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KENKRAL CASS.

LIFE

GENERAL LEWIS CASS :

COMPRISING AN ACCOUNT OF HIS

MILITARY SERVICES IN THE NORTH-WEST

DURIMa THB

yf-

WAR WITH GREAT BRITAIN,

HIS DIPLOMATIC CAREER AND CIVIL HISTORY.

TO WHICH IS APPENDED,

A SKKrCH OP THE PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY

MAJOR-GENERAL W. 0. BUTLER,

OF THE VOLUNTEER SERVICE OF THE UNITED STATES.

^^ WITH TWO PORTRAITS.

PHILADELPHIA :

G. B. Z I E B E R & CO.

1848.

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C343I

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'VKvn i'.y,iiw n:.i:r Kr i-i-'i

Enterad, according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1848, by

r.h,',^^ G. B. ZIEBER & CO. * '

in the clerk's office of the District Court of the United States for
the Eastern District of Pennsylvania.

, UM

STEREO TYFEO BT J. FAGAN.
PRINTED BV C. SHERMAN.

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The following pages profess to be nothing
more than a compilation thrown together
within a brief space of time, to illustrate the
career of the distinguished men nominated as
. candidates for the two first offices of the na-
tion. Without aspirations after literary merit,
it has been sought to give a popular account
of the eventful lives of these personages, and
to place them in a proper position before the
people, without dwelling too long on the in-
tricacies of politics and party. When these
became the subject, General Cass has been
caused, as far as possible, to speak for himself

(iii)

V r.

PREFACE.

and extracts from his many printed speeches
and essays have been made, to which the
reader will not object, it* he has a perception
of power and eloquence.

In the account of General Butler, little
more has been done than to expand the well-
written sketch of Mr. Blair, which at the time
of its publication attracted such general atten-
tion. With these brief explanations, this book
is presented to the public.

1 Philadelphia, June, 1848.

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LIFE

GENERAL LEWIS CASS.

!•

(V)

:i M I A

• «

.««/•. J >i!7/;!„i jAii:-i/'i;)

V I

i- 1^

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.

Biography of Lewis Cass — His Father — Early emigration
to the North-west — Character of that country, etc. —
Studies law — Admitted to the Bar — Burr — Marshal of
the State, etc Page

CHAPTER II. , ., ,,

Preparations for War — March to the Frontier — War —
Invasion of Canada — Hull's procrastination — Battle at
Aux Canards — Retreat from Canada — Cass's Remon-
strance — Detached Service — Surrender of Detroit -7-
Visit to Washington — Letters — Promotion — Thanks
of the Legislature of Ohio 23

CHAPTER in.

Joins General Harrison's army — Moves to the Frontier —
Crosses into Canada — Advance — Battle of the Thames,
etc. — Cass complimented by General Harrison — Anec-

dotes — Governor of Michigan 52

(vii)

Vlll

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER IV.

Michigan afler the War — Commissioner to treat with
the Indians — Improved condition of Michigan, etc. —
Literary Matters 70

CHAPTER V.

General Cassis Civil Services — Literary History — John
Hunter — General Jackson — Nulli Bcation — Alabama —
Black Hawk War — Creek War — Seminole War —
Minister to France 85

CHAPTER VI.

Letter from General Jackson — Diplomatic Services-
Indemnity — Eastern Tour — Quintuple Treaty

CHAPTER VII.

Mr. Cass in the United States — Visit to General Jackson
— Letters — Course in the Senate — Nomination by the
Baltimore Convention — Correspondence, &c 132

- i

LIFE

GENERAL CASS,

CHAPTER I.

Biography of Lewis Cass — His Father — Early emij^fration to the
North-west — Character of that country, etc. — Studies law-
Admitted to the Bar — Burr — Marshal of the State, etc

It has become an axiom, that no one should at-
tempt to write the biography of any individual, until
the tomb should have become the seal of the career
of the subject. Many examples might be given of
the truthfulness of this, both in the annals of our
own land and of other nations, well known to all
who read and think. The biography of the elder
Adams, previous to the passage of the alien and se-
dition laws, the career of Burr before his defeat and
subsequent treason, and of many less important but
equally significant personages, would prove how
different often is the estimate placed on men, from
their sterling value. There are, however, occisions
when the name and history of a man become the
property of the nation ; when the varied events of
his career, whether in the camp, senate, or service
of his country abroad, become the property of the
people, who have a right to canvass and discuss in

LIFE OP

III'

tl!

i ' I'r

detail each item of his history, and when it becomes
almost a duty to ascertain and fix positively the
landmarks of his social and public history.

This is a consequence of the peculiar character
of our country, which, setting aside, if not the ex-
perience, at least the practice of the old world, in
the selection of its rulers, looks rather to the traces
left by the feet of the living, than to inscriptions
laudatory of the dead.

When a great people, to whose intelligence are
confided not only their own rights and those of their
children, but, in a great degree, the future of hu-
manity, it called upon to select its chief magistrate
and holder of the executive power, it becomes each
member of the community to acquire, if not a tho-
rough knowledge, at least a general acquaintance
with the events of the lives of the candidates for
the high position, especially when they appeal be-
fore the community, endorsed by the recommenda-
tion of either of the great classes, into which party
and opinion have divided the nation. The history
of parties in the United States inculcates a sad les-
son, and if we believe the journals of the day, dur-
ing each political canvass, we must think either that
tht candidates are god-like and unequalled heroes,
Nestors in experience, Ulysses in wisdom, and
Achilles in courage, or deem them disgraces to hu-
manity and opprobriums to society. Except Gene-
ral Washington, and perhaps Mr. Jefferson, no one
who has occupied the seat of the president, has es-
caped this indiscriminate censure and laudation,
each of which has often been so indiscreet and in-
discriminate, that victims have fled for shelter to
their enemies, and cried in agony, " Save me from
my friends."

The United States stand on the eve of one of the
great convulsions which, occurring on every fourth
year, shake society, break down the divisions of
party, and lately have amounted to a total rovolu-

ill

GENERAL CASS

■si

tion in all of «.!ie ministerial clc,jartinents. The pe-
culiar structure of the organization of government
makes it necessary that new presidents should bring
with them new secretaries, and the latter new offi-
cials in important and minor capacities, more or less
affecting each individual of the community, and
making from their natural dependence, each circum-
stance of the career of the candidates of either of
the two great parties important.

The democratic spirit of our government is not a
thing of theory, a mere expansion of words, but a
principle, pervading the idea and action of both of
the two great powers. Nothing makes this more
apparent than the organization of parties, which
almost recalls to us the conduct and condition of
those countries, in which two races, each having
its own peculiar ruler and code, were condensed.
We find them meeting at)d acting alone, with a

f)arty constitution as well defined as the law of the
and, submissive to the principle that the wish and
interest of the many is the interest and should be
the wish of the few : each party has erected itself
into a subordinate republic, and established the rule
that a majority, greater or less, as the case might
be, shall control its decision in the selection of a
candidate. The party annals of the United States
have shown how absolute is this decision ; for in no
case, since the establishment of these sul>rcpublics,
has the mass of either party failed to use its influ-
ence, or cast its voice, for the person who had been
designated as a candidate. On the propriety of this,
great and good men of either party have differed —
it being notorious that, after the fiat of the party,
the people vo< i according to the suggestion of the
convention, to which they adhere almost as blindly
as canons and deans in ecclesiastical corporations,
abroad, cast their suffrages for the person, whom,
by a chancellor's writ, they are permitted to elect.
This may be wrong. Both parties, however, are

LIFE OF

ni-t

liable to reproach, and show that thf y are aware of
it, by the fact of their applying to the convention of
their opponents opprobrious epithets, which are
equally appropriate to their own cases.* It is un-
fortunately but too true, that this party allegiance
has proved more powerful, and exerted more influ-
ence, than the call of the higher and undoubted
appeal of patriotism. This is a statement which
needs no proof; each one, within his own experience,
being able to recall a recent and striking instance.
We have seen the whole democratic party cry for
war for indemnity, and the satisfaction of our na-
tional claims on Mexico ; on the other hand, almost
without an exception, we have seen the whig party
brand the government, and the party which sup-
ported it, as an oppressor of the weak abroad, and
the labouring man at home ; we have listened to its
loud declamation against the war, its causes, con-
duct, purposes and results. Now, not only Brutus,
but Caesar, " is an honourable man," yet one or the
other is undoubtedly mistaken ; and it becomes
the duty of the friends of both to ascertain each item
of the history of the two persons presented to them
as exponents of the two great political churches
which solicit their adherence and support.

When the necessity of this knowledge is admitted,
it follows as a corollary not only that it is admissi-
ble, but becomes a duty, for each one to contribute
his mite to the general stock of information on this
most important subject. Therefore is it that this
hook has been written. In our country we profess
to disregard family antecedents, and to look altoge-
ther to the character of the man. It is, however, a

* In England, and other European states, when a vacancy
in any Bishopric or Arch Episcopate occurs, the royal power
virtually appoints an incumbent, but under the guise of a writ,
or perhiit, to elect {conge dCelire) a particular person. Thus,
the cojiventions recommend men who receive the unanimous
vote of their respective parties.

f -

GENERAL CASS

great mistake to suppose that we have been able to
cast aside the prejudices and faults of our fathers, or
that we wish to strip ourselves of their former glory.
It is believed that no biography was ever written,
which did not specify at least the services, and
attempt to define the character of the parent of the
hero. Following this precept, and without pausing
to inquire whether it would not be more honoured in
the breach than in the observance, we will state at
once that Lewis Cass has reason to be proud of his
genealogy.

His father, Jonathan Cass, of the revolutionary
army, was a native of Massachusetts, and descend-
ant of a reputable family, long established in the
vicinity of Boston. When the news of the contest
at Lexington became known to the people of that
section of country, and when it was obvious that
not only was the British ministry determined to
persevere in its course, but that the strife had actu-
ally commenced, Jonathan Cass enlisted in the army.
His subsequent career, and the memorials of his ser-
vice, prove him to have been a man of education,
and as such, justified in aspiring to at least a higher
post than that of a private sentinel. Under the con-
viction, however, that the nation needed the heart
and arms of all its children, he placed himself in the
humblest capacity, participated in the operations in
front of Boston, and by obedience learned to com-
mand. In but a short time he became an ensign,
and after serving in the various campaigns in Jer-
sey, and the middle states, attained the rank of
captain, which he held at the end of the war. Dur-
ing this trying time, the courage of Jonathan Cass,
and his prudence and judgment, were well estab-
lished, so that when Wayne commenced his success-
ful expedition against the Indians in the northwest,
he was recalled to service, with the higher grade of
major. On this expedition it was that he acquired
that knowledge of the west, which induced him

r»

[Hf

LIFE OP

ultimately to make it the home of his family. He
emigrated thither, after the termination of hostilities,
and died, ultimately, at his residence, in Muskingum
county, Ohio.

Lewis Cass was born at Exeter, New Hampshire,
on the 9th of October, 1782, and when his father
was appointed a major in Wayne's army accor.ipa-
nied him southward. At that time, the pay of
officers of the army was small, and barely sufficed
for their necessary expenses, so that young Cass
was not unwillin<ily constrained to attempt to add
as much as possible to the family income by his own
exertions. While Major Cass was stationed at
Wilmington, Delaware, on the recruiting service,
his son taught a school at that place, and he remained
there until after his father had left for the army.
Then, as he states himself, on foot he crossed the
Alleghany, and established at Marietta in the then
North-western Territory. This must have occurred
in 1799, as persons who have every fat ility for
obtaining correct information, state that at that time
young Cass had "just entered his eighteenth year."
At this time the population of the whole North-west,
including the old French establishment at Detroit,
in Michigan, the ports on the lakes and the thriving
settlements around Kaskaskia, Illinois, was less than
twenty thousand souls, and sent but one delegate to
congress. There is therefore no inaptness in that
resolution of the Democratic convention of the state
of Ohio, which claimed Lewis Cass as one of the
" early pioneers" of their country. It may not be
improper here to call attention to the immense pro-
gress made by the region then known as the North-
western Territory, which now, after a lapse of fifty
years, contains five sovereign states ; sends to '.'
National Congress thirty-five representatives ; and
ha? a population of more than three millions of souls.

It was the peculiarity, and it is not improbable,
the blessing of the west, that no one of its inhabitants*

(GENERAL CASS.

r. He
tilities,
.ingum

pshire,

father
30iipa-
)av of
lufliced
g Cass

to add
lis own
ned at
service,
mained

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sed the
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h-west,
Detroit,
thriving
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3gate to

in that

he State

of the

not be
[ise pro-
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of fifty
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es ; and
of souls.
>robable,
labitants

at that time, could shake off his portion of the bur-
den of toil and hardship, by which alone the country
could have been lifted to its present position. For
years young Cass participated in all this labour,
and in the constant peril to which all were exposed
by the vicinity of savage tribes, inimical to the new
settlers, not only on account of the natural antipathy
of race, but in consequence of the perpetual machi-
nations of the British agents, who long and most
unjustifiably kept in the pay of England and stimu-
lated to hostilities a race, whom not only the letter
of national treaties, but human charity bound them
at least to let alone. They did not, however, thus
abstain, for long before the declaration of war
agamst Great Britain, her allies were in the field,
and the United States were compelled to employ a
large military force to keep them in check.

In 1802, during the territorial government, Lewis
Cass was admitted to the bar, having previously
gone through a course of legal instruction under the
privilege of R. J. Meigs, in the town of Marietta.
Under fair auspices he commenced the practice of
the law, travelling, as was the custom of the day, on
horseback, and often alone, through the expanse of
forest which seperated the various places of the
session of the courts, in that then sparsely inhabited
country. The life of a western lawyer at that day
was certainly arduous, but had its pleasures. The
long and solitary journeys through the wilderness
encouraged the habit of reflection and matured
thought : it made all who participated in it familiar
with the character of the whole country, and was
not by any means without peculiar advantages, from
the fact that it brought together men of rare quali-
ties, whose energy and anxiety to achieve something
had induced them to turn from the idleness of life in
the old states, to the hardships of the frontier.

As a lawyer, the success of Cass was decided,
and his reputation v/ell established, so that in 1806,
2'"

LIFE OF

he was elected a member of the legislature from
Muskinjijum county, over many competitors. Scarce-
ly a lawyer, who is not an aspirant for political dis-
tinctions, exists within the United States, and Cass
had many opponents, all of whom seem, however, to
have approved of the popular choice. During the
session of the legislative body he was a conspicuous
member, participating in all the debates on state
concerns, and in the important discussion which re-
sulted in the passage of the law, which authorized
the executive to use the power of the state to dis-
perse the partisans of Burr, taking the lead, and in-
troducing the bill he had draughted into the house.
How important this step was, will be evident to all,
on an examination of the state of the country.

Aaron Burr was one of those men who with im-
mense mental power, fail even in the limited career
they propose to themselves, temporary success,
because the moral faculties or organs are not propor-
tioned to their mental capacity. Born within what
many are pleased to call the upper circles, he had
received a brilliant education, and at the era of the
revolution, carried away by the popular impetus, or
perhaps, far-seeing enough to be satisfied that the
cause would ultimately succeed, he had entered the
military service of the government, and, notwith-
standing the statements of the many volumes which
have been written since 1806, had served with no
small distinction in the Revolutionary army. Dis-
banded on the termination of the war, as were
Hamilton, Monroe, Timothy Pickering, and others
of the same grade, like them he had directed his
attention to the civil service of the government.
How great his influence was, may be gathered from
the fact, that he was the rival and nearly the suc-
cessful one of the great apostle of democracy, Mr.
Jefferson; and it is more than likely, but for the
prejudice excited by the circumstance of his having
killed Hamilton, the idol of the Federalist party,

GENERAL CASS.

in a duel, he would have occupied the Presidential
chair.

In spite of the many attacks made on the social
character of Colonel Burr, there is every reason to
believe, that he would have occupied the post of
chief magistrate, with as much dignity as any, who
have since become its incumbents. For this, his
brilliant genius, his intelligence, and his conver-
sational eloquence admirably qualified him. He
had, however, risen so high, that the one other grade
in the scale of dignity became indispensable to him,
and, disappointed in attaining that, he fell, as far
purer beings have done before him, through envy.
So anxious had he been to succeed, that fiis whole
resources, personal and of party, had been put forth,
and having been defeated, was as utterly powerless
as Napoleon became after Waterloo. The election
of Mr. Jefferson firmly established the predominance,
for years to come, of the politicians of his school,
and success to Burr in the United States became aa
impossibility.

One of the most distinguished jurists of the day,
wealth and distinction in that sphere were attain-
able; but the judicial ermine of the national tribu-
nals would never have been conferred on one who
had so nearly defeated the executive and appointing
power. It is well this was the case, for a person
whom envy could lash into treason was not fit to be
the depository of the great conservative power of
the' government. Discontented, disappointed and
moody, Burr disappeared from the popular eye, and
when he again emerged, it was as the opponent of
the government to which he aspired, and as an out-
law, for the apprehension of whom every civil and
military officer of the nation was on the alert.

What was precisely the plan of Colonel Burr, it
is impossible now to ascertain : circumstances, how-
ever, indicate that if he did not actually meditate
the dismemberment and separation of the territories

LIFE OF

"'1

!i!!l»
M

of the union, his design was treasonable. When a
single man in the midst of a peaceful community is
found armed to the teeth, and violating the ordinary
police regulations, it is fair to conclude that he medi-
tates the perpetration of wrong, and it becomes his
duty to satisfy the people of his nonest intentions. So
when an individual places himself at the head of mili-
tary array in a peaceful land, it is a fair presumption
that he meditates war f\nd treason, and the govern-
ment, if it discharges its duty, is bound not only to
call the offender to account, but to crush his power.
The latter was precisely the case of Burr.

The government of the United States had been so
recently established, that the men who had lived
before the revolution, and under the government
which existed between the ratification of peace and
the inauguration of General Washington, had not all
learned thoroughly to transfer their love and duty
to the new authorities. They still devoted them-
selves to their several states, and if they were faith-
ful to the United States, it was because the pros-
perity of their respective homes was involved in
the national prosperity. In 1803, the district of
Louisiana had been purchased, notwithstanding the
opposition of a factious minority, and Governor
Claiborne sent thither to take possession of the ac-
quisition. Many Americans had gone thither, and
listened, with eager ears, to the stories of Mexican
mines and Spanish wealth, by which their cupidity
had been excited, until at last the wish became father
to the thought, that in the existing difficulties of
Spain, it would be easy to seize at least a portion of
the most magnificent of her colonies, and found there,
as their own fathers had done in the United States,
a new government. This idea pervaded the whole
community, and every thing tends to show that it
was the purpose of no conspiracy, if that word im-
plies secrecy, but the common theme of public con-
versation among the floating population of the whole

■4;

-I

■-4.

GENERAL CASH,

ben a
ity is
inary
medi-
es his
IS. So
F mili-
nption
3vern-
nly to
)ower.

»een so
I lived
•nment
ce and
not all
d duty
them-
e faith-
b pros-
Ived in
rict of
ing the
jvernor
the ac-
er, and
lexican
upidity
e father
ties of
•tion of
d there.
States,
I whole
that it
ord im-
lic con-
e whole

west. Tliis population was peculiar. The most
adventurous men of the whole nation were hemmed
in the valley of the Ohio, where they were shut up
by the power and presence of the Pottawattamie,
and otiicr tribes on the north, and the great tribes
of Tennessee on the south. They had not the free
scope of the whole continent, which has since been
opened to them, and had shaken off the restraints
imposed by society in the older states. They were
ready to undertake any scheme of wild adventure.
The army of Wayne had been disbanded in the west,
and many of the officers, needy and poor, yet hung
around the cities, where they became the associates
of foreign adventurers of every grade and character.
A plan was formed by these men, it is now believed,
to seize on a portion of Mexico, and establish them-
selves there ; and goaded by his disappointed ambi-
tion and envy. Burr placed himself at their head.
So far as the scheme was directed against the then
Spanish colonies of Mexico, the intention was, accord-
ing to the laws of the United States, merely a dis-
meanor. New Orleans had, however, been garri-
soned by the United States, and as it controlled the
passes of the Mississippi, must necessarily be seized
on by the adventurers. This was treason; and the
moment two men assembled for ther purpose of car-
rying the plan into effect, at however remote a day,
war had been waged, and treason been committed,
against the United States. This condition of affairs
existed at the time that Lewis Cass sat in the Gene-
ral Assembly of Ohio.

The State of Virginia claimed the control of the
Ohio river, wherever it touched her, as far as the
northern bank; but the western declivity of the Al-
leghany, even now sparsely populated, was then a
wiUlorness, except on the banks of the river, and
the scat of the state government was far off at Rich-
mond. On one of the islands of the river, the sub-
sequently well-known Blennerhasset had established

LIFE OF

himself, and his house became the nucleus of in-
trigue. To put an end to this state of affairs, on the
11th December, 1806, Mr. Cass introduced the bill
referred to above, suspending the habeas corpus, and
thereby enabling the civil and military officers to
execute efficiently the duty required from them by
the proclamation of the President.

This was a great and a decided step, necessary at
that time to put an end to the conspiracy or plot,
and attracted much attention to Mr. Cass. The
party of intriguers at Blennerhassct's island and
other places, having been dispersed by the conse-
quences of this course of Mr. Cass, Burr turned his
steps southward, and soon after was arrested by
Captain (now Major-General) Gaines of the army,
the commander of Fort Stodert, a military post be-
tween New Orleans and Mobile. In the similarity
of agents' plans, etc., there is much in this plot of
Burr's, as far as we can now follow its mazes, to re-
mind us of the infamous conspiracy of Nicholls and
others, subsequently so signally foiled by General
Jackson. In March of the next year, 1807, Mr.
Jefferson appointed Mr. Cass marshal of the United
States for the district of Ohio, in the discharge of
the duties of which he remained until 1812, re-
siding almost constantly on his estate in Muskingum
county.

Previously to his leaving the legislature of Ohio,
Mr. Cass wrote and introduced the well-known ad-
dress, adopted unanimously b\ the Senate and House
of Representatives of that state, to congratulate
Mr. Jefferson on the frustration of Burr's -Jans.

GENERAL CASS.

CHAPTER II.

Preparations for War — March to the Frontier — War — Invasion
of Canada — Hull's procrastination — Battle at Aux Canards —
Retreat from Canada — Cass's Remonstrance — Detached Ser-
vice — Surrender of Detroit — Visit to Washington — IjCttei
Promotion — Thanks of the Legislature of Ohia

The duties of marshal of the United States at
that time in Ohio, were most arduous and occupied
Mr. Cass completely. This will be readily appre-
ciated, when it is remembered there were witliin the
state a large number of Indians, the trade and in-
tercourse with whom was regulated by laws of con-
gress, the enforcement of which rested exclusively
with the courts of which Mr. Cass was the minis-
terial officer. It also became his duty to exercise a
general supervision over the countless acres of wild
land, then unsold, in almost every portion of the
state, and to assist, as far as possible, the officers of
customs on the northern frontier, then few and far
between, in the discharge of their onerous duties, in
preventing the introduction of arms among the In-
dians already hostile in their feelings to the United
States.

These important duties kept him occupied, and as
his office was incompatible with legislative functions,
we do not find his name in the records of the many
important events of the legislative history of Ohio
for several years.

Previous to the actual declaration of war, under
the conviction that it was inevitable, the government
of the United States had begun diligently to prepare
for it, and among other steps determined to place on

trnm

LIFE OF

the frontier a large force, so that when the contest
actually began, an invasion of Canada might be
commenced or hostilities against the United States
repelled. At the head of this army was placed
General Hull, who had under his orders three regi-
ments of Ohio volunteers, and the gallant and uni-
versally distinguished 4th regiment of infantry. Of
the 3d regiment of Ohio volunteers, Mr. Cass was,
without serious opposition, elected colonel. His ac-
ceptance of the command, of course made it neces-
sary for him to relinquish the office of marshal.

The position of the country at this time was
strange. The people were anxious for war, the
whole country busy in preparation ; yet the govern-
ment, existing only in the breath of the people, hesi-
tated. In the interim, the British government con-
tinued its outrages both on the seas and the north-
west frontier, exhibiting the brutality of the ruflian,
who seeks by continued indignities, to wrest from a
feebler party, not an excuse, but a pretext for
quarrel. The people of the United States were most
indignant, and nowhere more so than in the west, so
that the quota of volunteers called for from Ohio,
was obtained without difficulty, and comprised the
flower of the state, which was then pervaded by a
military spirit unusual, but easy to be accounted for.

In the war with the Prophet and the tribes con-
federated under his influence, in 1811, Great Britain
had apparently not interfered; yet thciv. was not in
the whole northwest one person who doubted that
the British authorities in Canada were mainly in-
strumental in bringing about and sustaining the
league. The hostilities of the league of the Prophet
and his brother Tecumseh were terminated by the
brilliant victory of Tippecanoe, but the feeling of
military ambition brought home by the volunteers
who had gained it pervaded the whole people, and
everywhere the young men embodied themselves in
military companies. What the memory of victory

I
I

'&
■'t'.

-fipr-'W"

GENERAL CASS.

contest
ght be

States

placed
!c regi-
1(1 uni-
ry. Of
ss was,
Ilis ac-

neces-
lal.

Tie was
ar, the
govern-
lo, hesi-
11 1 con-

north-
ruffian,

from a
lext for
3re most
west, so
n Ohio,
ised the
ed by a
ited for.
)es con-
Britain
s not in
ed that
inly in-
ing the
Prophet
by the
sling of
unteers
)Ie, and
elves in
victory

acroinplishcd in the west was broufjht about on the
Atlantic by the news of the nffiiir of the Little Bolt,
and its forerunner, the attack on the Chesapeake,
which latter outrage alone should have impelled the
people to war.

There was some excuse for the dilatory conduct
of the authorities: the constitution and «ifovernrn('nt
of the United States might have, at that time, been
considered as tested, and proven admirably calcu-
lated for a state of peace, but it was yet doubtful
whether it would survive that terrible ordeal for all
popular governments, war. Many ible and patri-
otic men doubted its capacity to iin ;rgo this test ;
and tho world construed thnir hesitation into cow-
ardice. Napoleon, and the English ministry, each of
whom had attempted to entangle the United States
in alliances, began to look on us with contempt ; and
in spite of the antecedents of the Revolution, the
promptness with which the aggressions of the French
minister Genet had been met, and the war with
Tripoli, the name of an American had almost be-
come a reproach, and the flag of the Union had
ceased to protect the vessel that bore it. A liinit
to all ihis was, however, at hand; and, yielding to
the voice of the people, congress, on the 18th of
June, 1812, declared war against Great Britain,
which on the next day was publicly proclaimed.

The flower of the people of Ohio had responded
to the call, and probably a finer body of irregular
troop§ had never been seen than Genera! Hull com-
manded ; and it was prepared to wipe out a long
series of aflronts, by operations in the country of
the enemy. Previous to the declaration of war, the
army of Hull had been collected at Dayton, in
Montgomery county, whither Colonel Cass soon
marched with his regiment, which had been recruited
in the eastern portion of the state. Early in June,
the volunteers moved towards Urbanna, in Cham-
paign count V, where they were joined bv the vete-
3

LIFE OF

ran 4th infantry, which, under Colonel Boyd, had
won so much fame at Tippecanoe.

The country between Urbanna and the Rapides
was then a wilderness, in possession of the Indians.
From Urbanna, the route lay through a pathless
forest, and the natural character of the region op-
posed great difficulties to the march. A road was
to be opened, streams to be bridged, and often long
causeways to be constructed over morasses. Even
now the traces of these labours may be seen ; and
often a long belt of limber, of smaller and different
growth, will indicate the route along which HulPs
army marched. Animated, however, by the cheer-
fulness and energy which is the forte of the,Ameri-
can people, this arduous portion of the march was
soon accomplished ; and in as brief a time as was
reasonable, the army reached Rapides (about the
last of June).

From the Rapides of the Miami of the Lake to
Detroit, the country was sparsely inhabited by a
Canadian French population, and became more in-
teresting and cheerful, thoMgh it was not then with-
out hardships. At Rapides, a small schooner was
loaded with a portion of the baggage of the array,
to enable them to march more rapidly. At this place
an unfortunate though perhaps necessary delay oc-
curred, in consequence of which the British heard
of the declaration of war before General Hull, and
captured the schooner and stores, at the same time
making prisoners of a subaltern's guard on board
of it. On the 5th of July, the army reached De-
troit, just in time to prevent its occupation by the
British forces, which had already begun works on
the other side of the river, and to fortify a position
a few miles below^ From these positions they were
soon forced to retreat by a well-directed fire of ar-
tillery.

The army was most anxious to invade Canada ;
and Colonel Cass, who, with McArthur, had more

■^

■-I

GENERAL CA8S.

>yd, had

Rapides
Indians,
pathless
gion op-
•oad was
ften long
}. Even
}en; and
diflerent
:h Hull's
16 cheer-
ed A meri-
irch was
[6 as was
bout the

Lake to
ted by a

more in-
len with-
oner was
he array,
his place
delay oc-
sh heard
Hull, and
anie time
on board
died Da-
rn by the
;\rorks on
position
hey were
ire of ar-

influencG than any other of the volunteer officers,
used great efforts to induce General Hull to take
this step. The General, however, had been bred in
the army, and had great prejudices against volun-
teer forces, thinking them not to be relied on with
confidence. This feeling, although he knew the
enemy were not prepared to receive him, induced
him to delay until it is probable the season for suc-
cess had passed away. By dint of constant per-
suasion. Colonel Cass at last brought him to a deci-
sion, and, after two abortive attempts in front of
the British batteries, the American army, on the
12th of July, crossed the river unopposed, and en-
tered the village of Sandwich. Here another delay
took place, and Hull published his famous procla-
mation, which nothing has prevented from being
considered a masterpiece but hrs ultimate failure
and surrender. .

This manifesto, which may be esteemed a model,
has since been avowed to have emanated from
the pnn of Colonel Cass, and is worthy of the high
reputation he has since acquired. Unfortunately,
it promised more than the general who signed it
was capable of performing. Had the command
rested in other hands, it would have become world-
renowned.

During this time. Colonel Cass continued the mas-
ter-spirit of the army, and exerted himself as far as
possible to induce Hull to activity. The old man's
fjiults, delay and sloth, had, however, seized upon
the general, and he here frittered away many valu-
able days. This circumstance created much dis-
satisfaction among officers and men, who could not
but compare the procrastination of the general with
the eagerness of others, especially with Colonel Cass,
who had been the first armed American who stood
on the Canada shore, whither he had passed with the
vanguard of his own regiment, which led the column
on tnc 12th of July.

LIFE OF

Af:ar the publication of his manifesto, General
Hull detached Colonel McArthur to seize on the coun-
try along the Thames, which was well siittled, and
thriving. This was accomplished without resist-
ance, and McArthur returned to Sandwich with a
large quantity of blankets, ammunition, and military
supplies, together with a great many articles evi-
dently intended for the Indian allies of the "Defender
of the Faith." About the same time, Colonel Cass
was detached with a party of two hundred and
eighty men towards Fort Maiden, a strong post,
where a large body of Indians and British regular
troops were collected. This important point, at the
embouchure of tiie Detroit river, commands the pass-
age to and from the lake, and was about thirteen miles
from the camp of General Hull. Colonel Cass, fol-
lowing the course of the Riviere aux Canards, at
the distance of about four miles of Maiden, found a
strong British force in possession of a bridge. After
an examination of the position, a rifle corps com-
manded by Captain Robinson, was ordered to ad-
vance and occupy the enemy, while at the head of
the remainder of his force, Colonel Cass sought to
turn their lower flank, and attack their rear. The
people of Canada, at least on this portion of the
frontier, do not seem to have extended a great deal
of aid and comfort to the invaders ; Colonel Cass
was without a guide, and being unacquainted with
the topograpiiy of the place, was unable to reach
the rear of the enemy until nearly night, when the
design to surprise the post having been discovered,
large reinforcements had been advanced. A short,
sharp, and decisive affair, however, occurred, and
the British guard was compelled to abandon its
position, with a loss of eleven killed and wounded,
besides many desertions.

This was an important success, for it opened the
route to Maiden, and Colonel Cass immediately
despatched an express to GcnCruI Hull inforniing

•i

xff

jjf

*i?

GENERAL CASS.

General
»e coun-
ied, and
resist-
witii a
military
',les evi-
)efender
nel Cass
red and
ng post,
regular
it, al the
the pass-
men miles
Ilass, fol-
lardsy at
, fuund a
3. After
•ps com-
d to ad-
head of
ought to
ar. The
n of the
'eat deal
•nel Cass
ited with
to reach
*vhen the
scovered,
A short,
Ted, and
ndon its
vounded,

►ened the
ned lately
n forming

him of what had occurred, and urging him to march
at once. Had he done so, the route of seventeen
miles between the American camp and Maiden,
could soon have been accomplished, and Maiden
would have fallen. What influences prevented Hull
from acting thus have never been understood : the
probability however, is, that professional pride would
not permit the veteran soldier, for Hull had been
distinguished in the revolution, to follow the sugges-
tion of a colonel of militia. Be this as it may. Colo-
nel Cass was immediately ordered to abandon the
post he had captured, and return to the army, which
of course he immediately did. From this time,
Colonel Cass seems to have lost all confidence in
General Hull, and to have been able to exert no in-
fluence on him. Hull appears to have separated
himself entirely from the officers of his command,
and to have acted, to use the mildest words, blindly
and improvidently.

After frittering away several weeks in perfect in-
activity, Hull retraced his steps to Detroit, in con-
sequence it was said, of the interruption of his plans
by the capture of the post of Michillimacinac. The
circumstances of this were so strange, as to merit a
particular notice. This post, situated on an island
at the eastern extremity of the straits of Macinac,
connecting Lakes Michigan and Huron, though an
important depot of the American fur-trade, was gar-
risoned by fifty-six men, commanded by Lieutenant
Hanks of the United States artillery corps. Against
it, a force of no less than six hundred Britjsh and
Indians marched July 16th, and summoned the place
to surrender. So remote was Macinac from the
inhabited parts of the United States, that the com-
mandant had as yet received no intimation of the
existence of war; and, consequently, unprepared
for defence, the young commandant capitulated.

Tlie blame for this scandalous affair rested with
Hull, who should immediately have r<»mmunicated

li I F K OF

to ail the commanders on tlie frontier, the existence
of war. Had he done so, there is every reason to
believe, that Hanks, who was a very gallant and
competent officer, would have been able to maintain
himself. That Hull could have done so, is proven
by the fact that the British commandant of St. Jo-
seph's, whence the enemy's expedition moved, had
been informed of all that occurred by Sir Isaac
Brock, who was at least as distant from the t'%'o
posts as General Hull. The partisans of the latter
maintained that the consequences of the capture of
Michillimacinac would have been the irruption of
all the northern tribes, headed by the British North-
west Company's officers, and the impossibility of
holding Maiden. This does not however appear to
be the case, for no feeble garrison like Hanks's could
for a moment have withstood this force, and in case
of such an invasion, the possession of Maiden was
indispensable to the United States, and Hull should
have been doubly diligent in efforts to obtain it.

Every thing tends to show, that Hull, if he was
ever serious in his demonstrations on Maiden, was
now delighted at an excuse for abandoning them.
His preparations had been conducted in the most
dilatory manner, so that by the first of August only
two twenty-four pound guns and three howitzers
had been mounted. At that time, however, a coun-
cil of war was called, which recommended an im-
mediate attack. About this crisis, the Canada
militia began to desert, and the whole country was
buoyant with expectation of a brilliant result.

About this time, a company of Ohio volunteers
arrived at the mouth of the Raisin with army sup-
plies, and as the route thence- to Detroit was much
exposed. Major Van Horn, with one hundred and
fifty men, was sent to meet them. This officer, on
his second day's march, near the village of Browns-
town, was attacked by an overwhelming force of
British and Indians, which, after a very sharp con-

n
m

GLNEUAI. CASR.

**1

Listence
;ason to
int and
maintain
proven
St. Jo-
red, had
ir Isaac
the t'vo
le latter
pture of
3tion of
1 North-
)ility of
ppear to
s's could

I it) case
den was

II should
in it.

' he was
ien, was
ig them,
the most
just only
owitzers
a coun-
d an im-
Canada
itry was
lit.

)lunteers
my sup-
as much
Ired and
fficer, on
Browns-
force of
jarp con-

test, he beat off, though wit!» the loss of nineteen
killed and missing, and nine wounded. Among the
killed were three officers. Captains Gilcr^asb,
McCulloch, and Bosler, and Captain Ulry was se-
verely wounded.

In the council of war, Colonel Cass had warmly
espoused the proposition of an immediate attack on
Maiden, and therefore was amazed and disappointed
when he learned that the general proposed, not only
to abandon his attack on Maiden, but to fall back
from his then position to Detroit. This was to de-
sert the enterprise and to expose the Canadians who
had joinejd him to certain ruin. Though, since the
.iffair at Aux Canards, there had been little har-
mony and intercourse between the general and
himself, Colonel Cass remonstrated bitterly, but in
vain. The army then crossed the river and re-oc-
cupied Detroit.

Words cannot express the indignation of the army
at this step. All their hopes were blasted, and they
gave vent to their discontent in murmurs, which
would have led to mutiny but for the great efforts
of their officers. All were dissatisfied, and the only
difference was that one-half charged him with cow-
ardice, and the other with treason or incompetency.
Possibly it would have been better if a decided step
had then been taken, and communication had with
the authorities to supersede Hull. During his long
inactivity in Canada, the provisions had been con-
sumed, and it became absolutely necessary to open
the communication with the convoy at the mouth
of the river Raisin, commanded by Captain Brush,
which the gallant Major Vanhorn had been unable
to reach. Lieutenant-colonel James Miller of the
1th, distinguished at Tippecanoe, was sent on an
expedition to effect a junction. But though the vic-
tor in a brilliant affair at a place called Magaugua,
n'^ar Brownstown, to which he forced the enemy to

LIFE OF

retire, and which he occupied, Colonel Miller wm
forced to return to Detroit.

Disaster after disaster now occurred. Among
others was the capture of Captain Heald, recently
commander of Chicago, which he had been ordered
to abandon, while en route to Detroit, by a force of
British and Indians. Brilliant as the atifair of Ma-
gaugua had been, for Colonel Miller had beaten
Muir's regulars by a decisive bayonet charge, and
was only checked in his career by the great efforts
of Tecumseh, who in person commanded the Indians,
it had led to nothing, and an order was sent to Brush
to remain where he was until a communication could
be opened with him, by crossing the Huron river at
a higher point. To effect this. Colonels Cass and
McArthur, at the head of a formidable column, left
Detroit on the 14lh. On the l&th, the British took
possession of a position immediately opposite to De-
troit, and set about the erection of their batteries
At this crisis, Major Denny, who had been left in
command of Sandwich, with orders, however, to
act entirely on the defensive, crossed over to Detroit.
On the 16th the following summons was forwarded
by General Brock to the American commander.

" Sir — The forces at my disposal authorize me to
require of you the surrender of Detroit. It is far
from my inclination to join in a war of extermina-
tion, but you must be aware that the numerous body
of Indians who have attached themselves to my
troops will be beyond my control the moment the
contest commences. You will find me disposed to
enter into such conditions as will satisfy the most
scrupulous sense of honour. I^ieutenant-colonel
M'Donald and Major Glegg are fully authorized to
enter into any arrangements that may tend to pre-
vent the unnecessary effusion of blood.

Isaac Brock, Major General."

GENERAL CASS.

er wall

Among
Bcently
)rdered
brce of
of Ma-
beaten
ge, and
; efforts
ndians,
y Brush
n could
"iver at
ass and
mn, left
sh took
I to De-
ittories
left in
ver, to
Detroit,
warded
ler.

3 m'3 to
t is far
irmina-
is body
to my
ent the
osed to
le most
colonel
•ized to
to pre-

ral.

»»

To this summons a reply was made that the fort
would be defended to the last extrenjity ; immedi-
ately on the reception of which the British batteries
opened their fire. The American batteries at once
returned it, but on either side it was without
effect.

In the morning the British troops landed at Spring
Wells, and it was impossible to molest them from
the fort, because the town lay between it and the
point of debarkation. More than one of Hull's
olficers had foreseen this, and urged him to erect
batteries at the landing, which if he had done would
effectually have prevented it.

