t ^1^ /, 7] ^ V ^^ /^ IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 l^|28 |25 150 ~^^ il^^ I2t 12^ II I.I 11.25 ■ 22 us lit lf£ 12.0 i: U 116 6" Sciaices Corpomlion 23 WiST MAIN STRIET WCBSTER.N.Y. 14SS0 (716)S72-4S03 t^^ ^.4" i: CIHM/ICMH Microfiche Series. CIHIVl/ICMH Collection de microfiches. Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions / Institut Canadian de microreproductions historiques Technical and Bibliographic Notes/Notes techniques et bibliographiques The Institute has attempted to obtain the best original copy available for filming. Features of this copy which may be bibliographically unique, which may alter any of the images in the reproduction, or which may significantly change the usual method of filming, are checked below. n n n n D Coloured covers/ Couverture de couleur I I Covers damaged/ Couverture endommagte Covers restored and/or laminated/ Couverture restaur6e et/ou peliiculie I I Cover title missing/ Le titre de couverture manque □ Coloured maps/ Cartes gdographiques en couleur □ Coloured ink (i.e. other than blue or black)/ Encre de couleur (i.e. autre que bleue ou noire) |~~| Coloured plates and/or illustrations/ Planches et/ou illustrations en couleur Bound with other material/ Reli6 avec d'autres documents Tight binding may cause shadows or distortion along interior margin/ La re liure serrde peut causer de I'ombre ou de la distortion le long de la marge int6rieure Blank leaves added during restoration may appear within the text. Whenever possible, these have been omitted from filming/ II se peut que certaines pages blanches ajouttes lore d'une restauration apparaissent dans le texte, mais, iorsque cela Atait possible, ces pages n'ont pas 6t4 filmtes. Additional comments:/ Cominentaires suppl6mentaires; L'Institut a microfilm^ le meilleur exemplaire qu'il lui a 6X6 possible de se procurer. Les details de cet exemplaire qui sont peut-Atre uniques du point de vue bibliographique, qui peuvent modifier une image reproduite, ou qui peuvent exiger une modification dans la m^thode normale de filmage sont indiqu6s ci-dessous. I I Coloured pages/ D This item is filmed at the reduction ratio checked below/ Ce document est film* au taux de reduction indiqu6 ci-dessous. Pages de couleur Pages damaged/ Pages endommag^es Pages restored and/oi Pages restaur6es et/ou pellicuiies Pages discoloured, stained or foxe( Pages dicolordes, tachetdes ou piqudes Pages detached/ Pages d^tach^es Showthrough/ Transparence Quality of prir Qualiti indgale de I'impression Includes supplementary materii Comprend du matiriei suppldmentaire I — I Pages damaged/ I I Pages restored and/or laminated/ r~y\ Pages discoloured, stained or foxed/ I I Pages detached/ r/l Showthrough/ I I Quality of print varies/ I I Includes supplementary material/ I — I Only edition available/ Seule Edition disponible Pages wholly or partially obscured by errata slips, tissues, etc., have been refilmed to ensure the best possible image/ Les pages totalement ou partiellement obscurcies par un feuillet d'errata. une pelure. etc.. ont 6X6 fiim^es 6 nouveau de fagon 6 obtenir la meilleure image possible. 10X 14X 18X 22X 26X 30X y 12X 16X 20X MX 28X 32X Tl to Tl P< o1 III Oi b( th •ii ol fii •i( Ol T» Tl M dii •11 bfl re Th« copy fllm«d h«r« hat b««n r«produc«d thanks to tha ganarosity of: Library Division Provincial Archives of British Coiumliia L'axamplaira filmA f ut raproduit grica i la gAnAroaiti da: Library Division Provincial Archives of British Columbia Tha imagaa appaaring hara ara tha bast quality possibia conaidaring tha condition and legibility of tha original copy and in kaaping with tha filming contract apacif ications. Laa imagas auivantaa ont AtA raproduitas avac la plus grand soin. compta tanu da la condition at da la nattat* da l'axamplaira film*, at •!% conformity avac las conditions du contrat da fiimaga. Original copias in printad papar covars ara filmad baginning with tha front covar and anding on tha last paga with a printed or iiluntratad impras- sion, or tha back covar whan appropriata. All othar original copias ara filmad baginning on tha first paga with a printad or illustratad impras- sion, and anding on tha last paga with a printad or illustratad imprassion. Tha last racordad frama on aach microficha shall contain tha symbol — ^ (moaning "CON- TINUED"), or tha symbol ▼ (moaning "END"), whichavar applias. Las axamplairas originaux dont la couvartura an papiar ast imprlmta aont filmAs an commandant par la pramiar plat at an tarminant soit par la darniAra paga qui comporta una amprainta d'imprassion ou d'illustration. soit par la sacond plat, salon la cas. Tous las autras axamplairas originaux sont filmAs an commandant par la pramiAra paga qui comporta una amprainta d'imprassion ou d'illustration at an tarminant par ia darniira paga qui comporta una talla amprainta. Un das symboias suivants apparaltra sur la darniAra imaga da chaqua microficha. salon la cas: la symbola -^ signifia "A SUIVRE", la symbols y signifia "FIN". Maps, platas. charts, ate. may ba filmad at diffarant raduction ratios. Thosa too larga to ba antiraly includad in ona axposura ara filmad baginning in tha uppar laft hand cornar, laft to right and top to bottom, as many framas as raquirad. Tha following diagrams iilustrata the mathod: Las cartas, planchas. tableaux, etc.. peuvent §tre fiimAs A des taux da reduction diffArents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour Atre reproduit en un seul cliche, il est filmA A partir da Tangle supArieur gauche, de gauche A droite. et de haut en bas. Btn prenant le nombre d'images nicessaire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la m^thoda. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 KENKRAL CASS. LIFE OF GENERAL LEWIS CASS : COMPRISING AN ACCOUNT OF HIS MILITARY SERVICES IN THE NORTH-WEST DURIMa THB yf- WAR WITH GREAT BRITAIN, i HIS DIPLOMATIC CAREER AND CIVIL HISTORY. TO WHICH IS APPENDED, A SKKrCH OP THE PUBLIC AND PRIVATE HISTORY OP MAJOR-GENERAL W. 0. BUTLER, OF THE VOLUNTEER SERVICE OF THE UNITED STATES. ^^ WITH TWO PORTRAITS. PHILADELPHIA : G. B. Z I E B E R & CO. 1848. t' e C343I 1 '! I c 1 ' / ^ J I k 2d 'VKvn i'.y,iiw n:.i:r Kr i-i-'i Enterad, according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1848, by r.h,',^^ G. B. ZIEBER & CO. * ' in the clerk's office of the District Court of the United States for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania. , UM :h STEREO TYFEO BT J. FAGAN. PRINTED BV C. SHERMAN. • 4. a ... It -^i (2) .q:> ^ n A \i :x \ s. • U .J ¥>"s\ !innol ooJ ^ - ,^l4q 'Hit sfiiBr>«*fJ W ,. -J^HlUtU ■*;;! ^i^'^^-:- UiC.:. 1 ^J\^ C!'- i-i.'t •-.'..' ^ii "Sif^w'? H| 1 . ' • .' • V ■ ' '^^m: LIFE OF GENERAL LEWIS CASS. !• (V) :i M I A • « .««/•. J >i!7/;!„i jAii:-i/'i;) V I i- 1^ CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. Biography of Lewis Cass — His Father — Early emigration to the North-west — Character of that country, etc. — Studies law — Admitted to the Bar — Burr — Marshal of the State, etc Page :l 11 CHAPTER II. , ., ,, Preparations for War — March to the Frontier — War — Invasion of Canada — Hull's procrastination — Battle at Aux Canards — Retreat from Canada — Cass's Remon- strance — Detached Service — Surrender of Detroit -7- Visit to Washington — Letters — Promotion — Thanks of the Legislature of Ohio 23 CHAPTER in. Joins General Harrison's army — Moves to the Frontier — Crosses into Canada — Advance — Battle of the Thames, etc. — Cass complimented by General Harrison — Anec- dotes — Governor of Michigan 52 (vii) Vlll CONTENTS. CHAPTER IV. Michigan afler the War — Commissioner to treat with the Indians — Improved condition of Michigan, etc. — Literary Matters 70 CHAPTER V. General Cassis Civil Services — Literary History — John Hunter — General Jackson — Nulli Bcation — Alabama — Black Hawk War — Creek War — Seminole War — Minister to France 85 CHAPTER VI. Letter from General Jackson — Diplomatic Services- Indemnity — Eastern Tour — Quintuple Treaty 96 Hi CHAPTER VII. Mr. Cass in the United States — Visit to General Jackson — Letters — Course in the Senate — Nomination by the Baltimore Convention — Correspondence, &c 132 t - i LIFE GENERAL CASS, CHAPTER I. Biography of Lewis Cass — His Father — Early emij^fration to the North-west — Character of that country, etc. — Studies law- Admitted to the Bar — Burr — Marshal of the State, etc It has become an axiom, that no one should at- tempt to write the biography of any individual, until the tomb should have become the seal of the career of the subject. Many examples might be given of the truthfulness of this, both in the annals of our own land and of other nations, well known to all who read and think. The biography of the elder Adams, previous to the passage of the alien and se- dition laws, the career of Burr before his defeat and subsequent treason, and of many less important but equally significant personages, would prove how different often is the estimate placed on men, from their sterling value. There are, however, occisions when the name and history of a man become the property of the nation ; when the varied events of his career, whether in the camp, senate, or service of his country abroad, become the property of the people, who have a right to canvass and discuss in 00 12 LIFE OP III' tl! i ' I'r detail each item of his history, and when it becomes almost a duty to ascertain and fix positively the landmarks of his social and public history. This is a consequence of the peculiar character of our country, which, setting aside, if not the ex- perience, at least the practice of the old world, in the selection of its rulers, looks rather to the traces left by the feet of the living, than to inscriptions laudatory of the dead. When a great people, to whose intelligence are confided not only their own rights and those of their children, but, in a great degree, the future of hu- manity, it called upon to select its chief magistrate and holder of the executive power, it becomes each member of the community to acquire, if not a tho- rough knowledge, at least a general acquaintance with the events of the lives of the candidates for the high position, especially when they appeal be- fore the community, endorsed by the recommenda- tion of either of the great classes, into which party and opinion have divided the nation. The history of parties in the United States inculcates a sad les- son, and if we believe the journals of the day, dur- ing each political canvass, we must think either that tht candidates are god-like and unequalled heroes, Nestors in experience, Ulysses in wisdom, and Achilles in courage, or deem them disgraces to hu- manity and opprobriums to society. Except Gene- ral Washington, and perhaps Mr. Jefferson, no one who has occupied the seat of the president, has es- caped this indiscriminate censure and laudation, each of which has often been so indiscreet and in- discriminate, that victims have fled for shelter to their enemies, and cried in agony, " Save me from my friends." The United States stand on the eve of one of the great convulsions which, occurring on every fourth year, shake society, break down the divisions of party, and lately have amounted to a total rovolu- ill GENERAL CASS 13 ■si tion in all of «.!ie ministerial clc,jartinents. The pe- culiar structure of the organization of government makes it necessary that new presidents should bring with them new secretaries, and the latter new offi- cials in important and minor capacities, more or less affecting each individual of the community, and making from their natural dependence, each circum- stance of the career of the candidates of either of the two great parties important. The democratic spirit of our government is not a thing of theory, a mere expansion of words, but a principle, pervading the idea and action of both of the two great powers. Nothing makes this more apparent than the organization of parties, which almost recalls to us the conduct and condition of those countries, in which two races, each having its own peculiar ruler and code, were condensed. We find them meeting at)d acting alone, with a f)arty constitution as well defined as the law of the and, submissive to the principle that the wish and interest of the many is the interest and should be the wish of the few : each party has erected itself into a subordinate republic, and established the rule that a majority, greater or less, as the case might be, shall control its decision in the selection of a candidate. The party annals of the United States have shown how absolute is this decision ; for in no case, since the establishment of these sul>rcpublics, has the mass of either party failed to use its influ- ence, or cast its voice, for the person who had been designated as a candidate. On the propriety of this, great and good men of either party have differed — it being notorious that, after the fiat of the party, the people vo< i according to the suggestion of the convention, to which they adhere almost as blindly as canons and deans in ecclesiastical corporations, abroad, cast their suffrages for the person, whom, by a chancellor's writ, they are permitted to elect. This may be wrong. Both parties, however, are u LIFE OF ni-t liable to reproach, and show that thf y are aware of it, by the fact of their applying to the convention of their opponents opprobrious epithets, which are equally appropriate to their own cases.* It is un- fortunately but too true, that this party allegiance has proved more powerful, and exerted more influ- ence, than the call of the higher and undoubted appeal of patriotism. This is a statement which needs no proof; each one, within his own experience, being able to recall a recent and striking instance. We have seen the whole democratic party cry for war for indemnity, and the satisfaction of our na- tional claims on Mexico ; on the other hand, almost without an exception, we have seen the whig party brand the government, and the party which sup- ported it, as an oppressor of the weak abroad, and the labouring man at home ; we have listened to its loud declamation against the war, its causes, con- duct, purposes and results. Now, not only Brutus, but Caesar, " is an honourable man," yet one or the other is undoubtedly mistaken ; and it becomes the duty of the friends of both to ascertain each item of the history of the two persons presented to them as exponents of the two great political churches which solicit their adherence and support. When the necessity of this knowledge is admitted, it follows as a corollary not only that it is admissi- ble, but becomes a duty, for each one to contribute his mite to the general stock of information on this most important subject. Therefore is it that this hook has been written. In our country we profess to disregard family antecedents, and to look altoge- ther to the character of the man. It is, however, a * In England, and other European states, when a vacancy in any Bishopric or Arch Episcopate occurs, the royal power virtually appoints an incumbent, but under the guise of a writ, or perhiit, to elect {conge dCelire) a particular person. Thus, the cojiventions recommend men who receive the unanimous vote of their respective parties. f - GENERAL CASS la great mistake to suppose that we have been able to cast aside the prejudices and faults of our fathers, or that we wish to strip ourselves of their former glory. It is believed that no biography was ever written, which did not specify at least the services, and attempt to define the character of the parent of the hero. Following this precept, and without pausing to inquire whether it would not be more honoured in the breach than in the observance, we will state at once that Lewis Cass has reason to be proud of his genealogy. His father, Jonathan Cass, of the revolutionary army, was a native of Massachusetts, and descend- ant of a reputable family, long established in the vicinity of Boston. When the news of the contest at Lexington became known to the people of that section of country, and when it was obvious that not only was the British ministry determined to persevere in its course, but that the strife had actu- ally commenced, Jonathan Cass enlisted in the army. His subsequent career, and the memorials of his ser- vice, prove him to have been a man of education, and as such, justified in aspiring to at least a higher post than that of a private sentinel. Under the con- viction, however, that the nation needed the heart and arms of all its children, he placed himself in the humblest capacity, participated in the operations in front of Boston, and by obedience learned to com- mand. In but a short time he became an ensign, and after serving in the various campaigns in Jer- sey, and the middle states, attained the rank of captain, which he held at the end of the war. Dur- ing this trying time, the courage of Jonathan Cass, and his prudence and judgment, were well estab- lished, so that when Wayne commenced his success- ful expedition against the Indians in the northwest, he was recalled to service, with the higher grade of major. On this expedition it was that he acquired that knowledge of the west, which induced him j in m w r» [Hf 16 LIFE OP ultimately to make it the home of his family. He emigrated thither, after the termination of hostilities, and died, ultimately, at his residence, in Muskingum county, Ohio. Lewis Cass was born at Exeter, New Hampshire, on the 9th of October, 1782, and when his father was appointed a major in Wayne's army accor.ipa- nied him southward. At that time, the pay of officers of the army was small, and barely sufficed for their necessary expenses, so that young Cass was not unwillinrobable, labitants at that time, could shake off his portion of the bur- den of toil and hardship, by which alone the country could have been lifted to its present position. For years young Cass participated in all this labour, and in the constant peril to which all were exposed by the vicinity of savage tribes, inimical to the new settlers, not only on account of the natural antipathy of race, but in consequence of the perpetual machi- nations of the British agents, who long and most unjustifiably kept in the pay of England and stimu- lated to hostilities a race, whom not only the letter of national treaties, but human charity bound them at least to let alone. They did not, however, thus abstain, for long before the declaration of war agamst Great Britain, her allies were in the field, and the United States were compelled to employ a large military force to keep them in check. In 1802, during the territorial government, Lewis Cass was admitted to the bar, having previously gone through a course of legal instruction under the privilege of R. J. Meigs, in the town of Marietta. Under fair auspices he commenced the practice of the law, travelling, as was the custom of the day, on horseback, and often alone, through the expanse of forest which seperated the various places of the session of the courts, in that then sparsely inhabited country. The life of a western lawyer at that day was certainly arduous, but had its pleasures. The long and solitary journeys through the wilderness encouraged the habit of reflection and matured thought : it made all who participated in it familiar with the character of the whole country, and was not by any means without peculiar advantages, from the fact that it brought together men of rare quali- ties, whose energy and anxiety to achieve something had induced them to turn from the idleness of life in the old states, to the hardships of the frontier. As a lawyer, the success of Cass was decided, and his reputation v/ell established, so that in 1806, 2'" 1 18 LIFE OF he was elected a member of the legislature from Muskinjijum county, over many competitors. Scarce- ly a lawyer, who is not an aspirant for political dis- tinctions, exists within the United States, and Cass had many opponents, all of whom seem, however, to have approved of the popular choice. During the session of the legislative body he was a conspicuous member, participating in all the debates on state concerns, and in the important discussion which re- sulted in the passage of the law, which authorized the executive to use the power of the state to dis- perse the partisans of Burr, taking the lead, and in- troducing the bill he had draughted into the house. How important this step was, will be evident to all, on an examination of the state of the country. Aaron Burr was one of those men who with im- mense mental power, fail even in the limited career they propose to themselves, temporary success, because the moral faculties or organs are not propor- tioned to their mental capacity. Born within what many are pleased to call the upper circles, he had received a brilliant education, and at the era of the revolution, carried away by the popular impetus, or perhaps, far-seeing enough to be satisfied that the cause would ultimately succeed, he had entered the military service of the government, and, notwith- standing the statements of the many volumes which have been written since 1806, had served with no small distinction in the Revolutionary army. Dis- banded on the termination of the war, as were Hamilton, Monroe, Timothy Pickering, and others of the same grade, like them he had directed his attention to the civil service of the government. How great his influence was, may be gathered from the fact, that he was the rival and nearly the suc- cessful one of the great apostle of democracy, Mr. Jefferson; and it is more than likely, but for the prejudice excited by the circumstance of his having killed Hamilton, the idol of the Federalist party, GENERAL CASS. 19 in a duel, he would have occupied the Presidential chair. In spite of the many attacks made on the social character of Colonel Burr, there is every reason to believe, that he would have occupied the post of chief magistrate, with as much dignity as any, who have since become its incumbents. For this, his brilliant genius, his intelligence, and his conver- sational eloquence admirably qualified him. He had, however, risen so high, that the one other grade in the scale of dignity became indispensable to him, and, disappointed in attaining that, he fell, as far purer beings have done before him, through envy. So anxious had he been to succeed, that fiis whole resources, personal and of party, had been put forth, and having been defeated, was as utterly powerless as Napoleon became after Waterloo. The election of Mr. Jefferson firmly established the predominance, for years to come, of the politicians of his school, and success to Burr in the United States became aa impossibility. One of the most distinguished jurists of the day, wealth and distinction in that sphere were attain- able; but the judicial ermine of the national tribu- nals would never have been conferred on one who had so nearly defeated the executive and appointing power. It is well this was the case, for a person whom envy could lash into treason was not fit to be the depository of the great conservative power of the' government. Discontented, disappointed and moody, Burr disappeared from the popular eye, and when he again emerged, it was as the opponent of the government to which he aspired, and as an out- law, for the apprehension of whom every civil and military officer of the nation was on the alert. What was precisely the plan of Colonel Burr, it is impossible now to ascertain : circumstances, how- ever, indicate that if he did not actually meditate the dismemberment and separation of the territories i 20 LIFE OF i "'1 !i!!l» M of the union, his design was treasonable. When a single man in the midst of a peaceful community is found armed to the teeth, and violating the ordinary police regulations, it is fair to conclude that he medi- tates the perpetration of wrong, and it becomes his duty to satisfy the people of his nonest intentions. So when an individual places himself at the head of mili- tary array in a peaceful land, it is a fair presumption that he meditates war f\nd treason, and the govern- ment, if it discharges its duty, is bound not only to call the offender to account, but to crush his power. The latter was precisely the case of Burr. The government of the United States had been so recently established, that the men who had lived before the revolution, and under the government which existed between the ratification of peace and the inauguration of General Washington, had not all learned thoroughly to transfer their love and duty to the new authorities. They still devoted them- selves to their several states, and if they were faith- ful to the United States, it was because the pros- perity of their respective homes was involved in the national prosperity. In 1803, the district of Louisiana had been purchased, notwithstanding the opposition of a factious minority, and Governor Claiborne sent thither to take possession of the ac- quisition. Many Americans had gone thither, and listened, with eager ears, to the stories of Mexican mines and Spanish wealth, by which their cupidity had been excited, until at last the wish became father to the thought, that in the existing difficulties of Spain, it would be easy to seize at least a portion of the most magnificent of her colonies, and found there, as their own fathers had done in the United States, a new government. This idea pervaded the whole community, and every thing tends to show that it was the purpose of no conspiracy, if that word im- plies secrecy, but the common theme of public con- versation among the floating population of the whole M 1 if ■4; -I ■-4. ^ GENERAL CASH, 21 ben a ity is inary medi- es his IS. So F mili- nption 3vern- nly to )ower. »een so I lived •nment ce and not all d duty them- e faith- b pros- Ived in rict of ing the jvernor the ac- er, and lexican upidity e father ties of •tion of d there. States, I whole that it ord im- lic con- e whole 1 west. Tliis population was peculiar. The most adventurous men of the whole nation were hemmed in the valley of the Ohio, where they were shut up by the power and presence of the Pottawattamie, and otiicr tribes on the north, and the great tribes of Tennessee on the south. They had not the free scope of the whole continent, which has since been opened to them, and had shaken off the restraints imposed by society in the older states. They were ready to undertake