives, or are widowed from their first marriage. But in the Church
it is not lawful to receive into the priesthood a man who has
married a second time ; not even if such an one be separate from
his wife or widowed ; [he is rejected from] the order of BishoiJ,
priest, deacon, and subdeacon. After the priesthood itself there
remains the order of Readers, composed of all the ranks; that is, of
virgins, and monks, and continent, and widowed, and those still
in holy matrimony, and if there be necessity, even from those who
after the death of their first wife have married another. For a
Reader is not a priest, but as it were a scribe of the Word. And
Deaconesses also are appointed for ministering to women only,
for the sake of propriety, should necessity arise, on account of
Baptism or inspection of their bodies. These, too, are either living
in continence, once married, or are widowed from one only hus-
band, or are ever virgins. Then next to these are the exorcist'^,
and interpreters from one language to another in reading or in
sermons. There remain also the grave-diggers, who lay out the
bodies of those who fall asleep, and the door-keepers, and the
whole of good order.

But the celebration of the Synaxes was ordered by the Apostles

i-6

■• .f-'ifr^i," - ■'£^'-'^<~^f^.'^-''

262

The Testimony of the Fathers.

[PT. III.

'.ft 1

on Wednesday and Friday, and the Lord's Day, and on Wednes-
day and Friday in fasting until three o'clock ; since the Lord was
seized in the twilight of Wednesday, and was crucified on Friday,
and the Aposries handed on the tradition that fasts should be kept
on those days, in fulfilment of the saying, When the Bridegroom
shall be taken away, then shall they fast in those days. And the
fast has not been ordained for us that we should gratify Him that
suffered for us, but that for our own salvation we should confess
the Passion of the Lord, which He Himself underwent for our
sakes, and that our fastings might be reckoned by God on behalf
of our sins. And through the whole year the fast is kept in the
same holy Catholic Church, I say, on Wednesday and Friday
until three o'clock, except only the whole fifty days of Pentecost,
during which no one kneels, and there has been no fast appointed.
But, instead of Synaxes at three o'clock on Wednesdays and
Fridays, the Synaxes are celebrated as on the Lord's Day, in the
early morning. And, again, in the fifty days (spoken of before) of
Pentecost there is no fast; nor on the day of the Epiphanies (when
the Lord was born in the flesh) is it lawful to fast, whether it fall
on Wednesday or Friday. But by a good choice the ascetics of
the Church fast constantly, except the Lord's Day and Pentecost,
and always keep vigils. But the same holy Catholic Church
reckons all Sundays festivals, and celebrates the Synaxes at dawn,
and does not fast. For it is forbidden to fast on the Lord's Day.
And Lent, which precedes the seven days of the holy Easter, the
same Church has been accustomed to keep in like manner, passing
it in fasting ; but the Sundays never, not even in Lent. But the
six days before Easter all the people pass in eating dry food— I
mean, using at that time bread and salt and water at evening time.
But also the zealous ones add on two or three or four days, and
some the whole week up to the cock-crow of Sunday's dawn ; and
they pass the six days in watchings ; and again they celebrate the
Synaxes on the same six days, and the whole of Lent between
three and six o'clock. But in some places they watch the night
after Thursday till dawn of Friday and dawn of Sunday only. And
in some places the worship of the Dispensation is celebrated on
Thursday at three o'clock. And there is dismissal, men con-
tinuing in the same eating of dry food. But in other places there
is no worship of the Dispensation except at dawn of Sunday, >

' This is probably the passage, or one of them, which gives the reason for
the reference to St. Epiphanius in favour of Fasting Communion. But the

•'g^e-.fimtyiam gflB

•^trtr-*,;***'*''^

xthcrs.

[PT. III.

CH. X,]

St. Epiphanius.

263

Day, and on Wednes-
k ; since the Lord was
'as crucified on Friday,
at fasts should be kept
When the Bridegroom
those days. And the
lould gratify Him that
ion we should confess
elf underwent for our
ned by God on behalf
he fast is kept in the
'^ednesday and Friday
fty days of Pentecost,
)een no fast appointed,
on Wednesdays and
the Lord's Day, in the
s (spoken of before) of
■ the Epiphanies (when
to fast, whether it fall
choice the ascetics of
I's Day and Pentecost,
holy Catholic Church
the Synaxes at dawn,
st on the Lord's Day.
)f the holy Easter, the
in like manner, passing
en in Lent. But the
in eating dry food — I
water at evening time,
ree or four days, and
F Sunday's dawn ; and
a,in they celebrate the
ole of Lent between
they watch the night
of Sunday only. And
ition is celebrated on
dismissal, men con-
t in other places there
at dawn of Sunday,'

vhich gives the reason for
ig Communion. But the

when there is dismissal at cock-crow on the Resurrection Day,
and the great assembly on Easter Day, as has been appointed.
But the other mysteries concerning Baptism and its deep teaching
are celebrated according to the tradition of the Gospel and the
Apostles.

But, in the case of those who have died, they offer the memorial
by name, celebrating prayers, and worship, and dispensations.
And matin hymns are offered in the holy Church continually, and
matin prayers, and similarly psalms and prayers by candleb'ght.
Some of her monks live in the cities, and some also settle in
monasteries, and remove to a distance from men. And some like
to have long hair for habit's sake of their own mind, without direc-
tion of the Gospel, or approbation of the Apostles. For the holy
Apostle Paul rescinded this fashion. And there are other note-
worthy habits observed in the same Holy Catholic Church — I mean
that of abstaining from all flesh, both of four-footed beasts, and birds,
and fishes, and eggs, and cheese, aiiU other different habits, be-
cause each will receive his reward according to his own labour.
And some abstain froin all these, but some from four-footed beasts
alone, and partake of birds and the rest. And others abstain from
birds also, but take eggs and fish. Others do not take eggs ;
others abstain from fish and take cheese ; others do not even take
cheese. But now some also abstain from bread, and others from
fruits and cooked food. Many also lie on the ground. Others
do not wear shoes. Others also wear sackcloth underneath, who
wear it with a good motive for discipline and penance. For it is
unseemly to go about in sackcloth which is visible to all, as some
do ; and it is unseemly, as we said, to go about in chains, as some
thought fit to do. But the majority of these abstain from the bath;
and some renounce the world, choosing easy trades and not busy
ones, that they may not lead an idle life, and not eat their bread

eighty -ninth canon of the Trullan Council saj ; that the fast of Easter Eve may
be broken at midnight ; and another rule, at he end of the third century, was
that the fast is not to be broken till three o'cl >ck in the morning, unless a man
has been fasting all Holy Week, in which case he may break his fast at mid-
night. This raises the question, Did the man who broke his fast at midnight
communicate at the same time as the man who broke his fast three hours after-
wards ? If so, the former broke his fast before he communicated, or else the
latter broke his fast before the prescribed time, for the Eucharist broke the
fast. The fact of a celebration at dawn on Easter Day does not, therefore, at
all prove that men were then fasting the natural fast from midnight. See
•EjrwTToXi) ToC f(OKop(oi» Hovvaiov 'Apyjt'<t<rK6K0u 'AKt^aySpflas ■ UtTayfta xaviyuy,
Athens, 1854, torn. iv. p. I.

; i

^-■fp'ffift ;-'»A'!^-r*,':'FT'*"''

CH-;#^T^»-',=:

«»4

'.t

264

77/^ Testimony of the Fathers.

[PT. III.

with heaviness. And the majority exercise themselves in psalmody,
and constant prayers, and reading of holy Scripture and repeating
it by heart.

But in the matter of hospitality, and philanthropy, and mercy
towards all, to all has this fruit of the holy Catholic and Apostolic
Church been preached. And she has Baptism instead of circum-
cision, which was made obsolete in Christ. She has her resv on
the Great Sabbatli instead of the little one. She abstains from
communion with all heresies. She forbids fornication, and adt'l-
tery, and lasciviousness, and idolatry, and murder, and all trans-
gression, and magic, and charms, astronomy, auguries, casting
lots, incantations, amulets, and what are called phylacteries. She
forbids theatres, and horse-sbows, and huntings, and concerts, and
all evil speaking, and detraction, and all fighting, and squabbling,
and injustice, and avarice, and usury. Merchants she does not
receive heartily, but reckons them inferior to all. She accepts the
offerings from those who do not act unjustly, nor commit crimes,
but live uprightly. She arranges to offer prayers to God without
ceasing, with all frequency and fervency, and with kneeling on
the appointed days by night and day. In some places, too, they
celebrate the Synaxes on Saturday ; but not everywhere. But with
the highest branches there is an observance of not swearing at all,
nor reviling, nor cursing, according to the Saviour's commands,
nor indeed lying, so far as in them lies. The majorit} also sell
their property and give to the poor.

Such, then, is the whole passage from St. Epiphanius,
who does not throughout mention that there is a fast before
Communion, much less that it is a habit or necessity. It
is quite true that he speaks of the celebration being some-
times in the morning, and sometimes in the evening, at the
end of the fast, and on Easter Day at dawn. But on fast
days the celebration was postponed because it in itself was
held to break the fast : this does not prove that a fast from
midnight was a necessary preparation for Communion.
Neither does the mere time of dawn on Easter Day pre-
clude the possibility of any food being taken previously.
St. Epiphanius, indeed, most probably intends to say that
the fast was protracted until the Communion at dawn ;
this is the force of the phrase, ' there is dismissal at cock-

•>,i / '^ ymmi nm m * ">n

rs.

[PT. III.

CII. X.]

Sf. Epiphanius.

265

iselves in psalmody,
pture and repeating

ithropy, and mercy
holic and Apostolic

instead of circum-
lie has her resv on

She abstains from
nication, and adul-
rder, and all trans-
', auguries, casting

phylacteries. She
i, and concerts, and
ig, and squabbling,
lants she does not
11. She accepts the
nor commit crimes,
ers to God without
! with kneeling on
ne places, too, they
irywhere. But with
not swearing at all,
aviour's commands,
e majoritj also sell

crow.' But the Trullan Council allowed the fast to be
broken at midnight ; and an earlier rule allowed the man
who had observed the fast of Holy Week to break his fast
at midnight, but others were to abstain till three o'clock in
the morning, When, therefore, were these men supposed
to communicate } There was but one celebration for them.
If they communicated at twelve o'clock, both broke their
fast then, and neither protracted their discipline till three
o'clock, for the Eucharist was held to break the fast
But if the Con nunjon was at dawn, then the man who
broke his fast ."' twelve o'clock was not fasting the ' natural '
fast when he c jmmunicated. The very fact of this rule
would seem to imply that, when i<- was passed, there was
no commanding necessity of a fast from midnight before
Communion, There is, therefore, good reason to agree
with the orthodox John Johnson when he wrote, ' there is
no just cause to believe that they thought this necessary,
at least, I am not sensible that they tell us so,'

n St. Epiphanius,
;re is a fast before

or necessity. It
ition being some-
he evening, at the
awn. But on fast
use it in itself was
^e that a fast from

for Communion,
n Easter Day pre-
taken previously,
itends to say that
munion at dawn ;
dismissal at cock-

■i,.V?-T^l^^^"«#«^^*i^^-.V

266

The Tcstmony of the pathers.

[I'T. III.

CHAPTER XI.

ST. CIIRYSOSTOM. DIED A.D. 407. ^

THERE are two passages of St. Chrysostom which
have been quoted over and over again' in favour
of Fasting Communion ; that is, in favour of the practice of
taking no food between the stroke of midnight and the act
of Communion. The passages have not been carefully
examined by the light of their context and probable
meaning ; when they are, they will not be found to bear
so strong a testimony to the necessity of Fasting Com-
munion as some would have us believe. If it were so
necessary in St. Chrysostom's eyes, it would indeed be a
wonder that only two passages could be found on the
subject in the voluminous sermons and writings of so
eloquent a man, who always seized every passing event to
point some exhortation or to found upon it some warning.
His homilies abound with references and allusions to the
prevailing habits of his time, much more so than any other
of the fathers. It would be strange, therefore, if he laid so
much stress upon Fasting Communion, that he did not more
frequently insist upon the custom.

The first passage quoted is from one of the homilies on
the First Epistle to the Corinthians. The whole context
has been before quoted in the chapter about fasting after
Communion, but the passage quoted is the following : »—

> Giustiniani on I Cor. xi. 20; In cmnes B. Pauli Epistolas, 1612, torn. i.
p. 561. Bona, opera, ed. Sala, 1749. '■ P- 108. Cozza, Tractatus Dogmatko-
moralisdejejunio EccUsiastico, RotnK, 1724, p. 2, &c.

» Opera, Parisiis, torn. x. p. 248 c. See above, p. 179-

•s.

[rr. III.

CH. XI.]

St. Chrysostom.

267

407- ,,

irysostom which
again' in favour
af the practice of
light and the act
: been carefully
:t and probable
le found to bear
f Fasting Com-
;, If it were so
luld indeed be a
e found on the
I writings of so
passing event to
it some warning.
I allusions to the
so than any other
efore, if he laid so
it he did not more

)f the homilies on
he whole context
30ut fasting after
le following : * —

Rpistolas, 1612, torn. i.
a, Tractatus Dogmatko-

179.

But you before you partake
fast, that somehow or other
you may show yourself wortliy
of Communion.

And there the quotation stops, while the grammatical
construction would lead the meaning farther on. But if the
whole passage be examined, it will be seen that the orator is
not speaking of a technical fast from midnight (which, indeed,
was probably unknown for the first ten or eleven centuries),
but of the previous fast of some day or days, whether of
Lent, or the stations, or the vigil of a icstival. Next he
says that the fast after Communion is of more consequence
than previous temperance, clearly showing that it is of self-
restraint in the matter of food he is speaking, and not of
any mere material preparation of body or mouth.

If we compare the passage with its own context, or with
other passages in St. Chrysostom or contemporai'y writers,
it will be found that the language is precisely that used of
the Lenten fast making worthy for the Easter Communion,
or the previous ecclesiastical fast preparing for the festival
Communion. •

First, then, from the context of the passage. The
preacher is arguing earnestly against the habit of feasting
even to excess on the festival day after they had communi-
cated. He says that his hearers would have to bear the
blame which the Apostle laid on the Corinthians, as they
transgressed in a similar manner: for St. Chrysostom
differed from St. Augustine in thinking that the excess of
the Corinthians was subsequent to their Communion. He
is specially speaking of festival Communions before which
there was a fasted eve. St. Basil in his powcrfrd and per-
suasive homilies of fasting tried to allure the luxurious by
saying that their dainties would taste much better after a
course of fasting ; so St. Chrysostom says that a previous
fast prepared for a day of excess : —

■imm^tft

f. - \- ■Vs^^^^ji^yfjto^jtt .q ft iJ P W^

268

T/ic Tcstmony of the Fathers.

[PT. IIT.

?i I

Let U9 all listen to these words, as many as come to this sacred
Table with the poor. When we leave we do not seem to have
seen them ; but also we get drunk and hurry by the hungry ; of
which the Corinthians were accused. And when does this happen?
says he. Always, indeed, and specially at festivals, when specially
it ought not. For even then after Communion drunkenness suc-
ceeds, and contempt of the poor ; and when you have received
the Blood, which should be a time of fasting and soberness to you,
you play drunken tricks and make merry. . . •

You indeed fast before you partake, that somehow or other you
may show yourself worthy of the Communion; but when you have
received, and ought to protract your temperance, you ruin all. Yet
indeed it is not of equal importance to fast before and after, for
indeed you ought to be temperate at both times, but specially
after you have received the Bridegroom : before that you may be
worthy to receive, and after that you may not show yourself un-
worthy of what you received.

Here, then, remark that it was what modern writers
would call an ecclesiastical fast of which the saint is speak-
ing : for he says that their temperance should be protracted
after the act of Communion ; hence he spoke of temperance,
or the ecclesiastical fast before, and not the ' natural ' fast
from midnight. Again, he says that communicants are bound
to be temperate before and after, which distinctly shows
that what the preacher had in his mind at the time was the
antecedent fast of one or more days, the ecclesiastical fast,
self-restraint in the matter of food, which, as he elsewhere
implies, procures forgiveness of sins. The context of the
passage then distinctly shows that it is the ecclesiastical
fast, and not the (so-called) natural fast which was then
spoken of by the orator.

The same will be seen if we compare with the passage
other sayings of St. Chrysostom and his contemporaries.
In the very next homily there is a passage which throws
much light on the meaning : ' —
' Therefore, when we hear all this, let us take great care of the

' In Epist. I. ad Cor. Horn, xxviii. Opei-a, torn. x. 253 B,

rs.

[PT. III.

ClI. XI.]

St. Chrysostom.

269

come to this sacred
not seem to have
by the hungry ; of
does this happen?
'als, when specially
1 drunkenness suc-
you have received
d soberness to you,

lehow or other you
but when you have
e, you ruin all. Yet
jfore and after, for
:imes, but specially
■e that you may be
show yourself un-

; modern writers

he saint is speak-

ald be protracted

ke of temperance,

the • natural ' fast

nicants are bound

distinctly shows

the time was the

jcclesiastical fast,

, as he elsewhere

le context of the

the ecclesiastical

which was then

with the passage
5 contemporaries,
ige which throws

;e great care of the

'm. X. 253 B.

poor, and restrain our appetites, and n^frain from drunkenness,
and study to receive the mysteries ivorthily.

This must be intended of an ecclesiastical fast, sclf-
restraint, that is, in matter of food ; the same word beirtg
used for worthy reception. In similar manner St. Chry-
sostom, urging to an honest keeping of the Lenten fast)
ends his first homily on Genesis with these words : ' —

Thinking over all this, beloved, and making much account of
our own salvation, let us despise worthless and harmful luxury; let
us embrace the fast and all other self-restraint, and let us show
forth much change of life, and daily press on to the performance
of good works; so that having traded in spiritual merchandize the
whole season of Holy Lent, and having heaped up much wealth
of virtue, we liiay thus have been made worthy both to arHve at the
Lord's Day [Easter] and to approach with boldness the awful and
spiritual Table, and to share with our conscience clean those in-
efl'able and eternal good things, and to be filled with the graces
that flow from thence.

Here, th ;n, is the same expression that the ecclesiastical
fast makes worthy to approach the Holy Table. Nor are
these at all isolated passages. At the beginning of the
thirtieth homily on Genesis a similar passage occurs. By
this time Holy Week has arrived, and the saint takes the
opportunity of urging to stricter fasting and self-denial. He
says that athletes are more careful in training as the day
of actual contest approaches, and sailors are more careful
as they steer into harbour ; so should Christians be more
careful about their observance of Holy Week.'

In the same manner must we, since we have by the grace of
God come to this Great Week, specially extend the course of our
fast, and offer our prayers more earnestly, and exhibit the con-
fession of our sins ample and accurate, ... so that with these
acts of rectitude coming to the Lord's Day [Easter] we may enjoy
the liberality of the Lord.

' Horn. I. in Genes, cap. i. torn. iv. p. 7 A.

» Horn. XXX. in Cap. x. Genes, torn. iv. p. 294 A.

v»;

ii'

270

The Testimony of the. Fathers.

[I'T. MI.

4 I

1: 1

*ti;' !

At a similar time the saint was addressing the people
of Antioch, in the course of homilies preached on the oc-
casion of their throwing down the statues of the Emperor ;
and he uses the same kind of argument : ' —

For this cause nre fasting, and Lent, and the series of so many
days, and sermons, and prayers, and teachings, that having by
every means wiped off our sins of the whole year by this zeal for
God's commandments, we may with spiritual boldness scrupulously
partake of that unbloody sacrifice ; since if this be not done, in
vain and to no purpose did we undergo so much labour.

And again in aiiother connection, but in the same spirit,
he ' says : —

For we fast not because of the Pascha, nor because of the
Cross, but because of our sins, since we are about to approach the
Mysteries.

In similar strain, when the saint is exhorting his hearers
to communicate at Christmas, he says he does not wish
them to come simply because of the feast, but with careful
preparation.'

I say this now because I know that many at any rate will
approach on that day and rush heedlessly upon that spiritual
sacrifice. In order, then, that we do this not for harm, not for
the condemnation of our soul, but for salvation, I therefore now
testify beforehand, and exhort you, that purging yourselves by
every means you so approach the holy mysteries. And let no
man say to me, ' I am full of shame, I have my conscience teeming
with sins, I bear an intolerable burden,' for the fixed period of
these five days, if you are temperate, and pray and watch, is suffi-
cient to cut away the mass of your sins.

From these passages we see that the fast before the
festival was regarded as the preparation for the festival
Communion. Thus there was in some sort a guarantee
that there should be some reminder of the necessity of

' Ad Pop. Antioch. Horn. xx. Opera, torn, ii, p. 199 A.
» Horn, contra Jiidaos, iii. Opera, torn. i. p. 611 E.
' Horn, de Beato Philogonio, Opera, torn. i. p. 498 c.

•rs.

[I'T. MI.

CII. XI.]

Sf. C/trysostviii.

;s.siiig tho people

ichfd on the oc-

of the Emperor ;

le series of so many
gs, that having hy
sar by this zeal for
)ldness scrupulously
is be not done, in
ch labour.

n the same spirit,

nor because of the
out to approach the

ortjng his hearers
he does not wish
:, but with careful

\y at any rate will
upon that spiritual
it for harm, not for
on, I therefore now
ging yourselves by
teries. And let no
T conscience teeming
the fixed period of
r and watch, is suffi-

le fast before the

n for the festival

sort a guarantee

f the necessity of

ii, p. 199 A.

. 611 E.

p. 498 c.

preparation for that highest and most awful act of Christian
worship. Nay, this wis the very reason, according to St.
Chrysostom, why the forty days of the Lenten fast were
appointed : according to him it was for no other purpose
than for the purpose of havini; some regular preparation
for the Easter Communion. It is no matter for the present
purpose to enquire whether the opinion of St. Chrysostom
was likely to be right,' or whether it was the invention of
the eloquent preacher on the spue of the moment. It shows
that in the mind of St. Chrysostom there was the fixed
persuasion that the previous fast of Lent, or of the V'gils,
prepared for the succeeding festival Communion : ' —

Why, then, says he, do we fist these forty days ? Well, in
ancient times many approached the mysteries carelessly and just
as it chanced, and specially at this time when Christ instituted
them. The Fathers, then, perceiving the harm that aiose from
unprepared approach, met together and formed the scheme ot forty
days of fasting, praying, hearing, church-going, so that w, all
being cleansed in these days with attention, and by means of
prayers, and almsgiving, and fasting, and vigils, and tears, and all
the rest, might so approach with a clean conscience so far as lay
in our power. And that they established a great point when by
their condescension they settled us into a habit of fasting is mani-
fest from this. For if ive continue through the whole year crying
out and preaching a fast, no one gives heed to what is said ; but
if only the time of Lent comes, though no one exhorts or advises,
yet even he that is most excessively dull is excited.

From these passages, which perhaps are sufficient for
the purpose, though they might easily be multiplied,^ it is

' St. Chrysostom's disciple, St. John Cassian, seems to have held the same
opinion as his master — viz. that Lent was not Apostolical, but was instituted
because of disorders in the Church (col. xxi. cap. xxx. Opera, Atrebati, 1628,
p. 805). But this is contrary to the opinion of other Fathers; cf. Bishop Beve-
ridge's discussion of the whole question. Codex Cattonum, 1678, p. 337.

' In eos qui Pascha jejunant. Opera, torn, i. p. 6ii c.

• Other passages may be found as follows ; De Seraphinis, Ham. vi. torn,
vi. p. 142 A, preached just before Lent : ' Fasts are because of the mysteries ;
for just as the end and object of the contests in the Olympian games is the
crown, so the end and object of the fast is the pure Communion.' Hom. xvii.

272 The Testimony of the l'athcy%. [PT. III.

manifest thai St. Chrysostoin held that the preceding fast
of Lent was that which made a man somehow worthy of
the Easter Conimu.Mon ; and that the fast preceding the
festival prepared for the festival Communion. For he held
that a true fast of fivf days wiped off a mass of sins.' Indeed,
his teaching seems to have been much the *;.i)Mt; as that of
John Johns'Mi, who was hardly in error when he wrrtc.*—

They who received thrice, twice, or once a week had no reason
U> doubt but, by abstaining every \' -Inesday and Friday till
till ;. c o'<:kHk in the afternoon (which was then the general prac-
tice), they dLl what was sufficient as to this particular [of fasting
before Communion].

That is to say, if a man was of fastinp habit, that was
sufficient preparation for Communion '\\\ 'he matter of

fasting.

Elsewhere, too, we find the same reference to the Lenten
fast makin;; worthy to approach the altar. Thus we find
some such expressions in tiie Fhschal letters of Theophilus
of Alexandria (the contempor.iry and jealous opponent of
St. Chryso6tom) as they are preserved to us in the Latin
translation of St. Jerome :'—

And God giving ns strength, let us more strictly fast, laying the
foundation of the greater week, that is, of Holy Week, on the
thirteenth of the month Pharmuth ; so that e;cactly, according to
evangelical traditions, we finish our fasts on the eighteenth day of
the foresaid month Pharmuth at dead of night. And on the
next day, which is the memorial of the Lord's Resurrection, that

in Ep. ad Hebraos, cap. x. torn. xii. p. 169 D : ' Tell me, you who partake
once a year, do you think that the forty days suffice for the cleansing of your

sins ? '

' This was at that time the teaching of all the Fathers. Compare St. Epi-
phanius : ' The fast has not been ordained for us that we should gratify Him
that suffered for us : but that for our own salvation we should confess the
Passion of our Lord, which He Himself underwent for our sakes ; and that
our fastings might be reckoned by God on behalf of our sins.' Above, p. 262.

» Works, Anglo-Catholic Library, vol. ii. 'Addenda and Corrigenda to

Part n.'

» S. Hieronynii Opera, Veronoe, 1734, torn. i. col. 574 c, Ep. xcvi.

rs.

[PT. IIT.

,e preceding fast
nehovv worthy of
Bt preceding the
on. For he held
ofsins.' Indeed,
yi."i)?i«.' as that of
leii he wrr.tc,* —

reek had no reason

ay and Friday till

the general prac-

.rticular [of fasting

ip habit, that was
u 'he matter of

Kc to the Lenten
r. Thus we find
ers of Theophilus
lous opponent of
o us in the Latin

ictly fast, laying the
ioly Week, on the
tactly, according to
e eighteenth day of
ght. And on the
9 Resurrection, that

me, you who partake
r the cleansing of your

ers. Compare St. Epi-
we should gratify Him
we should confess the
or our sakcs ; and that
r sins.' Above, p. 262.
nd& and Corrigenda to

574 C, Ep. xcvi.

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Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions / Institut Canadian de microreproductions historiques

CII. XI.]

Sf. Clnysosiom.

273

is, on the nineteenth clay of the same month, let us celebrate the
true Passover; adding to these the seven vemaining weeks in
which the feast of Pentecost is involved, and making ourselves
worthy of the Communion of the Body and Blood of Christ.

Nor in the two homilies of fasting which St. Basil has
left is the same reference omitted. These are written with
the evident intention of persuading men to the Lenten fast,
or at all events to that of Holy Week. This is seen in the
reference at the end of the first homily to Easter and Good
Friday : while in the second homily St. Basil speaks of the
five days' fast — that is, the Lenten fast of each week — which
was broken by the recurring festivals of Saturday and
Sunday. In the first homily he says : ' —

Do you know Who it is you are about to receive ? He that
promised us, * I and the Father will come and will make our
abode with him.' Why, then, do you first take up the ground with
drunkenness, and block up the entrance to the Lord ? Why do
you urge the enemy to preoccupy your strongholds ? Drunken-
ness does not receive the Lord, drunkenness chases away the
Holy Spirit. For indeed smoke chases away bees, and the fumes
of drunkenness chase away spiritual gifts.

In the second homily' the same reference is seen : —

The Loi J receives the faster within the holy chancel. He re-
ceives not him that is full of excess, as profane and unholy. For
if you come to-morrow smelling of wine and that rancid, how shall
I reckon your crapula for fasting ? Do not think it is because
you have not just been pouring in unmixed wine, but because you
are not pure from wine.

' De Jejuhio, i. § 11 ; Opera, ed. Gaumc, 1839, torn. ii. p. 13. The same
nearly is expressed in St. Gregory Nazianzene : 'For example, ju-t before
His temptation He fastetl, so do we before Easter. The matter of the fasts
is the same, but the difference of the two times is not small : for He opposed
these fasts against His temptation ; but with us it signifies the dying with
Christ, and is a fnirificatioH before a/east.'—Ota.t. xl. De Baptismo ; Opera,
Taris, 1609, torn. i. p. 659.

" De yejiiiiio, Horn. ii. § 4, ed. Gaume, torn. ii. p. 17.

I'i

', i .

I'M

274 Til' Tcstmoiiy of Hie Falhm. [I'T- "i-

From these passages it is clear that St. Basil thought

of the ecelesiastieal fast as preparing for Conamun.on.

Prudentius also, who in Spain was eontemporaneous

with St Chrysostom at Constantinople, seems to refer to

The pfevious^eeclesiastiear fast as preparing the neart or

soul for Communion :—

rarcis victibus expedita corda
Infusum melius Deum receptant :
Hinc pastus animre est, saporque verus.

In St Leo, too, we may find some intimation of a similar
opinion, though, as would be expected, he is far more pre^
cL in uttering his condensed thoughts m well-balanced
nguage. He rarely speaks of corporal fastmg w. ho,
explaining in the immediate context that the spiritual fast
frornsinl that which gives efficacy to the corporal fast.
In his sixth Lenten sermon ' he ^ays :-

Ye dearly beloved, who are about to celebrate the Passover of
the Lord, do you so exercise yourselves by holy fasts that bemg
free from all tLbles you may come to the most holy feast.

From every reason, then, from the immediate context
of the passage,' and from light thrown upon it from similar
passages from other Fathers near about the same time, it
may be concluded that it was to the ecclesiastical, and not
to the so-called ' natural,' fast that St. Chrysostom was
referring when he spoke the words under discussion,

. St Ambrose, who is a great imitator of St. Basil, from whom he borrows

^^in„ hTs book De EM ct Jejunio, has reference to the Lenten fast as

a great deal » ^.b book /^^ ^« J J . ^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^^^ ^„^

preparing f°^^!;f. f — ^^i,,, "^o. i preparJwith fasting ; that table of

'^^^r^°":, V, Thorhast P^^^^^^^^ a table before me against them that
vlud. Dav.d say ^J^- has Pep^ ^^ ^^^ ^^ ^^^^^^^ ,„, ,,,^ ,

letting with sobS^ is Lght by the thirst of heavenly sacraments '-/>.

^"t p2i;;it's'S"A D. 405). Cathemerinon IV. Post cil.,.., 1. 34. Opera,
« ! S torn ■ p 277. The word iu/usum probably refers to a custom
^"^^r^jt^TZ^^ M...o..Xy (cl ^infun^iat,. ori ejus Eucharistia '
1'c.rLg IV can. Ixxvi. A.n. 398): it is possible that the pastus refers to
U.e Br'ead. and the safor to the Wine. See above, p. .4, note .
3 senno xliii. lu Quad. vi. Opera, Parisus, ,675, lom. .. p. 223.

crs. [I-T. IH.

St. Basil thought
Communion.'
contemporaneous

, seems to refer to
aring the neart or

e varus.*

timation of a similar
he is far more pre-
its in well-balanced
)ral fasting without
lat the spiritual fast
the corporal fast.

lebrate the Passover of
y holy fasts, that being
most holy feast.

z immediate context
upon it from similar
out the same time, it
jcclesiastical, and not
St. Chrysostom was
ider discussion,

Basil, from whom he borrows
eference to the Lenten fast as
rging to the Lenten fast, and
id with fasting ; that table of
before me against them that
e of fasting, and that cup, in-
of heavenly sacraments ^—De

IV. Post cibum, 1. 34, Opera,
m probably refers to a custom
indatttr ori ejus Eucharistii*,'
ssible that the pastus refers to
)ve, p. 14, note I.
1675, torn. i. p. 223.

CII. M.]

St. Chrysostom.

27s

You fast before you communicate, so that somehow or other
you may show yourself worthy of Communion.

But if the rigorists remain still unconvinced by my
arguments and parallel passages, what meaning will they
attach to the following saying of St. Chrysostom .' —

He who is not fasting, if he approach with a clear conscience,
keeps the Passover, wliether he receive the Communion to-day or
to-morrow or whenever he does.

If the one passage is to bear a modern technical sense,
why should not the other also.? It must be remarked
that it is the present participle, 6 /i^ vqattiatv, just as
in the other passage it is w^o-Tevfts— it is not the past, 6 /i*^
vr)ar6\)aas or the like : it is he that is not fasting, not he
that has not been fasting. The passage clearly allows that
if a man have a clear conscience he may partake of the
Blessed Sacrament worthily and with reverence, whether
he be fasting or not, whatever meaning be attached to the
word fasting. The antecedent fast was evidently regarded
by St. Chrysostom as a means of making the conscience
clear, and not as a means in itself of showing reverence to
the Sacrament conveyed to us in food. There was no
idea of ' a symbolic fast beginning with a symbolic day,'
as some say now-a-days. If the conscience be not clear,
the fasting would be of no avail : if it be clear, fasting
was not required for a reverent reception of the Blessed
Sacrament. The chief and main object of the previous
ecclesiastical fast was to render the conscience clear ; as
St. Basil said of Elijah, ' having clean.sed his soul by fasting
forty days, he was thus thought worthy in the cave at
Horeb to see, so far as man can see, the Lord Almighty,'

Indeed, on this point the mind of St. Chrysostom, as
expressed in his writings, does not seem to have been so

' hi eos qui Pascha jejuiiant. Opera, torn. i. p. 612 B.
T 2

I I

Hi*-

276 The Tcst'mony of thcFaUurs. [i"T. III.

very far removed from that of our own ascetic, the pious
and stern Kcttlevvell, who wrote as follows : '—

One keeps away because the day before he was at a feast. . . .
The primitive Christians received it at a friendly trcat-for in
those days their love-feasts always went along wth it ; so that a
hospitable entertainment the day before, yea, or e> en on the same
day <loth not unfit men to communicate, but if m all thmgs else
they are duly qualified, they may worthily receive still.

But here the second passage from St. Chrysostom will
be adduced as proving the general mind of those days.
In those troublous times when bishop burned with jealousy
against bishop, when men tried to gain prefeftnent to highest
dignities by corrupting the principal men about Court,
when bishops and priests plotted to depose a bishop from
his throne in order to usurp his place, every kind of charge
was trumped up against him. A knot of men would coalesce
to degrade a bishop, and at once there was a string of
charges whidi generally ran in the same groove—' He
baptized after food : He communicated after food : he had
a child after he was bishop.' These charges were made
against St. Chrysostom ;« and with respect to the first two,
he denies the truth of the charge with indignation ; and at
the same time distinctly says that, if they had been true,
there would not have been sufficient ground for his de-
position, for the Lord Himself and His disciples would
under the same charges be liable to degradation.

It is quite true that a certain amount of doubt has been
thrown upon the genuineness of the letter in which the
passage occurs from internal evidence ; but it may well be
that distress of mind and trouble at his exile, which forms
the substance of the letter, made St. Chrysostom deviate

^ An Help and Exhortation to Wort/,y Coiimintiratvis:, hy John Kcttlewell,

gth Edition, London, 1717. P- 287. „ , /> „„!„

1 « He held private interviews with women; Ae afc a small cake ajtcr Holy

Communion; he had administered both Sacraments after he himself or the

recipients had eaten,' &c. See Stephens' Life of St. Chrysostom, Murray,

1872. V' 327-

:lMi~lli--i'^»ji--.>Si.

^..*X._i*j-i

fwrs.

[PT. III.

en. XI.]

.SV. C/irysostom,

277

1 ascetic, the pious
)ws : ' —

he was at a feast. . . •
friendly treat— for in
jng wth it ; so that a
a, or e\ en on the same
at if in all things else
eceive still.

St. Chrysostoni will
mind of those days,
burned with jealousy
prefeftnent to highest
I men about Court,
eposc a bishop from

every kind of charge
of men would coalesce
here was a string of
: same groove — ' He
ed after food : he had
e charges were made
sspect to the first two,
li indignation ; and at
f they had been true,
nt ground for his de-
1 His disciples would
degradation.
)unt of doubt has been
le letter in which the
:e ; but it may well be

his exile, which forms
St. Chrysostom deviate

itiniftttitig, by John Kcttlewell,

1; he ah- a small cake after Holy
iments after he himself or the
Ife of St. Chrysostom, Murray,

from his usual humility and charity. Indeed, we may
suppose that the language in which he speaks of Arsacius,
who had intruded into his See at Constantinople, may be
understood spiritually or symbolically of one who had in-
terfered between the lawful bishop and his lawful spouse,
the Church in his diocese. The objections, then, may be
regarded as insufficient to disprove the genuineness of the
Epistle. The passage runs as follows : '- -

Many things they dressed up against me, and say that I had
communicated some after they had eaten. And, if I did this, may
my name be wiped out of the list of Bishops, and not be written
in the book of the orthodox faith ; for if I did this, Christ shall
cast me out of His kingdom. But if they once say this to me,
and are contentious, let them degrade Paul, who after sujjper
baptized a whole household : let them degrade the Lord Himself,
who after supper gave the Communion to His Apostles.

Now, first of all we must observe that this quite over-
throws the notion of a ' natural ' fast being supposed. For,
however we may smile at the strange attempts made to
show that the consecration of the Bread by our Lord came
on the other side of midnight from the last Supper, there
is no question that the baptism of the jailor at Philippi
was after midnight. It was at midnight that ' Paul and
Silas prayed, and sang praises to God.' Consequent upon
this followed the earthquake, and the opening the prison
doors, and the release of St. Paul and Silas, and the
preaching the Gospel to the jailor and his household,
and the washing the Apostles' stripes : all this was before
the baptism. If, then, the particular law against which St.
Chrysostom was said to have offended was that he had
communicated men who had eaten after midnight, it would
have been no answer at all to have brought forward the
case of St. Paul baptizing men, who had certainly been too
much alarmed and stirred to the heart to think about
taking food after midnight. This passage, therefore, shows

' Epistola 125, Opera, Parisiis, torn. iii. p. 668 D.

Jiff*'

278

The Tistiviony of the Fathers. [I'T. in.

decisively that it was no technical ' natural ' fast that was
spoken of; that is, the abstaining from all food after the
first or last stroke of midnight.

Next it is seen that St. Chrysostom clearly rnd scorn-
fully asserts, that though as a matter of fact he had not
done this, yet if he had it was no matter of degradation.
Nay, the language used shows that he did not think it was
wrong in itself to give the Sacraments after food, since he
shows that the Lord Himself had done so with one Sacra-
ment, and the Apostle of the Gentiles, the chosen vessel,
had done so with the other Gospel Sacrament. This im-
plies what he has been found to say elsewhere, that acci-
dental dispositions of body need not in themselves render
a man unfit to communicate. Elsewhere he has said, ' he
who is not fasting, if he approach with a clear conscience,
keeps the Passover, whether he receives the Communion
to-day or to-morrow or whenever he does.' Where he
clearly shows that in his mind the purity of conscience was
the only requisite for reverent and proper Communion, and
that fasting was a means to the cleansing of the con-
science.

Again, observe that St. Chrysostom does not regard
the question of eating or not as one peculiar to the Holy
Eucharist ; for he defends his position by adducing the
example of St. Paul baptizing after supper. There could
have been no question in his mind of symbolic reverence
to the Sacrament which conveys grace by means of food :
there could be no question of the Lord's portion being the
first food on the day of Communion, because then the
example of St. Paul baptizing after food would have been
wholly and entirely beside the mark. No, St. Chrysostom
regarded the previous fast as necessary to the purification
of the conscience, and the rule was as necessary for the one
Sacrament as it was for the other. This is also seen in
the manner in which he rebuts the accusation that he had
baptized after food. For he uses precisely the same line

-:%,

^-"«—

l/lfl'S.

[I'T. III.

cir. xi-l

St. Chiysostoin.

279

tural' fast that was
m all food after the

ti clearly r nd scorn-
of fact he had not
itter of degradation,
did not think it was
after food, since he
e so with one Sacra-
s, the chosen vessel,
acramcnt. This im-
elsewhere, that acci-
in themselves render
lere he has said, ' he
h a clear conscience,
ives the Communion
le does.' Where he
rity of conscience was
•per Communion, and
leansing of the con-

tom does not regard
peculiar to the Holy
ion by adducing the
supper. There could
)f symbolic reverence
:e by means of food :
)rd's portion being the
ion, because then the
Food would have been
No, St. Chrysostom
iry to the purification
s necessary for the one
This is also seen in
.ccusation that he had
irecisely the same line

of argument.' This time his defence is in his own Patriarchal
Cathedral, and his sermon is clearly received with immense
applause in church, showing that his argument is one which
the people accepted and approved of: —

They say 'Thou didst eat and baptize.' If I did so, I will be
accursed : let ine not be numbered in the roll of Bishops : may I
never be with the angels : may I never please God ! But if I did
eat and baptize, I did nothing unseasonable to these things. [Here
there must have been great applause, for he goes on — ] Attend, I
pray, with accuracy to what I say, and I will not stop speaking.
For me, indeed, to speak is not ;i;riei<oiis, but for you it is safe. But
let us return to our subject. They say I ate and baptized. Well,
let them depose Paul, because he gave the grace of Baptism to the
jailor after supper. I dare to say it, let them depose even Christ
Himself, because after supper He gave the grace of the Com-
munion to His disciples. [Here again there must have been a
great outburst of applause to explain the following words—] Really
this is becoming and great for you: this is a bright token of
peace : this is the panegyric of the people. It is my crown and
your fruit.