What followed is thus described by an able writer:

" The enemy having landed, about ten o'clock ad-
vanced towards the fort in close column, and twelve
deep. The fort being separated from the town by
an open space of about two hundred yards, they
would be enabled to approach within this distance
before its guns could be brought to bear upon them,
unless they could approach in the rear. The Ame-
rican force was, however, judiciously disposed to
prevent their advance. The militia, and a great
part of the volunteers, occupied the town, or were
posted behind pickets, whence they could annoy the
enemy's flanks; the regulars defended the fort, and
two twenty-four pounders, charged with grape,
were advantageously posted on an eminence, and
could sweep the whole of the enemy's line, as he
advanced. AH was now silent expectation : the '
daring foe. still slowly moved forward, apparently
regardless, or unconscious of their danger ; for their
destruction must have been certain, had they not
been impressed with contempt for a commander
who had so meanly abandoned Sandwich a few days
before. The hearts of our countrymen beat high at
the near prospect of regaining their credit. But
who can describe the chagrin and mortification
which took possession of these troops, when orders

LIFE OF

were issued for them to retire to the fort ; and the
artillery, at the very moment when it was thought
the British were deliberately advancing to the most
certain destruction, was ordered not to fire ! The
whol'j force, together with a great number of wo-
men and children, was gathered into the fort, almost
too narrow to contain tnem. Here the troops were
ordered to stack their arms, and, to the astonish*-
ment of every one, a white flag, in token of sub-
mission, was suspended from the walls. A British
oflicer rode up to ascertain the cause. A capitula-
tion was agreed to, without even stipulating the
terms. Words are wanting to express the feelings
of the Americans on this occasion ; they considered
themselves basely betrayed in thus surrendering to
an inferior force without firing a gun, when they
were firmly convinced that that force was in their
power. They had provisions for at least fifteen
days, and were provided with all the requisite mu-
nitions of war. They were compelled, thus humi-
liated, to march out and to surrender themselves
prisoners at discretion. The British took immedi-
ate possession of the fort, with all the public pro-
perty it contained ; amongst which there were forty
barrels of powder, four hundred rounds of fixed
twenty-four pound shot, one hundred thousand ball
cartridges, two thousand five hundred stand of arms,
twenty-five pieces of iron cannon, and eight of brass,
the greater number of which had been captured by
the Americans during the revolutionary war.

" The whole territory, and all the forts and garri-
sons of the United States, within the district of the
general, were also formally surrendered : and the
detachment under colonels Cass and M' Arthur, as
well as the party under Captain Brush, were in-
cluded in the capitulation. Orders had been de-
spatched the evening before, for the detachment
under Cass and M'Arthur to return, and they had
approached almost sufliciently near to discover the

0£N£RAL CASS.

and the

thought
the nfiost

e! The

r of wo-

t, almost

)ps were
istoriish<>

of sub-

. British

capitula-
ting the
feelings
nsidered

lering to

en they
in their

t fifteen

site mu-

■f.

s humi-

•f

imselves

immedi-

3lic pro-

jre forty
of fixed

■'<:>.

and ball

of arms,

■ -^

3f brass,

ured by

d garri-
:t of the

and the

thur, as

k^ere in-

)een de-

ichment

ley had

'fl

>ver the

movements of the enemy, while their occidental
situation might enable them to render the most ma-
terial service during the attack. They were sur-
prised at the silence which prevailed, when every
moment was expected to announce the conllict;
and that surprise was soon changed into ra^e, when
they learned the capitulation. A British umcer was
then despatched to the river Raisin, to convey the
intelligence to Captain Brush, who at first gave no
credit to so improbable a tale, and actually put the
oflScer in confinement. The melancholy story was,
however, soon confirmed by some Americans who
had escaped. Captain Brush indignantly refused to
submit to the capitulation, declaring that Hull had
no right to include him, and determined to return
to the state of Ohio. He first deliberated wiielher
he should destroy the public stores which he iiad in
his possession, and which he could not carry u'way ;
.but reflecting that this might be used as a pretext
for harsh treatment to his countrymen, he resolved
to abandon them. The greater part of the volun-
teers and militia were permitted to return home;
but the regulars, together with the general, were
taken to Quebec.

'< In his official despatch, Hull took great puins to
free his conduct from censure. In swelling the ac-
count of the dangers with which he conceived him-
self beset, every idle rumour which had operated
on his fears was placed under contribution, while
his imagination conjured up a thousand frightful
phantoms. He magnified the reinforcements under
Colonel Proctor, and gave implicit belief to the
story that the whole force of the Northwestern Fur
Company, under Major Chambers, was approach-
ins; nothing, in fact, was forgotten which could

'o '

heighten the picture, or tend* to take the blame from
him. While on the Canada side, it was impossible
to effect anything against Maiden, from the difliculty
of transporting his artillery. Everything is difficult

LIFE OF

to a man who wants the necessary talents. The
British garrison liud been wonderfully strengthened,
and at this critical moment, General Hall, of Nia-
gara, announced that it was not in his power to
assist him. What then could be done but to cross
over to Detroit? that is, to abandon the inhabitants
of Canada, who had placed themselves under his
protection; to fly before the enemy had even at-
tempted to attack or molest him, and thus encourage
them in what they would never probably have
thought it possible to accomplish.

*' But what appears most to figure, in this attempt-
ed vindication, is the frightful display of Indian
auxiliaries. The whole * Northern hive,* as he
called it, was let loose : Winnebagos, Wyandots,
Hurons, Chippeways, Knistenoos, and Algonquins,
Pottowatomies, Sacs, and Kickapoos, were swarm-
ing in the neighboring woods, and concealed behind
every bush, ready to rush to the indiscriminate
slaughter of the Americans. He represented his
situation, at the moment of surrender, as most de-
plorable. In consequence of the absence of Colonels
Cass and M'Arthur, he could not bring more than
six hundred men into the field, and he was, more-
over, destitute of all necessary supplies and muni-
tions of war : yet, by the morning's report, his force
exceeded a thousand men fit for duty, besides the
detachment which might be expected to arrive,
about the time of the engagement ; and also three
hundred Michigan militia, who were out on duty,
which would make his force upwards of sixteen
hundred. This force was much superior to that of
the British, which consisted of about seven hundred
regulars, one-half of which was nothing more than
militia dressed in uniform, for the purpose of decep-
tion, and about six hundred Indians. Every other
part of his statement was proved, by the officers
under his command, to have been incorrect, or ex-
aggerated. The most ordinary exertion would have

';=?

ORN£nAL CAS8.

s. The
ilthened,

of Nia-
ovver to

to cross
tii)itants
iider his
even at-
icourage
)ly have

attempt-
f Indian
,' as he
yandots,
ronquins,
) swarm-
d behind
;riminate
nted his
most de-
Colonels
ore than
LS, more-
id muni-
, his force
sides the
arrive,
Iso three
on duty,
f sixteen
o that of
hundred
lore than
of decep-
ery other
e officers
;t, or ex-
3uld have

.€

sufticcd, to have coiiipletely destroyed the British
force. Ho declared, ll»;it lie was actuated by a de-
sire to spare the etfusion of human blood ! If he
ha<l dcsi«:nL;dly intended the destruction of his fellow
citizens, ho could not have fallen upon a more un-
fortunate mea.sure ; for, by thus oj)oning the frontier
to the toujaluiwk of the savage, and giving reasons
to our enemy for representing us as cont(Mnj)tible in
arms, he invited those very savages, which he so
much dreaded, to throw off every restraint, and de-
clare themselves our foes. He might have foreseen,
that a coiisiderable force would be sent by tiie Bri-
tish, for the purpose of retaining this province, and
that our country would be compelled to suffer an
immense expense of blood and treasure, before our
possessions here could be regained. Although this
afterwards became the theatre of war, where manv
of our countrymen gained military renown, yet the
effect of this lamentable occurrence was visible in
every subsequent transaction on the borders of
Canada."

Tiic plan of surrender very nearly failed. The
officers were disgusted, and it was seriously pro-
posed to arrest Hull, and defend the post without
him. Three, however, of the four officers next in
rank to Gen. Hull, were absent, viz. : McArthur,
Cas.^, and Miller; and the others shrank from so
liigli and delicate a responsibility. The fact of the
case was, tiiat, knowing those officers disapproved
of his course, they were kept almost constantly on
(loiached service.

When the surrender was reported to Col. Cass, he
Itioke his sword in despair, refusing to surrender it.
'i'lio first idea of Cass and McArthur was to effect
their return home; but, on an examination of the
difiiculties, it appeared impossible, and they reluc-
tant I v submitted.

'I'he Bri'.i.-ih eonmiandtir having permitted t'

vokinteera to return home, Col. Cass was ordered
4

LIFE OP

by hU senior, Col. McArlhui, to repair to llio^seat
of \<;()v<;rnmofjt, ami rej)ort the circiunstixuces* to the
uullioritics. While there, he wrote two letters,
which unfold his ideas of all the circumstances, and
which are valuable, because they giye his plain, and
certainly unvarnished, opinion of the most unfortu-
nate accident which ever befel the American arms.
The race at Bladensburg, and capture of Washing-
ton, were victories compared .vith it.

Wasiiinoton, Sept. 10th, 1812.

Sir, — Having been ordered on to this place by
Colonel M* Arthur, for the purpose of communicating
to the government such particulars respecting the
expedition lately commanded by Brigadicr-CIeneral
Hull and its disastrous result, as might enable them
correctly to appreciate the conduct of the officers
and men, and to develope the causes which pro-
duced so foul a stain upon the national character, I
have the honour to submit for your consideration
the following statement:

When the forces landed in Canada, they landed
with an ardent zeal and stimulated vyith the hope
of conquest. No enemy appeared within view of
us, and had an immediate and vigorous attack been
made upon Maiden, it would doubtless have fallen
an easy victory. I knew General Hull afterwards
declared he regretted this attack had not been made,
and he had every reason to believe success would
have crowned his efforts. The reason given for de-
laying our operations was to mount our heavy can-
non, and to afTord to the Canadian militia time and
opportunity to quit an obnoxious service. In the
course of two weeks the number of their militia who
were embodied had decreased by desertion from six
hundred to one hundred men; and, in the course
of three weeks, the cannon were mounted, tlie am-
munition fixed, and every preparation made for an
immediate investment of the fort. At a council, at

ihc^seat
H to the
letters,
cos, and
din, and
unfortu-
n arms,
^ashing-

1812.

)lace by
inicating
;ting the
•General
)1(? them
officers
lich pro-
racter, I
ideration

sy landed
the hope
view of
ack been
ive fallen
terwards
!en made,
;ss would
;n for de-
avv can-
time and
. In the
ilitia who
I from six
10 course
I, the am-
ide for an
ouncil, at

GENERAL CASS.

•l

wliicli were present all the field officers, nwl which
was held two days before our preparations were
completed, it was unanimously agreed to make an
immediate attempt to accomplish the object of the
oxjM'dition. If by waiting two days we could have
the service of our heavy artillery, it was agreed to
wait; if not, it was ^determined to go without it and
I'ltempt the place by storm. This opinion appeared
to correspond with the views of the general, and the
day was appointed for commencing our march. Ho
declared to me that he considered himself pledged
to lead the army to Maiden. The ammunition was
placed in the wagons; the cannon were embarked
on board the floating batteries, and every requisite
was prepared. The spirit and zeal, the ardour and
animation displayed by the officers and mon on learn-
ing the near accomplishment of their wishes, were a
sure and sacred pledge, that in the hour of trial they
would not be found wanting in duty to their coun-
try and themselves. But a change of measures, in
opposition to the wishes and opinions of all the offi-
cers, was adopted by the general. The plan of
attacking Maiden was abandoned, and instead of
acting offensively, we broke up our camp, evacuated
(^inada, and recrossed the river in the night, with-
out even the shadow of an enemy to injure ns. We
loft to the tender mercy of the enemy the miserable
(y'anadians who had joined us, and the protection we
nff)rded them was but a passport to vengeance.
This fatal and unaccountable step dispirited the
troops, and destroyed the little confidence which a
series of timid, irresolute and indecisive measures
had left in the commanding officer.

About the tenth of August, the enemy received a
reinforcement of four hundred men. On the twelfth
the commanding officers of three of the regiments
(the fourth was absent) wore informed through a
medium which admitted of no doubt, that thti gene-
ral had staled that a capitulation would be ncces-

LIFE OF

sary. They on the same day addressed to governor
Meigs of Ohio a letter, of \\liich the following is an
extract :

" Believe all the bearer will tell you. Believe it,
however it may astonish you, as much as if told by

one of us. Even a c is talked of by the .

The bearer will fill the vacancy."

The doubtful fate of this lette'f rendered it neces-
sary to use circumspection in its details, and there-
fore the blanks were left. The word " capitulation"
will fill the first, and "commanding general" the
other. As no enemy was near us, and as the supe-
riority of our force was manifest, we could see no
jKJcessity for capitulating, nor any propriety in al-
luding to it. We therefore determined in the last
resort to incur the responsibility of divesting the
general of his command. This plan was eventually
prevented, by two of the commanding officers of re-
giments being ordered upon detachments.

On the 13th, the British took a position opposite
to Detroit, and began to throw up works. During
that and the two following days, they pursued their
object without interruption, and established a bat-
tery for two 18-pounders and an 8-inch howitzer.
About sunset on the 14th, a detachment of 350 men
from the regiments commanded by Colonel M' Arthur
and myself was ordered to march to the river Rai-
sin, to escort the provisions, which had some time
remained there protected by a party under the com-
mand of Captain Brush.

On Saturday, the 15th, about 1 o'clock, a flag of
truce arrived from Sandwich, bearing a summons
from General Brock, for the surrender of the town
{111(1 fort of Detroit, stating, he could no longer re-
strain the fiirv of the sava«;es. To thi? an imme-
diafe nnri spirilefi refusal was returned. About 4
o'clock lh"ir bnitcri 's l)ngan to play upon the town.
The fire was returned and continued without inter-

O ENERAL CASS.

ivernor
" is an

ieve it,
told by

neces-
1 there-
ilation"
al" the
le supe-

see no
y in al-
the last
ing the
jnJuallv
rs c f re-

jpposite
During
ed their
1 a bat-
owitzer.
550 men
['Arthur
ver Rai-
me time
the com-

i flag of
unirnons
ho town
mocr re-
n immo-
About 1
he town,
ut inter-

ruption and with little effect till dark. — Their shells
were thrown till 11 o'clock.

At daylight the firing on both sides recommenced;
about the same time the enemy began to land troops
at the SpringweJls, three miles below Detroit, pro-
tected bv two of th'ir armed vessels. Between 6
and 7 o'clock, they had effected their landing and
iminedifitely took up their line of march. They
moved in a close column of platoons, twelve in front,
upon the bank of the river.

The fourth regiment was stationed in the fort ; the
Ohio volunteers and a part of the Michigan militia,
behind some pickets, in a situation in which the
whole Hank of the enemy would have been exposed.
The residue of [he Michigan militia were in the up-
per part of the town to resist thr* incursions of the
suvages. Two twenty-four pounders loaded with
grape-shot were postod on a commanding eminence,
ready to sweep the advancing column. In this situa-
tion, the superiority of our position was apparent,
and our troops, in the eager expectation of victory,
awaited th*: approach of the enemy. Not a sigh of
discontent broke upon the ear; not a look of coward-
ice niet the eye. Every man expected a proud day
for his country, and each was anxious that his in-
dividual exertion should contribute to the general
result.

When the head of their column arrived within
about five hundred yards of our line, orders were
received from General Hull for the whole to retreat
to the fort, and for the twenty-four pounders not to
open upon the enemy. One universal burst of in-
dignation was apparent upon the icceipt of this
order. Those, whose conviction was the deliberate
result of a dispassionate examination of passin^r
events, saw the folly and impropriety of crowding
IKK) !nen into a little work, which 300 could fully
man, and into which the shot and shells of the enemy-
were falling. The fort was in this manner filled:

san

LIFE OF

l!ic men vvero directed to slack tlicir arin^^, and
KCiircely was an opportunity allbrdcd of moving.
Shortly after a white flag was Imng out upon the
wails. A British officer rode up to inquire thfi
cause. A communicaJion passed between the com-
manding generals, which ended the capituhition
submitted to you. In entering into this capitula-
tion, the genera! took counsel from his own feelings
only. Not an officer was consulted. Not one wn-
ticipated a surrender, till he saw the white flag dis-
played. Even the women were indignant at so
Hhameful a degradation of the American character,
and all felt as they should have felt, but he who held
in his hands the reins of authority.

Our morning report had that morning made our
ellective men present fit for duty lOGO, without in-
cluding the detachment before alluded to, fiuH with-
out including 3('>0 of the Michigan miljf'a duty.
About dark on Saturday evening the u jia-runent
sent to escort the j)rovisions received orders from
General Hull to return with as much expedition as
possible. About 10 o'clock the next day they ar-
rived within sight of Detroit. Had a firing been
heard, or any resistance visible, they would have
immediately advanced and attacked the rear of the
enemy. The situation in which this detachment
was placed, although the result of accident, was the
best for annoying the enemy and cutting off his re-
treat that could have been selected. With his raw
troops enclosed between two fires and no hopes of
B iccour, it is hazarding little to say, that very fe ^'
would have escaped.

I h^Tve been informed by Colonel Findley, \\3.v;
saw the return of the quarter-master-gcneral the
day after the surrender, that their whole force of
t3very description, white, red and black, was 1030.
They had twenty-nine platoons, twelve in a pla-
toon, of men dres?ed in uniform. Many of these
were evidently Canadian militia. The rest of their

GENERAL CASS.

militia increased- their white force to about seven
luindred men. The number of the Indians could
not be ascertained with any degree of precision ;
not manv were visible. And in the event of an at-
tack upon the town and fort, it was a species of
force which could have afforded no material advan-
taije to the enemv.

In endeavouring to appreciate the motives and to
investigate the causes which led to an event so un-
expected and dishonourable, it is impossible to find
any solution in the relative strength of the contend-
ing parties, or in the measures of resistance in our
power. That we were far superior to the enemy ;
that upon any ordinary principles of calculation we
would have defeated them, the wounded and indig-
nant feelings of every man there will testify.

A few (lijys before the surrender, I was informed
by General Hull, we had 400 rounds of 124-pound
shot lixed and about 100,000 cartridges made. We
surrendered with the fort 40 barrels of powder and
2500 stand of arms.

Th'3 state of our provisions has not bc'bn generally
understood. On the day of the surrender we had
fifteen days of provisions of every kind on hand.
Of meat there was plenty in the country, and ar-
rano<!metits had been made for purchasing and grind-
ing the dour. It was calctdated we could readily
firocure three month's provisions, indepen<lent of 150
burri'ls of Hour, and 1.300 head of cattle whicli had
been forwarded from the State of Ohio, which re-
maiiKid at the river Raisin undor Captain Brush,
witliin reach of the army.

But had we been totally destitute of provisions,
ojr diify and o'.ir interest unloiihtedly was to fight.
The (Miemy invited us to meet him in the field.

By defcatirjg him the whole country would Iiave
been open to us, and the object of our expedition
gloriojisly and successfully obtained. If we had
been defeated we had nothing to do but to retreat

'!''.

LIFE OF

to the fort, and make the best defence which cir-
curnstancos and our situation rendered practicable.
But basely to surrender without firing a gun —
tamely to submit without raising a bayonet — dis-
gracefully to pass in review before an enemy as in-
ferior in the quality as in the number of his forces,
were circumstances, which excited feelings of in-
dignation more easily felt than described. To see
the whole of our men flushed with the hope of vic-
tory, eagerly awaiting the approaching contest, to
see them afterwards dispirited, hopeless and de-
sponding, at least 500 shedding tears, because they
were not allowed to meet their country's foe, and
to fight their country's battles, excited sensations,

'.'ch no American has ever before had cause to
;< , and which, I trust in God, will never again be
felt, while one man remains to defend the standard
of the Union.

I am expressly authorised to state, that Colonel
McArthur and Colonel Findley, and Lieutenant-
Colonel Miilpr viewed this transaction in the light
which 1 do. They know and feel, that no circum-
stance in our situation, none in that of the enemy,
can excuse a capitulation so dishonourable and un-
justifiable. This too is the universal sentiment
among the troops; and I shall be surprised to learn,
that there is one man, who thinks it was necessary
to sheath his sword, or lay down his musket.

I was informed by General Hull the morning after
the capitulation, that the British forces consisted
of 1800 regulars, and that he surrendered to pre-
vent the effusion of human blood. That he magni-
fied their regular force nearly five-fold, there can
be no doubt. Whether the philanthropic reason
assigned by him is a sufficient justification for sur-
rendf^ring a fortified town, an army and a territory,
is for the government to determine. Confident I
am, that had the courage and conduct of the gene-
ral been equal to the spirit and zeal of the troops,

OENEHAL CAS8.

the event would have been brilliant and successful
as it now is disastrous and dishonourable.

Very respectfully, sir, 1 have the honour to be,
your most obedient servant,

LEWIS CASS,

Col, 3d Jiegiment Ohio VoluHtters.
The Hon. William Eustis,

Secretary of IVar. , •

This letter to the Secretary of War having at-
tracted much attention and comirient, Colonel Cass
became involved in a correspondence with the Hon.
Richard Rush, which we also give entire.

Gentlemen — I transmit you for publication the
enclosed letter, politely and without solicitation ad-
dressed to me by Mr. Rush.

So far as respects myself personally, the tale it
refutes merits no consideration and would meet no
attention. Wiiether I am incompetent to the task
of relating plain facts, many of which I saw, and
on all of which 1 had the feelings and information
of hundreds to guide me, is a question of no import-
ance to the public, and of no interest to the editors
of those papers who have asserted or insinuated it.
But it is deeply interesting to their passions and
pursjuits, that every account which tends to exone-
rate the government from all participation in the
event of an expodition feebly conducted, and in a
(apitulation dishonourably concluded, should be as-
sailed openly and covertly. I was aware, that every
man, who should attempt, by a disclosure of the
truth, to communicate correct information, must ex-
pect to have his motives impugned and his character
a?sai!e:i by all the rancour of malignity and eager-
ness nf party. As I felt no disposition to court, so
I trust thrre was no necessity for avoiding an inves-
tigation like that. I had witnessed the irritation of
feeling and the latitude of observation in many pa-

LIFE OF

pers in the country. The terms " conscripts," " a
little still-born army," find every injurious and op-
probrious epithet, which party zeal could lavish
upon western patriotism and enterprise, I had ob-
served with regret, but without surprise. But I
had to learn, that the editor of a newspaper upon
his own responsibility would propagate a tale so
false and unqualified, as that in the United States Ga-
zette of — October last. The letter transmitted will
show what credit is due to the assertion of men,
who can discover little to condemn in an enemy's
government, less to approve in their own.

I cannot resist the present opportunity of placing
in its proper point of view, a transaction misrepre-
sented with all the virulence of faction. The capi-
tulation for the surrender of Detroit contained no
stipulation allowing the commanding officer to for-
ward to his government an account of the causes
which produced, and of the circumstances which
attended, so unexpected an event. The command-
ing officer himself became an unconditional prisoner
of war. Ilis liberation, or the intelligence he might
communicate to his own government, depended on
the interest or caprice of the enemy. In this situa-
tion, on the arrival of Colonel Mc Arthur within the
jurisdiction of the United States, he became the se-
nior officer of those troops, which, by ihe capitula-
tion, were permitted to return home, and as such it
became a matter of duty to report himself to the
government, and of propriety to communicate to
them all the intelligence in his power. For this pur-
pose the second officer in command present was or-
dered to repair to the seat of government. On his
arrival he found the rumour of the disaster had pre-
ceded him, and that information was anxiously and
impatiently expected. Public report had informed
the government that they had lost a fort, an army,
and a territory, but of the remote or direct causes
\rhich occasioned it, of the situation of their own

GENKUAL CASS.

troops, or of the designs of the enemy, ihcy were
profoundly ignorant. Were they in this situation
fastidiously to reject profferred information, and con-
tinue wilfully ignorant of a transaction so striking
in its features, and so important in its consequences
to the peace and character of the nation ? Or were
they not compelled by duty to seek every means of in-
formation, in order with promptitude to repair the evil,
and with vigilance prevent the repetition of a simi-
lar one? Their duty surely cannot be mistaken by
the most bigoted zealot of party. The act then of
communicating intelligence and that of receiving it,
was not merely neutral but commendable. Whether
the officer upon whom this task devolved executed
it well or ill, must be left for an enlightened com-
munity to determine. It was a duty over which the
government had no control. As he gave it they
must receive it, neither accountable for the manner
nor the accuracy of his relation.

The question which has been so ably discussed,
whether this statement is official, in itself a very clear
one, will become important and interesting, when
disputes about words shall again agitate the feelings
and divide the opinions of the world. Until then,
it is cheerfully relinquished to those who have so
learnedly investigated it.

That an officer, in his report, must confine himself
to tijose facts which passed within his own observa-
tion, and to which he could testify in a court of jus-
tice, is among the novel and extraordinary preten-
sions to which this communication has given birth.
Meagre indeed would be every similar statement,
were such a principle correct in theory or supported
by practice. In a complicated transaction, it would
present but a skeleton of a report, oinittiiii^ many
interesting details essential to a correct view of the
subject, and necessary in the succession of facts
which connect causes with their consequences. It
would require almost a** many reports as there were

LIFE OP

actors, anJ iiistcuii of a faitliful sketch by a single
|jaiJ(J, tt niot!i-'y and discordant group of objijcts
would i!icct the eye, excilin*^ little interest and con-
veyiiin little irirunnati<^n. liut, in(!cj)endent of any
speculative view whicii may be taken of the subject,
it is Msfiicieiit to refer every candid and disf)assionatc
observer to the reports of military transactions
which daily appear in our own und in other coun-
tries. The futility of the objection will be at once
exposed, for it will le found that a rcjjort is seldom,
if ever, made without violatini^ this rule, for the first
time applied as a standard to the statement of an
officer of the most important military event which
had occurred for many years in the history of Ids
country.

The propriety of publishing such a report rcjnains
only to be investigated. In a government founded
on the power and supported by the confidence of the
people, the right of the public to receive informa-
tion on all national transactions is too clear to re-
quire support or to ft ar denial. Whether a battle
be won or lost; whether the event be brilliant or
disastrous, the dutyof communicating and the right
of claiminji information remain still the same. Four
weeks after the surrender of an important post, while
the public n»ind is jigitate*! and public expectation
alive, the government receive from an officer dis-
patched by the senior officer within tiieir jurisdic-
tion und subjt'ct to their control, a statement of the
cireuni-stances vvhich preceded and accompanied liu;
transaction. Two weeks would have been sufficient
for the commanding officer to have forwarded his
dispatches, had the capitulation conferred on him
the right or tlie enemy the favour of d'.inir it.inime-
diately subsvquont to tlie surrender. The govern-
ment had a ngh; to conclude the privilege was re-
fused by them or the duty omitted by jiim. That
p(ution of the troops, which, by the c;'.|/itulution,
was to be conveyed to tin; Tniled States, alibrded a

GENERAL CASS.

secure opportunity for this purpose. This having
failed, it became uncertain at what period his com-
munication would be received. Were the govern-
ment then to withhold the information they pos-
sessed, because that information attributed the fail-
ure of the expedition to its commanding officer?
The ch iracter of the nation, the reputation of tho
goverk\ment, and of every individual embarked in
that expedition, were involved in its issue. Was it
of no importance, by a correct disclosure of facts,
to redeem the public character and feelings 1 Was
it of no importance, by placing in its proper point
of view the features of the transaction, to show that
the boasts of the enemy were as vain as their con-
quest was bloodless ? To prove to our country that
her sons might yet be led on to battle and perhaps
to victory ? The government, too, had a reputation
to lose. That reputation was eagerly assailed. The
failure of the expedition was attributed to the want
of preparation, and the measures respecting it were
characterised as imbecile and ignorant. The for-
bearance demanded was far from being granted. So
far as respects the commanding officer, the details
of an unfortunate expedition must be shrouded in
Delphic obscurity, and the public await in dubious
suspense the tedious process of military investiga-
tion. But every little nameless paper is at liberty
to display its brilliant wit and sarcastic remarks at
the expense of those who planned and ordered the
expedition. Their reputation awaits the result of
no trial. They must be offered up an expiatory
sacrifice upon the altar of public indignation. The
contemplated investigation, which is ultimately to
determine the respective measure of merit and of
blame, here becomes unnecessary. Its result is an-
ticipated with that confidence which o ght only to
be inspired by an accurate knowledge ot ihe af tend-
ant circumstances. To rt quire in such a situiition
a studious concealment of those facts which wojid

LITE or

enable the public correctly to appreciate the conduct
of all, is to require a species of forbearance as little
suited to the practice as to the duties of life.

1 am aware, that nothing which can be said upon
tliis subject will with many carry conviction, or
produce acknowledgment. The most obvious con-
siderations of reason and of justice will be over-
looked. Such, in the conflicts of opinion and the
collisions of party, has always been the case. But
truth will ultimately prevail, and the public will
eventually be enabled correctly to estimate the con-
duct of all who have had any agency in a transac-
tion so deeply interesting to their character and
feelings.

» LEWIS CASS.

November 20, 1812.

Washington, Novel, ber 3, 1812.

Dear Sir — It was not until after I last had the
pleasure to see you, and for some time after you left
Washington, that the foolish insinuation, which has
appeared in some of the newspapers, of my having
been concerned in writing the letter you addressed
to the Secretary of War, first came to my ears ; nor
have I, to this day, seen the insinuation in print. I
would have contradicted it at once but that it
seemed to me quite superfluous, and that it would be
to confer a notice upon it which its idle character
did not deserve. In what so strange an untruth
could have originated, I am sure I know not ; nei-
ther can I divest myself of embarrassment in thus
troubling you with a line about it. J have not yet
heard it said that I wrote the address you delivered
to the volunteers of Ohio in the spring, before I ever
had the pleasure to see ior to know you ; and yet, it
is certain, that I wrote as much of that as I did of
your letter to the Secretary of War.

I sincerely hope your health has been re.-estiBib*
lished since you left Washington, and that to other
causes of regret connected with your march to Pe?

GENERAL OAtt.

nor
I

troit, there will not be added that of any pcrmannTir
injury to your constitution.

Believe me, dear sir, with great respect and
esteem, your obedient servant,

RICHARD RUSH.

Colonel Cass.

During the winter Colonel Cass was exchanged,
and soon afterwards appointed a Colonel of the
.27th Regiment of Infantry, and subsequently was
promoted to the grade of Brigadier General in the
^rmy of the United States. Hull, in his report to
the Secretary of War, had exonerated Colonel Cass
and his associates, McArthur, Findley, and Lieu-
tenant-Colonel Miller, from all censure, taking the
exclusive responsibility on himself. This was but
just, for in the whole affair he had consulted no one,
and acted contrary to the known opinions of his
officers. The services of these officers were appre-
ciated, and, December 28, 1812, Governor Meigs
transmitted to them the thanks of the Legislature,
which, by a vote of the Senate and House of Repre-
sentatives, he was instructed to do.

This terminated the connection of Colonel Cass
with Hull's army. The future career of that general
is well known, and the country approved both of
the sentence and of his pardon.

■, ( ■.•■

' ... I .

.♦ ■■•■■

i .- ' ♦.

LiFB or

CHAPTER III.

Joins General Harrison's army — Moves to the Frcmtier — Crosses
into Cunuda — Advance — Battle of the Thames, etc. — Cass
complimented by General Harrison — Anecdotes — Governor
of Michigan.

Soon after his appointment as a brigadier-general,
Cass joined General Harrison at Seneca, the place
of rendezvous for the army destined to recover the
north-west territory and invade Canada. While at
this point, General Cass was busily employed in
preparatory arrangements, until General Harrison,
who was in command, commenced his movement,
which was on the 17th of September, 1813: on this
day the venerable and distinguished Governor Shelby
arrived at the head of four thousand volun' ?rs from
his state, Kentucky, anxious to avenge t' friends
and countrymen who had been so cruelly ^>AU,aghter-
ed at the River Raisin, after their surrender on the
22d of January.

The brilliant naval victory of Commodore Perry,
having opened the Lake, General Harrison deter-
mined to embark his infantry in transports, and to
send the horse by land to Detroit. In consequence
of the immense preparation necessary to place on
shipboard a whole army, the troops were not em-
barked until the 27th, and on the next day sailed
from Put-in-bay to the Western Sister, a small island
near Maiden. In the mean time, the British com-
mander evacuated Detroit and Maiden, after de-
stroying the munitions of war and other stores, and
retreated up the valley of the Thames, being accom-
panied by Tecumseh's Indians. The debarkation

e BNBR AL C A8f.

was effected without difficulty, under the immediato
direction of General ('ass, assisted by CommDiJore
Perry, who, unable to find an enemy on his own ele-
ment, had landed in search of new laurels, and now
served as an aid-de-camp of General Harrison. Cum-
modore Elliot was also present, and rendered effi-
cient services. A rapid move was made on D>nroit,
which was reached on the 29th, and on the SOth the
regiment of Colonel Johnson, which had been de-
layed one day at the Raisin in the pious labour of
burying the victims of Proctor's inhuman massacre,
arrived.

General Harrison and Governor Shelby now
marched in pursuit of Proctor, with a picked force
of thirty-five hundred men, selected from Bull's
dragoons, Johnson's irregular horse, and Shelby's
volunteers. General Cass was present, and con-
tributed much to the success of the expedition, as he
was now acknowledged as one of the notables of the
west. They set out on the 29th of September, and
on the next day captured a lieutenant of the ene-
my's dragoons, from whom they learned that Proctor
had not heard of their advance. On the 4th of Oc-
tober, the army reached Chatham, about seventeen
miles from Lake St. Clair, on one of the tributaries
of the Thames, driving the enemy before them.
The latter, when they retired, had destroyed the
bridge ; and while it was being repaired, the Indians,
under Tecumseh, made an attack on the advance,
but were at once dispersed by the artillery of Colo-
nel Wood and Colonel Johnson's horse. At this
place the American army captured two thousand
stand of arms, a vast quantity of clothing, and drove
the enemy for four miles before them. On the 5th,
the pursuit was renewed, and the last camp of the
enemy passed. Thence Colonel Wood was detached
to reconnoitre, and soon returned with information
that General Proctor had prepared for battle in a
strong position, a few miles distant. This position

LIFE OF

lay between a swamp and the river : immediatelv
on the latter was the British left, where their artil-
lery was posted, with the reverse flank on the
swamp. Beyond the swamp were the Indians of
Tecumseh. The position was very strong, and had
no weak point, except that it was pecuUarly open
to a cavahy charge, and that the infantry was
drawn up in open order. Proctor's force consisted
of eight hundred regulars and two thousand Indians.

The American troops were more numerous, but
the mass of them were untried men ; while every
man in the British and Indian ariny had been often
under fire.

General Harrison placed Trotter's brigade in the
front line, General King's in the second, and kept
Miles' brigade as a reserve. The three were com-
manded by Major-General Henry. Another divi-
sion, comnanded by General Desha, was formed at
right an (les, or as technical soldiers say, en potence,
on the left of General Trotter's brigade. The whole
regular force of General Harrison, one hundred and
twenty strong, was formed in attacking columns to
be directed against the enemy's artillery. The
mounted force General Harrison had ordered to
form in two lines opposed to the Indians, but struck
with the debility of the portion of Proctor's infantry,
and aware of the skill of the Kentuckians as marks-
men and horsemen, he resolved to make one bat-
talion a battle-piece to act against the British
regulars. The other, commanded by Colonel John-
son, was left to hold the Indians in check. This
was a wise disposition, for the terror of the Indians
at mounted men was notorious. It will be observed
that General Cass had no command yet as a briga-
dier of the regular service, he was, in case of acci
dent ;o General Harrison, undoubtedly entitled to
command every one in the field except Generals
Henry and Desha.

Scarcely had these dispositions been made when

GENERAL CASS.

the enemy opened their fire. This was the con-
certed signal for the cavalry to charge, and though
at first they halted under the heavy discharge of the
British regulars, they almost immediately dashed
through the enemy's line, and rallying in his rear,
a second time crossed it. Each time before the
charge they poured in a murderous fire. As Gene-
ral Cass was at that time in the regular service,
he had command of the small body of regulars in the
field. At their head, however, was a distingui:shed
officer, amply competent to lead them, and he there-
fore threw himself on the left i)f the battalion of the
mounted regiment, under the command of Lieuten-
ant-Colonel Johnson, and shared with them in the
decisive charge described above, which decided the
day. This charge was unprecedented, and its
succesb can only be accounted for on the grounds
of the peculiarly faulty formation of Proctor's regu-
lars, and the moral force which must always be
exerted by the atta^!: of a line of six hundred
mounted men. Immediately on the reverse charge
of Lieutenant-Colonel Johnson, the British regulars
threw down their arms and fled in dismay. Proc-
tor deserted his allies and abandoned all for lost.
He was pursued immediately by a detachment
under the orders of General Cass, and escaped,
perhaps fortunately, for it is very doubtful if the
orders of General Harrison and Governor Shelby,
or even the great influence of Cass, would have
saved from the infuriated Kentuckians the murderer
of their Ivindred and countrymen.

In the other position of the field the success was
equally decided — Col. R. M. Johnson, having dis-
persed the Indians, and killed, in personal contest,
their chief, Tecumseh. This battle terminated the
war in the northwest. Now came a season of bril-
liant triumph to the American arms. Hundreds of
prisoners were taken ; yet the massacre of the Rai-
sin was not revenged. This victory placed General

LIFE OP

Harrison in a most enviable position; and in his
despatches, he conferred the highest praise on Gen.
Cass, who, it was notorious, had been most conspi-
cuous in the events of the day. A thousand other
"witnesses also bore testimony to his gallantry — one
of whom, after the lapse of twelve years, when,
however, Gen. Cass was by no means the prominent
man he has since become, thus expressed himself:

" In the autumn of 1813, I well recollect General
Cass, of the northwestern army, commanded by
Harrison and Shelby. He was conspicuous at the
landing of the troops upon the Canada shore, below
Maiden, on the 27th of September, and conspicuous
at the battle of the Thames, as the volunteer aid of
the commanding general. I saw him in the midst
of the battle, in the deep woods upon the banks of
the Thames, during the roar and clangor of fire-
arms, and savage yells of the enemy. Then I was
a green youth of seventeen, and a volunteer from
Kentucky."

The following official despatches are important,
as showing the instrumentality of Gen. Cass in the
success of this contest :

Copy of a Lstter from General Harrison to the De-
partment of War.

Head-quartP!s, near Moravian Town, on the River Thames, >
80 miles from Detroit, 5th October, 1813. 5

Sir — I have the honor to inform you, that by the
blessing of Providence, the army under my com-
mand has this evening obtained a complete victory
over the combined Indian and British forces under
the command of General Proctor. I believe that
nearly the whole of the enemy's regulars are taken
or killed. Amongst the former are all the superior
officers., excepting Gen. Proctor. My mounted men
are now in pursuit of him. Our loss is very trifling.
The brave Col. R. M. Johnson is the only officer

GENERAL CASS.

whom I have heard of that is wounded, he badly,
but I hope not dangerously.

. I have the honor to be, with great respect, sir,
your obedient, humble servant,

WM. H. HARRISON.

The Hon. John Armstrong, Sec'y at War.

Copy of a Letter from Major- General Harrison to
the Secretary of War,

Head-quarters, Detroit, 9th Oct., 1813.

Sir — In my letter from Sandwich, of the 30th
ultimo, I did myself the honor to inform you, that I
was preparing to pursue ihe enemy the following
day. From various causes, however, I was unable
to put the troops in motion until the morning of the
2d instant, and then to take with me only about one
hundred and forty of the regular troops, Johnson's
mounted regime.iit. and such of Gov. Shelby's volun-
teers as were fit for a rapid march, the whole
amounting to about three thousand five hundred
men. To Gen. McArthur, (with about 700 effect-
ives,) the protecting of this place, and the sick, was
committed. Gen. Cass's brigade, and the corps of
Lieut. Col. Ball were left at Sandwich, with orders
to follow me as soon as the men received their knap-
sacks and blankets, which had been left on an island
in Lake Erie.