any scheme of wild adventure. The army of Wayne had been disbanded in the west, and many of the officers, needy and poor, yet hung around the cities, where they became the associates of foreign adventurers of every grade and character. A plan was formed by these men, it is now believed, to seize on a portion of Mexico, and establish them- selves there ; and goaded by his disappointed ambi- tion and envy. Burr placed himself at their head. So far as the scheme was directed against the then Spanish colonies of Mexico, the intention was, accord- ing to the laws of the United States, merely a dis- meanor. New Orleans had, however, been garri- soned by the United States, and as it controlled the passes of the Mississippi, must necessarily be seized on by the adventurers. This was treason; and the moment two men assembled for ther purpose of car- rying the plan into effect, at however remote a day, war had been waged, and treason been committed, against the United States. This condition of affairs existed at the time that Lewis Cass sat in the Gene- ral Assembly of Ohio. The State of Virginia claimed the control of the Ohio river, wherever it touched her, as far as the northern bank; but the western declivity of the Al- leghany, even now sparsely populated, was then a wiUlorness, except on the banks of the river, and the scat of the state government was far off at Rich- mond. On one of the islands of the river, the sub- sequently well-known Blennerhasset had established 22 LIFE OF himself, and his house became the nucleus of in- trigue. To put an end to this state of affairs, on the 11th December, 1806, Mr. Cass introduced the bill referred to above, suspending the habeas corpus, and thereby enabling the civil and military officers to execute efficiently the duty required from them by the proclamation of the President. This was a great and a decided step, necessary at that time to put an end to the conspiracy or plot, and attracted much attention to Mr. Cass. The party of intriguers at Blennerhassct's island and other places, having been dispersed by the conse- quences of this course of Mr. Cass, Burr turned his steps southward, and soon after was arrested by Captain (now Major-General) Gaines of the army, the commander of Fort Stodert, a military post be- tween New Orleans and Mobile. In the similarity of agents' plans, etc., there is much in this plot of Burr's, as far as we can now follow its mazes, to re- mind us of the infamous conspiracy of Nicholls and others, subsequently so signally foiled by General Jackson. In March of the next year, 1807, Mr. Jefferson appointed Mr. Cass marshal of the United States for the district of Ohio, in the discharge of the duties of which he remained until 1812, re- siding almost constantly on his estate in Muskingum county. Previously to his leaving the legislature of Ohio, Mr. Cass wrote and introduced the well-known ad- dress, adopted unanimously b\ the Senate and House of Representatives of that state, to congratulate Mr. Jefferson on the frustration of Burr's -Jans. I r GENERAL CASS. 23 CHAPTER II. Preparations for War — March to the Frontier — War — Invasion of Canada — Hull's procrastination — Battle at Aux Canards — Retreat from Canada — Cass's Remonstrance — Detached Ser- vice — Surrender of Detroit — Visit to Washington — IjCttei Promotion — Thanks of the Legislature of Ohia The duties of marshal of the United States at that time in Ohio, were most arduous and occupied Mr. Cass completely. This will be readily appre- ciated, when it is remembered there were witliin the state a large number of Indians, the trade and in- tercourse with whom was regulated by laws of con- gress, the enforcement of which rested exclusively with the courts of which Mr. Cass was the minis- terial officer. It also became his duty to exercise a general supervision over the countless acres of wild land, then unsold, in almost every portion of the state, and to assist, as far as possible, the officers of customs on the northern frontier, then few and far between, in the discharge of their onerous duties, in preventing the introduction of arms among the In- dians already hostile in their feelings to the United States. These important duties kept him occupied, and as his office was incompatible with legislative functions, we do not find his name in the records of the many important events of the legislative history of Ohio for several years. Previous to the actual declaration of war, under the conviction that it was inevitable, the government of the United States had begun diligently to prepare for it, and among other steps determined to place on trnm 24 LIFE OF the frontier a large force, so that when the contest actually began, an invasion of Canada might be commenced or hostilities against the United States repelled. At the head of this army was placed General Hull, who had under his orders three regi- ments of Ohio volunteers, and the gallant and uni- versally distinguished 4th regiment of infantry. Of the 3d regiment of Ohio volunteers, Mr. Cass was, without serious opposition, elected colonel. His ac- ceptance of the command, of course made it neces- sary for him to relinquish the office of marshal. The position of the country at this time was strange. The people were anxious for war, the whole country busy in preparation ; yet the govern- ment, existing only in the breath of the people, hesi- tated. In the interim, the British government con- tinued its outrages both on the seas and the north- west frontier, exhibiting the brutality of the ruflian, who seeks by continued indignities, to wrest from a feebler party, not an excuse, but a pretext for quarrel. The people of the United States were most indignant, and nowhere more so than in the west, so that the quota of volunteers called for from Ohio, was obtained without difficulty, and comprised the flower of the state, which was then pervaded by a military spirit unusual, but easy to be accounted for. In the war with the Prophet and the tribes con- federated under his influence, in 1811, Great Britain had apparently not interfered; yet thciv. was not in the whole northwest one person who doubted that the British authorities in Canada were mainly in- strumental in bringing about and sustaining the league. The hostilities of the league of the Prophet and his brother Tecumseh were terminated by the brilliant victory of Tippecanoe, but the feeling of military ambition brought home by the volunteers who had gained it pervaded the whole people, and everywhere the young men embodied themselves in military companies. What the memory of victory I I '& ■'t'. -fipr-'W" GENERAL CASS. tt contest ght be States placed !c regi- 1(1 uni- ry. Of ss was, Ilis ac- neces- lal. Tie was ar, the govern- lo, hesi- 11 1 con- north- ruffian, from a lext for 3re most west, so n Ohio, ised the ed by a ited for. )es con- Britain s not in ed that inly in- ing the Prophet by the sling of unteers )Ie, and elves in victory I acroinplishcd in the west was broufjht about on the Atlantic by the news of the nffiiir of the Little Bolt, and its forerunner, the attack on the Chesapeake, which latter outrage alone should have impelled the people to war. There was some excuse for the dilatory conduct of the authorities: the constitution and «ifovernrn('nt of the United States might have, at that time, been considered as tested, and proven admirably calcu- lated for a state of peace, but it was yet doubtful whether it would survive that terrible ordeal for all popular governments, war. Many ible and patri- otic men doubted its capacity to iin ;rgo this test ; and tho world construed thnir hesitation into cow- ardice. Napoleon, and the English ministry, each of whom had attempted to entangle the United States in alliances, began to look on us with contempt ; and in spite of the antecedents of the Revolution, the promptness with which the aggressions of the French minister Genet had been met, and the war with Tripoli, the name of an American had almost be- come a reproach, and the flag of the Union had ceased to protect the vessel that bore it. A liinit to all ihis was, however, at hand; and, yielding to the voice of the people, congress, on the 18th of June, 1812, declared war against Great Britain, which on the next day was publicly proclaimed. The flower of the people of Ohio had responded to the call, and probably a finer body of irregular troop§ had never been seen than Genera! Hull com- manded ; and it was prepared to wipe out a long series of aflronts, by operations in the country of the enemy. Previous to the declaration of war, the army of Hull had been collected at Dayton, in Montgomery county, whither Colonel Cass soon marched with his regiment, which had been recruited in the eastern portion of the state. Early in June, the volunteers moved towards Urbanna, in Cham- paign count V, where they were joined bv the vete- 3 26 LIFE OF ran 4th infantry, which, under Colonel Boyd, had won so much fame at Tippecanoe. The country between Urbanna and the Rapides was then a wilderness, in possession of the Indians. From Urbanna, the route lay through a pathless forest, and the natural character of the region op- posed great difficulties to the march. A road was to be opened, streams to be bridged, and often long causeways to be constructed over morasses. Even now the traces of these labours may be seen ; and often a long belt of limber, of smaller and different growth, will indicate the route along which HulPs army marched. Animated, however, by the cheer- fulness and energy which is the forte of the,Ameri- can people, this arduous portion of the march was soon accomplished ; and in as brief a time as was reasonable, the army reached Rapides (about the last of June). From the Rapides of the Miami of the Lake to Detroit, the country was sparsely inhabited by a Canadian French population, and became more in- teresting and cheerful, thoMgh it was not then with- out hardships. At Rapides, a small schooner was loaded with a portion of the baggage of the array, to enable them to march more rapidly. At this place an unfortunate though perhaps necessary delay oc- curred, in consequence of which the British heard of the declaration of war before General Hull, and captured the schooner and stores, at the same time making prisoners of a subaltern's guard on board of it. On the 5th of July, the army reached De- troit, just in time to prevent its occupation by the British forces, which had already begun works on the other side of the river, and to fortify a position a few miles below^ From these positions they were soon forced to retreat by a well-directed fire of ar- tillery. The army was most anxious to invade Canada ; and Colonel Cass, who, with McArthur, had more 'M i ■^ ■-I GENERAL CA8S. wl >yd, had Rapides Indians, pathless gion op- •oad was ften long }. Even }en; and diflerent :h Hull's 16 cheer- ed A meri- irch was [6 as was bout the Lake to ted by a more in- len with- oner was he array, his place delay oc- sh heard Hull, and anie time on board died Da- rn by the ;\rorks on position hey were ire of ar- influencG than any other of the volunteer officers, used great efforts to induce General Hull to take this step. The General, however, had been bred in the army, and had great prejudices against volun- teer forces, thinking them not to be relied on with confidence. This feeling, although he knew the enemy were not prepared to receive him, induced him to delay until it is probable the season for suc- cess had passed away. By dint of constant per- suasion. Colonel Cass at last brought him to a deci- sion, and, after two abortive attempts in front of the British batteries, the American army, on the 12th of July, crossed the river unopposed, and en- tered the village of Sandwich. Here another delay took place, and Hull published his famous procla- mation, which nothing has prevented from being considered a masterpiece but hrs ultimate failure and surrender. . This manifesto, which may be esteemed a model, has since been avowed to have emanated from the pnn of Colonel Cass, and is worthy of the high reputation he has since acquired. Unfortunately, it promised more than the general who signed it was capable of performing. Had the command rested in other hands, it would have become world- renowned. During this time. Colonel Cass continued the mas- ter-spirit of the army, and exerted himself as far as possible to induce Hull to activity. The old man's fjiults, delay and sloth, had, however, seized upon the general, and he here frittered away many valu- able days. This circumstance created much dis- satisfaction among officers and men, who could not but compare the procrastination of the general with the eagerness of others, especially with Colonel Cass, who had been the first armed American who stood on the Canada shore, whither he had passed with the vanguard of his own regiment, which led the column on tnc 12th of July. sa LIFE OF Af:ar the publication of his manifesto, General Hull detached Colonel McArthur to seize on the coun- try along the Thames, which was well siittled, and thriving. This was accomplished without resist- ance, and McArthur returned to Sandwich with a large quantity of blankets, ammunition, and military supplies, together with a great many articles evi- dently intended for the Indian allies of the "Defender of the Faith." About the same time, Colonel Cass was detached with a party of two hundred and eighty men towards Fort Maiden, a strong post, where a large body of Indians and British regular troops were collected. This important point, at the embouchure of tiie Detroit river, commands the pass- age to and from the lake, and was about thirteen miles from the camp of General Hull. Colonel Cass, fol- lowing the course of the Riviere aux Canards, at the distance of about four miles of Maiden, found a strong British force in possession of a bridge. After an examination of the position, a rifle corps com- manded by Captain Robinson, was ordered to ad- vance and occupy the enemy, while at the head of the remainder of his force, Colonel Cass sought to turn their lower flank, and attack their rear. The people of Canada, at least on this portion of the frontier, do not seem to have extended a great deal of aid and comfort to the invaders ; Colonel Cass was without a guide, and being unacquainted with the topograpiiy of the place, was unable to reach the rear of the enemy until nearly night, when the design to surprise the post having been discovered, large reinforcements had been advanced. A short, sharp, and decisive affair, however, occurred, and the British guard was compelled to abandon its position, with a loss of eleven killed and wounded, besides many desertions. This was an important success, for it opened the route to Maiden, and Colonel Cass immediately despatched an express to GcnCruI Hull inforniing •i *i 1 xff jjf *i? GENERAL CASS. 29 General »e coun- ied, and resist- witii a military ',les evi- )efender nel Cass red and ng post, regular it, al the the pass- men miles Ilass, fol- lardsy at , fuund a 3. After •ps com- d to ad- head of ought to ar. The n of the 'eat deal •nel Cass ited with to reach *vhen the scovered, A short, Ted, and ndon its vounded, ►ened the ned lately n forming him of what had occurred, and urging him to march at once. Had he done so, the route of seventeen miles between the American camp and Maiden, could soon have been accomplished, and Maiden would have fallen. What influences prevented Hull from acting thus have never been understood : the probability however, is, that professional pride would not permit the veteran soldier, for Hull had been distinguished in the revolution, to follow the sugges- tion of a colonel of militia. Be this as it may. Colo- nel Cass was immediately ordered to abandon the post he had captured, and return to the army, which of course he immediately did. From this time, Colonel Cass seems to have lost all confidence in General Hull, and to have been able to exert no in- fluence on him. Hull appears to have separated himself entirely from the officers of his command, and to have acted, to use the mildest words, blindly and improvidently. After frittering away several weeks in perfect in- activity, Hull retraced his steps to Detroit, in con- sequence it was said, of the interruption of his plans by the capture of the post of Michillimacinac. The circumstances of this were so strange, as to merit a particular notice. This post, situated on an island at the eastern extremity of the straits of Macinac, connecting Lakes Michigan and Huron, though an important depot of the American fur-trade, was gar- risoned by fifty-six men, commanded by Lieutenant Hanks of the United States artillery corps. Against it, a force of no less than six hundred Britjsh and Indians marched July 16th, and summoned the place to surrender. So remote was Macinac from the inhabited parts of the United States, that the com- mandant had as yet received no intimation of the existence of war; and, consequently, unprepared for defence, the young commandant capitulated. Tlie blame for this scandalous affair rested with Hull, who should immediately have r<»mmunicated a* 30 li I F K OF to ail the commanders on tlie frontier, the existence of war. Had he done so, there is every reason to believe, that Hanks, who was a very gallant and competent officer, would have been able to maintain himself. That Hull could have done so, is proven by the fact that the British commandant of St. Jo- seph's, whence the enemy's expedition moved, had been informed of all that occurred by Sir Isaac Brock, who was at least as distant from the t'%'o posts as General Hull. The partisans of the latter maintained that the consequences of the capture of Michillimacinac would have been the irruption of all the northern tribes, headed by the British North- west Company's officers, and the impossibility of holding Maiden. This does not however appear to be the case, for no feeble garrison like Hanks's could for a moment have withstood this force, and in case of such an invasion, the possession of Maiden was indispensable to the United States, and Hull should have been doubly diligent in efforts to obtain it. Every thing tends to show, that Hull, if he was ever serious in his demonstrations on Maiden, was now delighted at an excuse for abandoning them. His preparations had been conducted in the most dilatory manner, so that by the first of August only two twenty-four pound guns and three howitzers had been mounted. At that time, however, a coun- cil of war was called, which recommended an im- mediate attack. About this crisis, the Canada militia began to desert, and the whole country was buoyant with expectation of a brilliant result. About this time, a company of Ohio volunteers arrived at the mouth of the Raisin with army sup- plies, and as the route thence- to Detroit was much exposed. Major Van Horn, with one hundred and fifty men, was sent to meet them. This officer, on his second day's march, near the village of Browns- town, was attacked by an overwhelming force of British and Indians, which, after a very sharp con- n m GLNEUAI. CASR. **1 Listence ;ason to int and maintain proven St. Jo- red, had ir Isaac the t'vo le latter pture of 3tion of 1 North- )ility of ppear to s's could I it) case den was II should in it. ' he was ien, was ig them, the most just only owitzers a coun- d an im- Canada itry was lit. )lunteers my sup- as much Ired and fficer, on Browns- force of jarp con- as test, he beat off, though wit!» the loss of nineteen killed and missing, and nine wounded. Among the killed were three officers. Captains Gilcr^asb, McCulloch, and Bosler, and Captain Ulry was se- verely wounded. In the council of war, Colonel Cass had warmly espoused the proposition of an immediate attack on Maiden, and therefore was amazed and disappointed when he learned that the general proposed, not only to abandon his attack on Maiden, but to fall back from his then position to Detroit. This was to de- sert the enterprise and to expose the Canadians who had joinejd him to certain ruin. Though, since the .iffair at Aux Canards, there had been little har- mony and intercourse between the general and himself, Colonel Cass remonstrated bitterly, but in vain. The army then crossed the river and re-oc- cupied Detroit. Words cannot express the indignation of the army at this step. All their hopes were blasted, and they gave vent to their discontent in murmurs, which would have led to mutiny but for the great efforts of their officers. All were dissatisfied, and the only difference was that one-half charged him with cow- ardice, and the other with treason or incompetency. Possibly it would have been better if a decided step had then been taken, and communication had with the authorities to supersede Hull. During his long inactivity in Canada, the provisions had been con- sumed, and it became absolutely necessary to open the communication with the convoy at the mouth of the river Raisin, commanded by Captain Brush, which the gallant Major Vanhorn had been unable to reach. Lieutenant-colonel James Miller of the 1th, distinguished at Tippecanoe, was sent on an expedition to effect a junction. But though the vic- tor in a brilliant affair at a place called Magaugua, n'^ar Brownstown, to which he forced the enemy to 32 LIFE OF retire, and which he occupied, Colonel Miller wm forced to return to Detroit. Disaster after disaster now occurred. Among others was the capture of Captain Heald, recently commander of Chicago, which he had been ordered to abandon, while en route to Detroit, by a force of British and Indians. Brilliant as the atifair of Ma- gaugua had been, for Colonel Miller had beaten Muir's regulars by a decisive bayonet charge, and was only checked in his career by the great efforts of Tecumseh, who in person commanded the Indians, it had led to nothing, and an order was sent to Brush to remain where he was until a communication could be opened with him, by crossing the Huron river at a higher point. To effect this. Colonels Cass and McArthur, at the head of a formidable column, left Detroit on the 14lh. On the l&th, the British took possession of a position immediately opposite to De- troit, and set about the erection of their batteries At this crisis, Major Denny, who had been left in command of Sandwich, with orders, however, to act entirely on the defensive, crossed over to Detroit. On the 16th the following summons was forwarded by General Brock to the American commander. " Sir — The forces at my disposal authorize me to require of you the surrender of Detroit. It is far from my inclination to join in a war of extermina- tion, but you must be aware that the numerous body of Indians who have attached themselves to my troops will be beyond my control the moment the contest commences. You will find me disposed to enter into such conditions as will satisfy the most scrupulous sense of honour. I^ieutenant-colonel M'Donald and Major Glegg are fully authorized to enter into any arrangements that may tend to pre- vent the unnecessary effusion of blood. Isaac Brock, Major General." ^ GENERAL CASS. 33 er wall Among Bcently )rdered brce of of Ma- beaten ge, and ; efforts ndians, y Brush n could "iver at ass and mn, left sh took I to De- ittories left in ver, to Detroit, warded ler. 3 m'3 to t is far irmina- is body to my ent the osed to le most colonel •ized to to pre- ral. »» To this summons a reply was made that the fort would be defended to the last extrenjity ; immedi- ately on the reception of which the British batteries opened their fire. The American batteries at once returned it, but on either side it was without effect. In the morning the British troops landed at Spring Wells, and it was impossible to molest them from the fort, because the town lay between it and the point of debarkation. More than one of Hull's olficers had foreseen this, and urged him to erect batteries at the landing, which if he had done would effectually have prevented it. What followed is thus described by an able writer: " The enemy having landed, about ten o'clock ad- vanced towards the fort in close column, and twelve deep. The fort being separated from the town by an open space of about two hundred yards, they would be enabled to approach within this distance before its guns could be brought to bear upon them, unless they could approach in the rear. The Ame- rican force was, however, judiciously disposed to prevent their advance. The militia, and a great part of the volunteers, occupied the town, or were posted behind pickets, whence they could annoy the enemy's flanks; the regulars defended the fort, and two twenty-four pounders, charged with grape, were advantageously posted on an eminence, and could sweep the whole of the enemy's line, as he advanced. AH was now silent expectation : the ' daring foe. still slowly moved forward, apparently regardless, or unconscious of their danger ; for their destruction must have been certain, had they not been impressed with contempt for a commander who had so meanly abandoned Sandwich a few days before. The hearts of our countrymen beat high at the near prospect of regaining their credit. But who can describe the chagrin and mortification which took possession of these troops, when orders 34 LIFE OF were issued for them to retire to the fort ; and the artillery, at the very moment when it was thought the British were deliberately advancing to the most certain destruction, was ordered not to fire ! The whol'j force, together with a great number of wo- men and children, was gathered into the fort, almost too narrow to contain tnem. Here the troops were ordered to stack their arms, and, to the astonish*- ment of every one, a white flag, in token of sub- mission, was suspended from the walls. A British oflicer rode up to ascertain the cause. A capitula- tion was agreed to, without even stipulating the terms. Words are wanting to express the feelings of the Americans on this occasion ; they considered themselves basely betrayed in thus surrendering to an inferior force without firing a gun, when they were firmly convinced that that force was in their power. They had provisions for at least fifteen days, and were provided with all the requisite mu- nitions of war. They were compelled, thus humi- liated, to march out and to surrender themselves prisoners at discretion. The British took immedi- ate