Here, again, St. Chrysostom, speaking of Baptism, uses
precisely the same argument that he had before used about
communicating others after food. He uses language no
less strong to express his view of the falsity of tne accusa-
tion. It is impossible to say that he uses stronger language
to rebut the accusation of communicating others after food,
than he does about baptizing after food. The examples he
adduce A are precisely the same, and in either case he brings
forwr.T 'he example of administration of both Sacraments
after foo i as his warranty, if he had done what his enemies
accused him of doing. It is quite evident, then, from
St. Chrysostom's writings that he placed the two Gospel
Sacraments in the same category in this respect. He
therefore gives no countenance, to say the least, to the
assertion that 'the reason for Fasting Communion was
always, that it is a custom of reverence for the Blessed

' Sermo antequam iret in Exilium, § 4, Parisiis, torn. iii. p. 417 E.

1 '

1?^

, f

llld.

28o

The Testimony of the Fathers.

[PT. 111.

Sacrament : that as God is pleased to ff'ivc us this great
gift by means of food which we receive with our mouth,
we should not take any common food for some hours be-
fore it.* This cannot be said of Baptism : it cannf t be said
of Confirmation : it cannot be said of Ordination : it cannot
be said of taking an oath. Yet the rule was the same for
all ; and for the same reason. There was in the decadence
of discipline, which commenced when the Emperor and the
Court became Christian, a danger of taking food to excess
if they began to take it at all. There was also the firm
conviction that fasting was efficacious for the cleansing of
the soul, and so prepared or helped other acts of discipline
and mortification to prepare the man for the approach to
the solemn ordinance of religion.

The Church of England in her undoubted right as being
an integral part of the Church Catholic, a true National
Church, has retained the rule of fasting before adult
baptism. But this is a single act in a man's life. Her
endeavour was in her reformation to introduce the habit of
more frequent Communion, and it would seem, therefore,
that she regarded the weekly fast of Friday, with the yearly
fast of Lent, and the periodical fasts of Vigils and Ember-
tides, as sufficient preparation (as John Johnson says) for
Communion by way of fasting.

If the National Church of Africa had the right, fifteen
hundred years ago, to lay down the rule of celebrating
before the taking of \he prandium, with the single excep-
tion of Maundy Thursday, the National Church of England
had the right to relax the rule three hundred years ago.
The ascetic celibate Kettlewell thought it not binding ; the
giant of orthodoxy John Jol.nson even argued against it.
The pious digamist Bishop Jeremy Taylor approved of it.
The bitter canons against the marriage of the clergy in the
West affected him not : the stern reprobation of married
bishops in East and West moved him not : the still more

'urs.

[PT. 111.

til. XI.]

Si, Chrysostom.

281

ffivc us this great
/c with our mouth,
)r some hours bc-
1 : it cannr t be said
dination : it cannot
; was the same for
is in the decadence
e Emperor and the
iing food to excess
c was also the firm
for the cleansing of
:r acts of discipline
or the approach to

ibted right as being
lie, a true National
iting before adult
a man's life. Her
roduce the hcibit of
lid seem, therefore,
lay, with the yearly
Vigils and Ember-
Johnson says) for

id the right, fifteen
rule of celebrating
I the single excep-
Church of England
hundred years ago.
it not binding ; the
argued against it.
lor approved of it.
of the clergy in the
sbation of married
lot : the still more

severe denunciations of digamist clergy troubled him not'
To him the Church of England had power to relax these
rules of discipline. Then she had power also to relax the
rule of discipline with respect to the obligation of the so-
called ' natural ' fast before the act of Communion.

To sum up the testimony of St. Chrysostom. He regards
fasting as very advisable and ordinarily necessary before
Communion for the purpose of mortification, and preparing
the soul for the reception of grace. Fasting cleanses the soul
and makes it worthy of Communion. But it is possible for
one who is not fa.sting to receive worthily. He denies,
indeed, ever having administered either Gospel Sacrament
after food, but asserts, amidst the applause of his flock, that
if he had done so, he would have been justified by the ex-
ample of the Lord Himself and His Apostle St. Paul.

There has been nothing yet adduced from St. Chry-
sostom which at all shows he regarded a fast from all food
from midnight as necessary for bodily preparation for a
reverent Communion : nor has anything yet been discovered
in his writings to justify the relentless extravagance of the
language of such writers as Mr. Oxenham.

' It is interesting to see how he meets them : • It were not unscason.il>Ie
to consider the ecclesiastical law against the second marriage of priests, or the
ordaining them who have married the second time. But this also relying upon
the humour of men, who will be more pure than God, and more righteous than
the law of Christ, and more wise th.in the Apostles, it may be determinetl by
the same considerations. The law is a snare, it is an incompetent matter,' &c.
—Ductor DuUlanlium, bk. iii. chap. iv. § 29, ea. Eden, vol. x, p. 437.

,'ri»

i
i

282

The Testimony of the Fathers.

[I'T. J 1 1.

A.D.

389-

390-

392-

CHAPTER XII.

ST. AUGUSl'lNE. DIKD A.D. 43O. !

Chronological Table,

St. .\ugustine, still a layman, acknowledges and deplores the
existence of gluUony and drunkenness, especially at the
tombs of the martyrs.
.Sf.cond Council of Carthage says that it has passed

decrees to be kept by the Catholic Church.
St. Augustine, now a priest, writes to his friend Aurelius,
lately consecrated Bishop of Carthage, Metropolitan of
Africa, imploring him by means of a council to take steps
to stop these disorders, and at all events to begin by
confining drunkenness and gluttony to private houses.
Council of Hippo under Aurelius passes canons against
the clergy feasting in taverns, against celebrating other-
wise than fasting, and against feasting in Church.
St. Augustine writes to his friend Bishop Alypius to tell him
how his attempts to stop these scandals are succeeding.
Third Council of Carthage re-enacts and re-enforces

the canons of the Council of Hippo.
St. Augustine writes the famous letter to Januarius on the
question of the Maundy recognized by the Council of
Hippo.
St. Augustine present at a Council of Carthage, which
again passes the Hippo Canons, the question of Fasting
Communion or celebration being specially mooted by the
Bishops legate of Mauritania Sitiphensis.

section I. — Historical Introduction.

The passage on which most stress has been laid is from
a letter of St. Augustine to one Januarius. This is quoted

393

395-

397-

400.

419.

lBU^,^=^-1fl^'W^' '--^ -- *r:^

urs.

[I'T. III.

CM. XII.]

St Ai<gi4stini:

a83

I). 430.

idges and deplores the
mess, especially at the

rs that it has passed
; Church.

o his friend Aurelius,
thage, Metropolitan of
a council to take steps
11 events to begin by
y to private houses.
passes canons against
inst celebrating other-
ting in Church,
lop Alypius to tell him
indals are succeeding,
enacts and re-enforces

)0.

ir to Januarius on the
zed by the Council of

, OF Carthage, which
the question of Fasting
ipecially mooted by the
phensis.

^oduction.

has been laid is from
rius. This is quoted

by everyone (or nearly so) who h.is spoken or written on
the subject at all for the last thousand years, and gives
proof of the transcending influence of this great Saint over
the minds of Christian n>en. For some seven centuries
this seemed the one stock quotation which was to satisfy
all doubts. But the passage has been hardly dealt by, for
it has been made to bear more than the context will justify.
No less a person than St. Thomas himself has made it bear
a meaning the exact opposite to that originally intended.
He argues from the passage that the Maundy before
reception had been abrogated, whereas in the Epistle St.
Augustine distinctly and unquestionably acknowledges and
admits the feast before Communion on Maundy Thursday.
It seems almost certain, though it is hard to believe, that
St. Thomas knew the passage only from the small extract
in the Dccretnm of Gratian.

In order really to approach the investigation of the
passage properly, it will be well to enter upon it historically.
Some attempt at this has been already made, but now the
history must be followed out.

The Manicheans argued against the truth of the
Catholic Church from the superstitions and luxury of the
mass of her members. St. Augustine met the argument by
instancing the self-denying and holy lives of the clergy and
anchorets, and monks, and nuns living in community.
These, he says, for fasting, for self-denial, for holy life, are
a match for any that the Manicheans could show. He then
says that the Church does all in her power to correct the
evils which are excepted against, and therefore she is not
to be held answerable for what she deplores and is struggling
to amend : -

I know there are many who adore pictures and sepulchres.
I know there are many who most luxuriously drink over the dead,
and, holding out feasts to corpses, bury themselves over those who
are buried, and put down their drunkenness and gluttony to religion."

' De Moribus Ecdcsia, lib. i. § 75, Opera, Parisiis, 1689, 'oni. i. col. 713.

i.r

-.^aiJswsrtigBw^

284

The Testimony of Uic Fathers.

[rr. III.

This was written in the year A.i). 389, before St. Augustine
was ordained priest. But soon afterwards, notwithstanding
his efiforts to avoid it, he was caught by the people, and
presented to the gentle and good Bishop Valerius of Hippo
for ordination. Here was a new and awful responsibility
which he had been seeking to avoid, and he was brought
face to face with this question of profaning the Church
itself and the places of the Sacrament with gluttony and
drunkenness. His own Bishop, Valerius, was aged, and
unable to cope with the di.sorders that were rampant ; and
he looked to the priest Augustine to regulate and rule the
Church, intending as soon as possible to have him conse-
crated bishop, to succeed him at Hippo in the event of his
death.

Soon the opportunity offered for which St. Augustine
had been waiting. His friend Aurelius, the deacon of
Carthage, had been elected and consecrated Bishop of
Carthage, a see which conveyed with it the post of Metro-
politan of Africa, and was indeed almost equal to a patri-
archal see. In answer to a letter from Bishop Aurelius,
soon after his consecration, St. Augustine ' earnestly re-
minds the Metropolitan that he was the one to amend the
terrible scandal and profanity, since he had severely con-
demned it while deacon, and now he was Metropolitan.
He says that for his part he thinks the evil so deeply
seated, and so widely spread, that nothing but a council
can produce any good results. Still, if there was to be a
reformation undertaken in the various dioceses separately
without synodal authority, Carthage must in all seriousness
set the example : for then others would follow, but it would
be hopeless to attempt any reform while Carthage remained
uncorrected.

In this letter St. Augustine recommends a certain
policy, that at first the excess be kept out of Church, away
from the places of the Sacraments, and the tombs of the
' Ep. xxii. (al. 64), Op<ra, Parisiis, 1688, torn. ii. col. 27.

1 1

t/urs.

[I'T. III.

>efore St. Augustine
Js, notwithstanding
ay the people, and
) Valerius of Hippo
wful responsibility
d he was brought
•faning the Church
with gluttony and
ius, was aged, and
vere rampant ; and
gulate and rule the

have him conse-
in the event of his

hich St. Augustine
us, the deacon of
ecrated Bishop of
the post of Metro-
it equal to a patri-

1 Bishop Aurelius,
itine ' earnestly re-
: one to amend the
; had severely con-
was Metropolitan.

the evil so deeply
ling but a council
there was to be a
dioceses separately
st in all seriousness
follow, but it would
Carthage remained

mmends a certain

ut of Church, away

the tombs of the

om. ii. col. 27.

•i-,.^':.-S,r';--- ^a

Cll. XII.]

St. Aii'usfiin:

285

martyrs; and that the oblations for the dead should be
made le.ss expensive and afforded to all without fee ; and if
any man offered money, it should be at once dispensed to
the poor.

This letter was written a.d. 392. It reveals a state of
things much similar to that of the Irish wake : and there
has been already seen reason for thinking that this excess
and riot was at least sometimes before the celebration of the
Blessed Sacrament." No wonder that St. Augustine was
deeply anxious about the amendment of such profanity.

The very next year, viz. a.d. 393, the council asked for
by St. Augustine was held at Hippo, probably out of
respect for the priest of Hippo, St. Augustine himself.
The Metropolitan Aurelius came from Carthage to preside,
and Augustine was appointed to preach before the assembled
bishops. This was most unusual for a priest ; but the bishops
were so much struck with the discourse, that it was at their
desire formed into a treatisv. and issued under the title ' De
Fide et Symbolo.' This shows the part he was likely to
take in influencing the deliberations of the council.

This council passed very many canons of discipline of
such value, that the concise form of the canons, the Brevi-
arium Hipponcnse, was constantly read and re-enacted at
council after council of Africa. It would almost seem
that this must have been due to the benefit derived from
the neighbourhood of such a man as Augustine, who could
help the president Aurelius with his counsel, though he
could not be present to vote at the synod. With St.
Augustine's letter before us, we can almost trace the policy
of the bishops assembled at Hippo. They determine to do
all in their power to check the scandal of disorderly con-
duct ; but to do so by degrees, by excluding it from the
most sacred persons, places, and things. Stringent laws
are therefore passed about the clergy, with an earnest dis-
suasion to hinder the laity from feasting- in church. Canon

' See above, p. 55 seq.

J i

\ ■ -Si

; Si*

.-. -*6i(a»i»- ^-

286

The Testimony of the Fathers.

[PT. III.

i=i,

ftii

26 prohibits the clergy from eating or drinking in taverns ;
canon 28 prohibits the clergy from celebrating if they have
taken the fratidinm, with one only exception, viz. Maundy
Thursday ; canon 29 prohibits the clergy and dissuades
the laity from feasting in church. Here is the policy
mapped out pretty well by St. Augustine. The bishops
do what they can to hinder the scandal by degrees. The
canons can affect the clergy directly : these therefore they
bind strictly. With the laity, the ' imperita plebs ' spoken
of by St. Augustine, they deal gently, and only dissuade
them, leaving it to the clergy to lead them gradually to
better things.

This council was evidently a great help to St. Augus-
tine, and he at once set himself to carry out the spirit of
its reformation. We have a most interesting letter from
him to his friend Bishop Alypius,' giving an account of an
earnest attempt he made to persuade the Catholics of
Hippo to give over having a great feast in the Cathedral.
The blessed result after much anxiety was, that while the
Donatists were prolonging their drinking bout in their
conventicle, there was a pious chanting of psalms in the
Catholic Cathedral. Thus the darkness of the error of
the schism was enhanced by the pureness of the Catholic
worship.

The Canons of Hippo had some effect, but they were
not sufficiently observed. Whether it was that it was a
local council, or from some other reason, the canons were
not well kept. At a council of Carthage held A.D. 397,
under Aurelius, the canons were re-enacted and enforced
with the greater sanction of a national council. St.
Augustine was now a bishop, and was probably present
at this council. It is true that the canon.s, as we have them,

' F,p. xxix. Parisiis, 1688, lorn. ii. col. 48. The remarkable thing is that
St. Augiistniu has no reference in this epistle to the Council of. Hippo held at
his own request two years before. He clearly kept this in the background of
his appeal to the people, having it in reserve as a last resource.

en.

[PT. III.

ClI. XII.]

.S7. Augustine.

287

inking in taverns ;
•ating if they have
)tion, viz. Maundy
gy and dissuades
ere is the policy
ine. The bishops
by degrees. The
ese therefore they
rita plebs ' spoken
ind only dissuade
:hem gradually to

elp to St. Augus-

r out the spirit of

esting letter from

\ an account of an

the Catholics of

in the Cathedral.

'as, that while the

ing bout in their

of psalms in the

IS of the error of

ss of the Catholic

ect, but they were
was that it was a
I, the canons were
age held A.D. 397,
cted and enforced
onal council. St.
\ probably present
s, as we have them,

remarkable thing is that
"oiincil of. Hippo held at
[his in the background of

arc evidently much out of order, and are, as Van Espcn
says, a farrago of canons, still we may take for granted
that there was a Council of Carthage ' at this time which
re-enacted the Canons of Hippo. Some think that St.
Augustine was the author of one canon now passed, but
this has been doubted.

There is one point which must be here noticed in
passing. The Canons of Hippo and Carthage either com-
mence with the word ' placuit,' or with the dependent con-
junction ' ut.' This, as St, Athanasius has argued,* implies
that the canon is something new. At all events, it implies
deliberation, voting, and acceptance of something which
might have been rejected.

In the year A.D. 400, three years after this third Council
of Carthage, St. Augustine wrote the letter to Januarius
which is the subject of this chapter. Some persons had
been travelling, and it was found that the customs on
Maundy Thursday differed very much indeed in various
churches. In some places they observed the Lenten fast
and did not take i\\e prandium ; in other places the Lenten
fast was broken, and the Dominica Coena or anniversary
feast was made the excuse of breaking the Lenten strict-
ness. Then, again, in some churches there were two cele-
brations in the day, which was contrary to the general rule
that there should be only one celebration at the one altar in
the church. These variations exercised the mind of Janu-
arius very much, and he wrote to St. Augustine to know
what was to be done in the matter.

Now, it is a great pity that we have not the letter of
Januarius. If we had, probably there would be some

' This is seen from the language of Mizonius, chief Bishop of Byzacena,
ill his letter read by Aurelius at the Council of Carthage about A.D. 419 :
' When for the sake of ecclesiastical utility we were met together at Carthage,
it was suggested by very many that those things which some time ago were
matured at the Council of Hippo were not at all kept by some with unbridled
rashness.' '

' See above, p. 62. ,,

288

The Testimony of the Fathers.

question of the strictness of the Lenten fast seeming to
clash with the Canon of Hippo and Carthage, which ac-
knowledged or entailed the Maundy. For St. Augustine
evidently alludes to this when he says that he personally
recommends the three o'clock refection, which would not
break the Lenten fast, to betaken as the anniversary C<£na
Domini ; wherefore, as there was this way of meeting both
difficulties, he says, ' WE compel none to take i\\c prandium
before that anniversary Maundy, nor dare WE forbid any
to do so.' The plural with the strong verb ' cogimus,' con-
trasted with the previous ♦ arbitror,' seems to show that the
Canon of Hippo enforced by the bishops implies the com-
pulsion, .vhereas the personal interpretation of St. Augustine
har.r.onizes the canon with the Lenten strictness. That
this canon is present to the mind of St. Augustine through-
out the epistle is very evident, from his arguing that the
Church was not to be blamed for making the rule that the
Blessed Sacrament was to be celebrated by fasting men,
though the Lord and His Apostles were not fasting ; nor
was the Church to be blamed for the Maundy, for there
was evidently no Apostolic rule either way. The im-
mediate juxtaposition of the Maundy and Fasting Com-
munion in the epistle is clearly due to their connection in
the Canon of Hippo, as there is nothing in the questions
of Januarius that would necessarily call for this argument
of St. Augustine. Again, it is evident that this canon is
present to his mind from his using the words ' Placuit
Spiritui Sancto,' with respect to the enactment of the
Hippo Canon, the words used in his time for the decree ol
the Apostolic Council in the Acts, and the ' placuit ' being
the form of the canons passed at Hippo and Carthage,
while the rule being attributed to the Holy Spirit is the
common language applied to councils.

This being the case, it was necessary that this historical
introduction should be prefixed to the full consideration
of the letter, as this expression ' Placuit Spiritui Sancto '
has been so much misunderstood and therefore misused.

hers.

[PT. Ill

;n fast seeming to
arthage, which ac-

For St. Augustine
that he personally
I, which would not
e anniversary Ccetia
ay of meeting both
\ take the prandium
are WE forbid any
'erb ' cogimus,' con-
ms to show that the
)s implies the corn-
ion of St. Augustine
:n strictness. That
Augustine through -
is arguing that the
ng the rule that the
;d by fasting men,
ere not fasting ; nor
; Maundy, for there
ler way. The im-
{ and Fasting Com-

their connection in
ig in the questions
11 for this argument
It that this canon is

the words ' Placuit
: enactment of the
me for the decree ol
1 the ' placuit ' being
[ippo and Carthage,
le Holy Spirit is the

ry that this historical
lie full consideration
:uit Spiritui Sancto'
therefore misused.

..••i ■.*S*f."1li^.=55«««.vS.)^^ .

cii. XI r.]

St. Augustine.

289

The text of the letter is given in full, so far as it at all
bears on the passage generally quoted, with a literal trans-
lation : but an argument and analysis have been prefixed,
and some notes too long to be placed under the text have
been subjoined.

From a consideration of the letter, it will be seen that
St. Augustine does not lay down the rule which has been
inferred from a partial interpretation of a small extract,
lie expresses a strong opinion that each man should show
himself to be a peaceful son of the Church under which
he lived, by accepting her rule without controversy. He
condemns those who travel, and seek to introduce foreign
customs into their own Church with a prospect of infruc-
tuous disturbance. This is a strong assertion of the inde-
pendence of particular Churches, and is a condemnation
of those who seek to impose upon members of our Church
the rubrics of ' transmarine ' office books.

Section 2. — Argument.

Erasmus was a great admirer of St. Augustine. In the
prefatory letter to his edition of the works of the great
father he shows in how great estimation he held them.
Yet when his attention is drawn aside from the feeling of
admiration and gratitude for the exhibition of sanctity in
the life of St. Augustine, and of power and charity in his
writings, then Erasmus is fain to confess that the reader
of St. Augustine is often offended by a perplexed, em-
barrassed, and obscure style. In the letter dedicatory
prefixed to the edition published by him of the works of
St. Cyprian, Erasmus says that, alone of all the ecclesias-
tical writers of Africa, St. Cyprian had a pure and easy
style. 'Though of old ' (he writes) * Africa produced many
renowned for eloquence and doctrine, amongst whom
Tertullian and Augustine stand first, yet scarce ajiy save
Cyprian had the genuine purity of the Roman style. I

1 ■'

'S-

290 The Testimony of the Fathers. [rT. in.

speak of ecclesiastical writers, else Lactantius were worthy
of special exception. For TertuUian, though he be solid
and subtle in his opinions, yet his style is difficult and ob-
scure, and even somewhat rugged, as Jerome intimates in
his letter to Taulinus, subscribing to the opinion of Lac-
tantius. In Augustine, again, there is repeatedly offending
the reader some perplexed, embarrassed, and obscure style,
with which Jerome upbraids him in his letters.' ' This pecu-
liarity is especially seen in this first letter to Januarius.
For if St. Thomas himself could quote the letter in con-
demnation of the Maundy, of which it will be found to
approve ; if St. Augustine himself gives one reason for the
two celebrations on Maundy Thursday at the commence-
ment of the epistle, and a totally different one at the end ;
if in the concluding summary of the argument of the letter
some think that ante (that is, before) makes best sense, and
others read post (that is, after) without question ; there
certainly does appear some reason for the assertion that
the argument of the epistle cannot run very clearly.

But perhaps in this particular instance there is some
reason for this. For the hesitating and at times almost
apologetic tone of the letter implies that it was a kind of
Eirenikon or persuader to peace between some with each
of whom St. Augustine sympathized to a certain extent.
The same is seen if we strive to analyse the letter itself.

Januarius evidently was a layman; the manner in which
St. Augustine addressed him is sufficient proof of this.; and

' Pono cum olim Africa pcimultos ccUderit eloquentia doctiinaque celebios,
inter quos sunt in primis TertuUiamis ct Augxistinus, tamen vix ulli contigit
Roman* dictionis germana puritas prteterquam Cypriano. De scriptoribus
ecclesiasticis loquor alioqui Lactantius in primis erat excipiendus. Nam Ter-
tuUianus licet densus et argutus sit in sententiis, sermo tamen difficilis est ct
obscurus atque etiam incomptior, quemadmodum indicat Hieronymus in Epis-
tola ad Paulinum, videlicet Lactantii judicio subscribens. Jam in AugUstirtO
subinde lectorem offendit perplexum nescio quid et impeditum et obscurum,
quod in Epistolis illi objicit et Hieronymus. —^/iVfe/fl dcdkatoria : Dm
Ctedlii Cypriani Ofcra, jam quartum accuratiori vigilantia a mendis repur-
gata, Basilete, lS3a ■ "' '4 ' ' ' **" «* '^^. •

crs.

[PT, III.

ntius were worthy
hough he be soliil
s difficult and ob-
rome intimates in
: opinion of Lac-
peatedly offending
, and obscure style,
tters.' ' This pecu-
2tter to Januarius.
; the letter in con-
will be found to
one reason for the
T at the commence-
nt one at the end ;
ument of the letter
kes best sense, and
it question ; there
the assertion that
very clearly,
ance there is some
id at times almost
It it was a kind of
en some with each
:o a certain extent.
^ the letter itself,
he manner in which
It proof of this.; and

lentiadoctiinaque celebics,
lus, tameii vix ulli contigit
ypriano. De scriptoribus
it excipiendus. Nam Ter-
iermo tamen difficilis est ct
iidicat Hieronymus in Epis-
cribens. Jam in AugustirtO
;t impeditum et obscunun,
■ Epistola dcdicatoria : Divi
vigilantia a mendis repiir-

ClI. XII.]

St. Augustine.

391

some manuscripts call him a notary, which may be the
embodiment of a trustworthy tradition. The tone of St.
Auf.ustinc's letter shows that Januarius was an ' aggrieved
paiishioner' of his day, who was either disturbed and per-
plexed at some changes which had been introduced into
his parish church, or anxious to introduce some changes
which he regarded as advantageous. In consequence of
this feeling, he wrote to St. Augustine to ask questions on
the subjects which troubled him, since the opinion of so
great a man would carry great weight. As befitted a
Christian bishop, St. Augustine was desirous of peace and
charity ; he therefore several times exhorts Januarius to
peace and quietness ; and it would almost seem that it is
his anxiety to hold the balance even which renders his
style perplexed and involved. For in laying down general
principles he is clear enough, but when he applies the
general principles to the particular case, then it is that he
writes under constraint. It is as if he would say. These are
the general principles, apply them to your own case for
yourself, with all charity and pcaceablcncss.

The matter which St. Augustine deals with in the
portion of the letter which affects us is the observance of
the African canon about F'asting Communion, and the
commemorative Ca'ua Doniiui on Maundy Thursday: and
it is impossible to suppose that he is not writing with this
canon constantly before his recollection. For seven years
before he wrote the letter he had been much concerned
with the Council of Hippo, which first formulated the rule
on this head ; and four years later he had been present,
in all probability, at the Council of Carthage, which
re-enacted and confirmed the Canon of Hippo. The
main object of St. Augustine's letter is to show that
the exception of Maundy Thursday from the rule of
Fasting Communion did not necessitate the breach of the
Lenten fast. That this was so is seen from the summing
up of his argument : ' Wherefore we compel none to take

I' 2

fV^-

i02

The Testimony of the Fathers.

[I'T. IIT.

the prandium before that Maundy, yet we dare not forbid
any doing so.' That is, the bishops by this Canon of Hippo
and Carthage do not enforce a breach of the Lenten
fast, yet at the same time they leave it an open question.

From this it would seem that some had objected to the
canon as interfering with the proper observance of Lent.
This had already been objected to Maundy Thursday at
the Council of Laodicea. But it will be asked, how did the
canon interfere with Lent, or how did the Maundy break-
Lent > The answer must be sought for in the wording of
the Canon of Hippo. It will be seen that the canon
tQgaxAsjejiinus and twn pransus, if not as synonymes, yet
as convertible terms,' For it says that none are to cele-
brate except they he Jejuni, nor in the afternoon if they be
pransi ; if, that is, they have taken the heavy meal of the
forenoon. This implies that, in the mind of the canon,
jejunns and non pransns would be the same. But the ex-
ception on Maundy Thursday implies that a man need not
be jejunns ; it would follow, therefore, that he might be
pvansns. Now, in the omission or taking of the prandium
consisted the keeping or breach of the Lenten fast.* If,
therefore, the canon allowed a man to be pransns when he
communicated, it clearly recognized, if not compelled, a

' We find in the sixth century, in the sixteenth anathema of the first Council
of Braga in Spain (A.D. 563), that some held the Maundy, or at all events
they celebrated after a meal, at nine o'clock in the morning, which wouhl
be a direct breach of the Lenten strictness.— Bruns, Caiiom-s, ii. p. 32,

» This is often to be found. Thus St. Taulinus of Nola (A.D. 431) writes:
' Ut solemnitas Paschalis revocavit dies prandiorum,' Ep. xv. For Lent htid
taken them away. So St. Jerome, speaking of some ascetics who fasted all
the year round by only taking one me.il. Hut in the great forty days of Easter,
as it was unlawful to fast, they changed their one meal from the afternoon to
tlie morning ; they thus took the prandium, and therefore kept the eccle-
siastical feast, though they took only one meal. ' Jejunium totius anni iecpiale
est excepta Quadragesima in qua sola conceditur districtius vivere. A Pente-
coste frtv/.r miitantiir in prandia : quo et traditioni Ecclesiastics satisfiat et
vcntrem cibo non onerent duplicilo.' (Opera, Veron.x>, 1734, loni. i. col. 118,
Ep. xxii. 35.) St. Cxsarit of Aries (A.D. 542) reckons it a veni.il sin 'quolicns
cum corpora sit sanus, aliis jejunantibus pranderevoluerit.''-~K^^. St. August.
torn, V. col. 186. See also above, p. 132. , ^ - - ,.

bi W t rt r» Hr^mt 1 U " m

<:rs.

[I'T. III.

CII. XII.]

St. Augusthte.

293

c dare not forbid
is Canon of Hippo
h of the Lenten
n open question,
ad objected to the
scrvance of Lent.
LUidy Thursday at
asked, how did the
he Maundy break-
in the wording of
1 that the canon
as synonymes, yet
none are to cele-
ternoon if they be
heavy meal of the
lind of the canon,
ame. But the ex-
lat a man need not
that he might be
g of the prandium
Lenten fast.* If,
c pransus when he
f not compelled, a

ithema of the first Council
Maundy, or at all events
e morning, which would
Cauoiics, ii. p. 32,
if Nola (A.D. 431) writes:
1' Ep. XV. For Lent had
le ascetics who fasted all
great forty days of Easter,
leal from the afternoon to
iherefore kept the eccle-
juniuni totius anni iccpiale
Irictius vivere. A Pentc-
i Ecclesiasticx satisfiat et
X, 1734, loni. i. col. 118,
ns it a venial sin ' quolicns
wf;//.'— App. St. August.

breach of the Lenten strictness. This seems to have been
the argument of some, or there may have been another
ground for supposing that the canon necessitated a breach
of Lent. It clearly recognized the ' Lord's Supper ; ' that is,
the Supper in commemoration of the Mystical Supper, at
which the institution of the Sacrament of the Eucharist
took place. This Ca:na Domini would, therefore, commonly
be taken about five or six o'clock in the evening.' But on
ordinary fast days in Lent there was, as is evident from
St. Augustine's words in this letter, a refection or light
meal at three o'clock. Men may have argued, If we have
to wait longer for a meal, even till five or iiix in the
evening, to celebrate the anniversary Lord's Supper,
we must take something in the forenoon, which implies
taking the prandium and dishonouring Lent. Be this as
it may, St. Augustine points out that the Cana Domini
may be taken at three o'clock, and so the canon need not
be held to recognize a breach of Lent : for a man may go
without the prandium, come to the refection at three
o'clock, which will then take the character of the Ca;na
Domini, and then attend the oblation, and receive the
Communion, ' I think this had better be done ' (he writes)
' at such an hour, that he who has also kept the fast may
come to the oblation after the refection at three o'clock.
Wherefore wc compel none to take the prandium before
that Lord's Supper, but we dare forbid none to do so,'

This is the main argument of St, Augustine in answer
to the three questions of Januarius. These were as follows :
First, about celebrations on Maundy Thursday — must there
be two ^ Secondly, about the Lenten fast on that day-
is it to be observed 1 Thirdly, about the Maundy its If — is
the Communion to be after supper }

St. Augustine says there is no ready answer to these
questions, for there is no Scriptural rule on the subject.

' The Egyptians, according to Socrates, used to communicate on Saturday
evening after a feast. This would seem to be a weekly Maundy.

^ J,

i*..

294 T/w Tcslimony of the Fathers. [I'T. l".

Tlicrc 1 5 no universal custom cither way ; tljcrc is no question
of faith or morals involved : men should, therefore, be
content to do what their own Church docs, without raisin-
unnecessary difiiculties.

The Maundy itself, he points out, depends upon the
text 'When they were eating, Jesus took bread;' for the
institution of the Sacrament took place at and after a meal.
But here rose up the question that the Canon of Mippo
directly contravened this Gospel precedent, for it laid down
that the celebrants must not have taken the morning meal.
Are we, then, to blame the Church for having ignored
our Blessed Lord's example in this respect ? Clearly not,
for there were good reasons why the institution should be
the last act of our Lord amongst His chosen ones before
His crucifixion. For His going away from the Sacrament
to His Passion would the more connect the two in the
minds of the Apostles, and would impress the Sacrament
of His love the more firmly in their recollections. If, how-
ever, our Blessed Lord had intended that it should always
be taken after food, we cannot think that anyone would
have deviated from this rule ; but as this has not always
been followed everywhere, there is no Apostolic rule on the
subject, and the Church is not to be blamed for the canon,
that the Sacrament of the altar is to be celebrated by
men who are fasting.

Similarly, there is no Apostolic rule against receiving
after food, therefore there is no reason to find fault with
the Maundy. The Apostle certainly says, when he is
speaking of the Sacrament, ' If any man hunger, let him eat
at home, that ye come not together to condemnation ; ' and
then he says, 'the rest will I set in order when I come.'
We may, therefore, reckon that to be Apostolical which
has no variation. But there is the variation of the
Maundy, therefore there is no Apostolic precept against it.
Still, the Maundy does not necessarily interfere with

rs.

[VT. III.

CII. XII.J

S/. Aui^itstiiic.

995

icre is no question
Id, therefore, be
s, without raising

cpcncls upon the
c bread ; ' for the
t and after a meal.
Canon of Ilippo
t, for it laid down
the morning meal.
)r having ignored
set } Clearly not,
ititution should be
hosen ones before
om the Sacrament
:t the two in the
ress the Sacrament
llections. If, how-
at it should always
that anyone would
lis has not always
postolic rule on the
imed for the canon,
» be celebrated by

e against receiving
1 to find fault with
says, when he is
1 hunger, let him eat
londemnation ; ' and
rder when I come.'
I Apostolical which
J variation of the
c precept against it.
iarily interfere with

Lent.' For St. Augustine shows how he combines the two, .
the L enteii fast and the anniversary Lord's Supper. I Ic
makes the Lenten refection at three o'clock the Lord's
Supper, and communicates after it, not taking \\\c/>raiidiiuii,
and so keeping the strictness' of Lent. Therefore he says
by this Canon of Ilippo and Carthage, WK (that is, most
probably the bishops present at these councils) compel
none to take the prandium before the Maundy, though
at the same time wc do not interfere with them that
do so. • .

lie then goes on to give what seems to him the most
likely rationale of the custom of breaking Lent on this
Thursday. He thinks it arose from the custom of bathing
on that day. The Catechumens who were to be baptized
at Easter, and who, in keeping Lent, had not washed for
six or seven weeks, wished to bathe some day previously ;
and, as there was a kind of festal character cast over
Maundy Thursday by the commemorative Lord's Supper,
they chose this day for their bath. But as the bath was
of so relaxing a character that it exhausted them, and
necessitated food, they took the prandium, and so incurred
a breach of Lent As this was permitted to Catechumens,
others bathed and lunched with them, enjoying a like
immunity from the necessity of keeping Lent.

This is the argument of this portion of the Epistle, a
brief analysis of which is given below.

• The Council in Trullo only condemns the breach of Lent, and therefore
would not condemn the compromise here sugge?ted by St. Augustine. If the
jejtmus of the canon had not been generally interpreted to mean non pransiis,
and the exception not been understood to allow the breach of Lent, the
Trullan Council need not have alluded to it. This shows, as has been proved
before, that the fast before Communion here alluded to is the Ecclesiastical fast
and not the modem natural fast. It meant before the meal in the forenoon,
and there is no proof that thereby the slight jentaculum was prohibited.

.,.t. .,

a90

The Tcstimouy of the luithirs.

[I'T. III.

Section 3. — /tttalysh.

I. General statement of the question.

1. Mow the variation arose. Men travelled an.! loved
novelty and peculiarity, instead of studying peace and
quietness.

2. The questions of Januarius : —

a. Are there to be two eclebrations on Maundy

Thursday .'

b. Is Lent to be observed on that day }

c. Is the Communion to be aficr supper } ,

3. There is no ready answer to the questions ; for,
a. There is no Scriptural rule.

Ij. There is no universal custom.

c. There is no question of faith or morals involved.

II. The main argument : —

1. The Maundy depends upon 'When they were

eating, Jesus took bread.'

2. But the Church is not to be blamed for deviating
from this Gospel precedent ; because, as it has not
been always followed everywhere, we cannot suppose
that it was an Apostolic rule that we must receive
directly after food.

3. Again, the Apostle, speaking of this Sacrament, says,

' If any man hunger, let him eat at home ; ' therefore
there is no rule against receiving after food. The
Church is, then, not to be blamed for the Maundy,

4. Yet I {i.c. St. Augustine himself) suggest that it is

quite possible to observe the Maundy and to keep
the Lenten fast unbroken at the same time by
making the three o'clock refection the Lord's Supper,
and omitting the prandium. Therefore WE {i.c. the
bishops in council) compel none to take the pran-
dium before the Maundy ; but WE forbid none.

5. The rationale of breaking the Lenten fast.

>iiiif

lurs.

[I'T. III.

CM. Nil ]

St. Aiii^iisthic.

207

travelled ait 1 loved
studying peace ami

tioiis on Maundy
day ?

Hipper

)

juestions ; for,

morals involved.

When they were

amcd for deviating
cause, as it has not
, wc cannot suppose
lat we must receive

lis Sacrament, says,
It home ; ' therefore
g after food. The
i for the Maundy,
f ) suggest that it is
aundy and to keep
:he same time by
1 the Lord's Supper,
lerefore WE (i.e. the
to take the pran-
^E forbid none,
iten fast.

.Skction 4. — The first Ltttcr to yitNuariiis.^

I. (IKNERAr, STATKMENT OV TIIK (jrKSTION.

Sit ;ili(iuis percgrinus | ,. Men j Suppose a stranger is

trnvillid I ijy chance in that place

and lovttl , .' ,

novelty, \ wlicrc men pcrscvcri; in the

iiistoa<l((f obser\'ancc of Lent, and

pence: ^^"''^*'' '"^' o" Thursday, nor

Ill'MCC the

(lucstiun.

in CO forte loco, ubi i)ersc-
veffint^'s in observationc
QuadragesfniiC, nee (luintii
sabbati iavant, rcia.xantvc
jcjunium : Non (inquit)
hodie jcjunabo. Quairitur
caus.sa: quia uon fit (intiuit)
in patriA meii. Quid aliud
ille, nisi consuctudinem
suam consuctudini alterius
prxponcre conatur? Non
cnim milii de libro Dei
hoc rccitaturus est, aut uni-
versaj quacumque dilatatur
Lcclesiae plena voce certa-
bit, aut ostendct istum con-
tra fidem facere, se autem
secundum fidem, morcsque
hinc optimos aut ilium vio-
lare, aut se custodire, con-
vincet. Violant sane quie-
tem, et pacem suam de su-
perfluA quajstione rixando.
Mallem tamen in rebus
hujusmodi, ut et ille in
hujus, et hie in illius patria
ab eo quod caeteri faciunt
non abhorrerct. Si vero in
aliena patrid cum pcre-
grinaretur, ubi major et
frequentior,* et ferventior
est populus Dei vidit verbi

relax llic fant ; I shall not
fast to-day, ho sa)«. The
reason is asked. Ikt.iUH',
he says, it is not done in
my country. What else
is he doing but attemjjting
to place his own custom
before the custom of an-
other ? I' ( )r he is not going
to claim this from the Word
of God ; nor will he con-
tend with the full voice of
the Universal Church on his
side, wherever it is spread
abroad ; nor will he show
that the other is acting
against the faith, but he in
accordance with the faith ;
nor will he prove from this
either that the other is
breaking or that he him-
self is keeping good morals.
They really are breaking
peace and quiet by quarrel-
ling about an unimportant
question. I should prefer,
however, in matters of this
kind, that neither should

' Ep. liv. (al. 118), Opera, Parisiis, 1688, torn. ii. col. 125.

' Here St. Augustine ascribes the two celebrations on Maundy Thursday
to the number of communicants : at the end of the letter he gives a diffcrei.t
reason .altogether. At the present day in the Greek Church men communicate
on Maundy Thursday and not on Easter Day ; and if the number of com-
municants be so large as to be inconvenient, there is a second Communion on

298

The Testimony of the Fathers. [r T. ill.

gratia bis offerri quinta
sabbati hebdomadae ultimaj
quadragesimDe et mane et
ad vesperam, veniensque in
l)atriam suam, ubi in fine
diei mos est offerri, male
atque illicite fieri contendat
quoniam alibi aliter ipse
viderit, puerilis ' est iste
sensus, cavendus in nobis,
tolerandus in aliis, corri-
gendus in nostris.

• Prima ergo inquisitio
tua quam in commonitorio
posuisti, ex quo trium is-
toriim generum sit, attende.
Quaeris enim his verbis : —
Quid per quintam fe-
riam ultimae hebdomadis
QuadragesimjB fieri de-
beat, an offerendum sit
mane, et rursus post ccenam
propter illud quod dictum

2. The
questions
of Janu-

ariiis.

a. Are
there to be

two cele-
brations on

Maundy
Thursday?

Stand aloof from what the
rest were doing in the
other's country. If, how-
ever, when a man was stay-
ing in a foreifjii country,
where the people of God
were more in number and
more crowded and more
zealous, he saw, for example,
that on Maundy Thursday
the offering was made twice,
in the morning and evening,
and when he comes to his
own country, where it is the
custom to make the obla-
tion at the end of the day,
if, I say, he contend that it
is ill done and unlawfully,
since lie has seen another
custom elsewhese — this is
a puerile opinion, to be
avoided by ourselves, borne
with in strangers, corrected
in our own people.

Therefore see of which of
the three kinds your first
question in your list of
enquiries is. For your
questions run thus : —

What should be done on
Maundy Thursday? must
we offer in the morning
and again after Supper, be-
cause of that which was said.
In like manner after Supper.