The unavoidable delay & '^'andwich was attend-
ed with no disadvantage to^ a- Ge?j rnl Proctor
had posted himself at Dalson's, on th right bank of
the Thames, (or Trench,) fifty-six mil's from this
place, where I was informed he intended to fortify
and wait to receive me. He must have believed,
however, that I had no disposition to follow Intn, or
that he had secured my continuance here, i>y the
reports that were circulated that the Indians would
attack and destroy this place upon the advance of
the army; as he neglected to commence the In k-
>)g up the bridges until the night of the 2d instant.

LIFE OF

On that night our army reached the river, which is
twenty-five miles from Sandwich, and is one of four
streams crossing our route, over all of which are
bridges, and, being deep and muddy, are unforda-
ble for a considerable distance into the country — the
bridge here was found entire, and in the morning I
proceeded with Johnson's regiment, to save, if pos-
sible, the others. At the second bridge, over a
branch of the river Thames, we were fortunate
enough to capture a lieutenant of dragoons, and
eleven privates, who had been sent by Gen. Proctor
to destroy them. From the prisoners I learned that
the third bridge was broken up, and that the enemy
had no certain information of our advance. The
bridge having been imperfectly destroyed, was soon
repaired, and the army encamped at Drake's farm,
four miles below Dalson's.

The river Thames, along the banks of which our
route lay, is a fine, deep stream, navigable for ves-
sels of considerable burthen, after the passage of the
bar at its mouth, over which there is six and a half
fee J water.

The baggage of the army was brought from De-
tiOit in boats, protected by three gun-boats, which
Com. Perry had furnished for the purpose, as well
as to cover the passage of the army over the Thames
itself, or the mouths of its tributary streams ; the
banks being low, and the country generally op«n,
(prairies,) as high as Dalson's, these vessels were
well calculated for that purpose. Above Dalson's,
however, the character of the river and adjacent
country is considerably changed. The former,
though still deep, is very narrow, and its banks high
and woody. Tho commodore and myself, therefore,
agreed upon the propriety of leaving the boats undei
a guard of one hundred and fifty infantry, and I de-
termined to trust to fortune and the bravery of my
troops to effect the passage of the river. Below a
place called Chatham, and four miles above Dal-

GENERAL C A«d.

son's, is the third unfordable branch of the Thames.
The bridge over its mouth had been taken up by the
Indians, as well as that at McGregor's Mills, one
mile above. Several hundred of the Indians re-
mained to dispute our passage, and upon the arrival
of the advanced guard, commenced a hea -y fire from
the opposite bank of the creek, as well as that of
the river. Believing that the whole force of the
enemy was there, I halted the army, formed in order
of battle, and brought up our two six pounders to
cover the party that were ordered to repair the
bridge. A few shot, from those pieces, soon drove
off the Indians, and enabled us, in two hours, to re-
pair the bridge and cross the troops. Colonel John-
son's mounted regiment being upon the right of the
army, had seized the remains of the bridge, at the
mills, under a heavy fire from the Indians. Our loss*
upon this occasion was, two killed and three or four
wounded ; that of the enemy was ascertained to be
considerably greater. A house near the bi \vi^e, con-
taining a very considerable number of muskets, had
been set on fire, but it was extinguished by our
troops, and the arms saved. At the first farm above
the bridge, we found one of the enemy's vessels on
fire, loaded with arms and ordnance stores, and
learned that they were a few miles ahead of us, still
on the right bank of the river, with the great body
of the Indians. At Bowles's farm, four miles from
the bridge, we halted for the night, found two other
vessels and a large distillery filled with ordnance
and other valuable stores, to an immense amount, in
flames. It was impossible to put out the fire. Two
twenty-four pounders, with their carriages, were
taken, and a large quantity of ball and shells of
various sizes. The army was put in motion early
in the mornin^r of the 5th : I pushed on in advance
of the mounted regiment, and requested Gov. Shelby
to follow as expeditiously as possible with the in-
fantry ; the governor's ?eal, and that of his men,

LIFE OF

enabled them to keep up with the cavalry, and, by
9 o'clock, we were at Arnold's Mills, having taken
in the course of the morning, two gun-boats and se-
veral batteaux loaded with provisions and ammuni-
tion.

A rapid at the river at Arnold's Mills, affords the
only fording to be met with for a considerable dis-
tance, but, upon examination, it was found too deep
for the infantry. Having, however, fortunately
taken two or three boats, and some Indian canoes,
on the spot, and obliging the horsemen to take a
foot-man behind each, the whole were safely crossed
by 12 o'clock. Eight miles from the crossing, we
passed a farm, w'lere a part of the British troops
had encamped the night before, u.ler the command
of Col. Warburton. The detachn. ^nt with General
Proctor had arrived the day before, at the Moravian
towns, four miles higher up. Being now certainly
near the enemy, I directed the advance of Johnson's
regiment to accelerate their march, for the purpose
of procuring intelligence. The officer commanding
it, in a short time, sent to inform me, that his pro-
gress was stopped by the enemy, who were formed
across our line of march. One of the enemy's wag-
goners being also taken prisoner, from the informa-
tion received from him, and my own observation,
assisted by some of my officers, I soon ascertained
enough of their position and order of battle, to de-
termine that which it was proper for me to adopt.

I have the honor herewith to enclose you my
general order, of tde 27th ult., prescribing the order
of march and of battle, when the whole army should
act together. But, as the number and description
of the troops had been essentially changed, since the
issuing of the order, it became necessary to make a
corresponding alteration in their disposition. From
the place where our army was last halted, to the
Moravian towns, a distance of about three and a
half miles, the road passes through a beech forest.

GENERAL CASS.

M^ithout any clearing, and, for the first two miles,
near to the bank of the river. At from two to three
hundred yards from the river, a swamp extends pa-
rallel to it, throughout the whole distance. The
intermediate ground is dry, and although the trees
are tolerably thick, it is in many places clear of
underbrush. Across this strip of land, its left ap'
payed upon the river, supported by artillery placed
m the wood, their right in the swamp covered by
the whole of their Indian force, the British troops
were drawn up.

The troops at my disposal consisted of about one
hundred and twenty regulars of' the 27th regiment,
five brigades of Kentucky volunteer militia infantry,
under his excellency Governor Shelby, averaging
less than five hundred men, and Colonel Johnson's
regiment of mounted infantry, making in the whole
an aggregate *;omething aboVe three thousand. No
disposition of an army, opposed to an Indian force,
can be safe, unless it is secured on the flanks and in
the rear. I had, therefore, no difficulty in arrang-
ing the infantry conformably to my general order
of battle. General Trotter's brigade of 500 men,
formed the front Ijife, his right upon the road and
his left upon the swamp. General King's brigade,
as a second line, 150 yards in the rear of Trotter's,
and Chiles' brigade, as a corps of reserve in the rear
of it. These three brigades formed the command of
Major-General Henry; the whole of General De-
sha's division, consisting of two brigades, were form-
( (i en potence upon the left of Trotter.

Whilst I was engaged in forming the infantry, I
hnd directed Colonel Johnson's regiment, which was
s'ill in front, to be formed in two lines opposite to
t!ie enomy, and, upon the advance of the infantry,
to fake ground to the left and forming upon that
flank to endeavor to turn the right of the Indians.
A moment's reflection, however, convinced me that
from the thickness of the woods and swampiness of
6

LIFB OF

the ground, they would be unable to do any thing
on horseback, and there was no time to dismount
them and place their horses in security ; I therefore
determined to refuse my left to the Indians, and to
break the British lines at once by a charge of the
mounted infantry ; the measure was not sanctioned
by any thing that I had seen or heard of, but I was
fully convinced that it would succeed. The Ame-
rican backwoodsmen ride better in the woods than
any other people. A musket- or rifle is no impedi-
ment to them, being accustomed to carry them on
horseback from their earliest youth. I was per-
suaded, too, that the enemy would be quite unpre-
pared for the shock, and ^bat they could not resist
it. Conformably to this idea, I directed the regi-
ment to be drawn up in close column, with its right
at the distance of fifty yards from the road, (that it
might be in some measure protected, by the trees,
from the artillery,) its left upon the swamp, and to
charge at full speed as soon as the enemy delivered
their fire. The few regular troops of the 27th regi-
ment, under their colonel, (Paul,) occupied, in
column of sections of four, the small space between
the road and the river, for the purpose of seizing the
enemy's artillery, and some ten or twelve friendly
Indians were directed to move under the bank. The
crotchet formed by the front line, and General De-
sha's division, was an important point. At that
place, the venerable governor of Kentucky was
posted, who, at the age of sixty-six, preserves all
the vigour of youth, the ardent zeal which distin-
guished him in the revolutionary war, and the un-
daunted bravery which he manifested at King*s
Mountain. With my aids-de-camp, the acting as-
sistant adjutant general. Captain Butler, my gallant
friend Commodore Perry, who did me the honor lo
serve as my volunteer aid-de-camp, and Brigadier-
General Cass, who, having no command, tendered
me his assistance. I placed myself at the head of

GEN BRA L CASS

the front line of infantry, to direct the movements
of the cavalry, and give them the necessary support.
The army had moved on in this order but a short
distance, when the mounted men received the fire
of the British, line, and were ordered to charge; the
horses in the front oi' the column recoiled from the
fire; another was givca by the enemy, and our
column, at length getting in motion, broke through
the enemy with irresistible force. In one minute,
the contest in front was over ; the British officers,
seeing no hopes of reducing their disordered ranks
to order, and our mounted men wheeling upon them
and pouring in a destructive fire, immediately sur-
rendered. It is certain that three only of our troops
were wounded in this charge. Upon the left, how-
ever, the contest was more severe with the Indians.
Colonel Johnson, who commanded on that flank of
his regiment, received a most galling fire from them,
which was returned with great effect. The Indians
still further to the right, advanced and fell in with
our front line of infantry, near its junction with
Desha's division, and for a moment made impres-
sion upon it. His excellency, Governo, Shelby,
however, brought up a regiment to its support, and
the enemy, receiving a severe fire in front, and a part
of Johnson's regiment having gained their rear, re-
treated with precipitation. Their loss was very
considerable in the action, and many were killed in
their retreat.

I can give no satisfactory information of the num-
l of Indians that were in the action, but they

ist have been considerably upwards of one thou-
sand. From the documents in my possession, (Gen.
Proctor's official letters, all of which were taken,)
and from the information of respectable inhabitants
of this territory, the Indians kept in pay by the Bri-
tish were much more numerous than has been gene-
rally supposed. In a letter to General de Rotten-
burg, of the 27th instant, General Proctor speaks of

LiFB or

havinff prevailed upon most of the Indians to accom*
pany him. Of these it is certain that fifty or sixty
Wyandot warriors abandoned him.*

The number of our troops was certainly greater
than that of the enemy, but when it is recollected,
that they had chosen a position that effectually se-
cured their flank, which it was impossible for us to
turn, and that we could not present to them a line
more extended than their own, it will not be consi-
dered arrogant to claim for my troops the palm of
superior bravery.

In communicating to the president, through you,
sir, my opinion of the conduct of the officers who
served under my command, I am at a loss how to
mention that of Governor Shelby, being convinced
that no eulogium of mine can reach his merit. The
governor of an independent state, greatly my supe-
rior in years, in experience, and in military charac-
ter, he placed himself under my command, and was
not more remarkable for his zeal and activity, than
for the promptitude and cheerfulness with which he
obeyed my orders. The M ajor-Generals Henry and
Desha, and the Brigadiers Allen, Caldwell, King,
Chiles and Trotter, all of the Kentucky volunteers,
manifested great zeal and activity. Of Governor
Shelby's staff, his Adjutant-General, Colonel Mc-
Dowell, and his Quarter-Master General, Colonel
Walker, rendered great service, as did his aids-de-
camp. General Adair and Majors Barry and Crit-
tenden. The military skill of the former was of
great service to us, and the activity of the two lat-
ter gentlemen could not be surpassed. Illness de-
prived me of the talents of my Adjutant-Generaf,
Colonel Gaines, who was left at Sandwich. His

* A British officer of high rank assured one of my aids-de-
camp, that on the day of our landing. General Proctor had, at
his disposal, upwards of three thousand Indian warriors, but
BBserted that the greatest part had left him previous to the ac-
tion.

O kN BR AL CASS.

duties were, however, ably performed by the acting
assistant Adjutant-General, Captain Butler. My
aids-dc-camp, Lieutenant O'Fallon, and Captain
Todd, of the line, and my volunteer aids, John Speed
Smith and John Chambers, Esq., have rendered me
the most important service, from the opening of the
campaign. I have already stated that General Cass
and Commodore Perry assisted me in forming the
troops for action. The former is an officer of the
highest merit, and the appearance of the brave Com-
modore cheered and animated every breast.

It would be useless, sir, after stating the circum-
stances of the action, to pass encomiums upon Col.
Johnson and his regiment. Veterans could not have
manifested more firmness. The colonel's numerous
wounds prove that he was in the post of danger.
Lieutenant-Colonel James Johnson, and the Majors,
Payne and Thompson, were equally active, though
more fortunate. Major Wood, of the engineers, al-
ready distinguished by his conduct at Fort Meigs,
attended the army with two six-pounders. Having
no iise for them in the action, he joined in the pur-
suit of the enemy, and, with Major Payne, of the
mounted regiment, two of my aids-de-camp, Todd
and Chambers, and three privates, continued it for
several miles after the rest of the troops had halted,
and made many prisoners.

I left the army before an official return of the pri-
soners, or that of the killed and wounded, was made
out. It was, however, ascertained that the former
amounts to six hundred and one regulars, including
twenty-five officers. Our loss is seven killed and
twenty-two wounded, five of which have since died.
Of the British troops, twelve were killed and twen-
ty-two wounded. The Indians suffered most —
thirty-three of them having been found upon the
ground, besides those killed on the retreat.

On the day of the action, six pieces of brass artil-
lery were taken, and two iron twenty-four pound-
6*

4i >• LIFE OP

ers the day before. Several others were discovered
in the river, and can be easily procured. Of. the
brass pieces, three are the trophies of our revolu-
tionary war, that were taken at Saratoga and York,
and surrendered by General Hull. The number of
small arms taken by us, and destroyed by the ene-
my, must amount to upwards of five thousand : most
of them had been ours, and taken by the enemy at
the surrender of Detroit, at the river Raisin, and
Colonel Dudley's defeat. I believe that the enemy
retain no other military trophy of their victories
than the standard of the 4th regiment. They were
not magnanimous enough to bring that of the 41st
regiment into the field, or it would have been taken.

You have been informed, sir, of the conduct of th^
troops under my command, in action ; it gives me
great pleasure to inform you, that they merit also
the approbation of their country for their conduct,
in submitting to the greatest privations with the ut-
most cheerfulness.

The infantry were entirely without tents, and for
several days, the whole army subsisted upon fresh
beef, without bread or salt.

I have the honour to be, &c.,

WILLIAM H. HARRISON.

General John Armstrong, Secretary of War.

P. S. General Proctor escaped by the fieetness of
his horses, escorted by forty dragoons and a number
of mounted Indians. ^-^

GENERAL ORDERS OF DEBARKATION, OF MARCH,

AND OF BATTLE.

Head-quarters on board the U. S. Schooner Ariel, 7
^ September 27th, 1813. 3

As it is the intention of the general to land the
army on the enemy's coast, the following will be the
order of debarkation, of march, and of battle.

The right wing of the army will be jcomposed of
the Kentucky volunteers, under the command of his

OBNBRAL CA88.

excellency, Governor Shelby, acting as Major-Gcne-
rai. The left wing, of the light corps of Lieut. Col.
Ball, and the brigades of Generals McArthur and
Cass. This arrangement is made with a view to the
localities of the ground upon which the troops are
to act, and the composition of the enemy's force, and
is calculated in marching up the lake or strait to

f»lace our regular troops m tnc open ground on the
ake, where they will probably bo opposed by the
British regulars, and the Kentucky volunteers in the
woods, which, it is presumed, will be occupied by
the enemy's militia and the Indians. When the sig-
nal is given for putting to the shore, the corps of
Lieutenant-Colonel Ball will precede the left wing;
the regiment of volunteer riflemen, the right wing;
these corps will land with the utmost celerity, con-
sistent with the preservation of good order, and as
soon as landed will seize the most favorable position
for annoying the enemy and covering the disembark-
ation of the troops of the line. Gen. Class's brigade
will follow Col. Ball's corps, and Gen. Calmes* the
volunteer riflemen. The regiments will land and
form in succession upon those which precede them.
The right wing, with its left in front, displaying to
the left. The brigades of Generals King, Allen and
Cahlwell, will form successively to the right of Gen.
Calme's; Gen. McArthur's and Childs' brigades will
form the reserve. The general will command in
person the brigades of Gen. Cass and Calmes, assist-
ed by Major- General Henry. His excellency. Gov-
ernor Shelby will have the immediate command of
the three brigades on the right, assisted by Major-
General Desha. As soon as the troops are disem-
barked, the boats are immediately to be sent back
to the fleet. It will be observed that the order of
landing here prescribed, is somewhat that of direct
eschellons deployed into line upon the advanced
corps of the right and left wing. It is the intention
of the general, however, that all the troops which

LIFE OF

are provided with boats should land in as quick suc-
cession as possible ; and the general officers com-
manding towards the extremities of the line are
authorised to deviate from the arrangement to coun-
teract any movement of the enemy, by landing any
part of their commands, previoi s to the formation
of the corps, which is herein directed to precede
them. The corps of Lieutenant-C'/lonel Ball, and
the volunteer rifle resiment, will maintain the posi-
tion they occupy on landing, until the troops of the
line are formed to support them ; they will then re-
tire through the intervals of the line, or to the flanks,
and form in the rear of the line.

A detachment of artillery, with a six, four, and
three-pounder, and howitzer, will land with the ad-
vanced light corps ; the rest of the artillery will be
held in reserve, and landed a* such points as Major
Wood may direct.

The point of landing for the reserve, under Brig-
adier-General Mc Arthur, cannot now be designated;
it will be made to support any point of the line
which may require aid, or be formed on the flanks,
as circumstances may render necessary. The ar-
rangement for landing the troops will be made en-
tirely under the direction of an officer of the navy,
whom Commodore Perry has been so obliging as to
offer for that purpose. The debarkation of the troops
will be covered by the cannon of the vessels. The
troops being landed, and the enemy driven off, or
not opposing its landing, the army will change its
front to the left, and form in order of battle, in the
following manner : The two brigades of regular
trfK)ps, and two of the volunteers, to be formed in
two lines, at right angles to the shore of the lake.
General Mc Arthur's brigade, and Calmes' to form
the front of the line, and Cass and Childs*s the se-
cond line; the regular troops still on the left ; that
flank of both lines resting on the shore, the distance
between the two lines will be three hundred yards.

OBNBRAIi OA88.

its

the

ular

ake.

The remaining three brigades of volunteers will be
drawn up in a single line of two ranks, at right an-
gles to the line of march^ its head upon the right of
the front line, forming a crotchet {en potence) with
that line, and extending beyond the second line.
The corps of Lieutenant-Colonel Ball will form the
advance of the; left wing at the distance of three
hundred yards, the regiment of the rifle volunteers
the advance of the right wing at the same dis-
tance.

Some pieces of light artillery will be placed in the
road leading up the lake, and at such other points
as Major Wood may direct.- When the order is
given for marching, the first and second lines will
advance by files from the heads of companies ; in
other words, these two lines will form two columns,
marching by their flanks, by companies, at entire
distances. The three brigades on the right flunk
will be faced to the left, and marched forward —
the head of this column still forming en potence with
the front line. It is probable that the two brigades
of the front line will extend from the lake, some dis-
tance into the woods, on the right flank, and it is
desirable it should be so — but should it be other-
wise, and the crotchet or angle be at any time on
the opeij ground, his excellency. Governor Shelby,
will immediately prolong the front line to the right
by adding to it as many companies of the leading
brigade of the flank column as will bring the angle
and consequently the flank column itself completely
within the wof^ds. It is to be presumed that the
enemy will make their attack upon the army on its
march, that their regular troops will form their
right upon the lake, their militia occupy the ground
between the regulars and the woods, and the In-
dians the woods. The formation herein prescrib-
ed is intended to resist an arrangement of this
kind. Should the general conjecture on that sub-
ject prove correct, as it must be evident that the

LIFB OF

It'..

ri^ht of the enemy cannot be turned, and on that
wing his best troops must be placed, it will be pro-
per to refuse him our left, and direct our princi-
Cal effort to uncover the left flank of his regulars
y driving off his militia. In the event here sup-
posed, therefore, it will be proper to bring up a
part or the whole of General Cafs's brigade, to
assist the charge made by General Calmes, or that
the former should change positions with the bri-
gade of volunteers in the second line. Should the
general think it safe to order the whole of Cass's
brigade to the right, without replacing it with
another. General Cass will march it, the right
formed in oblique eschellons of companies. It will
be the business of General McArthur, in the event
of his wing being refused, to watch the motion
of the enemy, (and with the assistance of the ar-
tillery,) prevent his front line at least from inter-
rupting the progress of our right. Should the
eneniy's militia be defeated, the brigade of ours
in advance will immediately wheel upon the flank
of the British regulars, and General McArthur
will advance to attack them in front. In the mean
time, his excellency Governor Shelby can use the
brigade in reserve of the second line, to prolong
the flank line 'from its front or left, or to rein-
force any weak part of the line. In all cases
where troops in advance are obliged to retire,
through those who are advancing to support them,
it will be done by companies, in files, which will
retire through the intervals of the advancing line,
and will immediately form in the rear. The light
troops will be particularly governed by this direc-
tion.

The disposition of the troops on the right flank is
such as the commanding general thinks best calcu-
lated to resist an attack from Indians, which is only
to be expected from that quarter. His excellency
Governor Shelby will, hov. t;ver, use his discretion in

OEN BR AL CASS.

making any alteration which his experience and

i'udgment may dictate. Lieutenant-Colonel Ball,
(ieutenant-Coionel Simral, and the general ofHcers
commanding on the flank line are to send out small
detachments in advance of the two former corps,
and to the flank of the latter. Should they disco-
ver the enemy in face, immediately notice will be
sent to the lines. The general commanding on the
spot will immediately order the signals for forming
in order of ba.ttl«, which will be the beat " to arms.**

All signals will be immediately repeated by all
the drums of the line — the signal for the whole to
halt, is the retreat. Drums will be distributed along
the heads of companies, and the taps occasionally
given to regulate their march.

Lieutenant-Colonels Ball and Simrall are to keep
the general constantly advised of the discoveries
made by the advanced parties. Where it shall be-
come necessary for the corps of Ball and Simrall to
retire, they will form on the flank, or in the rear of
Mc Arthur's and Calmes's brigades, and receive the
orders of the brigadiers respectively.

Brigadier-General Cass will designate such offi-
cers as he may deem proper, to assist Captain El-
liot, of the navy, in the arrangement of the boats,
and the debarkation of the troops. The general
will be the signal for the whole to move. By com-
mand, (Signed)

EDMUND P. GAINES,

'' ■ Col. Adj. Gen.

Truly copied from the original.

Robert Butler, A. A. Adj. Gen.

Not' only did General Cass thus distin<T!ii->li him-
self in the field, but he acquired a celebrity equally
enviable by his kindness and consideration to his
men. The following anecdote derived from an nn-
doubted authority, best illustrates this trait:

" While a number of old soldiers were being in-

LIFE OF

troduced to General Cass, one of our citizens ap-
proached the general, and asked if he remembered
iiim. Upon replying that he did not, he gave the
following account of their first meeting: — * In the
spring of 1813, Fort Meigs was besieged by the
British and Indians, and the militia of Ohio were
called out to march to the relief of the fort. Gene-
ral Cass was appointed to the command. Six thou-
sand assembled at Upper Sandusky, of whom two
thousand were selected to proceed on to the fort.
The marshes and woods were filled with water,
making the roads almost impassable. The com-
manding general had not yet arrived, but was daily
expected. On the second day of the march, a young
soldier, from exposure to the weather, was taken
sick. Unable to march in the ranks, he followed
along in the rear. When at a distance behind,
attempting with diflSculty to keep pace with his
comrades, two oflScers rode along, one a stranger,
and the other the colonel of his regiment. On pass-
ing him, the colonel remarked, * general, that poor
fellow there is sick; he is a good fellow though, for
he refuses to go back; but I fear that the Indians
will scalp him, or the crows pick him, before we
get to Fort Meigs.' The officer halted, and dis-
mounted from his horse. When the young soldier
came up, he addressed him : ' My brave boy, you
are sick and tired, I am well and strong; mount my
horse and ride.* The soldier hesitated. * Do not
wait,' said the ofllicer; and, lifting him upon his
horse, with directions to ride at night to the gene-
ral's tent, he proceeded on foot to join the army.
At night, the young soldier rode to the tent; where
ho was met by llie general with a cheerful wel-
come, which he repaid with tears of gratitude. That
officer was General Cass, and the young soldier was
the person addressing him, our worthy fellow-citi-
zen, John Laylin.' The general, remembering the
circumstance, immediately recognised him." Mr.

GENERAL CASS.

Laylin remarked, * general, that act was not done
for the world to look upon ; it was done in the woods,
with but three to witness it."

This anecdote was elicited with others, at a large
and spontaneous meeting held at Norwalk, Ohio, in
September last, to advocate General Cass as a candi-
date for the presidency. At the same time and place,
it was stated by the late Colonel Hamer, " that on
one of General Cass's recent tours, his carriage was
one day stopped by a man who, addressing the gene-
ral, said : * I can't let you pass without speaking to
you. You don't know me, general.' General Cass
replied that he did not. * Well, sir, (said he) I was
the first man in your regiment to jump out of the
boat on the Canadian shore.' 'No, you were not,
(said General CasS;) I was the first man myself on
shore.' *True, (said the other;) I jumped out first
into the river to get ahead of you ; but you held me
back, and got on shore ahead of me."

The battle of the Thames put an end to the North-
western campaign, and separated the force of the
enemy, but all difficulty was far from being removed.
The advance of General Harrison's army had again
put the United States in possession of Michigan, and
also given them the control of a large portion of
Upper Canada. To the command of this important
district, General Cass was assigned by General Har-
rison, previous to the withdrawal of the liberating
army. On the 9th of October, 1813, Mr. Madison
appointed him civil governor of Michigan, his accep-
tance of which post, of course, vacated his commis-
sion as brigadier-general. This was an office of
immense power, and necessE^rily so. At the head
both of the civil and military establishments of an
almost limitless region, filled with hostile Indians
and frequented by British emissaries, he was often
called on to exercise his authority in both capacities.

The country was left almost without permanent
defenders, and the Indians in predatory bands ad-

74 L 1 F B O P ' •

vanced almost under the guns of Detroit, while per-
sons were killed within view of the sentinels of the
garrison. To put an end to and punish such out-
rages, on three occasions, bodies of mounted volun-
teers were collected, and under the immediate com-
mand of General Cass, employed against the marau-
ders. This was a most dangerous service, and one
which led to little renown, yet was most important.
It is probable, that of all the North American tribes,
except, perhaps, the Seminoles, those which at that
day were strewn'^long the Northern lakes, were at
the same time, the most astute and courageous.
The marches through the wilderness were perpe-
tually beset with ambuscades, and the strictest
military precaution was necessary to guard against
surprise and massacre. On more than one occasion
the general was in danger, having seen his servant,
who rode immediately behind him, fired on, and at-
tacked by an Indian with a clubbed rifle : the as-
sailant killed with difliculty, after a hand-to-hand
eontest.

Peace came at last and put an end to this contest,
the bitterness of which had been previously allayed
by a treaty entered into in July 1814, at Greenville,
Ohio, with the Indians who had borne arms against
the United States during the war. The commis-
sioners to eflfect this were General Harrison and
General Cass ; and the high talent and reputation
of the two, doubtless, exerted much influence on the
savage negociators, who, during General Cass's ad-
ministration of the government of Michigan, had
learned that he was not a man to be trifled with,
and that they could not devastate the settlemonts
with impunity. The negociators were so far suc-
cessful, that a peace was concluded, and a formida-
ble body of the Indians, who had been led astray
by British intrigue, were actually mustered into the
service of the United States as auxiliaries, and ac-
companied General Cass to Detroit. How peculiar

GENERAL CASS.

General Cass's condition subsequently became, may
be estimated from the fact that, in all Michigan,
there was but one company of regular soldiers, who,
with the unembodied militia and the auxiliaries
mentioned above, were expected to defend the
country against the numerous Indians who were
perpetually on the alert to resume their pld attitude
of war and defiance.

Immediately on the conclusion of peace, General
Cass moved his family to Detroit, where, except
when called thence by public service, he has re-
gularly resided.

LI FE OF

CHAPTER IV.

Michigan after the War — CommiaBioner to treat with the
Indians — Improved condition of Michigan^ etc — Literary
Mattera

The condition of Michigan on the termination of
the war was peculiar, and the country presented
one scene of devastation, so that when the inhabit-
ants who had been driven off by the invaders re-
turned, they found but the wrecks of their former
homes. The original white colonists of the country
had been French, and from Montreal and Quebec.
The Jesuit fathers had passed to Detroit, on their
way to achieve the vastest discovery after that of
Columbus and Balboa, which had been made on the
continent. When Henepin and his companions dis-
covered the Mississippi, Detroit acquired new im-
portance to that it previously possessed from its
commanding the passage to lakes Huron, Michigan,
and Superior, and because it was a connecting link
in the chain of fortifications which shut in the then
British colonies. Its possession after the capture of
Fort Duquesne, became yet more important, and

freat efforts were made by De Levi and the other
'rench governors of Canada, to promote its coloni-
zation. When Canada fell into the hands of Great
Britain, the post lost none of its value, and acquired
a great numerical strength from the emigration of
the peculiar population which even now distinguishes
Upper from Lower Canada.

The treaty of peace which terminated the •revo-
lutionary war, gave all the country south of the lakes
to the United States; yet, for a long time, the British
garrisons remained, and became the seat of the in-

GENERAL CASS.

trigues which produced the hostilities in which St.
Clair was so disastrously defeated, and which were
terminated by the brilliant victories of Wayne.

Under these circumstances there had been but
little emigration thither from the United States, and
the people continued still almost purely Canadian.
The usual privileges and franchises which had been
conferred on the pe6ple of the other territories, had
not been extended to Michigan, the government of
which continued purely military. The British in-
vasion had not lessened the evil of this state of
things, and during it the laws had become silent,
morals had suffered, and great prudence was neces-
sary in the government td restore order and industry.
It became the duty of General Cass to establish a
civil government, and he did this almost unassisted.
To give an idea how completely he was unaided
in this labour, it will only be necessary to state, that
the territory had no deliberative assembly, and that
the legislative power resided in the governor, assist-
ed by the judges of the district courts of the United
States, who had been appointed by Mr. Madison about
the same time he had received his civil appointment.
Though the depository of this high power, altogether
an anomaly in our country, and which would have
flattered the vanity of a feebler mind. General Cass
was unceasing in his efforts to procure for Michigan
the privilege of sending a delegate to the Congress
of the United States, and the authorization of the
sale of the public lands in Michigan. It was not,
however, until 1819, that these changes were effect-
ed, which, of course, limited his own power, but
contributed much to the prosperity of Michigan.
The judgment of the people in relation to its rulers
is infallible; and no better evidence of General
Cass's purity and ability can be given, than that,
under seven successive administrations, he was re-
nominated on the legal expiration of his term of
service, and each time unanimously confirmed by
7*

LIFE OF

the Senate of the United States, without one re-
monstrance from the lar^e territory over which he
presided, and which had, under his care, rapidly
thriven and prospered.

The war had left much bitterness of feeling in
the minds of the many Indian tribes within Michi-
gan against the United States. This was natural
enough. The great principle of their moral organi-
zation was a feeling of the justice of revenge for
injuries, — not by any means a peculiarity of the
red man, — and they could not forget their sufferings
at Tippecanoe, the Thames, and Fort Meigs, where
their bravest chiefs and warriors had fallen. Every
one, therefore, knew that the peace concluded at
Greenville, Ohio, in 1814, was even on the part of
the tribes who participated in it but a truce, the
t)onds of which, on the first opportunity, would be
thrown off. The chief part of General Cass's duty,
therefore, was to attempt to convert this truce into a
solid and lasting ^ ice, and to endeavour to induce
the Indians to ^llow their own true interests, which
could only be attained under the protection of and
not by hostility to the United States.

During the year 1815, Governor Cass was, with
his old companion in arms, Colonel McArthur,
appointed to represent the United States in a talk
or conference to be held with various Indian tribes
at Fort Meigs. The conference resulted in a treaty
by which the Indians ceded to the United States
the title to the valuable lands composing the North-
western portion of the state of Ohio. During the
next year, another conference was held at St.
Mary's, by which the Pottawatamies and other minor
tribes coded to the United States much valuable
land within the limits of Indiana. In 1819, he pre
sided at another conference at Saginaw, where the
Indians in Michigan ceded to the United Stales
large and valuable tracts of land. By these impor-
tant treaties, and others explanatory of them, the

OENERAI. CASS.

total number of which was twenty-one, General
Cass acquired for the United States one hundred
millions of acres of land, now teeming with an ac-
tive and prosperous population.

It has now become the custom to scoff at Indian
treaties, and the history of the past unfortunately
exhibits too much reason for looking on them gene-
rally, if not fraudulent, yet as not contracted with
the solemn faith which should characterize obliga-
tions of their nature. It is, however, very certain
that the Indians have never submitted in silence
when they have been wronged, and in no instance
do we hear any complaint made, either by them or
in their behalf, of wrong from the hands of General
Cass. During these years, and subsequently. Gene-
ral Cass participated in many eventful scenes, the
narration of which, though interesting, must be
omitted ; one of which, however, was most peculiar
and too striking to be neglected —

In the year 1820, at the instance of General Cass,
Mr. Calhoun, who was then secretary at war, au-
thorized an expedition to the Upper Lakes for the
purpose of passing from the western extremity of
Lake Superior to the Mississippi, with a view to
explore that then unknown land, and open a com-
munication with the Indians who inhabited it and
the shores of the noble lakes through which they
must pass to reach Fond du Lac. Accompanying
the party, besides Captain Douglas of the United
States engineer corps, were several men of science,
among whom was the Indian archajoloijist and his-
torian Schoolcraft, who were charged to make an
elaborate and scientific report on the topography of
the country, its mineral and probable agricultural
resources. The government having determined to
establish a military post at the Sault or rapids of
St. Marie, Governor Cass was authorize<l to inform
the chiefs and warriors of the circumstance. The
Indians of the Sault of St. Marie belonged to the

LIFE OF

alliance of Sioux, Winnebagoes, Ottawas, and Ojib-
ways, who had, on the 17tl» of August, 1812, sur-
prised the garrison of Macinac, in co-operations
"with a British and Canadian force, on which occa-
sion the chief of the band had been conspicuous.
When the Indians had assembled in council, the
resolution of the President was formally announced.
Under the influence of their chief, who yet continued
friendly to the English, if he was not in their pay,
they immediately left the council fire, and showed
their hostility most decidedly by conveying their
women and children across the river which sepa-
rated them from Canada; at the same time they
hoisted a British flag, and prepared for fight. Ge-
neral Cass had with him only an escort of a subal-
tern's guard, but the act was one which, if suttered
to pass unrcbuked, might ultimately occasion the
most disastrous consequences. He therefore, ac-
companied by no one but an interpreter, proceeded
at once to the Indian position, and with his own
hands struck the British ensign. lie then told the
Indians promptly and decidedly, and in a manner
adapted to their own habits of thought and ex-
pression, that they stood within the United States,
and that no other flag would be permitted to wave
within its territory. He then returned to his escort
bearing with him the flag which British oflicials yet
encouraged their savage allies of the war of 1812
to prostitute. The reports of this expedition, pub-
lished by order of Congress, from the pens of Cap-
tain Douglas and Mr. Schoolcraft, are of the most
interesting character possible in unfolding the im-
mense resources of the country north of Illinois and
west of lake Superior. In other respects it was not
less important ; treaties which subsisted unbroken
until the Black Hawk war, having been formed not
only with the Indians at the Sault, but with other
tribes of the immense northern hive.

The presence of the Sauks and Foxes on the Rock

OBNERAL CASS.

River, west of lake Michigan, and the fact that the
Winnebasoes and other tribes actually had posses-
sion of the territory west of lake Superior, now
constituting the stt^e of Wisconsin,iong kept settlers
from it,; but the result of this exploration was
deeply impressed on the popular mind, so that as
soon as these dilHculties were removed, a population
rushed in, and Wisconsin, previously known only
from the lead mines in its south-western corner, be-
came at once the seat of a thriving agricultural
industry.

In 1821, Governor Cass was again employed in
the negotiation of the treaty of Chicago. On this
occasion, so feeble was the transportation across the
present populous states of Ohio and Indiana, that
tie was forced to embark at Detroit in a canoe of
bark, pass thence to the mouth of the Maumcc,
which he ascended to the portage between that
river and the Wabash, which he descended to its
confluence with the Ohio. Thence he proceeded by
St. Louis up the Illinois river, and across the Port-
age to Chicago. At* that place a treaty was nego-
tiated with the Pottawatamie and other tribes, by
which the right to an immense tract of land in
Michigan south of Grand River was acquired. This
was a trip of great hardship, the severity of which
the traveller over these states at present can with
difRculty conceive of He was forced to encamp at
night in the wilderness and was exposed to all the
severity of the weather.

In 1823, Governor Cass was called upon to nego-
tiate yet another treaty, advantageous both to the
Indian and the United States, by which a valuable
tract of land in Muskingum county, Ohio, was ceded
to the United States.

In 1825, Mr. Adams appointed Governor Cass
and the celebrated William Clark of Missouri com-
missioners to treat with the Sioux, Winnebagoes,
Mcnorainies, Chippewas, Ottawas, Pottawatamies,

LIFE OF

Sauks and Foxes, and lowas. During his tour in
1821, previously described, General Cass had ob-
served that many, if not all of the disputes among
the Indians occurred from the undefined nature of
their boundaries) which were only ascertained by
traditions, and that in many cases where two tribes
were abrasions from some old race, in one dis-
trict the authority of the rightful governors could
not be positively ascertained. The conference re-
ferred to was called for the purpose of correcting
this great evil, and if possible to fix the limits of the
hunting grounds and the jurisdiction of each tribe.
To this scheme much opposition was. interposed, as
each tribe apprehended its own power would be
lessened and that of its neighbours iiioreased. The
United States wished no concession, and obtained
none, yet effected much for the good of the country
— peace being effected between the Sauks, Sioux,
Chippcways and loways, and the possibility of fu-
ture convicts much lessened. — Every intestine Indian
disturbance will always agitate and affect the pros-
ppiity of the frontier nearest the scene of trouble,
and the diminution of these troubles must always
be grateful to the peaceful and industrious frontiers-
man, on such occasions not only liable to Indian
outrage, but al^o to injury from the houseless vaga-
bonds, refugees and others always ready to make
an Indiaii war a pretext for crime.

At this council, which was held at Prairie du
Chion, an immense concourse of chiefs and wferriors
assembled, the number of which has been variously
estimated. In full costume and paint, the Sauks and
Foxes ascended the Mississippi to Prairie du Chien,
passing the town with their canoes in line, singing
their wild but not unmusical war songs. Tribe
after tribe assembled at the spot appointed for the
council, in which were almost all the notables of
the Indians of that region, among whom were Keo-
kuk and Black Hawk, then in the prime of their

OENEHAL CASS.

lives, side by side with the old warriors of 1812,
who on more than one occasion had fought side by-
side with British veterans, whom they had often
surpassed, in support of the pretensions of England.
The treaty lasted several days, and was satisfactory
to both parties. One of Governor Cass* co-commis-
sioners. Colonel McKenney, has given a picturesque
account of this expedition. On the reti rn of Gov-
ernor Cass, another treaty on the Wabash was
effected, by which a large tract of land was ceded
in the limits of Indiana.