possession of the fort, with all the public pro- perty it contained ; amongst which there were forty barrels of powder, four hundred rounds of fixed twenty-four pound shot, one hundred thousand ball cartridges, two thousand five hundred stand of arms, twenty-five pieces of iron cannon, and eight of brass, the greater number of which had been captured by the Americans during the revolutionary war. " The whole territory, and all the forts and garri- sons of the United States, within the district of the general, were also formally surrendered : and the detachment under colonels Cass and M' Arthur, as well as the party under Captain Brush, were in- cluded in the capitulation. Orders had been de- spatched the evening before, for the detachment under Cass and M'Arthur to return, and they had approached almost sufliciently near to discover the I 0£N£RAL CASS. 35 and the Si thought the nfiost 1 e! The s r of wo- 9 t, almost m )ps were istoriish<> m of sub- 'S . British Jm capitula- ting the feelings nsidered 1 lering to ^K en they in their 1 t fifteen fi site mu- ■f. s humi- •f imselves immedi- 3lic pro- "^ jre forty of fixed ■'<:>. and ball 1 of arms, ■ -^ 3f brass, 1 ured by d garri- :t of the 1 and the m thur, as m k^ere in- m )een de- m ichment "8 ley had 'fl >ver the » movements of the enemy, while their occidental situation might enable them to render the most ma- terial service during the attack. They were sur- prised at the silence which prevailed, when every moment was expected to announce the conllict; and that surprise was soon changed into ra^e, when they learned the capitulation. A British umcer was then despatched to the river Raisin, to convey the intelligence to Captain Brush, who at first gave no credit to so improbable a tale, and actually put the oflScer in confinement. The melancholy story was, however, soon confirmed by some Americans who had escaped. Captain Brush indignantly refused to submit to the capitulation, declaring that Hull had no right to include him, and determined to return to the state of Ohio. He first deliberated wiielher he should destroy the public stores which he iiad in his possession, and which he could not carry u'way ; .but reflecting that this might be used as a pretext for harsh treatment to his countrymen, he resolved to abandon them. The greater part of the volun- teers and militia were permitted to return home; but the regulars, together with the general, were taken to Quebec. '< In his official despatch, Hull took great puins to free his conduct from censure. In swelling the ac- count of the dangers with which he conceived him- self beset, every idle rumour which had operated on his fears was placed under contribution, while his imagination conjured up a thousand frightful phantoms. He magnified the reinforcements under Colonel Proctor, and gave implicit belief to the story that the whole force of the Northwestern Fur Company, under Major Chambers, was approach- ins; nothing, in fact, was forgotten which could 'o ' heighten the picture, or tend* to take the blame from him. While on the Canada side, it was impossible to effect anything against Maiden, from the difliculty of transporting his artillery. Everything is difficult 36 LIFE OF to a man who wants the necessary talents. The British garrison liud been wonderfully strengthened, and at this critical moment, General Hall, of Nia- gara, announced that it was not in his power to assist him. What then could be done but to cross over to Detroit? that is, to abandon the inhabitants of Canada, who had placed themselves under his protection; to fly before the enemy had even at- tempted to attack or molest him, and thus encourage them in what they would never probably have thought it possible to accomplish. *' But what appears most to figure, in this attempt- ed vindication, is the frightful display of Indian auxiliaries. The whole * Northern hive,* as he called it, was let loose : Winnebagos, Wyandots, Hurons, Chippeways, Knistenoos, and Algonquins, Pottowatomies, Sacs, and Kickapoos, were swarm- ing in the neighboring woods, and concealed behind every bush, ready to rush to the indiscriminate slaughter of the Americans. He represented his situation, at the moment of surrender, as most de- plorable. In consequence of the absence of Colonels Cass and M'Arthur, he could not bring more than six hundred men into the field, and he was, more- over, destitute of all necessary supplies and muni- tions of war : yet, by the morning's report, his force exceeded a thousand men fit for duty, besides the detachment which might be expected to arrive, about the time of the engagement ; and also three hundred Michigan militia, who were out on duty, which would make his force upwards of sixteen hundred. This force was much superior to that of the British, which consisted of about seven hundred regulars, one-half of which was nothing more than militia dressed in uniform, for the purpose of decep- tion, and about six hundred Indians. Every other part of his statement was proved, by the officers under his command, to have been incorrect, or ex- aggerated. The most ordinary exertion would have ';=? ORN£nAL CAS8. 37 s. The ilthened, of Nia- ovver to to cross tii)itants iider his even at- icourage )ly have attempt- f Indian ,' as he yandots, ronquins, ) swarm- d behind ;riminate nted his most de- Colonels ore than LS, more- id muni- , his force sides the arrive, Iso three on duty, f sixteen o that of hundred lore than of decep- ery other e officers ;t, or ex- 3uld have .€ m I sufticcd, to have coiiipletely destroyed the British force. Ho declared, ll»;it lie was actuated by a de- sire to spare the etfusion of human blood ! If he ha0 of the Michigan miljf'a duty. About dark on Saturday evening the u jia-runent sent to escort the j)rovisions received orders from General Hull to return with as much expedition as possible. About 10 o'clock the next day they ar- rived within sight of Detroit. Had a firing been heard, or any resistance visible, they would have immediately advanced and attacked the rear of the enemy. The situation in which this detachment was placed, although the result of accident, was the best for annoying the enemy and cutting off his re- treat that could have been selected. With his raw troops enclosed between two fires and no hopes of B iccour, it is hazarding little to say, that very fe ^' would have escaped. I h^Tve been informed by Colonel Findley, \\3.v; saw the return of the quarter-master-gcneral the day after the surrender, that their whole force of t3very description, white, red and black, was 1030. They had twenty-nine platoons, twelve in a pla- toon, of men dres?ed in uniform. Many of these were evidently Canadian militia. The rest of their GENERAL CASS. 43 militia increased- their white force to about seven luindred men. The number of the Indians could not be ascertained with any degree of precision ; not manv were visible. And in the event of an at- tack upon the town and fort, it was a species of force which could have afforded no material advan- taije to the enemv. In endeavouring to appreciate the motives and to investigate the causes which led to an event so un- expected and dishonourable, it is impossible to find any solution in the relative strength of the contend- ing parties, or in the measures of resistance in our power. That we were far superior to the enemy ; that upon any ordinary principles of calculation we would have defeated them, the wounded and indig- nant feelings of every man there will testify. A few (lijys before the surrender, I was informed by General Hull, we had 400 rounds of 124-pound shot lixed and about 100,000 cartridges made. We surrendered with the fort 40 barrels of powder and 2500 stand of arms. Th'3 state of our provisions has not bc'bn generally understood. On the day of the surrender we had fifteen days of provisions of every kind on hand. Of meat there was plenty in the country, and ar- ranoAU,aghter- ed at the River Raisin, after their surrender on the 22d of January. The brilliant naval victory of Commodore Perry, having opened the Lake, General Harrison deter- mined to embark his infantry in transports, and to send the horse by land to Detroit. In consequence of the immense preparation necessary to place on shipboard a whole army, the troops were not em- barked until the 27th, and on the next day sailed from Put-in-bay to the Western Sister, a small island near Maiden. In the mean time, the British com- mander evacuated Detroit and Maiden, after de- stroying the munitions of war and other stores, and retreated up the valley of the Thames, being accom- panied by Tecumseh's Indians. The debarkation e BNBR AL C A8f. 53 ^ was effected without difficulty, under the immediato direction of General ('ass, assisted by CommDiJore Perry, who, unable to find an enemy on his own ele- ment, had landed in search of new laurels, and now served as an aid-de-camp of General Harrison. Cum- modore Elliot was also present, and rendered effi- cient services. A rapid move was made on D>nroit, which was reached on the 29th, and on the SOth the regiment of Colonel Johnson, which had been de- layed one day at the Raisin in the pious labour of burying the victims of Proctor's inhuman massacre, arrived. General Harrison and Governor Shelby now marched in pursuit of Proctor, with a picked force of thirty-five hundred men, selected from Bull's dragoons, Johnson's irregular horse, and Shelby's volunteers. General Cass was present, and con- tributed much to the success of the expedition, as he was now acknowledged as one of the notables of the west. They set out on the 29th of September, and on the next day captured a lieutenant of the ene- my's dragoons, from whom they learned that Proctor had not heard of their advance. On the 4th of Oc- tober, the army reached Chatham, about seventeen miles from Lake St. Clair, on one of the tributaries of the Thames, driving the enemy before them. The latter, when they retired, had destroyed the bridge ; and while it was being repaired, the Indians, under Tecumseh, made an attack on the advance, but were at once dispersed by the artillery of Colo- nel Wood and Colonel Johnson's horse. At this place the American army captured two thousand stand of arms, a vast quantity of clothing, and drove the enemy for four miles before them. On the 5th, the pursuit was renewed, and the last camp of the enemy passed. Thence Colonel Wood was detached to reconnoitre, and soon returned with information that General Proctor had prepared for battle in a strong position, a few miles distant. This position fi 54 LIFE OF lay between a swamp and the river : immediatelv on the latter was the British left, where their artil- lery was posted, with the reverse flank on the swamp. Beyond the swamp were the Indians of Tecumseh. The position was very strong, and had no weak point, except that it was pecuUarly open to a cavahy charge, and that the infantry was drawn up in open order. Proctor's force consisted of eight hundred regulars and two thousand Indians. The American troops were more numerous, but the mass of them were untried men ; while every man in the British and Indian ariny had been often under fire. General Harrison placed Trotter's brigade in the front line, General King's in the second, and kept Miles' brigade as a reserve. The three were com- manded by Major-General Henry. Another divi- sion, comnanded by General Desha, was formed at right an (les, or as technical soldiers say, en potence, on the left of General Trotter's brigade. The whole regular force of General Harrison, one hundred and twenty strong, was formed in attacking columns to be directed against the enemy's artillery. The mounted force General Harrison had ordered to form in two lines opposed to the Indians, but struck with the debility of the portion of Proctor's infantry, and aware of the skill of the Kentuckians as marks- men and horsemen, he resolved to make one bat- talion a battle-piece to act against the British regulars. The other, commanded by Colonel John- son, was left to hold the Indians in check. This was a wise disposition, for the terror of the Indians at mounted men was notorious. It will be observed that General Cass had no command yet as a briga- dier of the regular service, he was, in case of acci dent ;o General Harrison, undoubtedly entitled to command every one in the field except Generals Henry and Desha. Scarcely had these dispositions been made when k GENERAL CASS. 55 the enemy opened their fire. This was the con- certed signal for the cavalry to charge, and though at first they halted under the heavy discharge of the British regulars, they almost immediately dashed through the enemy's line, and rallying in his rear, a second time crossed it. Each time before the charge they poured in a murderous fire. As Gene- ral Cass was at that time in the regular service, he had command of the small body of regulars in the field. At their head, however, was a distingui:shed officer, amply competent to lead them, and he there- fore threw himself on the left i)f the battalion of the mounted regiment, under the command of Lieuten- ant-Colonel Johnson, and shared with them in the decisive charge described above, which decided the day. This charge was unprecedented, and its succesb can only be accounted for on the grounds of the peculiarly faulty formation of Proctor's regu- lars, and the moral force which must always be exerted by the atta^!: of a line of six hundred mounted men. Immediately on the reverse charge of Lieutenant-Colonel Johnson, the British regulars threw down their arms and fled in dismay. Proc- tor deserted his allies and abandoned all for lost. He was pursued immediately by a detachment under the orders of General Cass, and escaped, perhaps fortunately, for it is very doubtful if the orders of General Harrison and Governor Shelby, or even the great influence of Cass, would have saved from the infuriated Kentuckians the murderer of their Ivindred and countrymen. In the other position of the field the success was equally decided — Col. R. M. Johnson, having dis- persed the Indians, and killed, in personal contest, their chief, Tecumseh. This battle terminated the war in the northwest. Now came a season of bril- liant triumph to the American arms. Hundreds of prisoners were taken ; yet the massacre of the Rai- sin was not revenged. This victory placed General 56 LIFE OP Harrison in a most enviable position; and in his despatches, he conferred the highest praise on Gen. Cass, who, it was notorious, had been most conspi- cuous in the events of the day. A thousand other "witnesses also bore testimony to his gallantry — one of whom, after the lapse of twelve years, when, however, Gen. Cass was by no means the prominent man he has since become, thus expressed himself: " In the autumn of 1813, I well recollect General Cass, of the northwestern army, commanded by Harrison and Shelby. He was conspicuous at the landing of the troops upon the Canada shore, below Maiden, on the 27th of September, and conspicuous at the battle of the Thames, as the volunteer aid of the commanding general. I saw him in the midst of the battle, in the deep woods upon the banks of the Thames, during the roar and clangor of fire- arms, and savage yells of the enemy. Then I was a green youth of seventeen, and a volunteer from Kentucky." The following official despatches are important, as showing the instrumentality of Gen. Cass in the success of this contest : Copy of a Lstter from General Harrison to the De- partment of War. Head-quartP!s, near Moravian Town, on the River Thames, > 80 miles from Detroit, 5th October, 1813. 5 Sir — I have the honor to inform you, that by the blessing of Providence, the army under my com- mand has this evening obtained a complete victory over the combined Indian and British forces under the command of General Proctor. I believe that nearly the whole of the enemy's regulars are taken or killed. Amongst the former are all the superior officers., excepting Gen. Proctor. My mounted men are now in pursuit of him. Our loss is very trifling. The brave Col. R. M. Johnson is the only officer GENERAL CASS. 57 whom I have heard of that is wounded, he badly, but I hope not dangerously. . I have the honor to be, with great respect, sir, your obedient, humble servant, WM. H. HARRISON. The Hon. John Armstrong, Sec'y at War. Copy of a Letter from Major- General Harrison to the Secretary of War, Head-quarters, Detroit, 9th Oct., 1813. Sir — In my letter from Sandwich, of the 30th ultimo, I did myself the honor to inform you, that I was preparing to pursue ihe enemy the following day. From various causes, however, I was unable to put the troops in motion until the morning of the 2d instant, and then to take with me only about one hundred and forty of the regular troops, Johnson's mounted regime.iit. and such of Gov. Shelby's volun- teers as were fit for a rapid march, the whole amounting to about three thousand five hundred men. To Gen. McArthur, (with about 700 effect- ives,) the protecting of this place, and the sick, was committed. Gen. Cass's brigade, and the corps of Lieut. Col. Ball were left at Sandwich, with orders to follow me as soon as the men received their knap- sacks and blankets, which had been left on an island in Lake Erie. The unavoidable delay & '^'andwich was attend- ed with no disadvantage to^ a- Ge?j rnl Proctor had posted himself at Dalson's, on th right bank of the Thames, (or Trench,) fifty-six mil's from this place, where I was informed he intended to fortify and wait to receive me. He must have believed, however, that I had no disposition to follow Intn, or that he had secured my continuance here, i>y the reports that were circulated that the Indians would attack and destroy this place upon the advance of the army; as he neglected to commence the In k- >)g up the bridges until the night of the 2d instant. 58 LIFE OF On that night our army reached the river, which is twenty-five miles from Sandwich, and is one of four streams crossing our route, over all of which are bridges, and, being deep and muddy, are unforda- ble for a considerable distance into the country — the bridge here was found entire, and in the morning I proceeded with Johnson's regiment, to save, if pos- sible, the others. At the second bridge, over a branch of the river Thames, we were fortunate enough to capture a lieutenant of dragoons, and eleven privates, who had been sent by Gen. Proctor to destroy them. From the prisoners I learned that the third bridge was broken up, and that the enemy had no certain information of our advance. The bridge having been imperfectly destroyed, was soon repaired, and the army encamped at Drake's farm, four miles below Dalson's. The river Thames, along the banks of which our route lay, is a fine, deep stream, navigable for ves- sels of considerable burthen, after the passage of the bar at its mouth, over which there is six and a half fee J water. The baggage of the army was brought from De- tiOit in boats, protected by three gun-boats, which Com. Perry had furnished for the purpose, as well as to cover the passage of the army over the Thames itself, or the mouths of its tributary streams ; the banks being low, and the country generally op«n, (prairies,) as high as Dalson's, these vessels were well calculated for that purpose. Above Dalson's, however, the character of the river and adjacent country is considerably changed. The former, though still deep, is very narrow, and its banks high and woody. Tho commodore and myself, therefore, agreed upon the propriety of leaving the boats undei a guard of one hundred and fifty infantry, and I de- termined to trust to fortune and the bravery of my troops to effect the passage of the river. Below a place called Chatham, and four miles above Dal- GENERAL C A«d. 59 son's, is the third unfordable branch of the Thames. The bridge over its mouth had been taken up by the Indians, as well as that at McGregor's Mills, one mile above. Several hundred of the Indians re- mained to dispute our passage, and upon the arrival of the advanced guard, commenced a hea -y fire from the opposite bank of the creek, as well as that of the river. Believing that the whole force of the enemy was there, I halted the army, formed in order of battle, and brought up our two six pounders to cover the party that were ordered to repair the bridge. A few shot, from those pieces, soon drove off the Indians, and enabled us, in two hours, to re- pair the bridge and cross the troops. Colonel John- son's mounted regiment being upon the right of the army, had seized the remains of the bridge, at the mills, under a heavy fire from the Indians. Our loss* upon this occasion was, two killed and three or four wounded ; that of the enemy was ascertained to be considerably greater. A house near the bi \vi^e, con- taining a very considerable number of muskets, had been set on fire, but it was extinguished by our troops, and the arms saved. At the first farm above the bridge, we found one of the enemy's vessels on fire, loaded with arms and ordnance stores, and learned that they were a few miles ahead of us, still on the right bank of the river, with the great body of the Indians. At Bowles's farm, four miles from the bridge, we halted for the night, found two other vessels and a large distillery filled with ordnance and other valuable stores, to an immense amount, in flames. It was impossible to put out the fire. Two twenty-four pounders, with their carriages, were taken, and a large quantity of ball and shells of various sizes. The army was put in motion early in the mornin^r of the 5th : I pushed on in advance of the mounted regiment, and requested Gov. Shelby to follow as expeditiously as possible with the in- fantry ; the governor's ?eal, and that of his men, 60 LIFE OF enabled them to keep up with the cavalry, and, by 9 o'clock, we were at Arnold's Mills, having taken in the course of the morning, two gun-boats and se- veral batteaux loaded with provisions and ammuni- tion. A rapid at the river at Arnold's Mills, affords the only fording to be met with for a considerable dis- tance, but, upon examination, it was found too deep for the infantry. Having, however, fortunately taken two or three boats, and some Indian canoes, on the spot, and obliging the horsemen to take a foot-man behind each, the whole were safely crossed by 12 o'clock. Eight miles from the crossing, we passed a farm, w'lere a part of the British troops had encamped the night before, u.ler the command of Col. Warburton. The detachn. ^nt with General Proctor had arrived the day before, at the Moravian towns, four miles higher up. Being now certainly near the enemy, I directed the advance of Johnson's regiment to accelerate their march, for the purpose of procuring intelligence. The officer commanding it, in a short time, sent to inform me, that his pro- gress was stopped by the enemy, who were formed across our line of march. One of the enemy's wag- goners being also taken prisoner, from the informa- tion received from him, and my own observation, assisted by some of my officers, I soon ascertained enough of their position and order of battle, to de- termine that which it was proper for me to adopt. I have the honor herewith to enclose you my general order, of tde 27th ult., prescribing the order of march and of battle, when the whole army should act together. But, as the number and description of the troops had been essentially changed, since the issuing of the order, it became necessary to make a corresponding alteration in their disposition. From the place where our army was last halted, to the Moravian towns, a distance of about three and a half miles, the road passes through a beech forest. GENERAL CASS. 61 M^ithout any clearing, and, for the first two miles, near to the bank of the river. At from two to three hundred yards from the river, a swamp extends pa- rallel to it, throughout the whole distance. The intermediate ground is dry, and although the trees are tolerably thick, it is in many places clear of underbrush. Across this strip of land, its left ap' payed upon the river, supported by artillery placed m the wood, their right in the swamp covered by the whole of their Indian force, the British troops were drawn up. The troops at my disposal consisted of about one hundred and twenty regulars of' the 27th regiment, five brigades of Kentucky volunteer militia infantry, under his excellency Governor Shelby, averaging less than five hundred men, and Colonel Johnson's regiment of mounted infantry, making in the whole an aggregate *;omething aboVe three thousand. No disposition of an army, opposed to an Indian force, can be safe, unless it is secured on the flanks and in the rear. I had, therefore, no difficulty in arrang- ing the infantry conformably to my general order of battle. General Trotter's brigade of 500 men, formed the front Ijife, his right upon the road and his left upon the swamp. General King's brigade, as a second line, 150 yards in the rear of Trotter's, and Chiles' brigade, as a corps of reserve in the rear of it. These three brigades formed the command of Major-General Henry; the whole of General De- sha's division, consisting of two brigades, were form- ( (i en potence upon the left of Trotter. Whilst I was engaged in forming the infantry, I hnd directed Colonel Johnson's regiment, which was s'ill in front, to be formed in two lines opposite to t!ie enomy, and, upon the advance of the infantry, to fake ground to the left and forming upon that flank to endeavor to turn the right of the Indians. A moment's reflection, however, convinced me that from the thickness of the woods and swampiness of 6 62 LIFB OF the ground, they would be unable to do any thing on horseback, and there was no time to dismount them and place their horses in security ; I therefore determined to refuse my left to the Indians, and to break the British lines at once by a charge of the mounted infantry ; the measure was not sanctioned by any thing that I had seen or heard of, but I was fully convinced that it would succeed. The Ame- rican backwoodsmen ride better in the woods than any other people. A musket- or rifle is no impedi- ment to them, being accustomed to carry them on horseback from their earliest youth. I was per- suaded, too, that the enemy would be quite unpre- pared for the shock, and ^bat they could not resist it. Conformably to this idea, I directed the regi- ment to be drawn up in close column, with its right at the distance of fifty yards from the road, (that it might be in some measure protected, by the trees, from the artillery,) its left upon the swamp, and to charge at full speed as soon as the enemy delivered their fire. The few regular troops of the 27th regi- ment, under their colonel, (Paul,) occupied, in column of sections of four, the small space between the road and the river, for the purpose of seizing the enemy's artillery, and some ten or twelve friendly Indians were directed to move under the bank. The crotchet formed by the front line, and General De- sha's division, was an important point. At that place, the venerable governor of Kentucky was posted, who, at the age of sixty-six, preserves all the vigour of youth, the ardent zeal which distin- guished him in the revolutionary war, and the un- daunted bravery which he manifested at King*s Mountain. With my aids-de-camp, the acting as- sistant adjutant general. Captain Butler, my gallant friend Commodore Perry, who did me the honor lo serve as my volunteer aid-de-camp, and Brigadier- General Cass, who, having no command, tendered me his assistance. I placed myself at the head of GEN BRA L CASS 63 the front line of infantry, to direct the movements of the cavalry, and give them the necessary support. The army had moved on in this order but a short distance, when the mounted men received the fire of the British, line, and were ordered to charge; the horses in the front oi' the column recoiled from the fire; another was givca by the enemy, and our column, at length getting in motion, broke through the enemy with irresistible force. In one minute, the contest in front was over ; the British officers, seeing no hopes of reducing their disordered ranks to order, and our mounted men wheeling upon them and pouring in a destructive fire, immediately sur- rendered. It is certain that three only of our troops were wounded in this charge. Upon the left, how- ever, the contest was more severe with the Indians. Colonel Johnson, who commanded on that flank of his regiment, received a most galling fire from them, which was returned with great effect. The Indians still further to the right, advanced and fell in with our front line of infantry, near its junction with Desha's division, and for a moment made impres- sion upon it. His excellency, Governo, Shelby, however, brought up a regiment to its support, and the enemy, receiving a severe fire in front, and a part of Johnson's regiment having gained their rear, re- treated with precipitation. Their loss was very considerable in the action, and many were killed in their retreat. I can give no satisfactory information of the num- l of Indians that were in the action, but they ist have been considerably upwards of one thou- sand. From the documents in my possession, (Gen. Proctor's official letters, all of which were taken,) and from the information of respectable inhabitants of this territory, the Indians kept in pay by the Bri- tish were much more numerous than has been gene- rally supposed. In a letter to General de Rotten- burg, of the 27th instant, General Proctor speaks of 64 LiFB or havinff prevailed upon most of the Indians to accom* pany him. Of these it is certain that fifty or sixty Wyandot warriors abandoned him.