Easter Eve, which is regarded as a kind of adjourned Communion, and not
as a second opportunity for the same persons to communicate a second time.

« St. Augustine would seem to be writing against those who wish to mtro-
ducethe discipline and customs of foreign Churches : his remarks are. un-
fortunately, applicable to our time and our own Church. Men travel abroad
and seek to introduce Roman practices into England.

urs.

[iT. III.

CH. ;:ii.]

St. Angus tine.

299

aloof from what the
vere doing in the
1 country. If, how-
vhen a man was stay-
i a foreifjii country,
the people of God
nore in number and
crowded and more
IS, he saw, for example,
)n Maundy Thursday
fering was made twice,
morning and evening,
rhen he comes to his
ountry, where it is the
m to make the obla-
it the end of the day,
ay, he contend that it
done and unlawfully,
he has seen another
m elsewhese— this is
erile opinion, to be
led by ourselves, borne
in strangers, corrected
r own people,
herefore see of which of
hree kinds your first
tion in your list of
iries is. For your
tions run thus : —
Vhat should be done on
ndy Thursday? must
offer in the morning
again after Supper, be-
e of that which was said,
ke manner after Supper.

irned Communion, and not
(imunicate a second time,
ist those who wish to intro-
hes : his remarks are, un-
;hurch. Men travel abroad
id.

est, SimUUerposlquam ca:na-
iiim est i

An jcjunandum,' et post
ccenam tantummodo offer-
cndum ? '

An etiam jcjunandum
et post oblationem, sicut
faceresolemus, coenandum?

Ad haec itaque ita re-
spondeo, ut quid horum sit
faciendum, si divinre Scrip
turas prsescribit auctoritas,
non sit dubitandum quin
ita facere debeamus, ut
legimus, ut jam non quo-
modo faciendum sed quo-
modo sacramentum intelli-
gendum sit, disputemus.

Similiter etiam si quid
horum tota per orbem fre-
quentat Ecclesia. Nam et
hinc quin ita faciendum sit,
disputare insolentissimie in-
sanise est. Sed neque hoc

*. Must the
Lenten fast
be kept
and the
oblation
be after
Supper ?

c. Must we
fast and
sup after
the obla-
tion?

3. There is
I no ready
1 answer to
j these ques- 1
tions. !

a. There

is no
Scriptural

rule.

b. There

is no
universal
custom.

Or must we fast, and oflcr
only after supper ?

Or again, must we fast,
and, as we have been ac-
customed, sup liter the
oblation ?

To this, then, I would
so make answer that there
would be no question which
of these should be done, if
the authority of divine
Scripture prescribes it, but
that we should do as we
read, so that now we should
not be in question as to
how it should be done, but
how the mystery should be
understood.

Similarly, if the whole
Church throughout the
world constantly doeseither
of these. For also in this
case it would be a mark of
most insolent madness to

' It is quite clear fiom this that the forenoon celebration on Maundy Thurs-
day was supposed to break the Lenten fast. But how ? Was it only because
the Communion had been thought to break the fast ? Probably not : because
St. Augustine in summing up his letter r.ays that the rule about the Maundy-
does not really compel men to take the prandium. Perhaps some men maile
the prandium the Maundy, though St. Augustine's language implies not, for
he says, 'We compel none to take the prandium before the Dominica Cxna.'
The point is difficult and adds to the obscurity of this epistle, at all events to
us at the present day. It may be that the contrast in the canon is alluded to,
for there jejuni and pransi are the exact opposites. If, therefore, a man nerd
not \xjejunus on Maundy Thursday, he might be pransus.

' The fast then spoken of by Januarius has nothing to do with any fast
before Communion in the modern sense, for he says a man may ' fast «;/</
communicate «/?»• supper.' It is the ecclesiastical fast cf Lent he speaks of,
and certainly not the Jfjunium natura.

300

The Testimony of the Fathers.

[PT. III.

ncquc illud inest in co,
quod tu qujeris.

Restat igitur ut de illo
tertio genere sit, quod per
loca regionesque * variatur.
Faciat ergo quisque quod
in ca Ecclesia in quani
Ycnit invenerit. Non enim
(luidquam eorum contra
fidem fit, aut contra mores,
hinc vel inde meliores.
His enim caussis, aut prop-
ter fidem, aut propter
mores, vel emendari oportet
(juod perperam fiebat, vel
institui quod non fiebat.
Ipsaquippe mutatio consue-
tudinis etiam quse adjuvat
utilitate, novitate perturbat.
Quapropter qu£e utilis non
est, perturbatione infi-uc-
luosd consequenter noxia
est.

c. There is

no rule of

faith or

morals

concerned.

doubt that it ought to be so
done. But neither the one
nor the other of these points
is in the (juestirn you ask.
It remains, then, that it
be of that third kind which
varies with places and re-
gions. Let each, therefore,
do what he shall have found
in that Church to which he
has come. For none of
these is done against faith
or morals, better in this or
that way. For on these
' accounts, that is, either for
I faith or morals, either that
should be amended which
used to be constandy done,
or that be started which
used notto be done. Yet the
very change of a custom,
even though it helps by its
advantage, disturbs by its
novelty. \Vherefore that
which is not useful is con-
sequently noxious by in-
fructuous disturbance.

II. MAIN ARGUMKNT.

Nec ideo putari debet
institutum esse multis locis

I. The
Maundy
depends

Ut illo die post refectionem upon wliai
„ • • ,. ^ they viere

offeratur quia scnptum est; ^^^g

Nor ought it to be sup-
posed that it has been in-
stituted in many places that
on that day the oblation be

" From this it is quite clear that St. Augustine asserts that the keeping
the Maundy (i.e. celebrating and communicating after a feast on that day), was
widely prevalent. There was, therefore, then no compulsory rule of Fasting
Communion. So Van Espen, ' De hac dispensatione solvendi jejunium feria v
hebdomads majoris sive in Ccena Domini necnon accipiendi Eucharistiam
eo die a non jejunis tractat S. Aug. (Ep. liv. Ad Januarium) aitque earn esse
de hoc genere quod per loca regionesque variatur,' &c.— Schol. in Can. Trull.
xxix., Opera, Lovanii, 1753, torn. iii. p. 375-

'has.

[PT. III.

CII. XII.]

St. Augustine.

301

t that it ought to be so
. But neither the one
he other of these points
the (juestirn you ask.
t remains, then, that it
f that third kind which
s with places and re-
3. Let each, therefore,
hat he shall have found
lat Church to which he
come. For none of
5 is done against faith
lorals, better in this or
way. For on these
)unts, that is, either for
1 or morals, either that
lid be amended which
i to be ccnstandy done,
hat be started which
J not to be done. Yet the
I change of a custom,
(1 though it helps by its
antage, disturbs by its
elty. \Vherefore that
ch is not useful is con-
uently noxious by in-
:tuous disturbance.

Nor ought it to be sup-
sed that it has been in-
uted in many places that
that day the oblation be

ne asserts that the keeping
ifter a feast on that day), was

compulsory rule of Fasting
one solvendi jejunium feria v
non accipiendi Eucharistiam

Januarium) aitque earn esse
; &c.— Schol. in Can. Trull.

Identidein et caliccm post
ccenain dicens, etc' Ipsam
enim potuit appellare cce-
nam qua jam Corpus accepe-
rant,* ut deinde calicem ac-
ciperent. Apostolus namque
alibi dicit, Convcnientibtis
ergo vobis in itnum, mn est
Dominicam cccnam mandu-
care, banc ipsam accep-
tionem Eucharistiae Domi-
nicam coenam ' vocans.
Illud magis movere potuit
homines, utrum jam refecti
die ilia vel ofilerrent vel

made after a refection, be-
cause it was written, Like-
K'ise the cup after supper^
saying, &c. For he could
call that the supper in
which they had just re-
ceived the Body, that then
they should receive the cup.
For the Apostle elsewhere
says, When ye come together,
it is not to eat the Lord's
Supper, calling this very
receiving of the Eucharist
the I,ord's Supper. That
saying could more move

» That the second celebration should be referred to this passage of .Scripture
seems to sliow that a layman in .St. Augustine's day knew more of the words
of the Consecration prayer than of the Gospel history itself. This distinctly
implies that those words were then said aloud in the Consecration prayer.

■' This is a very strange suggestion and might be pressed by Roman
Catholics into an assertion of a Communion in one Ivind ; as if St. Paul's calling
the reception of the Eucharist the Lord's Supper was sufficient ground for
thinking the reception of the Body only might be called 'the Supper.'

" St. Chrysostom has a perfectly different interpretation. Me says that the
agapi was 'the Lord's Supper.' He says, • What is it, then, lo cat the Lord's
Suppert It is not, he says, to eat the Lord's Supper: speaking of that
Supper which Christ gave on the last night when His disciples were all with
Ilim. For in that Supper both Lord and slaves all sat down together : br.t
ye, though ye are fellow-slaves, have seditions and schisms among you. He
(lid not even drive aw.iy tlie traitor: for even Judas was with them then ; but
ymi scare away your brother. Wherefore, he saitii, it is not to eat the Lords
Supper, calling that the Lord's Supper which is with perfect charity and
concord, which is common to .ill, all being invited to it together.' (Ifom. in
(Iktuin J'aiili, 'Oportetet Hareses,' &c.. Opera, Parisiis, tom. iii. p. 245 k.) In
a similar manner he speaks on the passage in St. Paul, Ilom. xxvii. in i Cor.
Opera, tom. x. p. 244. Elsewhere, however, St. Chrysostom speaks of tiie
Sacrament as a supper. Speaking of the Sacrament he says, ' Believe that it
is now the very Supper at which He was reclining. For there is no difference
between them. Nor is it as if man wrought this one, and lie that, but Christ
works both.' (Horn, in Mat. 50, tom. vii. p. 517 a.) St. Augustine and St.
Basil, as well as St. Chrysostom, call the Sacrament a Supper, or the Lord's
.Supper; TfrtuUian {De Spectaculis, xiii. Opera, 1675, p. 79) calls it 'Dei
Ccena.' The censure therefore upon the Church of England for so using the
name, in Mr. Blunt's Commentary on the Prayer Book (p. 163), is shared by
some ancient fathers. It is said, ' the transference of a .Scriptural term from
one thing to another cannot be wliolly justified,' &c. See above, p. 102, note.

"-(,

SOS

sumerent Eucharistiam,
quod in Evangelic dicitur,
Cum aittem illi manduca-
rent accept t ycsns panm el
benedixit; cum etiam su-
perius dixisset, Cum scro
autcm factum esset, recum-
Mat cum duodecim et
manducaniibtis eis dixit,
Quoniam uuusexvobis tradet
Me. Postea enim tradidit
Sacramentum.' ft Et liqui-
do apparet quando primum
accepemnt discipuli Corpus
etSanguinem Domini non
eos acccpisse jejunos.

Numquid tamen prop-
terea calumniandum est
universae Ecclesiae^ quod

The Testimony of the Fathers. [PT. ill.

men, as to whether on that
day they should offer or
receive the Eucharist just
after a meal, which is in the
Gospel, But w/iett they
ivere eating, Jesus took
bread and blessed it. Since
also he had said before,
But ii<hen it was n>emng He
sat dotvn with the tiuelve,
and while they wer: eating,
He said, One of you shall
betray Me. For after this
He gave the Sacrament.
And it is certainly clear
that when the disciples first
received the Body and
Blood of the Lord, they re-
ceived not fasting.

Yet must we on that
account at all blame the

2. nut the \
Church is '

blamed foi | whole Church, because it is

> The passage between double daggers is the passage quoted by Gratian.

I Probably some nineteen years after thU letter was written the Bishops of
the province of Mauritania Sitiphensis instructed their legates at the Council
of Carthage to ask the Council to make a rule about fasting celebration. They
were content at hearing that such a rule had been passed at Hippo in A.D. 392,
and was again confirmed in their presence. If there had been any such custom
known at Sitiphis, we could hardly suppose they would have asked for a nde
to be passetl. Nor is it more strange that St. Augustine should be ignorant of
the absence of such a custom in Sitiphis, than that the Bishops in Mauritania
Sitiphensis should be ignorant of what had been passed at Hippo Regius ; for
Carthage was much farther from Hippo than was Sitiphis. If St. Augustine
knew not of the cus'oni in Mauritania Sitiphensis, no wonder he knew net
about the custom in Fgypt which Socrates speaks of, that the Egyptians cele-
brated generally after supper. I cannot but think that what is here uppermost
in St. Augustine's mind is that the plenary Council of Africa had passed this
canon unanimously. Elsewhere we find even local councils claiming to legis-
late for the universal Church. Thus the Council of Sardica (A.D. 347) says of
its own decrees, ' Universa, quoe constituta sunt, Catholica Ecdesia in universo
orbe diffusa custodial.' (Carranza, Summa, p. 155.) So with the second
Council of Carthage (A.n. 390): « Gratulemur Domino Nostro praestante quo<l
pro statu Ecdesia: Catholica: cuttcta nos salubri consilio servanda decrevimus.'
(Bruns, i. p. 122.) Similarly the second Council of Macon (A.D. 585): ' Ut ea
qux Spiritu Sancto dictantc per ora omnium nostronmi terminata fuerint J<er

hci'S.

[PT. 111.

CH. Xll.]

St. Augustine.

303

as to whether on that
they should oflfer or
•e the Eucharist just
X meal, which is in the
el, But ivhen they

eating, 'jfesus took
' and blessed it. Since
he had said before,
vhen it was evening He
own with the twelve,
vhile they icer: eating,
(lid, One of yon shall
\ Me. For after this
gave the Sacrament.

it is certainly clear
ivhen the disciples first
ved the Body and
d of the Lord, they re-
d not fasting,
'et must we on that
unt at all blame the
e Church, because it is

ssage quoted by Gratian.
was written the Uishops of
their legates at the Council
fasting celebration. They
issed at Hippo in A.D. 392,
e had been any such custom
rould have asked for a rule
istine should be ignorant of
t the Bishops in Mauritania
issed at Hippo Regius ; for
sitiphis. If St. Augustine
is, no wonder he knew net
)f, that the Egyptians cele-
;hat what is here uppermost
il of Africa had passed this
I councils claiming to legis-
r Sardica (A.D. 347) says of
atholica Ecdesia in universo
55.) So with the second
lino Nostro praestante quo<l
silio servanda decrevimus.'
Macon (A.D. 585): 'Utea
ronmi terminata fuerint fer

a jejunis semper accipitur ?
Ex hoc enimplaaiit Spiritui
Sancto,^ ut in honorem. tanti
Sacramenti in os Christiani
prius Dominicum Corpus in-
traret quamcoeteri cibi :'nam
ideo per universum orbem
mos iste servatur. Neque
enim quia post cibos dedit
Dominus, propterea pransi
aut coenati ' fratres ad ilium
Sacramentum accipiendum
convenire debent aut sicut
faciebant quos Apostolus'*

not follow-
ing this
Gospel

precedent
always.

always received by fasting
men ? For for this reason
// seemed good to the Holy
Ghost that, in honour of
so great a Sacrament, the
Lord's Body should enter
the mouth of a Christian
before other food : for on
that account this custom is
observed throughout the
whole world. Nor indeed
because the Lord gave it
after food, therefore ought
the brethren to meet to re-

omnes Ecdesias inttotescant.' (Unms, ii. p. 248.) So also Co. Trull. (A.D. 692),
can. Ivi. j Co. Tolet. VI. can. vi. It is possible, therefore, that St. Augustine
is merely here referring to the keeping the Canon of Hippo and Carthage.

' Acts XV. 28. There is no doubt that St. Augustine is here alluding to
the decision of the Council of Hippo in its famous canon. This was the first
time a rule had been made for fasting celebration, and it wiis made in a council
of Bishops. St. Augustine, therefore, uses for the canon the very phrase used
in the Book of the Acts for the decision of the first Council of Jenisalem. As
Van Espen (Schol. in Can. Trull, xxix.) points out, the whole letter is about
this Canon of Hippo, and this phrase must be meant to show that St. Augus-
tine felt, as the Church has felt from the limes of the Apostles to the present,
that it might be said of a canon of a Council 'placuit Spiritui Sancto.' Sec
below, p. 308, where the phrase is discussed at length.

' This really need not mean more than before instead of after a meal.
There is no allusion whatever to the first food in the day or since midnight :
the question was whether men should hsjam refecti, just refreshed with food,
as St. Augustine has just said.

• It is clear, then, that St. Augustine took no heed of any other meals than
these two which were the heavy meals of the day ; the jeittaculum was but a
small portion of food to prevent exhaustion, like the German IVeckcnbrod, or
the usual cup of coffee.

* St. Chrysostom thinks that the agapi of the Corinthians was after and
not before Communion ; and Giustiniani says that St. Augustine must be
wrong, because St. Paul would have used much stronger language had the
excess been before Communion (i Cor. xi. 20). Giustiniani argues wholly
from the feeling and position of his own time, and probably St. Chrysostom
interprets the passage according to the custom known to him amongst his own
people. Estius, in his Commentary on St, Paul's Epistles, points out at
length that in all probability the agapi of the Corinthians was before the Com-
munion, and he claims a long list of authorities on his side. St. Thomas
Aquinas, in his Commentary on St. Paul's Epistles, has an interpretation
which we must hope cannot be the tnie one : ' In primitiv.i Ecclesia I'ldeles

'.n'l.

304

The Testimony of the Fathers.

[PT. III.

5I'

■.'it

arguit et cmcndat, mensis
suis ista miscerc. Nanviue
Salvator quo vehenieiitius
commendaret mysterii il-
lius altitudinem viltimum
hoc voluit altius infigcre
cordibus ct memorise dis-
cipuloriim, a quibus ad
paasionem digressums erat.
Et ideo non praecepit quo
deinceps ordine sumeretur
lUApostolisperquos Eccle-
sias dispositurus erat serva-
ret hunc locum.

Nam si hoc ille monuisset
ut post cibos alios semper
acciperetur, credo quod
eum morem nemo vari-
asset-tt

Cimi vero ait Apostolus
do hoc Sacramento loquens,
Propter tjiiod, fratrcs, cum
coiivenitis ad manducandnm,
invkem c:cpcctate si quis

For if the
Lord had
ordained I

that it was

to be after ;

food, none
would

have done
otherwise.

3. Again,

theApostle

speaking

of this

sacrament,

says, If

ceive that Sacrament after
the prandium or ccena, or
as they did whom the
Apostle blames and cor-
rects, mingle it with their
tables. For the Saviour,
that He might the more
earnestly commend the
depth of that mystery,
wished to fix this last upon
the hearts and memory of
His disciples, from whom
He was to turn to His pas-
sion. And on this account
He did not teach in what
order it should hereafter be
taken, in order to preserve
this position for the Apo-
stles by whom He was
about toorder the Churches.
For if He had given
them this monition, that it
should always be received
after other food, I believe
that none would have
changed that custom.
j When, however, the
I Apostle, speaking of this
sacrament, says, IV/iereforr,
brethren, whot ye come to-
^ gether to eat, tarry one for

S>4 I

liancm et vinum offerebant, qute consecrabantur in Sanguinem et Corpus
Chrisli, quibus jam consecratis, divites qui multa obtulerant eadem sibi repe-
tel)ant, et sic ipsi abundanter suniebant, pauperibus nihil sumentilnis, qui
nihil obtulerant. . . . [Et] ita sequitur quod [alius] scilicet pauper, qui nihil
obtulit ; [Esurit] nihil scilicet sumens de consecratis [alius autern] scilicet dives
qui multa obtulit [ebrius est] ad literam : propter hoc quod nimium sumpsit
lie vino consecrato, quotl scilicet quasi proprium repoposcit.' Then follows a
long argument as to whether this were possible, ending: 'Et hfic ratione
species ilho panis et vini 'ossunt nutrire et inebriare, sicut si esset ibi sub-
stantia panis ct vini.'— 0/m« I). Thomaj Aquinatis, Romse, 1570, torn. xvi.
<■„. 75. He gives this as one of two possible explanations.

[PT. 111.

t Sacrament after
iium or ccena, or
did whom the
blames and cor-
ngle it with their

For the Saviour,
I might the more
' commend the
af that mystery,
fix this last upon
ts and memory of
ciples, from whom
to turn to His pas-
Lnd on this account

not teach in what
should hereafter be
n order to preserve
ition for the Apo-
y whom Ho was
(Order the Churches.

if He had given
lis monition, that it
always be received
her food, I believe
one would have
i that custom,
en, however, the
;, speaking of this
ent, says, IV/tcrtforr,
I, when ye come to-
fo cat, tarry one for

Sanguinem et Corpus
ilerant eadem sibi repe-
s nihil sumentihus, qui
cilicet pauper, ([ui nihil
ilius autern] scilicet dives
c quod nimium sunipsit
poscit.' Then follows a
iding : 'Et h.ic ratione
;, sicut si esset ibi sub-

Romoe, 1570, torn, xvi.-
tions.

CH. XII.]

St. Aligns title.

30s

esuritdomi manducet, ut mm
ad Judicium conveuiatis,
statim subtexuil, Ccelera
atitem cum vencro, ordittabo.
Unde intelligi datur (cjuia
nuiltum erat ut in cpis-
told totum ilium agendi
ordinem insinuaret quern
universa per orbem servat
ccclesia) ab ipso ordinatum
esse (pjod nulla morum
diversitate variatur. Sed
nonnullos ' probabilis qute-
dam ratio delectavit ut
uno certo die per annum
quo ipsam Ccenam * Domi-
nus dedit tamquam ad
insigniorem commemora-
tionem post cibos ofiferri et
accipi liceat Cor|nis et San-
guinem Domini.

I any man

' hunger, let

him eat at

home.

The
Church,
therefore,
is not to be
blaine<l for
the Maun-
dy, since
there is no
universal,
and there-
fore no
Apostolic,
rule to the
contrary.

TT ..• 9 . . 14- St. Au-

Honestius ^ autem arbi- | gustine

another, and if any hunger,
let him eat at home, that yc
come not together for condc ■
nation, he at once sub
joined. But the rest will I
set in order when I come.
Whence we may understand
(since it was much that he
should suggest in an epistle
the whole order of proced-
ure which is observed by
the whole Church through-
out the world) that that
was set in order by him
which is not varied by any
difference of customs. But
a certain laudable reason has
found favour with some, that
on one certain day in the year
on which the Lord gave
the very supper, as if for a
more striking commemora-
tion, the Body and Blood
of the Lord might be
offered and received after
food.

BiU I think this had

' The argument of St. Augustine seems liere to be, that as there is this
variation from the custom of celebrating and communicating before footl,
therefore there was no Apostolic rule against it. Hence the Church is not to
be blame<l for the Maundy feast. For he says, • That is Apostolic which has
no variation ; here is a variation, therefore there is no Apostolic rule.' This
IS precisely what he said at the beginning, that there was no universal custom
about receiving before food. An Apostolic rule would admit of no exception
or variation: this is what St. Augustine lays down four times in this part of the
Epistle.

* This is the Last Supper, the Mystical Supjier itself, and not the Sacra-
ment of the Eucharist.

' The most startling translation of this passage is given in Mr. Blunt's
Theological Dictionary under the word Fasting: ' But I think it is l)etter to
observe the hour (!) and remain fasting until after the refection, which takes
place at three o'clock, before coming to the oblation.' How can a man remain
fasting until after he has had a meal ?

X ,,- ' ■

3o6

The Tcstimotiy of the Fathers.

[I'T. 111.

tror ca liora fieri ut i|ui
t'tiam jcjunavcrit post '
rcfcctioncm ([iia; liora nona
fit ad oblationem ' possit
occiirrcre. Qua propter

nemincm ' cogimus ante
Doininicam illam cccnam *
|)ran(lc're, sed nulli etiain
contradicere audennis.

Hoc tameii non arbitror
institutiim nisi quia plures
et prope omnes in plurisque
locis CO die lavare consue-
nint. Et quia nonnulli
etiam jejunium custodiunt,
mane offertur i)ropter pran-
dentes, quia jejunia simul
et lavacra tolcrarc non

way of

Lent as

well as the

Maundy.

Ilonce the

Hippo

Canon

does not

compel a

breach of

Lent.

5. A Ra-
tionale of
the breach

of the
Lenten fast

on this

day, and

the double

oblation.

better be done at such an
liour, tliat he who has also
kept the fast may come
to the oblation a*"ter the re-
fection at three o'clock,
Wherefo e we compel none
to take the prandiuni before
that Lord's Supper, but we
dare forbid none.

Yet 1 think that thif:
was not originated, except
that many, and almost all
in most places, were accus-
tomed to bathe on that
day. And because some
also kept the fast, tliere was
a morning offering for those
who took the prandiuni,

' Here some MSS. read ante, and, strangely enough, the translation issued
by Messrs. Clark of Edinburgh accepts the reading, which helps to mystify
St. Augustine's meaning. It shows eitiier that the scribe thought St. Augus-
tine was very obscure and wished to improve his meaning, or that there was
an attempt to tamper with St. Augustine's words to make them agree with the
opinion prevalent at the time.

" It would seem that St. Epiphanius alludes to this custom of the Maundy
before celebration at three o'clock. For he speaks of the celebration in some
places being at this hour on this day, and he says that thereby there was a
breach of the fast. See above, p. 262.

• From the sudden change of number we may learn that St. Augustine is
alluding to the Bishops in Council at Hippo, where St. Augustine was present
as priest in A.D. 393; and at Carthage, where he was present in all probability
as Hishop in a.u. 397. Before this he gives his own opinion, Honestius
arhilror. ' This is my way of reconciling the Maundy with Lent. I celebrate
after the three o'clock refection, I thus keep Lent and keep the Coena Domini
as well. So that there is no need for saying, that by this canon WE, the
Bishops in Council, compel men to take the prandium which would break
Lent, still WE, the Bishops, do not dare to forbid anyone doing so.' For we
must always remember, as Van Espcn points out, that in this letter St. Augus-
tine is clearly dealing with this Canon of Hippo and Carthage. Directly after
he has said cogimus and auJcintis he returns to the singular arbitror, viihi
cogitanii, which shows clearly what was in his mind.

* Dominicam illam coenam. This is the feast before celebration and Com-
munion on Maundy Thursday in commemoration of the Mystical Supper at
which the Institution of the Blessed Sacrament ttMjk place. See above,
p. 100, seq.

. -V

furs.

[I'T. 111.

(II. XII.]

.SV. A II tins tint

ioj

be done at such an
lliat he who has also
the fast may come
: oblation a*"ter the re-
n at three o'clock,
efo e we compel none
;e the prandium before
l-ord's Supper, but we
forbid none,
et 1 think that this:
lot originated, except
many, and almost all
)st places, were accus-
\ to bathe on that

And because some
tept the fast, there was
rning offering for those
took the prandium,

ugh, the translation issued
J, which helps to mystify
scribe thought St. Augus-
icaning, or that there was
make them agree with the

liis custom of the Maundy
of the celebration in some
> that thereby there was a

earn that St. Augustine is
St. Augustine was present
IS present in all probability
i own opinion, Honestius
dy with Lent. I celebrate
nd keep the Ccena Domini
it by this canon WE, the
idium which would break
inyone doing so.' For we
lat in this letter St. Augus-
l Carthage. Directly after
the singular arbitror, mihi

L'fore celebration and Com-
of the Mystical Supper at
ttMjk place. See above,

po.ssunt,' ad vespcram vero
I)ropter jcjunantes. Si
aiitein ((ii.vris cur etiam
lavandi mos ortus sit : nihil
mihi dc hac re cogitanti
probabiliiis occurrit nisi i
quia baptizandorum cor- ;
l)ora per observationem ^
Quadragesimsc sordidata |
cum offensione sensus
ad fontem tractarentur,
nisi aliqua die lavarentur.
Istum autcm diem potius
ad hoc electum quo Ccena
Dominica ' anniversarie
celebratur. Et quia con-
cessum est hoc baptismum
acccpturis, niulti cum his
lavare voluerunt jejunium-
que relaxare. Hisutpotui
disputatis, moneo, ut ea

because tliey could not
bear fasting and the bath
at the same time ; and at
evening for the sake of
those who kept the fast.
But if you also ask why the
custom of bathing was
started, nothing occurs to
me more probable, as I
think of it, except that the
bodies of those who were
to be baptized, befouled by
the keeping of Lent, would
be handled at the font with
sensible offensiveness, un-
less they bathed on some
day. But for this that day
was rather chosen when
the anniversary of the
Lord's Supper is celebrated,
and because this concession

' This is very difficult to understand. First of all it is a perfectly different
reason for two celebrations on Maundy Thurstlay from what had been given
iK'fore. Next, if St. Augustine was condemning the Maundy, we might
understand that the morning celebration was k-forc the prandium. But he has
just said that the Bishops neither compel nor forbid the prandium in the fore
noon before the Maundy or Anniversary Lord's Supper: therefore, as he
recognizes the possibility of men taking two meals before Communion on
Maundy Thursday, he certainly is not at all speaking against the Maundy.
Indeed, he has just explained his own custom in favour of the Maundy. Or
again, if he had said that men had better only take one meal before Com-
munion, whether it wa» the prandium in the forenoon or the rcfedio at three
o'clock, this part of his argument would be intelligible, for then the morning
prandium might be made the • Dominica Coena ' or feast before Communion.
But he only says, ' mane propter prandentes.' The jejunantes, of course, is
of the Lenten fast. The only thing clear about this passage is that the bath
was always in the morning just before the prandium, and was of so exhausting
a character that a meal was required soon after it.

' This shows that in St. Augustine's opinion the anniversary M.-iundy was
of great antiquity. For he says that this feast gave a certain festal character
to the day, which made men choose it out as a day to bathe on and break the
strictness of the Lenten fast. It was commonly spoken of as a feast. Cf. St.
Gregory of Tours, Ilistoria Francorum, lib. viii. cap. xliii. Parisiis, 1561,
p. 481 : ' Dum ad Dominicx Ccenx fcsia ad Ecclesiam suam populo cxpec-
tantc rediret.'

X 2

3oS

'/"//<• Tcstiiiioiiy of the luUlurs.

[I'T. III.

(|ii:e iir.ulocutiis sum serves
(inaiUiini poles ut «lctd
Kcclcsiiu priKlciilcm ct
|)a( ificuni filiiim.'

was made to tliose who
were t,'»>inj,' to re« eive bap-
tism, many wished to l)athe
with them, and to break
the fast. Having discussed
this as Will as I could, I
admonisli you, keep what I
have spoken of above as
becomes a prudent and
peaceful son of the Church.

Skctkin 5. — Phuuil Spiritni Sancto.

There i.s no reasonable doubt that St. Augustine i.s here
using language which in his day would have been under-
stood as referring to a council of bishops. The word
' placuit ' itself is peculiarly suggestive of a couiKil. The
form of canon usual to the later African councils com-
menced with the word ' placuit,' or with the dependent
conjunction ' ut,' which implied the 'placuit ' of a preceding
canon. This is especially observable of the canons of
councils with which St. Augustine had to do. The Council
of Hippo, the first with which he was at all implicated,
set the example of this precise form of canon. Prcviou.sly
the determinations of the African councils had read more
like the minutes or acts of a meeting than the carefully
worded canons of a council : but, at the Council of Hippo,
there was a great change, and thenceforward generally the
canons of African councils began with a ' placuit.'

Again, there is a very complete catena of evidence
from the Council of the Apostles, recorded by St. Luke in
the Acts, to the Council of Trent in modern times, that the
determinations of a council are ascribed to the operation of

' Hence it is clear that Jamiarius was a layman ; and St. Augustine, in
explaining all this to liim, is striving so to siicak as to make him see that his
questions are about indifferent matters, and he had hctter peaceably and
iiuietly follow the custom of his Church. This desire for a peaceable com-
promise probably makes much of the letter obscure. The general rule is
clear enough, but the particular application is rather laboured and perplexed.

tin IS

[I'T. III.

(II. MI.

St. A

iiiiule to tliosc wlu)
j,'oinj,' to roi cive bap-
, many \vishe<l to l)athc
tlicni, and to break
ast. Having discussed
as \v<:ll as I could, I
onisli you, keep what 1
" spoken of above as
)nies a prudent and
:eful son of llie Cluireh.

(i Siincto.

St. Augustine is here
Id have been under-
nishops. The word
e of a council. The
frican councils com-
with the dependent
lacuit ' of a preceding
le of the canons of
1 to do. The Council
as at all implicated,
)f canon. Prcviou.sIy
)uncils had read more
ng than the carefully
;he Council of Hippo,
forward generally the

1 a ' placuit.'

2 catena of evidence
:orded by St. Luke in
lodern times, that the
ed to the operation of

rinan ; and St. Augiistiiie, in
k as to make him see t!iat his
.■ had hctter pcicealjly and
desire for a peaceable com-
lisciirc. The general rule is
ler laboured and perplexed.

tlie Holy Spirit. Hut there i^ v stinvj ^-'vi' ace that a
general custom was ever ascribed the j^u lance of the
Holy Spirit, except as being Apo.stolical, wtld therefore
ordered by men who were inspired. The observance of
Sunday, Infant Haptism, and the like are .said to have
been Apostolic traditions, but there is no use of any
phrase like Placuit Spirititi Saucto about them.

In order, then, to investigate the meaning of this
phrase in St, Augustine's letter, we must search into the
origin and use of the expression. First and foremost of
all, the first Apostolic council of Jerusalem must occupy
our attention. This is clearly the prototype of all council.s,
since it was ordered by the Apo.stles themselves. It is
quite true that, if we turn to the Vulgate, we do not find the
exact phrase ' Placuit Spiritui Sancto,' but visum est. Hut
we must remember that the revision known to us as the
Vidgate had not yet been made, or at least was not known
to St. Augu.stine in Africa when this letter was written to
Januarius. Three years after the date of this letter (that is,
in A.U. 403), we find St. Augustine writing to St. Jerome
about his revision ' of the Gospels ; and, as St. Jerome's
labours commenced with the Gospels, it may well be that
he had not completed his work on the Acts, or, at all
events, that it was unknown in Africa when St. Augustine
wrote to Januarius in A.l). 400. We need not, therefore,
think that because the Vulgate has ' Visum est cnim
Spiritui Sancto,' that St. Augustine is not quoting the
passage in the Acts because he writes placuit. For, if we
look a little deeper, there will be found reason for asserting
without hesitation that St. Augustine was quoting the very
words of the passage in the Book of the Acts from a version
well known to him.

We have preserved to us versions earlier than the

' ' Non parvas Deo gralia.s agimus de opere tuo, ([110 Kvangelium e\
(irwco intcri>retatus es.'— Ep. Uxi. (al. lo), § 6, Opira, Parisiis, 1689, toni. ii.
col. 161.

1 !

»=*■

'm^

310 The Tistimony of the luUhcrs. [I'T. III.

revision of St. Jerome, which is kmnv n as the Vulgate, some
of which have been printed by Sabatier ; and by reference
to his book we can find positive evidence that in all proba-
bility St. AuRnstine was citing b Luke in the precise
phrase of the version commonly km.vvn to him. In the Old
Version printed by Sabatier ' the passages which describe
the decision of the Apostles run as follows :—

Acts XV. 2 ». Tunc //«(•///'/ A|)ostolis.

25. PUuiiil nobis ( olkitis in unnm.

28. Pi.Acurr KNiM Spiriiui Sancio cl nobis.

These last arc the exact words used by St. Augustine,
and that he was in all probability citing from this version
intentionally is seen from two considerations : first, that in
another passage of the same letter he makes a quotation
which agrees with this older version, where it differs from
the Vulgate;' and, secondly, that two other African
bishops' (one a great follower and imitator of St. Augus-
tine) avowedly quote the passage in the form which agrees
with this older version, and with St. Augustine, ' placuit

Spiritui Sancto.*

It would, therefore, have been somewhat misleading if
St. Augustine had used a passage of Scripture in a sense

• mihrum iiacronm Latin.c Vcrsiona Auii<jua; &'(., Opera Petri Saba-
tier, Remis, 1743, torn. iii. p. 553- ,. , . u .u.

• For ext^mple, l^e writes, ' Cietcra autem cum vencro ordmabo, where the
Vulgale has dhpouam; he also has ' aJ j^diclllm,' where the Vulgate reads

'"" • St Vigilius, Bishop of Thapsus (in A.d. 480), De Trinitate contra
Varimadum, hb. ii. cap. ix., and again lib. iii. cap. xc, in both places has
• Phuuit Spiritui Sancto et nobis.' So also St. Fulgentius Uishop of Ruspe
(A n 510), Pro Fide CatholicA, § 9- The Venerable Bede comments upon
the passage, 'Plapuit Spiritui SanctH, qui avbiter sua: potcstatis existcns ubi
vult spiral ;' and in his valuable AV/n7rf„/w«.-^ he has, 'In Grteco scnptum
est Placuit enim Spiritui Sancto et nobis.' (Opera, ed. Gile.s, 1844, vol. xn.
p,)' 66 and 143.) In the Latin translation of Si. Irenreus, as it has come down
to us we f.nd the same word ' placi.it.' {Contra ILercH-s, lib. iii. cap. xu. § 14.)
TertuUian and St. Cyprian have visum est. That the form 'placuit Spintui
Sancto' is the most natural is seen from its being cliosen by Valesuis to render
the Greek of the passage in the Acts where it is cited by Socrates, Ihsl. Ecd.
lib. V. cap. xxii Mogimtije, 1677, p, 289.

j;!

ithtis.

[\'\\ III.

(II. xn.|

.S7. Ant^nsiiiii:

3>i

as the Vultjatc, some
or ; and by reference
lice that in all proba-
Lukc in the precise
1 to him. In the Old
isages which describe
ilows : —

umini.
Sancio cl nobis.

scd by St. Augustine,
ng from this version
:rations : first, that in
he makes a quotation
where it differs from
two other African
litator of St. Augus-
he form which agrees
;. Augustine, ' phicuit

newhat misleading if
' Scripture in a sense

ma; &•€., Opera Petri Saba-

vencro onUiiabo,' where the
m,' where the Vulgate reads

480), De Trinitale contra
cap. xc., in both places has
Fulgentius, Uishop of Ruspe
srable Betle comments upon
ir sua; potcstatis existcns ubi
he has, ' In Grtcco scriptum
fiera, etl. Giles, 1 844, vol. xii.
Irenreus, as it has come down
Ifirrcsi's, lib. iii. cap. xii. § 14.)
lat the form ' placuit Spiritui
; ciiosen by Valesius to render
cited by Socrates, Ilht. Ecd.

different from that in common acceptance without an
immediate explanation. MIscwhcre, in this same epistle,
he draws attention to the fact, that when St. Paul speaks of
' tiie Lord's Supper,' he is probably referring to the Sacra-
ment of the Eucharist. This explanation was necessary or
advisable, because the name ' Lord's Supper ' was then
commonly understood of the anniversary Maundy, comme-
morative of the Last Supper, at which the luicharist was
instituted. If, therefore, St. Augustine had been using the
Scriptural phrase ' placuit enim Spiritui Sancto,' in a scn.se
diflering from its Scriptural meaning, it is inconceivable
that he would not have said so.

The comment of h. Lapide on the passage in the Acts is
as follows : —

Hence it is clear that the Holy Spirit is present at, and presides
over, a council, and so directs it that it does not err in its decrees.
Whence fathers in Council are wont to say, • This is the determi-
nation of the Holy Synod lawfully a.s.seinl)led in the Holy Spirit.'

The great commentator is here quoting the language of
the Councils ' of Constance, Bale, and Trent, all of which
use some such phrase as he here gives.

Bellarmine, too, writes in the same strain : —

The first council confidently says, * Visum est Spiritui Sancto
et nobis.' But if that council, from which oil other councils took
their model, asserts that its decrees were the decrees of the Holy
Spirit, certainly the other lawful councils can assert the same,
which prescribe rules of faith and practice to the universal Church.
For the Holy Spirit was present at that council, since it was neces-
sary for the preservation of the Church : but it was no less neces-
sary (and will so continue) to other times, since new heresies
constantly arise.

From earliest times the Fathers of the Church have
ascribed the same divine influence to other assemblies of

' See Carranza, Summa Omnium Conciliprum, Parisiis, 1668, pp. 625,
635, 641, 647, 679, &c. The Council of Trent uses the phrase at every
session.

312

The Testimony of the Fathers.

[PT. itr.

bishops, besides the first Apostolic council at Jerusalem.
St. Gregory Thaumaturgus, Archbishop of Nco-Ciesarea
(a.d. 250), ascribes this influence to a council of bishops not
yet held,' not doubting that the Holy Spirit would be
present at a solemn synod of bishops. In an answer
(reckoned in the East as canonical) about the discipline
which should be administered to certain apostate and
regcnade Christians, who had even assisted in the martyr-
dom of some of their own brethren, the archbishop
writes : —

They mus' be shut out from being even audtentes, until there
be some deiermination about them from the holy bishops in
council, and before them fron^ the Holy Spirit.

These words are manifestly an allusion to the Apostolic
council at Jerusalem, since the same words are used : and
St. Gregory is clearly of opinion that even a local council
of bishops may claim to be guided in their decisions by the
Holy Spirit, so that of their decrees it may be said, ' placuit
Spiritui Sancto et nobis,' Upon this answer of St. Gregory
there are glosses of Zonaras and Balsamon, but, as they
scarcely differ even in woHs, only one is here given :" —

But he adds, ' and before them from the Holy Spirit,' showing
that whatever is decided upon by bishops in common discussion,
the Holy Spirit suggests it to them.

Language similar to that of St. Gregory in the East was
at the same time being used in the West, in a letter written
from Carthage to the Bishop ol Rome. St. Cyprian in
A.D. 252, writing to Cornelius, Bishop qf Rome, a synodal
letter, about the determination of a council of forty-two
bishops assembled at Carthage to decide questions about
those who had lapsed to persecution, has this expression,^
' j)lacuit nobis, Sancto Spititu suggerente : it seemed good

' Kaviiv Z.- tivrayiia Kav6i/<iiv, Athens, 1854, torn. iv. p. 60.