In 1827, treaties were negotiated at Green Bay
and at Saint Joseph's, under the agency of Governor
Cass. On his arrival ut Green Bay, on the western
side of lake Michigan, for the purpose of treating
with the ^Vinnebagoes, who were to have joined in
the negotiation, he was informed that they were
embodying rapidly and apparently preparing for
war. It was not a season for delay or hesitation,
and he at once emb{;rked in a birchen-bark canoe,
in which he had previously passed up the Maurnee
and Illinois to Chicago, and crossing the portage
into the Wisconsin, proceeded at once, with but two
or three voyagers, to the encampment of the Win-
nebagoes. On his arrival at the bank, he landed
alone and sought without effect to speak to them.
After several useless attempts to confer with them, he
retired towards his canoe, and had no sooner turned
his back than a young warrior took deliberate aim
at him and attempted to fire. The piece did not
explode, and convinced of the hostility of the tribe
by these significant acts, he immediately left them.
He went down the river, and at Prairie du Ciiien
found the whole population in the greatest alarm;
a few days before a large batteau had been attacked
by a hostile party, and the crew had with difHculty
beaten o[f their assailants, and a family had been
murdered and scalped in the village. After orga-
nizing the people for their own defence, (the place

LIFE OF

was then ungarrisoned) he hurried to St. Louis,
whence a large detachment of troops was at once
sent to the scene of difficulty, and reinforced by a
body of Illinois militia and troops from Michigan;
the members of. the tribe who had committed the
outrages were surrendered and tranquillity restored.
On this tour, Governor Cass had travelled in an
open boat eighteen hundred miles. To his exertions,
and the ability of the distinguished officer in com-
mand of the troops, must be attributed the preser-
vation of the frontier from a border war.

Early in 1828, Governor Cass, in conjunction with
Colonel Pierre Menard, was again called upon to
treat with various tribes of Indians, for the posses-
sion of the mineral lands on the Mississippi south
of the Wisconsin. The seat of the council was
Green Bay, where the commissioners arrived late in
the summer; but, on the 25th of August, formed a
treaty or concordat, permitting the Indians to occupy
the lands in which were the lead mines. During
the next year a more formal treaty was, according
to the stipulations of the concordat, to be held, for
the purchase of the whole mineral country, and in
the intervening time no white man was to cross a
given line to dig for ore. One clause provided, that
for the trespasses already committed, the aboriginal
possessors were to be paid $20,000. This agree-"
ment was ratified by the Senate and the President,
January 7, 1829.

In 1822, General Cass had effected the organiza-
tion of a legislative council, which relieved him of
an onerous post, his duties, and permitted him to
attend to his scheme of Indian pacification, to which
he contributed more than any living man.

GENERAL CASS.

CHAPTER V.

General Cass's Civil Services — Literary History — John Hunter —
General Jackson — Nullification — Alabama — Black Hawk
War — Creek War—Seminole War — Minister to France.

The messages of Governor Cass to the council of*
Miciiigan, have attracted general attention, and but
for the fact that they relate to merely local matters,
are well worthy of consideratioa They are written in
a style which has commanded general attention on
account of its uniform chastity and dignity, exhibit-
ing a rare cultivation apparently incompatible with
the fact, that he had reaped the benefit of no college
lore, but necessarily had to rely on the innate powers
of his own mind, called into action by the emergen-
cies, among which, the fortunes of his early life
were cast.

The general pacification of the whole west, how-
ever, allowed General Cass an opportunity to attend
to literary pursuits, and to establish his reputation
on as high a pinnacle as a man of letters, as he had
))reviousiy done as a soldier and negotiator. Long,
however, before this time, in 1825, a narrative had
bcH'fi published by a person called John Hunter,
which from its ingenuity, almost recalls the famous
Ireland forgeries. John Hunter professed himself
to be a person of white extraction, who had been
stolen, or captured while young, by a war-party of
tin; great Wausache, or Osajre tribe, and adopted
l)y thetn. In a narrative of his life, he professed to
pivo an rsquise of his own adventures and of the his-
tory of the Osage. The book has since been acknow-
8

LIFE OF

leclgcd as a palpable forgery, but at ihe time it made
a great impression on the popular mind. Governor
Cass, from his great intercourse and familiarity with
the Indian character, was not to be imposed upon,
and at once detected its many errors. These he
exposed in an article in the fiftieth number of the
North American Review, which at the time attracted
universal attention from its peculiarly eloquent style,
and the engrossing interest of its subject. The
whole article was subsequently translated into Ger-
man, and printed in more than one of the reviews
of that country, which, perhaps, in a literary point
ftf view, is the most pi*olific and most critical of all
Europe. In yet another article, he alluded to the
history of the aboriginal race, referring to its his-
tory and statistics in a peculiarly happy style, which
not only commanded the attention of the antiquarian
but of the student of general literature. This ar-
ticle was printed in the fifty-fifth number of the
North American Review.

Not only did General Cass in person attend to
literary pursuits, but amid his multifarious engage-
ments, he contrived to excite attention to similar
subjects among the number of young and enter-
prising men who, under his auspices, flocked to
Michigan, in search of fame and fortune. He was
mainly instrumental in forming the Historical Society
of Michigan, the first annual address to which he
df'livered, in which he called attention to the pecu-
liarly picturesque and strange history of Michigan,
previous to its occupation by the United States.
This address was delivered in 1829.

The reputation of General Cass had extended far
and wide, and, at the instance of the alumni of Ha-
milton College in New York, he delivered the anni-
versary address. Colleiin haranjiues and oraliony
delivered on the fourth of July are usually cfmsi^'er
rd beyond the pale of criticism, but the high .one
diumfied research and character of this oratu^H, al

r^-

GENERAL CASS.

most places it above it. So often have honorary
degrees been prostituted by being conferred on un-
worthy persons, that we might well omit stating,
that Mr. Cass received from this University tlie iio-
norary degree of LL. D. Previous to this, he had
been appointed a member of the American l*hilo-
sopliical Society of Philadelphia, of the New Hamp-
shire, Rhode Island and Indiana Historical societies,
of the American Antiquarian Society, and of the
American Institute. On the records of the proceed-
ings of each of these societies the name of Governor
Cass will always be found in honourable connection
with subject? of great national interest.

On the fourth of March, 1829, General Jackson
was inaugurated as President of the United States,
and one of his earliest official acts was to nominate
to the Senate^ Lewis Cass as Governor of Michigan;
on which occasion, for the seventh time, he was con-
firmed. Immediately on the entrance of General
.Jackson on the discharge of his official duties, he
made the following nominations, which were con-
firmed unanimously by the Senate. Martin Van
Buren o( New York, was appointed Secretary of
State; Samuel D. Ingham, of Pennsylvania, of the
Treasury; John H. Eaton, of Tennessee, of War;
John Branch, of North Carolina, of the Navy ; J.
McPherson Berrien, Attorney-General ; and William
T. Barry, of Kentucky, Postmaster-Gkineral.

This cabinet had but a brief existence, and during
the months of April and June, 1831, in consequence
of a social misunderstanding and want of harmony
in the cabinet, ail except Mr. Barry resigned, and
a new cabinet was organized, as follows: Edward
Livingston, of Louisiana, Secretary of State; Louis
M'Lane, of DeUv^are, Secretary of the Treasury;
Lewis Cass, of Oiiio, Hecretary of War ; Levi Wood-
bury, of New Hampsfiire, Secretary of the Navy ;
lloger B. Taney, of Maryland, Attorney-General;

mf LIFE OF

and William T. Barry, of Kentucky, Postmaster-
General, continued.

This cabinet was not only superior to that which
preceded it, but might fairly be compared, in point
of talent and ability, with most of those of previous
administrations ; and its character furnished strong
testimony of the tribute paid to public opinion in the
selection of his advisers, by a chief magistrate of
great personal popularity.

The removal of General Cass from Michigan was
greatly' regretted by the people of the territory over
whose fortunes he had long presided, and whom he
had conducted from almost their state's infancy to

Siosperity and importance. The history of General
ackson has now passed into the annals of the coun-
try and of the world. In all the events of this ad-
ministration General Cass played a conspicuous part.
The important questions of the bank, of the removal
of the deposits and the consequences, of nullification,
the French indemnification, nullification, and the
Creek and Cherokee difficulties, each of which in-
volved the long mooted and important questions of
the rights of the state and federal governments.
These questions, and all similar ones, it is to be
hoped are now and for ever at rest ; and it is far
more pleasant to forget than to dwell c^i them.
They were curious in their nature and origin, espe-
cially from the fact that during their discussion all
party lines were forgotten. Mr. Clay, of Kentucky,
Mr. Webster, and their friends, who previously and
since had bitterly opposed General Jackson, siding
with him; while his friends, Mr. Mangum, of North
Carolina, Mr. Calhoun, of South Carolina, Mr. Ty-
ler, of Virpinia, and hosts of others who previously
had been his strenuous supporters, arrayed them-
selves ajiainst him.

The war departniont, over which Mr. Cass pre-
sided during the nullification diniculty, was especi-
ally active, and the correspondence between the

OBNBRAL CASS.

secretary and General Scott, who commanded the
United States troops sent to Charleston, was one of
the most interesting and instructive ever pui)lished
in the country. Each of these high officers seemed
aware of the importance of the crisis, and exerted
their high talents and brilliant acquirements to the
true interests of the nation. The crisis passed, and
to no other two men in the United States are the
obligations of the country so justly due. A well
known writer thus succinctly states the services of
General Cass:

" At the portentous period of nullification, the
military orders were firm, but discreet; and it ap-
peared by a message from the President, in answer
to a call upon that subject, that no order had been
at any time given to * resist the constituted aul/iorities
of the St(tie of South Carolina^ within the chartered
limits of said State.* The orders to General Scott
informed him that, * should, unfortunately, a crisis
arise when the ordinary power in the hands of the
civil officers should not be sufficient for the execution
of the lawSf the President would determine the course
to be taken, and the measures to be adopted ; till then
he ivas prohibited from acting.* "

Respect to law has ever been the characteristic
of the true soldier, and this feeling was at this
stormy crisis most emphatically expressed by the
conduct of General Cass. At a later day, in rela-
tion to the difficulties which seemed not unlikely to
arise between the United States and Alabama, in
consequence of trespasses on the lands of the United
States acquired from the Choctaw, ('hickasaw, and
Muscogee or (-reek Nations, General Cays expressed
the most law-fearing opinions, which were fully sus-
tained by his conduct. No clearer evidence of this
can be given than a letter from the office of the
Secretary of War to the now distinguished Colonel
Mcintosh, then a major of the army, datrd Wash-
ington city, October 29, 1833. It was as follows:
8*

LIFE OF

" Sir — Your letter of the 21st instant to Major
General Macomb has beert laid before me; and, in
ansvvei^ I have to inform you that you will interpose
no obstacle to the services of legal process upon any
officer or soldier under your command, whether is-
suing from the courts of the State of Alabama, or
of the United States. On the contrary, you will
give all necessary facilities to the execution of such
process. It is not the intention of tiie President
that any part of the military force of the United
States should be brought into collision with the civil
authority. In all questions of jurisdiction, it is the
duty of the former to submit to the latter, and no
considerations must interfere with that duty. If,
therefore, an officer of the State, or of the United
States, come with legal process against yourself, or
an officer or soldier of your garrison, you will freely
admit him within your post, and allow him to exe-
cute his writ undisturbed."

Next come references to matters of routine and
service.

For many years the bureau of the Secretary of
War had not been called on to conduct any active
operations on a large scale, and the army, by the
gradual exigencies of the service, had been distri-
buted in detachments from Maine to Louisiana, on
both frontiers, without any force at any one point
sufficient to hold in check a score of mutinous In-
dians, or to restrain even a band of marauding
smugglers. A series of events now, however, oc-
curred, which called forth all the energy of the go-
vernment, and for a long time created great anxiety
not only on the western frontier but throughout the
United States. From the treaty of peace contracted
in 1814, the Winnebagoes, the Spuk, and Foxes, had
been, though quiet, far from being friendly to the
government. At various times they had been anx-
ious for war, which had been prevented only by
great moderation on the part of the officials of the

GENERAL CASS.

United States, and had remained under the influ-
ence of chiefs notoriously friendly to Great Britain,
and therefore hostile to the government under which
they lived. In 1832, however, soon after he had
entered on the discharge of his functions, the contest
known as the Black-Hawk war began. Terminated
by the brilliant affair of the Bad-Axe, by General
Atkinson, and the admirable arrangements of Gene-
ral Scott, it remains a trophy of the good manage-
ment of the department, and of the military talcntP
of those distinguished officers.

General Cass in his annual report, dated Novem-
ber 25, 1832, to the President, thus speaks of this
campaign :

" General Atkinson, with the regular troops and
militia under his command, pursued the Indians
through a country very difficult to be penetrated,
of which little was known, and where much exer-
tion was required to procure regular supplies.
These circumstances necessarily delayed the opera-
tions, and were productive of great responsibility to
the commanding officer, and of great sufferings and
privations to all employed in this harassing warfare.
The Indians, however, were driven from their fast-
nesses, and fled towards the Mississippi, with the
intention of seeking r^uge in the country west of
that river. They were immediately followed by
General Atkinson, with a mounted force, overtaken,
and completely vanquished. The arrangements of
'thij commanding general, as well in the pursuit as
in tite action, were prompt and judicious, and the
conduct of the officers and men was exemplary.
The campaign terminated in the unqualified submis-
sion of the hostile party, and in the adoption of
measures for the permanent security of the frontiers,
and the result has produced upon the Indians of that
region a salutary impression, which it is to be
hoped will prevent the recurrence of similar scenes."

On the 2rnh of October, 1832, General Macomb

LtPB OP

transmitted to General Atkinson the following letter
from the Secretary of War.

Depnrtment of War, Oct. 24th, 1832.

Sir — The return of the President to the seat of
government, enables me to communicate to you his
sentiments in relation to the operations and result
of the campaign, recently conducted under your or-
ders, against the hostile Indians; and it is with
great pleasure I have received his instructions to in-
form you that he appreciates the difficulties you had
to encounter, and that he has been highly gratified
at the termination of your arduous and responsible
duties. Great privations and embarrassments ne-
cessarily attend such a warfare, and particularly in
the difficult country occupied by the enemy. The
arrangements which led to the defeat of the Indians
were adopted with judgment and pursued with de-
cision, and the result was honourable to yourself,
and to the officers and men acting under your orders.

I will thank you to communicate to the forces
that served with you, both regulars and militia, the
feelings of the President upon this occasion. 1 have
the honour to be, very respectfully, your obedient
seryant.

LEWIS CASS.

Gen. H. Atkinson, Jefferson Barraiks, Missouri.

Mr. Cass, in the report referred to aoove, makes
some remarks on this war, and on the character of
the Indian nations generally, which show that he
had fathomed the Indian character, and was quite
au fait in regard to it. He says: —

" The hostilities recently commenced by the Sauk
and Fox Indians, may be traced to causes which
have been for some time in operation, and which
left little doubt upon the minds of those acquainted
with the savage character, that they were deter-
mined to commit some aggression upon the frontier-
The confederated tribes of the Sacs and Foxes have

OBNBRAL CASS.

l)een long distinguished for their daring spirit of ad-
venture and for their restless and rccKless disposi-
tion. At the commencement of the eighteenth cen-
tury, one of these tribes made a desperate attempt
to seize the post of Detroit; and during a period of
forty years, subsequent to that cftbrt, they caused
great trouble and embarrassment to the French colo-
nial government, which was only terminated by a
most formidable military expedition, sent by that
enterprizing people into the remote regions west
of Green Bay. During the last war with Great
Britain^ this confederacy entered zealously into the
contest, and was among the most active and deter-
mined of our enemies. After the peace their com-
munication with the Canadian auth<jrities was pre-
served ; and, in every year, large parties of the most
influential chiefs and warriors visited Upper Canada,
and returned laden with presents. Tliat this con-
tinued intercourse kept alive feelings of attaciniient
to a foreign power, and weakened the proper and
necessary influence of the United Stales, is known
to every one who has marked the progress of events
and conduct of the Indians upon the north-western
frontier. The tribes upon the upper Mississippi,
particularly the Sacs and Foxes and Winnebagoes,
confident in their position and in their natural cou-
rage, and h ing totally ignorant of the vast dispro-
portion betvs ♦'n their power and that of the United
States, have always been discontented, keeping the
frontier in alarm, and continually committing some
outrage upon the f>ersons or property of the inhabit-
ants. All 'liis is the result of impulse, and is the
necessary and almost inevitable consequence of in-
stitutions which make war the great object of life.
It is not probable, that any Indian seriously bent
upon hostilities, ever stops to calculate the force of
the white man, and to estimate the disastrous con-
"equences which we know must be the result. Ho

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LIFB OF

is impelled onward in his desperate career, by pas-
sions which are fostered and encouraged by the
whole frame of society ; ancf he is, very probably,
stimulated by the predictions of some fanatical
leader, who promises him glory, victory and scalps.

" In this state of feeling, and with these incite-
ments to war, the Sacs and Foxes claimed the right
of occupying a part of the country on Rock river,
even after it had been sold to citizens of the United
States, and settled by them. In 1829 and in 1830,
serious difficulties resulted from their efforts to es-
tablish themselves in that section, and frequent col-
lisions were the consequence. Representations were
made to them, and every effort, short of actual h'>s-
tilities, used by the prof)er officers, to induce th>..n
to abandon their unfounded pretensions, and to con-
fine themselves to their own country on the west
side of the Mississippi river."

Mr. Cass continued to discuss the circumstances
at length, and demonstrated what should be the
policy of the United States towards the aborigines
for the purpose of protecting the better disposed por-
tion of the tribe from their own disorderly numbers.

Mawkish sensibility may, perhaps, attack some
of the opinions expressed above; but those who
do so, have always avowed their respect for as-
sertions which, though they might assail them, they
can not controvert.

Indian difficulties, during the. administration of
the war department by General Cass, were rife.
Besides the Florida war, in consequence of the ex-
tension of the laws of Georgia over the Creeks and
Cherokees, those powerful tribes became dissatisfied,
and were on the eve of war. General Cass con-
tributed much to their pacification, and has had the
good fortune to see his efforts to avert strife fully
appreciated by both the white man and the Indian.

In 1836, Mr. Cass left the War Department for

GENERAL CASS.

France, to which country he had been appointed by
General Jackson, mii^^ster. Of all the cabinet of
General Jackson, he had remained longest in office,
and probably possessed his confidence to a degree
unsurpassed by any other man. Evidences of this
are numerous, and in another chapter we shall have
occasion to refer to a remarkable memento of this
character.

LIFE OF

CHAPTER VI.

Letter from General Jackson — Diplomatic Services — Indemnity
— Eastern Tour — Quintuple Treaty.

On the retirement of General Cass from the War
Bureau, he received from the President a letter
which fully expressed the confidence between them,
and the great satisfaction of General Jackson at the
manner in which the new minister had presided
over the important department of war.

The mission was an important one, diplomatic ne-
gotiations having been interrupted in consequence
of the non-payment of the French indemnity for spo-
liations on our commerce. Under these circum-
stances, Mr. Cass was ordered by General Jackson
to proceed to France and there ascertain what were
the feelings of the French government. In October
of that year he left New York, and on his arrival in
London he learned that a French minister had been
appointed to the United States. He therefore im-
mediately proceeded to Paris and established him-
self there. Scarcely had he been presented when
he commenced his efforts to procure the interest on
the indemnity of the twenty-five millions of francs,
which strangely enough had been retained at the
time the principal was paid. In this he was suc-
cessful, and he thus had the satisfaction of terminat-
ing the dispute, which at one time had seemed so
perilous to tiie peace of the litigating powers.

In the great metropolis of Europe, General Cass
attracted much attention ; a new man from a region
of the United States of great interest to France, a
dependency of which it had been, not only diplo-

GENERAL CASS.

matists, but men of letters, hurried to meet him.
That position he maintained.

The interruption of diplomatic intercourse be-
tween France and the United States had caused a
great accumulation of business in the offices of the
American legation, to the dispatch of which,
General Cass gave all the resources of his mind, and
in 1837 he had brought about such a state of order
that he M'as enabled to make his extensive tour in
Italy and the East.

Passing first to Italy, he visited its cities and
ruins, whence he proceeded to Messina, in Sicily,
Malta, the picturesque and classic Greece, the beau-
tiful islands of the Archipelago, Tu^ey in Europe,
Egypt, Palestine, Syria, and the shores of the Eux-
ine. He visited the spots made memorable by the
contests of other days, the ruined temples of art, and
the places made holy by the early history of Chris-
tianity. Fresh from the primeval grandeur of the
new world, he saw the great contrast to the scenes
among which he had been brought up, and appre-
ciated the lessons taught by their history. One who
had stood upon the ruins of the Aztec race which
preceded the present Indian of America, would
aptly comment on, and in his own mind profit by
the teachings of the seat of Troy, Tyre, Sidon, Pal-
myra in the desert, and Damascus.

General Cass returned to Europe with improved
health and vigour, for he had suffered much from
his arduous duties in the department of war, and at
Paris. His ti^j-vels, however, had not been only on
that account valuable. He had during his tour ac-
quired a perfect knowledge of the defects and faults
of the consular system of the United States, and
with their commercial and diplomatic interest in that
far-off land. The result of this tour communicated
to the departments of state and the treasury, in many
and important documents, some day must command
attention, and be the nucleus around which will be
9

LIFE OF

formed a new theory of trade and intercourse with
the half-civilized and down-trodden nations, he vi-
sited. No American who visited Paris while Gene-
ral Cass was the representative of the United States,
will fail to remember the courtesy and delicacy of
the envoy. His house was always open to Ameri-
can citizens, and he became proverbial for kindness
and hospitality. His expenses during his mission
far exceeded his salary, and could only have been
met by the possession of an ample private fortune,
which long toil and far-seeing prudence had enabled
General Cass to accumulate. At the same time,
that his expenditures were liberal,. all vain ostenta-
tion was avoided, and he was unanimously acknow-
ledged as the w?)rthy representative of a great and
free people.

Kindly received by Louis Philippe, who at that
time was in character and disposition far different
from what he became during the few years imme-
diately previous to the destruction of his throne and
dynasty. General Cass was admitted almost to the
fire-side of the menage of the king of the French.
His observations were founded on the most demo-
cratic interpretation of the scenes and things he
witnessed. It has become the fashion since the depo-
sition of Louis Philippe to decry the tone and char-
acter of this work, which was published in the
Democratic Review, but those who do so are per-
sons who have never read it, and are ignorant
of its tone and context. It will bear the most
rigid scrutiny, and is a masterly sketch of Louis
Philippe as ne was, and of the social condition of
France at that day. The title of this essay, " France,
its King, Court, and Government," deserves serious
attention, in spite of all that has occurred since in
France. Among other literary papers he published
in this country, was one upon the French tribunals
of justice, which contained much information inter-
esting to an American, and in which the author ex-

GENERAL CASS.

pressed his decided condemnation of the system of
the English common law, looking upon it as a code
originating in feudal and almost semi-barbarous
times, and utterly unsuited to our condition and
institutions. Since that day, the majority of the
intelligent men of the age, and all oJT those who
labour, have become converts to this opinion, which
ultimately is destined to force reform and drive to
honest lives those who live by fraud and chicanery.

The interests of the United States perhaps never
were more faithfully attended to than by Mr. Cass
while in France. Many minor difficulties were
satisfactorily adjusted, and the reputation of Ame-
rican diplomacy greatly exalted. During this time,
permission was obtained for a commission of young
American officers of cavalry and artillery to attend
the military schools of France, and the concession
was immediately made available. This, done at
the instance of Governor Cass, has been most im-
portant, and its effects may be traced in every con-
test of the present Mexican war, where the tactics
and strategic knowledge of the American army has
been conspicuous.

In 1841, a serious matter arose, and a plan was
formed, which, had it not been frustrated in the
germ, must have placed the United States either in
the predicament of base submission to outrage or
embroiled them in a war with all the naval powers
of Europe. The tenacity with which the British
government adheres to its plans has become a fixed
and notorious fact, and its pretensions to the supre-
macy and control of the seas, which since the days
of Van Tromp had been the cause of so much
bloodshed, were now advanced again under a new
form. The war against the United Slates in 1812,
which began for the defence of sailors' rights, had
brought into the field thousands of men who never
saw the ocean, and caused large armies to penetrate
the North American forests, were lost on its ex-

100

LIFE OF

perience ; and under the pretence of putting fin end
to the African slave-trade, a treaty was formed, by
virtue of which the men-of-war of Great Britain
were authorized to search and seize all other vessels
they might please to consider engaged in this traffic.
The plan was specious ; its ostensible object was to
seize participators in what the laws of all Christian
states had declared piracy, and to succour suffering
humanity. This treaty was fortunately, however,
suffered to transpire before its ratification, though
it had actually been signed by the representatives
of England, France, Austria, Prussia, and Russia^
The character of these governments was such as to
induce suspicion. It was little likely that Great
Britain, which at that time was transporting ne-
groes as apprentices for seven years to colonies, where
the average duration of labourers' lives is five, which
forcibly enlisted captured Africans in her military
service, and oppressed all those within her power,
that France, which had slave-holding colonies and
waged a war of extermination in Africa, that Rus-
sia with its millions of serfs, and the two other
powers, in which freedom had never existed, were
in earnest in their professed regard towards the
rights of African nations. Closer inquiry unfolded
the nefarious design to General Cass, and in a mas-
terly pamphlet, which was immediately translated
into German and French, he held up the scheme to
public infamy. This gave to his name great cele-
brity, and, eloquently written, his work commanded
universal attention. In this treaty, the moving
power was Great Britain, which would have alone
profited by it directly, and therefore had offered to
the other powers inducements of various kinds to
secure their consent. So anxious were the prime
movers of this scheme to array the strength of
Europe against the United States, if they should
resist, that in case of the ratification of the treaty,
Prussia, which had not at that time a single armed

GENERAL CASS.

101

nng
one

to
s to
ime

vessel, was to be transformed by diplomatic jugglery
and the present of an armed mrrine, selected from
the worn-out vessels in the British or French sea-
ports, into a naval power.

There had always been a great jealousy in France
especially of the English superiority at sea, and this
feeling was fully aroused. The journals and popu-
lace began to declaim against this and all other
schemes, and the treaty was, in consequence of the
withdrawal of France, never ratified by Russia,
Prussia, or Austria, which had been the dupes or
tools of England.

Previous however to this, General Cass had
written a formal protest to M. Guizot against the
treaty, and concluded thus :

" As soon as I can receive despatches from the
United Stales, in answer to my communications, I
shall be enabled to declare to you either that my
conduct has been approved by the President, or that
my mission is terminated."

The President of the United States had however
approved of his course, and a power greater than
his, that of the people, ratified the conduct of their
ambassador, and every heart in the nation beat high
when the following memorable passage was read :

" But the subject assumes another aspect, when
they [the American people] are told by one of the
parties that their vessels are to be forcibly entered
and examined, in order to carry into effect these
stipulations. Certainly the American government
does not believe that the high powers, contracting
parties to this treaty, have any wish to compel the
United States, by force, to adapt their measures to
its provisions or to adopt its stipulations. They
have too much confidence in their sense of justice
to fear any such result; and they will see with plea-
sure the prompt disavowal made by yourself, sir, in
the name of your country, at the tribune of the
Chamber of Deputies, of any intentions of this na-
9*

102

LIFE OF

ture. But were it otherwise, and were it possible
they might be ileceivetl in this confident expectation,
that would not alter in one tittle their course of
action. Their duty would be the same, and the
same would be their determination to fulfil it. They
would prepare themselves, with apprehension in-
deed, but without dismay — with regret, but with
firmness — for one of those desperate struggles which
have sometimes occurred in the history of the world,
but where a just cause and the favour of providence
have given strength to comparative weakness and
enabled it to bre^k down the pride of power."

M. Guizot replied in the amicable tone, that
France had no evil intentions against the United
States, and, as stated above, the treaty, worthless
without the co-operation of France, failed.

The strongest evidence of the important services
rendered by General Cass in the frustration of this
scheme, was the unmitigated abuse heaped on him
by the British press: whig, tory, radical and con-
servative, all forgot their many points of difficulty
and difference, to censure one who in so tender a
point as the supremacy of the seas, had injured the
national susceptibility. This however was to be
expected, but it became a matter of surprise that in
•the United States a party was found which cen-
sured the minister for thus protecting the national
honour. Able men were found in this clique, and
strange things were said and done, which now are
forgotten, while the value of Governor Cass's ser-
vices are distinctly appreciated.

The administration of Mr. Van Buren passed
away, and when the difficulties between Great Bri-
tain and the United States in relation to the north-
eastern frontier began, the late distinguished Lord
Ashburton came to the United States as ambassador
extraordinary. As an appendix to the treaty nego-
tiated between him and Mr. Webster, was a clause
binding the United States to co-operate in striking

OENEBAL CASS.

103

down all their own efforts to secure the freedom of
the seas. What the inducement to do this was, has
never been explained, nor has the world been able to
understand what Africa and the slave-trade had to
do with the north-eastern boundary.

In a despatch of Governor Cass to the State de-
partment, written September 17th, 1812, occurs the
following passage:

" It is unnecessary to push these considerations
further ; and in carrying them thus far, I have found
the task an unpleasant one. Nothing but justice to
myself could have induced me to do it. I could not
clearly explffin my position here without recapitula-
tion. My protest of 13th February, distinctly as-
serted that the United States would resist the pre-
tension of England to search our vessels. I avowed,
at the same time, that this was but my personal de-
claration, liable to be confirmed or disavowed by
my government. I now find a trei^ty has been con-
cluded between Great Britain and the United States,
which provides for the co-operation of the latter in
efforts to abolish the slave-trade, but which contains
no renunciation by the former of the extraordinary
pretensions, resulting, as she said, from the exigen-
cies of these very efforts; and which pretension I
felt it to be my duty to denounce to the French
government. In all this, I presume to offer no fur-
ther judgment than as I am personally affected by
the course of the proceedings, and I feel they have
placed me in a false position, whence I can escape
but by returning home with the least possible delay.
I trust, therefore, that the President will have felt no
hesitation in granting me the permission which 1
asked for." ^

He obtained permission to return, and in two
months was making preparations to revisit the Uni-^
ted States.

Previous to the departure of Mr. Cass, on his
eastern tour, he became involved in a controversy

104

LIFE OF

in relation to the unfortunate Florida war, produced
by some reflections General Clinch, then of the army,
had made on Mr. Cass, in his testimony before the
court of inquiry, assembled at Frederick, Maryland,
In 1837, to investigate the difficulties between Ge-
nerals Scott and Gaines. The following indignant
reply written at Paris, best explains itself and the
conduct of Mr. Cass while Secretary at War.

"A friend has sent me a short extract from the
evidence, recently given before the military court
at Frederick, by General Clinch, together with copies
of some letters presented by him. In hj^s testimony,
General Clinch charges me with neglecting to make
adequate preparations for the defence of Florida,
upon his representations, during the progress of the
difficulties with the Seminole Indians, and for some
time after the commencement of hostilities.

" The failure of a campaign is an old subject for
crimination and Fecrimiaation. In all ages and na-
tions it has been fertile in disputes, sometimes con-
fined to the officers themselves, and sometimes ex-
tending to the administration of the government.
Knowing that while in the department of war, I
anxiously endeavoured to fulfil the duty which the
troubles with the Seminoles imposed upon the go-
vernment, and satisfied, on as dispassionate a review
as a person can be expected to take in a matter
which so nearly concerns him, that that duty was
faithfully performed, I am not willing to be subject
to the imputation which General Clinch has so
cavalierly cast upon me. If the course of events in
Florida, whether attributable lO imbecility, to mis-
fortune, or to circumstances beyond control, may
seem to the military commanders to require a pro-
pitiatory sacrifice, I shall most assuredly not sub-
mit to receive upon my head their maledictions
without an appeal to the justice of my countrymen.
That appeal I am now led to make; but, in the per-
formance of this task, it is not my object to assail^

GENERAL CASS.

105

sail

any one. I carry on no Carthaginian warfare, and
sliali confine myself to repelling a serious imputa-
tion laid upon me. I beg that it may be recollected
ti^at I um far from home, and that I am destitute of
many documents esseniial to a full investigation of
the statement of General Clinch, i have no papers
upon the subject excepting those already alluded to
— the two pamphlets of documents published by
order of congress in the session of 1835 and 1836,
and for which I am indebted to the same friend, and
the defence of General Scott, published in the Na-
tional Intelligencer. For all else, I must rely upon
my memory ; but I trust I shall commit no import-
ant error. I am sure I shall commit no intentional
one.

" An examination of the general course of opera-
tions in Florida does not come within the scope of
inquiry which I propose to myself. It is enough,
upon this point, to say that each of the command-
ing generals serving in t"hat country after the com-
mencement of hostilities, had carte blanche as to
men, and means, and plans. Their measures were
left to their own discretion ; and they were author-
ized to call from the neighbouring states such force
as they might judge adequate to the attainment of
the objects committed to them; and the various
military departments were directed to provide and
furnish all the supplies demanded. It follows, of
course, that the government was not responsible for
results. They did what every wise government
should do in such a juncture. They sanctioned the
full employment of all the means judged necessary
by those upon whom was to devolve the conduct of
the war. The main reliance was necessarily upon
the militia. The small amount of our regular army,
its dispersed condition, and the numerous points it
is called upon to maintain, rendered it impracticable
to carry on operations by its means ulone; and,
added to these considerations, there were, during a

106

LIFE OF

part of the Seminole campaign, strong reasons,
which al! will appreciate, having reference to our
foreign relations, which rendered it inexpedient to
withdraw all the troops from the Atlantic and the
south-western frontiers.

" After the incipient measures, the actual and only
responsibility of the government was in the selec-
tion of the officers to command. Upon this point
I have nothing to say. I would not utter a word
of reproach against any of the gallant men who
have served in Florida. I would not, if I could,
tarnish a single laurel gathered in other and happier
fields. The difficulties they had to encounter were
great, and in some points unexpected. And I be-
lieve that the general conduct of our officer? and
soldiers, during this trying warfare, was worthy of
the best period in our military annals. Of the mili-
tary service and claims of General Scott, few have
a higher estimate than I have, and no person has
heard me utter a sentiment of disrespect towards
him. Nor shall I reproach myself for any part
which I took in his selection for the command. Suc-
cess is not always a true test of merit, nor the want
of it of incapacity. When General Scott took the
command the season of operations was short. Every
thing was to collect, to combine, to organize. I saw
his difficulties then, and I can still better appreciate
them now.

" I may be permitted to say, however, that his plan
of operations did not seem to me well adapted to
the nature of the country and the habits of the ene-
my ; and this fact is known to some of the persons
officially connected with me in the war department.
The opinion of the president upon this subject was
still stronger; und is, of course, entitled to much
more weight than mine. I recollect perfectly his
views, when the letter of General Scott, disclosing
his plan, was read to him. But any change by the
authority of the government, would have been a

SENBRAL CASS.

107

hazardous experiment. General Scott was upon
the spot, with the best means of information, and
with all the intelligence and experience necessary
to devise and to execute. To have overruled him
would have been to assume a most fearful responsi-
bility, and to direct the details of a campaign in an
Indian country at the distance of a thousand miles.

" I observe in General Scott's defence a quota-
tion from the testimony of Captain Thruston, a
most intelligent officer, by which it appears that
the first impression upon his mind was unfavourable
to the contemplated plan, but that subsequent expe-
rience had corrected this opinion. Not having had
the advantage enjoyed by Captain Thruston, of a
personal knowledge of the course of operations in
Florida, it will not, I trust, be imputed to any un-
just prejudice, that I participated in the opinion of
an officer who is held in high esteem by General
Scott, and that I retained that opinion, not having
seen any sufficient reason for changing it. I did
not see how a combined operation against such an
enemy as the Indians, here to-day and gone to-mor-
row, and whose presence is seldom known but by
their assault^, could be carried on simultaneously
from three points so distant as Volusia, Fort Drane
and Tampa Bay, with any reasonable hope of a co-
operation, which would bring the enemy to action,
and at the same time prevent his escape. I did not
think that when these masses were brought to a
point — when the net was drawn — that the game
would be caught. I am free, however, to confess
that I have now doubts whether any other plan
would have succeeded better i*t that time, and with-
in the short space remaining for the service of the
militia, and for the season of operations ; and as
neither of tke columns was attacked, no positive
injury resulted from the division. The enemy was
sought and could not be found.

" But to the main point pf this appeal. General

108

LIFE OF

Clinch was asked by the court, * What in your
opinion prevented the subjection of the Seminole
Indians in the campaign conducted by General Scott,
in Florida, in 1836?'

' " To this General Clinch answers in substance,
that it was owing to the neglect of the head of the
war department m not having made more adequate
preparations in 1835, and early in 1836. In other
words, because there" were not troops enough in
Florida to prevent the Indians from commencing
hostilities, therefore the campaign to reduce them
was unsuccessful. T leave to the court itself and
to General Clinch the task of reconciling this an-
swer with the question itself, and the objects of the
inquiry. The caused of the Indian hostilities, or
the measures taken by the government to prevent
them previously to the assumption of the command
by General Scott, were not subjects before the
court. They were questions of public policy, pro-
perly cognizable by congress alone, and which had
more than once engaged the attention of that body.
But between them and the nature of the military
operations there was no just connection; and whe-
ther there were in the country, before the war, ten
men or ten thousand, was a question having no re-
lation to the duties of the court or the conduct of
General Scott.

> "But General Clinch goes still further; quite far
enough indeed to disclose that his feelings were so
much excited, as to weaken very much his per-
ceptions of what he owed to the court, to himself,
and to me. He says, * when at last the honourable
secretary awoke from his dreams of political pre«
ferment, and turned his attention,' &c. And this
General Clinch says, as a witness, under the sanc-
tion of an oath. He undertakes to dive into the
recesses of the human heart, not as a matter of spe-
culation, but of assertion ; and to pronounce on the
witness' stand, not only that I neglected my duty,

GENERAL CASS.

109

the
spe-
the

but upon the motives which influenced me. Whe-
ther in the alleged neglect, or in the motives as-
signed, he is right, I shall leave to our common
country to decide. I may be allowed, however, to
say, that I trust this paper will be read by some, and
by some who enjoy the confidence of their country,
who will exonerate me from the charge of over-
weening ambition. I am sure General Clinch, in
his cooler moments, will be satisfied that he has
done me wrong. I do not know him personally,
but those who do, speak of him as a man of high
honour I saw in a newspaper, a short time since,
an account of a dinner given, I think, to General
Clinch in Florida. An address made by him upon
that occasion, discloses undoubtedly the wrongs
which he supposes he'has received at my hands, and
the feelings which this sentiment has inspired. He
attributed to me his being superseded in command,
and to the president the return of his commission,
which he had tendered, accompanied with the hope
he would continue in service. He evidently sup-
posed that I had purposely injured him, and that the
mark of favour he received was without my par-
ticipation, or against my consent. I owe to General
Clinch no explanation. A morbid sensibility, or some
other motive not more worthy of tolerance, has led
him to mistake his own claims and situation, and to
become the vehicle of unjust imputations. But as
this subject has excited much discussion, and con-
nects itself with the purpose of this statement, I
think it right to allude briefly to the causes which
led to the change of command.

" Two reasons produced.this measure. The occur-
rences in Florida in the month of December, 1835,
information of which reached Washington in Janu-
ary, 18^6, led to the conviction, that measures upon
a more enlarged scale had become necessary, and
at the same time reports were received, indicating
that the Creeks had manifested a determination to

110

LIFE OF

join the Seminoles in hostilities. As two series of
operations, under different officers, against enemies
near enough to co-operate, and with the same ha-
bits, feelings, and objects, were to be avoided, if
practicable, and as the amount of force to be called
into service might be such as to justify the states
furnishing troops, in sending into the field major-
generals with their requisitions, it was obviously-
necessary to vest the principal command in an offi-
cer of the highest rank in our service. It was very
desirable to have an officer of established character
and experience, particularly in a duty involving
such a heavy responsibility in its expenditures; and
not to leave the command to fluctuate, as genera!
officers of the militia might be called into or retire
from service. General Clinch was a brevet briga-
dier-general, and thierefore liable to be superseded
by a major-general of the militia. . n. i *

** But there was a still stronger reason for this mea-
sure. It will be recollected that the disaster which
befel Major Dade, and the exposed condition of Flo-
rida, painfulI}'^ excited the public mind, particular-
ly in the southern states. Spontaneous movements
were made in that quarter for raising troops, and
the patriotism of the country called into service
many corps, before the state of affairs could be
known at Washington. The government was re-
quired by public opinion, as well as by the higher
obligation of duty, to take the most immediate and
efficient measures for the suppression of hostilities.
General Clinch was isolated in the heart of Florida.
In fact, his true position was necessarily unknown,
for events were every moment changing, and the
aspect of affairs becoming worse. His communica-
tions might at any moment have been intercepted,
himself remain ignorant of the measures' of the go-
vernment, and they of his situation and designs.
General Scott was in Washington. No time would
be lost in giving him the necessary instructions, and

OENenAL OASS.