* The number of our troops was certainly greater than that of the enemy, but when it is recollected, that they had chosen a position that effectually se- cured their flank, which it was impossible for us to turn, and that we could not present to them a line more extended than their own, it will not be consi- dered arrogant to claim for my troops the palm of superior bravery. In communicating to the president, through you, sir, my opinion of the conduct of the officers who served under my command, I am at a loss how to mention that of Governor Shelby, being convinced that no eulogium of mine can reach his merit. The governor of an independent state, greatly my supe- rior in years, in experience, and in military charac- ter, he placed himself under my command, and was not more remarkable for his zeal and activity, than for the promptitude and cheerfulness with which he obeyed my orders. The M ajor-Generals Henry and Desha, and the Brigadiers Allen, Caldwell, King, Chiles and Trotter, all of the Kentucky volunteers, manifested great zeal and activity. Of Governor Shelby's staff, his Adjutant-General, Colonel Mc- Dowell, and his Quarter-Master General, Colonel Walker, rendered great service, as did his aids-de- camp. General Adair and Majors Barry and Crit- tenden. The military skill of the former was of great service to us, and the activity of the two lat- ter gentlemen could not be surpassed. Illness de- prived me of the talents of my Adjutant-Generaf, Colonel Gaines, who was left at Sandwich. His * A British officer of high rank assured one of my aids-de- camp, that on the day of our landing. General Proctor had, at his disposal, upwards of three thousand Indian warriors, but BBserted that the greatest part had left him previous to the ac- tion. O kN BR AL CASS. 65 duties were, however, ably performed by the acting assistant Adjutant-General, Captain Butler. My aids-dc-camp, Lieutenant O'Fallon, and Captain Todd, of the line, and my volunteer aids, John Speed Smith and John Chambers, Esq., have rendered me the most important service, from the opening of the campaign. I have already stated that General Cass and Commodore Perry assisted me in forming the troops for action. The former is an officer of the highest merit, and the appearance of the brave Com- modore cheered and animated every breast. It would be useless, sir, after stating the circum- stances of the action, to pass encomiums upon Col. Johnson and his regiment. Veterans could not have manifested more firmness. The colonel's numerous wounds prove that he was in the post of danger. Lieutenant-Colonel James Johnson, and the Majors, Payne and Thompson, were equally active, though more fortunate. Major Wood, of the engineers, al- ready distinguished by his conduct at Fort Meigs, attended the army with two six-pounders. Having no iise for them in the action, he joined in the pur- suit of the enemy, and, with Major Payne, of the mounted regiment, two of my aids-de-camp, Todd and Chambers, and three privates, continued it for several miles after the rest of the troops had halted, and made many prisoners. I left the army before an official return of the pri- soners, or that of the killed and wounded, was made out. It was, however, ascertained that the former amounts to six hundred and one regulars, including twenty-five officers. Our loss is seven killed and twenty-two wounded, five of which have since died. Of the British troops, twelve were killed and twen- ty-two wounded. The Indians suffered most — thirty-three of them having been found upon the ground, besides those killed on the retreat. On the day of the action, six pieces of brass artil- lery were taken, and two iron twenty-four pound- 6* 4i >• LIFE OP ers the day before. Several others were discovered in the river, and can be easily procured. Of. the brass pieces, three are the trophies of our revolu- tionary war, that were taken at Saratoga and York, and surrendered by General Hull. The number of small arms taken by us, and destroyed by the ene- my, must amount to upwards of five thousand : most of them had been ours, and taken by the enemy at the surrender of Detroit, at the river Raisin, and Colonel Dudley's defeat. I believe that the enemy retain no other military trophy of their victories than the standard of the 4th regiment. They were not magnanimous enough to bring that of the 41st regiment into the field, or it would have been taken. You have been informed, sir, of the conduct of th^ troops under my command, in action ; it gives me great pleasure to inform you, that they merit also the approbation of their country for their conduct, in submitting to the greatest privations with the ut- most cheerfulness. The infantry were entirely without tents, and for several days, the whole army subsisted upon fresh beef, without bread or salt. I have the honour to be, &c., WILLIAM H. HARRISON. General John Armstrong, Secretary of War. P. S. General Proctor escaped by the fieetness of his horses, escorted by forty dragoons and a number of mounted Indians. ^-^ GENERAL ORDERS OF DEBARKATION, OF MARCH, AND OF BATTLE. Head-quarters on board the U. S. Schooner Ariel, 7 ^ September 27th, 1813. 3 As it is the intention of the general to land the army on the enemy's coast, the following will be the order of debarkation, of march, and of battle. The right wing of the army will be jcomposed of the Kentucky volunteers, under the command of his OBNBRAL CA88. 67 excellency, Governor Shelby, acting as Major-Gcne- rai. The left wing, of the light corps of Lieut. Col. Ball, and the brigades of Generals McArthur and Cass. This arrangement is made with a view to the localities of the ground upon which the troops are to act, and the composition of the enemy's force, and is calculated in marching up the lake or strait to f»lace our regular troops m tnc open ground on the ake, where they will probably bo opposed by the British regulars, and the Kentucky volunteers in the woods, which, it is presumed, will be occupied by the enemy's militia and the Indians. When the sig- nal is given for putting to the shore, the corps of Lieutenant-Colonel Ball will precede the left wing; the regiment of volunteer riflemen, the right wing; these corps will land with the utmost celerity, con- sistent with the preservation of good order, and as soon as landed will seize the most favorable position for annoying the enemy and covering the disembark- ation of the troops of the line. Gen. Class's brigade will follow Col. Ball's corps, and Gen. Calmes* the volunteer riflemen. The regiments will land and form in succession upon those which precede them. The right wing, with its left in front, displaying to the left. The brigades of Generals King, Allen and Cahlwell, will form successively to the right of Gen. Calme's; Gen. McArthur's and Childs' brigades will form the reserve. The general will command in person the brigades of Gen. Cass and Calmes, assist- ed by Major- General Henry. His excellency. Gov- ernor Shelby will have the immediate command of the three brigades on the right, assisted by Major- General Desha. As soon as the troops are disem- barked, the boats are immediately to be sent back to the fleet. It will be observed that the order of landing here prescribed, is somewhat that of direct eschellons deployed into line upon the advanced corps of the right and left wing. It is the intention of the general, however, that all the troops which 68 LIFE OF are provided with boats should land in as quick suc- cession as possible ; and the general officers com- manding towards the extremities of the line are authorised to deviate from the arrangement to coun- teract any movement of the enemy, by landing any part of their commands, previoi s to the formation of the corps, which is herein directed to precede them. The corps of Lieutenant-C'/lonel Ball, and the volunteer rifle resiment, will maintain the posi- tion they occupy on landing, until the troops of the line are formed to support them ; they will then re- tire through the intervals of the line, or to the flanks, and form in the rear of the line. A detachment of artillery, with a six, four, and three-pounder, and howitzer, will land with the ad- vanced light corps ; the rest of the artillery will be held in reserve, and landed a* such points as Major Wood may direct. The point of landing for the reserve, under Brig- adier-General Mc Arthur, cannot now be designated; it will be made to support any point of the line which may require aid, or be formed on the flanks, as circumstances may render necessary. The ar- rangement for landing the troops will be made en- tirely under the direction of an officer of the navy, whom Commodore Perry has been so obliging as to offer for that purpose. The debarkation of the troops will be covered by the cannon of the vessels. The troops being landed, and the enemy driven off, or not opposing its landing, the army will change its front to the left, and form in order of battle, in the following manner : The two brigades of regular trfK)ps, and two of the volunteers, to be formed in two lines, at right angles to the shore of the lake. General Mc Arthur's brigade, and Calmes' to form the front of the line, and Cass and Childs*s the se- cond line; the regular troops still on the left ; that flank of both lines resting on the shore, the distance between the two lines will be three hundred yards. OBNBRAIi OA88. 69 or its the ular in ake. The remaining three brigades of volunteers will be drawn up in a single line of two ranks, at right an- gles to the line of march^ its head upon the right of the front line, forming a crotchet {en potence) with that line, and extending beyond the second line. The corps of Lieutenant-Colonel Ball will form the advance of the; left wing at the distance of three hundred yards, the regiment of the rifle volunteers the advance of the right wing at the same dis- tance. Some pieces of light artillery will be placed in the road leading up the lake, and at such other points as Major Wood may direct.- When the order is given for marching, the first and second lines will advance by files from the heads of companies ; in other words, these two lines will form two columns, marching by their flanks, by companies, at entire distances. The three brigades on the right flunk will be faced to the left, and marched forward — the head of this column still forming en potence with the front line. It is probable that the two brigades of the front line will extend from the lake, some dis- tance into the woods, on the right flank, and it is desirable it should be so — but should it be other- wise, and the crotchet or angle be at any time on the opeij ground, his excellency. Governor Shelby, will immediately prolong the front line to the right by adding to it as many companies of the leading brigade of the flank column as will bring the angle and consequently the flank column itself completely within the wof^ds. It is to be presumed that the enemy will make their attack upon the army on its march, that their regular troops will form their right upon the lake, their militia occupy the ground between the regulars and the woods, and the In- dians the woods. The formation herein prescrib- ed is intended to resist an arrangement of this kind. Should the general conjecture on that sub- ject prove correct, as it must be evident that the 70 LIFB OF It'.. ri^ht of the enemy cannot be turned, and on that wing his best troops must be placed, it will be pro- per to refuse him our left, and direct our princi- Cal effort to uncover the left flank of his regulars y driving off his militia. In the event here sup- posed, therefore, it will be proper to bring up a part or the whole of General Cafs's brigade, to assist the charge made by General Calmes, or that the former should change positions with the bri- gade of volunteers in the second line. Should the general think it safe to order the whole of Cass's brigade to the right, without replacing it with another. General Cass will march it, the right formed in oblique eschellons of companies. It will be the business of General McArthur, in the event of his wing being refused, to watch the motion of the enemy, (and with the assistance of the ar- tillery,) prevent his front line at least from inter- rupting the progress of our right. Should the eneniy's militia be defeated, the brigade of ours in advance will immediately wheel upon the flank of the British regulars, and General McArthur will advance to attack them in front. In the mean time, his excellency Governor Shelby can use the brigade in reserve of the second line, to prolong the flank line 'from its front or left, or to rein- force any weak part of the line. In all cases where troops in advance are obliged to retire, through those who are advancing to support them, it will be done by companies, in files, which will retire through the intervals of the advancing line, and will immediately form in the rear. The light troops will be particularly governed by this direc- tion. The disposition of the troops on the right flank is such as the commanding general thinks best calcu- lated to resist an attack from Indians, which is only to be expected from that quarter. His excellency Governor Shelby will, hov. t;ver, use his discretion in OEN BR AL CASS. 71 making any alteration which his experience and i'udgment may dictate. Lieutenant-Colonel Ball, (ieutenant-Coionel Simral, and the general ofHcers commanding on the flank line are to send out small detachments in advance of the two former corps, and to the flank of the latter. Should they disco- ver the enemy in face, immediately notice will be sent to the lines. The general commanding on the spot will immediately order the signals for forming in order of ba.ttl«, which will be the beat " to arms.** All signals will be immediately repeated by all the drums of the line — the signal for the whole to halt, is the retreat. Drums will be distributed along the heads of companies, and the taps occasionally given to regulate their march. Lieutenant-Colonels Ball and Simrall are to keep the general constantly advised of the discoveries made by the advanced parties. Where it shall be- come necessary for the corps of Ball and Simrall to retire, they will form on the flank, or in the rear of Mc Arthur's and Calmes's brigades, and receive the orders of the brigadiers respectively. Brigadier-General Cass will designate such offi- cers as he may deem proper, to assist Captain El- liot, of the navy, in the arrangement of the boats, and the debarkation of the troops. The general will be the signal for the whole to move. By com- mand, (Signed) EDMUND P. GAINES, '' ■ Col. Adj. Gen. Truly copied from the original. Robert Butler, A. A. Adj. Gen. Not' only did General Cass thus distinli him- self in the field, but he acquired a celebrity equally enviable by his kindness and consideration to his men. The following anecdote derived from an nn- doubted authority, best illustrates this trait: " While a number of old soldiers were being in- 72 LIFE OF troduced to General Cass, one of our citizens ap- proached the general, and asked if he remembered iiim. Upon replying that he did not, he gave the following account of their first meeting: — * In the spring of 1813, Fort Meigs was besieged by the British and Indians, and the militia of Ohio were called out to march to the relief of the fort. Gene- ral Cass was appointed to the command. Six thou- sand assembled at Upper Sandusky, of whom two thousand were selected to proceed on to the fort. The marshes and woods were filled with water, making the roads almost impassable. The com- manding general had not yet arrived, but was daily expected. On the second day of the march, a young soldier, from exposure to the weather, was taken sick. Unable to march in the ranks, he followed along in the rear. When at a distance behind, attempting with diflSculty to keep pace with his comrades, two oflScers rode along, one a stranger, and the other the colonel of his regiment. On pass- ing him, the colonel remarked, * general, that poor fellow there is sick; he is a good fellow though, for he refuses to go back; but I fear that the Indians will scalp him, or the crows pick him, before we get to Fort Meigs.' The officer halted, and dis- mounted from his horse. When the young soldier came up, he addressed him : ' My brave boy, you are sick and tired, I am well and strong; mount my horse and ride.* The soldier hesitated. * Do not wait,' said the ofllicer; and, lifting him upon his horse, with directions to ride at night to the gene- ral's tent, he proceeded on foot to join the army. At night, the young soldier rode to the tent; where ho was met by llie general with a cheerful wel- come, which he repaid with tears of gratitude. That officer was General Cass, and the young soldier was the person addressing him, our worthy fellow-citi- zen, John Laylin.' The general, remembering the circumstance, immediately recognised him." Mr. GENERAL CASS. 73 Laylin remarked, * general, that act was not done for the world to look upon ; it was done in the woods, with but three to witness it." This anecdote was elicited with others, at a large and spontaneous meeting held at Norwalk, Ohio, in September last, to advocate General Cass as a candi- date for the presidency. At the same time and place, it was stated by the late Colonel Hamer, " that on one of General Cass's recent tours, his carriage was one day stopped by a man who, addressing the gene- ral, said : * I can't let you pass without speaking to you. You don't know me, general.' General Cass replied that he did not. * Well, sir, (said he) I was the first man in your regiment to jump out of the boat on the Canadian shore.' 'No, you were not, (said General CasS;) I was the first man myself on shore.' *True, (said the other;) I jumped out first into the river to get ahead of you ; but you held me back, and got on shore ahead of me." The battle of the Thames put an end to the North- western campaign, and separated the force of the enemy, but all difficulty was far from being removed. The advance of General Harrison's army had again put the United States in possession of Michigan, and also given them the control of a large portion of Upper Canada. To the command of this important district, General Cass was assigned by General Har- rison, previous to the withdrawal of the liberating army. On the 9th of October, 1813, Mr. Madison appointed him civil governor of Michigan, his accep- tance of which post, of course, vacated his commis- sion as brigadier-general. This was an office of immense power, and necessE^rily so. At the head both of the civil and military establishments of an almost limitless region, filled with hostile Indians and frequented by British emissaries, he was often called on to exercise his authority in both capacities. The country was left almost without permanent defenders, and the Indians in predatory bands ad- 74 L 1 F B O P ' • vanced almost under the guns of Detroit, while per- sons were killed within view of the sentinels of the garrison. To put an end to and punish such out- rages, on three occasions, bodies of mounted volun- teers were collected, and under the immediate com- mand of General Cass, employed against the marau- ders. This was a most dangerous service, and one which led to little renown, yet was most important. It is probable, that of all the North American tribes, except, perhaps, the Seminoles, those which at that day were strewn'^long the Northern lakes, were at the same time, the most astute and courageous. The marches through the wilderness were perpe- tually beset with ambuscades, and the strictest military precaution was necessary to guard against surprise and massacre. On more than one occasion the general was in danger, having seen his servant, who rode immediately behind him, fired on, and at- tacked by an Indian with a clubbed rifle : the as- sailant killed with difliculty, after a hand-to-hand eontest. Peace came at last and put an end to this contest, the bitterness of which had been previously allayed by a treaty entered into in July 1814, at Greenville, Ohio, with the Indians who had borne arms against the United States during the war. The commis- sioners to eflfect this were General Harrison and General Cass ; and the high talent and reputation of the two, doubtless, exerted much influence on the savage negociators, who, during General Cass's ad- ministration of the government of Michigan, had learned that he was not a man to be trifled with, and that they could not devastate the settlemonts with impunity. The negociators were so far suc- cessful, that a peace was concluded, and a formida- ble body of the Indians, who had been led astray by British intrigue, were actually mustered into the service of the United States as auxiliaries, and ac- companied General Cass to Detroit. How peculiar GENERAL CASS. 75 General Cass's condition subsequently became, may be estimated from the fact that, in all Michigan, there was but one company of regular soldiers, who, with the unembodied militia and the auxiliaries mentioned above, were expected to defend the country against the numerous Indians who were perpetually on the alert to resume their pld attitude of war and defiance. Immediately on the conclusion of peace, General Cass moved his family to Detroit, where, except when called thence by public service, he has re- gularly resided. 