' It is the Commentary of Balsamon. Xvntryfxa, torn. iv. p. 61.

' Ep. liv. Opera, Parisiis, 1726, p. 79.-

*hcrs.

[I'T. HI.

CH. XII.]

St. August inc.

313

uncil at Jerusalem.
)p of Neo-Cjesarea
uncil of bishops not
y Spirit would be
ps. In an answer
bout the discipline
;rtain apostate and
isted in the martyr-
n, the archbishop

1 audicntes, until there
the holy bishops in
rit.

ion to the Apostolic
'ords are used : and
ven a local council
leir decisions by the
nay be said, ' placuit
svver of St. Gregory
samon, but, as they
is here given :" —

Holy Spirit,' showing
n common discussion,

;ory in the East was
it, in a letter written
le. St. Cyprian in
5f Rome, a synodal
:ouncil of forty-two
ide questions about
las this expression,^
te : it seemed good

, torn. iv. p. 60.
.?yjuo, torn. iv. p. 61.

to us, at the suggestion of the Holy Spirit,' where wc have
the phrase used of a council of Carthage by a metropolitan
of Africa.

When the great Council of Niciea was held (A.n. 325),
we can scarcely be surprised to find the Fathers speaking
of its determinations in similar language.' St. liasil,'* in the
same century, says of it, that ' the throe hundred bishops,
meeting together without contentiousness, did not give
utterance to their determinations without the Holy
Spirit.' In similar language the Council of Ephesus,^ in
the next century (a.D. 331), decreed 'that it should not be
lawful for anyone to set forth, write, or compose any other
faith at variance with that defined by the holy Fathers
assembled at Nicaea, with the Holy Ghost.'

Soon afterwards, in A.D. 445, St. Leo * in a letter says,
'According to the canons of the holy Fathers originated by
the Spirit of God ; ' and again, in the year following, ho
writes* that 'a council of bishops may determine such
things as pertain to ecclesiastical discipline, the Holy Spirit
revealing this to them.'

From these passages it will be seen that, before and
about the time of Si. Augustine, the utterances of a
council were ascribed to the Holy Spirit. St. Gregory and
St. Basil evidence this in the East ; the African Metropolitan,
St. Cyprian, and the Roman Patriarch, St. Leo, in the
West, bear their testimony, which is borne out by the
Council of Ephesus. There is every reason, then, for
thinking that when a father ascribes to the work of the

' The ChroiAcoH PaschaU speaks of the Fathers of Niwca 'who had
assembled thither, with the Holy Ghost.'— Ed. L. Dindorfius, Bonnte, 1832,

P- '7-

- Ep. cxiv. (al. 204), Cyriaco, Tarsi commoranti, Opera, Gaume, torn. 111,

P- 297-

^ 2i5yTiry/xo Kwivwv, Athens, 1852, torn. 11. p. 200.

* Ep. xii. (al. 84), cap. ii. Paris, 1675 (eil. Quesnel), torn. i. p. 440-

» Ep. xiii. Paris, 1675, torn. i. p. '445- Similarly St. Isidore of Seville,

(A.n. 600), 'Concilia qua: sancti patres Spiritu Dei ploni sanxurunt.'—

Ougines, lib. vi. cap. xv.; Opera, 1617, p. 48 G.

Si
'■i

314 The Testimony of the Fathers. [pt. ill.

Holy Spirit a rule not to be found in the inspired word of
Scripture, he is quoting the decree of a council For
Carranza is only giving the common view of all the
ancients when he says,' 'the Holy Spirit is the founder of
the Synod, and the Author of those rules v.hich are laid

down in Synod.'

If we leave the Fatl crs and turn to the councils, they
are not found backward to claim this grace.'' It were tedious

• Carmnza, Snmma Omnium Conciliorum, Parisiis, 1668, p. I.
. The following extracts from the canons of twenty Counc.ls w,U be
s«mcient to maintain this position. For the first seven centur.es reference .s
c mmonly made to Bruns, Canones, Berolini. .839; for others o Carranz ,
Su,n,naO„,niu,n Ccncilionun, Parisiis. .668 IV ^^sS /" st Cypriai
seemea goocl to us, at '^^^^^f^^^^^lX^'^^J''^^^^
Vn liw Parisiis. 1726, p. 79.) 2. *-o. Aries t, a. u. ji^j. '"- •■ »
S^nc'e of he Holy Ghost and His angels.' (Synodical Epistle. CW.«,
Lm U9.) 3. Co Ephesus (a.d. 431): "The holy Fathers met together
rNka-a Ith the Holy Ghost.' (S<i^<.rMa .a^.*'.. Athens. iSS^. tom. ..
p 200 ) 4. Co. Rome under Hilarius (a.d. 465): ' The pums assembly, the
Vinlv Snirit iratherinc them together, exhorts.' (Bruns, u. p. 282.) $. Co.
S^i - 'Trcan. vi.= .'rhese things which have been delibe.ted or
determined on by us under divine insp.rat.on.' (Bruns ' •, P-.!?,^ /' ^^^
l.n.on (A D. S17): 'We assembled by the favour of God. ' 1 hese things
thLh with common consent have seemed good to ^^ ^^^^^ ^^^^^^^^
on high.' (Bruns, ii. pp. 166, 172.) 7- Co. Auvergne I. (a.d 535)- When
"the name of the Lord, the Holy Spirit gathering them, w.th the consent o
ouv most glorious lord and most pious King, Theodebert, the holy synod has
met at Auvergne.' (Bmns, ii. p. .87.) 8. Co. Orleans HI. (a.d 538),
Zl xxxiii.: 'T^^ese things which have seemed with common consent good
to us under the inspiration of God.' (Bruns, ii. p. 20..) 9- -Orleans IV
(A D Si.): • When the meeting of Bishops had begun to dein,erate, with Goc
ntheir midst.' ' It seemed good, with the favour of God.' (Bruns, 1. p. 20..
o. Co. Orleans V. (a.d. S49): ' Those things which have been at the present
time defined under divine inspiration.' (Bruns, ii. p. 2.5.) H- Co. Ma on I.
AD S.l can xvi.: 'Therefore in the present Council, w.th the authority
if Go^ we prohTbit.' (Bruns, ii. p. 245.) «• Co. MScon II. (a.d. 585):
-Those thini which have been determined, the Holy Sp.rit dictating hem
by the mouths of all of us.' ' Whosoever have w.lhngly -"^"^^ »^ ^^
thincs which have Ixsen concluded by the d.ctat.on of the Holy Spin .
Bmns T PP 248, 254.) .3. Co. Toledo III. (A.D. 589) : ' Let nothing be
Te XhTheLy FttLs.'fuU of the Spirit of God, prohibit^ to bedone/
mruns i P 2.3.) .4. Co. Chalons- sur-Sa6ne (a.d. 650): 'That ,t might
!!:Se'-Jow"l^ us, V the intervention of the inspiration c. Go ,abo^^
cano.is.' (Bruns, ii. p. 265.) IS- Co. '1 oledo Vll (A.D. 653). '"^P'^ "^•
Holy Spirit, and lead us into the port of Thy will. .Inspire .. Ho y
Spidt, and grant us to know what Thou commandest.' 'Where the Holy

hers.

[PT. Til.

CM. xn.]

67. August inc.

3'5

le inspired word of
of a council. For
II view of all the
it is the founder of
ules v.hich are laid

) the councils, they
ace.* It were tedious

liis, 1668, p. I.

twenty Councils will be
seven centuries reference is
■); for others, to Carranza,

Carthage (a.d. 252): * It
oly Spirit.' (St. Cypriani

314)! ' We decided, in the
iynodical Epistle, Concilia,

holy Fathers met together
VKV, Athens, 1852, torn. ii.

' The pious assembly, the
Bruns, ii. p. 282.) $. Co.
\^ have been deliberated or
(Brans, ii. p. I73-) 6. Co.
r of Gotl.' 'These things
o us under inspiration from
rgnel. (a.d. 535): 'When
ig them, with the consent of
lodebert, the holy synod has
, Orleans III. (a.d. 538),
with common consent good

201.) 9. -o. Orleans IV.
;gun to deliberate, with God
of God.' (Bruns, ii. p. 201.)
lich have been at the present

p. 215.) II. Co. Macon I.

Council, with the authority

Co. Macon II. (A.D. 585):

Holy Spirit dictating them

willingly transgressed these
tation of the Holy Spirit.'
(A.D. 589): ' Let nothing be
■ God, prohibited to be done.'

(A.D. 650): 'That it might
inspiration of God, about the
III. (A.D. 653): 'Inspire us,

will. . . . Inspire us, Holy
nandest.' « Where the Holy

to recite them all, but from the council under St. Cyprian,
in the middle of the third century, from the Council of
Aries, in the beginning of the fourth century, to the
Council of Trent, in the sixteenth century, there has ever
been claimed the authority of the Holy Spirit for the
decrees of a council. Amongst ourselves the claim is made
for the meeting of bishops, who translated and ordered the
first Prayer Book of Edward the Sixth : ' and the prayer
at meetings of our southern Convocation is for the same
grace." Cardinal Bona is only expressing the common
belief of the Church at large when he writes, ' the Council
lawfully assembled in the Holy Spirit is holy, and the
Spirit of God spoke in them and by them.' » This is
practically the same as the assertions of Constantine,*
St. Gregory the Great,* and others,^ that the determinations

Spirit has united an universal assembly. We, therefore, kindled by this Holy
Spirit, decree.' (Bruns, i. pp. 272, 284.) 16. Co. Braga HI. (.\.D. 675):
' We have met together, collected becomingly by the Divine Spirit.' (Bruns,
ii. p. 96.) 17. Co. Nica:a II. (A.D. 787): 'We do not reject local synods,
but rather love, embrace, and receive them, and observe with utmost respect
their divinely inspired canons.' (Carranza, p. 530, misprinted 532.) 18. Co.
Constance (A.D. 1414): 'The Syno<l, lawfully assembled in the Holy Spirit.'
Sess. 4: ' The holy general Synod of Constance, lawfully assembled in the
Holy Spirit.' Scss. 40. (Carranza, pp. 625, 635.) 19. Co. Bale (a.d. 1442),
Sess. 2 : ' The Synod lawfully assembled in the Holy Spirit ; ' and again,
Sess. 33. (Carranza, pp. 641, 647.) 20. Co. Trent (a.d. 1546) commences
nearly every session witn, ' The sacred CEcumenical and general Council of
Trent, lawfully assemble<l in the Holy Spirit.' (Carranza, pp. 679, 682, &c.)
These are but a sample ; many more could be adduced.

' The King's Majesty ' hath appointed the Archbishop of Canterbury and
certain of the most learned and discreet Bishops ... to draw and make one
convenient and meet order, rite, and fashion ... the which at this time, by
the aid of the Holy Ghost, with one uniform agreement is of them concluded,'
&c. 2, 3 Edward VI. cap. i. The Act of Uniformity, 1549.

» • Conctde ut Spintus Tuus, Qui concilio olim Apostolico, huic nostro
etiam insideat.'

» • Coetus ipse in Spiritu Sancto congregatus legitime Sanctus ct Spiritus
Dei in ipsis et per ipsos est loculus.'— OyVni, ed. Sala, torn. iv. p. 316.

• Socrates, Hist. Ecd. lib. i. cap. i.t.

» • Sicut Sancti Evangelii quatuor libros sic quatuor concilia susciperc ct
venerari me fateor.'— St. Gregory, Ep. xxv. (al. 24), Opcia, I'airisiis, 1705,

torn. ii. col. S'5 "•

• Such as St. Isidore of Seville : ' Concilia quatuor esse scimus vcnerabilcs

3i6 The Testimony of the Fathers. [PT. ill.

of the great councils are to be received as the inspired
Gospels are received.

If, then, we find the ascription of a rule to the guidance
of the Holy Spirit, which is not found in the i)agcs of
Holy Scripture, it is most probably to be regarded as a
reference to sonic determination of a council.

But when St. Augustine introduces such a rule by a
• placuit'— the form usual in councils, the form known to have
been used of the Apostolic council at Jerusalem, the form
in especial used at the Councils of Hippo and Carthage, in
which St. Augustine had so great an interest— it does .seem
hard— nay, impossible- -to believe that by the phrase ' placuit
enim Spiritui Sancto,' he is not referring to the canons in
which he had so great a share, and about which he had
been so anxious.

Some, however, have thought that St. Augustine is
accounting for the universality of the custom in his day
by ascribing it to the influence of the Holy Spirit through-
out the Church.' If so, the passage is unique, and it is not
like St. Augustine's manner to use a Scriptural phrase
in a perfectly unique manner without some immediate
explanation. Nor, indeed, could the custom have been so
universal and binding as such a phrase would certainly
imply, as is seen by the action of the bishops legate
of Mauritania Sitiphensis, the province of Africa, which
immediately joined St. Augustine's province of Numidia on
the west. For at some Council of Carthage about this
time, and most probably in the year 4I9,» the bishops
legate of Mauritania Sitiphensis were instructed by their
fellow bishops, whose representatives they were, to ask

Synoclosqu:ctotam principaliter fideni complectunUir, quasi .[uatuor Evangclia,
vel totidem Paradisi flumina.'-OA;«, 1617, p. 48; Origincs, lib. vi, cap. xv.
' One with whom I could wish always to agree, in a newspaper cor-
respondence in which he wrote at first anonymously, represents the argu-
ment thus : ' It must he divine, Augustine argues (rightly or wrongly is not
the ciuestion), for it is co-extensive with the Church.' -C//«;r// Kcvim<,

July 26, 1873.

•■■ Sec the Chapter on the Supposed Canon of Nicxa, above, p. 97.

«»_.„-„_-_:-

'icrs. [T'T. III.

d as the inspired

ale to the guidance
i in the i)ages of
be regarded as a
incil.

1 such a rule by a
form known to have
erusalem, the form
»o and Carthage, in
erest — it does seem
/ the phrase ' placuit
g to the canons in
)out which he had

t St. Augustine is
custom in his day
[oly Spirit through-
mique, and it is not
a Scriptural phrase
t some immediate
ustom have been so
ise would certainly
the bishops legate
;e of Africa, which
/ince of Numidia on
Carthage about this
r 4I9,''' the bishops
instructed by their
they were, to ask

r, quasi ([uatiior Evangclia,
, Origiiics, lib. vi. cap. xv.
;rce, in a newspaper cor-
usly, represents the argii-
(rightly or wrongly is not
Jhurch.'--C//«;r// Kevimi,

icDca, above, p. 97. '

CII. Xll.]

St, Augustine.

2,^7

that celebrations of the Blessed Sacrament of the Eucharist
might be restricted to times before the prandium. Now, can
it be supposed that they would have come forward with
this proposition, and asked that it should be entertained
and passed at Carthage, if it were a habit so strictly
observed amongst them as to be ascribed to the inspiration
of the Holy Spirit } It is impossible to think this. They
would not have come forward to ask that the Council
should decide that infants might be baptized, or that
Sunday might be regarded as a holy day, or that Lent
might be acknowledged as a time for fasting, or that Wed-
nesday and Friday might be fasted, for these were habits
and customs acknowledged and kept. But they do come
forward with a list of subjects for the consideration of the
Council, and one of these is ' about the prohibition of the
sacrifices after the praiidmm' Then, how is their proposi-
tion met } Does St. Augustine, who, in all probability,
was present,' say ' this is a custom universal throughout
the world, and is therefore the decree of the Holy Spirit,
and we cannot discuss- it } ' No ; this is not the answer
given. Does Aurelius, the president of the Council, stop
discussion on a similar ground ? No ; Aurelius opens the
session by saying that he had read a letter from Mizonius,
the chief Bishop of the province of Byzacena, which had the
Breviarium of the Canons of Hippo attached to it ; the
legates of Mauritania Sitiphensis had read their paper of
instructions ; he had also received letters from Crescen-
tianus, chief Bishop (as he professed to be) of Numidia,
and from Aurelius: he, therefore, proposes that the
council should commence with reading the Epistle of
Mizonius with the Breviarium of Hippo. This contained
the acceptance of the Nicene Creed, and the prohibition of
the oblation after the prandium. The Breviarium, at the

' If he was present he was not present as a legate of his province, Numidia,
There is no doubt that he was present at sonic of the Sessions of the Council
in A.i). 419.

3i8 The Tcsimony of the Fathers. [I'T. HI.

suggestion of liishop Epigonius, was read and confirmed.
Then the bishops legate of Mauritania rise and say, that
two of their instructions had been met by passing this
Breviarium of Hippo. The Creed of Nica^a had been read,
and the oblation had been prohibited after prandium : they '
will therefore go on at once to their other propositions.
Here, then, these bishops were content to find that this rule
had been made at Hippo, and was again confirmed. The
Canon at Hippo was dependent upon a ' placuit ut,' and no
one (so far as it is recorded), whether at any council
of Carthage, or at the original Council of Hippo, protested
against the placing a previous rule of the Holy Spirit under
their own ' placuit.' If, then, the bishops of Mauritania had
been at all aware of any prevailing custom of ante-prandial
celebrations amongst themselves, we cannot think that they
would have been directed to ask for a new rule : nor can we
think they would have been content with the reading and
confirming the Canon of Hippo, if there were known to
them a previous ' placuit Spiritui Sancto.'

It may be said here that it is strange that the bishops of
Mauritania Sitiphensis were ignorant of these Canons of
Hippo. Be this as it may, Mizonius (chief bishop of the
province of Byzacena) in his letter writes, that it is
commonly said that men have not kept the Canons of
Hippo because they were ignorant of them ; and this excuse
may well have been accepted from the bishops of Mauri-
tania, who were far from Carthage, and who were on the
borders of ' the barbarians.' ' Moreover, it is quite clear,
from the transactions at the various councils of Carthage,
that the Numidian bishops were not on good terms with
those of Mauritania for some reason or other,' and there

' Thus the metropolitan Aureliiis says ; ' De provincia Mauritania, prop-
terca (luod in finibus Africse posita sit, nihil statuimus, siquidem vicinK sunt
barbarico.'— C<'</<A-4/WVrt«(f A<rr/«;ri-, ci.n. Hi., Bruns, i. p. 167.

a This may have had to do with their being removed from the ecclesiastical
province of Numidia. At their own request they had a ' prima sedes ' amongst
themselves, and were no longer subject to the ' primus ' of Numidia. {Codex

frs.

[I'T. III.

C». XII.]

.SV. Augustine.

3'9

id and confirmed,
rise and say, that
t by passing this
a;a had been read,
;r prandium : they '
)ther propositions.
I find that this rule
1 confirmed. The
placuit ut,' and no
er at any council
f Hippo, protested
; Holy Spirit under
of Mauritania had
im of ante-prandial
not think that they
w rule : nor can we
th the reading and
re were known to

: that the bishops of
)f these Canons of
chief bishop of the

writes, that it is
ept the Canons of
;m ; and this excuse

bishops of Mauri-
d who were on the
er, it is quite clear,
)uncils of Carthage,
on good terms with
or other,' and there

rovincia Mauritania, prop-
imus, siquidem vicitiK sunt
iins, i. p. 167.
oved from the ecclesiastical
d a ' prima sedes ' amongst
nus' of Numidia. (Codex

may not have been much interchange of communication
between them.

It is quite clear, then, from this incident that the
African bishops at their various councils knew of no earlier
' placuit ' for fasting celebration than that of Hippo ; and
also, it is clear that the French bishops ' in the sixth
century knew of no earlier ' placuit ' than that of African
councils, otherwise they would not have quoted the
Hipponense Canon as the prototype of fasting cele-
bration.

If, then, St. Augustine is by his * placuit Spiritui
Sancto ' speaking of a universal custom, it is a custom as
unknown to the Mauritanians in the West as it was to the
Egyptians in the East.

Nor, indeed, is there to be found any example of such
a phrase as ' placuit Spiritui Sancto ' being used of a
custom ' of the Church, however universal it was. In
modern times ^ some such phrase is to be found, but not in
ancient times.

But it has been said that St. Augustine explains what
he means by saying ' per universum orbem mos iste
servatur.* ; .

This phrase is not unknown in St. Augustine's writings
for the decision of a Catholic council, even though it were
a local one ; having, therefore, established the meaning of

Eccl. Afr. can. xvii.) The canon itself as generally given is faulty; hut see
the remarks of Justcll, Bibliotheca yuris, 1661, torn. i. p. 422. The Mauri-
tanian legates also complain that two Numidian bishops have presumed to
consecrate a bishop, and therefore ask that this may be stopped. — Codex
Eccl. Afr. can. xlix.

' Co. Macon II. can. vi., Bruns, ii. p. 251.

" We roust remember the difference between traditions of faith and
practice. Before the Council of Nicoca the tradition of true faith was specially
kept alive by the operation of the Holy Spirit, as St. Iremeus writes of the
barbarians who have no written Gospel, ' having Salvation written in their
hearts by the Spirit without paper and ink.'— Lib. iii. cap. iv. § 3.

• The Council of Trent thus speaks of traditions : ' Qua; ab Apostolis
accept;L', aut ab ipsis Apostolis Spiritu Sancto dictante quasi per manus
tiadit.L' ad nos usque pervencrunt.' — Carranza, p. 679.

1{I

,:ttgmm&mmieimmmm»^^

^20

The Tcstimouy of the Jut f hers.

[i'T. III.

{ ■

' placuil Spiritui Sancto,' the latter expression may easily
be understood to refer to the canon of a council. Nor will
this use of words seem .strained when wc remember the
position of St. Aujjustinc. A very great proportion, if not
more than half, of the Christians of Africa were Donatists :
every town and every village had its Donatist bishop
as well as the Catholic bi.shop. But St. Augustine was
confirmed and strengthened in his position by the
consoling persuasion, that he was at one with the whole
Catholic Church throughout the world, whereas the
Donatists were confined to Africa. This feeling, therefore,
made him magnify his position and his office as bishop of the
Catholic Church throughout the world. We find, then,
that sometimes he speaks of the ' totus orbis ' having given
some judgment ; and this is referred to a local council.
Thus speaking of the Donatists, he says,' ' They con-
demned some few in Africa by whom, in the judgment of
tne whole world, they have been overcome.' It is natural
to ask where and how were the Donatists condemned
by the whole world ? and the Benedictine editors shall
give the answer. ' This judgment of the whole world,' say
they, ' in which the Donatists were overcome by their
opponents, is none other than that of Aries.' The Council
of Aries, then, is spoken of in this comprehensive manner
by St. Augustine. Farther on, in the same treatise,* he
uses the same expression when speaking of the same
council ; and this is his manner not unfrequently. It is
quite true that the Council of Aries had been referred to
before, though here he does not mention it by name, but
he speaks of it as carrying the 'judgment of the whole
world ' with it. If this had been said of the Council of
Nica;a, there would have been no reason to have remarked

' ' Quosdam paucos in Africa damnavenint, a quibus totius orbis judicio
superati sunt.' — Centra Epistolam Parmeniaiii, lib. iii. cap. iv. j Opera,
Parisiis, 1694, torn. ix. col. 70 B.

■■* Ibid. cap. vi. torn. ix. col. 78 A.

I •'

affuTS.

[I'T. III.

CH. XII.]

St. Augustine.

321

expression may easily
f a council. Nor will
en we remember the
reat proportion, if not
Africa were Donatists :

its Donatist bishop
it St. Augustine was
lis position by the
t one with the whole
world, whereas the
rhis feeling, therefore,
! office as bishop of the
srld. We find, then,
js orbis ' having given
:d to a local council,
le says,' ' They con-
1, in the judgment of
rcome.' It is natural
Donatists condemned
edictine editors shall
the whole world,' say
e overcome by their
' Aries.' The Council
omprehensive manner
;hc same treatise,* he
)eaking of the same
t unfrequently. It is

had been referred to
:ntion it by name, but
dgment of the whole
aid of the Council of
ison to have remarked

a quibus totius orbis judicio
, lib, iii. cap. iv. ; Opera,

upon it; but whatever was previously intended, the
Council of Aries was never regarded as more than a local
or provincial synod. There is no reason, then, for doubting
the possibility of St. Augustine speaking of a rule laid
down by a local or provincial synod as a custom held by
the whole world, so long as that provincial council was in
harmony and in communion with the Catholic Church spread
throughout the world.' Indeed, we find local synods them-
selves speaking as if their determinations were to be
accepted by the whole Catholic Church. The so-called
Second Council of Carthage speaks somewhat in this way : '
' Let us congratulate ourselves, our Lord granting us this,
that, for the welfare of the Catholic Church, we have
decreed with wholesome counsel all things to be observed.'
But the Council of Sardica ' speaks in a more peremptory
manner: 'Let the Catholic Church, diffused throughout
the whole world, keep all that has been agreed upon.' The
Quinisext Council * uses similar words ; but this has greater
pretensions to be held as a general council, while no one
would claim for the Council of Carthage or Sardica any-
higher rank than that of a local synod.

On all grounds, then, it is most probable that St.
Augustine intended to refer to the Canon of Hippo and
Carthage when he wrote 'placuit Spiritui Sancto.' For he

' If it be objected that St. Augustine does not mention the council either
of Hippo or Carthage by name, it must be said that this was clearly his
manner. A council was, in his mind, a last resource, to be kept in the back-
ground as a reserve force to be employed when all else had failed (compare
Ep. xxil. aL 64). Though he earnestly asked for this council of Hippo, and
there were canons there passed against feasting in church, yet in his letter to
his friend Bishop Alypiu'. (Ep. xxix. Parisiis, 1688, torn. ii. col. 48), where
he gives an account of his earnest attempt to stop such disorders, there is not
one word to lead anyone to suppose that there had been a council held two
years before at Hippo to condemn the disorders he was preaching against.

* Co. Carthag. II. can. xiii. Bruns, i. p. 122.

» Carranza, p. 155. Bruns (i. p. 105) gives custodit/ where Carranza reads
custpdirt/, but the general meaning is much the same.

♦ ' This, therefore, also seemed good to us, that the whole Church of God
throughout the whole world following in one order should keep the fast ' of
Lent. — Co. Quinisext. can. Ivi. Bruns, i. p. 54.

il.

V|:

r!!

322

T/u- Testimony of the Fathers.

[I'T. II r.

uses the identical phrase as it stood in tlic old Latin
version of the Book of the Acts, where St. Luke is recording
the acts of the Council of Jerusalem ; words which are
elsewhere used by two bishops of Africa, who aro avowedly
quoting from the Book of the Acts ; he uses the phrase
' placuit,' ever used of the determination of a council after
deliberation, and especially noteworthy of the Council of
Hippo ; and he attributes the rule to the operation of the
Holy Spirit, acknowledged to be effectual when bishops are
gathered together in God's name in council, but not gene-
rally attributed to a consentient custom of isolated bishops.
Nor does the reference of this rule to the universal Church
militate against this. For St. Augustine himself speaks of
a local council as carrying with it the judgment of the
whole world; and local councils themselves have been
found to use no less language of themselves, and their
canons.

There is one more point which must here be spoken of,
and that is, that if St. Augustine's words be carefully
weighed and tested, it will be found that he denies Aposto-
lical authority to the practice of Fasting Communion,
which again confirms, if that were necessary, the reference
of the ' niacuit Spiritui Sancto ' to the Canon of Hippo. It
is true that throughout the letter St. Augustine writes as if
under restraint, which may account for some little perplexity
in the passage. There may have been some inaccuracy of
a copyist, which has crept into the text, and so confused
the meaning. But if the words, as we have them, be care-
fully and accurately weighed, they will be found to assert
that there was no Apostolic custom in the matter.

This is manifest from his line of argument. He says
the Church is not to be blamed for her rule of fasting
celebration, for it is clear that the Lord or His Apostles
left no rule to the contrary ; since, if they had, no one
would have ever deviated from it. It is impossible that he
should have adopted this line of argument, if he thought

xthcrs.

[I'T. HI.

CII. XII.]

St. August inc.

333

d in tlic old Latin
St. Luke is recording
n ; words which are
:a, who aro avowedly
i he uses the phrase
)n of a council after
ly of the Council of
the operation of the
tual when bishops are
3uncil, but not gcne-
m of isolated bishops,
the universal Church
:inc himself speaks of
:he judgment of the
:msclves have been
hemselvcs, and their

jst here be spoken of,
i words be carefully
lat he denies Aposto-
Fasting Communion,
;essary, the reference
Canon of Hippo. It
\ugustine writes as if
some little perplexity
in some inaccuracy of
:ext, and so confused
e have them, be care-
ill be found to assert
1 the matter.

argument. He says
r her rule of fasting
Lord or His Apostles

if they had, no one
: is impossible that he
[ument, if he thought

there was an Apostolic precept in favour of fasting cele-
bration. He would have said at once, not only has there
been no rule to the contrary, but there is the Apostolic
custom in favour of fasting celebration. IJut he goes on
to say that that is Apostolic which is not varied by any
diflfcrcnce of customs but fasting celebration has its excep-
tion, therefore that is not Apostolic. Hence the Church is
neither to be blamed for the rule of fasting celebration, nor
for the exception of Maundy Thursday, for there is no
invariable custom either way.

Again, he uses an expression which at the least accords
the permission of the Apostle to take food before Commu-
nion in the mind of St. Augustine :—

When, however, the Apostle says, speaking of this Sacrament,
' Wherefore, brethren, when ye come together to eat, wait one for
another, if any hunger let him eat at home, that ye come not toge-
ther to condemnation,' he at once subjoins, ' but the rest will I
set in order when I come.' Whence it is given to us to understand
(since it was much that he should suggest in an Epistle the
whole order of procedure, which is observed by the whole Church
throughout the world) that that was set in order by him which is
unvaried by difference of customs.

Here St. Augustine says that when St. Paul wrote,
'When ye come together to eat,' he was speaking of
the Blessed Sacrament of the altar : and that he ordained
that such as felt need for food should take it previously.
' If any man hunger let him eat at home, that ye come not
together to condemnation.' Here is the Apostolic and
Scriptural authority for this. It is no answer to say that
St. Augustine was wrong in supposing the feast or agap6 to
have been before Communion, and that St. Chrysostom was
right in reversing the order. We are not now concerned
with the true interpretation of the passage in St. Paul. The
fact of diversity of interpretation shows diversity of tradi-
tion, and each father probably interpreted the passage
according to the practice with which he was conversant. It

V 2

324

The Testimony of the Fathers.

[PT. III.

may be argued that if consensus of interpretation distinctly
proves that such interpretation is of divine origin,' dissentient
testimony proves with ccpial force that the question is by
divine permission indifferent, lioth in argument and in
words St. Augustine says, that there is no ApostoUc
precept for fasting celebration.'

The testimony, then, of St. Augustine is the same as
that we find elsewhere: that the first introduction of a rule
restraining from celebrating those who had not taken the
prandium or heavy meal of the forenoon, w as at the Council
of Hippo. This must have been the opinion of the bishops
of Hippo, or they would not have passed it with a ' placuit
ut' The bishops at Hippo could not have placed their own
' placuit ' over a divine ordinance. This was the opinion of
the bishops at Carthage, and the RIauritanian legates, who
referred no further back than Hippo for this canon. This
was the opinion of the bishops at MAcon at the end of the
sixth century ; and this is the testimony of St. Augustine
in this letter to Januarius, as we find after careful investi-
gation of the words he has used.

' ' Sanctorum omnium sensus Spiritui S.incti scnsus est qui eos errare non
sinit.'— Cardinal Bona, Ofera, ed. Sala, torn. iv. p. 317.

' Indeed, it could not lie otherwise if St. Augustine judged the matter l)y
his own canon of Apostolic tradition. He says 1 Dt Baptismo contra Donatis-
tas, lib. iv. § 31, torn. ix. col. 140): 'That which the Universal Church holds,
which was not established by councils, but has always been retained, is most
rightly believed to have been handed down by no less than Apostolic autho-
rity.' In the case of Fasting Communion we can trace the institution to a
council ; therefore it lacks Apostolic authority. The Council of Carthage in
the fifth century, the Council of Macon in the sixth century, and Joannes
Phumes in the twelfth century, trace the custom to the African canon of
Hippo i nor can Baronius discover any earlier authoiity. See above, p. 52
note.

fathers.

[PT. III.

tcrprctation distinctly
'inc origin,' disscntic-nt
lat the question is by
in ur^^unicnt and in
icru is no Apostolic

CII. XIII.]

Socrahs.

325

iistinc is the same as
introduction of a rule
ho had not taken the
)on, \\ as at the Council
opinion of the bishops
isscd it with a ' placuit
have placed their own
his was the opinion of
uritanian legates, who
for this canon. This
Icon at the end of the
ony of St. Augustine
I after careful invcsti-

sensus est qui eos errare non

P- 317-

Justine judged the matter hy
De Baptismo contra Donatis-
the Universal Church holds,
ways been retained, is most
10 less than Apostolic autho-
:an trace the institution to a
The Council of Carthage in
! sixth century, and Joannes
im to the African canon of
luthoiity. See above, p. 52,

CHAPTER XIII.

SOCRATES, THE HISTORIAN. A.D. 460.

T N order to give a complete view of all the passages
*- quoted from the Fathers and ecclesiastical writers on
the subject of this essay, the passage from Socrates Scho-
lasticus is here added. The whole chapter in which it
occurs is well worth reading, as it shows how great diversity
in practice was consistent with unity of faith and uninter-
rupted intercommunion ; indeed, it was composed wilh this
object, to show how those that were of the same faith differed
amongst themselves in practice. But the chapter is too
long to quote at length : therefore only a part from the
middle is here given. The opening of the chapter is con-
cerned with the variations about the time of keeping
Easter, and the latter part of the chapter recurs to the
same question. The rest is here quoted at length.

He tells us in the middle of the passage that certain
Egyptians near Alexandria were in the habit of celebrating
and communicating on Saturday evening after supper :
this, he says, was not usual. It is probably the latest
example of that which had been at first universal. But
when the influx of worldlings into the Church took place
on the conversion of the Court to Christianity, the habit
was restricted to one day in the year. Maundy Thursday,
the day when the institution of the Blessed Sacrament took
place. The passage is given from the old translation with
a few alterations in spelling.'

' Socrates, EcciesiastUal History, lib. v. cap. xxii. London, 1709, p. 346.

326

T/ic Tcsiimony of the Fat/urs.

No sect of religion observes the same ceremonies, although it
embraces one and the same opinion concerning God. For they
that are of the same faith differ amongst themselves concerning
rites ; wherefore, it will not be unreasonable to add a few words
concerning ihe different usages of Churches. First, therefore, you
may find that the fasts before Easter are observed one way by
some, and in a manner different by others . For they at Rome
fast three continued weeks before Faster, excepting Saturdays and
Sundays. The inhabitants of lUyricum, those throughout whole
Achaia, and they at Alexandria, observe a fast of six weeks before
Easter, which they term the forty days' fast. Others, in a different
manner from them, begin their fast from the seventh week before
Easter, and though they fast three five days only, part of three
weeks, and that by intervals, yet, nevertheless, they also call that
time the foity days* fast. And I cannot but wonder how
these persons, though they disagree about the number of days, yet
should in conunon give it the same name, to wit, the forty days'
fast. Of which appellation some assign one reason, others
another, according to their particular fancies and humours. You
likewise find several persons disagreeing, not only about the
number of the days, but differing also in their abstinency from
meats. For some abstain wholly from eating of living cit?tures ;
others, of all living creatures, feed on fish only. Othersoine,
together with fish, eat fowl also ; affirming, according to Moses's
words, that these were made likewise of the waters. Some abstain
from all manner of fruits of trees and from eggs. Others feed upon
dry bread only; othersome eat not even this. Others, having
fasted till the ninth hour, feed upon any sort of food whatever,
making no distinction. Again, amongst other nations there are
other usages, for which innumerable reasons are assigned. And
in regard no one can produce a command in writing concerning
this thing, 'tis manifest that the Apostles left every one to his own
will and free choice in this case ; to the end that no person might
be compelled through fear or necessity to the performance of what
is good. Such is the disagreement throughout the Churches about
their fastings. Nor is the variety amongst them less about their
Synaxes or religious assemblies. For though almost all Churches
over the whole world do celebrate the Sacred Mysteries on Satur-
day at the period of 'every week, yet the Alexandrians and they at
Rome, on account of some ancient tradition, refuse to practise
this. The Egyptians, who are neighbours to the Alexandrians,
and the inhabitants of Thebais, have their religious meetings on

ihcrs.

[I'T. in.

CH. XIII.]

Socrates.

327

jremonies, although it
ning God. For they
hemselves concerning
le to add a few words
First, therefore, you
observed one way by
. For they at Rome
cepting Saturdays and
3se throughout whole
1st of six weeks before

Others, in a different
e seventh week before
ys only, part of three
;ss, they also call that
not but wonder how
le number of days, yet
to wit, the forty days'
, one reason, others
J and humours. You

not only about the

their abstinency from
ig of living cit?tures ;
ish only. Othersoine,
according to Moses's
waters. Some abstain
;ggs. Others feed upon

this. Others, having
ort of food whatever,
:her nations there are
is are assigned. And

in writing concerning
ft every one to his own
I that no person might
le performance of what
lut the Churches about
them less about their
jh almost all Churches
ed Mysteries on Satur-
exandrians and they at
lion, refuse to practise

to the Alexandrians,

religious meetings on

Saturday; notwithstanding, they participate not of the Mysteries in
such a manner as is usual amongst Christians.' For after they have
satiated, and filled themselves with all manner of victuals, in the
evening they ofier and partake of the Mysteries. Again, at Alex-
andria, on Wednesday and on Friday, the Scriptures are read, and
the Doctors expound them ; and all things are performed which
belong to the Church-assembly except the celebration of the
Mysteries. And this is an usage of great antiquity at Alexandria.
For 'tis manifest that Origen most commonly taught in the church
on these days ; who, being a very learned Doctor, and perceiving
that the secret of the Mosaic Law was not to be expounded
literally, reduced his discourse concerning the Passover to a
mystical sense, asserting that there had been one only true Pass-
over, to wit, that which our Saviour celebrated, at such time as
being fastened to His Cross He vanquished the adverse powers,
making use of this trophy against the devil. In the same city
Alexandria, as well the catechumens as the faithful are without
difference or distinction made Readers and Psalm-setters, whereas
in all other Churches the faithful only are promoted to this
digrity. I myself, when I was in Thessaly, knew another custom
also. A clergyman in that country, if after his taking orders he
does live with his wife, whom he had legally married before his
being ordained, is degraded ; whereas in the East all clergymen
of their own accord do separate from their wives, even the Bishops
themselves : notwithstanding, they do this voluntarily, not by
force or compulsion of a law. For many of them, during even the
time of their being Bishops, have had children of a lawful wife.
Moreover, the author of this usage in Thessaly was Heliodorus,
Bishop of Trica, in that country. This same custom is observed

» I cannot help thinking that this word Xpumavoh is an interpolation. It
does not appear in the translation of Cassiodorius in the sixth century, nor in
Walafrid Strabo in the ninth. Nor can it be said that Walafrid Strabo is only
quoting from Cassiodorius, for he differs from him in a remarkable word.
For Cassiodorius in his Tripartite History renders the passage thus : ' /Egyptii
vero Alexandria vicini, et Thebaidis habitatores Sabbato quidem collectas
agunt : sed Dominica (sicu: moris est) Sacramenta percipiunt : nam postquam
fuerint epulati, et cibis omnibus adimpleti, circa vesperam oblatione facta com-
municant.' (Historia Tripartita, lib. ix. cap. xxxviii. Cassiodorii Opera,
Venetiis, 1729, tom. i. p. 323.) Does this mean that Cassiodorius regarded
Sunday as commencing with the evening of Saturday ? Walafrid Strabo in
recording the passage has : ' Sed iion sicut moris est Sacramenta percipiunt.'
(Dc Rebus Ecdesiasticis, cap. xix.) In neither of these is there any blame
attached to the record ; it is mentioned without much remark as an historical
fact of some interest.

y ^ i

' 1'

328

T/te Testimony of the Fathers.

[PT. III.

L II

i !

» I

in Thessalonica, in Macedonia, and in Achaia. I have also
known another custom in Thessaly. They baptize there on the
days of Easter only. Upon which account all of them, except a
very few, die unbaptized. At that Antioch which is ir Syria, the
site of the Church is inverted. For the Altar stands not towards
the East, but towards the West. In Achaia, at Jerusalem, and in
Thessaly, they go to prayers when the aindles are lighted, in the
same manner that the Novatians do at Constantinople. Likewise,
at Caesarea, in Cappadocia, and in Cyprus, on Saturdays and
Sundays, always in the evening, after the candles are lighted, the
Presbyters and Bishops expound the Scriptures. Those Nova-
tians in the Hellespont perform not their prayers wholly after the
same manner with them who live at Constantinople, but they in
most things conform to the usages of the Catholic Church. In
sum, in all places, and amongst all sects, you will scarcely find
two Churches exactly agreeing about their Prayers. At Alexan-
dria, a Presbyter does in no wise preach. And this usage had its
beginning from such time as Arius raised a disturbance in that
Church. At Rome they fast every Saturday. At Caesarea, in
Cappadocia, they exclude those from Communion who have
sinned after Baptism, as the '^ovptians do. The same is also
practised by the Macedoniir:; ' ^he Hellespont, and by the
Quartodecimans in Asia. 7\. -v .ians in Phrygia admit not of
Digamists. Those Novatians ■ . j tanabit Constantinople neither
openly admit nor openly reject them. But in the western parts
they are openly received. The Bishops, who in their several
times presided over the Churches, were (in my judgment) the
cccasioners of this diversity. And those who received these rites
and usages transmitted them to posterity in manner of a law, as it
were. To give in a catalogue of all the rites and customs in use
throughout all cities and countries, is a thing difficult, or rather
impossible. But these we have produced are sufficient to demon-
strate that the feast of Easter was by reason of some certain usage
celebrated in a diflFerent manner in every particular province.