Ill

his route would lead him through South Carolina
and Georgia, whence most of the force had to be
drawn. While a despatch was travelling to General
Clinch, General Scott could be in the southern coun-
try, organizing his force and plans. And besides,
such a despatch might have failed or been inter-
cepted, and then in what condition would the coun-
try have been? and to what just censure would the
government have been exposed ? And even should
the necessary authority reach General Clinch, much
time must be lost in returning upon the route with
his communications. He could not leave his com-
mand : affairs were too critical. And it must be ob-
vious, that the arrangements for such a campaign as
was contemplated, could not be made without the
presence and personal co-operation of the officer
destined to command. The remedy for all this was
obvious. And was the government to be deterred
from adopting it, because General Clinch might
choose to consider it a reflection upon him ? There
werq much higher considerations involved in this
aflair than General Clinch seems to appreciate. He
never had the slightest reason to consider himself
injured. A just sensitiveness is an honourable feel-
ing in a military man ; but if carried too far it de-
generates into mortified vanity. All governments
have at all times assumed and exercised the right of
changing their commanding officers at pleasure ; and
especially so when the sphere of operations is en-
larged, -.-w.,, „ , ,o:>^in mil u'i,tU

"I trust I have said enough to show that this
measure was not intended to cast, nor did it cast,
the r'*'Thtest reflection upon General Clinch. As to
the selection of a successor, with every just allow-
ance for General Clinch, it may be safely said that
he had won his way to this command by high and
honourable services.

" With respect to the return of General Clinch's
commission, I have only to say, that I proposed the

■"11
IK

112

LIFE Of

measure to the president, by whom it was cordially
approved ; as was also the assignment of General
Scott to the command.

** I see that General Scott, in his defence, appreci-
ates the excited feelings of General Clinch, and finds
it necessary to discredit one of the answers of the
latter, and to trace his erroneous judgment to the
species of hallucination under which he appears to
labour. It seems that General Clinch has been asked
whether the operations of General Gaines had in-
terfered with the projects and arrangements of Gene-
ral Scott. The answer of General Clinch was in
the negative, and the solution of this answer by
General Scott is given in the following remark, in
the defence of the latter ; *' Under this ruling idea,
the witness. General Clinch, could see nothing but
the imputed errors of the war department." Indeed !
and is this the judgment of General Scott, upon the
state of mind of the principal witness who appears
to arraign the proceedings of the executive ? I need
not add to this rebuke : far more severe than any
thing J have said, or desire to say.

''General Scott likewise adds his conviction that
* the repeated calls and wise admonitions' of General
Clinch were neglected. This point I shall examine
by and by ; and if it is not shown that the precautions
taken to prevent the commission of hostilities by the
Seminoles were greater than have ever been adopted,
when the strength of the enemy is taken into view,
since the discovery of the continent, I will confess
that I have read our history to little purpose.

"One act of voluntary justice General Scott has
done to the war department; and I appreciate it the
more, as it stands out in solitary relief. He says, * I
do not mean to intimate, Mr. President, that any
time was lost by the war department in putting me
in motion, after the news of Clinch's affair of Decem-
ber 31, which preceded at Washington the account
of Major Dade's melancholy fate on the 28th.* And

GENERAL CA8g.

113

yet the concession is not much to make. The
slightest attention to the dates, as recorded in the
adjutant-general's report of February 9, 1836, pub-
lished by order of congress, will show that the ac-
tion of the department was not less prompt upon
that occasion than upon all others.

" Unofficial information of General Clinch's action
reached Washington on the 17th of January ; and
on the same day a plan of operations was devised,
and the necessary instructions given toGeneral Eustis
for its execution, to provide, as far as seemed ne-
cessary, for the vigorous prosecution of the war*
The measures will be stated in the sequel. But
three days later, to wit: on the 20th, reports were
received that the Creeks ineditated hostilities; and
it was therefore deemed necessary, as already stat-
ed, to enlarge the sphere of operations, and to call
General Scott to the command ; and this was done,
and detailed instructions prepared and delivered to
General Scott on the next day. So much for the
general's willingness to spare any intimation of an
unnecessary delay upon this occasion. If it were
necessary to allude to the matter at all, would it not
have been more just, more noble, more in consonance,
I may add, with the character of General Scott, for
him to have said, plainly and explicitly, that never
were more prompt or decisive measures taken than
uf>on that occasion — measures, whose discussion and
consideration, as General Scott must well remember,
extended far into the night, and broke upon his' rest,
as well as upon mine ?

" Rumours of Indian disturbances are matters of
frequent occurrence. Sometimes these have been
followed by hostilitifs, but more frequently they
have proved unfounded. It is obviously impractica-
ble to keep a superior force to the Indians upon every
point of our extended and exposed frontier ; and
were troops collected upon every rumour, the coun-
try would be subjected to enormous expense, and
10*

114 . ^ % L 1 F B O P ., ?*

the army and militia to perpetual fatigue. It is thd
duty of the government then, to act prudently, as
well as promptly, upon these occasioub ; and while
efficient measures are adopted where they appear
necessary, to withhold them where they do not, and
to preserve in these measures a just proportion to
the strength of the Indians, and the probability of
their hostile designs.

. "What was the amount of the white population
of Florida in 1835, I have not the means of ascer-
taining. I suppose, however, that it exceeded
30,000. It is necessary to keep this fact in view
while looking at the course of events; because. each
part of our frontier must be expected to supply a
considerable proportion of the force at any time re-
quired to repel sudden aggression of the Indians
If I have made a reasonable approximation towards
the population of Florida, it will be found that no
one has ever estimated the whole number of the Se-
mkioles at more than one-sixth of this population,
and that the official reports in the archives of the
department reduced them to one-tenth. There was
then near the theatre of difficulties a permanent
force, ready to aid the efforts of the army, and
amply sufficient, agreeably to all preceding experi-
ence, to restrain or subdue the Indians. Let me
ask the frontier inhabitants of the west, from one
end of the great valley of the Mississippi to the
other — those who are now in contact with the In-
diani?, and those who have purchased security, by
years of wars and sufferings — whether they do not
think the government would at all times have dis-
charged its duties towards them, by making arrange-
ments for more than one regulir soldier for each war-
rior within strikingdistance,and among a white popu-*
lation outnumbering the Indians at least six to one,
and probably ten to one ? and yet this was done in
Florida. Our settlements would never have crossed
the Alleghany, if our forefathers had found it neces-

OBNBRAL CASS.

115

one
the
In-
by
not
dis-
■nge-

sary to prosecute Indian wars upon a larger scale
than this.

** A treaty had been formed with the Seminole In-
dians, providing for their removal west of the Mis-
sissippi ; and from the. time which had elapsed, and
the reluctance manifested by the Indians to remove,
it had become necessary to take measures for carry-
ing the treaty into effect. But all the difficulties
anticipated with this tribe, were expected to result
from the contemplated movement ; and no one look-
ed to hostile demonstrations on the part of the In-
dians, until and unless they wcire required to emi-
grate. I doubt whether there was scarcely a per-
son in Florida who was prepared to hear of any
hostile movement by these Indians, before the ar-
rival of the period fixed for their departure. Governor
Caton distinctly stated in a letter to me, that their
hostilities were entirely unexpected at that time by
the people of Florida ; and he informed me that the
same sentiment had been communicated to the de-
partment by the secretary of the territory. The
whole correspondence of General Clinch, until a
very short period preceding the commencement of
actual hostilities, indicates the sume opinion. I
mention the circumstance to show that the govern-
ment had a right to suppose that General Clinch had
ample time to collect all his force, and to anticipate
the Indians, should he become satisfied of their hos-
tile designs. 7>iir.

" An important element in this inquiry is the
junount of the Seminole population. Captain Thrus-
ton, I observe, estimates them in his testimony at
5,000, and I have never heard a higher estimate put
upon their numbers. Lieutenant Harris, a very in-
telligent officer, charged with the duty of providing
and distributing the articles stipulated by the treaty
to be given to the Indians, and well acquainted with
them, estimated them in a report to the war de-
partment as not exceeding 3,0()0, including negroes.

116

e» LIFB Of ^ »

of which 1,600 were females. This was the latest
report upon the subject, and derived value from the
fact, that as certain articles were to be distributed
to each Seminole, and as Lieutenant Harris had this
duty to perform, it was obviously proper for him to
use his best exertions to ascertain the full number,
in order to avoid all complaints at the distribution,
as it was obviously the policy of these Indians not
to diminish in their report their actual number.

" General Thompson, the Indian agent, a most re-
spectable citizen and valuable officer, known to many
ns a representative in congress from Qeorgia, in a
letter to the commissary-general of subsistence, of
August 29, 1835, says : * 1 have resorted to all prac-
ticable means of information to ascertain, with a
probable approach to precision, the actual number
of the Seminole people, and I am induced to believe
it very little exceeds 3,000.'

» " General Scott, in one of his reports, after his
campaign, stated that there had never been 500
Indian warriors collected together at one time, in
Florida. J quote from memory, but I cannot be
deceived in the fact. The President supposed their
whole force did not exceed 500. Previous circum-
stances had given to him very favourable opportuni-
ties of forming a correct opinion on this subject.
It will also be recollected, that no one expected the
whole of the Indian fprce would be opposed to us.
A considerable party was desirous of emigrating;
and it has often, perhaps I may say almost always,
happened, in our later Indian wars, that, on the oc-
currence of hostilities with any of the tribes within
our borders, a division of the tribe has taken place,
and the seceding party has either remained neutral
or joined us ; and in the case of the Seminoles, a
band, I think, of about 500, left their people at the
commencement of hostilities, and placed themselves
within our lines.

** In the report, already alluded to, of the adjutant-

OENBIIAL OA88.

117

general, is embodied a report from the commissioner
of Indian affairs upon this subject ; in which he
states, that assuming the estimate of Lieutenant
Harris as correct, and supposing the Seminolcs
equally divided on the question of emigration, there
would be 700 Seminole males, children and adults,
forming the hostile party. He supposes that not
more than one-half ot this, to wit, 350 persons, were
fit to bear arms ; but he adds, that this hostile party
may have received accessions fr6m the other party,
and also from the Creeks. I believe it has been found
that few, if any, of the Creeks joined the Scminoles.

*' Under all these circumstances, I thought then,
and I yet think, that the estimate of 500 hostile
warriors was sufficiently high. I do not answer
for the accuracy of this information. I am only
answerable for the use which was made of it. It
formed the only basis upon which the government
could act. I may add, what is known to all, any
way conversant with the Indians, that their num-
bers are generally overrated rather than underrated ;
and that in almost all the actions we have fought
with them, subsequent information has reduced the
estimate of the numbers originally given upon vague
calculation.

" It will be observed that there were two periods
in the progress of the Seminole difficulties anterior
to the commencement of actual hostilities : one be-
tween the origin of these difficulties, and the pacifi-
cation, if I may so term it, made by General Clinch,
General Thompson, and Lieutenant Harris, with
these Indians, in April 1835, when a mutual and
apparently satisfactory arrangement was made with
them, by which they agree to remove during the
succeeding winter, and the government agreed that
they might remain till then. The second period in-
tervened between this time and the breaking out of
the war.

** It is necessary to keep in view the change of

118

f tt

LIFB OF

1 J

circumstances induced by this arrangement, though
General Clinch has overlooked it in his evidence»
as he refers, in proof of the charge he makes of the
negligence of the government, to his letter of Ja-
nuary, 1835, in which he asked for six additional
companies. Now, the state of things existing when
this application was made, and subsequent to the
above-mentioned arrangement, was totally different,
and General Clinch is wrong to refer to it as any
step in the series of measures having relation to
actual hostilities. The force in Florida in the spring
of 1835, was found, by experience, to be enough.
It accomplished its object, and led to a mutual ar-
rangement. A person looking at the presentation
of this letter, with the others by General Clinch,
would suppose that it constituted one of a series
of demands made by him, and rejected by the go-
vernment. He would never dream that it had a
relation to a state of things which was terminated
peacefully and successfully; and after which the
force under General Clincn was, for some months,
judged sufficient by him for the protection of the
country. While General Clinch supposed the In-
dians altogether unfavourable to a removal, he esti-
mated the necessary force to control them at twelve
companies ; but when they had consented to go vo-
luntarily, he considered a less force necessary, as I
shall show conclusively by his letters and proceed-
ings.

" In November, 1834, on the receipt of the first
authentic intelligence that difficulties might pos-
sibly occur with the Seminoles, General Clinch, an
officer of experience and of much reputation, was
directed to assume the command in Florida, and the
necessary instructions were given him for his go-
vernment.

" In January, 1835, General Clinch asked for six
additional companies to strengthen his command,
with a view to the removal of the Seminole Jndians

OBNBR AL CASS.

119

* in the spring,' say in April or May of that year.
His demand was submitted to the President, who
decided that four companies should be sent to Flo-
rida from Fort Monroe, and that General (Minch
should be authorised to order the company at Key
West to join him whenever he mia;ht think proper.
Orders for these purposes were given on the 14th
of February, 1835. I will not enter into a consi-
deration of the views which operated to place five,
instead of six, companies at the disposal of General
Clinch. It may have been error of judgment ; bui
most assuredly neglect, as intimated by himself, ana
repeated by General Scott, had no part in the mat-
ter. When the estimated force ot the Indians is
taken into view, the just desire of circumscribing
the expense as far as prudent, and the material fact
that, by the treaty, only about one-third of the Se-
minoles could be required to remove that ' spring,'
(say short of two hundred disaffected warriors),
the decision of the president will be thought a dis-
creet one. But there is a still better authority, if
possible, upon this occasion, in justification of the
measures adopted by the government. It is the
authority of General Clinch himself. He asked, as
the maximum of force which could be wanted, eleven
companies, or five hundred and fifty men. He re-
ceived nine companies, or four hundred and fifty
men ; and he received, also, power to order the com-
pany from Key West to join him, which would make
ten companies, or five hundred men. I state what
I suppose to be about the average of the companies.
Whether more or less is not important for my pre-
sent purpose, which is to repel the accusation of
having neglected General Clinch's requisitions.
These requisitions were for companies.

" Well, then, the force sent to General Clinch car-
ried him through the sprint. He made an arrange-
ment with the Indians, which appeared to be satis-
factory to them, and was so to the government, and

120

LIFE OF :i ^^

which quieted the frontier, and induced the general
belief that this troublesome matter was over. His
force was found sufficient, because his purpose was
etiected.

*' But General Clinch himself considered a less
force than that he named, and even a less force
than that placed at his disposal by the government,
adequate to the objects he had to attain. He did not
call to his aid the company from Key West ; and it is
very important in this inquiry to remark, that while
General Clinch now accuses the government of ne-
glecting his application for a proper force, during that
whole season the company at Key West, placed un-
der his command the preceding February, almost in
sight of Florida, and not more than one day's sail
from its shore, was left by him upon that island, and
never reached the sphere of his command till the 21st
of December. The order authorising General Clinch
to call it to his aid, must have reached him the be-
ginning, of March. During nine months, then, de-
ducting the few days necessary to communicpte his
orders to Major Dade, and for that officer to cross
over to the main land of Florida, General Clinch
considered his force sufficient, or he was guilty of
that neglect which he now charges, and, as I trust I
have shown, vainly charges, to the government.

" And what stronger proof can be given of the as-
sertion already made, that the hostile movement of
the Indians was unexpected by him, who, of ali
others, was charged vvith watching and restraining
th'^m, than this failure to employ, for that purpose,
all the force placed at his disposal?

" But still further: General Clinch, in his letter to
the war department, of April 1, 1835, after stating
his belief that an arrangement would be made which
would quiet the Indians, and bo satisfactory to the
government, says that, * should the chiefs come to
the conclusion to remove quietly, it would be still
necessary to keep the present force in Florida.* The

GENERAL CASS.

121

as-

chiefs did consent to remove quietly, as has been
already shown, and the then * present force' was
kept in Florida; and nothing more did General
Clinch then demand. In all tnis is there any evi-
dence of neglect ? I leave the question to the great
tribunal of public opinion.

"So passed the first period of the Seminole diffi-
culties. I will merely add, upon this branch of the
subject, that General Thompson, in a letter of June
3, 1835, some time after the conclusion of the ar-
rangement, reported that Powell had assented to it,
and that he had ' no doubt of his sincerity, and as
little that the principal difficulty is surmounted.'

" Thus matters remained till the full, without any
intimation from General Clinch that an additional
force would be necessary. The first suggestion of
this nature was made on the 12th of October, by
Lieutenant Harris, I think, in a personal interview
at the war department. But as General Clinch had
not asked for the increase, it was not judged proper
positively to direct it. But he was authorised to
call for two more companies; one from Pensacola
and one from Mobile, if he thought them necessary ;
and orders were issued to the commanding officers
of those companies to hold themselves in readiness
for an immediate movement.

" On the 21st of October, a letter was received
from General Clinch, dated on the 9th of that month,
• in which he suggested the propriety of being au-
thorised to call into service 150 mounted volunteers,
to aid in the removal of the Indians, and to suppress
any difficulties which might occur.' (See the report
of the adjutant-general of February 9, 183G.) This
report thus states the result :

" • But as this force was required to aid in the re-
moval, and to prevent difficulties which were anti-
cipated, and not to repel hostilities which had com-
menced, or which were then impending. General
Clinch Was informed in answer, on the 22d of Octo-
11

123

LIFE OF

ber, that there was no appropriation authorising the
measure, and that the President, under existing cir-
cumstances, did not consider that the case came
under the constitutional power to call into service
additional force for the defence of the country.'

" This was the view of the President respecting
his own powers. I am neither responsible for it, nor
called upon to defend it. I imagine, however, that
every dispassionate man who looks at the facts as
they were then known at the seat of government,
and at the constitutional powers of the President,
will fully approve his decision.

" The report of the adjutant-general continues :

" * But he, (Gen. Clinch,) was authorised to order
two more companies, viz. : those at forts Wood and
Pike to join, which, with the two companies placed
at his disposal on the 15th of October, made four
companies of regular troops, in lieu of the mounted
men. On the 30th of the same month, orders were
given by the navy department to Commodore Dallas,
to direct one of the vessels of the squadron to co-
operate with General Clinch in his endeavour to
effect the removal of the Seminoles.

"*In a letter received on the 31st of October,
General Clinch requested that three companies of
regular troops might be added to his command. He
was apprised, however, by previous orders, that four
had already been placed at his disposal.'

« General Clinch has complained that these troops
ought to have been sent from the north, rather than
from the points whence they were ordered. This
was a question for the proper military officers of
the department at Washington to decide, having re-
ference to the wants of the service and Ihe position
-of the troops. The subject was referred to them,
and the selection was made of the companies enu-
merated. One leading reason is obvious. There
:was still ground to hope that coercive measures
inight not be necessary. It was, therefore, thought

GENERAL CABS.

123

better to place these additional troops under the or-
ders of General Clinch, at the nearest points to Flo-
rida, where they could remain, if not wanted, or
whence he could speedily draw them, when neces-
sary, than to order them positively into the country
from a great distance. As to the delay in their ar-
rival, I neither know any thing of the cause nor feel
the slightest responsibility. There was a fault or a
misfortune somewhere, not in giving the necessary
directions, but in their subsequent execution. It is
not necessary, for my purpose, to inquire where it
was. Most assuredly, had proper diligence been
used, the companies from Pensacola, Mobile, Lake
Ponchartrain, and Key West, could have reached
Tampa Bay, before the periods of their actual ar-
rival, as shown in the report of the adjutant-general,
to wit, the 27th of November, and the 12th, 25th,
28th, and 31st of December. And it appears con-
clusively that this delay did not originate in the want
of time; for the Key West company, which might
have been called into Florida nine months before, did
not reach there till the 21st of December, nearly a
month after the Pensacola company, which was only
placed at Generul Clinch's disposal on the 15th of
October.

" The last measures directed by the government,
before the commencement of actual hostilities, are
stated in the same report.

** * In his communication from St. Augustine, dated
the 29th of November, received on the 9th of De-
cember, General Clinch reported that, should he find
it necessary for the protection of the frontier settle-
ments, he would assume the responsibility of calling
out at least 100 mounted men, believing that the
measure would be sanctioned by the President and
Secretary of War. This approbation was commu-
nicated to him on the same day; and, in addition to
it, a letter was addressed to the governor of Florida,
requesting him to place at the disposal of General

124

LIFE OF

Clinch any militia force which that officer miglit re-
quire. Of this, General Clinch was infornnea. He
was also informed that, at the request of General
Hernandez, orders would be given, through the ord-
nance department, to issue 500 muskets, and the
necessary accoutrements^ to the militia.'

" Here terminated all the demands of General
Clinch for troops, prior to the commencement of hos-
tilities; with this exception, however, that, on the
9th of December, he suggested the expediency of
substituting four companies from the north instead
of the four ordered from the south, as the latter might
not reach the country. But, at the moment when the
letter was written, one of these companies had already
been two weeks at Tampa Bay, and all of them were
there before the letter reached the war department.
So that the suggestion was evidently impracticable.

" Now let us slightly review this matter. I pass
over the first period in order not to encumber the
subject, and because an arrangement was made
which for some time seemed to promise permanent
tranquillity.

" General Clinch had eight companies with him,
and one more within his reach ; and these, as has
been shown, he deemed sufficient. His next demand
was for three more companies, and this was suc-
ceeded and met by giving him four. He asked for
150 mounted men, but the President did not feel au-
thorised, in the then state of affairs, to call for them.
He then subsequently stated he should ask the go-
vernor of Florida for 100 men, if he should find it
necessary for the protection of the frontiers. The
President, believing that circumstances were then
sufficiently menacing to justify this measure, gave
his sanction to it ; and, in addition, without any de-
mand from General Clinch, he placed the whole mi-
litia of the territory, through the governor, at his
disposal.

" Now, as a matter of fact> General Clinch had a

GENERAL CASS.

125

far greater force under his command than he ever
required. I do not mean that he had collected them
together ; with that I have no concern. I have only
to show that proper measures for that purpose were
taken by the war department. And 1 have shown
that these measures ought to have given to General
Clinch the full complement of regular troops he
askf^d for. In addition to which he embodied 500
militia; and that force was with him, as stated by
the adjutant-general, at the battle of the Wythla-
coochee, on the 31st of December, 1835. Why it
was not in the engagement has never been satisfac-
torily explained. I believe General Clinch's personal
conduct on that day was beyond all reproach, and
never was the honour of the American arms more
nobly supported, than by the regular troops. But
this most favourable opportunity of terminating the
war, by striking a decisive stroke, was lost. The
combat was sustained by about 200 regular troops,
aided, it is said, by twenty-five or thirty militia*
And why was not the whole force in action ? A
narrow stream like the Wythlacoochee ought not to
have prevented American riflemen from crossing
upon logs — upon rafts — by swimming their horses —
to take part in the struggle, unequally but gallantly
maintained by their countrymen within full sight.
More especially as there could be no danger from
the enemy in crossing, the regular troops covering
the banks of the river. If I recollect correctly, the
regulars crossed early, and it was some time after
they had effected their passage before the action
commenced ; the duration of the action I have not
the means of ascertaining. The enemy was repulsed
by 200 men. Who can doubt but that there was
force enough, had it been properly directed and em-
ployed, to terminate the war at once '? If these 500
spectators had been brought into action, and the
enemy' broken and pursued by the horsemen, the

126

LIFE OF

victory might have been as decisive as any of those
gained under happier auspices in the same section
of the union. If these troops were prevented by in-
surmountable obstacles from participating in the
contest. General Clinch owed to them a full develop-
ment of the circumstances. If they were prevented
by any less justifiable cause, General Clinch owed to
him&df, to the regular tnrops, to justice, and to his
country, a plain and unequivocal disclosure of the
truth, bear where it might.

" So much for the year 1835. But General Clinch
extends his charge against the war department to the
year 1836, and continues his accusation of neglect,
asserting that a competent force and competent sup-
plies were not provided 'early' in that year.

" I suppose it will be conceded that the 8th of
January may be fairly said to be * early' in 1836.
Well, then, on the 8th of January, authority was
given to General Clinch to call for any amount of
force he might require, from the states of South
Carolina, Georgia, and Alabama ; and this measure
was taken upon the responsibility of the department,
and without any application from that officer, and
the necessary requests were transmitted to the ex-
ecutives of these states. And on the 10th and 13th
of the same month, upon the suggestion of the war
department, orders were given for the employment
of three revenue cutters, and for the co-operation
of Commodore Dallas's squadron.

"I suppose the 17th of January was * early' in
the year 1836. Well, then, upon the 17th of Janu-
ary, fearing, from the intelligence, which every day
became worse, that the communication with Gene-
ral Clinch might be intercepted, and he thus pre-
vented from executing the orders of the govern-
ment. General Eustis, then at Charleston, was
directed to proceed to Florida, and to take all ne-
cessary measures to keep open the communication

QEJtEtLAL CASS.

127

with General Clinch, and to report to him for fur-
ther instructions. General Eustis was directed to
take with him the garrisons at Charleston and Sa-
vannah, and such a portion of the South Carolina
militia as he might deem necessary. And the go-
vernor of that state was requested to supply him
with the force.

** I suppose again, that the 21st of January, 1836»
was 'early* in that year. Well, then, on the pre-
vious day, the first intimation reached the depart-
ment of the unquiet disposition of the Creeks, and
of the probability of their joining the Seminoles.
It instantly became apparent that much more ex-
tensive operations might become necessary than
had been contemplated. It was immediately de-
termined to adapt the measures to be taken to this
new state of things, and General Scott, with ample
powers, was, on the 21st, ordered to take the com-
mand in that quarter. It is enough to repeat, that
he had unlimited means placed at his diposal.
- " I confine myself to the measures taken for the
employment of the proper force. This is all for
which I feel the slightest responsibility. When a
force is directed to any point, the proper military
bureaus of the war department make arrangements
with or without the conjunction of the officer com-
manding, for all the materiel which can be required.
And that officer has, besides, the right to make his
requisitions, and, if necessary, to make purchases
for every thing he needs. These are details into
which no head of the war department can have time
to enter, and it is precisely for their execution that
the military bureaus are instituted. The adjutant-
general states in the report before mentioned: *I
have not considered it necessary to detail in this re-
port the orders given by the various military bureaus
of the war department, to provide the necessary
means such as transportation, ordnance and ord-

128

LIFE OF

nance stores, and provisions for the operations in
Florida. All the measures in relation to these sub-
jects, which appeared to be necessary, were daily
taken/

" I do not recollect ever to have heard it inti-
mated that General Clinch's operations were crip-
pled for the want of any supplies for the force
placed at his disposal by the government. Cer-
tainly, if such had been the case, he ought to have
represented it, that the proper inquiries might have
been instituted, and an adequate remedy applied.
Without the adjutant-general's report, it might have
been taken for granted, from the absence of all
complaint by General Clinch, that there was no
failure in the measures of the military bureaus at
Washington to proportion his supplies to his force;
but the report of that faithful and accurate officer
sets the subject at rest.

" I feel I violate no confidence in saying, that
there was not a report received of the operations in
Florida, from the Hrst apprehension of difficulties,
which was not submitted to the President ; nor a
measure of any importance taken, which was not
approved by him. It is well known, that from the
practice and organization of our government, the
heads of departments are in daily communica-
tion with the President, and that all questions of
much interest are discussed with him; and to those
who know the habits of rigid scrutiny which Gene-
ral Jackson carried with him into public life, I need
not say, that no question could be presented to him
which he did not carefully and fully consider. In
the examination of papers, he was remarkable for
the most patient attention ; and I will say for him
now, in his day of retirement, what I would not
have thus publicly said of him in the day of his
power, that never have I known a man who brought
to every subject quicker power of perception, nor a
more intuitive sagacity.

0£NERAI« CASS.

129

" I do not resort to this authority to shield my-
self from responsibility under the constitutional pre-
rogative of the president. I feel and acknowledge
my own responsibility to the fullest extent, and am

Crepared to meet it. The measures directed by me
ecame my measures, whether approved or not by
the president; but I confess, that the opinion of
Andrew Jackson upon these subjects is interesting
to me. I need not advert to the reasons which give
peculiar value to his views concerning the opera-
tions in Florida ; to his intimate knowledge of the
country and of the Indians, acquired during years
of service there, in a military and civil capacity ;
and to those personal claims to consideration, which
will be as undying as the history of our country.

" With these reflections and statements, I leave
the charge of General Clinch to the judgment of the
American people. If they think that the incapacity,
or misfortunes, or dissensionsof military commanders
are to be visited upon my head, I have only to sub-
mit, with as much resignation as may be. But I
hope better things from the impartiality of my coun-
trymen. I have received, during a public life of
more than thirty years, many favours I neither ex-
pected nor merited. I am encouraged to hope that
when I ask only rigid justice. I shall not be found a
vain suppliant.

« LEWIS CASS.

•* Parii, March 6, 1837."

> i

To this letter General Clinch replied, and the
whole Florida campaigns were again fought on
paper, and enough was elicited to prove satisfac-
torily the prudence of the secretary. When the
Florida war was ultimately terminated by General
Worth, it was by operations in accordance with the
suegestions of Mr. Cass.

This is the place to refer to a very remarkable let-
ter of General Jaekson to Mr» Cass, in. which, though

130

LIFB OF

vvritten some months after, he refers to the circum-
stances described above, and shows how high an es-
timate was placed upon Mr. Cass's labours by the
venerable ex-president.

Hermitage, July, 1843.

My dear Sir : — I have the pleasure to acknow-
ledge your very friendly letter of the 25th of May
last. It reached me in due course of mail ; but such
were my debility and afflictions, that I have been
prevented from replying to it until now ; and even
now it is with great difficulty that I write. In re-
turn for your kind expressions with regard to my-
self, I have to remark, that I shall ever recollect, my
dear general, with great satisfaction, the relations,
both private and official, which subsisted between
us, during the greater part of my administration.
Having full conndence in your abilities and repub-
lican principles, I invited you to my cabinet; and I
can never forget with what discretion and talents
you met those great and delicate questions which
were brought before you whilst you presided over
the department of war, which entitled you to my
thanks, and will be ever recollected with the most
lively feelings of friendship by me.

But what has endeared you to every true Ame-
rican, was the noble stand which you took, as our
minister at Paris, against the quintuple treaty, and
which, by your talents, energy, and fearless respon-
sibility, defeated its ratification by France — a treaty
intended by Great Britain to change our interna-
tional laws, make her mistress of the seas, and. de-
stroy the national independence, not only of our
country, but of all Europe, and enable her to be-
come the tyrant on every ocean. Had Great Britain
obtained the sanction of France to this treaty, {with
the late disgraceful treaty of Washington — so dis-
reputable to our national character and injurious to
our national safety,) then, indeed, we might have

GEN BRA L CASS.

131

hung our harps upon the willows, and resigned our
national indepenaence to Great Britain. Hut, 1 re-
peat, to your talents, energy, and fearless responsi-
oility, we aire indebted for the shield thrown over
us from the impending danser which the ratification
of the quintuple treaty by France would have
brought upon us. For this act, the thanks of every
true American, and the applause of every true re-
publican, are yours ; and for this noble act I tender
you my thanks.

I admired the course of Dr. Linn in the Senate,
in urging his Oregon bill ; and I hope his energy will
carry it into a law at the next session of Congress.
This will speak to England a language which she
will understand — that we imll not submit to be nego-
tiated out of our territorial rights hereafter.

Receive assurances of my friendship and esteem.

ANDREW JACKSON.

To the Hon. Lewis Cass.

Than this, no compliment can be more distinct
and emphatic, or more valuable.

eaty
ma-
de-
our
be-
tain
with
dis-
s to
liave

132

LI FB OF

i'.* /

,• V

CHAPTER VII.

Mr. Cass in the United States — Visit to General Jackson — Let-
ters — Course in the Senate — Nomination by the Baltimore
Convention — Correspondence, &c.

In December 1842, General Cass returned to the
United States, and it may safely be said, he was
received with the warmest tokens of admiration and
respect, by citizens of every phase of political opi-
nion. The stand he had occupied in regard to the
quintuple treaty evoked tiie popular enthusiasm,
and everywhere he was looked upon as the cham-
pion of a free ocean. On his arrival at New York
he was catechized in relation to his political opi-
nions. To these questions he replied briefly and
succinctly, and avowed his unshaken attachment
to the great principles of the Democratic party. No
one could with more propriety do so, for he had,
during a longer period, perhaps, than any other mem-
ber of General Jackson's cabinet, except Mr. Van
Buren, been linked with him in social and political
intercourse. On his route to the west he was every
where met with popular demonstrations, and at Har-
risburg and Columbus, respectively, was met by the
governors of the respective states, who escorted him
m pomp and pride to the capitals. His greatest tri-
umph, however, was at Detroit, the city which he
had conducted from almost infancy, to prosperity
and success. The governor, the municipal author-
ities, and the people, came to meet him and welcome
him home. On the 8th of January, the anniversary
of the most brilliant victory achieved in the United
States since the revolution, a committee of the Demo-

GENERAL CASS.

133

cratic Convention of Indiana, inldressed him in re-
lation to political artliirs. To these gentlemen he
made a full exposition of his ideas, declaring his
opposition to a natir>nal bank, unfolding the pecu-
liar character and the injurious tendency of such
an institution. Iln expressed himself as an enemy
to the plan of distributing the proceeds of the public
lands among the states, and the scheme of a protec-
tive taritr, declaring " that the revenue should be
kept at the lowest points conipatible with the per-
formance of constitutional functions." The question
of the propriety of the veto was then a subject of
great discussion, and Mr. Cass expressed himself as
decidedly opposed to any alteration of the constitu-
tion : he also declared that he would not be a can-
didate for the Presidency, unless nominated by a
full convention of the Democratic party.

On the 4th of July, 1843, General Cass delivered
an oration at Fort Wayne, Ind., on the completion
of the great canal connecting the lakes with the
Ohio, through the Wabash River. In this oration
he thus eloquently contrasted the prospects and
future history of the United States, with those
of the many foreign lands through which he had
travelled :

" I have stood upon the plain of Marathon, the
battle-field of liberty. It is silent and desolate.
Neither Greek nor Persian is there to give life and
animation to the scene. It is bounded by sterile
hills on one side, and lashed by the eternal waves of
t'le Ecean sea on the other. But Greek and Persian
were once there, and that decayed spot was alive
with hostile armies, who fought the geat fight which
rescued Greece from the yoke of Persia. And I
have stood upon the hill of Zion, the city of Jerusa-
lem, the scene of our Redeemer's sufferiiigs, and
cj'ucifixion and ascension. But the sceptre has de-
parted from Judah, and its glory from the capital of
Solomon. The Assyrian, the Egyptian, the Greek,
13

134

LIFE OF

the Roman, the Arab, the Turk, and the Crusaders,
hnvo passed over this chief place of Israel ;.iid have
bereft it of its power and beauty. In those regions
of the East where society passed its infancy, it
seems to have reached decrepitude. If the associa-
tions whicli the memory of their past ^lory excites,
arc powerful, they are melancholy. They are with-
out gratification for the present, and without hope
for the future. But here we are in the freshness of
youth, and can look forward with rational confidence
to ages of progress in all that gives power and
pride to man, and dignity to human nature. It is
better to look forward to prosperity than back to
glory."

During the summer of 1843, General Cass received
the letter from General Jackson which has already
been referred to and printed. During that year,
General Cass remained at his home attending to his
business, which, from many years' absence, required
his particular care; but in the spring of 1844, in
answer to many questions, he wrote a letter on the
subject of Texas, in which he avowed himself plainly
and distinctly in favour of the annexation to the
CJnited States of the sister republic. In May of
that year, the regular democratic convention at
Baltimore met, and, on the first ballot, Mr. Cass
received eighty-three votes, which gradually in-
creased, until, on the seventh, one hundred and
twenty-three were cast for him. There is now very
little doubt, but that on another vote he would have
lu;en selected as the candidate. The convention,
however, adjourned, and all parties yielding to the
principle of expediency, selected the present incum-
bent, who, after two ballotings, was declared to
have been selected by the convention as the candi-
date of the democratic party.

An ordinary man so nearly on the point of suq,-
cess, would have felt mortified and wounded. So
did not, however, General Cass, who, on the very

GENERAL CASS.

135

1 the
ainly
) the
ly of
at
Cass
in-
and

sue-
So

day o^' the reception of the news of tlic nomination
at Detroit, in an eloquent address at a popular as-
sembly, gave his warmest assent to the nomination,
and avowed his intention to support it, and do all
in his power to secure its success. He consequently
accepted the invitation of llie great convention at
Nashville, Tennessee, in August of that year, and,
by that immense body, he was received with the
most lavish respect. His address to that conven-
tion has been spoken of as a masterpiece of elo-
quence and statesmanf>hip, worthy of him who had
foiled, in the quintuple negotiation, by honest talent
and nerve, the efforts of the combined diplomatic
chicanery of Europe. The applause by which it
was welcomed, and the unanimous' assent to its
teachings, was the best proof of its merit.

From Nashville, General Cass proceeded to the
residence of Gpneral Jackson, with whom he passed
much time. He may almost be said to have received
the last political adieu and teachings of the veteran
who had defeated the Indian and Ei Itish enemies of
the nation, and been recognized as the restorer of
the great and true principles of the theory of the
government of the country.

General Cass, on his return, made a tour through
Ohio, Indiana, and Michigan, and everywhere was
most enthusiastically received. Everywhere he was
acknowledged as the fosterer of the civilization of
the west, and representative of its dignity and
greatness. His tour has thus eloquently been de-
scribt'd —

" But a great change had been effected since first
he came among them. The lofty forests which he
then traversed were now fruitful fields; the lonely
cabins which he protected from the firebrand of the
savage were transformed into populous cities; the
Indian war-path was converted into the railroad;
the harbors upon the lakes and rivers which he first
Burveved were now the seats of commerce aud of

136

LIFE OF

wealth ; and th*^ scattered population which he
governed were now a great people. The crowds
which attended his progress through those States
seemed rather the triumphal procession of a con-
queror, than the peaceful attendants of a private
citizen."

The election of 1844 is now a matter of history.
The majority of every western state except one,
and that was Kentucky, the home of the great an-
tagonist of the democratic party, was given for Mr.
Polk. Even Kentucky had but a small majority in
favour of the whig candidate. No small degree of
this success is to be attributed to Mr. Cass, who
tii/ew all his personal popularity into the scale of
the 'success of his rival before the nominating com-
mittee.

During the winter of 1844-45, Mr. Cass was
elected to the senate of the United .States, by the
people of that unit of the confederacy which he
might almost be said to have created. On the 4th
of March, 1845, his credentials were presented, and
he took his seat. On the first formation of the com-
mittees of the Senate, General Cass was nominated
unanimously to the high position of chairman of the
committee on military affairs, due to him from his
high reputation as a soldier, which had been ac-
quired in the field, and not in mere holiday service.
This position he declined, nor did he occupy it until
it had been for the third time offered him, on the
coiumencement of the present session of congress.

During December, 1845, Mr. Cass, as a member
of the military committee, introduced a series of
resolutions into the senate, with reference to the na-
tional defence, especially in connection with the diffi-
culties with Great Britain in relation to Oregon.
The following extract demonstrates that the old
leaven which took him twice to the frontier, and
prompted him to share in the perils of the battle of
ihe Thames, had not lost its force. lie was in favour

GENERAL CASS.

137

of maintaining our rights to their utmost point, and
though both parties united in abandoning the pre-
tensions of the nation, the people will remember Mr.
Cass as one of those who sought to maintain them
to the latest hour. Men who make a study of poli-
ties, often differ from those who examme natiorjal
affairs, only amidst the leisure and miermissioris of
their ordinary pursuits, and a large portion of llu
people disapproved of the extinguishment of a iitile
of the nation's pretensions. Be this however as it
may, it is now undeniable, that 54^ 40' men who
talked of" manifest destiny" and expulsion of Euro-
pean influence, were found in each of the great
parties.