7e LI FE OF CHAPTER IV. Michigan after the War — CommiaBioner to treat with the Indians — Improved condition of Michigan^ etc — Literary Mattera The condition of Michigan on the termination of the war was peculiar, and the country presented one scene of devastation, so that when the inhabit- ants who had been driven off by the invaders re- turned, they found but the wrecks of their former homes. The original white colonists of the country had been French, and from Montreal and Quebec. The Jesuit fathers had passed to Detroit, on their way to achieve the vastest discovery after that of Columbus and Balboa, which had been made on the continent. When Henepin and his companions dis- covered the Mississippi, Detroit acquired new im- portance to that it previously possessed from its commanding the passage to lakes Huron, Michigan, and Superior, and because it was a connecting link in the chain of fortifications which shut in the then British colonies. Its possession after the capture of Fort Duquesne, became yet more important, and freat efforts were made by De Levi and the other 'rench governors of Canada, to promote its coloni- zation. When Canada fell into the hands of Great Britain, the post lost none of its value, and acquired a great numerical strength from the emigration of the peculiar population which even now distinguishes Upper from Lower Canada. The treaty of peace which terminated the •revo- lutionary war, gave all the country south of the lakes to the United States; yet, for a long time, the British garrisons remained, and became the seat of the in- GENERAL CASS. 77 trigues which produced the hostilities in which St. Clair was so disastrously defeated, and which were terminated by the brilliant victories of Wayne. Under these circumstances there had been but little emigration thither from the United States, and the people continued still almost purely Canadian. The usual privileges and franchises which had been conferred on the pe6ple of the other territories, had not been extended to Michigan, the government of which continued purely military. The British in- vasion had not lessened the evil of this state of things, and during it the laws had become silent, morals had suffered, and great prudence was neces- sary in the government td restore order and industry. It became the duty of General Cass to establish a civil government, and he did this almost unassisted. To give an idea how completely he was unaided in this labour, it will only be necessary to state, that the territory had no deliberative assembly, and that the legislative power resided in the governor, assist- ed by the judges of the district courts of the United States, who had been appointed by Mr. Madison about the same time he had received his civil appointment. Though the depository of this high power, altogether an anomaly in our country, and which would have flattered the vanity of a feebler mind. General Cass was unceasing in his efforts to procure for Michigan the privilege of sending a delegate to the Congress of the United States, and the authorization of the sale of the public lands in Michigan. It was not, however, until 1819, that these changes were effect- ed, which, of course, limited his own power, but contributed much to the prosperity of Michigan. The judgment of the people in relation to its rulers is infallible; and no better evidence of General Cass's purity and ability can be given, than that, under seven successive administrations, he was re- nominated on the legal expiration of his term of service, and each time unanimously confirmed by 7* 19 LIFE OF the Senate of the United States, without one re- monstrance from the lar^e territory over which he presided, and which had, under his care, rapidly thriven and prospered. The war had left much bitterness of feeling in the minds of the many Indian tribes within Michi- gan against the United States. This was natural enough. The great principle of their moral organi- zation was a feeling of the justice of revenge for injuries, — not by any means a peculiarity of the red man, — and they could not forget their sufferings at Tippecanoe, the Thames, and Fort Meigs, where their bravest chiefs and warriors had fallen. Every one, therefore, knew that the peace concluded at Greenville, Ohio, in 1814, was even on the part of the tribes who participated in it but a truce, the t)onds of which, on the first opportunity, would be thrown off. The chief part of General Cass's duty, therefore, was to attempt to convert this truce into a solid and lasting ^ ice, and to endeavour to induce the Indians to ^llow their own true interests, which could only be attained under the protection of and not by hostility to the United States. During the year 1815, Governor Cass was, with his old companion in arms, Colonel McArthur, appointed to represent the United States in a talk or conference to be held with various Indian tribes at Fort Meigs. The conference resulted in a treaty by which the Indians ceded to the United States the title to the valuable lands composing the North- western portion of the state of Ohio. During the next year, another conference was held at St. Mary's, by which the Pottawatamies and other minor tribes coded to the United States much valuable land within the limits of Indiana. In 1819, he pre sided at another conference at Saginaw, where the Indians in Michigan ceded to the United Stales large and valuable tracts of land. By these impor- tant treaties, and others explanatory of them, the OENERAI. CASS. 79 total number of which was twenty-one, General Cass acquired for the United States one hundred millions of acres of land, now teeming with an ac- tive and prosperous population. It has now become the custom to scoff at Indian treaties, and the history of the past unfortunately exhibits too much reason for looking on them gene- rally, if not fraudulent, yet as not contracted with the solemn faith which should characterize obliga- tions of their nature. It is, however, very certain that the Indians have never submitted in silence when they have been wronged, and in no instance do we hear any complaint made, either by them or in their behalf, of wrong from the hands of General Cass. During these years, and subsequently. Gene- ral Cass participated in many eventful scenes, the narration of which, though interesting, must be omitted ; one of which, however, was most peculiar and too striking to be neglected — In the year 1820, at the instance of General Cass, Mr. Calhoun, who was then secretary at war, au- thorized an expedition to the Upper Lakes for the purpose of passing from the western extremity of Lake Superior to the Mississippi, with a view to explore that then unknown land, and open a com- munication with the Indians who inhabited it and the shores of the noble lakes through which they must pass to reach Fond du Lac. Accompanying the party, besides Captain Douglas of the United States engineer corps, were several men of science, among whom was the Indian archajoloijist and his- torian Schoolcraft, who were charged to make an elaborate and scientific report on the topography of the country, its mineral and probable agricultural resources. The government having determined to establish a military post at the Sault or rapids of St. Marie, Governor Cass was authorizeersons or property of the inhabit- ants. All 'liis is the result of impulse, and is the necessary and almost inevitable consequence of in- stitutions which make war the great object of life. It is not probable, that any Indian seriously bent upon hostilities, ever stops to calculate the force of the white man, and to estimate the disastrous con- "equences which we know must be the result. Ho ,%. ^n%, IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) k A {./ ^ A '4^ :/- /A z ^. « 1.0 I.I 1^ llig 2.2 Li 128 US Hf 114 ■UUu IL25 III 1.4 m III 1.6 /] 7: ^?^'»^ l^M ^ ^' '/ Photographic Sciences Corporation 7S WEST M;<.iN STMET W'tBSTER.N.Y. (<,J80 (716)S72-4S03 04 LIFB OF is impelled onward in his desperate career, by pas- sions which are fostered and encouraged by the whole frame of society ; ancf he is, very probably, stimulated by the predictions of some fanatical leader, who promises him glory, victory and scalps. " In this state of feeling, and with these incite- ments to war, the Sacs and Foxes claimed the right of occupying a part of the country on Rock river, even after it had been sold to citizens of the United States, and settled by them. In 1829 and in 1830, serious difficulties resulted from their efforts to es- tablish themselves in that section, and frequent col- lisions were the consequence. Representations were made to them, and every effort, short of actual h'>s- tilities, used by the prof)er officers, to induce th>..n to abandon their unfounded pretensions, and to con- fine themselves to their own country on the west side of the Mississippi river." Mr. Cass continued to discuss the circumstances at length, and demonstrated what should be the policy of the United States towards the aborigines for the purpose of protecting the better disposed por- tion of the tribe from their own disorderly numbers. Mawkish sensibility may, perhaps, attack some of the opinions expressed above; but those who do so, have always avowed their respect for as- sertions which, though they might assail them, they can not controvert. Indian difficulties, during the. administration of the war department by General Cass, were rife. Besides the Florida war, in consequence of the ex- tension of the laws of Georgia over the Creeks and Cherokees, those powerful tribes became dissatisfied, and were on the eve of war. General Cass con- tributed much to their pacification, and has had the good fortune to see his efforts to avert strife fully appreciated by both the white man and the Indian. In 1836, Mr. Cass left the War Department for GENERAL CASS. 95 France, to which country he had been appointed by General Jackson, mii^^ster. Of all the cabinet of General Jackson, he had remained longest in office, and probably possessed his confidence to a degree unsurpassed by any other man. Evidences of this are numerous, and in another chapter we shall have occasion to refer to a remarkable memento of this character. LIFE OF CHAPTER VI. Letter from General Jackson — Diplomatic Services — Indemnity — Eastern Tour — Quintuple Treaty. On the retirement of General Cass from the War Bureau, he received from the President a letter which fully expressed the confidence between them, and the great satisfaction of General Jackson at the manner in which the new minister had presided over the important department of war. The mission was an important one, diplomatic ne- gotiations having been interrupted in consequence of the non-payment of the French indemnity for spo- liations on our commerce. Under these circum- stances, Mr. Cass was ordered by General Jackson to proceed to France and there ascertain what were the feelings of the French government. In October of that year he left New York, and on his arrival in London he learned that a French minister had been appointed to the United States. He therefore im- mediately proceeded to Paris and established him- self there. Scarcely had he been presented when he commenced his efforts to procure the interest on the indemnity of the twenty-five millions of francs, which strangely enough had been retained at the time the principal was paid. In this he was suc- cessful, and he thus had the satisfaction of terminat- ing the dispute, which at one time had seemed so perilous to tiie peace of the litigating powers. In the great metropolis of Europe, General Cass attracted much attention ; a new man from a region of the United States of great interest to France, a dependency of which it had been, not only diplo- GENERAL CASS. 9t matists, but men of letters, hurried to meet him. That position he maintained. The interruption of diplomatic intercourse be- tween France and the United States had caused a great accumulation of business in the offices of the American legation, to the dispatch of which, General Cass gave all the resources of his mind, and in 1837 he had brought about such a state of order that he M'as enabled to make his extensive tour in Italy and the East. Passing first to Italy, he visited its cities and ruins, whence he proceeded to Messina, in Sicily, Malta, the picturesque and classic Greece, the beau- tiful islands of the Archipelago, Tu^ey in Europe, Egypt, Palestine, Syria, and the shores of the Eux- ine. He visited the spots made memorable by the contests of other days, the ruined temples of art, and the places made holy by the early history of Chris- tianity. Fresh from the primeval grandeur of the new world, he saw the great contrast to the scenes among which he had been brought up, and appre- ciated the lessons taught by their history. One who had stood upon the ruins of the Aztec race which preceded the present Indian of America, would aptly comment on, and in his own mind profit by the teachings of the seat of Troy, Tyre, Sidon, Pal- myra in the desert, and Damascus. General Cass returned to Europe with improved health and vigour, for he had suffered much from his arduous duties in the department of war, and at Paris. His ti^j-vels, however, had not been only on that account valuable. He had during his tour ac- quired a perfect knowledge of the defects and faults of the consular system of the United States, and with their commercial and diplomatic interest in that far-off land. The result of this tour communicated to the departments of state and the treasury, in many and important documents, some day must command attention, and be the nucleus around which will be 9 98 LIFE OF formed a new theory of trade and intercourse with the half-civilized and down-trodden nations, he vi- sited. No American who visited Paris while Gene- ral Cass was the representative of the United States, will fail to remember the courtesy and delicacy of the envoy. His house was always open to Ameri- can citizens, and he became proverbial for kindness and hospitality. His expenses during his mission far exceeded his salary, and could only have been met by the possession of an ample private fortune, which long toil and far-seeing prudence had enabled General Cass to accumulate. At the same time, that his expenditures were liberal,. all vain ostenta- tion was avoided, and he was unanimously acknow- ledged as the w?)rthy representative of a great and free people. Kindly received by Louis Philippe, who at that time was in character and disposition far different from what he became during the few years imme- diately previous to the destruction of his throne and dynasty. General Cass was admitted almost to the fire-side of the menage of the king of the French. His observations were founded on the most demo- cratic interpretation of the scenes and things he witnessed. It has become the fashion since the depo- sition of Louis Philippe to decry the tone and char- acter of this work, which was published in the Democratic Review, but those who do so are per- sons who have never read it, and are ignorant of its tone and context. It will bear the most rigid scrutiny, and is a masterly sketch of Louis Philippe as ne was, and of the social condition of France at that day. The title of this essay, " France, its King, Court, and Government," deserves serious attention, in spite of all that has occurred since in France. Among other literary papers he published in this country, was one upon the French tribunals of justice, which contained much information inter- esting to an American, and in which the author ex- GENERAL CASS. 99 pressed his decided condemnation of the system of the English common law, looking upon it as a code originating in feudal and almost semi-barbarous times, and utterly unsuited to our condition and institutions. Since that day, the majority of the intelligent men of the age, and all oJT those who labour, have become converts to this opinion, which ultimately is destined to force reform and drive to honest lives those who live by fraud and chicanery. The interests of the United States perhaps never were more faithfully attended to than by Mr. Cass while in France. Many minor difficulties were satisfactorily adjusted, and the reputation of Ame- rican diplomacy greatly exalted. During this time, permission was obtained for a commission of young American officers of cavalry and artillery to attend the military schools of France, and the concession was immediately made available. This, done at the instance of Governor Cass, has been most im- portant, and its effects may be traced in every con- test of the present Mexican war, where the tactics and strategic knowledge of the American army has been conspicuous. In 1841, a serious matter arose, and a plan was formed, which, had it not been frustrated in the germ, must have placed the United States either in the predicament of base submission to outrage or embroiled them in a war with all the naval powers of Europe. The tenacity with which the British government adheres to its plans has become a fixed and notorious fact, and its pretensions to the supre- macy and control of the seas, which since the days of Van Tromp had been the cause of so much bloodshed, were now advanced again under a new form. The war against the United Slates in 1812, which began for the defence of sailors' rights, had brought into the field thousands of men who never saw the ocean, and caused large armies to penetrate the North American forests, were lost on its ex- 100 LIFE OF perience ; and under the pretence of putting fin end to the African slave-trade, a treaty was formed, by virtue of which the men-of-war of Great Britain were authorized to search and seize all other vessels they might please to consider engaged in this traffic. The plan was specious ; its ostensible object was to seize participators in what the laws of all Christian states had declared piracy, and to succour suffering humanity. This treaty was fortunately, however, suffered to transpire before its ratification, though it had actually been signed by the representatives of England, France, Austria, Prussia, and Russia^ The character of these governments was such as to induce suspicion. It was little likely that Great Britain, which at that time was transporting ne- groes as apprentices for seven years to colonies, where the average duration of labourers' lives is five, which forcibly enlisted captured Africans in her military service, and oppressed all those within her power, that France, which had slave-holding colonies and waged a war of extermination in Africa, that Rus- sia with its millions of serfs, and the two other powers, in which freedom had never existed, were in earnest in their professed regard towards the rights of African nations. Closer inquiry unfolded the nefarious design to General Cass, and in a mas- terly pamphlet, which was immediately translated into German and French, he held up the scheme to public infamy. This gave to his name great cele- brity, and, eloquently written, his work commanded universal attention. In this treaty, the moving power was Great Britain, which would have alone profited by it directly, and therefore had offered to the other powers inducements of various kinds to secure their consent. So anxious were the prime movers of this scheme to array the strength of Europe against the United States, if they should resist, that in case of the ratification of the treaty, Prussia, which had not at that time a single armed GENERAL CASS. 101 nng one to s to ime of vessel, was to be transformed by diplomatic jugglery and the present of an armed mrrine, selected from the worn-out vessels in the British or French sea- ports, into a naval power. There had always been a great jealousy in France especially of the English superiority at sea, and this feeling was fully aroused. The journals and popu- lace began to declaim against this and all other schemes, and the treaty was, in consequence of the withdrawal of France, never ratified by Russia, Prussia, or Austria, which had been the dupes or tools of England. Previous however to this, General Cass had written a formal protest to M. Guizot against the treaty, and concluded thus : " As soon as I can receive despatches from the United Stales, in answer to my communications, I shall be enabled to declare to you either that my conduct has been approved by the President, or that my mission is terminated." The President of the United States had however approved of his course, and a power greater than his, that of the people, ratified the conduct of their ambassador, and every heart in the nation beat high when the following memorable passage was read : " But the subject assumes another aspect, when they [the American people] are told by one of the parties that their vessels are to be forcibly entered and examined, in order to carry into effect these stipulations. Certainly the American government does not believe that the high powers, contracting parties to this treaty, have any wish to compel the United States, by force, to adapt their measures to its provisions or to adopt its stipulations. They have too much confidence in their sense of justice to fear any such result; and they will see with plea- sure the prompt disavowal made by yourself, sir, in the name of your country, at the tribune of the Chamber of Deputies, of any intentions of this na- 9* 102 LIFE OF ture. But were it otherwise, and were it possible they might be ileceivetl in this confident expectation, that would not alter in one tittle their course of action. Their duty would be the same, and the same would be their determination to fulfil it. They would prepare themselves, with apprehension in- deed, but without dismay — with regret, but with firmness — for one of those desperate struggles which have sometimes occurred in the history of the world, but where a just cause and the favour of providence have given strength to comparative weakness and enabled it to bre^k down the pride of power." M. Guizot replied in the amicable tone, that France had no evil intentions against the United States, and, as stated above, the treaty, worthless without the co-operation of France, failed. The strongest evidence of the important services rendered by General Cass in the frustration of this scheme, was the unmitigated abuse heaped on him by the British press: whig, tory, radical and con- servative, all forgot their many points of difficulty and difference, to censure one who in so tender a point as the supremacy of the seas, had injured the national susceptibility. This however was to be expected, but it became a matter of surprise that in •the United States a party was found which cen- sured the minister for thus protecting the national honour. Able men were found in this clique, and strange things were said and done, which now are forgotten, while the value of Governor Cass's ser- vices are distinctly appreciated. The administration of Mr. Van Buren passed away, and when the difficulties between Great Bri- tain and the United States in relation to the north- eastern frontier began, the late distinguished Lord Ashburton came to the United States as ambassador extraordinary. As an appendix to the treaty nego- tiated between him and Mr. Webster, was a clause binding the United States to co-operate in striking OENEBAL CASS. 103 down all their own efforts to secure the freedom of the seas. What the inducement to do this was, has never been explained, nor has the world been able to understand what Africa and the slave-trade had to do with the north-eastern boundary. In a despatch of Governor Cass to the State de- partment, written September 17th, 1812, occurs the following passage: " It is unnecessary to push these considerations further ; and in carrying them thus far, I have found the task an unpleasant one. Nothing but justice to myself could have induced me to do it. I could not clearly explffin my position here without recapitula- tion. My protest of 13th February, distinctly as- serted that the United States would resist the pre- tension of England to search our vessels. I avowed, at the same time, that this was but my personal de- claration, liable to be confirmed or disavowed by my government. I now find a trei^ty has been con- cluded between Great Britain and the United States, which provides for the co-operation of the latter in efforts to abolish the slave-trade, but which contains no renunciation by the former of the extraordinary pretensions, resulting, as she said, from the exigen- cies of these very efforts; and which pretension I felt it to be my duty to denounce to the French government. In all this, I presume to offer no fur- ther judgment than as I am personally affected by the course of the proceedings, and I feel they have placed me in a false position, whence I can escape but by returning home with the least possible delay. I trust, therefore, that the President will have felt no hesitation in granting me the permission which 1 asked for." ^ He obtained permission to return, and in two months was making preparations to revisit the Uni-^ ted States. Previous to the departure of Mr. Cass, on his eastern tour, he became involved in a controversy 104 LIFE OF in relation to the unfortunate Florida war, produced by some reflections General Clinch, then of the army, had made on Mr. Cass, in his testimony before the court of inquiry, assembled at Frederick, Maryland, In 1837, to investigate the difficulties between Ge- nerals Scott and Gaines. The following indignant reply written at Paris, best explains itself and the conduct of Mr. Cass while Secretary at War. "A friend has sent me a short extract from the evidence, recently given before the military court at Frederick, by General Clinch, together with copies of some letters presented by him. In hj^s testimony, General Clinch charges me with neglecting to make adequate preparations for the defence of Florida, upon his representations, during the progress of the difficulties with the Seminole Indians, and for some time after the commencement of hostilities. " The failure of a campaign is an old subject for crimination and Fecrimiaation. In all ages and na- tions it has been fertile in disputes, sometimes con- fined to the officers themselves, and sometimes ex- tending to the administration of the government. Knowing that while in the department of war, I anxiously endeavoured to fulfil the duty which the troubles with the Seminoles imposed upon the go- vernment, and satisfied, on as dispassionate a review as a person can be expected to take in a matter which so nearly concerns him, that that duty was faithfully performed, I am not willing to be subject to the imputation which General Clinch has so cavalierly cast upon me. If the course of events in Florida, whether attributable lO imbecility, to mis- fortune, or to circumstances beyond control, may seem to the military commanders to require a pro- pitiatory sacrifice, I shall most assuredly not sub- mit to receive upon my head their maledictions without an appeal to the justice of my countrymen. That appeal I am now led to make; but, in the per- formance of this task, it is not my object to assail^ GENERAL CASS. 105 sail any one. I carry on no Carthaginian warfare, and sliali confine myself to repelling a serious imputa- tion laid upon me. I beg that it may be recollected ti^at I um far from home, and that I am destitute of many documents esseniial to a full investigation of the statement of General Clinch, i have no papers upon the subject excepting those already alluded to — the two pamphlets of documents published by order of congress in the session of 1835 and 1836, and for which I am indebted to the same friend, and the defence of General Scott, published in the Na- tional Intelligencer. For all else, I must rely upon my memory ; but I trust I shall commit no import- ant error. I am sure I shall commit no intentional one. " An examination of the general course of opera- tions in Florida does not come within the scope of