ILk.j.'- -.'.l-^-J"-'^ ' 'l-^l'-

hers.

[PT. III.

329

Vchaia. I have also
baptize there on the
all of them, except a
which is ir Syria, the
ir stands not towards
, at Jerusalem, and in
es are lighted, in the
antinople. Likewise,
IS, on Saturdays and
ndles are lighted, the
itures. Those Nova-
ayers wholly after the
tantinople, but they in
Catholic Church. In
you will scarcely find
Prayers. At Alexan-
Ind this usage had its
a disturbance in that
:lay. At Caesarea, in
)mmunion who have
>. The same is also
;llespont, and by the
\ Phrygia admit not of
Constantinople neither
in the western parts
who in their several
(in my judgment) the
10 received these rites
manner of a law, as it
;s and customs in use
ing difficult, or rather
re sufficient to demon-
of some certain usage
rticular province.

PART IV.

THE JEWISH FAST BEFORE THE PASSOVER.

A CURIOUS argument was put out in a newspaper
some time back in support of the necessity of the
fast before Communion, and it has been repeated in a little
tract on the Holy Communion published lately.' It is
this, that, —

It carries on into the Christian Passover the rule which the
Jews observed, as they do to tfiis day. When the Apostles came
to the Last Supper they were fasting, so the only food they had
eaten before the institution of the Sacrament was itself a religious
and sacrificial feast. For on that occasion the Jewish and the
Christian rites melted into one.

This is the first reason assigned for the practice of
'not taking anything to eat or drink from the previous
midnight,' and an astonishing reason it seems to be : first,
because the fast before the Passover was only from half-
past four in the afternoon, and was to last two or three
hours, in order that the unpalatable biscuits and bitter
herbs might be eaten with seeming appetite, and did not
last from the previous midnight; secondly, because it is
extremely doubtful whether the Supper was the Paschal
Supper (for it was not, according to St. John, the time of

' The Christian Passover ; or, Notes on the Holy Communion, by the
Editors of the Priest's Prayer Book, 1873, P- AP. One of the editors bears
the initials ' R. F. L.' The letter alluded to appeared in the Church Times
of June 4, 1869, and was signed ' Richard F. Littledale.' See below, p. 333.

330

The Jewish Fast before the Passover. [PT. IV.

the Passover of the Jews), so that it cannot be certainly
known whether the Apostles had or had not eaten for
two hours and a half before the Supper ; lastly, because
it seems to imply that the Paschal Supper did not break
the fast.

I propose now to say something on these points ; and
first, as to the duration of the ' fast ' so called. Here is the
Latin translation of the passage in the Mishna which deals
with the question. It is not worth while troubling the
printer with the Hebrew ; the Latin of Surenhuys ' is given
first :—

Vesperi Paschatis propfe Mincham non comedet homo, nisi
obortae fuerint tenebrte. Etiam pauper in Israele non comedet,
nisi inclinatus.

Compare this with the English translation from the
Hebrew made by the two learned Rabbis, De Sola and
Raphall : *—

It is not lawful for any individual to eat aught on the eve of
the Passover from about the time of Minchah until after dark :
even the meanest in Israel shall not eat until they have arranged
themselves in proper order at ease round the table ; a person
shall not have less than four cups of wine, even if they be given
him from the charitable fund devoted to the support of the very
poor.

That is the whole of the first section of the chapter.
Now let us see what time is denoted by the Latin ' prop6
Mincham ' or the English ' about the time of Minchah,' and
then how soon the restriction against eating is removed, in
order to ascertain how long a time the Jews were to abstain
from food.

The following ' is the explanation of Moses Ben Maimon,
or Maimonides : —

• Misfitia, ed. Surenhusius, Amsteloedami, 1699, vol. ii. p. 172 ; Tn-atise
Pesachim, cap. x. § i.

' Eighteen Treatises from the Mishiia, translated by the Rev. D. A. De
Sola and the Rev. M. J. Rapliall. Second Edition, London, 1845, p. 122.

• From the edition of the Mishna by Surenhuys, quoted above. Moshe

Jil l JlLg...J.iJ. - ' JHJJ-U.!JIU - I LUH->-

nssovcr.

[PT. IV.

PT. IV.] The Jexvish Fast before t/ie Passover.

331

annot be certainly
had not eaten for
ler ; lastly, because
pper did not break

these points ; and
:alled. Here is the
Mishna which deals
/hile troubling the
jurenhuys ' is given

comeclet homo, nisi
Israele non comeclet,

anslation from the
bbis, De Sola and

aught on the eve of
liah until after dark :
il they have arranged
the table ; a person
2ven if they be given
; support of the very

ion of the chapter,
y the Latin ' propi
le of Minchah,' and
iting is removed, in
ews were to abstain

Moses Ben Maimon,

vol. ii. p. 172 ; Tn-alise

\ by the Rev. D. A. De
London, 1845, p. 122.
i, quoted above. Moshe

Near Minchah : at that time when there is still two hours and
a half of daylight, for that time is called Minchah. But the reason
why we bind a man to this is, that he is bound to eat the un-
leavened bread the first night ; and a man must be hungry to eat
unleavened bread with relish. But when we forbid eating, it is
not on'y to be understood of eating bread, because bread (i.e. lea-
vened bread) must not be eaten then, and we are forbidden to
eat unleavened bread until the particular time when it ought to
be eaten, but it is forbidden to eat much ' of other food. Again,
we must eat with reclined body, as kings and nobles are accus-
tomed to eat, which is a sign of freedom.

Maimonides here gives us a hint of the time when the
abstinence before the Passover commenced — it v/as about
two hours and a half before sunset. He also helps us to
the reason of the prohibition — viz. that the man may eat
with an appetite.

Surenhuys gives us also the remarks of the Rabbi Bar-
tenora,* which are as foUov/s : —

About Minchah : a little before Minchah, half an hour, at four
o'clock ; for the daily sacrifice was sacrificed at half-past four,
which is the time of the Minchah, but half an hour before Min-
chah is four o'clock, that no man shall eat, that he may eat the
unleavened bread with a relish, out of respect for the command-
ment. But it is clear that he may not eat bread, because leaven
is forbidden six hours and a half before, and more. . . . But here
our author speaks of other food, that he Jill not his stomach with
them, and be unable to eat the Passover.

The two ' cortle practically to the same thing, that a
man is not to eat after about four o'clock or so. But, then,

ben Maimon ibn Joseph, known as ' Rambam,' was born at Cordova on the
Passover Sabbath, a.d. 1135.

' It is curious that the gloss upon the phrase, ' a man shall not e.nt,' is
that he shall not eat much. Does this help us to understand St. Paul's state-
ment in Acts xxvii. 33, • This day is the fourteenth day that ye have tarried
and continued fasti.ig, having taken «oM>«^ ? ' i.e. (says Mr. Cook, Commen-
tary, 1850, p. 301), no regular meals. See above, p. 128.

* Lived about 1510.

» Lightfoot cites three other Rabbis, who give a precisely similar gloss on
the text of the Mishna to those given here from Surenhuys. Lightfoot,

332

The Jewish Fast before thi Passover. [PT. IV.

they agree that the man may eat a little, as it would seem,
after dark has commenced. For Maimonides says that he
must not eat vineh, and Bartenora, that he must not fill his
stomach. It might be thought from this that the authors
of the 'Christian Passover' thought the Apostles were
fasting because they had not 'eaten much,' or had not
• filled their stomachs.' But, waiving this, it would be well
to see when the Paschal Supper commenced, so as to test
the duration of this imposed fast.

The hour would seem to have varied slightly. It was
to be over before midnight ; and the roasting the sacrifices
was to commence at sundown, according to the oral law : '
' When it became dark, they all went out to roast their
paschal sacrifices.' We may suppose, then, that, on an
average, the supper commenced at about nine o'clock ; so
that the abstinence from food would have been four or
five hours. This would be about the ordinary interval
between meals, or even less ; so that there was not much
claim on their self-denial in this so-called ' fast' It was
clearly meant to provide that the Paschal Supper ,«'hould
be a real meal, and not only a pretence. A man, therefore,
was to come to it as he would to an ordinary meal, and not
immediately after other food.

With all due respect to the two learned authors of the
' Christian Passover,' this does seem a very strange reason
to place first, why 'on the day when we prepare to
receive the Holy Communion, we should not take any-
thing to eat or drink from the previous midnight' We
are to fast from midnight because the Jews did not : and
because they laid down rules that a man was not to eat
for four or five hours before the Paschal Supper, in order

n
u

Temple Service, chap. xiii. Works, London, 1684, vol. i. p. 959. They all
give the reason for the abstinence from food, that the supper may be eaten cum
desidtrio, with an appetite : it was not, therefore, from devotion.

• Mishna, Pesachim, cap. v. § 10, ed. Surenhusius, vol. ii. p. 154 j ed. Do
Sola a;id Raphall, p. 1 10.

Passover. [PT. iv.

rx. IV.] The Jewish Fast before the Passover.

333

tic, as it would seem,
monides says that he
it he must not Jill his
this that the authors
the Apostles were
I much,' or had not
this, it would be well
lenced, so as to test

iried slightly. It was
"oasting the sacrifices
ing to the oral law : '
it out to roast their
e, then, that, on an
bout nine o'clock ; so
i have been four or
:he ordinary interval
there was not much
•called ' fast' It was
schal Supper ."hould
e. A man, therefore,
rdinary meal, and not

jarned authors of the
a very strange reason
fhen we prepare to
hould not take any-
'ious midnight.' We
e Jews did not : and
man was not to eat
;hal Supper, in order

», vol. i. p. 959. They all
he supper may be eaten cum
rom devotion,
sius, vol. ii. p. 154 ; ed. De

that he might come to it with his usual appetite for
a meal.

But it will be said that there must be some grounds
for the interpretation given in the letter in the newspaper
alluded to above. Here is the main point of the letter
as it stands, with its italics and capital letters, in the
' Church Times ' ' for June 4, 1869 : —

What is yet more to the point is this. T/ie ye^vs were bound
to come to the Paschal Supper fasting. The tenth chapter of the
treatise Pesachim (Passover) in the Talmud begins thus :— ' It is
not lawful for any individual to eat aught on the eve of the Pass-
over, from about the time of Minchah [the morning Sacrifice] till
dark : even the meanest in Israel shall not eat till they have ar-
ranged themselves in proper order at ease round the table.'

It will be seen that the letter quotes the translation of
the Rabbis De Sola and Raphall (which has been given
above), the only deviation being the omission of the ' after '
before ' dark,' and the substitution of the word ' till ' for
' until.' But the words between the square brackets are the
words seemingly of the author oi the letter, who signs his
name, ' Richard F. Littledale.'

Now, as there is no erratum saying, ' for morning sacri-
fice, read evening sacrifice,' we must believe that the
writer of the letter thought that the word Minchah, when
it stood alone without any qualification, always meant
the morning sacrifice. Undoubtedly, if the author of the
letter be Dr. Littledale, his name will weigh much in favour
of this interpretation.

But he stands alone, and gives no authority, and the
writer has failed to discover a single author who agrees
with Dr. Littledale.

In the passage in question, it has been seen that the
' best commentators ' agree in understanding Minchah
to mean some time in the evening. Let us recapitulate.

' The Church Times, vol. vii. p. 215, col. 2, June 4, 1869.

:<^aUi«'^>»>f!tMifi»esak»^ ^ 'n i'mtmf»»^fmv m

9^^j$(E.'3tMMt9«u«M«tar.''

334

The Jcivish Fast before the Passover. [PT. IV.

1. The giant of authority, Moses Maimonides (born
A.l). 1 135, died 1204), of whom the Rabbis say, 'From
Moses to Moses, there is none like Moses,' has been
quoted, saying that Minehah means a time when the day
has still two hours and a half to run.

Then Lightfoot ' quotes the three following Rabbis of
lesser note : —

2. Rabbi Alfes (A.D. 1088).

3. Rabbi Solomon (cir. A.D. 1200).

4. Rabbi Samuel (cir. A.D. 1250).

5. Rabbi Obadiah de Bartenora (cir. A.D. 1 510) has
been quoted above, agreeing with these other Rabbis.
Surenhuys,' of his commentaries says (as well as those
of Maimonides), that they are 'Commentaria omnium
Rabbinorum probatissima.'

6. Next we find the elder Buxtorf (a.d. i 564), ' the
prince of Hebrew Scholars,' has no other opinion. His
words are,' ' pridie Paschatis sub vesperain, oblationis
tempore, quod Mincha vocant ; ' that is, On the Passover
eve at evening at the .time of the oblation, which time they
call Minehah.

7. Our own Lightfoot,* ponderous in all such know-
ledge, quotes the opinion approvingly, thus : —

Near the time of the Minehah (say the Glossaries upon that
tradition) meaneth a little before the evening sacrifice ; and from
that time they might eat nothing, that they might eat the un-
leavened bread, which was commanded, with appetite, for the
honour of the command.

8. Surenhuys himself, the editor of the ' noble work,
the favourite edition of the Mishtia,' * does not disagree.

' Temple Senice, chap, xiii.; Works, 1684, vol. i. p. 959.

* Afishna, vol. i. Privfatio ad Lectorem.

' Syitagoga Judaiea, cap. xviii. Basilca.-, 1680, p. 404. So, too, in his
LcxkoH Talmudkiim, Basilea?, 1629, s.v. Miiiclinh, col. 1225 ; and again,
s.v. Shakarith, col. 2370 ; and also in his Lexicon f/chraiaim, Glasgiire, 1 824,
s.v. Minehah.

* In the place above quoted.

' Etheridge's Ilebrew Literature, p. 125.

•W^WBWBJLU.B!! «-

Passover.

[PT. IV.

rr. I\'.] The Jexvish Fast before the Passover.

335

:s Malmonides (born

Rabbis say, ' From

:e Moses,' has becri

I time when the day

following Rabbis of

(cir. A.D. 1 510) has
these other Rabbis.
s (as well as those
jmmentaria omnium

orf (A.D. 1 564), ' the
other opinion. His
vesperain, obiationis
is. On the Passover

tion, which time they

s in all such know-
, thus : —

he Glossaries upon that

'tig sacrifice ; and from

hey might eat the un-

with appetite, for the

of the ' noble work,
does not disagree.

!. i. p. 959-

, p. 404. So, too, in his
ah, col. 1225 ; and again,
f/rhraiatm, Glasgiire, 1824,

So that, if we only took the above authorities, we could
hardly think that even Dr. Littledale could outwci^jh them.
Hut in the first treatise of the Mishtia we find the word
Minehah used, and the meaning plentifully discussed. The
following passage is from the translation of De Sola and
Raphall : '—

The morning prayer may be said till noon ; R Jehudah saitli,
imtil the fourth hour. The Minehah prayer until the evening ;
R. Jeliudah saith, until the expiration of half tlie time appointed
for the Minehah sacrifice.

This is the first time the phrase occurs in the Mishita,
and we have several explanations given in Surenhuys,"
all of which are here given.

(1) Maimonides writes thus : —

Peleg hamminchah, dimidiuin Mineha, is when tlicre still
remain two hours and a half of day. He who prays until night,
i.e. till sunset, let him say the prayer called Minehah.

(2) Rabbi de Bartenora writes at greater length
thus : —

Ad peleg hamminchah, usque ad dimidium Minchce, the time
of Little Minehah is from half-past three until night, which is two
hours and a half, and so Xhepe/eg hamminchah [the division of the
Minehah] is an hour and a quarter. But the solution of this
question is, that anyone may do as this doctor, or as that holds j
but he who wishes to do as the wise, and say the prayer of
Minehah up to night-time, let him do it, but under this condition,
that he say not the prayer of night at that time, &c.

(3) The learned Surenhuys himself comes in here with
his help, which runs as follows : —

(4) Tt is asked in the Tosephot' at the beginning of the
second chapter of Pesachim, fol. 107, how the afternoon prayer can

' Eighteen Treatises from the Mishna, London, 1845, p. 5. Treatise,
Beracholh (lilcssinjjs), chap. iv. § I.

'^ Mishna, Amste'nedami, 1698, vol. i. p. 13 ; sec also Chiurini, Ij Talmud
tie Babyloiw, Leipjic, 1831, vol. ii. p. 71 sq.

' ' The Tosafoth are exegetical additions to the Gemara by later Rabbins.'
— Etheridge, Hebrezo Literature, p. 178.

336

The Jcioish Fast Inforc the Passover.

be called the prayer of the Mint hah, since the Minchah is oflered
in the morning as well? The answer is, that there is always
added to the morning Minchah the word Shakarithy and therifore
it is called Miiuhath S/tak(nit/i, and is thus sufficiently distinguished
from the evening Minchah. Maimon says, indeed, that Minchah
is a noun which denotes a certain time of day, and that this is
called the second prayer, but he does not give the reason ; (5) but
R. Moses ben Nachman [born at Gerona a.d, 1 194] remarks, Uiat
it is so called because then the sun rests, as it were, from pouring
out his heat ; and in this sense it is said in the Targum limnaach
yoma^ in the repose of the day, and this is the Great Minchah, of
which the wise speak.

(6) Next wc have the learned note of our own country-
man,' who was snatched by an early death, at the age of
thirty-one, from adding to his knowledge, which was
already of European reputation. His name is best known
under the Latin form Guisius : —

Afternoon. Minchah, in the definition of Maimonides, em-
braces that space of the day when there remain two and a half
hours. Therefore, according to him, the middle of that time
falls on the end of three quarters of the eleventh hour [a quarter
to five o'clock]. So, too, Bartenora. But far otherwise writes
a certain Arabic commentator on the Liturgy of the Alexandrian
Jews, a MS. which the illustrious Robert Huntington' sent over
from the East. (7) He explains it thus: 'The time when these
prayers are said extends from the time when the decline of the
sun becomes manifest — viz. from half past one to sunset.' And
indeed Maimonides himself, later in his Yad Hachazaka, comes to
the same opinion. But he remarks, that the whole afternoon
is divided into two Menachoth, of which the first extends from half-
past twelve to half-past three, and is called Minchah gedolah, the
Great Minchah ; that which follows until a quarter to five, or
rather to sunset, is called Minchah qetannah, or Little Minchah.

^ The allusion is to the Targum of Onkelos, on Gen. iii. 8. See Walton's
Polyglott, vol. i. p. II, col. I.

' William Guise, a brilliant light in Oriental scholarship ; he was a Fellow
of All Souls College, Oxford ; he was bom in 1653, and died in 1684.

* Another learned alumnus of Oxford. He waii bom in 1636 and died in
1701, twelve days after he had been consecrated Bishop of Raphoe ; his
manu.scripts were bought for the Bodleian.

^iissovcr.

the Minchah is offered

that there is always

hakarith, and therefore

Lifficiently distinguished

indeed, that Minchah

■ day, and that this is

e the reason ; (5) but

.D, 1 194] remarks, that

s it were, from pouring

the Targum limmxach

the Great Minchah, of

of our own country-
death, at the age of
awlcdge, which was
I name is best known

n of Maimonides, em-
remain two and a half
t middle of that time
leventh hour [a quarter
!ut far otherwise writes
irgy of the Alexandrian
Huntington' sent over
' The time when these
hen the decline of the
t one to sunset.' And
jd Hac/iazaka, comes to
It the whole afternoon
e first extends from half-
id Minchah gedolah, the
il a quarter to five, or
<iah, or Little Minchah.

n Gen. iii. 8. See Walton's

cholarship ; he was a Fellow
;3, and died in 1684.
as bonj in 1636 and died in
ed Bishop of Raphoe ; his

I'T. I\ .] T/tr Jcwixh Fast before the Passover. 337

He lays ilown that the wliole afternoon time is suitable lor these
prayers.

It is quite clear, then, that wherever we turn we find it
taken for granted, and agreed upon, that Minchah, when
used alone, and without the distinctive qualification, is
indicative of some time in the afternoon or evening. When,
therefore, we find elsewhere in the Talmud Minc/iah used,
we expect to find the afternoon or evening spoken of
Thus in the treatise ' Sabbath,' we read in De Sola and
Raphall,' ' A man is not to sit down to the barber near the
time of Minchah, till he has said his prayers.' In Suren-
huys * the word is rendered unhesitatingly vespertiunm sa-
crificittin ; and just the same kind of commentary is given
in this passage.'

But if Dr. Littledale still thinks that the word Minchah,
when used alone, does mean the morning sacrifice, how-
will he interpret the account of an event which hap-
pened two thousand years before Maimonides.' In the
history of the challenge of the prophets of Baal by
lilijah, we read in the Authorized Version (i Kings xviii.
29,36):— , -

And it came to pass, when mid-day was past, and they pro-
phesied until the time of the offering of the evening Eacrifice, that
there was neither voice nor any to answer, nor any that regarded.
. . . And it came to pass at the time of the offering of the aeniii^
sacrifice, that Elijah the prophet came near.

Now most of our children know that when words are in
italics in our version it is because they have no place in
the original, but are inserted to give the real meaning of

' Eighhen Treatises o/the Mis/iiia, p. 37, treatise, Sabbath, ch.-ip. i. § 2.

» Mishna, vol. ii. p. 3 ; see also Constitutioncs Tractatus Talmudici Schah-
bath Latini versa a S. Schmidt, Lipsix, 1661, p. 2.

» The same interpretation of Minchah is given in the following authorities,
who are not quoted at length, but may be referred to if the reader desire
more:— Mr. Selig Newman, Hebrew and English Txxicon, London, iS;,.;,
p. 347; Zanolini, Lexicon Chaldaico- Rabbinic. nn, Patavii, 1747, p. 258 ; I'ucr
(-'iwxna, Lexicon I lebraictim ct Chald,io-Biblicum,Vxc\f., 1746, pars i. col. 1136.

f,!

•K

338

The Jnvish Fast before the Peissover. [PT. IV,

the passage. The exact rendering here, then, would be,
'at the going up of the Minchah.' This would be, ac-
cording to the letter in the ' Church Times,' the morniug
sacrifice. But apart from the unanimous consent of all
commentators, common sense rccjuires that the gloss of
our Authorized Version should be accepted, even if we
do not translate with Buxtorf, 'donee ascenderet tcmpiis
vespertinmn! '■ . v j

If, therefore, Dr. Littledale has discovered in his search
after knowledge that the Jewi.sh Rabbis of greatest name
and Christian Hebraists of greatest fame (not to mention
the unknown Arabic commentator), for the last eight
hundred years, are all wrong, he surely should give the
world the reasons for his opinion, and not let it stand on
his own ipse dixit. But if he does not do this, it is to be
hoped in all unsold copies of the seventh volume of the
' Church Times ' he will put the following erratum : —

P. 215, col. 2, line 47, for uwrniii^ xg&A evening.

This letter probably misled Mr. Oxenham, at whose
vigorous boldness I do not wonder so much as at his
extraordinary reference. He preaches thus : ' —

We should remember that that 'Supper' was no common
meal, the food they ate was no common food — it was a sacred
sacrificial feast, one of the most solemn^ religious rites of the
Jewish Church, and one to which they who shared it were bidden
to come fasting. The Paschal Supper, therefore,, bears no com-
parison with any ordinary meal, and the fiict that the Apostles
had eaten of that sacred feast before their first communion affords
no ground whatever to justify us in eating ordinary food. (Vide
Freeman's ' Principles of D. S.,' vol. ii. cap. ii. sects, ii. and
iii. ; also letter on Evening Communions, ' Guardian,' Nov. 27,
1872.)

Now that the Last Supper was a sacred meal is most
probable (i priori, and as such we most certainly must

' T/ie Duty of Fasting Commuiiiou, by F. N. Oxenham, M.A., Second
Edition, p. 13.

KUmaM«^^»^at

• Passover. [PT. IV.

here, then, would be,
Tliis would be, ac-
h Times,' the mortnug
limous consent of all
ires that the gloss of
accepted, even if wc
nee asccnderet tempus

iscovered in his search
bbis of greatest name
fame (not to mention
•), for the last eight
urely should give the
rid not let it stand on
not do this, it is to be
levcnth volume of the
)wing erratum : —

/■//f read eiiemng.

. Oxenham, at whose
IX so much as at his
les thus : ' —

upper' was no common
•n food — it was a sacred
1111^ religious rites of the
i\iO shared it were bidden
therefore,, bears no com-
le fact that the Apostles
ir first comnninion affords
ng ordinary food. (Vide
ii. cap. ii. sects, ii. and
)ns, ' Guardian,' Nov. 27,

a sacred meal is most
t most certainly must

. N. Oxenhnm, M.A., Second

IT. IV.] The yavis/t Fast before the Passover. 339

now regard it ; and the great divine, Medc,' held that ' the
IJread and the Wine, whereof the holy Supper was in-
stituted, were the Minchah, or meat and drink offering of
the Passover.' So this need not surprise us ; but what
can we say to Mr. Oxenham's references ? The letter in
the ' Guardian ' is signed ' Richard F. Littledale,' and the
remarks are much the same as that in the ' Church
Times,* the Trporov y^ivBoi of which has been animadverted
on before. But can it be believed ? Archdeacon Freeman,
in the passage quoted, i. mentions no word of Aisting ; and
2. argues that the Last Supper was not the Paschal
Slipper ! He argues, and in the writer's humble opinion
well, that it was probably the usual Sabbath Eve service of
the synagogue. This, therefore, would scatter to the winds
all arguments that the Apostles were fasting, based upon
the notion that it was the Paschal Supper.

If, then, we must ask Dr. Littledale the grounds of his
contravening the opinions of eight centuries of Doctors,
may we ask Mr. Oxenham for his commentary upon Arch-
deacon Freeman ? - - ,

But, say the authors of the ' Christian Passover,' the
Jews observe fasting before the Passover Supper ' to this
day.' Unfortunately they have given no reference, and
neither the writer nor one of the most learned Rabbis in
London, whom he has consulted, has been able to
discover the authorities for the assertion. Indeed, the
following extract from a Talmudic tract* gives a reason
why no pious Jew, with one exception in each family, does
ever fast in the month of the Passover : —

Decision 2. Why do they not fast in the month of Nisan ?
Because on the first of Nisan the Tabernacle was founded, and

• Epistle Iviii. ; IVorh, London, 1672, p. 826.

» Tract Soferim, chap. xxi. §§ 2 and 3. This is the first of the Massektoth
Qetannoth, or small tracts which foim a kind of appendix to the Talmud, ar.d
were written after the Talmud was complete. See Etheridge, I/cln-ttu Lileratitif,
p. 186. The fast of the firstborn is alluded to in Calmet, Dictionary of Bible,
S.V. I'aisner, London, 1823, vol, ii.

7 2

•4

■ ---°rJyit''a'illiillM'Ii"

34d The Jcioish Fast before the Passover. [PT. I\".

the twelve chiefs otTered their of=fe.:ngs for twelve days, a day for
every tribe ; and each one used to make festival on his day. And
so, in the time to come, the Temple was to be built in Nisan, to
make good what is said, ' There is nothing new under the sun '
[Eccles. i. 9].

Decision 3. Therefore, they say not prayers all the days of
Nisan, and do not fast till Nisan is over, e;xept the firstborn, who
fast on the eve of the Passover; and the Essenes, on account of
the Passover cake, that they may assemble for it with desire.

Here is the one exception, the firstborn, who fast on the
eve of the Passover: there is no other fast known now.
This fast, too, was unknown in our Lord's day. For there
is no trace of it in the Talmud itself. The Talmudic
tracts testify to their being later than the Talmud by their
not being incorporated in it. Then the Talmudic commen-
tary is later than the text of the Mishna, and the Mishna
did not take its concrete form until some time after our
Blessed Lord.> It is quite clear, then, that the fast of the
firstborn on the Passover eve (in remembrance of their
safety while the Egyptian firstborn were slain) was
unknown in our L-jr Vs day, as it is not heard of for some
seven or eight hundred years after His death.

The learned Rabbi before mentioned assured the present
writer that, though the Jews in Russia and Poland, and
many of the English Jews, do not eat bread (i.e. leavened
bread) the day before the Passover, they eat other food ;
but refrain so long before the Passover that they may eat,
with some degree of appetite at all events, a small portion

' The Mishna is the essence of the oral law, which was said to have been
handed down from the time of Moses. It seems to have taken its present form
in the third century after our Blessed Lord. Upon this there have been two
commentaries written, one at Tiberias, called after Jerusalem, and another
lunger one, called the Babylonian. This latter dates from the sixth century.
The MLIiiM, with its Gcmara (a quasi-commentary), made up the Talmud.
The extra Talmudic tracts must of necessity be later than the sixth century,
otiierwise their materials would have been incorporated in the text of the
Talmud itself. See Etheridge's Ilcbrciv Lileraliire, p. 114 seqq. Kitto's
liihk Cyclopadia, s.v. Talmud. A concise account may be found in Cliarles
Butler's Hone BMor, Oxford, 1799, p. 10 and following.

"assovcf.

[PT. IV,

PT. IV.] T/w Jewish Fast before the Passover.

341

twelve days, a day for
itival on his day. And
o be built in Nisan, to
ig new under the sun '

)rayers all the days of
;;cept the firstborn, who
Essenes, on account of
for it with desire.

born, who fast on the
her fast known now.
ard's day. For there
self. The Talmudic
the Talmud by their
le Talmudic commen-
r/zwrt, and the Mishna

some time after our
I, that the fast of the
;membrance of their
rn were slain) was
not heard of for some
is death.

led assured the present
ssia and Poland, and
at bread (i.e. leavened

they eat other food ;
ver that they may eat,
;vents, a small portion

which was said to have been
to have taken its present form
ion this there have been two
after Jerusalem, and another
dates from the sixth century,
itary), made up the Talmud,
later than the sixth century,
lorporated in the text of the
•attire, p. 114 seqq. Kitto's
unt may be found in Cliarles
following.

of the Passover cake. He also said that whatever rule
there was, it was not ' from religion ; ' in no sense did they
regard it as a religious fast, and there was no sin in
not attending to the rule of not eating leavened bread at
this interval of time. Thus, the ancient and modern Jews
themselves seem quite ignorant of the devotion of ' fasting,'
before the Passover ascribed to them by the inventive
exigences of modern rigorists.

Again, it is at the least very doubtful indeed whether
the supper at which the Led instituted the blessed Sacra-
ment was, or was intended to be, the usual. Paschal Supper.
To the writer, the whole weight of the argument seems to
show that it was not the Paschal Supper, and was not
thought to be so by the Apostles. This is not the place to
argue the matter out, but the main reasons for this view
are here given as concisely as possible.

The whole question turns on the point as to the day
on which the Lord was crucified. If the Lord suffered
on Friday, Nisan 14, then the Last Supper was not the true
Passover feast. That such was the casis depends on the
following evidence : —

L The almost universal tradition of the primitive
Fathers.' This seems a sweeping statement ; but two
remarkable passages of St. Hippolytus * (d. cir. A.D. 240)
will alone be quoted, for lack of room. Speaking against a
quartodeciman, he says : — . ,

But he has fallen into error by not perceiving that at the
time when Christ suffered, He did not eat the Passover of
the I^w ! for He was the Passover that had been of old pro-
claimed. >. *

And again: — ■ ' -^ *

He, who said of old, ' I will not any more eat the Passover,'

' The original difficulties have been heightened by the controveiigy about
azymes, as to whether the Lord consecrated in fermented or unfermented
bread. For references, see Greswell, Diss. xli. vol. iii. p. 168, sq. Oxford, 1837.

'•' Clark's Ante-Nkmc Library, vol. ix. part ii. p. 94.

A
■-■I

'r -t

34^

Tlie Jewish Fiist before tlic Passover. [PT. IV.

probably partook of supper before the Passover, But the Pass-
over He did not eat, but He suffered, for it was not time for
eating it.

II. Jewish tradition, as seen in the Talmud: 'On
Passover Eve they crucified Jesus,' '

III. St. John's statements on the subject, which are
clear— viz, (rt) xviii, 28, ' That they might eat the Pass-
over.' This phrase always means eating the Paschal
Lamb in the night of Nisan 1 5, Hence, ' early ' on Friday
morning, Nisan 1 5 had not commenced : compare Exod.
xii. 43, 44; 2 Chron. xxx. 18; 2 Esdras vi. 21 (LXX).
For though 'the Passover' sometimes was used to express
other sacrifices beside the lamb, yet the phrase ' eat the Pass-
over ' seems never used of any but the true Paschal Supper.

{b) The special note of time given in St. John xiii. i,

• before the feast of the Passover.'

. (c) St. John xix. 14 : 'The preparation of the Passover.'
This can only mean the day preceding the Paschal Supper
— viz. the day ending with sunset of Nisa'- 14.

{d) St John xix. 31: 'Great was the day of that
Sabbath,' is the exact grammatical rendering of the pas-
sage. This could only be said of the concurrence of the
weekly Sabbath with the Paschal Supper of Nisan 15:
' Great was the day which fell on that Saturday.'

IV. The peculiar character of the message sent to the

• goodman of the house ' would seem to denote something
unusual, and not the usual Paschal feast. This is seen
from (a) 'The master saith;' {b) The confidential and
peculiar terms of the message ; and {f) The choice of the
two chiefest Apostles as messengers, St. Luke xxii. 8, &c.

V. The Lord's saying in St. Luke xxii. 15 seems to
point to something unusual and peculiar.

' Talmud Babyl. Treatise Sanhcdrin, vi. 2, fol. 43 A. It is erased in
modem editions by the censor. Compare also Bishop EUicott, Historical
Lectures on the Life of our Lord fesiu Christ, London, 1862, p. 322, note 3,
where see the whole note.

\ ■

5.'

Passover. [PT. IV.

isover. But the Pass-
)r it was not time for

the Talmud: 'On

e subject, which are
might eat the Pass-
eating the Paschal
ce, ' early ' on Friday
ced : compare Exod.
Jsdras vi. 21 (LXX).
> was used to express
phrase ' eat the Pass-
true Paschal Supper.
;n in St John xiii. i,

ation of the Passover.'
I the Paschal Supper
'Jisap 14.

as the day of that
rendering of the pas-
e concurrence of the
supper of Nisan 1 5 :
; Saturday.'
e message sent to the
\ to denote something
feast. This is seen
rhe confidential and
{c) The choice of the
St. Luke xxii. 8, &c.
ke xxii. 15 seems to
[iar.

fol. 43 A. It is erased in
» Bishop EUicott, Historical
ondon, 1862, p. 322, note 3,

PT. IV.] T/ie Jewish Fast before the Passover.

343

VI. There are certain hints that the day of our blessed
Lord's death was not marked by that solemn rest which was
required on the Paschal Sabbath. These are mostly taken
from the three Synoptical Gospels. It must be remembered
that Nisan 1 5 was one of the most strict Sabbaths of the
whole year ; compare Exodus xii. 22. After sunset of
Nisan 14 no work was done, and no man left the house.
If, then, this were the night when our Lord was .seized,
(rt) our Saviour and His disciples brake the law, for they
left the house ; {b) so did the persecuting Jews ; (f) so
also did the whole Sanhedrin, who also brake the oral law,
which forbade a trial on that day ; (d) so did the disciples who
buried the Lord ; (iy so did the holy women who prepared
spices before the Sabbath in its severity commenced,
St. Luke xxiii. 56 ; (/) so did Simon the Cyrenian, who
was coming home from his work in the field ; {g) neither
would the day have been called ' the Preparation,' or ' the
Preparation of the Passover,' a name ever since given to
the day of the Lord's death in the Christian Church.
(//) Judas was supposed to have gone out to buy some-
thing, whereas the strictness of the Sabbath precluded the
possibility of buying and selling.

VII. Lastly, the antitypical nature of the Lord's sacri-
fice (r Cor. V. 7). This would seem to have required
that at the moment of the Lord's death the Paschal Lamb
should have been sacrificed. Indeed, if the Sabbath of
Nisan 15 that year coincided with the weekly Sabbath,
then probably the supernatural darkness pr( vented ' the
oflfering of the daily sacrifice of the lamb, as well as the
Paschal Lamb : a fitting cessation in the presence of the
Sacrifice of the true Lamb of God. The same may be

' • When the day before the Passover happened on Friday, the daily offer-
ing was slaughtered half an hour afte 'be sixth hour, and sacrificed half an
hour after the seventh hour, and the i iissover sacrifice after it.' (Afishna,
De Sola and Raphall, p. 107 ; Pesachim, cap. v. § I.) See Freeman's Prin-
ciples of Divine Service, voL ii. p. 299, note i ; also Greswell, Dissertations on
a Harmony of the Gospels, Oxford, 1837, vol. iii. p. 166.

,1-

i !

■' I

'If

344 77ic Jcxvish Fast before the Passover. [I'T. I v.

said of the offering of the wave- sheaf of the firstfruits of
tlie harvest, on the morrow after the Paschal Sabbath, that
wonderful type of the Resurrection.

IJut be this as it may, the question is too doubtful for
the admission of the argument that the Apostles must have
been fasting, even for four or five hours, because it was the
Taschal Supper they were to partake of, \ ' r

Next, it seems to be implied that the Paschal Supper
was not supposed to break this ' fast ' of four or five hours.
' When the Apostles came to the Last Supper they were
fasting, so the only food they had eaten before the institu-
tion of the Sacrament was itself a religious and sacrificial
feast.' This is given as a reason for Christians fasting from
the midnight previous, because the Apostles had not taken
food for four or five hours, in order that they might eat the
more before the institution ! It seems strange. It would
seem as if the Eucharist was to be a memorial of the Jews*
Passover from such an argument. At all events, so far
were the eariy Church from thinking the Last Supper
did not break the fast of the Apostles, that they had in
some places a feast in commemoration of the Last Supper,
and celebrated the Eucharist after\vards. It was only in
modern times that the Eucharist was said not to break the
fast, as .some used to refrain from Communion when they
were fasting,' lest they should break the fast.

Indeed, if the Jews did fast before the Passover, for
which there is no ground, it would be perchance an
interesting historical fact, but can hardly be pressed into a
' reason ' why a Christian should fast before Holy Commu-
nion. This only depends on an oral law, whereas the
strictness of the ceremonial Sabbath, depending on a
written law, has been entirely abolished. For the true
interpretation of the Fourth Commandment is that still

' See TertuUian, De O'nlioue, cap. xiv. : ' Similiter et Stationum diebus
nnn putant plerique sacrificiorum orationibus interveniendum, quod static sol-
veiida sit accepto corpore Domini.'— C/r/rt, ed. Rigaltius, Paris, 1675, p. 133.

rJi:

u- Passover. [I'T. I v.

:af of the firstfruits of

1 Paschal Sabbath, that

on is too doubtful for
he Apostles must have
lurs, because it was the

2 of % '

at the Paschal Supper
: ' of four or five hours.
Last Supper they were
ten before the institu-
religious and sacrificial
Christians fasting from
\postles had not taken
hat they might eat the
ms strange. It would

memorial of the Jews*

At all events, so far
ing the Last Supper
itles, that they had in
on of the Last Supper,
'ards. It was only in
s said not to break the
Communion when they

the fast.

fore the Passover, for
uld be perchance an
.rdly be pressed into a

before Holy Commu-
)ral law, whereas the
>ath, depending on a
lished. For the true
landment is that still

imiliter et Stationum diebus
erveniendum, quod statio sol-
Rigaltius, Taris, 1675, p. 133.

rr. IV,] T/w yizi'ish Fast before the Passover. 3^5

given by the English Church, in spite of puritanical opposi-
tion,' • to serve God truly all the days of my life.'

[I could have wished to have omitted this chapter, but
this does not seem practicable. I feel, therefore, bound to
give Dr. Littlcdale's answer, which is in a letter to the
'Church Review' of August 2, 1873 :—

Mr. Kingdon has corrected a mistake into which I fell in
alleging that the Minchah was the mor/iiiig sacrifice referred to by
the Talmudic precept, that on the eve of the Passover no one of
Israel was to eat from the time of Minchah till after dark. He
lias proved that the eirning sacrifice is meant, but he has entirely
misused his correction, because he has tried to make it prove that
the Jews did not insist on a fast before Paschal Communion as of
religious obligation. All that is affected by my mistake is the
kiigth 0/ the fast, not the fact of it. And as in Palestine dark
comes on just after sunset, when the new day, according to Jewish
reckoning, begins, the rule is exactly parallel with the ancient
Christian use of not eating after midnight, when Mass was just
before dawn. Mr. Kingdon's School, liking Anglican prettinesses
and aesthetics, objects strongly to asceticism, and wishes to have
no fast at all, for no other reason than that it is not pleasant to go
without food. And with that end it mixes up two perfectly dis-
tinct questions — the frequency and the goodness of Communions.
... I had rather see three Communions a year made fasting
than fifty-two after the use of St. Andrew's, Wells Street.

It must have cost Dr. Littledale much to write this. I
do not, therefore, wish to take exception to it, as I hope now
he has begun he will go on, and some day withdraw all of
the above which is not already a retractation. So far as I
can learn from books or living authorities, such a thing as a
religious fast before the Passover (except in the case of
firstborn in later times) has always been unknown until Dr.
Littledale first introduced the pleasant conceii..j

> The bishops answered the Puritans' objection : ' It is not true that there
is nothing in that answer which refers to the Fourth Commandment ; for the
last words of the answer do orderly relate to the last commandment of the
first table, which is the ¥ OMxXh.'— English Pwilauism : Documttils, Kent
& Co. 1862, p. 169.

347

PART V.

THE ADVISABILITY OF FASTING COMMUNION.