It was during the month of March, that Mr. ("ass
delivered his great speech on the Oregon question.
One of the largest audiences collected during the
winter, and a full senate awaited the expression of
the opinions of one, who from long residence abroad
and patient study, was admirably calculated to en-
lighten the people on this most knotty and difficult
question. The following paragraphs have been se-
lected as admirably expressing the tone and tenor
of his remarks.

" It pains me, sir, to hear allusions to the destruc-
tion of this government, and to the dissolution of
this confederacy. It pains me, not because they in-
spire me with any fear, but because we ought to
have one unpronounceable word, as the Jews had of
ol i, 'ioi\ that word is dissolution. We should re-
jv ♦ l"e feeling from our hearts and its name from
•u ; ;n ues. This cry of " Wo, ivo, to Jerusalem,'*
grate i harshly upon my ears. Our Jerusalem is
neither beleagured nor in danger. It is yet the city
upon a hill ; glorious in what it is, still more glorious,
by the blessing of God, in what it is to be — a land-
mark, inviting the nations of the world, struggling
upon the stormy ocean of political oppression, to fol-
low us to a haven of safety and of rational liberty.
13*

138

LIFE O^

No English Titus will enter our temple of freedom
throujf^h a breiich in tlie battlements to bear thence
the ark of our (constitution and the book of our law,
to take their stations in a triumphal procession in
the streets of modern Rome, as trophies of conquest
and proofs of submission.

" Many a raven has croaked in my day, but the
augury has failed, and the republic has marched on-
ward. Many a crisis has presented itself to the im-
agination of our political Cassandras, but we have
still increased in political prosperity as we have in-
creased in years, and that, too, with an accelerated
progress unknown to the history of the world. We
have a class of men whose eyes are always upon the
future, overi( ' ;. the blessings around us, and for-
ever apprehens; jf some great political evil, which
is to arrest our course, somewhere or other on this
side of the millennium. To them we are the image
of gold, and silver, and brass, and clay, contrariety
in unity, which the first rude blow of misfortune is
to strike from its pedestal.

** For my own part, I consider this the strongest
government on the face of the earth for good, and
the weakest for evil. Strong, because supported by
the public opinion of a people inferior to none of the
communities of the earth in all that constitutes mo-
ral worth and useful knowledge, and who have
breathed into their political system the breath of life;
and who would destroy it, as they created it, if it
were unworthy of them, or failed to fulfil their just
xpectations.

" And weak for evil, from this very consideration,
which would make its follies and its faults the signal
of its overthrow. It is the only government in ex-
istence which no revolution can subvert. It may
be changed, but it provides for its own change,
when the public will requires. Plots and insurrec-
tions, and the various struggles, by which an op-
pressed population manifests its sufferings and seeks

GENERAL CASS.

139

the recovery of its rights, have no place here. We
have nothing to fear but ourselves."

The conduct of Mr. Cass in this perilous crisis
was appreciated by the people. The skilful man
who had studied the tone of European governments,
and the pt pie who always have an intuitive know-
ledge of their own rights and interests, had come to
the sr.me conclusion. Both the one and the other
had learned that a people lose nothing by insisting
on their rights, and gain nothing by withdrawing
from their just pretensions.

The history of General Cass now draws towards
a close, and it is here necessary to state, that he
sustained, with unflinching energy, the propriety of
hostilities with Mexico, and advocated the adoption
of the most rigorous measures to bring the neigh-
bouring republic to a knowledge of what was due
to the world and to the United States. Here, too,
the people coincided with him, and even the great
champion of the opposition at one time wished ** that
he too might kill a Mexican."

All know the tenor of the three million bill, the
object of which was to place at the disposal of the
president the sum of three millions of dollars, to
enable him to conclude a peace with the Mexican
government. The propriety of this bill was unde-
niable, so that no one pretended *o assail it. A
Si^nator, however, from that section of the United
SfatcH, which has been generally under the control
of a party which has always opposed the vindica-
tion o{ national rights, introduced into the senate as
an amnndnient to the bill, what has been known as
the VVilmot Proviso; a movement which originated
in the house of representatives on a resolution of
Mr. Wilmot,a member of Congress, from one of the
most obscure districts of Pennsylvania, and pro-
vided that no territory obtained by conquest or
otherwise from Mexico, should be annexed to the
United States, except with the understanding that

140

LIFE OF

slavery was to be abolished and prohibited. On
this occasion, General Cass, also, delivered a most
eloquent and emphatic speech, and voted against the
amendment.

During this congress also, the tariff of 184G, and
the independent treasury, became subjects of debate.
On these occasions, General Cass rendered to the
Democratic party services certainly not inferior to
those of the persons who declared themselves the
peculiar vindicators of these doctrines. As a token
of admiration of his services on this occasion, Gene-
ral Cass on the expiration of Congress, was invited
to partake of a public entertainment at Albany, by
the Democratic members of both houses of the legis-
lature of New York. The honour, however, was
declined.

. Amid all his political engagements, he had found
time to prepare an address, which he delivered
before the literary societies of Dartmouth College,
New Hampshire, his native state, at the annual com-
mencement of that institution. The societies after-
wards prepared an elegant gold-headed cane, with
appropriate devices, which was presented to him in
Washington, on the 4th of March, 1848.

On the meeting of the present congress, the atti-
tude Mr. Benton, the previous chairman of the com-
mittee of niilitary affairs, had chosen to assume
a^rainst more than one of the most distinguished
officers of the army, having rendered it manifestly
improper that he should continue longer at its head,
Mr. Cass was selected as its chairman. The best
summary of his opinions on the great questions of
war and annexation, is contained in the following
reply to an address of Mr. Mangum, delivered early
m the session. .... v*

"Now, with respect to the progress of the war,
it is said that General Scott is going on from town
to town, and from city to city, conquering all before
him. I am very glad to hear it. I hope that the

GENERAL CASS.

141

commanding general will continue to go on in this
way. If he does so, I have no doubt he will con-
quer Mexican obstinacy, and thus conquer a peace.
I have already expressed my opinions with regard
to the war in Mexico, and have nothing to say on
the subject now, except to tell the Senator from
North Carolina, what I had the honour to say to the
Senator from South Carolina, that the adoption of
any resolutions in this Senate with regard to any
danger — if danger there be — in the progress of this
war, would be but as the idle wind. You might as
well stand by the cataract of Niagara, and say to its
waters " flow not," as to the American people ** an-
nex not territory," if they choose to annex it. It is
the refusal of the Mexican people to do us justice
that prolongs this war. It is that which operates
on the public mind, and leads the Senator from
North Carol ir.ci to apprehend a state of things which
he fears, but which, for myself, I do not anticipate.
Let me say, Mr. President, that it takes a great
deal to kill this country. We have had an alarming
crisis almost every year as long as I can recollect.
I came on the public stage as a spectator before Mr.
Jefferson was elected. That was a crisis. Then
came the embargo crisis — the crisis of the non-inter-
course—of the war — of the bank — of the tariff — of
the removal of the deposites — and a score of others.
But we have outlived them all, and advanced in all
the elements of power and prosperity with a rapidity
eretofore unknown in the history of nations. If
we should swallow Mexico to-morrow, I do not be-
lieve it would kill us. The Senator from North
Carolina and myself may not live to see it, but I am
by no means satisfied that the day will not come m
which the whole of the vast country around us will
form one of the most magnificent empires that the
world has yet seen — glorious in its prosperity, and
still more glorious in the establishment and perpetu-

142

LIFE OF

ation of the principles of free government and the
blessings which they bring with them."

In answer to a letter from Mr. Nicholson, in De-
cember 1847, General Cass pubiislifed an address, in
which he expressed himself opposed to the Wilmot
Proviso, because he thought all legislation in relation
to and restrictions upon territories ill-advised. He
declared, that he thought all domestic institutions
should be left under their own control, and proclaimed
^ , explicitly that he thought congress was as utterly

disqualiAed from legislation in relation to slavery,
as to define the relative duties of husband and wife,
and the obligation of landlord and tenant. He con-
cluded with the following passage —

" The * Wilmot Proviso' seeks to take from its
legitimate tribunal a question of domestic policy,
having no relation to the Union, as such, and to
transfer it to another, created by the people for a
special purpose, and foreign to the subject matter
involved in the issue. By going buck to our true
principles, we go back to the road of peace and
safety. Leave to the people, who will be affected
by tliis question, to adjust it upon their own respon-
sibility and in their own manner, and we shall ren-
der another tribute to the original principles of our
government, and furnish another guaranty for its
permanence and prosperity."

The foregoing pages have recounted briefly the
services of General Cass. He had become one of
the popular favourites, and been nominated as Pre-
sident by the state conventions of Ohio and Michi-
gan, and he had been highly complimented by that
of Pennsylvania, held 4th March, 1848, at Harris-
burg. With this prestige, he was nominated as the
candidate of the democratic party of the United
States, by the convention at Baltimore, of May 28,
1848, and, after several ballotings, received the
unanimous vote. His antagonists were Mr. Dallas
and Mr. Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, illustrious in

GENERAL CASS.

143

the political history of the nation, and disliiiguished
in the annals of the democratic party, and others,
who from minor and personal grounds had been sug-
gested by their friends as candidates for the high
dignity of chief magistrate of the nation.

On these events, c( mnient is now gratuitous. A
thinking people wi''. reflect on the events of Mr.
Cass's long career, and, whether he receive their
suffrage or not, no one will be more earnest in
wishes for their success and prosperity.

The following correspondence on the subject of
the nomination of Mr. Cass will explain his pro-
mises to the American people, and the history of his
past career proves that he will fulfil them —

Baltimore, iMny 23, WiP..

Dear Sir : — You are doubtless apprised of the fact
that a National Convention of republican delegates
from the various portions of the Union, assembled
in this city on the 22d inst., for the purpose of se-
lecting candidates for the two highest executive
offices of the United States. We are gratified in
having it in our power to inform you that the con-
vention, with great unanimity, agreed to present
your name to the country for the office of President,
and requested us to communicate to you this nomi-
nation, and solicit your acceptance. In performing
this duty, which we do with great pleai-ure, it is
proper that the resolutions adopted by the conven-
tion, and containing the principles upon which they
believe the government ought to be administered,
should be laid before you. These const imto a plat-
form broad enough for all true democrats to stand
upon, and narrow enoujxh to exelude all those who
may be opposed to the great principles of the demo-
cratic party. That these principles will m?et with
your cordial assent and support, and be Illustrated
in your administration, if called to this high office
by your country, we do not for a moment doubt;

144

I, I P C OP

but feci ai5Siired, tijat while you exercise forbear-
ance witli finmiess, you will not fail to exert your
faculties to maintain the principles and just com-
promises of the constitution, in a spirit of modera-
tion and brotherly love, so vitally essential to the
perpetuity of the Union, and the prosperity and
happiness of our common country. We offer you
our sincere congratulations upon this distinguished
mark of the public confidence, and arc, with senti-
ments of high esteem and regard, dear sir.

Your friends and obedient servants,

A. STEVENSON,
Pres*t. of the National Convention.

Robt. P. Dunlap, Me. ; J. H. Steele, N. H. ; Ches-
ter W. Chapin, Mass. ; Ira Davis, Vt. ; B. B. Thurs-
ton, R. I. : Isaac Toucy, Conn.; G. D. Wall, N. J.;
J. G. Jones, Penn. ; A. 11. Ramsey, Ark. ; G. M.
Bowers, Mo. ; C. J. McDonald, Ga. ; J. A. Winston,
Ala.; J. C. McCehee, Fa. : Powhatan Ellis, Miss.;
R. W. English, 111.; C. G. English, Ta. ; J. Larwell,
Ohio; Thos. J. Rusk, Texas; AustinE. Whig, Mich.;
Solo. W. Downs, La.; Thos. Martin, Tenn. ; L.
Saunders, Ky. ; James Clarke, Iowa; S. B. Davis,
Del.; B. C. Howard, Md. ; Ed. P. Scott, Va.; W.
N. Edwards, N. C. ; J. M. Commander, S. C.

To Gen. Lewis Cass, Washington City.

Washington, May 30, 1848.

Gentlemen : — I have the honour to acknowledge
the receipt of your letter of the 28th instant, an-
nouncing to me that I have been nominated by the
Convention of the Democratic party, its candidate
for the office of President of the United States, at
the approaching election.

While I accept, with deep gratitude, this distin-
guished honour — and distinguished indeed it is — I
do so with a fearful apprehension of the responsi-
bility it may eventually bring with it, and with a

G ENER A L CASS.

145

profound conviction that it is the kind confidence of
my fellow citizens, far more than any merit of my
own, which has placed me thus prominently before
the American people. And fortunate shall I be, if
this confidence should find, in the events of the fu-
ture, a better justification than is furnished by thoso
of the past.

I have carefully read the resolutions of the Demo-
cratic National Convention, laying down the plat-
form of our political faith, and ! adhere to them as
firmly, as I approve them cordially. And while
thus adhering to them, I shall do so with a sacred
regard to "the principles and compromises of the
constitution," and with an earnest desire for their
maintenance " in a spirit of moderation and bro-
therly love, so vitally essential to the perpetuity of
the Union, and the prosperity and happiness of our
common country;" — a feeling which has made us
what we are, and which, in humble reliance jpon
Providence, we may hope is but the beginning of
what we are to be. If called upon hereafter to ren-
der an account of my stewardship, in the great tri'st
you desire to commit to me, should I be able to
show that I had truly redeemed the pledge thus pub-
licly given, and had adhered to the principles of the
democratic party with as mucli fidelity and success
as have generally marked the administration of the
eminent men to whom that party i)as hitherto con-
fided the chief executive authority of tlie govern-
ment, I could prefer no higher claim to the favour-
able consideration of the country, nor to the impar-
tial commendation of history.

This letter, gentlemen, closes my profession of
political faith. Receiving my first apjuiintment
from tiiat pure patriot and great expounder of Ame-
rican democracy, Mr. Jefferson, more than forty
years ago, the intervening period of my life has
been almost wholly passed in the service of my
13

140

LIFl:: OF

country, and has been marked by many vicissitudes,
and attended with many trying circumstunces, both
in peace and war. If my conduct in these situa-
tions, and tiie opinions I have been called upon to
form and express, from time to time, in relation to
all the ^reat party topics of the day, do not furnish
a clear exposition of my views respecting them,
and at the same time a sufHcicnt pledge of my faith-
ful adherence to their practical application, when-
ever and wherever I may be required to act, any-
thing further I might now say, would be mere delu-
sion, unworthy of myself, and justly offensive to the
great party in whose name you are now acting.

My immediate predecessor in the nomination by
the democratic party, who has since established so
many claims to the regard and confidence of his
country, when announcing, four years ago, his ac-
ceptance of a similar honour, announced also his
determination not to be a candidate for re-election.
Coinciding with him in his views, so well expressed,
and so faithfully carried out, I beg leave to say, that
no circumstances that can possibly arise, would
induce me again to permit my name to be brought
forward in connexion with the Chief Magistracy of
our country. My inclination and my sense of duty
equally dictate this course.

No party, gentlemen, had ever higher motives for
exertion, than has the great Democratic party of
the United States. With an abiding confidence in
the rectitude of our principles, with an unshaken
reliance upon the energy and wisdom of public
opinion, and with the success which has crowned
the administration of the government, when com-
mitted to its keeping, (and it has been so committed
during more than three-fourths of its existence,)
what has been done, is at once the reward of pnst
exertion and the motive of future, and, at the same
time, a guarantee of the accomplishment of what

GKNERAL CA!IS.

147

we have to do. We cannot conceal from ourselves
that there is a powerful party in the country, dif-
fering from us in regard to many fundamental prin-
ciples of our covernment, and opposi-d to us in their
practical application, which will strive as zealously
as we shall, to secure the ascendancy of their prin-
ciples, by securing the election of their candidate in
the coming contest. That party is composed of our
fellow-citizens, as deeply interested in the prosper-
ity of our common country as we can be, and seek-
ing as earnestly as we are to promote and perpetu-
ate it.

We shall soon present to the world the sublime
spectacle of the election of a Chief Magistrate by
twenty millions of people, without a single serious
resistance to the laws, or the sacrifice of the life of
one human being — and this, too, in the absence of
all force but the moral force of our institutions ; and
if we should add to all this, an example of nutuol
respect for the motives of the contending parties,
so that the contest might be carried on with that
firmness and energy which accompany deep con-
viction, and with as little personal asperity as poli-
tical divisions permit, we should do more for the
great cause of human freedom throughout the world,
than by any other tribute we could render to its
value.

We have a government founded by the will of
all, responsible to the power of all, and adminis-
tered for the good of all. The very first article in
the Democratic creed teaches that the people are
competent to govern themselves ; it is, indeed,
rather an axiom than an article of political faith.
From the days of General Hamilton to our days,
the party opposed to us — of whose principles he
was the great exponent, if not the founder — while
it has changed its name, has preserved essentially
its identity of character ; and the doubt he enter-

LIFE OF

tained and taught of the capacity of man for self-
government, has exerted a marked influence upon
its action and opinions. Here is the very starting-
point of the dirterence between the two great par-
tics wliich divide our country. AH other differ-
ences are but subordinate and auxiliary to this, and
may, in fact, be resolved into it. I>ooking with
doubt upon the issue of self-government, one party
is prone to think the public authority should be
strengthened, and to fear any change, lest that
change might weaken the necessary force of the
government ; while the other, strong in its convic-
tions of the intelligence and virtue of the people,
believes that original power is safer than delegalod,
and that the solution of the great problem of good
government consists in governing with the least
force, and leaving individual action a.-, free from
restraint as is compat ble with the preservation of
the social system, thertby securing to each all the
freedom which is not essential to the well-being of
the whole.

As a party, we ought not ^^o mistake the signs of
the times; but should bear it> mind, that this is an
age of progress — of advancement in all the elements
of intellectual power, and in the opinions of the
world. The general government should assume no
powers. It should exercise none which have not
been clearly granted by the parties to the federal
compact. We ought to construe the constitution
strictly, according to the received and sound prin-
ciples of the Jefferson school. But while rash ex-
periments should be deprecated, if the government
is stationary in its principles of action, and refuses
to accommodate its measures, within its constitu-
tional sphere — cautiously indeed, but wisely and
cheerfully — to the advancing sentiments and neces-
sities of the age, it will find its moral force impaired,
and the public will determine to do what the public

GENERAL CASS.

149

authority itself should readily do, when the indica-
tions of popular sentiments are clear, and clearly
expressed.

With great respect, gentlemen, I have the honour
to be your obedient servant,

LEWIS CASS.

Hon. A. Stevenson,
President of the Democratic Convention,

and Vice Presidents of the same. '

A few days after, Mr. Cass resigned his seat in
the Senate, and after the lapse of a few days pro-
ceeded homeward. At Baltimore, Philadelphia, New
York, and everywhere, he was received most enthu-
siastically by all of that portion of the people, the
representatives of which had re<^ognized him as their
candidate. A few months will determine whether
he will occupy the Presidential chair ; at all events,
he is wortiiy to do so. .

The following \^ere the resolutions of the conven-
tion of the Democratic party, and contain its creed.
The career of the person it selected as a type is an
assurance that they will be maintained.

Resolved, That the American Democracy place their
trust in the intelligence, the patriotism, and the discrimi-
nating justice of the American people.

Resolved, That we regard this as a distinctive feature
of our political creed, which we are proud to maintain
before the world, as the great moral element in a form of
government, springing from and upheld by the popular
will ; and we contrast it with the creed and practice of
federalism, under whatever name or form, which seeks to
palsy the will of the constituent, and which conceives no
imposture too monstrous for the popular credulity.

Resolved, therefore, That, entertaining these views, the
Democratic party of this union, through thoir delegates
assembled in a general convention of the States, coming
together in a spirit of concord, of devotion to the doc-
trines and faith of a free representative government, and
appealing to their fellow citizens for the rectitude of their

{]><

150

LIFE OF

intentions, renew and re-assert, before tl>e American peo-
ple, the declarations of principles avowed by them when,
on a former occasion, in general convention, they pre-
sented their candidates for the popular suffrages :

1. That the federal government is one of limited powers,
derived solely from the constitution, and the grants of
power shown therein ought to be strictly construed by
all the departments and agents of the government ; and
that it is inexpedient and dangerous to exercise doubtful
constitutional powers.

2. That the constitution does not confer upon the gene-
ral government the power to commence and carry on a
general system of internal improvements.

3. That the constitution does not confer authority upon
the federal government, directly or indirectly, to assume
the debts of the several States, contracted for local inter-
nal improvements, or other State purposes; nor would
such assumption be just and expedient.

4. That justice and sound policy forbid the federal govern-
njent to foster one branch of industry to the detriment of
another, or to cherish the interests of one portion to the
injury of another portion of our common counti-y ; that
every citizen, and eveiy section of the country, has a
right to demand and insist upon an equality of rights and
privileges, and to complete and ample protection of per-
sons and property Irom domestic violence or foreign ag-
gression.

5. That it is the duty of every branch of the govern-
ment to enforce and practise the most rigid economy in
conducting our public affairs, and that no more revenue
ought to be raised than is required to defray the neces-
sary expenses of the government, and for the gradual but
certain extinction of the debt created by the prosecu-
tion of a just and necessary war, after peaceful relations
shall have been restored.

6. That congress has no power to charter a national
bank; that we believe such an institution one of deadly
hostility to the best interests of the country, dangerous
to our republican institutions and the liberties of the
people, and calculated to place the business of the coun-
try wifhin the control of a concentrated money power,
and above the laws and the will of the people; and that
the result of Democratic legislation, in this and all other
financial measures upon which issues have been made
between the two political parties of the country, have
demonstrated to cimdld and practical men of all parties,
their souiiilijo.s>:, .safety and utility in all business pursuits.

GENERAL CASS.

151

eadly

rerous

of the

coun-

3ower,

1 that

other

made

have

arties,

rsuits.

7. That congress has no power under the constitution
to interfere with or control the domestic institutions of
tlie several States, and that such States are the sole and
proper judges of everything appertaining to their own
affairs, not prohibited by the constitution; tha' all
efforts of the abolitionists or others, made to induce
congress to interfere with the question of slavery, or
to take incipient steps in relation thereto, are calculated
to lead to the most alarming and dangerous consequen-
ces ; and that all such efforts have an inevitable tendency
to diminish the happiness of the people, and endanger the
stability and permanency of the Union, and ought not to
be countenanced by any friend of our political institu-
tions.

8. That the separation of the moneys of the government
from banking institutions is indispensable for the safety
of the funds of the government and the rights of the
people.

9. That the liberal principles embodied by Jefferson in
the Declaration of Independence, and sanctioned in the
constitution, which make ours tiie land of liberty, and
the asylum of the oppressed of every nation, have ever
been cardinal principles in the Democratic faith ; and
every attempt to abridge the present privilege of becom-
ing citizens and the owners of soil among us, ought to be
resisted with the same spirit which swept the alien and
sedition laws from our statute books.

Resolved, That the proceeds of the public lands ought
to be sacredly applied to the national objects specified
in the constitution; and that we are opposed to any law
for the distribution of such proceeds among the States,
as alike inexpedient in policy, and repugnan the con-
stitution.

Resolved, That we are decidedly opposed to tukinp
from the President the qualified veto power, by which ' •
is enabled, under restrictions and responsibilities, amply
sufficient to guard the public interest, to suspend the pas-
sage of a bill whose merits cannot secure the approval
of "two-thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives
until the judgment of the people can be obtained thereon,
and which has saved the American people from the cor-
rupt and tyrannical domination of the Bank of the United
States, and from a corrupting system of general internal
improvements.

Resolved, That the war with Mexico, provoked on her
part, by years of insult and injury, was commenced by
her army crossing the Rio Grande, attacking the Ame-

152

LIFE OF

rican troops, and invading our sister State of Texas —
and that upon all the principles of patriotism and the laws
of nations, it is a just and necessary war on our part, in
which every American citizen should have shown him-
self on the side of his country, and neither morally nor
physically, by word or deed, have given " aid and comfort
to the enemy."

Resolved, That we would be rejoiced at the assurances
of a peace with Mexico, founded on the just principles of
indemnity for the past and security ibr the future; but
that while the ratification of the liberal treaty offered to
Mexico remains in doubt, it is the duty of the country to
sustain the administration in every measure necessary to
provide for the vigorous prosecution of the war, should
that treaty be rejected.

Resolved, That the officers and soldiers who have car-
ried the arms of their country into Mexico, have crowned
it with imperishable glory. Their unconquerable cour-
age, their daring enterprise, their unfaltering persever-
ance and fortitude when assailed on all sides by innume-
rable foes, and that more formidable enemy — the diseases
of the climate — exalt their devoted patriotism into the
highest heroism, and give them a right to the profound
gratitude of their country and the admiration of the
world.

Resolved, That the Democratic National Convention
of the thirty States composing the American Republic,
tender their frpturnal congratulations to the National
Convention of the Republic of France, now assembled
as the free suffrage representatives of the sovereignty
of thirty-five millions of Republicans, to establish govern-
ments on those eternal principles of equal right, for which
their Lafayette and our Washington fought, side by
side, in the struggle for our own National Independence ;
and we would especially convey to them and the whole
people of France, our earnest wishes for the consolidation
of their Liberties, through the wisdom that shall guide
their councils, on the basis of a Democratic Constitution,
not derived from the grants or concessions of kings or
dynasties, but originating from the only true source of
political power recognized in the States of tiiis Union;
the inherent and inalienable right of the people, in their
sovereign capacity, to make and to amend their forms of
government in such manner as the welfare of the com-
munity may require.

Resolved, That in the recent development of this grand
political truth, of the sovereignty of the people and thei'

OBNER AL CASS.

153

capacity and power of self-government, which is pros-
trating thrones and erecting republics on the ruins of
despotism in the old world, we feel that a high and sacred
duty is devolved with increased responsibility upon the
Democratic party of this country, as the party of the
people, to sustain and advance among us constitutional
liberty, equality and fraternity, by continuing to resist all
monopolies and exclusive legislation for the benefit of the
few at the expense of the many, and by a vigilant and
constant adherence to those principles and compromises
of tlie constitution which are broad enough and strong
enough to embrace and uphold the Union as it was, the
Union as it is, and the Union as it shall be in the full ex-
pansion of the energies and capacity of this great and
progressive people.

Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions be forwarded
through the American Minister at Paris to the National
Convention of the Republic of France,

Resolved, That the fruits of the great political triumph
of 1844, which elected James K. Polk and George M.
Dallas President and Vice President of the United States,
have fulfilled the hopes of the Democracy of the Union ;
in defeating the declared purposes of their opponents to
create a National Bank, in preventing the corrupt and
unconstitutional distribution of the land proceeds, from
the common treasury of the Union, for local purposes ; in
protecting the currency and the labour of the country
from the ruinous fluctuations, and guarding the money
of the people for the use of the people, by the establish-
ment of the Constitutional Treasury; in the noble im-
pulse given to the cause of Free Trade, by the repeal of
the Taritf of 1842, and the creation of the more equal,
honest and productive Tariff of 1846; and, that, in our
opinion, it would be a fatal error to weaken the bands of
political organization by which these great reforms have
been achieved, — and risk them in the hands of their known
adversaries, with whatever delusive appeals they may
solicit our surrender of that vigilance, which is the only
safeguard of liberty.

Resolved, That the confidence of the Democracy of the
Union, in the principles, capacity, firmness and integrity
of James K. Polk, manifested by his nomination and elec-
tion in 1844, has been signally justified by the strictness
of his adherence to sound Democratic doctrines, by the
purity of purpose, the energy and ability which have cha-
racterized his administration in all our affairs at home and
abroad; that we tender to him our cordial congratulations

154

LIFE OF

upon the brilliant success which has hitherto crowned his
patriotic efforts, and assure him, in advance, that at the
expiration of his presidential term he will carry with him
to his retirement, the esteem, respect and admiration of a
grateful country.

Resolved, That this Convention hereby present to the
people of the United States, Lewis Cass, of Michigan, as
the candidate of the Democratic party for the office of
President, and William O. Butler, of Kentucky, as the
candidate of the Democratic party for the office of Vice
President of the United States.

On the reception of the news of the recent revo
lution of France, the greatest enthusiasm was ex
cited in the United States, and public meetings
were held in all the principal cities of the Union
To a large and enthusiastic assemblage at Washing
ton, March 28, 1848, General Cass delivered an ad-
dress, from which we make the following extracts :

I came here, fellow-citizens, to hear and to feel,' rathei
than to talk — not so much to address you, as to mingle
my congratulations with yours, upon the stirring and
striking events, which are now passing in Europe, and
the soimd of which is borne upon the wings of tiie wind
to every civilized country of the earth. I yield to abler
and to younger speakers the task of expressing such sen-
timents, as become the subject and the occasion ; but I
yield in no jot nor tittle to any one in the interest they
excite, and the hopes they inspire. The shouts of liberty
reach us from the Old World : let us send back their
echoes from the New. Let us be grateful to Him, who
holds in his hand the fate of nations, and who guides their
purposes by wiser purposes of his own ; let us be grateful
to Him, who is breaking the bond of the oppressed, and
setting the captive free.

Throughout a considerable part of Europe man is
awakening to a conviction of his rights, and to a know-
ledge of his strength ; and, with the feelings which these
inspire, comes the determination to assert, and, if neces-
sary, to employ the other. The abuses of centuries are
giving way before the progress of the age, and the foun-
dations of government are investigated with a zeal not to
be rebuked, and with a stern purpose, which nothing will
satisfy but the truth. The great tide of freedom is rolling

GENERAL CASS.

155

onwards from the shores of Calabria to the English chan-
nel, and institutions, originating in barbarous ages and
sanctioned by time and habit, but which have sacrificed
the happiness of the many to the power of the few, are
giving way beibre it with as little resistance as regret. I
hope, for one, that the chalk-bound cliffs of England will
not stay the progress of this salutary reform, but that it
will reach her palaces and her hovels, correcting the great
moral and physical evils which now press upon her
people.

Fellow-citizens, I do not deny that there is much to be
commended in the institutions of England, social and po-
litical. I do not deny that she has contributed her full
share to the intellectual progress of the age. I do not
deny that there is a great deal of moral worth in that
country, and many high traits of character well worthy
of imitation. But the practical administration of her
government is entitled to no si'ch commendation. It is
arbitrary and oppressive — administered by a chosen class
for their own benefit, and not for the masses. It sits like
an incubus upon the great body of the people in two-
thirds of the home empire ; and in the other third — Ireland
— it has pressed down the people into a state of humilia-
tion, elsewhere unknown in Christendom. Its right of
primogeniture, its feudal privileges, and its aristocratic
tendencies, have created such an inequality of property,
that scenes of distress — aye, of distress on the largest
scale — are passing there in a manner unknown in modern
history. It is very well to talk of the blessings of the
English law — of trial by jury and the habeas corpus.
These are good things for those who can enjoy them.
But bread is a better thing for a starving family than trial
by jury, and a house is a better protection than a liabeas
corpus. Probably on the face of the globe there is no
such squalid misery as in the hovels of Ireland ; nor was
the spirit of man ever pressed down, as there, by the
overpowering evils which surround him. Ireland is
scarcely the country of Irishmen. It is the country of
England, which the sons of Ireland inhabit, and where
they exist rather than live. And this oppression sends
them to every region of the globe; and wherever they
go they carry with them an instinctive hatred of tyranny
and the love of liberty. They have made most valuable
accessions to our population, and in peace and war have
fulfilled all the duties of American citizens, as zealously
as those born in our country. From the heights of Abra-
ham, watered with the blood of Montgomery, to the very

156

LIFE OF

last battle fought in Mexico, where is the field crowned
by the valor and exertions of the American troops, in
which the blood of Ireland has not mingled with our own,
and in which her native, but our adopted, sons have not
nobly rallied around the standard of their chosen home?

England is in that condition, which requires but one firm
effort on the part of her people to extend those principles
of free government which nominally belong to the coun-
try, but which practically are confined to the few ; to ex-
tend them to the great body of the people, and thus to
create a government for the benefit of all, directed by all,
and accountable to all.

The fiscal oppression of England is of itself a phenome-
non. The sum of two hundred and fifty millions of dol-
lars is every year ground out of the people for general
purposes, besides perhaps an equal sum for the mainte-
nance of the clergy, for the support of the poor, and for
a vast variety of other local objects. More than one-half
of these two hundred and fifty millions of dollars is ap-
plied to the payment of the interest of the national debt,
a large portion of which was contracted by Pitt, in liis
odious efforts to check the spirit of liberty on the conti-
nent of Europe. Tins system seems to be approaching
its crisis; for, this year, in a time of profoiind peace, the
revenues are insufficient to meet the expenditures. Where
is the true-hearted American who does not long for the
termination of such a state of things ]

One of the strangest events, in this day of great events,
is the origin of these movements in favour of liberty upon
the continent of Europe. Whence came they 1 From
the Eternal City — from the head of the Catholic religion
— the successor of St. Peter. Immediately on his eleva-
tion to the Pontificate, the Pope avowed his attachment
to free principles, and from the Vatican went out the de-
cree which is now spreading through the earth. The
Pontiff, who holds the keys of St. Peter, has found a key
to unlock the recesses of the human heart. His moral
courage was but the more tried by the difficulties of his
position. The abuses of the government were the work
of ages, and had entered into all the habits of life and the
ramifications of society ; and he was surrounded by des-
potic governments, jealous of the first aspirations of lib-
erty, and maintaining their sway by powerful armies.
The Austrian, too, with his Pandours and his Croats from
the l^anks of the Danube, had descended the ridges of the
Alps, and had spread himself over the sunny plains of
Italy. Almost in sight of the dome of St. Peter's, he

GENERAL CASS.

157

.rmies.

s from

of the

ins of

i-'s, he

watched, witli interest and with many a threatening word,
the progress ol" the Pope. But the work went on. Naples
is in a state of revolution; Tuscany and Sardinia in a
state of reform; and France of apparently peaceful pro-
gress in the new career opened to her.

I should not have said one word to y- n to-night, my
fellow-citizens, had 1 not been induced to do so by a par-
ticular circumstance. A few years since, when in Franco,
1 published in the Democratic Review some remarks upon
the condition of that country. Among these were allu-
sions to the tnieules, which wereoilon breaking out in the
streets of Paris, and occasioning consternation and alarm
to the quiet citizens, who wore disturbed in their occupa-
tions by tho din of arms, and sometimes by bloody con-
flicts in the midst of their city; and all this without the
least beneficial result, or any expectation of it. They
were not revolutions; they were riots and insurrections.
I communicated also the facts, as disclosed by the wit-
nesses on the trials of persons indicted for these offences.
It was shown conclusively, that the persons engaged in
them belonged to secret societies sworn to abolish the
Christian religion, to destroy all the rights of property,
and to overturn, in fact, social order. I was describing
more particularly what in France were technically called
the days of May, 1839. The sentiments of a journal,
which favoured these proceedings, may be judged by tho
terms it employs when speaking of the United States,
whose government it calls "a ridiculous republic, and a
moneyed aristocracy." The following quotations mark
its spirit and objects :

" It is, without doubt, beautiful to be an atheist ; but
that is not enough," &c.

" It ought to say, all that is connected with religious
worship is contrary to our progress; while, at the same
time, whenever people are religious they talk nonsense."

" Our Saviour i=^ ed the democratic son of Mary."

My condemna >( such principles has recently been

construed into a condemnation of the principles of revo-
lutions brought about by the people seeking the redress
of their grievances. There never was a feeling of my
heart, a word of my mouth, nor an act of my life, which
would give any man a right to call in question my sym-
pathy with the struggling masses, or the sincerity of my
hopes for their success; and I defy any man to quote from
my remarks upon the condition of France, one single sen-
tence inconsistent with the progress of rational liberty.

What I thought, and what I foresaw, are shown by the
14

158

LIFE OF

following extract, alluding to the condition of Europe,
and to the changes that were in progress :

" i5ut in Europe, this last great element of public hap-
piness is b(;y()nd the reach of the governments, and it is
therefore the more necessary that they should use all the
means within their power to in)prove the condition of the
poorer classes of society, to extend the advantages of
education to all, to diminish the public expenses, to put a
stop to oppressions, and to introduce the most impartial
equality before the law, and into public employments. In
this way, and in this alone, can the political etfervescence
which is everywhere visible in Europe, be safely guided,
when it cannot be wholly controlled. There is a forward
movement in opinion, which can neither be misunderstood
nor put down. It has produced great chaljges, and will
produce still greater. Its operation is a question of time
only; but the extent and intensity of that operation de-
pend esisentially upon the wisdom and justice of the
governments, and upon the forbearance of the people.
Happy will it be for both, if the changes demanded by the
present state of society, and called for by the thinking
class of the community, are made in time to prevent revo-
lutions, instead of being the consequences of them."

Is there one American in this broad land, who will not
reciprocate these sentiments]

Unfortunately for the late dynasty, these liberal views
were not adopted by it; and if its principles did not un-
dergo a change, certainly many of its most obnoxious
measures were adopted and pursued after that period, and
have given to its government a character for insincerity
and love of power, which, if they were before charged
upon it, it had not acquired by such a cotirse of conduct
as has since been adopted, and which left the French
people no choice between tame submission and armed
resistance.

Some peculiar characteristics have marked the progress
of the recent events in France. The capital is surrounded
by a wall of circumvallation upwards of thirty miles in
extent. Detached forts strengthen the approaclies, and
smaller defensive works are placed at regular intervals
along the whole wall. It is an immense fortification, one
of the most extensive in the world. It completely com-
mands the city of Paris, and is garnished with an im-
mense train of artillery, ready for any operations the
government might direct. In this fortification, and in the
city itself, when these troubles broke out, the government
had collected a great army of one hundred thousand men,

GENERAL CASS.

159

n, one
com-

n im-

Ds the

in the

nment
men,

among the best disciplined troops in the world, and col-
lected for the very purpose of putting down .ill opposition
to the course it was proposed to adopt. And vvliat was
the result of this great political foresight, as it seemed to
he ] The fortifications did not fire a gun ; the resistance
in the streets did not produce as much bloodshed us an
ordinary emeute; and the troops fraternized with the
people, and went over to them in the hour of trial. The
colossal power which Louis Philippe had been building up
for eighteen years, disappeared like a dream. His govern-
ment was dissolved, his dynasty terminated, his family
expelled from the kingdom, and tne people took possession
of the power that belonged to them. And what then 1
Any more blood 1 Any more violence? Any of those
reactions of feeling, which have too often marked the pro-
gress of revolutions, and have rendered the word itself
unacceptable to timid earsi There has been nothing of
all this; and let us hope there will not be. A provisional
government has been organized, composed of able and
eminent men, some of them known through the civilized
world, and all of them well fitted for their position, and
with characters which furnish the best guaranty for their
patriotic conduct. They have summoned a national as-
sembly to convene in a short time, in order to prepare a
constitution for the French people ; and, in the mean time,
all violence and resistance have ceased. The equality of
all French citizens before the law has been acknowledged ;
universal suffrage has been established ; and the great
principles of liberty have been recognized as freely as
they are recognized in our own country. And a public
vessel has actually been offered to one of the King's sons,
to enable him to go where he pleased. What a beautiful
illustration are all these proceedings of the progress of a
healthful public opinion in France; and what a beautiful
example for the other nations of Europe, who feel the
same evils, and may resort to the same remedy !

The people of this country are no propagandists. They
permit no other nation to interfere with them in their own
internal concerns, and they seek to interfere with no other
in theirs. They proclaimed, on the 4th of July, 1776, that
it is the right of every people to abolish its government,
and to institute a new one — "Jaying its foundations on
such principles, and organizing its powers in such form,
as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and
happiness." But every people must judge for themselves,
as well whether they will continue an existing govern-
ment, as whether they will change it ; and if so, what

IGO

LIFE OF GENERAL CASS.

form they will substitute. We know the priceless value
of liberty; we know it suits our condition, and that it has
^iven us a greater measure of political happiness than
any nation ever enjoyed before us. But, while we feel all
this, and wish that every other people were as well fitted
for the enjoyment of liberty as we are, still these convic-
tions and these wishes have no influence upon our politi-
cal conduct; — we hold all other nations as our fathers did
— enemies in war ; in peace, friends.