inquiry which I propose to myself. It is enough, upon this point, to say that each of the command- ing generals serving in t"hat country after the com- mencement of hostilities, had carte blanche as to men, and means, and plans. Their measures were left to their own discretion ; and they were author- ized to call from the neighbouring states such force as they might judge adequate to the attainment of the objects committed to them; and the various military departments were directed to provide and furnish all the supplies demanded. It follows, of course, that the government was not responsible for results. They did what every wise government should do in such a juncture. They sanctioned the full employment of all the means judged necessary by those upon whom was to devolve the conduct of the war. The main reliance was necessarily upon the militia. The small amount of our regular army, its dispersed condition, and the numerous points it is called upon to maintain, rendered it impracticable to carry on operations by its means ulone; and, added to these considerations, there were, during a 106 LIFE OF part of the Seminole campaign, strong reasons, which al! will appreciate, having reference to our foreign relations, which rendered it inexpedient to withdraw all the troops from the Atlantic and the south-western frontiers. " After the incipient measures, the actual and only responsibility of the government was in the selec- tion of the officers to command. Upon this point I have nothing to say. I would not utter a word of reproach against any of the gallant men who have served in Florida. I would not, if I could, tarnish a single laurel gathered in other and happier fields. The difficulties they had to encounter were great, and in some points unexpected. And I be- lieve that the general conduct of our officer? and soldiers, during this trying warfare, was worthy of the best period in our military annals. Of the mili- tary service and claims of General Scott, few have a higher estimate than I have, and no person has heard me utter a sentiment of disrespect towards him. Nor shall I reproach myself for any part which I took in his selection for the command. Suc- cess is not always a true test of merit, nor the want of it of incapacity. When General Scott took the command the season of operations was short. Every thing was to collect, to combine, to organize. I saw his difficulties then, and I can still better appreciate them now. " I may be permitted to say, however, that his plan of operations did not seem to me well adapted to the nature of the country and the habits of the ene- my ; and this fact is known to some of the persons officially connected with me in the war department. The opinion of the president upon this subject was still stronger; und is, of course, entitled to much more weight than mine. I recollect perfectly his views, when the letter of General Scott, disclosing his plan, was read to him. But any change by the authority of the government, would have been a SENBRAL CASS. 107 hazardous experiment. General Scott was upon the spot, with the best means of information, and with all the intelligence and experience necessary to devise and to execute. To have overruled him would have been to assume a most fearful responsi- bility, and to direct the details of a campaign in an Indian country at the distance of a thousand miles. " I observe in General Scott's defence a quota- tion from the testimony of Captain Thruston, a most intelligent officer, by which it appears that the first impression upon his mind was unfavourable to the contemplated plan, but that subsequent expe- rience had corrected this opinion. Not having had the advantage enjoyed by Captain Thruston, of a personal knowledge of the course of operations in Florida, it will not, I trust, be imputed to any un- just prejudice, that I participated in the opinion of an officer who is held in high esteem by General Scott, and that I retained that opinion, not having seen any sufficient reason for changing it. I did not see how a combined operation against such an enemy as the Indians, here to-day and gone to-mor- row, and whose presence is seldom known but by their assault^, could be carried on simultaneously from three points so distant as Volusia, Fort Drane and Tampa Bay, with any reasonable hope of a co- operation, which would bring the enemy to action, and at the same time prevent his escape. I did not think that when these masses were brought to a point — when the net was drawn — that the game would be caught. I am free, however, to confess that I have now doubts whether any other plan would have succeeded better i*t that time, and with- in the short space remaining for the service of the militia, and for the season of operations ; and as neither of tke columns was attacked, no positive injury resulted from the division. The enemy was sought and could not be found. " But to the main point pf this appeal. General 108 LIFE OF Clinch was asked by the court, * What in your opinion prevented the subjection of the Seminole Indians in the campaign conducted by General Scott, in Florida, in 1836?' ' " To this General Clinch answers in substance, that it was owing to the neglect of the head of the war department m not having made more adequate preparations in 1835, and early in 1836. In other words, because there" were not troops enough in Florida to prevent the Indians from commencing hostilities, therefore the campaign to reduce them was unsuccessful. T leave to the court itself and to General Clinch the task of reconciling this an- swer with the question itself, and the objects of the inquiry. The caused of the Indian hostilities, or the measures taken by the government to prevent them previously to the assumption of the command by General Scott, were not subjects before the court. They were questions of public policy, pro- perly cognizable by congress alone, and which had more than once engaged the attention of that body. But between them and the nature of the military operations there was no just connection; and whe- ther there were in the country, before the war, ten men or ten thousand, was a question having no re- lation to the duties of the court or the conduct of General Scott. > "But General Clinch goes still further; quite far enough indeed to disclose that his feelings were so much excited, as to weaken very much his per- ceptions of what he owed to the court, to himself, and to me. He says, * when at last the honourable secretary awoke from his dreams of political pre« ferment, and turned his attention,' &c. And this General Clinch says, as a witness, under the sanc- tion of an oath. He undertakes to dive into the recesses of the human heart, not as a matter of spe- culation, but of assertion ; and to pronounce on the witness' stand, not only that I neglected my duty, GENERAL CASS. 109 the spe- the but upon the motives which influenced me. Whe- ther in the alleged neglect, or in the motives as- signed, he is right, I shall leave to our common country to decide. I may be allowed, however, to say, that I trust this paper will be read by some, and by some who enjoy the confidence of their country, who will exonerate me from the charge of over- weening ambition. I am sure General Clinch, in his cooler moments, will be satisfied that he has done me wrong. I do not know him personally, but those who do, speak of him as a man of high honour I saw in a newspaper, a short time since, an account of a dinner given, I think, to General Clinch in Florida. An address made by him upon that occasion, discloses undoubtedly the wrongs which he supposes he'has received at my hands, and the feelings which this sentiment has inspired. He attributed to me his being superseded in command, and to the president the return of his commission, which he had tendered, accompanied with the hope he would continue in service. He evidently sup- posed that I had purposely injured him, and that the mark of favour he received was without my par- ticipation, or against my consent. I owe to General Clinch no explanation. A morbid sensibility, or some other motive not more worthy of tolerance, has led him to mistake his own claims and situation, and to become the vehicle of unjust imputations. But as this subject has excited much discussion, and con- nects itself with the purpose of this statement, I think it right to allude briefly to the causes which led to the change of command. " Two reasons produced.this measure. The occur- rences in Florida in the month of December, 1835, information of which reached Washington in Janu- ary, 18^6, led to the conviction, that measures upon a more enlarged scale had become necessary, and at the same time reports were received, indicating that the Creeks had manifested a determination to 110 LIFE OF join the Seminoles in hostilities. As two series of operations, under different officers, against enemies near enough to co-operate, and with the same ha- bits, feelings, and objects, were to be avoided, if practicable, and as the amount of force to be called into service might be such as to justify the states furnishing troops, in sending into the field major- generals with their requisitions, it was obviously- necessary to vest the principal command in an offi- cer of the highest rank in our service. It was very desirable to have an officer of established character and experience, particularly in a duty involving such a heavy responsibility in its expenditures; and not to leave the command to fluctuate, as genera! officers of the militia might be called into or retire from service. General Clinch was a brevet briga- dier-general, and thierefore liable to be superseded by a major-general of the militia. . n. i * ** But there was a still stronger reason for this mea- sure. It will be recollected that the disaster which befel Major Dade, and the exposed condition of Flo- rida, painfulI}'^ excited the public mind, particular- ly in the southern states. Spontaneous movements were made in that quarter for raising troops, and the patriotism of the country called into service many corps, before the state of affairs could be known at Washington. The government was re- quired by public opinion, as well as by the higher obligation of duty, to take the most immediate and efficient measures for the suppression of hostilities. General Clinch was isolated in the heart of Florida. In fact, his true position was necessarily unknown, for events were every moment changing, and the aspect of affairs becoming worse. His communica- tions might at any moment have been intercepted, himself remain ignorant of the measures' of the go- vernment, and they of his situation and designs. General Scott was in Washington. No time would be lost in giving him the necessary instructions, and OENenAL OASS. Ill his route would lead him through South Carolina and Georgia, whence most of the force had to be drawn. While a despatch was travelling to General Clinch, General Scott could be in the southern coun- try, organizing his force and plans. And besides, such a despatch might have failed or been inter- cepted, and then in what condition would the coun- try have been? and to what just censure would the government have been exposed ? And even should the necessary authority reach General Clinch, much time must be lost in returning upon the route with his communications. He could not leave his com- mand : affairs were too critical. And it must be ob- vious, that the arrangements for such a campaign as was contemplated, could not be made without the presence and personal co-operation of the officer destined to command. The remedy for all this was obvious. And was the government to be deterred from adopting it, because General Clinch might choose to consider it a reflection upon him ? There werq much higher considerations involved in this aflair than General Clinch seems to appreciate. He never had the slightest reason to consider himself injured. A just sensitiveness is an honourable feel- ing in a military man ; but if carried too far it de- generates into mortified vanity. All governments have at all times assumed and exercised the right of changing their commanding officers at pleasure ; and especially so when the sphere of operations is en- larged, -.-w.,, „ , ,o:>^in mil u'i,tU "I trust I have said enough to show that this measure was not intended to cast, nor did it cast, the r'*'Thtest reflection upon General Clinch. As to the selection of a successor, with every just allow- ance for General Clinch, it may be safely said that he had won his way to this command by high and honourable services. " With respect to the return of General Clinch's commission, I have only to say, that I proposed the ■"11 IK 112 LIFE Of measure to the president, by whom it was cordially approved ; as was also the assignment of General Scott to the command. ** I see that General Scott, in his defence, appreci- ates the excited feelings of General Clinch, and finds it necessary to discredit one of the answers of the latter, and to trace his erroneous judgment to the species of hallucination under which he appears to labour. It seems that General Clinch has been asked whether the operations of General Gaines had in- terfered with the projects and arrangements of Gene- ral Scott. The answer of General Clinch was in the negative, and the solution of this answer by General Scott is given in the following remark, in the defence of the latter ; *' Under this ruling idea, the witness. General Clinch, could see nothing but the imputed errors of the war department." Indeed ! and is this the judgment of General Scott, upon the state of mind of the principal witness who appears to arraign the proceedings of the executive ? I need not add to this rebuke : far more severe than any thing J have said, or desire to say. ''General Scott likewise adds his conviction that * the repeated calls and wise admonitions' of General Clinch were neglected. This point I shall examine by and by ; and if it is not shown that the precautions taken to prevent the commission of hostilities by the Seminoles were greater than have ever been adopted, when the strength of the enemy is taken into view, since the discovery of the continent, I will confess that I have read our history to little purpose. "One act of voluntary justice General Scott has done to the war department; and I appreciate it the more, as it stands out in solitary relief. He says, * I do not mean to intimate, Mr. President, that any time was lost by the war department in putting me in motion, after the news of Clinch's affair of Decem- ber 31, which preceded at Washington the account of Major Dade's melancholy fate on the 28th.* And GENERAL CA8g. 113 yet the concession is not much to make. The slightest attention to the dates, as recorded in the adjutant-general's report of February 9, 1836, pub- lished by order of congress, will show that the ac- tion of the department was not less prompt upon that occasion than upon all others. " Unofficial information of General Clinch's action reached Washington on the 17th of January ; and on the same day a plan of operations was devised, and the necessary instructions given toGeneral Eustis for its execution, to provide, as far as seemed ne- cessary, for the vigorous prosecution of the war* The measures will be stated in the sequel. But three days later, to wit: on the 20th, reports were received that the Creeks ineditated hostilities; and it was therefore deemed necessary, as already stat- ed, to enlarge the sphere of operations, and to call General Scott to the command ; and this was done, and detailed instructions prepared and delivered to General Scott on the next day. So much for the general's willingness to spare any intimation of an unnecessary delay upon this occasion. If it were necessary to allude to the matter at all, would it not have been more just, more noble, more in consonance, I may add, with the character of General Scott, for him to have said, plainly and explicitly, that never were more prompt or decisive measures taken than uf>on that occasion — measures, whose discussion and consideration, as General Scott must well remember, extended far into the night, and broke upon his' rest, as well as upon mine ? " Rumours of Indian disturbances are matters of frequent occurrence. Sometimes these have been followed by hostilitifs, but more frequently they have proved unfounded. It is obviously impractica- ble to keep a superior force to the Indians upon every point of our extended and exposed frontier ; and were troops collected upon every rumour, the coun- try would be subjected to enormous expense, and 10* 114 . ^ % L 1 F B O P ., ?* the army and militia to perpetual fatigue. It is thd duty of the government then, to act prudently, as well as promptly, upon these occasioub ; and while efficient measures are adopted where they appear necessary, to withhold them where they do not, and to preserve in these measures a just proportion to the strength of the Indians, and the probability of their hostile designs. . "What was the amount of the white population of Florida in 1835, I have not the means of ascer- taining. I suppose, however, that it exceeded 30,000. It is necessary to keep this fact in view while looking at the course of events; because. each part of our frontier must be expected to supply a considerable proportion of the force at any time re- quired to repel sudden aggression of the Indians If I have made a reasonable approximation towards the population of Florida, it will be found that no one has ever estimated the whole number of the Se- mkioles at more than one-sixth of this population, and that the official reports in the archives of the department reduced them to one-tenth. There was then near the theatre of difficulties a permanent force, ready to aid the efforts of the army, and amply sufficient, agreeably to all preceding experi- ence, to restrain or subdue the Indians. Let me ask the frontier inhabitants of the west, from one end of the great valley of the Mississippi to the other — those who are now in contact with the In- diani?, and those who have purchased security, by years of wars and sufferings — whether they do not think the government would at all times have dis- charged its duties towards them, by making arrange- ments for more than one regulir soldier for each war- rior within strikingdistance,and among a white popu-* lation outnumbering the Indians at least six to one, and probably ten to one ? and yet this was done in Florida. Our settlements would never have crossed the Alleghany, if our forefathers had found it neces- OBNBRAL CASS. 115 one the In- by not dis- ■nge- sary to prosecute Indian wars upon a larger scale than this. ** A treaty had been formed with the Seminole In- dians, providing for their removal west of the Mis- sissippi ; and from the. time which had elapsed, and the reluctance manifested by the Indians to remove, it had become necessary to take measures for carry- ing the treaty into effect. But all the difficulties anticipated with this tribe, were expected to result from the contemplated movement ; and no one look- ed to hostile demonstrations on the part of the In- dians, until and unless they wcire required to emi- grate. I doubt whether there was scarcely a per- son in Florida who was prepared to hear of any hostile movement by these Indians, before the ar- rival of the period fixed for their departure. Governor Caton distinctly stated in a letter to me, that their hostilities were entirely unexpected at that time by the people of Florida ; and he informed me that the same sentiment had been communicated to the de- partment by the secretary of the territory. The whole correspondence of General Clinch, until a very short period preceding the commencement of actual hostilities, indicates the sume opinion. I mention the circumstance to show that the govern- ment had a right to suppose that General Clinch had ample time to collect all his force, and to anticipate the Indians, should he become satisfied of their hos- tile designs. 7>iir. " An important element in this inquiry is the junount of the Seminole population. Captain Thrus- ton, I observe, estimates them in his testimony at 5,000, and I have never heard a higher estimate put upon their numbers. Lieutenant Harris, a very in- telligent officer, charged with the duty of providing and distributing the articles stipulated by the treaty to be given to the Indians, and well acquainted with them, estimated them in a report to the war de- partment as not exceeding 3,0()0, including negroes. 116 e» LIFB Of ^ » of which 1,600 were females. This was the latest report upon the subject, and derived value from the fact, that as certain articles were to be distributed to each Seminole, and as Lieutenant Harris had this duty to perform, it was obviously proper for him to use his best exertions to ascertain the full number, in order to avoid all complaints at the distribution, as it was obviously the policy of these Indians not to diminish in their report their actual number. " General Thompson, the Indian agent, a most re- spectable citizen and valuable officer, known to many ns a representative in congress from Qeorgia, in a letter to the commissary-general of subsistence, of August 29, 1835, says : * 1 have resorted to all prac- ticable means of information to ascertain, with a probable approach to precision, the actual number of the Seminole people, and I am induced to believe it very little exceeds 3,000.' » " General Scott, in one of his reports, after his campaign, stated that there had never been 500 Indian warriors collected together at one time, in Florida. J quote from memory, but I cannot be deceived in the fact. The President supposed their whole force did not exceed 500. Previous circum- stances had given to him very favourable opportuni- ties of forming a correct opinion on this subject. It will also be recollected, that no one expected the whole of the Indian fprce would be opposed to us. A considerable party was desirous of emigrating; and it has often, perhaps I may say almost always, happened, in our later Indian wars, that, on the oc- currence of hostilities with any of the tribes within our borders, a division of the tribe has taken place, and the seceding party has either remained neutral or joined us ; and in the case of the Seminoles, a band, I think, of about 500, left their people at the commencement of hostilities, and placed themselves within our lines. ** In the report, already alluded to, of the adjutant- OENBIIAL OA88. 