1^ EARLY thirty years back a young priest, shortly
^ ^ after the Embertide at which he was ordained,
was staying at Hursley. It was suggested that he should
celebrate almost for the first time in the parish church, in
order to release the vicar, who wished to celebrate at one of
the hamlets. This offer having been accepted, he said on
the Saturday evening, ' Please do not expect me at break-
fast to-morrow.' This gave rise to some conversation,
which was reported to Keble. Upon being appealed to,
he said with a sad smile, ' It is a good custom ; ' and
said nothing more. Herein, be it said, he w.is strictly
accurate. He did not say, as some would now, it is a law
of the Church to be obeyed under pain of mortal sin, but 'it
is a good custom.' This opinion, it is clear, he held to the
last, for, in the last public letter he wrote, which was pub-
lished in the ' Literary Churchman ' four months before his
death, he earnestly deprecated such extravagance of lan-
guage as, for example, Mr, Oxenham thought well to
preach and print. He wrote as follows : '

I for one rejoice whenever and wherever I see that kind of
revival successfully and tranquilly accomplished. But the success
will be more complete, and the satisfaction more perfect, when

• Letters of Spiritual Coumcl and Giiidatice, by the late Rev. J. Keble
M.A., Parkers, 1870, p. 239. It is also given in Coleridge's Life of Keble
2nd edition, 1869, p. 539. = y y ,

348

The Advisability of Fasting Communion. [PT. V.

those who have the work at heart shall have ceased to indulge
themselves in invidious comparisons and scornful criticisms on
such among their brethren as do not yet see their way to it ; and
when, on certain kindred subjects, they have learned to make candid
allowance for the difference betioeen our circumstances and those with
a victv to ivhich the Primitive Canons ioere framed. I allude par-
ticularly to the disparaging tone sometimes used in speaking of mid-
day Communions, loith small consideration, as it seems to me, for the
aged atid infirm, and others who cannot come early.

This opinion is dated December 1865, and Keble 'fell
asleep on the 29th of March' 1866: it must be regarded,
therefore, as the last expression nf his ripened view, and it
is concisely the same view as that maintained in this essay,
uttered in more gentle and beautiful language.

That in England at least it is not a law, but, as Kebic
said, it is everywhere ' a good custom,' is the testimony also
of Bishop Jeremy Taylor, who is the English authority
most relied on by modern rigorists amongst ourselves. He
writes thus : ' —

It is a Catholic custom that they who receive the Holy Com-
munion should receive it fasting. This is not a duty commanded
by God ; but unless it be necessary to eat, he that despises this
custom gives nothing but the testimony of an evil mind.

It must not be supposed for a moment that it is my
wish in any respect to despise this custom : this is far from
my thoughts, and always has been since I was confirmed, a
quarter of a century ago. Twenty years ago there was but
one weekly celebration at Cambridge, and that at mid-day.
This made some of us liable to the primitive charge of
heresy for turning Sunday into a fasting day. No, the
custom is in no way despised. But it is argued that there
is no law or canon binding in England now, so as to make
those that are unable to follow this custom liable to a
charge of mortal sin as having broken a positive precept.

' Dtutor Dubitantmm, bk. iii. chjip. iv. Rule 1$, Works, ed. Eden, 1855,
vol. X. p. 358. • ,

' f

>itjl(ii i|ii | . ^jr iM f| i iffi! f--

nnniuttioti. [PT. V.

ve ceased to indulge
icornful criticisms on
their way to it ; and
(earned to t.take candid
stances and those with
ramed. I allude par-
i in speaking of mid-
r it seems to me, for the
arly, ^

65, and Keble ' fell
i must be regarded,
ripened view, and it
tained in this essay,
iguage.

L law, but, as Kebic
s the testimony also
I English authority
ngst ourselves. He

ceive the Holy Com-
ot a duty commanded
he that despises this
n evil mind.

)ment that it is my
om : this is far from
e I was confirmed, a
's ago there was but
md that at mid-day.
primitive charge of
ting day. No, the
is argued that there
now, so as to make
custom liable to a
I a positive precept.

5, Works, ed. Eden, 1855,

I'T. \-.J The Advisability of Fasting Comvnmion. 349

It is argued here that, as a matter of fact, the canons
enforcmg this in England have become abrogated by
disuser, and by the unchecked prevalence of the contrary
custom, the original reason of the canons having passed
away. Indeed, the same reason docs not exist now as
It did even in Bishop Taylor's day.s. His ' Ductor Dubi-
tantium ' (from .vhich the above extract is taken) was passing
through the press when die following was published The
passage is from a book published in 1659, and is quoted
by the elder D Israeli in his ' Curiosities of Literature : ' '—

This cofth-drink hath caused a great sobriety among all nations :
formerly apprentices, clerks, &c. used to take their morning
draughts m all beer or wine, which often made them unfit for
business; now they play the good fellows in this wakeful and
civil drink.

If they were unfit for business, how much more for
devotion ! But this unfitness in the morning has now passed
away, and with it the absolute necessity of Fasting Commu-
nion. In its place the contrary custom has prevailed, and
to do away with this now would imperil amongst us in
England the present most laudable habit of frequent Com-
munion.

Such at least was the opinion of John Mason Neale
during his last sickness. It is no breach of confidence to
publish his opinion, because he was aware when he gave
it, that it was asked with the object of ascertaining his
ripened view ; and I have especial leave to publish the
narrative. One of his oldest friends visited him shortly
before his death, and among other questions of the daj- .
discussed with him the matter of obligatory Fasting Com-
munion, a subject which was then attracting notice. After
some conversation, he expressed his full agreement with
his friend, that it was NOT binding on persons living in the

' Curiosities of LUeralure, by I. D-Jsraeli, Routledge, 1S67, p. 296.
'EssayontheIntroductionofTea,Co(ree, and Chocolate.'

.,;; 11

-rM\

350 T/te AiivUabiliO' of Fasting Communion. [I'T. V.

world within our communion, and that it would be harmful
to try to enforce it ; but, at the same time, he thought
it should be held to bind those who had specially devoted
themselves to a more devout life, sisters of mercy, and
others who followed a religious profession ; that is, that
it should be made a rule of special devotion. He had
specially present to his mind the danger of attempting to
enforce a rule which in England had been proved to make
Communions less frequent than the early Church desired.

With this deliberate decision of a master in Israel most
(it is hoped) will agree. If persons wish to show their
deepening love, let this be one of their rules ; but do not
let them show spiritual pride in despising or condemning
others who do not, or who cannot, fast from the previous

midnight.

Has it not been found, over and ovei again, that attempts
at extreme rigour do not command obedience for long ? '
In this very matter of fasting this may be seen. The
monks, whose strict rule kept them on very low diet, were
terribly tempted to eat in secret at forbidden hours. They
hid pieces of bread in their sleeves or elsewhere, to stay the
gnawings of hunger between their scanty meals. St. Basil*
is very severe upon such as did this ; and St. John Cassian
also mentions it as a grievous falling away.' But there
is much wisdom in the rule which forbids men to fast

' Thus the important Council of Tribur (A.D. 895) gives this as a reason
for lessening penance for murder: ' Nobis tamen quia pastores ovium Christ i
sumus pro moderni temporis qualitate, et hominum fragilitate Iwnum et utile
videtur ut authoritate synodali modum castigationis imponamus, ne prolixum
tempus pcenitentisE generet fastidium negligentibus.'— Co. Triburiense, can.

xlvii. Carrania, p. 597.

» Sermo de Kenunciatione SacuN, § 8, Oj<era, ed. Gaume, torn. n. pp. 290,
291 : ' Avoid the sin of eating in secret even to the taste of the tongue.'

» Collatic 11. cap. xi. : Of a young monk who hid a biscuit (unum paxi-
maceum: each probably weighed a pound (cf. cap, xix.), and two made a meal)
at the three o'clock refection ; and cap. xvii., where it is said that it is as bad
not to eat at the proper time as to eat before the time. Col. V. cap. xi.
Eating before the time is the first kind of the sin of gluttony.— C>/.7rt, Atrebati,
1628, pp. 338, 346, 397-

'. Siiiiii j ftagg ggi asggsg^g

ommunton.

[PT.

; it would be harmful
ic time, he thought
ad specially devoted
sters of mercy, and
ession ; that is, that

devotion. He had
get of attempting to
)een proved to make
rly Church desired,
naster in Israel most

wish to show their

•

:ir rules ; but do not
Ising or condemning
st from the previous

t again, that attempts
)bedience for long .' '
may be seen. The
n very low diet, were
bidden hours. They
ilsewhere, to stay the
nty meals. St. Basil '
and St. John Cassian
g away.' But there
forbids men to fast

895) gives this as a reason
1 quia pastores ovium Christ i
uin friigilitate l>onum et utile
nis imponamus, ne prolixum
nis.' — Co. Triburiense, can.

:d. Gaume, torn. ii. pp. 290,
le taste of the tongue.'
lo hid a biscuit (unum paxi-
xix.), and two made a meal)
ere it is said that it is as bad
the time. Col. V. cap. xi.
f gluttony.— C>>7rt, Atrebati,

PT. v.] The Advisability of Fastiug Commumon. 351

beyond their strength ; and in the advice of Durandus,
H'hich deprecates the enforcement of many rules of
fasting.' At Trinity College, Cambridge, some twenty
years ago, there was a custom on solemn fast days to have
Matins an hour later than usual, at eight o'clock instead of
seven ; while Evensong was said three hours earlier, at
three o'clock instead of six. Was not this a relic of
medi.tval abbreviation of the fast between these two
services >. The same is seen in the question of the recita-
tion of the psalter. The psalter was divided, that priests
might say it through once a week ; but by the introduction
of ' offices of devotion,' and by multiplying festivals when a
few short psalms are said, the psalter has been so curtailed
that 'in point of fact, according to the practice of the
modern Roman Church, a jiriest is in the habit of reciting
about fifty psalms, and not more ; these being on the
whole the shortest of the psalter.' » Thus the recitation
of the psalter by the Roman priests is cut down to less than
a third.

But in ancient days the psalter used to be s.iid through
daily, as witness St. Patrick, St. Kentigcrn, St. Maur
St. Egbert, and St. Alcuin.' This probably issued in
cathedral and collegiate chapters saying it daily collec-
tively ; that is, each one member would daily say the same
three, or five, or ten psalms, so that the whole psalter would
be divided amongst the fifty, or thirty, or fifteen members
of the chapter, and thus be recited daily. The psalms thus
to be said at St. Paul's, London, are still known, as well as
those of Sarum and Lincoln. At Lincoln, it is said
they are recited to this day. All honour to the preben-
daries ! , ,

The name Breviary itself bears witness to abbreviated

• De Concilia CMmndo, pars ii. tit. Ivi. Parisiis, ,545, p. ,23 ^ .NuHo
mode expedit quod contenta in hoc capitulo sub prcecepto ponantur mu ta
enim immo mfinita peccata mortalia sequerentur.'

» Neale On the Psalms, i860, vol. i. p. 20.

• Ibid, vol. i. p. 5.

SfS The Advisahility of I'asliiiji Coi/it/noiio/i. [I'T. \'.

devotions, and these are even now too long to allow of
much thought. An Italian priest, who had at four o'clock
in the afternoon just finished his Matins for the next day, was
asked if the saying of the Breviary did not occupy much
time. He said, ' No. an hour and a quarter every day.
But it was objected that this did not allow much time for
thought ; to which he replied, ' Oh. dear no ! that is not at all
required; ' Well, therefore, does our Church require the
priest ' who ministereth in any parish church or chapel to
say his Matins and Evensong in public, and allow only
those who have no control over a public sanctuary to say

them in private.

But -.re there no other instances of enforced rigour

bearing evil fruit, or being explained away by laxity ?

What is the result of compulsory sacerdotal celibacy m

the West .' Let the records of cathedrals tell it ; let Church

history, if it dare ; let the quantities of canons and restric

tions in every Corpus Juris Ecclcsiastici tell it; let the

celibate Bishop Forbes tell it as he does in his valuable

commentary on the Thirty-Second Article ;» nay, let the

wonderful assortment of surnames amongst ourselves,

derived from some priestly office tell it. Hence we have

the surnames. Pope, Clerk (in all its spellings), Cardmal,

> Pauwels (7-//,v/..;'/„ Pnrctka, Lovanii. 1716, torn. ii. p. S99) s^ys that a
priest may say his hours at the same time as he is hearing Mass : Noc
atteiuiones etiam sihi uUo mcxlo opponuntur j cum en.m utrmque suffic.at
aitcntio ad Deum et a.l Divina, m unam ex natura acUon.s rehg.osce utrmr,ue

"''r;"i«.//<.« of the ThiriynUu Articles, by A. P. Forbes. D.C.L., Hishop
of Hrechin. 1868, vol. ii. pp. 623-655- Cf. St. Wemard, .Sermo Ixv.. super
Cantica, Oho-a, Lyons, 1520, fo. 173- , /■ 1

» These nee.1 do no more than witness to the prevalence of a clergy
marricl. though illegally. In A.n. .225 the Vicar of Mundh.am had two w.vcs
" d prolluced'-an alltged dispensa-ion from the pope on ^'^'^ '''^'-'f ' .'^l' "'
domino, excellentiam vestram latere -luod qu.da.n capellanus. W.llelmus
Dens nomine vicarius Ecclcsix de Mundeham dnas 'f ^'/J""';'^^; ; ' •
Ouinuidcm Willclmus litcras dctulit a sunimo pont.f.ce u dixit. -UlUr of
Simon de Seinliz to Ralph, liishop of Winchester. Chronules, ^. published
under direction of the Master of the Rolls. LctUrs illustnUwe of the Re,sn of
Henry III.., edited by Shirley, vol. i. p. 277. :

\iimumoii. [I'T. N'-

lo long to allow of
1 had at four o'clock
or the next day, was
d not occupy much
quarter every day.'
\llow much time for
no! that is not at all
Church require the
hurch or chapel ' to
»lic, and allow only
lie sanctuary to say

5 of enforced rigour
d away by laxity?
icerdotal celibacy in
lis tell it ; let Church
f canons and restric-
stici tell it; let the
does in his valuable
irticle ; » nay, let the
amongst ourselves,
it. Hence we have
1 spellings). Cardinal,

torn. ii. p. S99) «»>'* *'^"* *
he is hearing Mass : ' Nee
cum eniin utrinque suffielat
ra actionis religiosoe utrintiue

V. P. Forbes, U.C.L., Hishop
Uemard, Sermo Ixvi. super

the prevalence of a clergy
r of Mumlham hail two wives
lope on that behalf ! 'N('lo,
iJain capellanus, Willelmus
m d'las habet uxores. . . .
pontifice ut dixit.' Letter of
;r. Chronicles, &e. published
ii-s illustrative of the Reign of

I'T. v.] Thi: Advisability of Fasting Commiitiioit. 353

Hishop, Dean, Cantor, Canceller, Cannon, Parsons, Chaplin,
I'riest, Arccdeckne (no spelling can make it tell a different
talc). Deacon, Vicars, and others with a similar origin.

Then, how sad an example is seen in the rapid
decadence of Communion. Vx juent Communion was the
rule of the early Church, as witnessed by many canons,
by passages from the Fathers, .some of which appear in the
Decn'tiim of Gratian.' But when the fast before Commu-
nion became insisted on, and the fa.st after Communion
became recommended, and previous confession and parti-
cular absolution were made compulsory, the Communion
of each man sank to thiicc a year, and then only to an
liastcr Communion.

When, therefore, we find such men as Kettlcwell and
John Johnson of old, and Keble and Neale, if not others »
of our own day, disregarding the necessity of this practice of
fasting from midnight before Communion, how is it that we
hear zealous men speaking of what is technically termed
non-Fasting Communion as 'a mortal sin.^' It is quite
true that probably some do not know what they mean, and
only repeat what they have seen in some Roman Catholic
book. Indeed, some cannot mean what they say, for some
have said, ' it is different in your case,' when anxious to
retain the goodwill of one who did not go to the same
lengths of rigour. But they are very solemn words, and, if
used too lightly, will accustom men to familiarity which is
certain to be harmful. Let us, therefore, rapidly see what
they may be supposed to mean now in the mouths of those
that use them, and how they may be applied to ' non-
Fasting Communion.'

' Pars iii. De Consecratione, dist. ii. cap. xiii. sq. Lugduni, 1606, col.
1918.

* An anonymous writer in the Church Reiiciv for Augttst 16, 1873, who
signed himself ' M. A. Oxon,' certified from his own knowledge that in theory
and practice Charles M.irriott and Isaac Williams were of one mind with John
Johnson's opinion as expressed in the extract given from his Unbloody
Sacrifice, below, on p. 372.

A A

■ n

*»mmeftimi^6^itB,rgsi3tiS. ■

3 54 lite A dvisability of rastiug Communion, [pt. v.

The definition of capital, mortal, or deadly sin has
varied considerably in the various ages of the Chui-ch, and
perhaps it may be said that no one definition has gained
universal assent.' When St. John spoke of 'a sin unto
death,' he was probably referring to that clasi of sins
for which, under the Mosaic law, the soul that committed
them was to be cut off from his people.^ The earliest
Church writers class as capital or mortal sins crimes of this
kind, such as idolatry, adultery, and murder. For though
Morinus» says that there were three classes of sins amongst
the earliest Christians, yet he advances no proof sufficient
to bear out his assc'lion ; and Marshall* seems more correct
in saying that there were reckoned but two classes of sins
amongst the primitive Christians. These two classes were
those that were capital sins, and those that were not. For
capital sins the Catholics allowed one prolonged pubhc

' Thus in the useful Dictiommire de Thiologie, par I'Abb^ Bergier (Paris,
1863, torn. V. p. 212, S.V. I'cche), it is said, • 11 n'est pas toujours a.s6 de juger
si un peche est mortcl ou s'il n'est que veniel ; il faut faire attention \ 1 impor-
tance du piccepte viole,' &c. Though, therefore, we may fully agree with
Bishop Forbes {Explanation of the Thir.y-ninc Articles, 1867, p. 237) that he
use in the Litany and Article of 'the expression </<W/)' w/ implies the dis-
tinction between deadly and venial sin, with all the consequences of that dis-
tinction ; ' yr-t this does not help us to know at all accurately what is this

nature of the distinction. . . ,

' I St, John V. 16. Schoettgei: points out that the phrase is not unknown
in the language of the Mishna ; and explains the passage, ' Dicit Johannes,
orandum esse pro iis peccatoribus qui non ejusmodi peccata commiserunt, quae
in Lege divind mortis poenam merentur. ... Qui vero tam enorme crimen
commibit quod morte dignum est, qualia sunt idololatria, incestus, &c., pro eo
non orari jubet Apostolus.- (Ho,a^ Hebraicee, 1733, torn. 1. p. 1076.) St.
Ba3il uses the phrase in one of his canoidcal answers (the 32nd), and the three
great Greek canonists differ in their interpretation. Zonaras says he regards
it as a sin oi deed, a thought carried into action. Balsamon regards it as a
sin for which capital punishment was due (he calls fornication and theft, &c.
UM sins); and Aristenus regards it as a sinful indulgence of the lusts of the
flesh. (2ivTa7M» "«»"<''">'. Athens, 1854, torn. iv. p. 1 73-) See also Johnson s
Vade-Mecum, 1723, vol. ii. p. 236. t ■ s

• ' Antiqua Theologia peccata in tres classes distingupbat. ... In pnma
classe tria tantum coilocabant, idololatriam, moechiam, el homicidium ; in
secunda classe ca;tera quse nunc a Theologis mortalia dicuntur ; in tertia veni-
alia omnia.' (Morinus de Peenitentid, lib. v. cap. i. § 2, Antverp.ae, 1682,
p 250 ) There seem no grounds for the second class here enumerated.

• The Penitential Diseipline of the Primitive Church, by Nalhanael Mar-
shall, D.D., chap. iii. § 3. Oxford, 1844, p. 142.

^^,:M.

Cominimion. [ft. v,

1, or deadly sin has
:s of the Church, and
definition has gained
;poke of 'a sin unto
o that clas; of sins
soul that committed
eople.^ The earliest
tal sins crimes of this
murder. For though
lasses of sins amongst
:es no proof sufficient
11 * seems more correct
>ut two classes of sins
rhese two classes were
e that were not. For
Dne prolonged public

ic, par I'Abb^ Bergier (Paris,
'est pas toujours ais6 de juger

faut faire attention k I'impor-
re, we may fully Oijree with
\rtichs, 1867, p. 237) that the
)n dtwily sill implies the dis-

the consequences of that dis-
it all accurately what is this

hat the phrase is not unknown
the passage, ' Dicit Johannes,
odi peccata commiserunt, quae

Qui vero tam enorme crimen
ololatria, incestus, &c., pro eo

1733, torn. i. p. 1076.) St.
wers (thf 32nd), and the three
on. Zonaras says he regards
1. Balsamon regards it as a
calls fornication and theft, &c.
indulgence of the lusts of the
V. p. 1 730 See also Johnson's

;s distingupbat. ... In primd
moechiam, el homicidium ; in
ortalia dicuntur ; in tertia veni-
:ap. i. § 2, Antverpise, 1682,
d class here enumerated.
ve Church, by Nathanael Mar-
2.

rr. v.] The Advisability of Fasting Ccnivmnion. 31:5

repentance; the Montanists and cognate heresies allowed
none. For sins that were not capital, Catholics allowed
private repentance ; but the Montanists and their compeers
required open penance.

It cannot be this primitive interpretation which our
eager brethren attach to the words as they use them ; and
perhaps we need not search historically into the varying
definitions of the words, to discover what is meant in the
present century. It is not so much the general definition
which need occupy us as the application to particulars.
The general definition as given by St. Thomas ' may be
readily accepted : ' Mortal sin proceeds from the aversion
of man's will from God by its conversion to some commu-
table good.' Yet this does not help us very much ; and I
take it, that what would be accepted most generally now
amongst Roman writers, and those that follow them, is the
definition as given by the comprehensive summist Silvester
of Prierio : ' I say that all sins which are against the
precepts of divine, or natural, or human law are mortal

sins.' * This seems to cast the net pretty w idely— far, far
more widely than ever the primitive Christians dreamed of
even in their earnest rigour. Can we think, with some, that
the Roman theologians thus increase the number of ' mortal '
sins, to increase the necessity of private confession to a
priest.? They say that none but mortal sins need be
confessed. If, then, we take the eariy meaning of these
words as only including the grossest crimes— adultery,
idolatry, murder, apostasy, and the like— it is to be hoped
that there would be little need for confession. But we are
told that there is a tendency in modern days to increase

^ Summa,yi.x%\\\. qua'st. Ixxxv' ^rt. ii.; Venetiis, 1757, torn. v. p. 601,
= Sylvestrina Sitmma, qtuc Sto. ,„a ::iummarum mcritb nunciipatur. Lug-
duni, 1551, pars ii. p. 282, s.v. Pcccatutn, § 3. Sylvcstro Mazzolini, the
author of this work, was a Dominican and 'master of the sacred palace ; ' he
was one of the early opponents of Luther, This Summa is a marvel of con-
ciseness and learning, and was very popular, for it passed through many
tditii ns.

' ', A A 2

i'.7.l| i

•■ -'in

h^;

3-.

3 56 T/ie Advisability of Fasting Contmuuion. [PT. V.

the catalogue of mortal sins.' On the other hand, Silvester
of Prierio tells us that ' venial sins are, according to rule, all
that are against mandates or counsels.' This drives us to
find out the difference between a ' mandate' which we may
without much danger break, and a precept, the offence
a-ainst which is capital or mortal. The same clear summist
shall help us here : ' A precept is the motion of a superior
or a law commanding us to do or omit something of duty,
that is, of necessity to salvation. Whence it differs from
a mandate, for this is amotion to something better, which is
not necessary to salvation.' This, again, limits the extent
of a mortal sin, or seems to do so. Let us see how this
definition of mortal sin helps us to understand the language
of our rigorist brethren.

' A mortal sin is an offence against the precepts of divine,
or natural, or human law.' Now, Fasting Communion is no
precept of divine law. ' This is not a duty commanded by
God,' says Bishop Jeremy Taylor. Ai."^ though some
would try to persuade us that St. Augustine says it is a
duty commanded by God, we have seen that there is every
reason to suppose he is only affirming that a canon on the
subject had been passed by a plenary Council of Africa.
None can suppose that it is a precept of natural law. The
natural law on the subject is that Communion should be an

. The mistake of this was well pointed out by Montesquieu: 'Leslois
humaines fdites pour parler i I'esprit, doivent donner des preceptes, et point
S'onse Is • la religion, faite pour parler au c«ur, doit donner beaucoup de
conseUret peu de preceptes. Quand par exemple elle donne des regies, non
prpourt'bien Ls pour le meiUeur, non pas pc .r ce qui est bon, ma.s
Kur ce qui est parfait, il est convenable que ce soient des conse.ls et non pas
des lots rear la perfeclion ne regarde pas I'universn nte des hommes ni des
choses De plu" si ce sont des lois, il en faudra une infimte d'autres pou
S observer les premieres. Le celibat fut «n conseU du chr.st.amsme :
biqutn n fit une'loi pour un certain ordre de gens, il en fa lut chaque jour
de Souvelles pour reduL des hommes k I'observation de celle-c.. Le legis-
. . fateur se fatijta, il fatigua la societe pour faire executer aux hommes, par
pXpte. ce fue ceux q^ aiment la perfection auroient execute comme con-
Zv-De V Esprit des Lois, lib. xxiv. chap. vii. CE«z-m, Pans. ,820, torn. n.

P- 238- „

■i See above, p. 308 seq.

„-^'«M

'omnmnion. [PT. V.

other hand, Silvester

according to rule, all

.' This drives us to

[idate' which we may

precept, the offence

le same clear summist

motion of a superior

it something of duty.

Whence it differs from

ething better, which is

ain, limits the extent

Let us see how this

derstand the language

the precepts of divine,
ting Communion is no
a duty commanded by
Ai.-' though some
Augustine says it is a
leen that there is every
ig that a canon on the
iry Council of Africa.'
it of natural law. The
>mmunion should be an

it by Montesquieu: 'Leslois
donner des preceptes, et point
oeur, doit donner beaucoup de
Tjple elle donne des regies, non
pas pc ir ce qui est bon, mais
; soient des conseils et non pas
niversniite des hommes ni des
ludra une infinite d'autres pour
un conseil du christianisrae :
le gens, il en fallut chaque jour
servation de celle-ci. Le legis-
lire executer aux hommes, par
n auroient execute comme con-
L. (Euvns, Paris, 1820, torn. ii.

PT. v.] T/ie Advisability of Fasting Communion.

357

act of extreme reverence, without specifying any particulars
accompanying such act. This was left to human positive
law. Here then, probably, is the reason why it is said in
Roman books, that to communicate otherwise than fasting
from all food since the previous midnight is a mortal sin,
because it is contrary to a precept of human law binding
within the Roman obedience.

Now, there is some ground for this in the Roman Canons,
and in the rubrics enforcing the canons. There is the pre-
cept of human law, and, wherever these rubrics of the
Roman missal are binding, there in this sense it may be
said to be a mortal sin to offend against this precept. But
this does not affect English Churchmen. Where is the
human law binding the consciences of English Churchmen?
Perhaps some will say there is the Anglo-Saxon Canon.
But this in the same breath (so to speak) makes it a mortal
sin not to attend High Mass and the sermon fasting. There
is nothing in the canon to distinguish between this command
and Fasting Communion. Others may say, there is the
Canon of Constance. Well, in this case it iy heresy (a
mortal sin) to say that it is unlawful to withhold the cup
from the laity ; and it is a mortal sin to communicate the
laity in the chalice ! Some one else may allege the
Quinisext Canon. But this allows Communion after food
on Maundy Thursday, so long as Lent is observed ; and
the gloss ' in Gratian distinctly says that the rule admitting
Communion after food on Maundy Thursday is abrogated
' by the contrary custom ; ' just as St. Thomas '^ says, the
fast after Communion is only abrogated ' by the contrary
custom,' and by no repealing enactment. If, then, the

' Decretum, pars iii. De Consccratione, dist. i. cap. xlix. (Lugduni, 1606,
col. 1902), %Exceptio: 'Derogatum est per contrariam consuetudinem. ' It
is numbered .amongst the canons abrogated by disuser and the contrary custom
in the Sylvestrina Summa, s.v. I.ex, par.= ii. p. 139.

' ' Nunc autem, quia oportet frequentius sacra mysleria celebrare, iion
pos'Jet dc facili observari ; et it/ro pt'r contrariam roiisKdin/iiii'iii rrt a/iiOi^alK'n.'
— Summa, pars iii. quaest. Ixxx. art. viii. ad finem, Vcnetiis, 1757, p. 547.

• I

^.m'

358 The Advisability of Fasting Communion. [I'T. v.

canons have * by the contrary custom ' alone lost binding
force in the matter of attending High Mass and the sermon
fasting, or in giving the chalice to the laity, or in enforcing
a fast after Communion, they/^r/ consequcntiA need not
bind us in the other limits of the same precepts. I maintain
in this essay that there is no canon now binding in England
enforcing Fasting Communion ; and I maintain this on
the same ground that Bartholomew of Brescia (probably)
maintains ihe abrogation oi the Maundy celebration after
the Ca:na Domini, and S . Thomas Aquinas asserts the
abrogation of the fast aftt Communion— viz. abrogation by
disuse, and the prevalencf, of the contrary custom. When,
therefore, some, under the guidance of a Roman book,
affirm that non-Fasting Communion is a mortal sin, they
probably are ignorant that what is indeed a prceceptuvi
Eccksice Romance may fail to find a place amongst the
present Q^Qciive prceccpta Eccksice Anglicance} This is the
only explanation that I can find for such language.

With us it would seem to be, at the most, what Silvester
of Prierio would call ' a mandate or counsel.' It would stand
on the same ground as celibacy. Of this the Lord said,
* He that is able to receive it, let him receive it.' This
would be true only of the minority even of priests : but
when it is forced on all, terrible is the result. With us,
especially in country places where the church is often
some miles distant from some of the communicants, it is
not possible for some to communicate with reverent
recollection without having taken some food since midnight.
' Your Christianity would seem to be only for the young
and for the strong,' said a gentle invalid to an eager rigorist.
If it be forced on ali, terrible infrequency of Communion
is the result. For those that are able to offer this self-
denial or devotion, it is far better that they should : ' he

' Whnl is allowed in one place may be a mortal sin in another. E.g. it
ip permissible to smoke, or lake snufi, or chew tobacco before celebiation in
Italy, but this is mortal sin in Mexico. Sec below, p. 365, note i.

ommunion.

[PT. V.

alone lost binding
lass and the sermon
aity, or in enforcing
tscqucntid need not
recepts. I maintain

binding in England
I maintain this on

Brescia (probably)
idy celebration after
Aquinas asserts the
I — viz. abrogation by
ary custom. When,
of a Roman book,
is a mortal sin, they
indeed a prcBceptum

place amongst the
licance} This is the
ch language.
: most, what Silvester
nsel.' It would stand
■ this the Lord said,
im receive it.' This
:ven of priests : but
he result. With us,
the church is often
: communicants, it is
licate with reverent
; food since midnight.
: only for the young
d to an eager rigorist.
lency of Communion
le to offer this self-
lat they should : ' he

irtal sin in another. E.g. it
obacco before celebiation in
*'. P- 365, note I.

FT. v.] The Advisability of Fasting Communion. 359

that is able to receive it, let him receive it.' But there is
no precept of the English Church binding the conscience
to this devotion.'

The custom seems to have arisen towards the close of
the fourth century, when the conversion of the Imperial
Court to Christianity brought many into the Church from
fasliion or for convenience. There is every reason for seeing
the advisability if not the necessity of such a rule in such
times ; but certainly the quotations from the writings of
the Fathers do not prove anything more than this, while
they do not bear out the universality claimed for the custom.
Cardinal Bona acknowledges that this is the case ; he says
that the custom was held neither semper nor ab omnibus}
If this be so, there can be no ground for thinking it
Apostolical ' in its origin, nor necessarily binding in itself ;

' On the question of ancient laws binding the conscience Bishop Taylor
is explicit. ' We are to enquire whether the thing be a law in that government
to wliich we owe ol)e(licnce ; for that the fathers met at Laodicea, at Antioch,
at Nice, at Gangra, a thousand, eleven hundred, or thirteen hundred years
ago, should have authority over us in England so many ages after is so in-
finitely unreasonable that none but the "fearful and unbelievers " [Rev. x>i. 8J,
the scrupulous and those who are 5oCAoj rp ^van, of a slavish nature, and are
in bondage by their fear, and know not how to stand in that lilierty by which
Christ hath made them free, will account themselves in subjection lo them.
If upon this account tne rulers of churches will introduce any pious, just, and
warrantable canon, we are to obey in all things where they have power to
command ; but the canon for being in the old codes of the Church binds us no
more than the laios of Constantiitc.' — Ductor Dubitatilium, bk. iii. chap, iv.
Rule 14, ed. Eden, 1855, vol. x. p. 358.

' ' Et haec quidem vetus institutio fuit, sed non semper nee ab omnibus cus-
todita.' (Kes Liturgicce, lib. i. cap. xxi. § 2, ed. .Sala, Augusta: Taurinorum,
1749, torn. ii. p. no.) His reference is evidently to the well-known rule of
St. Vincent of Lerins, by wlii»;ii to test Catholicity, ' curandum est ut id
teneamus quod ubique, quod semper, quod ab omnibus creditum est.' The
opinion, therefore, that it is an Apostolic tradition is a mistake. Pauvvels, in
his useful Theologia Practica (Lovanii, 1 7 16, tom. ii. p. 459) asserts the con-
trary to Cardinal Bona's statement : ' Praxis de prasmittendo jejunio sacrie
Communioni, in omnibus Ecclesiis semper fuit observata, nee ejus institutio in
uUa Sjmodo reperitur, igitur coiicludo : erg6 est Apostolica traditio, seu ab
ipsis Apostolis introducta.' I maintain that in this essay it is shown to have
been introduced in the fourth century, and first enforced at the Council of
Hippo in A.D. 393 : erg6 it is not Apostolical.

' The definition of an Apostolical tradition may here be added from St.
Augustine : ' That which the universal Churdi holds, ari was not instituted

■1!

^ '

r ■ .

360 T/te Advisability of Fasting Communion. [PT. v.

ana if wc examine the testimony of the Fathers, the assertion
of Cardinal Bona will be found to be as accurate as most of
the conclusions of that scholarly writer.

The patriarchs of Alexandria, even :n the fifth century,
had been found to be decidedly ante-rigorist in their deter-
minations. St. Ambrose ' could have known of no rigorist
precept binding under pain of mortal sin, otherwise
he would not have written, 'if hunger compels you to
take the daily prandinm, or intemperance sets aside the
fast, yet preserve yourself the more by the heavenly feast'
This bears the primd facie meaning, that if a man is really
unable to keep Lent, and omit the morning meal (which the
ordinary rule of Lent required), yet he should al! the more
go on communicating ; though in Lent the celebrations
were subsequent to the time for the prandium. It is quite
true that St. Ambrose goes on to persuade men to keep Lent,
but he says no more than an earnest priest would say now,
though he were no rigorist. Several of the Fathers speak
of the previous period of fasting preparing the soul by mortifi-
cation for reverent reception ; but it must be always remem-
bered, that this is in no wise the fast before Communion
thought of now-a-days. It is, therefore, not to the point to
cite such passages in favour of Fasting Communion, because
this is now defined to be a mere abstaining from any food
since the previous midnight, however short a time that may

represent.

Other quotations from the Fathers merelyhave reference
to the time of day, such as St. Gregory's ' before supper,'
which can be no argument in itself, and would be useful in
illustration only if external authorities had proved the
universality of the custom. The only citations really to

by Councils, but was ahoays retained, is most surely believed to havo been
handed down V)y no less than Apostolical authority.' (A- Bapiismo, lib. iv.
cap. xxiv. § 31 ; Opcra^ Tarisiis, 1694, torn. ix. col. 140.) By Cardinal Bona's
dmission it is shown not to be A]30st.ilical.

' III psalmum cxviii. Kxjjositio. Scrmo 8, §48, Op-ra, I'aris (Gauthier),
-1836, torn. ii. p. 283. See the whole passage above, page 246.

Communion. [PT. v.

Fathers, the assertion
s accurate as most of
r. ,. "• , •

I in the fifth century,
igorist in their deter-
known of no rigorist
lortal sin, otherwise
iger compels you to
;rance sets aside the
3y the heavenly feast*
:hat if a man is really
irning meal (which the
e should al! the more
Lent the celebrations
prandium. It is quite
lade men to keep Lent,
priest would say now,
of the Fathers speak
•ingthe soul by mortifi-
nust be always remem-
st before Communion
)re, not to the point to
5 Communion, because
staining from any food
short a time that may

s merelyhave reference
goi-y's ' before supper,'
ind would be useful in
-ities had proved the
mly citations really to

surely believed to havo been
oiity.' (Dc Daptismo, lib. iv.
col. 140.) By Cardinal Bona's

§ 48, Opi-i-a, I'aris (Gauthier),
bove, page 246^

PT. v.] The Advisability of Fasting Communion. 361

the point are to be found in St. Chrysostom and St. Augus-
tine, both at the commencement of the fifth century. But
in the accusations against St. Chrysostom, the fast after
Communion was spoken of in the same strain as the fast
before Communion : and St. Chrysostom, as has been seen,
allows the possibility of a reverent non-Fasting Communion,
which modern rigorists would deny. The quotation from
St. Augustine, then, is the one most to the purpose.

It is curious and instructive to see how the quotations
from the Fathers grew, and how much work this one
quotation from St. Augustine has done. It has been so
often quoted apart from its context, that it has had to bear
a meamng which the context fails to justify. It appears in
almost all, if not all, the old ritualists • up to the time of
Gratian. Then Gratian (cir. A.D. 1 1 50) incorporated the
passage in \)A%Decrctum? St. Thomas Aquinas' (d. A.D. 1 274)
seems to know no more than this stock quotation, which
(as we have seen) he presses farther than it will bear.
Gabriel BieP (cir. A.D. 1490) quotes nothing more. The
' King's Book ' (A.D. 1543) has the same.* The exhaustive
and once popular Summa Snmmarum^ of Sylvestro
Mazzolini (cir. A.D. 1550) makes no further reference than
to Gratian. Bishop Jeremy Taylor ^ (cir. A.D. 1660) seems
content with this one extract, which he quotes more than
once. But in the meantime printing had made the work of
the Summists less necessary, and had multiplied copies of
the Fathers, and made them more accessible ; and a change

' St. Isidore (cir. A.D. 600) (De Ecdesiastkis Ojfficiis, lib. i. cap. xviii.)
evidently quotes from this passage (Opera, Colonise Agrippinre, 1617, p. ',05
A). So, too, Bishop Amalarius (cir. A.D. 800), De Eccl. Officiu, !ib. iii.
cap. xxxiv. Both are to he found in Ilittorpius, De Diviuis OJiciis, Roma,
1591, pp. 6.ind 175.

* Pars iii. De Coiisecnitione, dist. ii. cap. liv. Lugduni, 1606, col. 1940.
» .Summa, Pars iii. qua'st. Ixxx. art. 8, Venetiis, 1757, torn. v. p. 546.

* Super Caiione Missir, lectio x. lit. a. Lugduni, 1542, fo. 13.
» Formularies of Faith, Oxford, 1825, p. 268.

* Sylvestrina Summa, Lugduni, 1551, pars i. p. 346, s.v. EuJtaristia.

' Life of Christ, part ii. § xii. discourse 13. Ed, Eden, vol. ii. p. 4S4 ;
also Worthy Communicant, cap. vii. § i, vol. viii. p. 221.

- !' I

, V .;»•'"'?; i

•II

362 The AUvisdbUUy of Fasting Communion, [ft. V.

came, and quotations were multiplied. Giustiniani ' (a.u.
161 1), Petau » (A.D. 1650), and Cardinal Bona ' (A.D. 1671)
brought new quotations into the field. These first quoted
the passages now alleged by all who speak of the subject ;
but the quotations only show the wisdom of their prede-
cessors in adhering only to St. Augustine ; for none of the
passages are receptive of the extensive bearing which some
would wish to impart into them. Since the time of Cardi-
nal Bona there has been nothing of importance discovered,
but the remarkable theory of a lost Canon of Nicaea.*

It is also instructive to watch the gradual advance in
the meaning of the word ' fasting,' as applied to those
about to communicate. For a long time it was only
applied to one kind of fast, which would now be called an
ecclesiastical fast. But when reverence and devotion brought
in the idea, that it was congruous to the dignity of the Sa-
crament that it thould be the first food taken in the day (an
idea introduced to persuade men to accept a necessary rule),
then there was no idea of midnight being in any question ;
but it was the first food after the night's sleep probably,
since sleep was supposed to have a great part in digestion.
But as some persons did not sleep, then it was laid down
that a man was fasting ready for Communion when
digestion was complete. So said the Glossator upon
Gratian.'

« /« omnes B. ratili Epistolas Exflaiiationcs, Lugduni, 1612, torn. i. p.

e6i On I Cor. xi. 21. ,

« De EccUsiastud Hierarchid, III. ii. §§ 7. 8j Opera de Theologian Dogma-

tibus, Venetiis, 1 722, torn. iv. p. 80. . a- •

> Res Liturgica, lib. i. cap. xxi. § I, ed. Sala. Augusta- Taunnorum,

1749, vol. ii. p. 108.

* See above, p. 89. . _ .

» The gloss is upon the Canon of Carthage which is given m Gratian,
Dccetum pars iii. De Consecralione, dist. i. cap. xlix. Lugduni, 1606, col.
jgo2 • ' But when shall a man be called fasting ? Say that 1 eat to-day, and
sleep not by day nor night ; am I fasting at the beginning of another day?
Some say that I am (Extra de Temp. Ord. Literas). Otherwise sleep would be
said to break the fast, which 1 do not believe ; but I say that the fast exists
when digestion is complete.' The reference explains the text. A subdeacon

inmuinon.