But there is no just principle of national comity, which
forbids us to indulge and express a sympathy with strug-
gling millions, who, feeling their rights and their oppres-
sions, are rising in their strength to recover their long-
lost freedom. We ougjit neither to shut our ears to the
welcome sound of their successful efforts, nor our hearts
to the emotions which these are so well calculated to tn-
sjare. France does not want men nor means to defend
herself, or to maintain the position she has assumed. She
has sons enough to protect her and her rights, and all
they have is at her disposal. But the sympathy of twenty
millions of people is a present fit to send across the At-
lantic — and of a people, too, who have preceded France
in the great career into which she has just entered, and
who can tell her that it is beset by no trials or difficulties,
which time and experience may not easily overcome. It
will make her joy the greater for what she has done, and
her confidence the firmer for what she has to do. Aban-
doning, then, the question of party, let us all come up to
this great work. Let neither Whig nor Democrat be con-
cerned in it. It is the right and the duty of American
citizens, and all other distinctions should be swallowed up
in that sacred term. Let us do this; and since the return
of Columbus to Spain, no higher tribute will have been
paid to the advancing opinions of the age, and no nobler
present made by the New World to the Old.

■I "i

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MAJOK-OF. NERiL WITiLIAM O. BTTLER.

SKETCH

or THE

PUBLIC SERVICES

MAJOR-GENERAL W. 0. BUTLER.

14'

(161)

CONTENTS

■»^#»^»^^»^N^W^»M^^»*«

CHAPTER 1.

Family History — Volunteers as Private — Appointed in
the Army — River Raisin — Prisoner — Promotion —
March South — Gen. Call's Letter * Page 166

CHAPTER IL

Appointment as Major-General — Service in Mexico—
Monterey — Wounded — Return Home — Second in
Command in Mexico — Return of Greneral Scott, Com-
mander-in-Chief 187

(163)

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LIFE

MAJOR-GENERAL BUTLER.

CHAPTER I.

Family History — Volunteers as Private — Appointed in the Army
— River Raisin — Prisoner — Promotion — March South — Gen.
Call's Letter.

Major-General William O. Butler, of the
United States volunteer service, is a member of a
family of soldiers. His grandfather, Thomas But-
ler, was born April 6, 1720, at the town of Kil-
kenny in Ireland, where also he was married in
1742. Three of his five sons were born in Ireland,
but the other two. Pierce, the father of William O.
Butler, and Edward the junior of all, were natives
of Pennsylvania. Every one of these men, and all
the sons of each, with the exception of one indivi-
dual, distinguished as a judge, were, soldiers.

Francis P. Blair, Esq., in a sketch of General But-
ler, recently published, states that Richard, the eld-
est, was a lieutenant-colonel of the celebrated rifle
corps of Morgan, and attributes to him much of the
peculiar celebrity, that famous body of men acquired
from the high discipline which separated it from
every other corps of the same arm of the revolu-
tionary army. On the promotion of Colonel Morgan
to a higher grade, Lieutenant-Colonel Butler was also
promoted, and as its colonel led his old regiment in the
famous coup de main of Wayne on Stony Point. In
1790, he was appointed a major-general, and No-
vember 4th of the next year, fell in the bloody and

165

166

LI FE OF

unfortunate but gallant contest of St. Clair with the
Indians. His death had a peculiar and melancholy
interest, so that a group of wax figures representing
the scene, attracted crowds in almost every city of
the Union.

The second son, William, rose to the rank of colo-
nel in the revolutionary war, throughout which he
served. When the army of the confederacy was so
reduced, that many of the officers were without
commands, they organized themselves into a corps
and offered to serve as privates. The scheme was
patriotic, but would have introduced great difficul-
ties in the discipline of the army, and General Wash-
ington, though he complimented their devotion,
was too prudent to accept their offer. Of all the
family he was the pride, and is said to have been
one of the coolest men in the army in defence, and
most headlong in attack. •

The third son, Thomas, in 1776, was a student
of law in the office of Judge Wilson, but at the call
of his country, abandoned his studies, and entered
the army as a subaltern. He soon became a cap-
tain, and at the end of the war held that grade. He
was at every battle in the middle States, and at
Brandywine his services were so brilliant that Ge-
neral Washington, through his aid. Colonel Hamil-
ton, thanked him at the head of the army for rally-
ing a body of retreating troops, and giving the
enemy a heavy fire. At Monmouth he received the
same compliment from General Wayne, for defend-
ing a defile attacked by the British, while the regi-
ment of his brother. Colonel Richard Butler, made
good its retreat. Disbanded at the end of the war,
he married, and devoted himself to agricultural pur-
suits until 1791, when he commanded a battalion
of the division of his elder brother, Richard. Though
his leg was broken by a rifle ball, he led his regi-
ment in the last forlorn charge of General St. Clair,
and was with difficulty taken from the field by his

MAJOR-GENERAL BUTLER.

167

•ally-
the
the

*end-

war,
pur-
alion
ough
regi-
lair,
y his

brother Edward. He was retained in service in
1792 as a major, and two years after became a lieu-
tenant-colonel. During the whiskey rebellion, he
commanded the post of fort Fayette, and with great
difficulty preserved it from the insurgents, who,
doubtless, from their superiority of numoers would
have captured it, had they not been deferred by
their respect for the veteran commandant.

Major-General Wilkinson seems to have had the
faculty of embroiling himself with all who really
were soldiers. Evidences of this are his disputes
11 with Scott and Gaines and others, in each of which

he was manifestly and clearly proven at fault.
Colonel Edward Butler also attracted his attention,
and in 1803 was arrested by him and sent from fort
Adams on the Mississippi to Maryland, and tried on
a series of charges. Of all of these, Colonel Butler
was acquitted except of one, which alleged that he
wore his hair, the old soldier adhering most pertina-
ciously to the queue of the revolutionary army, in-
stead of adopting the State prison crop, then de-
clared, by orders, the uniform of the army. Wil-
kinson being in command of New Orleans, whither
Colonel Butler was ordered, to assume command of
the city, during the next month again arrested him.
Before however the sentence of the court, which
met in Ji<ly of the next year, transpired, ('olonel
BuUer died, and the sentence has never become
known. The hitter persecution of this veteran sol-
dier, inspired Washington Irving with the pungent
sa'iire of Wilkinson, whose character he described
uuder the name of General Van Poppcnburg in
Knickerbocker's History of New York.

Percival Butler, tho fourth son. and fiitlior of Gen-
eral William O. Butler, was born at (.'iuiisle, in
Pennsylvania; he was a soldiir, havi ig pfit<3red the
service at the age of eighteen, and foujjht at Mon-
mouth and Yorktown. He shared in the hardships
of Valley Forge, and participated in all the scenes

168

LIFE OF

of the war in the middle States, under General
Washington, except for a brief time, when he was
altaclied to I.afayette's light corps. At the ratifi-
cation of peace, he was in the south with the Penn-
sylvania brigade. In 1784, he emigrated to Ken-
tucky, and when the war of 181'2 began he was
alive. He had been Adjutant-General of Kentucky,
and in that capacity served in one of the many ex-
peditions sent out against the enemy.

Edward Butler entered the army at the close of
the war, and was a captain at the defeat of St. Clair,
where one of his brothers died, and where he had
the proud satisfaction of preserving the life of an-
other, lie was ultimately the Adjutant-General of
Wayne's victorious army.

Of this band of brothers^ four left sons, all of
whom, with one exception, as stated above, entered
the military service of the United Slates, and all
maintained their father's fame unsullied. Mr. Blair
thus speaks of the younger members of the family,
in his memoir of the present General, recently pub-
lished in Graham's Magazine:

" 1st. General Richard Butler's son, William, died
a lieutenant in the navy, early in the last war. His
son. Captain James Butler, was at the head of the
Pittsburg Blues, which company he commanded in
the campaigns of the Northwest, and was particu-
larly distinguished in the battle of Massissinnawa.

"2d. Colonel William Butler, also of the revolu-
tionary army, had two sons, one died in the navy,
the other a subaltern in Wayne's army. He was in
the battle with the Indians in 1794.

" 3d. Lieutenant-Colonel Thomas Butler, of the
old stock, had three sons, the eldest a judge. The
second, Colonel llobert Butler, was at the head of
General Jackson's staff throughout the last war.
The third, William E. Butler, also served in the
army of Gem^ral Jackson.

**4th. Percival Butler, captain in the revolution-

MA JOR-0!EN BR AI. BUTLER.

169

ary war, and Adjutant-General of Kentucky during
the last war, liad four sons : first, Thomas, who was
a captain, and aid to General Jackson at New Or-
leans. Next, General William O. Butler, the sub-
ject of this notice. Third, Richard, who was assist-
ant adjutant-general in the campaigns of the war
of 1812. Percival Butler, the youngest son, how a
distinguished lawyer, was not of an age to bear
arms in the last war. Of this second generation of
the Butlers, there are nine certainly, and probably
more, engaged in the present war."

Such was the family of the Butlers, essentially
men of action, and happily blending the peculiari-
ties of the land of their fathers and of our own,
to which, by birtK or at the price of their blood,
they possessed an unimpeachable right. In all the
contests of the United States, whether with a sav-
age or civilized foe, the family have been conspicu-
ous, and cast around the name of the present Major
General, if not a claim on his countrymen, at least
something as near to that, as the nature of our
democratic institutions will admit of. When the
last war began, William O. Butler had just con-
cluded his course of studies at Transylvania Upi-
versity, where he had been graduated with distinc-
tion. When the news of the surrender of Hull's
army reached Kentucky, the whole State was
aroused, and among the first to volunteer was our
hero. Abandoning at once all the allurements of
society, he enlisted at Lexington as a private in the
company of Captain Hart, thus entering the service
in which he was destined to occupy the highest rank
in the humblest. Before the army commenced its
march, he was elected a corporal, and in this grade
marched to the relief of fort Wayne, then invested
by the hostile Indians. The Kentucky volunteers,
it is well known, drove the enemy before them to
their own towns on the Wabash, and thence return ■
ed to a winter cantonment on the Miami of the lakes

170

LIFB OV

At this place he was offered a commission in the se-
cond regiment United States infantry which he de-
clined, unless allowed to remain on the frontier.
His wish was acceded to, and he was appointed in-
slead of the second, into the seventeenth, foot, then
a portion of General Winchester's army. Nothing
could exceed the uncomfortable condition and i)ri-
vation of the volunteers in their winter quarters,
where they waited in vain for supplies and rein-
forcements ; at last, wearied out, the Kentucky vol-
unteers of Colonels Lewis, Allen, and Major Madi-
son, and three companies, the seventeenth infantry
advanced to attack the allied British and Indian
army which defended Detroit. This was incum-
bent on the volunteers from the anticipations formed
of them at home, and the confident hope that the
disgrace of Hull's surrender would be wiped out.
General Winchester gave them distinct orders to
go no further than Presque Isle up'iI they should be
reinforced by the main body. laving reached
Presque Isle they heard that a party of British and
Indians had occupied Frcnchtown, which they de-
termined at once to attack. The right wing of the
attacking force was commanded by Colonel Allen ;
Major Graves had the centre, and Madison the left.
When near the town the column deployed and ad-
vanced under a heavy fire of howitzers and mus-
ketry. Graves and Madison, by a rapid charge,
drove the enemy from their shelter in the houses,
and behind the picket-work, forcing them into the
woods. Allen, in his part of the field, was equally
fortunate, but was forced to fight his enemy again
in the wood. Here too he was successful.

The enemy attempted to retake their position by
a charge, but failed and fled. They were pursued
several miles, and finally dispersed. The American
loss was twelve killed and forty-five wounded. Of
the Indians alone, twelve were left dead on the
field. . ,

M A JO R • U ENER A L BUTLER.

171

In this battle, .sign Butler distinguished him-
self; advancing to the attack witii tin; wing coin-
mnnded by Major Madison, a strong party of In-
dians were discovered advancing to seize a fence
and hold it as a cover. Calling to a few men around
him he ran directly to oppose them, and succeeded
in occupying and maintaining the position against
a far more numerous party. During the action he
was yet again remarkable, having brought off and
saved a wounded man, who, otherwise, during the
alternations of the day, must have fallen into the
hands of the enemy. This occurred on the 18th of
January, and the volunteers immediately encamped
and waited for General Winchester, who with the
rest of the army arrived on the 20th. The whole
force now assembled was nearly eight hundred

strong.

On the 22d of January, Winchester had placed
within his pickets six hundred men, and kept the
rest encamped in an open field on the other side of
the river. On the morning of that day. Proctor,
Split Log and Round Head, at the head of a
combined force, British and Indian of fifteen hun-
dred men, attacked the position with a heavy fire
of musketry and six cannon, against the latter of
which, the pickets were no defence. The body of
men beyond the river were at once overj)ovvered
and attempted to cross the river. Two companies
within the fort discovering the distress of their com-
rades sallied to their relief, but with them were
forced to retreat. All of these men were either
killed or forced to surrender on the British promise
of protection. The other wing (the left) made a
steady defence and beat back three assaults of the
British forty-first foot, which lost thirty-five killed
and one hundred wounded. Great efforts had been
made, but in vain, by Winchester and Lewis, to
rally the right wing which had been beyond the
river, but unfortunately in this attempt both of

172

LIFB OF

these officers were captured. The army yet con-
tinued to fight and repulsed every assault of the
enemy until eleven o'clock, when Hnding resistance
in vain, on Proctor's pledging himself to the gene-
ral, that he would protect them if they surrendered,
which otherwise would be out of his power, the ge-
neral sent a fkig to the pickets, by means of which,
after passing and re-passing three times, a surren-
der was negotiated ; at that time, thirty-five com-
missioned officers, and four hundred and fifty en-
listed men remained, after fighting six hours against
artillery, surrounded by a thousand savages. At
this time the killed, wounded and missing, including
those that had been outside the pickets, amounted
to more than three hundred. The loss of the Bri-
tish could not have been less.

The consequences of this sad affair are too well
known. Proctor violated every pledge he had giv-
en; the survivors were not permitted to bury the
dead, and a large portion of themselves were mur-
dered in cold blood, by the Indians, while a British
Colonel, at the head of an ample force, stood by and
did not strike one blow, or make any effort to save
them. Mr. Blair tells the following anecdote of
Ensign Butler, in this battle, which, as it does not
enter into the general history of the country, had
best be told in his own words :

" After the rout and massacre of the right wing,
belonging to Wells's command, the whole force of
the British and Indians was concentrated against the
small body of troops under Major Madison, that
maintained their ground within the picketed gar-
dens. A double barn, commanding the plot of
ground on which the Kentuckians stood, was ap-
proached on one side by the Indians, under the cover
of an orchard and fence ; the British, on the other
side, being so posted as to command the space be-
tween it and the pickets. A party in the rear of
the barn were discovered advancing to take possea-

M A J OR-O E N E R A L BUTLER.

173

con-
r the
ancc
genc-
ered,
ege-
hicl),
rren-
coin-
ly en-

. At
uding
^unled
e Bri-

well
d giv-
ry the
J mur-
British
jy and
save
>te of
yes not
y, had

wing,
ce of
nst the
that
gar-
ot of
'as ap-
e cover
other
ce be-
ear of
possea-

sioii of it. All saw the fatal consequences of the
Hccure lodgment of the enemy at a place which
would present every man within the pickets at close
rifle-shot to the aim of their marksmen. Major
Madison inquired if there was no one who would
volunteer to run the gauntlet of the fire of the Bri-
tish and Indian lines, and put a torch to the com-
bustibles within the barn, to save the remnant of
the little army from the sacrifice. Butler, without
a moment's delay, took some blazing sticks from a
fire at hand, leaped the pickets, and, running at his
utmost speed, thrust the fire into the straw within
the barn. One who was an anxious sfKjctator of
the event we narrate, says, * that although volley
upon volley was fired at him, Butlor, after making
some steps on his way back, turnc^d to see if the fire
had taken, and, not being satisfied, returned to the
barn, and set it in a blaze. As the conflagration
grew, the enemy was seen retreating from the rear
of the building, which they had entered at one end,
as the flame ascended in the other. Soon after
reaching the pickets in safety, amid the shouts of
his friends, he was struck by a ball in his breast.
Believing, from the pain he felt, that it had pene-
trated his chest, turning to Adjutant (now General)
McCalla, one of his Lexington comrades, and press-
ing his hand to the spot, he said, ' I fear this shot is
mortal, but while I am able to move, I will do my
duty.' To the anxious inquiries of this friend, who
met him soon afterward, he opened his vest, with a .
smile, and showed him that the ball had spent itself
on the thick wadding of his coat, and on his breast
bone. He suflTered, nowever, for many weeks.' "

Among the few who survived the massacre was
Butler, who was marched on foot to Fort Niagara,
where he remained for a long time, amusing him-
self by literary pursuits and studies. Much of his
time was given up to poetry; and his verses, though
never intended to be published, from the various
15*

174

I»IFE OF

extracts recently printed, since all that relates to
him has become of interest, possess unusual merit,
when we remember his age when they were writ-
ten.

After a sojourn in Canada, he was permitted to
return to the United States on parole, and almost
immediately was promoted to a captaincy in the re-
giment to which he belonged. As this gave great
dissatisfaction in the corps, all the lieutenants of
which were overslaughed, he was almost immedi-
ately transferred to the 44th, a new regiment.
When free from his parole, by virtue of an exchange,
he at onci took the field, with a company recruited
at Nashville, Tennessee, and marched to join General
Jackson alone, before any other portion of the re-
giment was fully organized. General Call, then a
subaltern of Captain Butler, thus describes the par-
ticipation of his superior officer in the campaign —
a more vivid and graphic sketch can scarcely be
found :

Tallahasse, April 3, 1844.

"Sir — I avail myself of the earliest leisure I
have had since the receipt of your letter of the 18th
of February, to give you a reply.

" A difference of political sei'timents will not in-
duce me to withhold the narrative you have re-
quested, of the military services of Culonel William
O. Butler, during the late war with Great Britain,
while attached to the army of the South. My inti-
mate association with him, in camp, on the march,
and in the fieU, has perhaps made me as well ac-
quainted with his merits, as a gentleman and a sol-
dier, as any other man living. And although we are
now standing in opposite ranks, I cannot forget the
days and nights we have stood side by side, facing
the common enemy of our country, sharing the same
fatigues, dangers, and privations, and participating
in the same pleasures and enjoyments. The feel

M A JOR-O BNER AL BUTLER.

175

ings and sympathies springing from such associa-
tions, in the daysof o«r youth, can never be remov-
ed or impaired by a difference of opinion with regard
to men or measures, when each may well believe
the other equally sincere as himself, and where the
most ardent desire of both is to sustain the honour,
the happiness, and prosperity of our country.

** Soon after my appointment in the army of the
United States, as a lieutenant, in the fall of 1814, I
was ordered to join the company of Captain Butler,
of the 44th regiment of infantry, then at Nashville,
Tennessee. When I arrived, and reported myself,
I found the company under orders t.> join our regi-
ment in the South. The march, mostly through an
unsettled wilderness, wp.r conducted by Captain
Butler with his usual promptitude and energy, and
by forced and rapid movements, we arrived at Fort
Montgomery, the head-quarters of General Jackson,
a short distance above the Floriua line, just in time
to follow our beloved general in his bold enterprise
to drive the enemy from his strong position in a neu-
tral territory. The van-guard of the army destined
for the invasion of Louisiana, had made Pensacola
its head-quarters, and the British navy in the
(lulf of Mexico, had rendezvoused in that beautiful
bay.

" The penetrating sagacity of General Jackson
discovered the advantage of the position assumed by
the British forces, and with a decision and energy
which never faltered, he resolved to find his enemy,
even under the flag of a neutral {X)wer. This was
done by a prompt and rapid march, surprising and
cutting off nil the advanced pickets, until we arrived
within gun-shot of the fort at Pensacola. The army
of General Jackson was then so inconsiderable as to
render a r.'inforcement of a single company, com-
manded by such an officer as (Captain Butler, an im-
portant acquisition. And although there were sev'
eral companies of regular troops ordered to march

176

LIFE OF

from Tennessee at'the same time, Captain Butler's,
by his extraordinary energy and promptitude, was
the only one which arrived in time to join this ex-
pedition. Hi3 company formed a part of the centre
column of attack at Pensacola. The street we en-
tered was defended by a battery in front, which
fired on us incessantly, while several strong block-
houses, on our flanks, discharged upon us small arms
and artillery. But a gallant and rapid charge soon
carried the guns in front, and the town immediately
surrendered.

" In this fight Captain Butler led on his company
with his usual intrepidity. He had one officer,
Lieutenant Flournoy, severely wounded, and seve-
ral non-commissioned officers and privates killed and
wounded.

" From Pensacola, after the object of the expedi-
tion was completed, by another prompt and rapid
movement, we arrived at New Orleans a few weeks
before the appearance of the enemy.

"On the 23d of December the signal-^im an-
nounced the approach of the enemy. The previous
night they had surprised and captured one of our
pickets; had ascended a bayou, disembarked, and
had taken possession of the left bank of th(> Missis-
sippi, within six miles of New Orleans. The energy
of every officer was put in requisition, to concentrate
our forces in time to meet the enemy. Captain
Butler was one of the first to arrive at the general's
quarters, and ask instructions; they were received
and promptly executed. Our regiment, stationed
on the opposite side, was transportod across the
river. All the available forces of our army, not
much exceeding fifteen hundred men, were concen-
trated in the city ; and while the sun went down the
line of battle was formed ; and every officer took the
station assigned him in the fight. The infantry
formed on the open square, in front of the cathedral,
waiting in anxious rxj>netntion for the order to

MAJOU-G£NERAL BUTLER.

177

move. During this momentary pause, while the
enemy was exf)ected to enter ihe city, a scene of
deep and thrilling interest was presented. Every
gallery, porch and window around the square were
filled with the fair forms of beauty, in silent anxiety
and alarm, waving their handkerchiefs to the gal-
lant and devoted band which stood before them,
p-f-epared to die, or defend them from the rude intru-
sion of a foreign soldiery. It was a scene calcu-
lated to awaken emotions never to be forgotten. It
appealed to the chivalry and patriotism of every
ofBcer and soldier — it inspired every heart, and
nerved every arm for battle. From this impressive
scene the army marched to meet the enemy, and
about eight o'clock at night they were surprised in
their encampment, immediately on the banks of the
Mississippi. Undiscovered, our line was formed in
silence within a short distance of the enemy ; a ra-
pid charge was made into their camp, and a despe-
rate conflict ensued. After a determined resistance
the enemy gave way, but disputing every inch of
ground we gained. In advancing over ditches and
fences in the night, rendered still more dark by the
smoke of the battle, much confusion niicessarily en-
sued, and many officers became separated from their
commands. It more than once occurred during the
fight that some of our officers, through mistake, en-
tered the enemy's lines; and the British otficcrs in
like manner entered ours. The meritorious officer
in command of our regiment, at the commencement
of the battle, lost his position in the darkness and
confiision, and was unable to regain it until the ac-
tion was over. In this manner, for a short time, the
regiment was without a commander, and its niove-
ments were regulated by the platoon oflicers, which
increased the confusion and irregularity of the ad-
vance. In this critical situation, and in the l»eat of
the l);ittle, Captain Biiller, as the senior officer f>re-
sent, assumed coimuand of the regiment, and led it

178

LIFE OF

on most gallantly to repeated and successful cliarges,
I ntil tlie fight ended in the complete rout of the
enemy. We were still pressing on their rear, when
an ofliccr of the general's staff rode up and ordered
the pursuit discontinued. Captain Butler urged its
continuance, and expressed the confident belief of
his ability to take many prisoners, if permitted to
advance. But the order was promptly repeated,
under the well-founded apprehension that our troops
might come into collision with each other, an event
which had unhappily occurred at a previous hour
of the fight. No corps on that field was more
bravely led to battle than the regiment commanded
by Captain Butler, and no officer of any rank, save
the commander-in-chief, was entitled to higher cre-
dit for the achievement of that glorious night.

** A short time before the battle of the 8th of
January, Captain Butler was detailed to command
the guard in front of the encampment'. A house
standing near the bridge, in advance of his position,
had been taken possession of by the light troops of
the enemy, from whence they annoyed our guard.
Captain Butler determined to dislodge them and
burn the house. He accordingly marched to the
attack at the head of his command, but the enemy
retired before him. Seeing them retreat, he halted
his guard, and advanced himself, accompanied by
two or three men only, for the purpose of burning
the house. It was an old frame building, weather-
boarded, without ceiling or plaster in the inside,
with a single door opening to the British ca'np. On
entering the house he found a soldier of the enemy
concealed in one corner, whom he captured, and
sent to the rear with his men, remaining alone in
the house. While he was in the act of kin<lling a
fire, a detachment of the enemy, unporcrived, occu-
pied the only door. The first in\pu!se was to lUrre,
with liis single arm, a passage throuuh ihem, but he
was instantly seized in a violent manner by two of

MAJOR-GENERAL BUTLER.

179

three stout fellows, who pushed him back against
the wall with such force as to burst off the weather-
boarding from the wall, and he fell through the
opening thus made. In an instant Tie recovered
himself, and under a heavy fire from the enemy, he
retreated until supported by the guard, whicli he
immediately led on to the attack, drove the British
light troops from their strong position, and burnt
the house in the presence of the two armies.

" 1 witnessed on that field many deeds of daring
courage, but none of which more excited my admi-
ration than this.

" Captain Butler was soon after in the battle of
the 8th of January, where he sustained his pre-
viously high and well earned reputation for bravery
and usefulness. But that battle, which,' from its
important results, has eclipsed those which preceded
it, was but a slaughter of the enemy, with trivial
loss on our part, and presenting few instances of in-
dividual distinction.

" Captain Butler received the brevet rank of ma-
jor for his gallant services during that eventful
campaign, and the reward of merit was never more
worthily bestowed. Soon after the close of the war,
he was appointed aid-de-camp to General Jackson,
in which station he remained until he retired from
the army. Since that period I have seldom had the
pleasure of meeting with my valued friend and cora-
i>anion in arms, and I know but little of his career
in civil life. But in camp, his elevated principles,
his intelligence and generous feelings, won for him
the respect and confidence of all who knew him;
and where he is best known, I will venture to say,
he is still most highly appreriate<' for every attri-
bute V ' "ch constitutes the gentleman and the sol-
dier.

° ♦* I am, sir, very respectfuMy,

" R. K. CALL.

" Mr William Tanner."

iV^

180

LIFE OF

General Jackson was also about this time appeal-
ed to, and wrote an energetic letter in reference to
his old aid-de-camp, which, while it displays the
high estimate placed by the great commander on
his younger associate, is too significant of the pecu-
liarities of General Jackson, not to be a matter of
interest. We take it from the sketch of Mr. Blair,
who from family and political association, had am-
ple means to prepare a far more elaborate life of
General Butler than he has done.

" Hermitage, Feb. 20, 1844.

** My Dear Sir : — You ask me to give you my
opinion of the military services of the then Captain,
now Colonel, William O. Butler, of Kentucky, dur-
ing the investment of New Orleans by the British
forces in 1814 and 1815. I wish I had sufficient
strength to speak fully of the merit of the services
of Colonel Butler on that occasion ; this strength 1
have not : Suffice it to say, that on all occasions he
displayed that heroic chivalry, and calmness of
judgment in the midst of danger, which distinguish
the valuable officer in the hour of battle. In a con-
spicuous manner were those noble qualities dis-
played by him on the night of the 23d of December,
1814, and on the 8th of January, 1815, as well as
at all times during the presence of the British army
at New Orleans. In short, he was to be found at
all points where duty called. I hazard nothing in
saying that should our country again be engaged in
war during the active age of Colonel Butler, he
would be one of the very best selections that could
be made to command our army, and lead the eagles
of our country on to victory and renown. He has
sufficient energy to assume all responsibility neces-
sary to success, and for his country's good.

"ANDREW JACKSON."

MAJOR-GENERAL BUTLER.

181

In 1816, General Jackson gave evidence how
highly he esteemed Captain Butler, by appointing
him aid-de'Campj with the rank of colonel, which
position he retamed in the peace-establishment.

He, however, though a soldier, had no preference
for the military profession in a season of peace, and
several year;* before General Jackson laid down his
profession, resigned, and immediately resumed the
study of that profession which had been inter-
rupted by the declaration of war. He then married
and established himself on the estate of his father,
at the point where the Ohio and Kentucky rivers
meet. Mr. Blair thus describes his home :

" The region iround him was wild and romantic,
sparsely settled, and by pastoral people. There are
no populous towns. The high, rolling, and yet rich
lands — the precipitous cliffs of the Kentucky, of
Eagle, Tavern, and other tributaries, which pour
into it near the mouth — make this section of the
State still, to some extent, a wilderness of thickets
— and the tangled pea-vine, the grape-vine, and
nut-bearing trees, which rendered all Kentucky,
until the intrusion of the whites, one great Indian

Cark. The whole luxuriant domain was preserved
y the Indians as a pasture for buffalo, deer, elk,
and other animals — their enjoyment alike as a chase
and a subsistence — by excluding every tribe from
fixing a habitation in it. Its name consecrated it as
the dark and bloody ground; and war pursued every
foot that trod it. In the midst of this region, in
yVpril, 1791, William O. Butler was born, in Jessa-
mine county, on the Kentucky river. His father
had married, in Lexington, soon after his arrival in
Kentucky, 1782, Miss Howkins, a sister-in-law of
Colonel Todd, who commanded and perished in the
battle of the Blue-Licks. Following the instincts
of his family, which seemed ever to court danger,
General Pierce Butler, as neighborhood encroached
around him, removed, net long after the birth of his
16

182

LIFE OP

son William, to the mouth of the Kentucky river.
Through this section the Indian wur-path into the
heart of Kentucky passed. Until the peace of 1794,
there was scarcely a day that some hostile savage
did not prow! through the tangled forests, and the
labyrinths of hills, streams and cliffs, which adapted
this region to their lurking warfare. From it they
emerged when they made their last formidable in-
cursion, and pushed their foray to the environs of
Frankfort, the capital of the State. General Pierce
Butler had on one side of him the Ohio, on the far-
ther shore of which the savage hordes still held the
mastery, and on the other the romantic region
through which they hunted and pressed their war
enterprises. And here, amid the scenes of border
warfare, his son William had that spirit, which has
animated him through life, educated by the legends
of the Indian-fighting hunters of Kentucky.**

Amid these scenes Colonel Butler lived, and found
that content and peace of mind, surpassing wealth,
so necessary to one whose youth had been passed
amid the alarums of a frontier war. The following
verses, written at that time, show the nature of Col.
Butler*s life, and demonstrate how utterly the sol-
dier's sword had been converted into the pruning
hook: ;

THE BOAT HORN.

O, boatman ! wind that horn again,
For never did the listening ear
Upon its lambent bosom hear

So wild, so soft, so sweet a strain —

What though thy notes are sad, and few,
By every simple boatman blown,

Yet is each pulse to nature true,
And mt^lody in every tone.

How oft in boyhood's joyous day,
Unmindful of the lapsing hours,

I've loitered on my homeward way
By wild Ohio's brink of flowers,

MAJOR-GENERAL BUTLER. 183

While 8o:np lone hoHtman, from the deck,
' Poured his soft numbers to that tide,

< As if to charm from storm and wreck.

The boat where all his fortunes ride !
Delighted Nature drank the sound,
Enchanted — Echo bore it round
In whispers soft, and softer still,
From hill to plain, and plain to hill,
Till e*en the thoughtless, frolick boy.
Elate with hope, and wild with joy,
Who gambolled by the river^s side,
And sported with the fretting tide.
Feels something new pervade his breast.
Chain his light step, repress his jest,
Bends o*er the flood his eager ear.
To catch the sounds far on, yet dear —
Drinks the sweet draught, but knows not why
The tear of rapture fills his eye.
And can he now, to manhood grown.
Tell why those notes, simple and lone,
As on the ravished ear they fall,
Bind every sense in magic spell 1
There is a tide of feeling given
To all on earth, its fountain Heaven.
Beginning with the dewy flower.
Just oped in Flora's vernal bower —
Rising creation's orders through.
With louder murmur, brighter hue —
That tide is sympathy I its ebb and flew
Give life its hues of joy and wo.
Music, the master-spirit that can move
Its waves to war, or lull theiu into love —
Can cheer the sinking sailor mid the wave.
And bid the soldier on! nor fear the grave —
Inspire the fainting pilgrim on his road,
And elevate his soul to claim his God. <
Then, boatman ! wind that horn again!
Though much of sorrow mark its strain,
Yet are its notes to sorrow dear;
What though they wake fond memory's tear !
Tears are sad memory's sacred feast.
And rapture oft her chosen guest.

In the west, no explanation of this poem is needed,
but in the eastern portions of the country its refer-
ence may not be apparent. It has relation to the

184

LiFB or

wild boat-horn of wood, like that of the Swiss herd-
men, used by the early navigators of the Ohio and
tilher waters, previous to the commencement of the
nge of steam and turmoil. On this rude instru-
ment they were accustomed to utter the most simple
yet the most touching melodies, the tradition of
which is now preserved through the whole west.
Only, however, on the upper Missouri and its tribu-
taries now can be heard those strains, in which were
mingled the monotone music of the Indians and the
^iuyer rhythmof France, which Ledyard and Moore
thought worthy of translation and imitation.

This may not be an improper place to introduce
u few selections from the early poems of Butler,
generally written while he was an inmate of a Bri-
tish prison. It will be seen that the massacre of
the river Raisin made a deep impression on him.

THE FIELD OF RAISIN.

The battle 's o*er ! the din is past.

Night's mantle on the field is cast |

The Indian yell is heard no more,

And silence broods o'er Erie's shore.

At this lone hoar 1 go to tread

The field where valour vainly bled—

To raise the wounded warrior's crest,

Or warm with tears his icy breast;

To treasure up his last command,

And bear it to his native land.

It may one pulse of joy impart

To a fond mother's bleeding heart;

Or for a moment it may dry

The tear-drop in the widow's eye.

Vain hope, away ! The widow ne'er

Her warrior's dying wish shall hear.

The passing zephyr bears no sigh,

No wounded warrior meets the eye-~

Death is his sleep by Erie's wave.

Of Raisin's snow we heap his grave !

How many hopes lie murdered here—

The mother's joy, the father's pride,
' The country's boast, the focman's fear,

' - • In wilder'd havoc, side by side.

M A JOR-OBN> R A L BVTLBR.

185

Ltnd me, thou silent queen of night,
Lend me awhile thy waning light,
That I may see e«ich wel Moved form,
That sunk beneath the morning storm.

These verses are introductory to a larger poem,
which is a series of eulogien on his murdered com-
panions, belonging to the company of Captain Hart,
himself a victim of Proctor's massacre, and a ne-
phew of two distinguished statesmen of Kentucky,
Henry Clay and James Brown.

And here I see that youthful band,
That loved to move at Hart's command ;
1 saw them for the battle dressed,
And still where danger thickest pressed,
I marked their criiason plumage wave.
How many filled this bloody grave!
Their pillow and their winding-sheet
The viri^in snow — a shroud most meet!
Hut wherefore do I linger here 1
Why drop the unavailing tear 1
Where'er I turn, some youthful form.
Like floweret broken by the storm.
Appeals to me in sad array.
And bids me yet a moment stay, -
Till 1 ould fondly lay me down
And sleep with him on the cold, cold ground.
For thee, thou dread and solemn plain,
I ne'er shall look on thee again;
And Spring, with her effaring showers,
Shall come, and Summer'; 'nantling JP>wer8 ;
And each succeeding winUii 'irow •' •

On thy r^d breast new robes uf snow;
Yet 1 will wear thee in my heart.
All dark and gory as thou art.

Amid these scenes Colont'i Butler remained for
twenty years in seclusion, when he was by the
unanimous nomination of the democracy of the dis-
trict in which he resided, selected as a candidate for
Congress. He was on two successive terms elected,
and would doubtless have been a third time had he not
positively refused 'o serve. He was rarely heard ia
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186

LIFB OF

the sessions of Congress, but several noble addresses
delivered there by him, prove that there was more
than one orator, even in Kentucky.

In 1844, he was nominated as governor of Ken-
tucky, and a great writer, who has made politics
his study, has declared th&< ^here is but little doubt
that he would have beer, elected, but for the fad
that it was supposed throughout the State that the
non-election of Ouslcy, tl.t: whig candidate, would
prove most injurious to the chances of Mr. Clay's
nomination by the creat convention of the Whig
party. Mr. Clay, it is wdl known, has for years
been the popular idol of his State, and this circum-
stance, united with anxiety to give a chief magis-
trate to the Union, caused Colonel Butler's -lefeat.
The nomination of the latter, however, cci tainly
diminished the whig majority from twenty thousand
votes to five thousand.

On the election of Mr. Polk, there was a general
expectation that Colonel Butler would have been ap-
pointed secretary at war. To many it was a subject
of regret, that the President did not select him, who
from the mingled studies of his career in camp and
at the bar, was so well calculated for this post. It
is perhaps, however, best (or the democratic party,
that this was not the case, as it is scarcely proba-
ble, that in that event he would now have been
selected as the candidate of the democratic party
for the second office of the nation.

'I«ft I '!l. •^flSMf •t'>-V*iJ<" intJOhV'.* ^,'iO"'<r' '.^r:^ ''^mA

,hvt mil . v$li .v;';^^v.• ♦»,

MAJOR-GENERAL BUTLER.

187

frt

CHAPTER II.

Appointment aa Major-General — Service in Mexico— Monterey
— Wounded — Return Home — Second in Command in Mexico
— Return of General Scott, Commander-in-Chief.

At the time that hostilities were commenced be-
tween the United States and Mexico, it was mani-
fest that the regular army would be too small to
occupy that warlike republic, in which the stormy
events of the last thirty years have made almost
every man a soldier. The government at once de-
termined to appeal to the patriotism of the people,
and to call out volunteers. As however it was
known that this class of troops had a great aver-
sion to serving under officers of the regular army,
it was determined to apix>int two generals of divi-
sion and a number of brigadiers, from civil life, to
command the new levies. The command of one of
the divisions was conferred on General Butler, and
met with universal approbation, being the only
one of the appointments of general officers by Mr.
Polk, against which very serious objections were
not urged. General Butler was entitled to this
commission; he had learned a soldier's duty in the
presence of the enemy, and not in marching militia
about the streets of a city, and therefore his promo-
tion was both popular among the people, and wel-
come to the veterans of the army, with whom he
was to serve.

As soon as his troops were raised he hurried to
Mexico to support General Taylor in his invasion.
Inmied lately on the advance of the army. General
Butler was assigned to the command of the field di-
vision of volunteers, and seems to have acquired in

188

LtFfl or

a peculiar manner the confidence of General Tay-
lor. The circumstances attending the advance of
the army are well known : it may not be however
improper again to collate in this place, the series of
official reports, which refer to the subject of this
memoir.

. General Taylor, in his brief report, dated Sep-
tember 22, 1846, announcing the capture of the city
of Monterey, took occasion to refer to General But-
ler's conduct in the most .particular manner, and in
the full report, dated October 9th, spoke explicitly,
regretting that his wound, received on the 21st ult.,
deprived him of his valuable services.

The following is General Butler's own report :
" Pursuant to the instructions of the major-gene-
ral commanding, on the 21st instant, at about eight
o'clock, A. M., 1 marched my division, (with the
exception of one company from each infantry regi-
ment, left to guard the cnmp,) and placed it in order
of battle, under cover, immediately in rear of the
mortar and howitzer battery, my left resting on the
main road to Monterey. I had been in position but
a short time, when I received the general's further
orders to move as speedily as practicable, with three
regiments, to the support of General Twiggs* divi-
sion, then engaged in an attempt to carry the ene-
my's first battery on our left. To expedite this
movement, I marched the three nearest regiments,
commanded respectively by Colonels Davis, Camp-
bell, and Mitchell, by the left flank, leaving Colonel
Ormsby to sustain the batteries. Finding the rifle
regiment in front, that of Colonel Campbell was or-
dered to take its place. The two last mentioned
regiments constituting General Quitman's field bri-
gade, he took the immediate command of them, and
moved oft' with spirit and promptness in the direc-
tion indicated by the enemy's line of fire. Having
seen General Quitman's brigade fairly in motion, I
turned my attention to that of General Hamer,now

MA JOR-OENBRAL BUTLER.