117 general, is embodied a report from the commissioner of Indian affairs upon this subject ; in which he states, that assuming the estimate of Lieutenant Harris as correct, and supposing the Seminolcs equally divided on the question of emigration, there would be 700 Seminole males, children and adults, forming the hostile party. He supposes that not more than one-half ot this, to wit, 350 persons, were fit to bear arms ; but he adds, that this hostile party may have received accessions fr6m the other party, and also from the Creeks. I believe it has been found that few, if any, of the Creeks joined the Scminoles. *' Under all these circumstances, I thought then, and I yet think, that the estimate of 500 hostile warriors was sufficiently high. I do not answer for the accuracy of this information. I am only answerable for the use which was made of it. It formed the only basis upon which the government could act. I may add, what is known to all, any way conversant with the Indians, that their num- bers are generally overrated rather than underrated ; and that in almost all the actions we have fought with them, subsequent information has reduced the estimate of the numbers originally given upon vague calculation. " It will be observed that there were two periods in the progress of the Seminole difficulties anterior to the commencement of actual hostilities : one be- tween the origin of these difficulties, and the pacifi- cation, if I may so term it, made by General Clinch, General Thompson, and Lieutenant Harris, with these Indians, in April 1835, when a mutual and apparently satisfactory arrangement was made with them, by which they agree to remove during the succeeding winter, and the government agreed that they might remain till then. The second period in- tervened between this time and the breaking out of the war. ** It is necessary to keep in view the change of 118 f tt LIFB OF 1 J circumstances induced by this arrangement, though General Clinch has overlooked it in his evidence» as he refers, in proof of the charge he makes of the negligence of the government, to his letter of Ja- nuary, 1835, in which he asked for six additional companies. Now, the state of things existing when this application was made, and subsequent to the above-mentioned arrangement, was totally different, and General Clinch is wrong to refer to it as any step in the series of measures having relation to actual hostilities. The force in Florida in the spring of 1835, was found, by experience, to be enough. It accomplished its object, and led to a mutual ar- rangement. A person looking at the presentation of this letter, with the others by General Clinch, would suppose that it constituted one of a series of demands made by him, and rejected by the go- vernment. He would never dream that it had a relation to a state of things which was terminated peacefully and successfully; and after which the force under General Clincn was, for some months, judged sufficient by him for the protection of the country. While General Clinch supposed the In- dians altogether unfavourable to a removal, he esti- mated the necessary force to control them at twelve companies ; but when they had consented to go vo- luntarily, he considered a less force necessary, as I shall show conclusively by his letters and proceed- ings. " In November, 1834, on the receipt of the first authentic intelligence that difficulties might pos- sibly occur with the Seminoles, General Clinch, an officer of experience and of much reputation, was directed to assume the command in Florida, and the necessary instructions were given him for his go- vernment. " In January, 1835, General Clinch asked for six additional companies to strengthen his command, with a view to the removal of the Seminole Jndians OBNBR AL CASS. 119 * in the spring,' say in April or May of that year. His demand was submitted to the President, who decided that four companies should be sent to Flo- rida from Fort Monroe, and that General (Minch should be authorised to order the company at Key West to join him whenever he mia;ht think proper. Orders for these purposes were given on the 14th of February, 1835. I will not enter into a consi- deration of the views which operated to place five, instead of six, companies at the disposal of General Clinch. It may have been error of judgment ; bui most assuredly neglect, as intimated by himself, ana repeated by General Scott, had no part in the mat- ter. When the estimated force ot the Indians is taken into view, the just desire of circumscribing the expense as far as prudent, and the material fact that, by the treaty, only about one-third of the Se- minoles could be required to remove that ' spring,' (say short of two hundred disaffected warriors), the decision of the president will be thought a dis- creet one. But there is a still better authority, if possible, upon this occasion, in justification of the measures adopted by the government. It is the authority of General Clinch himself. He asked, as the maximum of force which could be wanted, eleven companies, or five hundred and fifty men. He re- ceived nine companies, or four hundred and fifty men ; and he received, also, power to order the com- pany from Key West to join him, which would make ten companies, or five hundred men. I state what I suppose to be about the average of the companies. Whether more or less is not important for my pre- sent purpose, which is to repel the accusation of having neglected General Clinch's requisitions. These requisitions were for companies. " Well, then, the force sent to General Clinch car- ried him through the sprint. He made an arrange- ment with the Indians, which appeared to be satis- factory to them, and was so to the government, and 120 LIFE OF :i ^^ which quieted the frontier, and induced the general belief that this troublesome matter was over. His force was found sufficient, because his purpose was etiected. *' But General Clinch himself considered a less force than that he named, and even a less force than that placed at his disposal by the government, adequate to the objects he had to attain. He did not call to his aid the company from Key West ; and it is very important in this inquiry to remark, that while General Clinch now accuses the government of ne- glecting his application for a proper force, during that whole season the company at Key West, placed un- der his command the preceding February, almost in sight of Florida, and not more than one day's sail from its shore, was left by him upon that island, and never reached the sphere of his command till the 21st of December. The order authorising General Clinch to call it to his aid, must have reached him the be- ginning, of March. During nine months, then, de- ducting the few days necessary to communicpte his orders to Major Dade, and for that officer to cross over to the main land of Florida, General Clinch considered his force sufficient, or he was guilty of that neglect which he now charges, and, as I trust I have shown, vainly charges, to the government. " And what stronger proof can be given of the as- sertion already made, that the hostile movement of the Indians was unexpected by him, who, of ali others, was charged vvith watching and restraining th'^m, than this failure to employ, for that purpose, all the force placed at his disposal? " But still further: General Clinch, in his letter to the war department, of April 1, 1835, after stating his belief that an arrangement would be made which would quiet the Indians, and bo satisfactory to the government, says that, * should the chiefs come to the conclusion to remove quietly, it would be still necessary to keep the present force in Florida.* The GENERAL CASS. 121 as- chiefs did consent to remove quietly, as has been already shown, and the then * present force' was kept in Florida; and nothing more did General Clinch then demand. In all tnis is there any evi- dence of neglect ? I leave the question to the great tribunal of public opinion. "So passed the first period of the Seminole diffi- culties. I will merely add, upon this branch of the subject, that General Thompson, in a letter of June 3, 1835, some time after the conclusion of the ar- rangement, reported that Powell had assented to it, and that he had ' no doubt of his sincerity, and as little that the principal difficulty is surmounted.' " Thus matters remained till the full, without any intimation from General Clinch that an additional force would be necessary. The first suggestion of this nature was made on the 12th of October, by Lieutenant Harris, I think, in a personal interview at the war department. But as General Clinch had not asked for the increase, it was not judged proper positively to direct it. But he was authorised to call for two more companies; one from Pensacola and one from Mobile, if he thought them necessary ; and orders were issued to the commanding officers of those companies to hold themselves in readiness for an immediate movement. " On the 21st of October, a letter was received from General Clinch, dated on the 9th of that month, • in which he suggested the propriety of being au- thorised to call into service 150 mounted volunteers, to aid in the removal of the Indians, and to suppress any difficulties which might occur.' (See the report of the adjutant-general of February 9, 183G.) This report thus states the result : " • But as this force was required to aid in the re- moval, and to prevent difficulties which were anti- cipated, and not to repel hostilities which had com- menced, or which were then impending. General Clinch Was informed in answer, on the 22d of Octo- 11 123 LIFE OF ber, that there was no appropriation authorising the measure, and that the President, under existing cir- cumstances, did not consider that the case came under the constitutional power to call into service additional force for the defence of the country.' " This was the view of the President respecting his own powers. I am neither responsible for it, nor called upon to defend it. I imagine, however, that every dispassionate man who looks at the facts as they were then known at the seat of government, and at the constitutional powers of the President, will fully approve his decision. " The report of the adjutant-general continues : " * But he, (Gen. Clinch,) was authorised to order two more companies, viz. : those at forts Wood and Pike to join, which, with the two companies placed at his disposal on the 15th of October, made four companies of regular troops, in lieu of the mounted men. On the 30th of the same month, orders were given by the navy department to Commodore Dallas, to direct one of the vessels of the squadron to co- operate with General Clinch in his endeavour to effect the removal of the Seminoles. "*In a letter received on the 31st of October, General Clinch requested that three companies of regular troops might be added to his command. He was apprised, however, by previous orders, that four had already been placed at his disposal.' « General Clinch has complained that these troops ought to have been sent from the north, rather than from the points whence they were ordered. This was a question for the proper military officers of the department at Washington to decide, having re- ference to the wants of the service and Ihe position -of the troops. The subject was referred to them, and the selection was made of the companies enu- merated. One leading reason is obvious. There :was still ground to hope that coercive measures inight not be necessary. It was, therefore, thought GENERAL CABS. 123 better to place these additional troops under the or- ders of General Clinch, at the nearest points to Flo- rida, where they could remain, if not wanted, or whence he could speedily draw them, when neces- sary, than to order them positively into the country from a great distance. As to the delay in their ar- rival, I neither know any thing of the cause nor feel the slightest responsibility. There was a fault or a misfortune somewhere, not in giving the necessary directions, but in their subsequent execution. It is not necessary, for my purpose, to inquire where it was. Most assuredly, had proper diligence been used, the companies from Pensacola, Mobile, Lake Ponchartrain, and Key West, could have reached Tampa Bay, before the periods of their actual ar- rival, as shown in the report of the adjutant-general, to wit, the 27th of November, and the 12th, 25th, 28th, and 31st of December. And it appears con- clusively that this delay did not originate in the want of time; for the Key West company, which might have been called into Florida nine months before, did not reach there till the 21st of December, nearly a month after the Pensacola company, which was only placed at Generul Clinch's disposal on the 15th of October. " The last measures directed by the government, before the commencement of actual hostilities, are stated in the same report. ** * In his communication from St. Augustine, dated the 29th of November, received on the 9th of De- cember, General Clinch reported that, should he find it necessary for the protection of the frontier settle- ments, he would assume the responsibility of calling out at least 100 mounted men, believing that the measure would be sanctioned by the President and Secretary of War. This approbation was commu- nicated to him on the same day; and, in addition to it, a letter was addressed to the governor of Florida, requesting him to place at the disposal of General 124 LIFE OF Clinch any militia force which that officer miglit re- quire. Of this, General Clinch was infornnea. He was also informed that, at the request of General Hernandez, orders would be given, through the ord- nance department, to issue 500 muskets, and the necessary accoutrements^ to the militia.' " Here terminated all the demands of General Clinch for troops, prior to the commencement of hos- tilities; with this exception, however, that, on the 9th of December, he suggested the expediency of substituting four companies from the north instead of the four ordered from the south, as the latter might not reach the country. But, at the moment when the letter was written, one of these companies had already been two weeks at Tampa Bay, and all of them were there before the letter reached the war department. So that the suggestion was evidently impracticable. " Now let us slightly review this matter. I pass over the first period in order not to encumber the subject, and because an arrangement was made which for some time seemed to promise permanent tranquillity. " General Clinch had eight companies with him, and one more within his reach ; and these, as has been shown, he deemed sufficient. His next demand was for three more companies, and this was suc- ceeded and met by giving him four. He asked for 150 mounted men, but the President did not feel au- thorised, in the then state of affairs, to call for them. He then subsequently stated he should ask the go- vernor of Florida for 100 men, if he should find it necessary for the protection of the frontiers. The President, believing that circumstances were then sufficiently menacing to justify this measure, gave his sanction to it ; and, in addition, without any de- mand from General Clinch, he placed the whole mi- litia of the territory, through the governor, at his disposal. " Now, as a matter of fact> General Clinch had a GENERAL CASS. 125 far greater force under his command than he ever required. I do not mean that he had collected them together ; with that I have no concern. I have only to show that proper measures for that purpose were taken by the war department. And 1 have shown that these measures ought to have given to General Clinch the full complement of regular troops he askf^d for. In addition to which he embodied 500 militia; and that force was with him, as stated by the adjutant-general, at the battle of the Wythla- coochee, on the 31st of December, 1835. Why it was not in the engagement has never been satisfac- torily explained. I believe General Clinch's personal conduct on that day was beyond all reproach, and never was the honour of the American arms more nobly supported, than by the regular troops. But this most favourable opportunity of terminating the war, by striking a decisive stroke, was lost. The combat was sustained by about 200 regular troops, aided, it is said, by twenty-five or thirty militia* And why was not the whole force in action ? A narrow stream like the Wythlacoochee ought not to have prevented American riflemen from crossing upon logs — upon rafts — by swimming their horses — to take part in the struggle, unequally but gallantly maintained by their countrymen within full sight. More especially as there could be no danger from the enemy in crossing, the regular troops covering the banks of the river. If I recollect correctly, the regulars crossed early, and it was some time after they had effected their passage before the action commenced ; the duration of the action I have not the means of ascertaining. The enemy was repulsed by 200 men. Who can doubt but that there was force enough, had it been properly directed and em- ployed, to terminate the war at once '? If these 500 spectators had been brought into action, and the enemy' broken and pursued by the horsemen, the 126 LIFE OF victory might have been as decisive as any of those gained under happier auspices in the same section of the union. If these troops were prevented by in- surmountable obstacles from participating in the contest. General Clinch owed to them a full develop- ment of the circumstances. If they were prevented by any less justifiable cause, General Clinch owed to him&df, to the regular tnrops, to justice, and to his country, a plain and unequivocal disclosure of the truth, bear where it might. " So much for the year 1835. But General Clinch extends his charge against the war department to the year 1836, and continues his accusation of neglect, asserting that a competent force and competent sup- plies were not provided 'early' in that year. " I suppose it will be conceded that the 8th of January may be fairly said to be * early' in 1836. Well, then, on the 8th of January, authority was given to General Clinch to call for any amount of force he might require, from the states of South Carolina, Georgia, and Alabama ; and this measure was taken upon the responsibility of the department, and without any application from that officer, and the necessary requests were transmitted to the ex- ecutives of these states. And on the 10th and 13th of the same month, upon the suggestion of the war department, orders were given for the employment of three revenue cutters, and for the co-operation of Commodore Dallas's squadron. "I suppose the 17th of January was * early' in the year 1836. Well, then, upon the 17th of Janu- ary, fearing, from the intelligence, which every day became worse, that the communication with Gene- ral Clinch might be intercepted, and he thus pre- vented from executing the orders of the govern- ment. General Eustis, then at Charleston, was directed to proceed to Florida, and to take all ne- cessary measures to keep open the communication QEJtEtLAL CASS. 127 with General Clinch, and to report to him for fur- ther instructions. General Eustis was directed to take with him the garrisons at Charleston and Sa- vannah, and such a portion of the South Carolina militia as he might deem necessary. And the go- vernor of that state was requested to supply him with the force. ** I suppose again, that the 21st of January, 1836» was 'early* in that year. Well, then, on the pre- vious day, the first intimation reached the depart- ment of the unquiet disposition of the Creeks, and of the probability of their joining the Seminoles. It instantly became apparent that much more ex- tensive operations might become necessary than had been contemplated. It was immediately de- termined to adapt the measures to be taken to this new state of things, and General Scott, with ample powers, was, on the 21st, ordered to take the com- mand in that quarter. It is enough to repeat, that he had unlimited means placed at his diposal. - " I confine myself to the measures taken for the employment of the proper force. This is all for which I feel the slightest responsibility. When a force is directed to any point, the proper military bureaus of the war department make arrangements with or without the conjunction of the officer com- manding, for all the materiel which can be required. And that officer has, besides, the right to make his requisitions, and, if necessary, to make purchases for every thing he needs. These are details into which no head of the war department can have time to enter, and it is precisely for their execution that the military bureaus are instituted. The adjutant- general states in the report before mentioned: *I have not considered it necessary to detail in this re- port the orders given by the various military bureaus of the war department, to provide the necessary means such as transportation, ordnance and ord- 128 LIFE OF nance stores, and provisions for the operations in Florida. All the measures in relation to these sub- jects, which appeared to be necessary, were daily taken/ " I do not recollect ever to have heard it inti- mated that General Clinch's operations were crip- pled for the want of any supplies for the force placed at his disposal by the government. Cer- tainly, if such had been the case, he ought to have represented it, that the proper inquiries might have been instituted, and an adequate remedy applied. Without the adjutant-general's report, it might have been taken for granted, from the absence of all complaint by General Clinch, that there was no failure in the measures of the military bureaus at Washington to proportion his supplies to his force; but the report of that faithful and accurate officer sets the subject at rest. " I feel I violate no confidence in saying, that there was not a report received of the operations in Florida, from the Hrst apprehension of difficulties, which was not submitted to the President ; nor a measure of any importance taken, which was not approved by him. It is well known, that from the practice and organization of our government, the heads of departments are in daily communica- tion with the President, and that all questions of much interest are discussed with him; and to those who know the habits of rigid scrutiny which Gene- ral Jackson carried with him into public life, I need not say, that no question could be presented to him which he did not carefully and fully consider. In the examination of papers, he was remarkable for the most patient attention ; and I will say for him now, in his day of retirement, what I would not have thus publicly said of him in the day of his power, that never have I known a man who brought to every subject quicker power of perception, nor a more intuitive sagacity. 0£NERAI« CASS. 129 " I do not resort to this authority to shield my- self from responsibility under the constitutional pre- rogative of the president. I feel and acknowledge my own responsibility to the fullest extent, and am Crepared to meet it. The measures directed by me ecame my measures, whether approved or not by the president; but I confess, that the opinion of Andrew Jackson upon these subjects is interesting to me. I need not advert to the reasons which give peculiar value to his views concerning the opera- tions in Florida ; to his intimate knowledge of the country and of the Indians, acquired during years of service there, in a military and civil capacity ; and to those personal claims to consideration, which will be as undying as the history of our country. " With these reflections and statements, I leave the charge of General Clinch to the judgment of the American people. If they think that the incapacity, or misfortunes, or dissensionsof military commanders are to be visited upon my head, I have only to sub- mit, with as much resignation as may be. But I hope better things from the impartiality of my coun- trymen. I have received, during a public life of more than thirty years, many favours I neither ex- pected nor merited. I am encouraged to hope that when I ask only rigid justice. I shall not be found a vain suppliant. « LEWIS CASS. •* Parii, March 6, 1837." > i To this letter General Clinch replied, and the whole Florida campaigns were again fought on paper, and enough was elicited to prove satisfac- torily the prudence of the secretary. When the Florida war was ultimately terminated by General Worth, it was by operations in accordance with the suegestions of Mr. Cass. This is the place to refer to a very remarkable let- ter of General Jaekson to Mr» Cass, in. which, though 130 LIFB OF vvritten some months after, he refers to the circum- stances described above, and shows how high an es- timate was placed upon Mr. Cass's labours by the venerable ex-president. Hermitage, July, 1843. My dear Sir : — I have the pleasure to acknow- ledge your very friendly letter of the 25th of May last. It reached me in due course of mail ; but such were my debility and afflictions, that I have been prevented from replying to it until now ; and even now it is with great difficulty that I write. In re- turn for your kind expressions with regard to my- self, I have to remark, that I shall ever recollect, my dear general, with great satisfaction, the relations, both private and official, which subsisted between us, during the greater part of my administration. Having full conndence in your abilities and repub- lican principles, I invited you to my cabinet; and I can never forget with what discretion and talents you met those great and delicate questions which were brought before you whilst you presided over the department of war, which entitled you to my thanks, and will be ever recollected with the most lively feelings of friendship by me. But what has endeared you to every true Ame- rican, was the noble stand which you took, as our minister at Paris, against the quintuple treaty, and which, by your talents, energy, and fearless respon- sibility, defeated its ratification by France — a treaty intended by Great Britain to change our interna- tional laws, make her mistress of the seas, and. de- stroy the national independence, not only of our country, but of all Europe, and enable her to be- come the tyrant on every ocean. Had Great Britain obtained the sanction of France to this treaty, {with the late disgraceful treaty of Washington — so dis- reputable to our national character and injurious to our national safety,) then, indeed, we might have GEN BRA L CASS. 131 hung our harps upon the willows, and resigned our national indepenaence to Great Britain. Hut, 1 re- peat, to your talents, energy, and fearless responsi- oility, we aire indebted for the shield thrown over us from the impending danser which the ratification of the quintuple treaty by France would have brought upon us. For this act, the thanks of every true American, and the applause of every true re- publican, are yours ; and for this noble act I tender you my thanks. I admired the course of Dr. Linn in the Senate, in urging his Oregon bill ; and I hope his energy will carry it into a law at the next session of Congress. This will speak to England a language which she will understand — that we imll not submit to be nego- tiated out of our territorial rights hereafter. Receive assurances of my friendship and esteem. ANDREW JACKSON. To the Hon. Lewis Cass. Than this, no compliment can be more distinct and emphatic, or more valuable. eaty ma- de- our be- tain with dis- s to liave 132 LI FB OF i'.