[PT. V.

I'T. v.] The Advisability of Fasting Communion.

363

Giustiniani ' (a.d.

Bona' (A.D. 1671)

These first quoted
sak of tho subject ;
om of their prcde-
le ; for none of the
bearing which some
: the time of Cardi-
(ortance discovered,
ion of Nicaea.*
gradual advance in
s applied to those

time it was only
Id now be called an
nd devotion brought
c dignity of the Sa-
taken in the day (an
ept a necessary rule),
ing in any question ;
jht's sleep probably,
;at part in digestion,
en it was laid down
Communion when
the Glossator upon

Lugduni, 1612, torn. i. p.
')pera de Theologids Dogma-
la. Augusta- Taurinorum,

which is given in Gratian,
I. xlix. Lugduni, 1606, col.
Say that I eat to-day, and
beginning of another day?
. Otherwise sleep would be
iut 1 say that the fast exists
lins the text. A subdeacon

So, then, Gratian, or rather his annotator, would reckon

a man fasting some three hours after a meal,' without any

question about the striking of midnight between the meal

and the moment when the man would be said to be

jejnnus.

liut in the thirteenth century St. Thomas provided the
most convenient definition ; ' for he said, that if a man
took no food after the commencement of the day, as the
Roman Church computed the day, that man was fasting
the fast of nature, and ready for reverent Communion.
This was a most convenient definition, for it swept away all
difficulties about digestion, and sleep, and all other such
questions. ■

But there were other doctors in the thirteenth century
who still clung to the notion of the ecclesiastical (as distin-
guished from the so-called natural) fast ; and these said
that a man might take electuaries, or ginger, or such like,
by way of stay-stomach, without impediment to reverent
Communion. This opinion did not find favour ; and,

had Ijeen elected bishop, and, in order to hasten matters, tlie Bishop of Bolofjna
ordained him deacon on Saturday and priest on Sunday, as none might be
promoted two steps on the same day. Out of reverence for the canon which
ordered candidate and bishop to be fasting at ordinations, the fast was con-
tinuetl all night. But here was a nice point for subtlety of casuistry. The
Pope when he heard of it punished both candidate and bishop ; the bishop was
suspended from giving orders, and the new priest from all priestly functions.
Why ? Because fictione cationkd the continuation of the fast either added
Sunday morning to Saturday, or attached Saturday to Sunday; and so fictione
caiwnicA the two orders had been conferrea on the same day I But if sleep
had broken the fast they need not have been suspended. It would have been
more appropriate if the suspension had been a fictio as well. — DecretaUs Gre-
gorii, lib. i. tit. xi. cap. xiii. I.ugduni, 1606, col. 256.

' Experiments with a view to ascertain the period taken up by digestion,
were made upon one Alexis St. Martin, whose stomach had been lacerated
and so healed as to allow of inspection. The following is an abstract from
the result : ' Dr. Beaumont's observations show that the process of digestion
in the stomach, during health, takes place so rapidly, that a full meal con-
sisting of animal and vegetable substances may nearly all be converted into
chyme in about an hour, and the stomach left empty in two hours and a half.'
— Kirkes' Handbook of Physiology, London, 1848, p. 213.

'^ Sunima, Secunda Secutida, qutest. cxlvii. art. 6, ad. 2, Venetiis, 1756,
torn. iv. p. 178.

■ :'K'^

•I-

364 The Advisability of Fasting Communion. [PT. V.

indeed, Sala, in his notes upon Bona, says that such
an opinion ought to be held as an ' error in faith.' ' This
is nearly approaching to a heresy ; and therefore it is
almost as bad as giving the cup to the laity !

Further refinements were soon introduced. The popular
summist, Sylvester of Prierio, says that a man may clean
his teeth with salt and vinegar, so long as he does not
swallow any. Later ritualists forbid this luxury. The
question was raised as to whether a man was properly
fasting if he said his Matins the afternoon before, and took
any food afterwards ; or whether he had to say Matins
again the next morning, of necessity, before communicating.
Then came the question of a man going to sleep with
a lozenge or sugar-candy in his mouth, to prevent coughing
in the night: how can he be assured that he had not
swallowed some after midnight .' Here was a nice question
for the casuists ; and there are two opinions on the subject :
the weight of authority inclines to the determination that
such a thing impedes Communion.' Then comes the
question of tobacco. Here was something that would
comfort and prevent wretchedness of hunger, without
breaking the fast of nature? A man, then, may smoke,
chew tobacco, or take snuiT, though he swallow either
smoke, or juice, or snuff; unless he does \\. per indnstriani,
of set purpose to eat, or to take it as food. This decision
must have been arrived at by devotees to this narcotic leaf :
others would perhaps think such a determination the
reverse of reverent. Though this, therefore, is the rule of
Roman and Continental casuistry, there are canons passed
in Mexico, which make it a matter of eternal condemnation

• He thinks, ' ut hjcc opinio error in fide censeri debeat.'— Augustae
Taurinorum, 1749, vol. ii. p. 109.

' Quarti Commentaria in Kubrieas Missalis, iii. tit. ix. diff. 2, Venetiis,
1727, p. 370. Gavanti Tlwsaurus Sac. Ki/uum, cum add. Merati, pars iii.
tit. ix. Venetiis, 1769, vol. i. p. 21 1.

' Quarti Commentaria, and Gavanti Thesaurus, quoted before.

.ommnmon.

[PT. V.

ina, says that such
ror in faith.' ' This

and therefore it is
laity !

)duccd. The popuhir

it a man may clean

5ng as he does not

this luxury. The

man was properly
oon before, and took

had to say Matins
:fore communicating,
going to sleep with

to prevent coughing
d that he had not
: was a nice question
nions on the subject :
e determination that
Then comes the
nething that would
of hunger, without
,n, then, may smoke,
1 he swallow cither
aes it per indnstriatn,
food. This decision
i to this narcotic leaf :
I determination the
;refore, is the rule of
•e are canons passed
iternal condemnation

censeri debeat.' — Augustae

iii. tit. ix. diff. 2, Venetiis,
cum add. Merati, pars iii.

, quoted before.

PT. v.] T/ie Advisability of Fasting Commnniim.

365

to take snuff before Miss." Wfiat, therefore, is allowed in
Italy is mortal sin in America. Then, again, we read thiif
\\:\Uk attrmta pirnares, drawn up throu^^Mi the nostrils, docs
not bn^ak the fast so as to hinder Conmiunion, And
so on through many curious scruples (such again as swal-
lowing paper or parchment), which seem perhaps to an
English mind to show that the chief end in view is not
reverence to the Sacrament, but the keeping the rule in the
rubric.

For it must be said, again, that the reason why it binds
so strongly the users of tlie unrcformed office books is, that
the custom has been incorporated into one of the Rubricce
grncraks, which bind all those who use those books.
Fasting Communion is binding ratione prceccpti, and there-
fore there must be a variety of questions as to what the
pneccptmn really means."

But in England the domestic canons on this head never
found their way into the rubrics of the Sarum Missal ;
hence we find no discussions in Lyndwood as to whether
sucking a piece of ivory or bone breaks the faf^t. It nipy be
that this is owing to what Dr. Newman ' calls our ' national
good sense.'

Still the fact remains, the custom of Fasting Commu-

' ' Certi ante Missae celebrationem omnis usus tabaci deberet extlrpari, at
videntur novi orbis populi magis hanc indecentiam computendere quam nos
Europtei. In Concilio Mexicaiio " praecipitur ne sacerdos ante Missne cele-
brationem, aut quKvis alia persona ante Communionem, quidquam tabaci per
modum fumalis evaporationis, vel quovis modo percipiat." Item in Concilia
Limensi "prohibetur mb rcatu paeiiije aterna damnationis Presbyteris celebra-
turis, ne tabaci pulverem naribus etiam prcetextu medicinae ante sacrificium
sumant." Episcopus quoque Castoriensis in suis constitutionibus "Tabacuin
ut vocant, vel aliquid simile sumere ante celebrationem omnino prohibemus quo-
cumque proetextu, medicinaevelsanitatis, iddemum fiat.'" — Theologia PracHca,
authore Nicolao Pauwels, Lovanii, 1716, torn. ii. p. 462.

' As Montesquieu, quoted above : • Si ce sont des lois, il en faudra une
infinite d'autres pour faire observer les premieres.'

• ' I suppose we owe it to the national good seme that English Catholics
have been protected from the extravagpirces which are elsewhere to be found.'
— Dr. Newman's Letter to Pusey, i866, p. 105.

•:■,■!■

''>!.' '

f--

3^16 The Advisahitity of Fasthis CoMwnmton. [pt. v.

nion, with all its various questions of time and manner, has
been in abeyance \v. Kngland uir some three hundred years
and more. It cannot ome under the head of a cation badly
kept, for there has been no protest, still less a conti luous
protest, against its non- .hservanco by the rulers of the
Church. It must, thert^o.^ come under the head of a
custom discontinued, or a i :u'.. ,n abrcofatcd bv disuser.
When a custom or canon is abroj,^ited, ''\ is, as Gratian tells
lis, ' wholly removed ' as binding' ; t, as Gibcrt says, it
is ' dead • and . alueless. The precise effect of disuser may
be open to argument, but whether the canon be said to be
removed, or dead, or asleep, the result is the same: it
ceases to claim allegiance until it be revived by the proper
officer, who is the same as the original rnposer— none under
the degree of bishop.

The custotn arose, as all '-'J^m to agree,. because of the
profanation of the Sacrament by those who had eaten or
drunk to excess. There is little, if any, fear that this
danger of excess remains now in the usual English break-
fast. The introduction of tea and coffee has wholly altered
the face of affairs, and with changed habits comes naturally
change of custom. But the same causes still hold with
respect to post-prandial celebrations. The very name has
even now a suspicious tone about it, just as it had when the
Bishops of Mauritania asked to have ' post-prandial ' celebra-
tions prohibited.' Therefore now, in London, the midnight
celebrations are generally forbidden amongst Roman
Catholics ; although, according to their technical law, a man
is fasting at five minutes past midnight, though he have been
eating and drinking up to the stroke of midnight. The
midnight Christmas Communion has also been given up in
some London churches, where for some years it had been
customary. The same causes still hold against evening
Communions ; therefore Bishop Wilberforce spoke well and

» ' De sacrificiis inhibendis post prandhm:— Codex EccUsia Africana, can.
xlvii. Justelli Bibliothcca, Parisiis, 1661, torn. i. p. 351-

& \

i>hwnittmi, [PT. V.

ne and manner, has
three- hundred years
ail of a cation badly
11 less a conti uious
' the rulers of the
uler tlie head of a
rorated by diduser.
It is, as Gratian tells
as Gibcrt says, it
ffect of disuser may
canon be said to be
ult is the same ; it
vivcd by the proper
•nposer — none under

gree,. because of the
;e who had eaten or

any, fear that this
usual English break-
ie has wholly altered
ibits comes naturally
auses still hold with

The very name has
St as it had when the
Dst-prandial ' celebra-
;.ondon, the midnight
in amongst Roman
■ technical law, a man
, though he have been
e of midnight. The
dso been given up in
ne years it had been
loid against evening
irforce spoke well and

odex Eccltsice Africaftce, can.
351-

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PT . V ] The Advisability of Fasting Communion. 1^7 ■

wisely in condemnation of them. These are all after the
heavy meal of the day, when there would be some danger
in a mixed congregation of some men having their spiritual
faculties clouded by undigested food, and their brain
wearied with the cares of the day, and dulled by sinking
energies. It is impossible to think that evening Commu
nions will ever again meet with approbation.

But the case is different in the mid-day or morning
Communions. Here there arc no symptoms of profane
irreverence. Our congregations are now probably more
orderly than the world ever saw. In the time of St. Chry-
sostom disorder was common, even at the very time of
Communion, as we have seen ; so, again, in the time of
St Gregory of Tours, and mediaeval times, disturbances,
like those of St. George's in the East, were not so strange
as those seemed to us. The multitudes that throng our
churches, at all events when the worship of God is rendered
with some apparent degree of care, are to all appearance
devout and reverent. Those who remain to communicate
at mid-day are not behindhand in exhibiting tokens of true
devotion. We are, indeed, able to thank God and take
courage, since, after so many years of fighting and trouble,
indifference and deadness, the Church of England is exhib-
iting the truest tokens of a true Church. The Greek
Archbishop of Syra and Tenos acknowledged, 'The Eng-
lish seem to me to carry their Christianity into their daily
lives more than any other nation with which I am

familiar.' ,

The present action of the rigorists is to break up this :
and what do they offer in exchange? One person is
reported to have been forbidden prospectively to communi-
cate for two years, since for two years early celebrations
would probably be out of reach ! This was not that there

. It is much to be feared that the working of the new Public Worship
Regulation Bill will intro<luce into our churches some of the disorders ^v!th
which the Middle Ages were familiar.

368 The Advisability of Fasting Communion. [PT. V.

could be no abstinence from food till after the mid-day
Communion, but lest others should think food had been
taken previously. Many are taught not only to think
lightly of Matins and Evensong as acts of worship, but
during these services to be occupied with books of private
devotion, by way of thanksgiving for Communion received,
or preparation for future Communion, so that they give
attendance without joining in the act of common worship
of the Church of God.' Surely increased reverence for the
supreme act of worship might be inculcated without any
attempt being made to degrade the other acts of worship.
Men are too ready to give up the worship of God, and to
find excuses for so doing; and the tendency of this
teaching is to bring in the idleness of the foreign Sunday,
which cannot be too earnestly deprecated. It is instructive
to see that the Anglo-Saxon canon insists in very distinct
terms upon men of every order attending High Mass, and
hearing the sermon as well, before tasting any food.

But while the danger of the idleness of the foreign
Sunday creeping into England is earnestly deprecated, the
' good custom ' of receiving fasting is not ' despised.' God
forbid ! No more than the single life of a devoted celibate
priest is despised. But neither is compulsory in the
English Church, though both are in 'transmarine' office
books. What is required is, that the whole spirit be bowed
down in deepest adoration of the love which has found such
a means of conveying the Bread of Life to the soul of man :
but there must be at the same time reception.

In the earliest Church frequent Communion was without
question the rule; and Gratian, who supplies the one
quotation from St. Augustine for Fasting Communion,
supplies many quotations from various fathers for frequency
of Communion. St. Thomas, too, lays down the advisa-

> As has been seen, some Roman doctors say that a priest may, at the
same time, say his hours and hear Mass, both of which are compulsory under
pain of mortal sin.

nion.

[PT. V.

r the mid-day
"ood had been
only to think
f worship, but
»oks of private
union received,
that they give
mmon worship
verence for the
;d without any
cts of worship,
of God, and to
idency of this
breign Sunday,
It is instructive
in very distinct
iigh Mass, and
y food. f'

of the foreign
deprecated, the
despised,' God
devoted celibate
pulsory in the
ismarine ' office
spirit be bowed
I has found such
the soul of man :
)n.

lion was without
ipplies the one
»g Communion,
;rs for frequency
)wn the advisa-

a priest may, at the
are compulsory under

I'l'. v.] The Advisability of Fasting Coiniiiunion. 369

bility of constantly communicating.' He says that, consi-
dered in itself, the Sacrament should be received daily; and,
considered on the part of the receiver, it is praiseworthy to
receive daily. Indeed, no Christian surely can doubt that
constant Communion is most desirable. As the Ambrosi-
aster wrote (if it be not St. Ambrose himself ), ' If the Blood
of Christ, as often as it is poured out, is poured out for the
remission of sins, I ought always to receive Him that my
sins may always be forgiven. I, who continually sin, ought
continually to have medicine.'

But by degrees the habit of receiving fasting came in,
partly because of scandal and danger of scandal, partly
perhaps out of the memory of the ante-lucan meetings in
time of persecution. The sketch given by the Greek monk,
Joannes Phurnes, of the introduction of the custom, and the
study of the Canons on the subject and the various passages
from the Fathers, all show how gradually the habit was
introduced. But, as by degrees this custom advanced,
contemporaneously, as it would seem, the custom of
frequent reception receded. It is not perhaps easy now to
say whether this arose from the enforced habit of coming
fasting, or from the laxity of manners which rendered the
enforcement of the habit necessary, St, Chrysostom
blames those who had taken the ariston, or heavy
morning meal, for not coming to church to hear the Scrip-
tures read and the sermon preached ; it may be, therefore,
that the impression upon the people on this head was such
that the habit of Fasting Communion became the cause of
Communions becoming rarer. Elsewhere he blames men
for coming to church without communicating ; saying,
that if they were unfit to communicate, they should be
in a state of penitence, and leave when the penitents left.
Still, whatever the origin was, the fact remains, that when a
previous and subsequent fast became to be thought of im-
portance, the custom of frequent Communion gradually

' Summa, pars iii, qua;st. Ixxx. art. 10, Vcnetiis, 1757, torn. v. p. 549,

B B

370 The Advisability of Fasting Communion. [PT. v.

receded, until the laity only communicated once a year at
the most. It was this sad state of things that the Church
of England attempted to correct at her Reformation. She
abolished 'private Mass' altogether, that is, when none but
the priest communicated ; and at the same time she made
arrangements for daily Communion, if possible. There had
been no rubric in the Sarum use, which was adopted as ' the
use of the Church of England,' ' compelling the laity to
Fasting Communion, nor any canon in Lyndwood : so this
was dropped out altogether. That a man must confess and
be absolved before Communion was laid down in Lynd-
wood ; so this was still recognized, but the compulsion to it
was removed.

It has been pointed out to me that the chief reason at
present for the non-Communion of men on the Continent,
is the compulsory attendance at confession previous to
Communion. The Confcsi^ional has been made a political
engine to enforce the particular views of the Roman Curia ;
and men have revolted against the application of the screw
in this manner, and have trusted rather to God's mercy than
man's inquisition. This, however, is not an insurmountable
difficulty. In Rome, where this engine was used with all
its torture, the compulsion was cheaply evaded. A number
of old women used to go the round of all the priests in
Rome, and obtain from each a ticket testifying that the
bearer had confessed, and had been absolved, and might
therefore partake of the Easter Communion. By this
means each woman obtained a number of tickets, which
she sold at the market price, which, I am told, was gener-
ally five pence. This system can only prevail in large
towns ; therefore this maybe a reason for the abstention of
men from Communion. But in England, as we are at
present constituted, the enforcement of Fasting Commu-
nion, as explained by Roman casuists and commentators,
would unquestionably hinder the majority of persons from

• • •■ •• 1 Title-page of Book of Common Prayer. «■ --

union, [rx. v.

once a year at
lat the Church
ormatioii. She
when none but
time she made
ble. There had
adopted as ' the
ing the laity to
idwood : so this
lust confess and
down in LynJ-
compulsion to it

chief reason at
n the Continent,
iion previous to
made a political
e Roman Curia ;
tion of the screw
jod's mercy than
\ insurmountable
'as used with all
aded. A number
ill the priests in
stifying that the
olved, and might
union. By this
of tickets, which
1 told, was gener-
prevail in large
the abstention of
id, as we are at
Fasting Commu-
tid commentators,
' of persons from
lyer. •frj"--

T/ie Advisability of Fasting Comiminion. 3 7 1

communicating, at all events with desirable frequency. I
have mentioned before that I have known of a case of a
person forbidden to communicate at all for two years, since
for two years, in all human probability, early Communions
would be beyond reach !

That the question of Fasting Communion was not for-
gotten altogether, and did not, therefore, drop out without
consideration, may be seen from the following passage from
Hutchinson' (a.d. 1552), which, it is hoped, none will
despise, though it is taken from one of the Parker Society's
publications : —

Moreover, in that the text saith that * whiles they were eating
Jesus took bread,' and ordained his Last Supper, some do reason
hereof that the Sacrament is not to be received fasting, as the
custom now is, but after other meats and drinks, after a certain
refection, banquet, or maundy ; which they say those that be rich
should make to refresh the poor and needy. For the defence of
this maundy they allege not only Christ's example, but also where
It is written that the Corinthians, indeed, kept such a maundy.
But Paul reprehendeth them therefore, and disannulleth tlicir
custom as an occasion of gluttony, of drunkenness, of pride, of
contention, and other misbehaviour in the Church, saying unto
them, ' Have ye not houses to eat and drink in, or else despise
ye the congregation of God? ' And again, ' If any man hunger,
let him eat at liome : that ye come not together unto condemna-
tion.' Now Christ did not celebrate this Sacrament after other
meats and drinks to stablish any such custom, nor to give us any
example to do the like, but rather to teach us that our Sacramental
bread is succeeded instead of the Jews' Easter lamb, and that their
ceremony is now disannulled and abrogated. Therefore the
Universal Church commonly, according to Paul's mind to the
Corinthians, useth now to celebrate the Lord's Supper fasting,
without any maundy, and not after other meats. Notwithstanding,'
as he doth well which cometh fasting to the Lord's Table, so he
doth not ill which, by occasion, cometh after he hath eaten and
drunk. Meat and drink do not defile, do not make a man an
unmeet guest for Christ's board, for the marriage dinner of the

' The Works of Roger Hutchinson, Fellow of St. John's College, C.nm-
bridge , and afterwards of Eton College, 1842, Parker Society edition, p. 221.

IS U 2

372 The Advisability of Fasthi:; Communion. [I'T. v.

King's Son ; but lack of the wedding garment, that is, sin and
iniquity. There is no commandment in the Scriptures which
restraineth those that have eaten from Communion. Paul re-
proveth not the Corinthians for any such thing, but because they
made maundies and banciuets in the house of prayer. In their
own houses he doth not forbid them to eat and drmk before the
Communion, but permitteth it, and leaveth them to their rntti
liberty and necessity herein, saying, < If any man hunger, let him
eat at home.'

Nor is this expression of opinion singular ; we find it
also in the Anglo-Catholic Library. There is a remarkable
passage in one of John Johnson's works, which by some
strange accident is found out of its place upon an inserted
leaf at the end of the second volume of his works.' It has
thus probably escaped the notice of many, and, as it
is remarkably in harmony with the object of the present
essay, it is quoted at length, for about Johnson's orthodoxy
there can be no question : —

It may seem strange to some that I have not mentioned fasting
as an exercise very proper to prepare men for the Eucharist, an(l
to express their reverence towards it. But it is to be remembered
iliat I take my rules of preparation from the Primitive Church.
They who communicated every day could not prepare Uiemselves
for it by fasting the day before, unler. they had made their whole
lives one continual course of abstinence ; and they who received
thrice, twice, or once a week, had no reason to doubt but by
abstaining every Wednesday and Friday till three o'clock in the
afternoon (which was then the general practice) they did what was
sufficient as to this particular. Fasting has always been thought a
very proper exercise for Christians, whether they communicate or
not. And of the two they who do not communicate have the
greatest reason to fiist ; for they by their own confession are un-
\vorthy of the Sacrament, and therefore ought to look on them-
selves as in the state of penitence.

The Primitive Christians did for the most part celebrate the
luicharist before daylight, and, therefore, most probably took it
ujion an empty stomach ; yet there is no just cause to believe that

' Works of John Johnson (Anglo-Catholic Library), vol. ii. at end, ' Ad-
denda ct conigciicla.' < f • .

mntoii.

[it. v.

I'T. \'.] The Advisability of I'astiug Commutiioii.

V J

t, that is, sill ami
Scriptures which
lunion. Paul re-
but because they
prayer. In their
drink before the
;hem to their own
m hunger, let him

Tular ; we find it
e is a remarkable
s, which by some
upon an inserted
s works.' It has
lany, and, as it
:t of the present
mson's orthodoxy

ot mentioned fasting
r the Eucharist, and
s to be remembered
; Primitive Church,
prepare themselves
d made their whole
i they who received
>n to doubt but by
three o'clock in the
e) they did what was
ways been thought a
hey communicate or
iimunicate have the
11 confession are un-
t to look on theni-

it part celebrate the

ost probably took it

cause to believe that

ry), vol. ii. at end, ' Ad-

tiicy tliought this necessary ; at least, I am not sensible that they
tell us so. 'rertullian, in his treatise of fasting, says not a word
on this lu'i'd, tliougli he was very rigid as to the duty of fasting in
general. Hut it is vcij' probable that tlie custom of commimicating
Ijcfore daylight brought in this other i)ractice of receiving the
Sacrament in their fasting spittle. Towards tlie end of the fourth
century it seemed a fault to some to break one's fast on the Com-
munion day before receiving tlie Sacrament, and soon after, the
l)riest was forbidden to administer it after he had eaten or drunk ;
yet even in the fifth century whole Churches cliose to have their
Communion in the evening, and upon a full stomach : therefore
the practice of the Church was not always and everywhere the
same as to this particular. It is well known that our Saviour first
gave it to the Apostles after supper, therefore to take it on an
empty stomach cannot be absolutely necessary. They who find
that abstinence exalts their devotion ought by all means to use it
on this occasion, according to the best expmples of the fourth age
of Christianity and of the following time;i. But there are many
who cannot communicate fasting without great uneasiness and in-
dcvotion, unless they could go directly from their bed to the
Altar ; and these men must indulge the cravings of an inferior
nature, so far as to quiet their spirits and preserve a due attention
of mind in the service of God. This I say especially in relation
to those clergymen who have crazy bodies, and have no assistance
on Communion days. For they who are to speak for two hours
together with little interrupUon will find by dear-bought experience
that they destroy their own constitutions if they allow no supply
to nature. And, indeed, we of this northern climate are vain if
we pretend to imitate the old Eastern, African, or Italian Chris-
tians in their fastings. Our air is much more severe than theirs,
and preys with a much sharper edge on our spirits and vitals.
But both clergy and people ought to confine themselves to what
is barely sufficient to keep nature from sinking, and especially to
absuin from all intoxicating liquors, when they come to appear
before God.

It is to be wished that the moderation ' and wisdom of

' Moderation is not confined to writers in our Communion. I would
earnestly commend the following saying of St. Raymund (Penitentiary of
Gregory IX. ob. a.d. 1275) to those priests who rashly speak of mortal sin :
' Unum tamen consulo, quod non sis nimis promts judicare mortalia peccata,
ubi tibi non constat per certain Scripturam esse mortalia.' — S. Raymundi
Summa, lib. iii. tit. xxxiv. ^'cronn?, 1744, p. 428.

i
> 1

374 T^f^^ Advisability of I'ustins Communion. [iT.

these extracts would commend themselves to all. Kor
if now that the Blessed Sacrament is more frequented, and
danger from excessive eating or wine-bibbing before mid-
day has passed away, there is a successful attempt made to
insist on fasting from the previous midnight before Com-
munion; then, in a few years, when youthful zeal has
cooled, there will be a return to the perilous neglect of Com-
munion which existed in late mediaeval times, and is now
generally prevalent abroad. What the Fathers seem to
have feared especially was danger from wine in the
morning ; this made men sleepy (as is seen in St. Chryso-
stom's sermons), if it did not make them more unfit for Com-
munion. Now the ' morning draught ' of tea or coffee, or
such like, has (except in the case of frequenters of public-
houses, who are not to be found at God's altar) entirely
removed all fear of such scandal. Indeed, as John Johnson
points out, there is often more settled quietude of mind
after the usual light breakfast than before.

It is the duty of every Christian to communicate
frequently, -and with the utmost reverence. Neither Holy
Scripture nor the Church of England insists on fasting
from the previous midnight as a necessity to Communion.
Indeed, it is impossible to believe that our dear Lord would
have instituted the Sacrament of His Love during and after
Supper, if to communicate after food might be, as Mr.
Oxenham says, * what God has forbidden.'

In conclusion, it must be said that this essay has been
written piece-meal, in the midst of town parish work, which
allows of little leisure. It was commenced and continued
reluctantly, but there was wanted some utterance of a
defence of the position of the English Church in this
matter ; and, as none better came forward, I have ventured
on this essay, partly to quiet (if possible) some scruples,
but mainly to further the truth (which must ever be part of
the glory) of God. May the great Head of the Church par-
don all the errors herein contained ! ^ ^

tition. [it. v.

s to all. Vox
"rcquciitcd, aiul
ng before mid-
ttcmpt made to
lit before Com-
ithful zeal has
neglect of Com-
nies, and is now
'athcrs seem to
in wine in the
n in St. Chryso-
rc unfit for Corn-
tea or coffee, or
enters of public-
s altar) entirely
as John Johnson
.lietude of mind

to communicate
:. Neither Holy
nsists on fasting
y to Communion,
dear Lord would
; during and after
night be, as Mr.

is essay has been
arish work, which
ed and continued
e utterance of a
li Church in this
1, 1 have ventured
le) some scruples,
List ever be part of
jf the Church par-

INDEX.

Al.A

A LAI'IDK, f'ornclius, 129, 3ir

■* *■ Act.i Sanctorum, 110

A.^apx, 54 _

'A«pTri(r(io?, or u/tpariiTnii, slight LMily

meal, 129

Alciiin (tiled A.I). 804), quoted, 6

Alexander, Abp. of Syra and Tenos (A.li,
1870), opinion of Knglish C:bristians,
163, 367

Alexander II., I'opc (died A.i). 1073),
decret! against celebrating more than
once in a day, 224

Alexandria, Jewish influence at, 250

Allacci, 1^0 (Allatius), died A.l). 1669,
Librarian of the Vatican, 25; quotes
Joannes Phurnes, 43 ; Dc AfissA I'ra-
sanclificatonim, 14

Allies, Church of EngUvid cleared from
Schism, 91

Alypius (died A.D. 430), Bishop of Ta-
gasta, friend of St. Augustine, 92 ; St.
Augustine writes to him about feasting
in church, 286, 321

Amalarius, Bp. (died A.n. 814), 361

Ambrose, St. (A.n. 374), passages bearing
on Fasting Conummion, 243 sa]., 360;
against profane Iwhaviour in church,
153 ; first five days of Creation fasting
days, 130 ; night time of digestion, 136 ;
si^eaks of reserv.ation of the Eucharist,
III ; Lent prepares for Easter Com-
munion, 274; imitates St. Basil, 153,
274 ; on frequent Communion, 369

Ammianus Marcellinus (A.D. 380) on the
election of Poiie Damasus, 164

Amphilochius, St. (dicdcir. A.D. -too), re-
puted Life of St. Basil, no

Anastasius, the Librarian of the Vatican

(A.D. 870), 83
Anglo-Saxon Canon on Fasting Commu-
nion, 59, 158, 3S7

AUO

Apostolical Cannn'i, 80, 176; accepted
by Council in 'I'rullo, 80

Apostolical Constitutions, 140, 213

.\pplause at sermons, 163

Aqnarii, the so-called ; in St. Cypri.m's
time offered water in llie morning, and
wine and water in the evening, 225 seij.,

49, 322

.\quinas. See Thomas, St.
Aristenus, (ireek canonist, 354
'ApidTof, the forenoon meal of the Greeks,
149 ; the taking of which broke the
fast, 106, 150; the m.iin business of the
day over lx;fore, 145
-Vrislophancs, 145

.\thanasius, St. (died A.D. 373), quoted,
140 ; distinguishes Ijclween canons of
faith and canons of discipline, 25 ;
shows that canons depemling on t'J.ifi ,
or pLiciiit, are novel, 62, 287; his grace
1)efore meat, 211
Athenoeus (cir. A.D. 220) says that the
acrathmiis was called a continuation
of the fast, 129
Augustine, St., of Hippo (died A.D. 430),
Opera, Parisiis, 1689-1700 : Tom. i.
Coiifessii'iies, 213 ; De Moribiis Eccleshi ,
283. Tom. ii. lipislola, xxii. 51, 15-,,
213, 284, 321 ; xxi.x. 286, 321 ; xxxvi.
134; liv. 66, 101, 106, 116, 133; dis-
cussion of, 282 SCI]., 297 ; Iv. 101 ; Ixxi.
309. Tom. iii. Dc Sermont in Monte,
102. Tom. V. Sermcnes, 205, 234.
Tom. vi. Dc Fide ct Symbolo, 285 ;
App. Serm. xiii. 54. Tom. vii. De
Catechizandis Rtidibusytp, 147, Tom.
viii. Contra I'atistum, 26, 190. Tom.
ix. Contra Farmeniuniim, 320
Augustine, St., misunderstood by St.
Thomas Aquinas, 17, 43 ; struggles to
correct dninkenno^s in church, 50, 284,

37<''

Itulcx.

AUR

331 ; iliinks n i-oiiiail iin rxiraorillnnry
riim-(ly, 51, 321 ; liis cinlin^itiun, 284 ;
cvitlciilly npplii's C'linon of Hippo to
Inily, 66 ; dots nut llilnk tliMt fiicd
tnkcn since inidnJKlil noci'ssiirily is a
cll^honollr to llu- reception of tlie
F.mliarist, ic8 ; liis letter to Jiintiiirius
nlioiit I'nsting ("oniniiinlon, aSatci/. ; de-
fmilion of Apostolic tradition, 334, 359
Ainelius, Hisho)) of Cartilage, lield C'oiin-
lil of Hippo (It St. AuBUstinc's cnlrcaiy,
52. 385, 317

BAIt.I.IK, Robert, of Kilwinning,
Scotch Presbyterian minister (al-
ihouKli in "o'y Orders), a Coniniis-
sioner against l.aud in 1640, in West-
minster Assembly 1643, l.ndcnsium
Aiilvkaliikriiis, 103
nalsamon (A.n. 1180), Greek canonist,

95. 3 '2, 354
Daron, Rev. J., Anglo-Saxon Wiliicss on
four alleged requisites for Holy Cotn-

muiiioii, quoted, 59, 161, 175, 180
Haroniiis, C. (died A.n. 1607), Annates,

I,etter of I'opc Stephen III., 69, iii ;

Council of Hippo, 5a
nartenora, the Rabbi (cir. a.d. 1510),

33'
narlholoniew of Brescia (cir. A.D. 1250),

66 ; definition of jejuniis, 136, 362
nasil, St. (A.U. 370), quoted, 140, 313,
350 ; speaks of the luicharist as Lord's
Supper, 102 ; commends liomc reser-
vation, III, 234; sermons on fasting,
130, 335 seq. ; sermons jeered at by
heretics, 163 ; blames e.xcess in eating,
153 ; commends grace before and after
meat, 210 ; passages quoted on Fasting
Communion, 233 se</. ; Lenten fast
prepares for Easter Communion, 273
Bath, always just licfore a meal, 120, 251,
307 ; described by St. Clement of Alex-
andria, 252
Bcdc, The Venerable (died A.n. 735), 310
Beleth, Joannes (cir. a.d. 1150), quoted,

117
Berardi, C.S. (a.d. 1783), Gratiani Ca-
ttones genitini ab opocryphis iliscreti,
90, 123, 182, 199
Bergier, Diet, de Thiologie, 354
Berington, Rev. Joseph, Roni.nn Catho-
lic priest. Middle Ages, 195, 196 ; Me-
moirs of Panzani, 33

CAN

Bernard, S. (tlied A.n. 1153), 352
Beveridge, VV., Bishop of St. Asaph (died
A.D. 1708), I'lindeclir Canonnm, ao,
95 ; t odex Canon am, 80, 271
Biei, Ciabriel (died A.D. 1495), tpioted, i,
361 ; siiys that officiant on (l<«)d Friday
is not fiistingwhenhecomnuuiicates, 5,
6 ; on comnumicating more than once
in a day, 223
Bingham, Josi-ph (died A.n. 1723), Anti-
,/Hities of the Christian A'eligion, 17,
114, 222, 229
Bishops, tumultuous election of, 164 ; of
the utmost importance to support their
office, 173
Blondel, Oavid, a Calvini-st minister (died
A.D. 1655), writes against the false
dccret.als, 196
Bliuit, Professor J. J. (died A.n. 1854),

Striptural Coiiicidenrcs, 240

Blunt, Rev. J. H., Dictionary of Theology,

75. 305; Dictionary of Sects and Here-

sics, 67 ; Commentary on Prayer Book,

301

Bona, Cardinal (died A.d. 1674), De

Jiebus Litiirgicis, ed. Sala, (luotcd, 7,

75, 91, 114, 266, 315, 324, 359. 362. 3<'4>

Bread, a type of the resurrection of the

Vjody, 313
Breaking of bread, meaning of the phrase,

205, 212

Brett, Thomas, nonjuring bishop (died

A.d. 1743), Collection of Liturgies, 315

Burgess, Bishop of Salisbury (died a.d.

1837), his rule of Fasting Communion,

5, note a

Burgh, John De (a.d. 1385), Pupilla

Oculi, 183
Buxtorf, John, the elder (died A.D. 1639),
Syiiagoga Judaica, 313, 216, 334

/^ABILONFNSE ConciUum. See

^ Council of Chalons.

CfEcilianus, Bishop of Carthage, present
at the Council of Xicoea, and brings
back to Carthage a copy of the canons,

Csesarius, St., of Aries (died A.D.
337, 334, 292

Canons [see C:ouncils) : Apostolical, 176 ;
Anglo-Saxon, 59 ; difference lietween
canons of faith and discipline, 35, 37
seq. ; recognized by St Paul, 28 seq. ;
binding in each particular Church by

CAN

A. II. 1153), 353
stiop of St. Asaph (<lic(I
uiilfchr CanoHiiiti, ao,
mum, 80, 371
1 A. 11. MC)S). (|UOti'(l, I,
jnichint on (looil I'riilny
icn lio coninmnicaU's, 5,
icating more llian once

(died A.l). 1733). J^'ili-
Christian Religion, 17,

ous flection of, 164 ; of
ortance to siipixjrt their

I Calvinist minister (died
rites against tlie false

J. J. (died A.l). 1854),
luideines, 340
, Dictionary 0/ Theology,
oiiiiry of Sects and Here-
nentary on Prayer Book,

(died A. P. 1674), De
'lis, ed. Sata, tiuotcd, 7,

5, 3'5. 324. 359. 362. S^'M.
" the resurrection of tlic

J, meaning of the phrase,

nonjuring liishop (died
I kit ion of Liturgies, 215
of Salisbury (died a.d.
of Fasting Communion,

ic (A.D. 1385), Piipilla

te elder (died A.D. 1639),
diticu, 312, 216, 334

ISE Concilium. See
' Chalons.

lop of Carthage, present
;il of Xicoea, and brings
age a copy of the canons.