189

the

onel
rifle
s or-
oned
bri-
and
1 ree-
ving
on» I
now

consisting of the Ohio regiment only. Pursuing the
instructions of the major-general, I felt my way gra-
dually, without any knowledge of the localities, into
that part of the city bordering on the enemy's con-
tinuous line of batteries, assailed at every step by
heavy fires in front and flank. After having tra-
versed several squares, I met Major Mansfield, the
engineer who had conducted the movement of Ge-
neral Twiggs' division on the first battery. He in-
formed me of the failure of that attack, and advised
the withdrawal of my command, as there could no
longer be any object in .idvancing further, warning
me at the same time that if I advanced I must meet
a fire that would sweep all before it. Knowing the
major-general commanding to be but a short dis-
tance in the rear, I galloped back and communicated
this information, in consequence of which he gave
the order to retrograde, and the movement was com-
menced accordingly. In a short ticne, however, it
was known that General Quitman's brigade had not
only stormed the battery in question, but had also
carried a stone house of considerable strength con-
nected with the first, and occupied by the enemy's
infantry. The direction of General Hamer's bri-
gade was at once changed, and the city re-entered
by another route, whicn, after abop.t a half hour's
march under a destructive fire, brought it within,
say one hundred yards, of the enemy's second fort,
called El Diablo. A very slight reconnoissance suf-
ced to convince me that this was a position of no
rdinary strength. Still, feeling its importance,
after consulting with part of my staflfas to its prac-
ticability, I had resolved to attempt carrying it by
storm, and was in the act of directing the advance,
when I received a wound which compelled me to
halt. Colonel Mitchell was at the same time wound-
ed at the head of his regiment, as was his adjutant.
The men were falling fast under the converging fire
of at least three distinct batteries, tl^at continually

190

LIFE OF

swept the intervening space through which it was
necessary to pass. The loss of blood, too, from my
wound, rendered it necessary that I should quit the
field ; and I had discovered at a second glance that
the position was covered by a heavy fire of mus-
ketry from other works directly in its rear, that 1
had not seen in the first hasty examination. Under
uU these discouragements, I was most reluctantly
compelled, on surrendering the command, to advise
the withdrawal of the troops to a less exposed posi-
tion. There is a possibility that the work might
have been carried, but not without excessive loss,
and if carried, I feel assured it would have been un-
tenable.

" Accordingly, the division under General Hamer,
on whom devolved the command, moved to a new
position near the captured fort, and within sustain-
ing distance of our field batteries on the left. The
troops remained in and near this position, and under
fire of the enemy's batteries, until late in the day.
For the details of the after proceedings of the day,
I refer to General Ilamer's report.

" It is with no little pride and gratification that
I bear testimony of the gallantry and good conduct
of my command. Were proof wanting, a mournful
one is to be found in the subjoined return of the ca-
sualties of the day. That part of my division pro-
perly in the field did not exceed eleven hundred, of
which number full one-fifth were either killed or
wounded. The fact that troops for the first time
under fire should have suffered such loss without
shrinking, in a continuous struggle for more than
two hours, and mainly against a sheltered and inac-
cessible foe, finds but few parallels, and is of itself
an eulogium to which I need not add. That there
were some more prominent for skill and gallantry
than others, even in a contest where all were brave,
there can be no doubt ; and I leave to those better
qualified from Iheir situations than myself the plea-

MAJOR-OBNBRAL BUTLER.

191

sing, though delicate task, of reporting upon their
respective merits. "

" Of my brigadiers, however, it is proper that 1
should myself speak. General Hamer was placed
in a situation where nothing brilliant could bo
achieved, but which, at every moment, imperatively
demanded prudence and calm unbending courage.
It is but justice to him to say that I found him equal
to the emergency.

" General Quitman had before him a field in which
military genius and skill were called into requisition,
and honours could be fairly won, and I but echo the
general voice in saying that he nobly availed him-
self of the occasion.

" My special thanks are due to Major L. Thomas,
assistant adjutant-general, General A. Sidney John-
ston, of Texas, acting inspector-general, and Lieu-
tenant G. W. Lay, aid-de-camp, who not only dis-
played great gallantry and coolness, but, by their
professional skill, activity, and energy, rendered
valuable service throughout the action. After my
withdrawal they remained with the troops in the
field.

" Surgeon R. P. Hunt, my volunteer aid-dc-camp,
also evinced great coolness, and conveyed promptly
the orders confided to him.

" On my way back to camp, I found the Ken-
tucky regiment, under the command of Colonel
Ormsby, drawn up in fine order to repel a threat-
ened charge from a large body of Mexican cavalry
then in view. Though necessarily kept from the
field of action proper, they occupied^a most impor-
tant position, and had two men wounded in defend-
ing it.

" I make no mention of the movement of Captain
Webster's howitzer battery, which was withdrawn
from division and placed under charge of the chief
of artillery." " •*

192

LIFE OF

As a siipplement to the above report, we may in-
sert the following letter written to a relative in
Louisville, which has become important as showing
how fully General Butler approved of the granting
of the peculiar terms to the Mexican garrison of
Monterey, to which so much objection was made at
the time, in the United States.

" Monterey is ours, but not without a heavy loss,
and my division has probably sustained more than
one half of it. I am myself wounded, but not badly.
I was struck by a musket-ball below the knee ; it
entered in front, grazed the bones without injunng
them, ranged round through the flesh, and came out
on the opposite side.

** I became faint from loss of blood, and was com-
pelled to leave the field, after having been in it
under a heavy fire of grape and musketry for three
hours. — I have been required by my surgeon to keep
perfectly still, ever since the battle.

"I was in the act of leading the Ohio regiment
to storm two of the most formidable batteries in the
town, flanked by a stone wall, ten feet high, with a
deep ditch in front, and covered by a strong mus-
ketry force in the rear, under complete shelter.
There were two other batteries of grape-shot dis-
charged, thiat swept the ground continually.

*'Colonel Mitchell, who commanded the regiment
of Ohio volunteers, was wounded about the same
time that I was, and we then prudently abandoned
the enterprise, as we became convinced that our loss
would have been probably at least one hundred more
men, had we persevered.

" I hope you will not think I acted rashly. I
know that I am often rash where I involve myself
alone; not so, however, v;hen the fates of others are
at stake.

"The condition in which we were placed fully
justified, if it did not positively require us to make
the attempt. The peculiarity of our situation I

MAJOR-GENERAL BUTLER.

193

cannot now explain, without going into greater de-
tail than I am able to do.

" The battle commenced about nine o'clock, A. M.,
and continued without intermission, with various
degrees of intensity, for eight hours.

" I had almost one thousand men in the battle,
(the Louisville Legion having been left to guard our
mortars), and of that number we lost in killed and
wounded about two hundred and fifty. *

" We took one battery and a house fitted up as a
fortification, and assisted the regulars in taking a
second. General Worth, with great gallantry and
equal success, and with far less loss, carried on his
operations on the opposite side of the town.

" The loss of the regulars who acted with us, was
nearly proportional to ours as I learn, though I have
not seen the official returns.

" Under all the circumstances, the terms of the
capitulation are favourable to us. There are still
several strong forts in the hands of the enemy,
which we would have been compelled to take by
regular approaches or with ftavy losses. • The plaza
is of itself an enormous fortification of continuous
houses, with thick stone walls, and all the streets
leading into it strongly fortified and filled with
guns.

" They admit that they will have at least eight
thousand fighting men, whilst on our part we cannot
muster five thousand for duty, and have only a few
heavy guns, and those we took from them.

" Never, I believe, did troops, both volunteers and
regulars, behave with more calmness and intrepidity,
and I do not believe that for downright, straight-
forward, hard fighting, the battle of Monterey has
ever been surpassed."

We have yet another tribute, by an accomplished

soldier, the present Lieutenant-Colonel Lorenzo

Thomas, of the regular army, to show the estimate

placed on Major-Gencral Butler, and his deeds at

194

LIFE OF

■jo-

Monterey, by the professional soldiers of the ser-

vice

*' The army arrived at their camp in the vicinity
of Monterey, about noon, September 19th. That
afternoon the general endeavoured, by personal ob-
servation, to get information of the enemy's position.
He, like General Taylor, saw the importance of
gaining the road to Saltillo, and fully favored the
movement of General Worth's division to turn their
left, &.C. Worth marched, Sunday, September 20th,
for this purpose, thus leaving Twiggs's and Butler's
divisions with General Taylor. General Butler was
also in favor of throwing his division across the St.
.John's river, and approaching the town from the
east, which was at first determined upon. This was
changed, as it would leave but one, and perhaps the
smallest division, to guard the camp and attack in
front. The 20th, the general also reconnoitered the
enemy's position. Early on the morning of the 21st,
the force was ordered out, to create a diversion in
favor of Worth, that he might gain his position; and
before our division caijp within long range of the
enemy's principal battery, the foot of Twiggs's di-
vision had been ordered down to the northeast side
of the town, to make an armed reconnoissance of the
advanced battery, and to take it, if it could be done
without great loss. The volunteer division was
scarcely formed in rear of our howitzer and mortar
battery, established the night previous, under cover
of a rise of ground, before the infantry sent down to
the northeast side of the town became closely and
hotly engaged, the batteries of that division were
sent down, and we were then ordered to support the
attack. Leaving the Kentucky regiment to support
the mortar and howitzer battery, the general rapid-
ly put in march, by a flank movement, the other
three regiments, moving for some one and a half or
two miles under a heavy fire of round shot. As fur-
ther ordered, the Ohio reoimcnt was detached from

MAJOU -GENERAL DUTLER.

. 195

Quitman's brigade, and led by the general (at this
lime accompanied by General Taylor) into t!ie
town. Quitman carried his brigade directly on the
battery first attacked, and gallantly carried it. Be*
fore this, however, as we entered the suburbs, the
chief engineer came up and advised us to withdraw,
as the object of the attack had failed, and if \\c
moved on we must meet with great loss. The gen-
eral was loath to fall back without consulting with
General Taylor, which he did do — the general be-
ing but a short distance off. As we were withdraw-
ing, news came that Quitman had carried the bat-
tery, and General Butler led the Ohio regiment back
to the town at a different point. In the street, we
became exposed to a line of batteries on the oppo-
site Side of a small stream, and also from ;i tele de
parity (bridge-head,) which enfiladed us. Our men
fell rapidly as we moved up the street to get a posi-
tion to charge the battery across the stream. Com-
ing to a cross street, the general reconno.j-ed the
position, and determining to cljarge from that point,
sent me back a short distance to stop the firing, and
advance the regiment with the bayonet. I had just
left him, when he was struck in the leg, being on
foot, and was obliged to leave the field.

" On entering the town, the general and Iiis troops
became at once hotly engaged at short musket I'ange.
He had to make his reconnoissances under heavy fire.
This he did unflinchingly, and by exposing his per-
son, on one occasion passing through a gate-way
into a yard which was entirely open to the enemy.
When wounded, at the intersection of two streets,
he was exposed to a cross-fire from musketry and
grape.

" In battle, the general's bearing was truly that
of a soldier, arfd those under him felt the influence
of his presence. He had the confidence of his men.**

After referring to various minor points, Major
Thomas thus continues his account :

^ _.

196

lilFB OF

" When General Taylor went on his expedition tc
Victoria, in December, lie placed General Butler in
command of the troops on the Hio Grande, and on
tlie stations tlience to Saltillo, Worth's small divi-
sion of regulars being at the latter place. General
Wool's column had by this time reached Parras,onc
hundred or more miles west of Saltillo. General
Butler had so far recovered from his wound as to
walk a little, and ride, though with pain to his limb.
One night, (about December 10,) an express came
from General Worth, at Saltillo, stating that the
Mexican forces were advancing in large numbers,
from San Luis de Potosi, and that he expected, in
two days, to be attacked. His division, all told,
did not exceed 1500 men, if so many, and he asked
for reinforcements. T!je general remained up dur-
ing the balance of ♦he night, and sent off couriers to
the rear for reinforcements, and had the llth Ken-
tucky and 1st Ohio foot, then encamped three miles
from the town, in the place by daylight: and these
two regiments, and Webster's battery, were encamp-
ed that night ten miles on the road to Saltillo. This
promptness enabled the general to make his second
day's march of twenty-two miles in good season, and
to hold the celebrated pass of Los Muertos, and
check the enemy should he have attacked General
Worth on that day, and obliged him to evacuate the
town.' Whilst on the next, and last day's march,
the general received notice that the reported ad-
vance of the enemy was untrue. Arriving at the
camp-ground, the general suffered intense pain from
his wound, and slept not during the night. This
journey, over a rugged, mountainous road, and the
exercise he took in examining the country, for twen-
ty miles in advance of Saltillo, caused the great in-
crease of pain now experienced."

The general has been struck on the side of the
calf of his leg, by a grape-shot, which inflicted a
wound at the time not supposed to be severe. It

MAJOR-GENERAL BUTLER.

197

(lid not, however, heal, and occasioned so mucli pain
that Genern! Taylor, on his return %to Monterey,
from Victoria, gave him leave of absence. lie im-
mediately proceeded to the United Slates, and after
a brief sojourn at his residence, was sul)sequently
ordered to the army of General Scott. lie succeeded
the latter in the command of the American troops
in the republic of Mexico^ whence General Taylor
had previously gone. While being cured of his
wound, the battles of Vera Cruz, Cerro Gordo, and
the valley of Mexico, had been fought, and subse-
quent events have caused it to be much regretted,
that he was thus unable to participate in them. His
rank and character would possibly have enabled liim
to prevent many exposures on the part ot *nore than
one of his junior generals.

Major-General Butler is tall and athletic, his
whole bearing is graceful and military, and his ap-
pearance prepossessing. Strong good sense is mark-
ed in his countenance, and his career in the service
proves this to be his distinguishing trait. Of all the
generals in the army, regular, for the war, or of volun-
teers, who have been under fire sitice tlie contest be-
gan, he is perhaps the only one of whom no one has
complained, whom no one has censured, and who
has contended only with the enemies of his country.
The nomination of this distinguished soldier will aad
new strength to the democratic party in the ensu-
ing canvass, and has wrung eVen from his opponents
the concession, that to him "there is no objection,"
but on strictly party grounds. This objection will
doubly endear him to the people of the United
States.

of the
icted a
re. It

16*

« -r'

i\'

«■>»-• r - ♦* -

APPENDIX.

J THE WILMOT PROVISO.

The immense importance of the consequences of
the extension of our constitution and laws over new
territories obtained by conquest and otherwise, and
the unavoidable conflict of the interests of the free
and slave states, render this question most interest-
ing. Although more than once it has been presumed
in the foregoing pages, that the Wiimot proviso was
understood, it may not be improper to recapitulate
briefly its character and nature. Originating with
Mr. Webster, it was seized upon by the opposition,
and announced to the world through the instrumen-
tality of Mr. David Wiimot, a member of congress
from an obscure district of Pennsylvania, with the
manifest intention of alienating the southern states
from the support of the war, by providing that
slavery should be prohibited in any new territory
acquired, or likely to be acquired, during the exist-
ing Mexican war. Introduced as an additional
clause of an important bill, it became almost the
defining line of the two parties, and upon it much
of the interest of the approaching congressional con-
test must hinge. In the resolutions of the demo-
cratic party, previously printed, and in the ensuing
letter will be found the embodiment of the cardinal
points of the creed of the great democratic party,
and the honest convictions of the two men, Gene-
rals Cass and Butler, nominated as candidates for
the suffrau;os of the people.

- ' %:

TUB WILMOT PROVISO.

199

Washington, December 24, 1847.

Dear Sir : — I have received your letter, and shall
answer it, as frankly as it is written.

You ask me whether J am in favour of the acqui-
sition of Mexican territory, and what are my senti-
ments with regard to the Wilmot Proviso?

I have so often and so explicitly stated my views
of the first question, in the Senate, that it seeiq^J-
most unnecessary to repeat them here. As you
request it, however, I shall briefly give them.

I think, then, that no peace should be granted to
Mexico, till a reasonable indemnity is obtained for
the injuries which she has done us. The territorial
extent of this indemnity is, in the first instance, a
subject of Executive consideration. There the Con-
stitution has placed it, and there 1 am willing to
leave it; not only because I have full confidence in
its judicious exercise, but because, in the ever-vary-
ing circumstances of a war, it would be indiscreet,
by a public declaration, to commit the country to
any line of indemnity, which might otherwise be
enlarged, as the obstinate injustice of the enemy
prolongs the contest, with its loss of blood and
treasure.

It appears to me that the kind of metaphysical
magnanimity, which would reject all indemnity at
the close of a bloody ancf expensive war, brought on
by a direct attack upon our troops by the enemy,
and preceded by a succession of unjust acts for a
series of years, is as unworthy of the age in which
we live, as it is revolting to the common sense and
practice of mankind. It would conduce but little
to our future security, or indeed, to our present re-
putation, to declare that we repudiate all expecta-
tion of rompensation from the Mexican government,
and are fighting, not for any practical result, but for
some vague, perhaps philanthropic object, which es-
capes my penetration, and must be defined by those

200

THE WILMOT PROVISO.

w^ho assume this new principle of national intercom-
munication. All wars are to be deprecated, as well
by the statesman, as by the philanthropist. They
are great evils; but there are greater evils than
these, and submission to injustice is among them.
The nation which should refuse to defend its rights
and its honour, when assailed, would soon have nei-
them^to defend ; and when driven to war, it is not
by professions of disinterestedness and declarations
of magnanimity, that its rational objects car) be best
obtained, or other nations taught a lesson of for-
bearance — the strongest security for permanent
peace. We are at war with Mexico, and its vigor-
ous prosecution is the surest means of its speedy
termination, and ample indemnity the surest guar-
antee against the recurrence of such injustice as pro-
voked it.

The Wilmot Proviso has been before the country
some time. It has been repeatedly discussed in
Congress, and by the public press. I am strongly
impressed with the opinion, that a great change has
been going on in the public mind upon this subject
— in my own as well as others; and that doubts are
resolving themselves into convictions, that the prin-
ciple it involves should be kept out of the National
Legislature, and left to the people of the Confede-
racy in their respective local governments. •

The whole subject is a comprehensive one, and
fruitful of important consequences. It would be ill-
timed to discuss it here. I shall not assume that
responsible task, but shall confine myself to such
general views, as are necessary to the fair exhibi-
tion of my opinions.

We may well regret the existence of slavery in
the southern states, and wish they had been saved
from its introduction. But there it is, and not by
the act of the present generation ; and we must deal
with it as a great practical question, involving the
most momentous consequences. We have neither

9
THE

VVILMOT PROVISO.

201

and
De ill-
ihat
such
hibi-

jither

the right nor the power to touch it where it exists;
and if we had both, their exercise, by any means
heretofore suggested, might lead to results which
no wise man would willingly encounter, and which
no good man could contemplate without anxiety.

The theory of our government presupposes that
its various members have reserved to themselves the
regulation of all subjects relating to what may be
termed their internal police. They are sovereign
within their boundaries, except in those cases where
they have surrendered to the general government a
portion of their rights, in order to give effect to the
objects of the Union, whether these concern fqreign
nations or the several states themselves. Lopal in-
stitutions, if I may so speak, whether they have re-
ference to slavery, or to any other relations, domes-
tic or public, are left to local authority, either ori-
ginal or derivative. Congress has no right to say,
that there shall be slavery in New York, or that
there shall be no slavery in Georgia ; nor is there
any other human power, but the people of those
states, respectively, which can change the relations
existing therein ; and they can say, if they will, we
will have slavery in the former, and we will abolish
it in the latter.

. In various respects the territories differ from the
states. Some of their rights are inchoate, and they
do not possess the peculiar attributes of sovereignty.
Their relation to the general government is very
imperfectly defined by the Constitution; and it will
be found, upon examination, that in that instrument
the onl/ grant of power concerning them is convey-
ed in the phrase, " Congress shall have the power
to dispose of and make all needful rules and regula-
tions, respecting the territory and other property
belonging to the United States." Certainly this
phraseology is very loose, if it were designed to in-
clude in the grant the whole power of legislation
over persons as well as things. The expression, the

202

THE WILMOT PROVISO,

* territory and other property," fairly construed,
relates to the public lands as such, to arsenals, dock
yards, forts, ships, and all the various kinds of pro-
perty, which the United States may and must pos-
sess.

But surely the simple authority to dispose of and
regulate these, does not extend to the unlimited
power of legislation ; to the passage of all lawsy in
the most general acceptation of the word ; which,
by the by, is carefully excluded from the sentence.
And, indeed, if this were so, it would render unne-
cessary another provision of the Constitution, which
grant^ to Congress the power to legislate, with the
consent of the states, respectively, over all places
purchased for the ** erection of forts, magazines, ar-
senals, dock-yards," «fec. These being the *^ pro-
perty" of the United States, if the power to make
" needful rules and rejjulations concerninfj" them
includes the general power of legislation, then the
grant of authority to regulate ** the territory and '
other property of the United States" is unlimited,
wherever subjects are found for its operation, and
its exercise needed no auxiliary provision. If, on
the other hand, it does not include such power. of
.legislation over the "other property" of the United
States, then it does not' include it over their "terri-
tory;^' for the same terms which grant the one, grant
the other. " Territory" is here biassed with pro-
perty, and treated as such ; and the object was evi-
dently to enable the general government, as a pro- '
perty-holder — which, from necessity, it must be —
to manage, preserve, and *' dispose of" such pro-
perty as it might possess, and which authority is
essential almost to its being. But the lives and
persons of our citizens, with the vast variety of ob-
jects connected with them, cannot be controlled by
an authority, which is merely called into existence
for the purpose of making rules and regulations for
the disposition and management of property.

THE WILMOT PROVISO.

203

Such, it appears to me, vyould be the construction
put upon this provision of the Constitution, wore
this question now first presented for consideration,
and not controlled' by imperious circumstances.
The original ordinance of the Congress of the Con-
federation, passed in 1787, and which was the only
act upon this subject in force at the adoption of the
Constitution, provided a complete frame of govern-
ment for the country north of the Ohio, while in a
territorial cc^ndition, and for its eventual admission
in separate states into the Union. And the persua-
sion, that this ordinance contained within itself all
the necessary means of execution, probably pre-
vented any direct reference to the subject in the
Constitution, further than vesting in Congress the
right to admit the states formed under it into the
Union. However, circumstances arose, which re-
quired legislation, as well over the territory north
of the Ohio, as over other territory, both within and
without the original Union, ceded to the general
government ; and, at various times, a more enlarged
power has been exercised over the territories —
meaning thereby the different Territorial Govern-
ments — than is conveyed by the limited grant re-
ferred to. How far an existing necessity may have
operated in producing this legislation, and thus ex-
tending, by rather a violent implication, powers not
directly given, I know not. But certain it is, that
the principle of interference should not be carried
beyond the necessary implication, which produces
it. It should be limited to the creation of proper
governments for new countries, acquired or settled,
and to the necessary provision for their eventual
admission into the Union ; leaving, in the meantime,
to the people inliabiting them, to regulate their in-
ternal concerns in their own way. They are just
as capable of doing so, as the people of the states ;
and they can do so, at any rate, as soon as their
political independence is recognized by admission

204

THE WILMOT PROVISO.

into the Union. During this temporary condition,
It is hardly expedient to call into exercise a doubt-
fu? and invidious authority, which questions the in-
telligence of a respectable portion of our citizens,
and whose limitation, whatever it may be, will be
rapidly approaching its termination — on authority
which would give to Congress despotic power, un-
controlled by the Constitution, over most important
sections of our common country. For, if the rela-
tion of master and servant may be regulated or an-
nihilated by its legislation, so may the relation of
husband and wife, of parent and child, and of any
other condition which our institutions and the ha-
bits of our society recognize. What would be
thought if Congress should undertake to prescribe
the terms of marriage in New York, or to regulate
the authority of parents over their children in Penn-
sylvania ! And yet it would be as vain to seek one
justifying the interference of the National Legisla-
ture in the cases referred to in the original states
of the Union. I speak here of the inherent power
of Congress, and do not touch the question of such
contracts as may be formed with new states when
admitted into the Confederacy.

Of all the questions that can agitate us, those
which are merely sectional in their character are
the most dangerous, and the most to be deprecated.
The warning voice of him who, from his character,
and services, and virtue, had the best right to warn
us, proclaimed to his countrymen, in his farewell
address — that monument of wisdom for him, as I
hope it will be of safety for them — how much we
had to apprehend from measures peculiarly affect-
ing geographical portions of our country. The
grave circumstances in which we are now placed
make these words, words of safety; for I am satis-
fied, from all I have seen and heard here, that a suc-
cessful attempt to ingraft the principles of the Wil-
rnot Proviso upon the legislation of this government,

tan
thii
sue

THE WILMOT PROVISO.

205

and to apply theni to new territory, should new ter-
ritory be acquired, would seriously affect our tran-
quillity. I do not suflfer myself to foresee or to fore-
tell the consequences that would ensue ; for I trust
and believe there is good sense and good feeling
enough in the country to avoid them, oy avoiding
all occasions which might lead to them.

Briefly, then, I am opposed to the exercise of any
jurisdiction by Congress over this matter; and I am
m favour of leaving to the people of any territory,
which may be hereafter acquired, the right to regu-
late it for themselves, under the general principles
of the Constitution. Because —

1. I do not see in the Constitution any grant of
the requisite power to Congress ; and I am not dispos-
ed to extend a doubtful precedent beyond its neces-
sity — the establishment of Territorial Governments
when needed — leaving to the inhabitants all the
rights compatible with the relations they bear to the
Confederation.

2. Because I believe this measure, if adopted,
would weaken, if not impair, the union of the
states; and would sow the seeds of future discord,
which would grow up and ripen into an abundant
harvest of calamity.

3. Because I believe a general conviction, that
such a proposition would succeed, would lead to an
immediate withholding of the supplies, and thus to
a dishonourable termination of the war. I think no
dispassionate observer at the seat of government can
doubt this result.

4. If, however, in this I am under a misapprehen-
sion, I am under none in the practical^ operation of
this restriction, if adopted by Congress, upon a treaty
of peace making any acquisition of Mexican terri-
tory. Such a treaty would be rejected just as cer-
tainly as presented to the Senate. More than one-
third of that body would vote against it, viewing
such a principlo as an exclusion of the citizens of

206

THE WILMOT PROVISO.

the slaveholding states from a participation in the
benefits acquired by the treasure and exertions of
nil, and which should be common to all. I am re-
peating — neither advancing nor defending ♦hese
views. That branch of the subject does not lie in
my way, and I shall not turn aside to seek it.

In this aspect of the matter, the people of the
United States must choose between this restriction
and the extension of their territorial limits. They
cannot have both; and which they will surrender
must depend upon their representatives first, and
then, if these fail them, upon themselves.

5. But, after all, it seems to be generally conced-
ed, that this restriction, if carried into effect, could
not operate upon any state to be formed from newly
acquired territory. The well-known attributes of
sovereignty, recognized by us as belonging to the
state governments, would sweep before them any
such barrier, and would leave the people to express
and exert their will at pleasure. Is the object, then,
of temporary exclusion for so short a period as the
duration of the Territorial Governments, worth the
price at which it would be purchased? — worth the
discord it would engender, the trial to which it
would expose our Union, and the evils that would
be the certain consequence, let that trial result as it
might ? As to the course, which has been intimated
rather than proposed, of ingrafting such a restriction
upon any treaty of acquisition, I persuade myself it
would find but little favour in any portion of this
country. Such an arrangement would render Mexi-
co a party, having a right to interfere in our inter-
nal institutions, in questions left by the constitution
to the state governments, and would inflict a serious
blow upon our fundamental principles. Few, in-
deed, I trust, there are among us who would thus
grant to a foreign power the right to inquire into
the constitution and conduct of the sovereign states
of this Union ; and if there are any» I am not among

THE WILMOT PROVISO.

207

them, and never shall be. To the people of this
country, under God, now and hereafter, are its des-
tinies committed; and we want no foreign power to
interrogate us, treaty in hand, and to say, Why have
you done this, or why have you left that undone f
Our own dignity and the principles of national in
dependence unite to repel such a proposition.

But there is another important consideration,
which ought not to be lost sight of in the investiga-
tion of this subject. The question that presents
itself is not a question of the increase, but of the
diffusion of slavery. Whether its sphere be sta-
tionary or progressive, its amount will be the same.
The rejection of this restriction will not add one to
the class of servitude, nor will its adoption give
freedom to a single being who is now placed therein.
The same numbers will be spread over greater ter-
ritory, and so far as compression, with less abund-
ance of the necessaries of life, is an evil, so far will
that evil be mitigated by transporting slaves to a
new country, and giving them a larger space to oc-
cupy.

' I say this in the event of the extension of slavery
Over any new acquisition. But can it go there?
This may well be doubted. All the descriptions
which reach lis of the condition of the Californias
and of New Mexico, to the acquisition of \yhich our
efforts seem at present directed,' unite in represent-
ing those countries as agricultural regions, similar
in their products to our middle states, and generally
unfit for the production of the great staples, which
can alone render slave labour valuable. If we are
not grossly deceived — and it is difficult to conceive
how we can be — thfe inhabitants of those regions,
whether they depend upon their ploughs or their
herds, cannot be slaveholders. Involuntary labour,
requiring the investment of large capital, can only
be profitable when employed in the production of a

208

THB WILMOT PROVISO.

few favoured articles confined by nature to special
districts, and paving larger returns than the usual
agricultural prociucts spread over more considerable
portions of the earth.

In the able letter of Mr. Buchanan upon this sub-
ject, not long since given to the public, he presents
similar considerations with great force. " Neither,"
says the distinguished writer, " the soil, the climate,
nor the productions of California south of 36° 20f,
nor indeed of any portion of it, north or south, is
adapted to slave labour ; and besides, every facility
would be there afforded for the slave to escape from
his master. Such property would be entirely inse-
cure in any part of California. It is morally impos-
sible, therefore, that a majority of the emigrants to
that portion of the territory south of 36° 30', which
will be chiefly composed of our citizens, will ever
reestablish slavery within its limits.

"In regard to New Mexico, east of the Rio
Grande, the question hais already been settled by the
admission of Texas into the Union.

" Should we acquire territory beyond the Rio
Grande and east of the Rocky Mountains, it is still
more impossible that a majority of the people would
consent to reestablish slavery. They are themserves
a coloured population, and among them the negro
does not belong socially to a degraded race."

With this last remark Mr. Walker fully coincides
in his letter written in 1844, upon the annexation
of Texas, and which everywhere produced so fa-
vourable an impression upon the public mind, as
to have conduced very materially to the accomplish-
ment of that great measure. " Beyond the Del
Norte," says Mr. Walker, '* slavery will not pass ;
not only because it is forbidden by law, but because
the coloured race there preponderates in the ratio
of ten to one over the whites ; and holding, as they
doy the government and most of the offices in their

THE WILMOT PROVISO.

201

pass;

cause
ratio
they
their

possession, they will not permit the enslavement of
any portion of the coloared race, which makes and
executes the laws of the country."

The question, it will be therefore seen on exami-
nation, does not regard the exclusion of slavery from
a region where it now exists, but a prohibition
against its introduction where it does not exist, and
where, from the feelings of the inhabitants and the
laws of nature, " it is morally impossible," as Mr.
Buchanan says, that it can ever reestablish itself.

It augurs well for the permanence of our confede-
ration, that during more than half a century, which
has elapsed since the establishment of this govern-
ment, many serious questions, and some of the highest
importance, have agitated the public mind, and more
than once threatened the gravest consequences, but
that they have all in succession passed away, leav-
ing our institutions unscathed, and our country ad-
vhncing in numbers, power, and wealth, and in all
the other elements of national prosperity, with a
rapidity unknown in ancient or in modern days. In
times of political excitement, when difficult and
delicate questions present themselves for solution,
there is one ark of safely for us, — and that is, an
honest appeal to the fundamental principles of our
Union, and a stern determination to abide their
dictates. This course of prpceeding has carried us
in safety through many a trouble, and I trust will
carry us safely through many more, should many
more be destined to assail us. The Wilmot Proviso
seek§ to take from its legitimate tribunal a question
of domestic policy, having no relation to the Union,
as such, and to transfer it to another, created by the
people for a special purpose, and foreign to the sub-
ject-matter involved in this issue. By going back
lo our true principles, we go back to the road of
^eace and safety. Leave to the people, who will be
Affected by this question, to adjust it upon their owi
18*

210

THB WILMOT PROVISO.

responsibility, and in their own manner, and we
shull render another tribute to the original princi-
ples of our government, and furnish another guaran-
tee for its permanence and prosperity.
I am, dear sir, respectfully, your obedient servant,

LEWIS CASS.
A. O. P. Nicholson, Esq., Nashville, Tennessee,

THE END.

:»■.;.;

^ yrj^

. The work announced is intended to embrace a view of the most ^^

WHICH RAVB TRANIFtmED IINCE THX

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

IT WILL IITCLVDS AH ACCOUNT CI

THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO, by Hermait Cobtis.

THE CONQUEST OF PERU, by Pixaiiro and Alxaoro.

THE CONQUEST OF FLORIDA, by Dk Soto.

THE DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT OF THE
UNITED STATES AND CANADA.

KINO PHILIP'S WAR, and

THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR, which terminated in the
Conquest of Canada.

The leading Incidents of THE AMERICAN REVOLU-
TION, and

THE WAR OF 1812, WITH GREAT BRITAIN.

THE WAR WITH THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

THE SEVERAL INDIAN WARS, and

THE PRESENT WAR WITH MEXICO.

This work will fill about sixteen hundred pages, and will be*
very richly embellished throughout. It will present a great
variety of

REMARKABLE INCIIIENTS,

And will bring to view a great ' number of Distinguished
Characters, including

DI8C0VEKERS, CONQUERORS. GENERALS. STATESMEN. AND
LITERARY CHARACTERS,

The Publishers will spare no expense to render this work
in all respects worthy of public patronage.

Each number will contain ninety-six pages of closely printed
matter, and the numbers will contain, on an average, forty en-
gravings each.

The publishers rely on the liberality and discernment of the
public for remuneration for the great expense which an under-
taking of this magnitude must necessarily involve.

Persons in the country wishing to have this work forwarded
by mail, can have it sent by enclosing Four Dollars for one
copy ; Seven Dollars for two copies, or Ten Dollars for three
copies. The postage will be 7^ cents per number.

Address, postage paid, G. B. ZIEBER & CO.

Publishers, Philadelphia, Pa.

I'UBLISHED BY G. B. ZIEBER fit CO., 3 LEDGER BUILDING.
A RARE BOOK FOR THE YOUNG.

THE

LITTLE ROBINSON OF PARISj
INDUSTRY TRIUMPHANT

A TALE FOR YOUTH.

OR,

Eugenic Foa.

With an Engraving. Price 25 cents. Bound, 37^ cts.

This is the title of the most popular books for the
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From the New-York Courier and Enr/uirer.
It will take a permanent rank among the Juvenile Classics.
Nothing could be more touching, more interesting, or more
profitable to the class of readers for which it is intended,
and nothing could be more natural. It is equally interest-
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From the Boston Times.
The translation is executed with admirable skill and taste,
and reads like pure English. Wc commend the volume to
young and old, especially to the fornier, as one from which
they may derive much pleasure and benefit. The incidents
are closely woven together, and follow each other almost in
logical succession.

From the New-York Journal of Commerce.
This work is replete with the most affecting incidents, and
is well calculated to win. the attention of the young, for
whom it is especially written. It will be found an excellent
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From the Boston Atlas.
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THE USUAL :i«:»}UNT TO BOOKSELLERS AND PERIomCAL AGENTS.

PUBLISHED BY G. B. ZIEBER «t CO^ 3 LEDGER BUILDING.

^g book
resting,
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the ad-
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lady of
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Little

AGENTS.

THE LADIES' SELF-INSTRUCTOR IN

MILLINERY AND MANTUA-MAKING,

And All Branches of Plain Sewing. With Particular In-
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THE LADIES' GUIDE

TO EMRROIDERY AND APPLIQUE.

Being Instructions in Embroidery on Silk, Velvet, Muslin,

Lace, Merino, &c. and in Applique. With Sixteen

beautiful Engraved Patterns.

These patterns are selected with great care, and are ex-
tremely beautiful. The London edition of this work is
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THE LADIES* WORK-BOX COMPANION, '

Containing Instructions in all kinds of Capvas-Work, with
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This work embraces all the engravings to be found in an
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The following is a portion of its Contents,
Preparation of Frames — To Dress a frame for Cross Stitch —
To Dress a frame for Cloth work — To Dress a frame for
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©Gg^

■>o

p FROF. FROST'S NEW HISTORIGAL WORK. ^

i h t

To be published in sixteen semi-monthly numbers, at twenty-
five cents each.

REMARKABLE EVENTS

IK THB

HISTORY OF AMERICA,

FROM THE DISCOVERY TO THE PRESENT TIME.

OOMrlLaD FROM THB BBST AUTnOBITIBS,

BY JOHN FROST, LL.D.

BMBSLLI8HED WITH

SIX HUNDRED ENGRAVINGS.

PBOM DESIGNS OP THB MOST DISTINOaiSHED ARTISTS.

GEORGE B. ZIEBER & CO. will commence the issue of
the above-mentioned work about the first day of May next, and
will issue a new number punctually, on the first and fifteenth
day of every succeeding month, until the whole is com-
pleted.

The demand of the public for Historical Works, and espe-
cially for those which relate to the history pf our own country,
has increased so rapidly of late, that HISSTORY may now be
pronounced the leading department of literature. Not only
classical histories, but every other description of books which
may be expected to throw light upon history, are eagerly de-
manded. Biographies and memoirs of distinguished men,
local histories, historical and topographical accounts of States,
historical collections, correspondence of Generals, Commo-
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old and new, find a ready sale as soon as they are published.
This decided taste of the public for historical reading, while it
is hailed by the patriot and the friend of sound popular educa-
tion as an evidence of increased intelligence among the peo-
ple, points out distinctly the duties of authors and publishers,
to contribute their best eiibrts towards the substitution of books
of real utility, instead of the lighter and less useful publica-
tions, which have heretofore had too free a currency

AN INTERESTINB AND VALUABLE WORK. 9

AS IT WAS AND AS IT IS.

BY BRANTZ MAYER,

I.ATE BSCBSTART OF KSOATIOK TO MXXIGD.
SMBELLISHED WITH

ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTY ENGRAVINGS,

ExteuUd in the most finished manner, on Wood, by EutUr, mostly from origina>.
designs and drawings by the author, iUustrating the

Rnlnsi Antiqultlest CostumcSf Pl«cei» CnatoinS) and
Curiosities of the

ANCIENT AND MODERN MEXICANS.

UrcitTDIirO A HISTOBT OF THB

WAR WITH THE UNITED STATES.

To be completed in seven semi-monthly numbers, at twenty-
five cents each, or ^2 50 elegantly bound.

This work gives a complete account of the prpsent Social and Political
Condition of ?*exico ; a view of its Ancieni Civilization ; a description of
Antiquities in the Museum of Mexico, and of the Ancieni Remains, strewn
froiti Cal'fornia to Oajaca; which are copiously illustrated. It also fur-
nishes a record of the author's journeys to Tezcoco, and through the tierre
ealiente, — a full account of the Agriculture, Manufactures. Commerce, Re-
sources, Mines, Coinage, and Statistics of iVTexico; and, added to all this, is
a complete view of the past and present history of the country : being more
replete with all interestmg information concerning Mexico, than any work
which has appeared since the days df Humboldt. The engravings are nu-
merous, and of the most finished character, highly illustrating the text, and
adding greatly to the value of the work.

The author is a close observer of men and manners, and writes with ele-
gance and vivacity. His descriptions of natural scenery, cities, ruins, and
other works of nature and art, are graphic and truthful in the highest de-
gree. Ilis Sketch of the History of Rlexico is also a very useful compen-
dium for those who cannot command larger works on the same subject.
The book is handsomely printed on fine paper, and bound in good style.
Mr. Mayer's work on Mexico will be read with avidity by those who have
read Mr. Prescott's '* Conquest of Mexico," since it furnishes one of the best
descriptions extant of the present condition of that country.

Any person in the country sending us Three Dollars, shall receive, by
mail, two copies of the above work. The first number will be issued on
thels.of May, 1S47.

Address, postage paid,

G. B. ZIEBER & CO., Publishers,

Fhiladelphia, Pa.