)f Aries (died A.D,

incils) : Apostolical, 176 ;
59 ; difference lietween
Ih and discipline, 25, 27
ed by St Paul, 28 seq. ;
ich particular Church by

CAR

■ acceptance and use, 32, 36 ; of Trent
H never accepted in ICngland, 33 ; not nil
B accepted in I'rance, or Hclgium, or
H Spain, 87, 32; abrogation of, by disuser,
H 39 J<(/. , examples of canons alirogated
H by disuser, 41, 177; allowing the
H Maundy, 41, 119; ordering fastin}'

■ after Communion, 41, 184; interpreta-
tion of, 120 Kv/, ; enforced by bishops
only, and not by pricst.s, 32, 171 ;
bishops' Visitation Articles show what
are in force, 36, 37; supposed C'nnon of
Nic.xa, 90; on K.asting Communion,
history of, 43 set/.; first passed at the
Council of Hippo, A.l>. 393, 52, 61, 64,
77, 176, &c. ; necessitated by prevalent
excess, 50, 149; of A.D. 1604, 38

Cnrranza, Siimma Concilioriim, quoted
fassim ; on nieaningof (/ow/wmrA', 334 ;
the Holy Spirit author of canons, 314

Casaubon, Isaac (died A.n. 1614), note on
.■\thenreu5, 129

Cassian, St. John (A.D. 450), quoted, 105,
183, 371, 350

Cuhsiodorius, Consul and Abljot (died
cir. A.D. 570), 131, 337

Cave, William (died A.D. 1730), Primi-
tive Christianity, 309, 219

Cclada, D. de, De Hcnedictionibiis
Patriarcharum, 227

CeMrare, meaning of the word, 66

Celebrating more than once in a day, 224

Celebration, the time generally 9 o'clock,
A.M., 134, 140, 146; In no sense early,
146, 259 ; on fasting days at noon, or
at 3 P.M., or at 6 p.m., according to
the duration of the fast, 141

Charles V. of Sp.iin (died A.D. 1558) did
not communicate fasting, 8

Chiarini, Talmud de Babylone, 335

Christian Remembrancer article on even-
ing Communions, 232, 248

Chrysostom, St. (died A.D. 404), Opera,
I'arisiis, 1618-1638. Tom. i. Horn, in
Kalendas, 153 ; De Deato Philogoiiio,
370 ; Contra Judccos, io8, 270, 271,
275. Tom. ii. De Baptismo Christi,
167, 2i6 ; Dc Cocmeterio, 16, 167 ; Horn,
ill ^f(trtyres, 51, 153; Ad Pop. Antioeh.
14s, 149, 2yo; lu Diemnatalem Christi,
167, De Proditione Judce, 167. Tom.
iii. Antequam iret in F.xilium, 163,
279; Epistola,2yj; Oportct et Harcses,
301. Tom. iv. Sermones de Anna,
151, ai6, 238 ; Horn, in Genes., 153,

Index,

COM

269 ; He D,ivide (t Saulo, 341. Tom.
V. Kxfos. in Psalmos, 153, 165, ai6.
Tom. vi. Contra l.udos, 241 ; Dt
Sirafhinis, 371. Tom. \''\. In Mat-
thirum, 3 16, 301. Tom. ix. /// Acta
Apost,, 143, 165, 190; /// /;■/. ad
HebrcTos, 165. Tom. x. Horn, in i P.p.
ad Cor., 165, 180, 267, 268, 275, 301.
Tom. xiii. rnlladil Vita, 302
Chrysostom, St., (piotud, 53, 55, 170, 178,
190 ; speaks of the Maundy celebration,
108, 157, 271 ; law couiis sat not noon
nor evening, 145 ; Homilies on the
Statues, 148 ; on excessive eating and
drinking, 149 seq. ; his sermons ap-
plauded, 163, 279 ; blames irreverence
in church, 165 ; and at Communion,
166 ; refers to a celebration on Good
P'riday evening. 16, 81, 166; on grace
l.'efore and after meat, ai6 ; quarrel
with Epi|>hanius, 358 ; passages quoted
in favour of Fasting Commimion, 366
seq. ; I-cnt fast prepares for Easter
Communion, 368 seq.; on Ix:nt, 271 ;
thinks the agap6 was after Communion,

303
Church Times, Dr. Littlcdale's letter in,

333

Clement, St., of Rome (martyred A.D.
too), supposed author of rast after
Communion, 19, 183, 198

Clement, St., of .Alexandria (cir. A.D.
300), on habits of excess in eating, 154;
on the bath, 352

Clifford's Inn, remarkable grace after
meat at, 218

Cocna Domini {see Maundy) ; the memo-
rial feast on Maundy Thursday, after
which the Eucharist was celebrated, p.
49, 57, loi, 291 seq., 306, 307 ; a
phrase rarely used by the Fathers for
the Eucharist, p. 103, note ; but used
by St. Basil and St. Chrysostom (in
Greek), and St. Augustine and Te;-
tullian, 301

Coffee, invented by Christians to drink
during fasts, 133 ; introduction of, has
changed habits, 133, 349

Collier, Jeremy, nonjuring bishop (died
A.D. 1736); History of England, 334

Communicating twice in a day, no canon
against, 223

Communion, irreverence at, spoken of by
St. Chrysostom, 157, 166 ; rare abroad,
1 ; reason of this, 370

37ii

Index.

cox

Consecration, words of institution s.iiil
iiloiid in fourtli century, 301

Constantino, Kmiioror (died A.i). 337),
his conversion tended to demoralize
Cliristians, 49, 147

Constitutioncs Apostolica;, 140, 213

Council of Agdc, A.n. 506, Coiic. A.^it-
Ihciise, retiuires laity to comniunicale
at least three times a year, 123 ; An-
cyra, s.n. 314, 37 ; Antioch, A.u. 341,
38; Aries I. A.D. 315, Cone. Arelii-
tense, 32, 82, 314, 320; Aurelianense
Concilium (see Orleans) ; Auvcrgne I.
^•"' 535' Cone. Arvernense, 314 ;
Auxcne, A.i). 578, Cone. Autissiodo-
rcnsc passes canon of I'asting Com-
munion, 74, 159 ; forbids concluding
the vigil before 2 A.M., 143 ; forbids
women to receive with uncovered hand,
234; Rale, A. P. 1431, Cone. Bauli-
ense, 31:, 315; Braga I. A.I). 563,
Cone. Braciuense, 69, 109, 112, 292 ;
Ilraga II. .\.i). 572, 15, 70, 109, 112 ;
appoints grace before and after meat,
217; Braga III. A.u. 675, 14, 315;
( ii.'saraugustanum (see Harngossa) ;
Carthage, A.D. 252, 314; Carthage II.
A.I). 390, restricts consecration of
virgins -to bishops, 172; passes canons
for the Catholic Church, 282, 302, 321 ;
(Carthage HI. A.I). 397, <iuoted, 61,
(>7< 306 ; its canons, as we have them,
a confused farrago, 94; restricts con-
secration of ^;'gins to bishops, 172 ;
one canon broken by the Church of
ICngland, 67 ; Cartilage IV. A.u. 398,
14, 274 ; Carthage VI. (?) A.D. 419,
61, 90, 94 .tiv/., 316 ; quoted by Joannes
Phurnes, 47 ; enquires into the Carons
of Nicasa, 91 ; Ch.ilcedon I. A.D..45r,
24 ; Chalons-sur-Sa6ne I. A.D. 650,
Cone. Cobiloncnse, 314; Constavice,
A. 15. 1413, canon on refusing the cup
to laity, 82 j(V/. ; calls giving the cup
to laity a heresy, 7, 87 ; not binding
in England now, 87; cited, 311, 315;
Constantinople I. A.i). 381, 24; Con-
stantinople II. A.D. 553, 24 ; Con-
stantinople III. A.D. 680, 24 ; Con-
stantinople V-VI. A.D. 692, called
Quinisext, and Council in Trullo, 78 ;
account of, 77 sei;. ; canons not ac-
cci)ted in the West, 79 ; time of break-
ing fast on Easter Eve, 81, 263 ; quoted
by Joannes Phurnes, 48 ; condemns

COU
feasting in church, 54, note ; con-
demns breach of Lent by tlie Maundy,
58, 80. 114, 134, 295 ; legislates for the
whole Church, 303, 321 ; Claramont,
A.D. 1094, 14 ; Elvirc, A.D. 614,
Cone. liliberilanum, 123 ; Epaon, .■\.d.
517, 314 ; Ephesus, A.D. 431, 24, 32,
313, 314 ; Florence, A.D. 1438, dtfi-
iiition of matrimony, 34 ; Gangra, cir.
A.D. 362, 38; Hippo Regius, A.D.
393, account of, 51, 285 ; first passes a
canon of Fasting Communion, 52, 61,
^4' 77' '76 ; accepts and acknowledges
the Miundy, 107, 133, 291 ; meaning
of jojunus, 132, 299 ; quoted, 189, 303,
30O, 317 ; Jerusalem, A.D. 50, 23, 303 ;
Laodicea, t .v. 372 (?), quoted, 46,
106 ; Lateran IV. A.D. 1215, requires
one Communion a year at Easter, 124 ;
Lima, condemns use of tobacco be-
fore Mass, 3, note 3, 365 ; Lyons I.
A.I). 517, 314 ; Macon 1. A.u. 58i,C(V/<-.
Muliseonense, 314; Milcon II. A.u.
585, .4, 16, 71, 75, 158, 180, 302, 314,
319 ; accepts and acknowledges the
Maundy, 113; appoints a fast after
Conmiunion, 180 ; Mentz, A.u. 813,
Cone, i/ogui'tiaciim, 15 ; Neocaesarea,
A.I). 314, 38; Nicasa I. A.u. 325,
24, 31, 313; distinguished between
canons of faith and discipline, 25 ; sup-
posed canon on Fasting Communion,
89 seq.; the numljcr of canons issued,
92, 93 ; Nicrea II. A.u. 787, 24, 315 ;
Orleans I. .\.u. 511, Cone. Aurelia-
nense, 134; Orleans HI. A.u. 538,
314; Orleans IV. A.u. 541, 314;
Orleans V. A.I). 519, 314; Quinisext
(see Constantinople V-VI.) ; Rheims,
.\.D. 813, appoints reading of Scrip-
ture at meals, 217 ; Rome, A.u. 465,
314 ; i^aragossa I. A.D. 381, Cone.
Cicsaraugustanum, 67, 69, no, 112 ;
Sardica, A.D. 347, 62, 302, 321 ;
quoted as Nicaa, 63 ; Toledo I. A.D.
400, condemns those who do not con-
sume the Eucharist in Church, no;
condemns those who come to church
without communicating, 123 ; Toledo
HI. A.D. 589, appoints reading of
Scripture at meals, 217 ; cited, 314 ;
Toledo IV. A.u. 633, refuses Easter
Communion to those who had not
fasted on Good Frid- /, 247 ; Toledo
VI. A.n. 638, 303; Toledo VII. A.D

Index.

379

cou

ling ill churcli, 5^, nolo ; con-
ns breach of Lent by llic Maundy,
80. 114, 134. 295 ; legislates for the
lie Church, 303, 321 ; Claramont,
. 1094, 14 ; Elvirc, A.D. 614,
f. Enbcritaiiim, 123 ; Epaon, a.d.
, 314 ; Kphesus, a.d. 431, 24, 32,

314 ; Florence, A.n. 1438, dtfi-
on of matrimony, 34 ; Gangra, cir.
1. 362, 38 ; Hippo Regius, A.u.
, account of, 51, 285 ; first passes a
on of Fasting Communion, 52, 61,
77, 176 ; accepts and acknowledges

M\undy, 107, 133, 291 ; meaning
lejunus, 132, 299 ; quoted, 189, 303,
i, 317 ; Jerusalem, A.D. 50, 23, 303 ;
odieea, /.D. 372 (?), quoted, jfi,
5; Lateran IV. A.D. 1215, requires
a Communion a year at Easter, 124 ;
ina, condemns use of tobacco bc-
e Mass, 3, note 3, 365 '< I-yo"s I.
„. 517, 314 ; Macon I. A.u. 581, Co//c.
uthcoiiciise, 314; Macon II. A.D.
5, .4, 16, 71, 73. 158. i8o, 302, 314,
9 ; accepts and acknowledges the
aundy, 113; appoints a fast after
jmmunion, 180 ; Mentz, A.u. 813,
uic. Mogufliaciim, 15 ; NeocEesarea,
D. 314, 38; Nicaea I. A.D. 325,
between

COU

^, 31. 313; distinguished
inonsof faith and discipline, 25 ; sup-
3sed canon on Fasting Communion,
J seq.; the numlwr of canons issued,
2, 93 ; Nicrea II. A.d. 787, 24, 315 ;
irleans I. A.u. 511, Cone. Aiirelhi-
citse, 134; Orleans III. A.d. 538,
14; Orleans IV. A.D. S4i. SM i
)ileans V. A.D. sjg, ZH \ Quinisext
;cc Constantinople V-VI.) ; Rheims,
..D. 813, appoints reading of Scrip-
urc at meals, 217 ; Rome, A.D. 465,
i.^ ; Saragossa I. A.D. 381, Com:
:asaraiigustaniim, 67, 69, no, 112 ;
iardiea, A.d. 347. 62, 302. 321 ;
luoted as Nicaea, 63 ; Toledo I. A.D.
^oo, condemns those who do not con-
iume the Eucharist in Church, no;
:ondemns those who come to church
.vithout communicating, 123; Toledo
III. A.D. 589, appoints reading of
Scripture at meals, 217 ; cited, 314 ;
Toledo IV. A.D. 633, refuses Easter
Communion to those who had not
fasled on Good Frid- y, 247 ; Toledo
VI. A.n. 638, 303; Toledo VII. A.D.

646, 72 ; Toledo VIII. a.d. 653, 314 ;
Toledo XVII. A.D. 694, condemns
priests wlio say Mass for the dead for
tliose who are still alive, 70; Tours II.
A.D. 567, 134; Tours IV. A.D. 813,
recjuires laity to communicate three
times a year at least, 123 ; Trent, a.d.
1543-1563, the disciplinary canons not
all received in France, Belgium and
Spain, 27, 32 ; not received in England,
33; cited, 311, 31S, 3i9;Tribur, A.D.
89S1 350 ; Trullan (see Constantinople
V-VI.); Vienne, A.D. 1311, 38

Councils, authority of, derived from our
Lord's commission to the Apostles,
21 ; general, and particular, 24 ; dioce-
san, 25 ; an extraordinary remedy, 51 ;
decisions regarded as of the Holy
Ghost, 27, 189 ; Piacitit Spiritui
Sancto of a council, 28, 189, 190, 288,
303, 308 seq. ; placuit in decrees of a
council implies something novel, 62, 287

Cowell, George, F.R.C.S. The Chiiniis
Rule of Fasting, 4

Cozza, L. (a.d. 1724), De Jejunio, 136,
225, 236, 266

Cyprian, St. (cir. A.D. 250), use of the
word cekbrare, 66 ; quoted, 140, 225,
312 ; ' We celebrate the Resurrection
in the morning,' 214, 227, 229 ; no
blame for the Aquarii for celebrating
after meat, 191, 222, 229 ; tract on the
feet-washing attributed to, loi ; De
Duplici Martyrio, 153 ; on excess in
eating, 154 ; the bishop the represen-
tative of the Church, 170 ; style very
pure, 289; on Fasting Communion, 192,
222, 225 seq.

T^AMASUS, Pope (died a.d. 384), his

"^ ttimultuous election, 164

De Burgh, John. See Burgh

Decretals, false, 194 seg.

Decrelum Gratiani. See Gratian

De Marca, Archbishop of Paris. See

Marca
De Misa, Jacotel. See Misa
Aiafqvrxrfiot, a name for the slight early

breakfast, 129
Dionysius, Archbishop of Alexandria (died

cir. a.d. 264), on time of breaking

Easter Eve fast, 81, 139, 252, 256, 263
Dionysius, E.\iguus, Canonist (a.u. 540),

96. 19s

FAS
Disraeli, Isaac (died A.n. 1848), Curio-
si lies of Literature, 349
Dominicale, meaning of, 234
Donation of Constantino, 196
Donatists very numerous in .Africa, 323
Dorner, Doctrine of Person of Christ, 63
Dorotheus, Eutychian Bishop of Tlics-

salonica, consecrated basketsful, 202
Du Cange, 96, 130, 136, 218
Durand, William, Bishop of Mende (died

A.u. 1296), Rationale, 7, 117
Durand, William, Bishop of Mende (died
A.D. 1328), nephew of preceding.
Tractatiis de Modo Concilii cclebrandi,
this on the title-page, and in the dedi-
cacion is ascribed to the uncle, 38, 117,
125, 176, 217 ; on fasting, 176, 351

T7GGS, G.J. ab, Pontificium Doctum,
199

Ellicott, Bishop, Life of our Lord, 342

Epachius, a priest, judgment upon, 14, 158

Epiphanius, St. (died a.d. 403), 139, 272;
supposed reference to Fasting Com-
munion, 259 seq.

Erasmus (died a.d. 1536), opinion of St.
Augustine, 289

Estms, Commentary on the Epistles,
quoted, 303

EtheridgcJ. W., HebrL-tu Literature, 23.
334. 335- 339. 340 ; Targums on tlie
Pentateuch, 240

Eusebius (died cir. A.D. 338), historian,
cited, 14, 213

Esagrius (cir. a.d, 594), historian, cited,
7, 181

Evening Communions, 366

Excess in eating and drinking prevalent
towards the end of the fourth century,
50, 148 seq. ; in the E^t, 148 ; testi-
mony of St. Chrysostom, 149 jc^., St.
Basil, 153, St. Clement of Ale.xandrin,
154 ; in the WcEt, 154 ; St. Jerome,
iSS; especially Africa, 154; St. Cyprian,
154, St. Augustine, 51, 155 ; warned
against by our Lord, 156

T7.ABI.\N, Pope (a.u. 250), cited erro-

neously by Gratian, 123
Falkner, William, V>.Xi., Libertas Ecclc-

siastica, 16
Faht, natural and ecclciiastical, 137

;8o

Irukx.

FAS

I "arts, U-ntL-n fast in Africa lasted till 3 |
P.M., 49. zuv, in Milan cndtil variously
;U noon, at 3 P.M., anil at 6 P.M., z.l6 ;
consisted ordinarily in the omission of
the frandium, 134, 292 ; in Holy
Week, 262 ; on liastcr Eve, 81, 257,
262 ; depended on quantity and quality
of food, 130 ; various kinds of— St.
Epiphanius, 263, Socrates, 326 ; on
(luantity, 132 ; on quality, 130 ; on
Wednesday and Friday, 176, 262 ;
lierctical to fast on Sunday, 55, 262 ;
held to purify the soul, 161, 262 270,
272 ; severity of, prevails in hot
countries, 127; excessive, condemned in
Canon law, 183 ; excessive, condemned
by St. Gregory Nazianzene, 231 ; Canon
of Old Catholics on, 132 ; definition of,
hy St. Isidore, 136 ; fast liefore the
Passover, 329 seq.

I'asling Communion not a Divine com-
mand, 5 ; modem definition of, due to
St. Thomas Aquinas, 137 ; proposed in
A.D. 419 by certain Bishops of Mauri-
tania, 64, 97, 302, 316 ; deijcnds upon
custom, 125

1 asting required of all who come to
Baptism, Confirmation, Communion,
Ordination, 122 ; of a man who was to
lake an oath, 160 ; after Communion,
179 seq., 276 ; abrogated by disuser,
41, 119, 184 ; St. Tliomas upon, 184

I athers of the Church, their authority,
188, 193; summary of their teaching on
lasting Communion, igo

Feasts, distinction between feast and fast
lay in taking or omitting the forenoon
meal, 134, 292 ; in honour of the dead,
51 seq., 213; of primitive origin, 54,
213 ; thought to benefit the departed,
51 ; sometimes before Communion,

I ell, John, Bishop of Oxford (died A.D.
i636), 219

I leury, Claude (died A.n. 1723), Institu-
tion au Droit F.al/sijstique, 36, 172,
187 ; llistoin, 83, 100, 123, 124, 188,
Mmurs dcs ChnHicns, 49, 208, 221

Forbes, Bishop A. P., of Brechin, Ii.\phi-
iiation 0/ the Thirty-nine Articles.^S'i,

354
I'leeman, Archdeacon, Principles of

Divine Worship, quoted, 227, 338, 343
Ironteau, Jean (died A.n. 1661), Chan-
cellor of the University of Paris, De

HYP

Philotcsiis Vetcrnm, 208 ; Familia
Christ innii, 216
Fulgrntius, St., Bishop of Ru.spe (A.IJ.
510), 310

r^ AV.WTI, Thesaurus /!iiiiiir;(\UQlc<\,
^-^ 3, 18, 91, 140

Gibcrt, Corpus Juris Ecclesiastici , 32, 36,

39, 171, 172
Giustiniani (A.D. 1612), Commculary on

St. Paul's Epistles, cited, 19, 90, 233,

266, 303, 362
Grace before and after meat, 15, 152. 210

seq.; a service which includes the meal,

210 ; St. Alhanasius, 211 ; St.. Chry-

sostom, 216
Gratian (A.D. 1150), Decretum, quoted, 6,

14, 31, 40, 116, 117. 119. •23. 174. «82,

i38, 224, 302, 353, 357. 361 ; on iil^ro-

gation by disuser, 40
Gregory, St., of Neocxsarea (cir. A.D.

250), called Thaumaturgus, 312
Gregory, St., of Nazianzum (died A.D.

389), speaks of the reservation of both

species, no, in ; passage quoted on

Fasting Communion, 231 ; Lent purifies

soul for Easter, 273
Gregory, St., of Tours (died A.D. 595),

quoted, 7, 10, 14, 17. 5'. ^' 76, 128,

131, 158, 175, 202, 208, 217, 234;

meaning of indulgeo as used by, 11 ;

description of his times, 73; description

of a priest's day from his writings, 142
Gregory, St., the Great, of Rome (died

A.D. 604), 90, 315
Gregory IX. (died A.D. 1241), Decrclales,

174. 363
Greswell. E., Dissertations on Harmony

of the Gospels, 341, 343

TTAMMOND, Henry, D.D. (died A.D.
•^^ 1660), 129

Hardouin, Acta Conciliorum, 83, 95, 96
Hardt, Von der, Acta Constantiensis

Confilii, 83
Hereford, Missalead Usum Herefordensis

Ecclesice, 160
Hincmar, Archbishop of Rheinis (a.d.

882), on false decretals, 194
Horace, quoted, 121
Hutchinson, Roger (a.d. 1552), quoted,

105, 149. 371
Hypatius, Archbishop of Ephesus (A.D.

533). 187

Index.

381

HYP

■Ictitm, 208 ; I'iiinilia

Bishop of Riispc (S.n.

esiiiirus Riliiitf.quolcd,

iris F.cdfsiastUi, 32, 36,

1612), Commcutdry on
htlcs, cited, 19, 90, 233,

after meat, 15. 152. 210
A-hich includes the meal,
nasius, 211 ; St.. Chry-

o), Decrelum, quoted, 6,
117, 119, 123, 174, 182,

353. 357. 361 ; on abro-

ser, 40

■ Neocxsarea (cir. A.D.

laumaturgus, 312
Nazlanzum (died A.D.
the reservation of both

ti ; passage quoted on

lunion, 231 ; Lent purifies

. 273
Tours (died A.i>. 595),

14. '7. 5'. ^' 76, 128,
5, 202, 208, 217, 234 ;
iditlgeo as used by, 11 ;
his times, 73; description
y from his writings, 142
i Great, of Rome (died

315

d A.D. 1241), Decrclalts,

! sse rill ti oils on Harmony
341. 343

, Henry, D.D. (died A. 11.

Conciliorum, 83, 95, 96

ir, Acta Constantiensis

U ad Usiiin Herefordensis

aishop of Rheims (a.h.
decretals, 194
121
)ger (A.D. 1552), quoted,

jishop of Ephesus (A.D.

ION
Bishop

MAR

IGNATIUS, Bishop (martyred A.D.
■'■ 107 [? 116]), Ep. ad TralUnses, 140,

Ep. ad Romanes, 213
Indulgeo, me.ining of, in St. Gregory of

Tours, II
Injuriosus, Bishop of Tours (a.d. 530),

introduced Terce and Scxt at Tours

Cathedral, 144
Irenxus, St. (m.artyred in A.D. 202), 213,

3'0. 319
Irreverence at Communion, 157, 166 ; in

church, 165
Isaac, Bishop of Langres (cir. A.D. 750),

orders that none should give witness on

oath unless he be fasting, i6o
Isidore, St., Bishop of Seville (died A.D.

636), 101, 102, 105, 113, 127, 13s, 188,

218, 313, 315, 351
Isidore-pseudo (cir. A.u. 8oo), 19, 93, 194
Ithaclus, Bishop of Sossaba, opponent of

Priscillian, 67

TANUARIUS, a layman in correspon-

•' dence with St. Augustine, 133, 282

seq., 2qj, 308
Jejuniis, meaning of the word, 127 seq. ;
equivalent to non pransus, 132 ; when
digestion is complete, 137, 362; natu-
rally at stroke of midnight, 137

Jmtaculiim, early morning food of the
Romans, 15, 124, 1.^4, 202

Jerome, St. (died A.D. 420), quoted, 9,
no. III, 134, 140, iss, 173, 237, 247,
272, 292 ; has no word of Fasting Com-
munion, 192

Joannes Phurnes, a monk of Mt. Ganus
(A.D. iioo), account of introduction of
Fasting Communion, 45 seq. ; referred
to, 64, 65, 106

Johnson, John (died A.D. 1725), on Fast-
ing Communion, 4, 126, 265, 272, 372;
Vade-Mcciim, 19, 38, 82, 93; Canons,^t),
159. 175 ; on supposed Canon of Niccea,
93

Justel, Christopher (died A.D. 1649) ;
Henry, son of the former (died A.D.
1693), keeper of Kings Library at St.
James', Bibliotheca Juris, collected by
Christopher and published by Henry,
61, 62, 94, 95. 96, 132, 319, 366

Justiniani Explanationes in Epistolas. See
- Giustiniani

I^EBLr:, John (died A.D. 1866), 141,

169, 347
Kettlewell, John (died A.D. 1695), 276
Kry, given to Rabbis, 23
King, Rites 0/ Ci reck Church, 227
Krazcr, De Liturgiis, 221, 227

J^AVIPEDIUM, or feet-washing on
Maundy Thursday, had some teach-
ing about Baptism, loi ; not (iractiscl
everywhere, 104

I-enfant, Histoiredu Concilc dc Constance,
83

Lent, 271, 272

Leo I., the Great, Bishop of Rome (dii-d
A.D. 461), the Manichees refused the
Chalice, 1 10 ; I^nten fast prepares for
Easter Communion, 274 ; cited, 313

Leo III., Pope (died A.D. 8i6), conse-
crated seven or nine times a day, 7,
223 ; this from devotion, not necessity,
223

Lightfoot, John, D.D. (died A.D. 1675),
quoted, 23, 331, 334

Littledale, Dr., 329 jc^.

Lord's Supper, name of commemorative
feast on Maundy Thursday in memory
of the Last Supper, 49, 57, loi, 291
seq., 306 ; rarely used by the Fathers
for the Sacrament, 102, note ; but used
by some, 301

Lyndwood, Bishop of St. D.avid's (died
A.D. 1446), has no Canon of Fastinj
Communion, 44, 177, 224, 370

Lytton, Lord, Last Days 0/ Pompeii, 252

TV/TAIMOXIDES (died A.D. 1201',

330. 334
Malory, Thomas, a Welsh priest, writes
the romance of King Arthur and liis
Knights, 122
Mandatum, the feet-washing, 103
Manichees, early heretics, 55, no
Marca, Peter de. Archbishop of Paris
(died A.D. 1662), De Concordanlia
Sacerdotii et Imperii, 31, 63, 92
Mark, St., Liturgy of, 212, 215
Marriage of clergy, 78, 175, 352
Marriott, Rev. Charles, mistake in cor-
recting Johnson, 19 ; no rigorist, 353
Marshall, Nathaniel, D.D. (died A.n.
»73»). Penitential Discipline, ia6, 354

382

Index.

\'\

MAR

Mnrtcne, Ed. (died a.d. i739). ■C'« ^''*-

bin EcfUsii, quotes Joannes Phurncs,

45; De Ritibu! Monachorum, 114.

208

Martin, St., Alexis, 137, 363

Maskcll, W., Ancient Liturgy of Church

of England, 160
Maundy, tlie, a feast, 104 ; esiiecially in
commemoration of the Last Supi^er,
loi; abrogated by disuser, 4T, 119;
supposed to break Lent, 79. 108. "5.
292, 299; Maundy money, 118
Maundy Thursday, 4. 61, 19s I account
of, 100 seij. ; origin of name. 102 seq. ;
excepted from rule of Fasting Commu-
nion, 18, 133; in Phrygia, 105; m
Africa, 57. 61. 107, 291 seq. \ m Gaul,
59, 75; in Spain. 69, 109; orthodox
Greeks now communicate on. and not on
Easter Day. 1 16, 297
Mazzolini, Silvestro of Prierio (cir. A.n.
1550), known as Sylvester Prierias. a
Roman Dominican : Sylvestrina Siim-
ma. 8.41, 119. 355. 357. 361
Meals, amongst the Romans, 121
Mode, Joseph (died A.D. 1638). 339
Merati. See Gavanti
Micrologus (cir. A.D. 1090), cited 6, 14
Minchah, time of, meaning of the phrase,

330 seg.
Misa, Jacobel de (A.D. 1420). Pfiest m
Prague.reintroduced Communion under
both kinds, 83
Mishna, ed. Surcnhusius [see Surenhuys),
eighteen treatises from, translated by
the Rev. D. A. de Sola, and the Rev.
M. J. Raphall, 330 scq.
Mizonius (cir. A.D. 419). Primus of the
African province of Byzacena, draws up
the Breviaritim Hipponcnse, 62. 317
Moguntiacum Concilium. See Council of

Mentz
Montesquieu (died A.D. 1755). B.sprit cies
Lois, 356. 365 r. r, •

Morin, Jean (died A.D. 1659), De Pceni-

ientid, 354
Mortal sin, meaning of. 354 ^^i-
Mundham. Virar of. in 1225, had two
wives. 353

NEALE. John Mason, opinion of
Fasting Communion, 349 ; History
of Eastern Church, 14 ; Tetralogia
Liturgica, 227; Litiirgiology, 103;

QUI

Primitive Liturgies, 215; On the

Psalms, 351
Neander, Church History, cited, 67
Nicephorus, the Confessor, Patriarch of

Constantinople (died A.D. 828), 253
Nicctas (cir. A.D. 1080), Commentary on

St. Gregory Nazianzene, 331

ORDO Romanus, quoted, 6
Oxenham, Rev. F. N., Sermon on
The Duty of Fasting Communion, 178,
228, 338

pARATI SERMONES, i
•*• Paschale Chronicon, 313
Paulinus, St., Bishop of Nola (died A.D.

431), quoted, 134, 292
Pauwels, Nicolas, Theologia Practica,

quoted, 3, 359. 3^5
Pearson, J.. Bishop of Chester (died a.d.

1686), In Acta Apostolorum, 206, 208
Petau. D. (died A.D. 1652), a learned

Jesuit. 255, 362
Phurnes. 5c(r Joannes
Placuit, in a canon token of something

new, 63. 387
Placuit Spiriiui Sancto of a council, 189,

303, 308 seq.
Poyntz. Rev. Newdigate, The Fast before
Communion, quoted. 6, 7 ; opinion of
the Council of Constance. 82
Prandium, the forenoon meal of the
Romans, no priest to take it before
9 A.M., IS ; the omission of it marks a
fasting day, 133 seq.; on Maundy
Thursday whether to take it or not, 18,
J33. 392
Precept and mandate, difference between,

356
Prierias. See Mazzolini
Priests not to intrude into Bishops' office,

173
Priscillianists. early heretics, prevalent m

Spain, SS. 67. 109 seq.
Prudentius (died cir. a.d. 408), De

Coronis, 131 ; hymns before and after

meat, aio ; spare diet prepares for

Communion, 274
Pupilla Oculi, 183
Pusey, Dr. E. B., quoted, 15, 63, 89

QUARTI, Commentary on Ruhrics, 8,
364
Quinquagesima, name for Pentecost, 134

Index.

383

rgits, ais; On the

'ii story, cited, 67
onfessor, Patriarch of
died A.D. 828), 2S3
1080), Commrntary on
ianzene, 331

s, quoted, 6

:ev. F. N., Sermon on

%ting Communion, 178,

lONES, I
ronicon, 313
lop of Nola (died A.D.
4,292

, Theolopa Praclica,
365

ip of Chester (died A.n.
Aposlolorum, 206, 208
A.D. 1652), a learned

mncs

on token of something

Sanch of a council, 189,

wdigate, The Fast before
luoted, 6, 7 ; opinion of
Constance, 82
forenoon meal of the
priest to take it before
e omission of it marks a
132 stq. ; on Maundy
ther to take it or not, 18,

idate, difference between,

azzolini

trude into Bishops' office,

irly heretics, prevalent in

109 seq.
d cir. A.D. 408), De

hymns before and after

spare diet prepares for

274

$., quoted, iSp 63- o9

immentary on Ruirics, 8,
, name for Pentecost, 134

RAY

■n AYMUND, St., Dc Pcnnafort (A.D.

"75). 373
Reserved Sacrament, the liquid species
dried upon the Bread, 14, note, 17 ;
taken' before meals, 203 seq. , 209 ; kept
in private houses, 201 ; especially by
monks, 301, 233

CABATIER, P. (A.D. 1743), Bibliorum

Latinte Versiones, 310
Sala, notes upon Bona. See Bona
Sanderson, Bishop (died A.D. 1663), on

abrogation by disuser, 39
■S.iturday never fasted in the East, except

Easter Eve, 78, 149 ; nor at Milan,

244 ; always at Rome, 78, 328
Scheltinga, T. De Fato Nadahi et Ahihti,

240
Schmidt, S. , Tractatus Schabbath, 337
Schoettgcn, Ifonr I'rhaicee, 354
Scudamore, Rev. W. E., Notitia Eiicha-

rislicii, 123, 140
Silvester of Prierio. Sec Mazzolini
Sisterhoods, 172
Smith, Dictionary of Antiquities, 121,

124
Socrates, the historian (cir. a.d. 450),

quoted, 6, 109, 164, 310, 315, 325
Soter, Pope (A.D. 170), supposed canon

on Fasting Communion, 44, 194 seq.;

supposed to Iiavc ordained Communion

on Maundy Thursday, u6
Stephen III., Pope, letter against the

Lombards, 69, in
Stephens, Rev. W. R. W., Life of St.

Chrysostom, 191, 276
Stier, Words of the Lord Jesus, 23
Stillingfleet, Edward, Bishop of Worces-
ter (died A.D. 1699), quoted, 25, 39
Suicer, J. G. (died A.D. 1684), Thesaurus,

quoted, 53
Sulpicius Severus (cir. A. D. 400), 67, 155
Sunday, heretical to fast on, 55, 262
Si>i'ruY)iaiu»'<>>'u>'> Athens, 1854, quoted,

20, 81, 9S, IIS, 13s, 139, 351, 253, 255,

356, 363, 312, 313, 314
Supper, Last, not the Paschal Supper,

341 seq.
Supper, the Lord's. 5«Coena, anrf Lord's

Supper
Surenhuys (cir. A.D. 1720), Mishna, 330

seq.
Syra and Tenos, Alexander, Archbishop

of, opinion of English Christians, 163,

3(57

VAL

"yAYLOR, Bishop Jeremy (died A.n.
1667), the Apostles left the question
of Fasting Communion to the Churcln's,
124, 361; m.irried more than once, 260 ;
the Bishop the representative of llii<
Church, 170, 172 ; on unwarrantcil
attempts to give grace, 173 ; opinion
of second marriages of clergy, 281 ; on
ancient canons, 359

Tea, introduction of, made a great dif-
ference, 123, 349

Tertullian (a.d. 200), speaks of home re-
ception of the reserved Sacrament, in,
140, 200 ; calls the Sacrament Dei
Ccena, 301 ; quoted on Fasting Com-
munion, 200 seq. ; quoted, 130, 216,
221. 344

Theodore of the Studium (died A.D. 826),
234

Theodore of Tarsus, Archbishop of Can-
terbury (died A.D. 690), Fanilenti.!,',;
126

Theophilus of Alexandria (died a.d. 412),
quoted, 135, 252, 272 ; testimony on
F.isling Communion, 254 ; burns out
'the tall brethren,' 202; his answois
reckoned can0nic.1l by Council in
Tnillo, 257

Thierry, Augustin, Lcttres sur I'flistoiie
de France, quoted, 13

Thomas, St., Aquin.is, Doctor Angcliciit
(died A.D. 1374); Summa, quoted, 17,

43, 116, 157, 355, 357, 36,, 363, gOy ;

first defined fast of nature, 137 ; 0:1

abrogation, 41, 184 ; on fn.st after Con -

munion, 184 ; Comni. in F.pistolas, 2o(:,

303
Timothy, Archbishop of Alexandria (A.n.

385), 249, 257
Tindal, Chief Justice, on English m.-.r-

ri.-ige law, 33
Tobacco, use of, said not to bre.ik naturnl

fast, 3 ; but condemned in Mexico, 3.

358. 364
Tractatus used in Africa for Concilium,

TJNIFORMITY, Act of, 1549, 315

Ursinus (al. Ursicinus), his contest
with Damasus for the Bishopric of
Rome, 164

■yALERIUS, Bishop of Hippo (died
cir. A.D. 400), 53 ; ordains St. Au-
gustine, 284

384

Index.

\:.-

VAL

Valesius, 310

Van Espen, quoted, 6, 31, 39, 83, 91, 93,

94, 100, 123, 199, 987, 300, 303
Venial sin, 354
Vigil, keeping vigil, 142; ended with

Matins at two o'clock A.M., 143; men

went to bed after, 143
Vigilius, Bishop of Thapsus (a.o. 480),

96, 310
Vincent, St., of Lerins (cir. A.D.4S0), 359
Vinci, Leonardo da (died A. D. 1519), his

fresco of the Institution of the liucha-

rist in the Refectory, '.18
Virgins consecrated by Bishops only, 17a

■tlTALAFRlD STRABO (died A.d.
** 849), cited, 7, IS7. ""S. S"?
Walton, Bishop Bryan (died a.d. 1661),
Polyghll, 336

70S

Witness to lie fasting when put upon
oath, 160

Wordsworth, Bishop Christopher, of
Lincoln, The Law of the Church en
Ritual, 39 ; Greek Teitament, 314

VEROPHAGV, i.e. eating only bread
■**■ and salt with water, 136, 262

VrONOE, Miss, Book of Golden Deeds,
9

7OXARAS, Greek canonist (cir.' A. D.

^ iiao). 95, 115, 312, 3S4

Zosimus, Bishop of Rome (a.d. 420),

alleges a canon of Sardica as a canon

of Nicxa, 91

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INDEX.

i4r/i;»V Modem Cookery 4°

A irds Blackstone Economised 39

Alpine Club Map of Switzerland 34

Alpine Guide (The) 34

/fwo/j Jurisprudence lo

Primer of the Constitution lo

Anderson's Strength of Materials :o

^(r;«i/nw?-'j Organic Chemistry 20

Arnolds (Dr.) Christian Life 3°

Lectures on Modem History 2

^ Miscellaneous Works 13

School Sermons 30

Sermons 3°

(T.) Manual of English Literature 13

//n/tf/z/if J Life of Lord Denman 7

Athcrstone Priory 3°

Autumn Holidays of a Country Parson ... 14

Ayre's Treasury of Bible Knowledge 39

/J,;wA Essays, by Whakly "

by Hunter n

Life and Letters, by 5/(r</(////^ ... 10

Works »°

Bjih's Mental and Moral Science ..— **

on the Senses and Intellect n

Baker's Two Works on Ceylon 33

Baits Guide to the Central Alps 34

Guide to the Western Alps 34

Guide to the Eastern Alps 34

Bancroft's Native Races of the Pacific 23

/Ar.r/<;yj Spain 33

Z?ir-t<rr'j Charicles and Gallus 35

5/ij<:/6'i Treatise on Brewing 4°

Blackley's German-English Dictionary iS

Blaine's Rural Sports 37

Bloxam'sUe\.3Xs 20

Hook of Psalms, by K. F 32

Boultbee on 39 Articles ; 29

Boitrtte's Catechism of the Steam Engme . 28

Handbook of Steam Engine 28

Treatise on the Steam Engine ... 28

Improvements in the same 28

Bowdler's Family Skakspeare 3^

Bramley-Moore's Six Sisters of the Valley . 36
Brande's Dictionary of Science, Literature,

and Art *3

Bray's Manual of Anthropology 23

Philosophy of Necessity la

Brinkley's Astronomy ;.• »8

Brnunt's Exposition of the 39 Articles 29

Brunei s Life of Brunei 7

Buckle's History of Civilisation 3

— — . Posthumous Remains 12

Buckton's Lessons on Man and Animals... 25

Suits Hints to Mothers •■■•■ 4°

Maternal Management of Children . 40

Burgomaster's Family (The) 3^

Burke's Rise of Great Families B

Vicissitudes of Families 8

Busk's Folk-lore of Rome 35

Valleys of Tirol 33

Cabinet Lawyer 40

Ciimfiiclts Norway 35

Cates's Biographical Dictionary o

and IVood'Ma.rd's Kncydopxdia. ... S

Changed Aspects of Unchanged Truths ... 14

C/tesney's Indian PoWty 3

Modern Military Biography 3

Waterloo Campaign 3

6'A«M on Protection 40

dough's Lives from Plutarch 4

Coleuso on M oabite Stone &c 3*

's Pentateuch and Book of Joshua. 33

Speaker's Bible Commentary ... 33

Collins' s M ineralogy of Cornwall 28

Perspective 27

Commonplace Philosopher in Town and

Country, by A. K. H. B 14

Comte's Positive Polity °

Congreve's Essays 9

Politics of Aristotle w

Conington's Translation of Virgil's /Eneid 37

Miscellaneous Writings 13

Contanseau's Two French Dictionaries ... 15
Conyteare and Howson's Lite and Epistles

of St. Paul 31

Cotton's Memoir and Correspondence 7

Counsel and Comfort from a City Pulpit... 14

Cox's (G. W.) Aryan Mythology 4

Cmsades o

History of Greece 4

Tale of the Great Persian

War 4

Tales of Ancient Greece ... 36

and Jones's Teutonic Tales 36

Crawley' sThMcyAxAes 4

Or<iJV on British Constitution 3

Cresys Encyclopaedia of Civil Engineering 27

Critical I'><!ays of a Country Parson 14

Crtfo*«'j Chemical Analysis ^

Dyeing ai>dCaUco-iji lilting 39

Culleys Handbook of Telegraphy.... 27

Cusack's Student's History of Ireland 3

DAubieni'^ Reformation in the Time of

Ccnvin S

NEW WORKS PUBLISHED BY LONGMANS & CO.

Davidson's Introduction to New Testament 33

Dead Shot (The), by Marksman 38

Df. Caisnt and Le Afaoiits Botany 34

De Morgan's VaxoAoxes 13

De Tocgiieville's Democracy in America... 9

Disraeli's Lord George Bentinck 7

Novels and Talcs 36

Dobson on the Ox 38

Dove's Law of Storms 18

Doyle's Fairyland 35

Drew's Reasons of Faith..,- 30

Eastlahe's Gothic Revival 26

— Hints on Household Taste 37

Edwards's Rambles among the Dolomites 33

Elements of Botany 23

Ellicott's Commentary on Ephesians 30

Galati.-ins 30

Pastoral Epist. 30

Philippians,&c. 30

Thessalonians . 30

Lectures on Life of Christ 29

Epochs of History 6

£t/(7»yj Ancient Stone Implements 23

fw^/if^ History of Israel 31

Fairbairn's Application of Cast and

Wrought Iron to Building... 29

. Information for Engineers 28

Treatise on Mills and Millwork 28

Farrar's Chapters on Language 13

Families of Speech 13

Fitnoygram on Horses and Stables 38

/^orrv/ji'-r Essays 9

Fowler's Collieries and Colliers 39

Francis's Fishing Book 38

/•V(;««(i»'j Historical Geography of Europe 5

/V«A^<rWj Italian Alps 33

From Januarjr to December 13

/>-OM(/«'j English in Ireland s

History of England a

Short Studies 12

Gairdner's Houses of Lancaster and York 6

Camgee on Horse-Shoeing 38

Oanot's Elementary Physics 19

- Natural Philosophy 19

Gardiner's Buckingham and Charles 3

Thirty Years" War 6

Gilbert and Churchill's Dolomites 34

GirdUstone's Bible Synonyms 30

Goodeve's Mechanics 20

Mechanism 30

Grant's Ethics of Aristotle 10

Graver Thoughts of a Country Parson 14

Greville's ]o\ax\!).\ i

Griffin's Algebra and Trigonometry 20

Griffiths Sermons for the Times 29

Grove on Correlation of Physical Forces ... 19

GwiU's Encyclopaedia of Architecture 37

HaUiweirs Illustrations of Shakesftart ... 8

Hare on Election of Representatives 13

Mjrmy«'j Order and Progress 9

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