* / ,• V CHAPTER VII. Mr. Cass in the United States — Visit to General Jackson — Let- ters — Course in the Senate — Nomination by the Baltimore Convention — Correspondence, &c. In December 1842, General Cass returned to the United States, and it may safely be said, he was received with the warmest tokens of admiration and respect, by citizens of every phase of political opi- nion. The stand he had occupied in regard to the quintuple treaty evoked tiie popular enthusiasm, and everywhere he was looked upon as the cham- pion of a free ocean. On his arrival at New York he was catechized in relation to his political opi- nions. To these questions he replied briefly and succinctly, and avowed his unshaken attachment to the great principles of the Democratic party. No one could with more propriety do so, for he had, during a longer period, perhaps, than any other mem- ber of General Jackson's cabinet, except Mr. Van Buren, been linked with him in social and political intercourse. On his route to the west he was every where met with popular demonstrations, and at Har- risburg and Columbus, respectively, was met by the governors of the respective states, who escorted him m pomp and pride to the capitals. His greatest tri- umph, however, was at Detroit, the city which he had conducted from almost infancy, to prosperity and success. The governor, the municipal author- ities, and the people, came to meet him and welcome him home. On the 8th of January, the anniversary of the most brilliant victory achieved in the United States since the revolution, a committee of the Demo- GENERAL CASS. 133 cratic Convention of Indiana, inldressed him in re- lation to political artliirs. To these gentlemen he made a full exposition of his ideas, declaring his opposition to a natir>nal bank, unfolding the pecu- liar character and the injurious tendency of such an institution. Iln expressed himself as an enemy to the plan of distributing the proceeds of the public lands among the states, and the scheme of a protec- tive taritr, declaring " that the revenue should be kept at the lowest points conipatible with the per- formance of constitutional functions." The question of the propriety of the veto was then a subject of great discussion, and Mr. Cass expressed himself as decidedly opposed to any alteration of the constitu- tion : he also declared that he would not be a can- didate for the Presidency, unless nominated by a full convention of the Democratic party. On the 4th of July, 1843, General Cass delivered an oration at Fort Wayne, Ind., on the completion of the great canal connecting the lakes with the Ohio, through the Wabash River. In this oration he thus eloquently contrasted the prospects and future history of the United States, with those of the many foreign lands through which he had travelled : " I have stood upon the plain of Marathon, the battle-field of liberty. It is silent and desolate. Neither Greek nor Persian is there to give life and animation to the scene. It is bounded by sterile hills on one side, and lashed by the eternal waves of t'le Ecean sea on the other. But Greek and Persian were once there, and that decayed spot was alive with hostile armies, who fought the geat fight which rescued Greece from the yoke of Persia. And I have stood upon the hill of Zion, the city of Jerusa- lem, the scene of our Redeemer's sufferiiigs, and cj'ucifixion and ascension. But the sceptre has de- parted from Judah, and its glory from the capital of Solomon. The Assyrian, the Egyptian, the Greek, 13 134 LIFE OF the Roman, the Arab, the Turk, and the Crusaders, hnvo passed over this chief place of Israel ;.iid have bereft it of its power and beauty. In those regions of the East where society passed its infancy, it seems to have reached decrepitude. If the associa- tions whicli the memory of their past ^lory excites, arc powerful, they are melancholy. They are with- out gratification for the present, and without hope for the future. But here we are in the freshness of youth, and can look forward with rational confidence to ages of progress in all that gives power and pride to man, and dignity to human nature. It is better to look forward to prosperity than back to glory." During the summer of 1843, General Cass received the letter from General Jackson which has already been referred to and printed. During that year, General Cass remained at his home attending to his business, which, from many years' absence, required his particular care; but in the spring of 1844, in answer to many questions, he wrote a letter on the subject of Texas, in which he avowed himself plainly and distinctly in favour of the annexation to the CJnited States of the sister republic. In May of that year, the regular democratic convention at Baltimore met, and, on the first ballot, Mr. Cass received eighty-three votes, which gradually in- creased, until, on the seventh, one hundred and twenty-three were cast for him. There is now very little doubt, but that on another vote he would have lu;en selected as the candidate. The convention, however, adjourned, and all parties yielding to the principle of expediency, selected the present incum- bent, who, after two ballotings, was declared to have been selected by the convention as the candi- date of the democratic party. An ordinary man so nearly on the point of suq,- cess, would have felt mortified and wounded. So did not, however, General Cass, who, on the very GENERAL CASS. 135 1 the ainly ) the ly of at Cass in- and sue- So day o^' the reception of the news of tlic nomination at Detroit, in an eloquent address at a popular as- sembly, gave his warmest assent to the nomination, and avowed his intention to support it, and do all in his power to secure its success. He consequently accepted the invitation of llie great convention at Nashville, Tennessee, in August of that year, and, by that immense body, he was received with the most lavish respect. His address to that conven- tion has been spoken of as a masterpiece of elo- quence and statesmanf>hip, worthy of him who had foiled, in the quintuple negotiation, by honest talent and nerve, the efforts of the combined diplomatic chicanery of Europe. The applause by which it was welcomed, and the unanimous' assent to its teachings, was the best proof of its merit. From Nashville, General Cass proceeded to the residence of Gpneral Jackson, with whom he passed much time. He may almost be said to have received the last political adieu and teachings of the veteran who had defeated the Indian and Ei Itish enemies of the nation, and been recognized as the restorer of the great and true principles of the theory of the government of the country. General Cass, on his return, made a tour through Ohio, Indiana, and Michigan, and everywhere was most enthusiastically received. Everywhere he was acknowledged as the fosterer of the civilization of the west, and representative of its dignity and greatness. His tour has thus eloquently been de- scribt'd — " But a great change had been effected since first he came among them. The lofty forests which he then traversed were now fruitful fields; the lonely cabins which he protected from the firebrand of the savage were transformed into populous cities; the Indian war-path was converted into the railroad; the harbors upon the lakes and rivers which he first Burveved were now the seats of commerce aud of 136 LIFE OF wealth ; and th*^ scattered population which he governed were now a great people. The crowds which attended his progress through those States seemed rather the triumphal procession of a con- queror, than the peaceful attendants of a private citizen." The election of 1844 is now a matter of history. The majority of every western state except one, and that was Kentucky, the home of the great an- tagonist of the democratic party, was given for Mr. Polk. Even Kentucky had but a small majority in favour of the whig candidate. No small degree of this success is to be attributed to Mr. Cass, who tii/ew all his personal popularity into the scale of the 'success of his rival before the nominating com- mittee. During the winter of 1844-45, Mr. Cass was elected to the senate of the United .States, by the people of that unit of the confederacy which he might almost be said to have created. On the 4th of March, 1845, his credentials were presented, and he took his seat. On the first formation of the com- mittees of the Senate, General Cass was nominated unanimously to the high position of chairman of the committee on military affairs, due to him from his high reputation as a soldier, which had been ac- quired in the field, and not in mere holiday service. This position he declined, nor did he occupy it until it had been for the third time offered him, on the coiumencement of the present session of congress. During December, 1845, Mr. Cass, as a member of the military committee, introduced a series of resolutions into the senate, with reference to the na- tional defence, especially in connection with the diffi- culties with Great Britain in relation to Oregon. The following extract demonstrates that the old leaven which took him twice to the frontier, and prompted him to share in the perils of the battle of ihe Thames, had not lost its force. lie was in favour GENERAL CASS. 137 of maintaining our rights to their utmost point, and though both parties united in abandoning the pre- tensions of the nation, the people will remember Mr. Cass as one of those who sought to maintain them to the latest hour. Men who make a study of poli- ties, often differ from those who examme natiorjal affairs, only amidst the leisure and miermissioris of their ordinary pursuits, and a large portion of llu people disapproved of the extinguishment of a iitile of the nation's pretensions. Be this however as it may, it is now undeniable, that 54^ 40' men who talked of" manifest destiny" and expulsion of Euro- pean influence, were found in each of the great parties. It was during the month of March, that Mr. ("ass delivered his great speech on the Oregon question. One of the largest audiences collected during the winter, and a full senate awaited the expression of the opinions of one, who from long residence abroad and patient study, was admirably calculated to en- lighten the people on this most knotty and difficult question. The following paragraphs have been se- lected as admirably expressing the tone and tenor of his remarks. " It pains me, sir, to hear allusions to the destruc- tion of this government, and to the dissolution of this confederacy. It pains me, not because they in- spire me with any fear, but because we ought to have one unpronounceable word, as the Jews had of ol i, 'ioi\ that word is dissolution. We should re- jv ♦ l"e feeling from our hearts and its name from •u ; ;n ues. This cry of " Wo, ivo, to Jerusalem,'* grate i harshly upon my ears. Our Jerusalem is neither beleagured nor in danger. It is yet the city upon a hill ; glorious in what it is, still more glorious, by the blessing of God, in what it is to be — a land- mark, inviting the nations of the world, struggling upon the stormy ocean of political oppression, to fol- low us to a haven of safety and of rational liberty. 13* 138 LIFE O^ No English Titus will enter our temple of freedom throujf^h a breiich in tlie battlements to bear thence the ark of our (constitution and the book of our law, to take their stations in a triumphal procession in the streets of modern Rome, as trophies of conquest and proofs of submission. " Many a raven has croaked in my day, but the augury has failed, and the republic has marched on- ward. Many a crisis has presented itself to the im- agination of our political Cassandras, but we have still increased in political prosperity as we have in- creased in years, and that, too, with an accelerated progress unknown to the history of the world. We have a class of men whose eyes are always upon the future, overi( ' ;. the blessings around us, and for- ever apprehens; jf some great political evil, which is to arrest our course, somewhere or other on this side of the millennium. To them we are the image of gold, and silver, and brass, and clay, contrariety in unity, which the first rude blow of misfortune is to strike from its pedestal. ** For my own part, I consider this the strongest government on the face of the earth for good, and the weakest for evil. Strong, because supported by the public opinion of a people inferior to none of the communities of the earth in all that constitutes mo- ral worth and useful knowledge, and who have breathed into their political system the breath of life; and who would destroy it, as they created it, if it were unworthy of them, or failed to fulfil their just xpectations. " And weak for evil, from this very consideration, which would make its follies and its faults the signal of its overthrow. It is the only government in ex- istence which no revolution can subvert. It may be changed, but it provides for its own change, when the public will requires. Plots and insurrec- tions, and the various struggles, by which an op- pressed population manifests its sufferings and seeks GENERAL CASS. 139 the recovery of its rights, have no place here. We have nothing to fear but ourselves." The conduct of Mr. Cass in this perilous crisis was appreciated by the people. The skilful man who had studied the tone of European governments, and the pt pie who always have an intuitive know- ledge of their own rights and interests, had come to the sr.me conclusion. Both the one and the other had learned that a people lose nothing by insisting on their rights, and gain nothing by withdrawing from their just pretensions. The history of General Cass now draws towards a close, and it is here necessary to state, that he sustained, with unflinching energy, the propriety of hostilities with Mexico, and advocated the adoption of the most rigorous measures to bring the neigh- bouring republic to a knowledge of what was due to the world and to the United States. Here, too, the people coincided with him, and even the great champion of the opposition at one time wished ** that he too might kill a Mexican." All know the tenor of the three million bill, the object of which was to place at the disposal of the president the sum of three millions of dollars, to enable him to conclude a peace with the Mexican government. The propriety of this bill was unde- niable, so that no one pretended *o assail it. A Si^nator, however, from that section of the United SfatcH, which has been generally under the control of a party which has always opposed the vindica- tion o{ national rights, introduced into the senate as an amnndnient to the bill, what has been known as the VVilmot Proviso; a movement which originated in the house of representatives on a resolution of Mr. Wilmot,a member of Congress, from one of the most obscure districts of Pennsylvania, and pro- vided that no territory obtained by conquest or otherwise from Mexico, should be annexed to the United States, except with the understanding that 140 LIFE OF slavery was to be abolished and prohibited. On this occasion, General Cass, also, delivered a most eloquent and emphatic speech, and voted against the amendment. During this congress also, the tariff of 184G, and the independent treasury, became subjects of debate. On these occasions, General Cass rendered to the Democratic party services certainly not inferior to those of the persons who declared themselves the peculiar vindicators of these doctrines. As a token of admiration of his services on this occasion, Gene- ral Cass on the expiration of Congress, was invited to partake of a public entertainment at Albany, by the Democratic members of both houses of the legis- lature of New York. The honour, however, was declined. . Amid all his political engagements, he had found time to prepare an address, which he delivered before the literary societies of Dartmouth College, New Hampshire, his native state, at the annual com- mencement of that institution. The societies after- wards prepared an elegant gold-headed cane, with appropriate devices, which was presented to him in Washington, on the 4th of March, 1848. On the meeting of the present congress, the atti- tude Mr. Benton, the previous chairman of the com- mittee of niilitary affairs, had chosen to assume a^rainst more than one of the most distinguished officers of the army, having rendered it manifestly improper that he should continue longer at its head, Mr. Cass was selected as its chairman. The best summary of his opinions on the great questions of war and annexation, is contained in the following reply to an address of Mr. Mangum, delivered early m the session. .... v* "Now, with respect to the progress of the war, it is said that General Scott is going on from town to town, and from city to city, conquering all before him. I am very glad to hear it. I hope that the GENERAL CASS. 141 commanding general will continue to go on in this way. If he does so, I have no doubt he will con- quer Mexican obstinacy, and thus conquer a peace. I have already expressed my opinions with regard to the war in Mexico, and have nothing to say on the subject now, except to tell the Senator from North Carolina, what I had the honour to say to the Senator from South Carolina, that the adoption of any resolutions in this Senate with regard to any danger — if danger there be — in the progress of this war, would be but as the idle wind. You might as well stand by the cataract of Niagara, and say to its waters " flow not," as to the American people ** an- nex not territory," if they choose to annex it. It is the refusal of the Mexican people to do us justice that prolongs this war. It is that which operates on the public mind, and leads the Senator from North Carol ir.ci to apprehend a state of things which he fears, but which, for myself, I do not anticipate. Let me say, Mr. President, that it takes a great deal to kill this country. We have had an alarming crisis almost every year as long as I can recollect. I came on the public stage as a spectator before Mr. Jefferson was elected. That was a crisis. Then came the embargo crisis — the crisis of the non-inter- course—of the war — of the bank — of the tariff — of the removal of the deposites — and a score of others. But we have outlived them all, and advanced in all the elements of power and prosperity with a rapidity eretofore unknown in the history of nations. If we should swallow Mexico to-morrow, I do not be- lieve it would kill us. The Senator from North Carolina and myself may not live to see it, but I am by no means satisfied that the day will not come m which the whole of the vast country around us will form one of the most magnificent empires that the world has yet seen — glorious in its prosperity, and still more glorious in the establishment and perpetu- 142 LIFE OF ation of the principles of free government and the blessings which they bring with them." In answer to a letter from Mr. Nicholson, in De- cember 1847, General Cass pubiislifed an address, in which he expressed himself opposed to the Wilmot Proviso, because he thought all legislation in relation to and restrictions upon territories ill-advised. He declared, that he thought all domestic institutions should be left under their own control, and proclaimed ^ , explicitly that he thought congress was as utterly disqualiAed from legislation in relation to slavery, as to define the relative duties of husband and wife, and the obligation of landlord and tenant. He con- cluded with the following passage — " The * Wilmot Proviso' seeks to take from its legitimate tribunal a question of domestic policy, having no relation to the Union, as such, and to transfer it to another, created by the people for a special purpose, and foreign to the subject matter involved in the issue. By going buck to our true principles, we go back to the road of peace and safety. Leave to the people, who will be affected by tliis question, to adjust it upon their own respon- sibility and in their own manner, and we shall ren- der another tribute to the original principles of our government, and furnish another guaranty for its permanence and prosperity." The foregoing pages have recounted briefly the services of General Cass. He had become one of the popular favourites, and been nominated as Pre- sident by the state conventions of Ohio and Michi- gan, and he had been highly complimented by that of Pennsylvania, held 4th March, 1848, at Harris- burg. With this prestige, he was nominated as the candidate of the democratic party of the United States, by the convention at Baltimore, of May 28, 1848, and, after several ballotings, received the unanimous vote. His antagonists were Mr. Dallas and Mr. Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, illustrious in GENERAL CASS. 143 the political history of the nation, and disliiiguished in the annals of the democratic party, and others, who from minor and personal grounds had been sug- gested by their friends as candidates for the high dignity of chief magistrate of the nation. On these events, c( mnient is now gratuitous. A thinking people wi''. reflect on the events of Mr. Cass's long career, and, whether he receive their suffrage or not, no one will be more earnest in wishes for their success and prosperity. The following correspondence on the subject of the nomination of Mr. Cass will explain his pro- mises to the American people, and the history of his past career proves that he will fulfil them — Baltimore, iMny 23, WiP.. Dear Sir : — You are doubtless apprised of the fact that a National Convention of republican delegates from the various portions of the Union, assembled in this city on the 22d inst., for the purpose of se- lecting candidates for the two highest executive offices of the United States. We are gratified in having it in our power to inform you that the con- vention, with great unanimity, agreed to present your name to the country for the office of President, and requested us to communicate to you this nomi- nation, and solicit your acceptance. In performing this duty, which we do with great pleai-ure, it is proper that the resolutions adopted by the conven- tion, and containing the principles upon which they believe the government ought to be administered, should be laid before you. These const imto a plat- form broad enough for all true democrats to stand upon, and narrow enoujxh to exelude all those who may be opposed to the great principles of the demo- cratic party. That these principles will m?et with your cordial assent and support, and be Illustrated in your administration, if called to this high office by your country, we do not for a moment doubt; 144 I, I P C OP but feci ai5Siired, tijat while you exercise forbear- ance witli finmiess, you will not fail to exert your faculties to maintain the principles and just com- promises of the constitution, in a spirit of modera- tion and brotherly love, so vitally essential to the perpetuity of the Union, and the prosperity and happiness of our common country. We offer you our sincere congratulations upon this distinguished mark of the public confidence, and arc, with senti- ments of high esteem and regard, dear sir. Your friends and obedient servants, A. STEVENSON, Pres*t. of the National Convention. Robt. P. Dunlap, Me. ; J. H. Steele, N. H. ; Ches- ter W. Chapin, Mass. ; Ira Davis, Vt. ; B. B. Thurs- ton, R. I. : Isaac Toucy, Conn.; G. D. Wall, N. J.; J. G. Jones, Penn. ; A. 11. Ramsey, Ark. ; G. M. Bowers, Mo. ; C. J. McDonald, Ga. ; J. A. Winston, Ala.; J. C. McCehee, Fa. : Powhatan Ellis, Miss.; R. W. English, 111.; C. G. English, Ta. ; J. Larwell, Ohio; Thos. J. Rusk, Texas; AustinE. Whig, Mich.; Solo. W. Downs, La.; Thos. Martin, Tenn. ; L. Saunders, Ky. ; James Clarke, Iowa; S. B. Davis, Del.; B. C. Howard, Md. ; Ed. P. Scott, Va.; W. N. Edwards, N. C. ; J. M. Commander, S. C. To Gen. Lewis Cass, Washington City. Washington, May 30, 1848. Gentlemen : — I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 28th instant, an- nouncing to me that I have been nominated by the Convention of the Democratic party, its candidate for the office of President of the United States, at the approaching election. While I accept, with deep gratitude, this distin- guished honour — and distinguished indeed it is — I do so with a fearful apprehension of the responsi- bility it may eventually bring with it, and with a G ENER A L CASS. 145 profound conviction that it is the kind confidence of my fellow citizens, far more than any merit of my own, which has placed me thus prominently before the American people. And fortunate shall I be, if this confidence should find, in the events of the fu- ture, a better justification than is furnished by thoso of the past. I have carefully read the resolutions of the Demo- cratic National Convention, laying down the plat- form of our political faith, and ! adhere to them as firmly, as I approve them cordially. And while thus adhering to them, I shall do so with a sacred regard to "the principles and compromises of the constitution," and with an earnest desire for their maintenance " in a spirit of moderation and bro- therly love, so vitally essential to the perpetuity of the Union, and the prosperity and happiness of our common country;" — a feeling which has made us what we are, and which, in humble reliance jpon Providence, we may hope is but the beginning of what we are to be. If called upon hereafter to ren- der an account of my stewardship, in the great tri'st you desire to commit to me, should I be able to show that I had truly redeemed the pledge thus pub- licly given, and had adhered to the principles of the democratic party with as mucli fidelity and success as have generally marked the administration of the eminent men to whom that party i)as hitherto con- fided the chief executive authority of tlie govern- ment, I could prefer no higher claim to the favour- able consideration of the country, nor to the impar- tial commendation of history. This letter, gentlemen, closes my profession of political faith. Receiving my first apjuiintment from tiiat pure patriot and great expounder of Ame- rican democracy, Mr. Jefferson, more than forty years ago, the intervening period of my life has been almost wholly passed in the service of my 13 140 LIFl:: OF country, and has been marked by many vicissitudes, and attended with many trying circumstunces, both in peace and war. If my conduct in these situa- tions, and tiie opinions I have been called upon to form and express, from time to time, in relation to all the ^reat party topics of the day, do not furnish a clear exposition of my views respecting them, and at the same time a sufHcicnt pledge of my faith- ful adherence to their practical application, when- ever and wherever I may be required to act, any- thing further I might now say, would be mere delu- sion, unworthy of myself, and justly offensive to the great party in whose name you are now acting. My immediate predecessor in the nomination by the democratic party, who has since established so many claims to the regard and confidence of his country, when announcing, four years ago, his ac- ceptance of a similar honour, announced also his determination not to be a candidate for re-election. Coinciding with him in his views, so well expressed, and so faithfully carried out, I beg leave to say, that no circumstances that can possibly arise, would induce me again to permit my name to be brought forward in connexion with the Chief Magistracy of our country. My inclination and my sense of duty equally dictate this course. No party, gentlemen, had ever higher motives for exertion, than has the great Democratic party of the United States. With an abiding confidence in the rectitude of our principles, with an unshaken reliance upon the energy and wisdom of public opinion, and with the success which has crowned the administration of the government, when com- mitted to its keeping, (and it has been so committed during more than three-fourths of its existence,) what has been done, is at once the reward of pnst exertion and the motive of future, and, at the same time, a guarantee of the accomplishment of what GKNERAL CA!IS. 147 we have to do. We cannot conceal from ourselves that there is a powerful party in the country, dif- fering from us in regard to many fundamental prin- ciples of our covernment, and opposi-d to us in their practical application, which will strive as zealously as we shall, to secure the ascendancy of their prin- ciples, by securing the election of their candidate in the coming contest. That party is composed of our fellow-citizens, as deeply interested in the prosper- ity of our common country as we can be, and seek- ing as earnestly as we are to promote and perpetu- ate it. We shall soon present to the world the sublime spectacle of the election of a Chief Magistrate by twenty millions of people, without a single serious resistance to the laws, or the sacrifice of the life of one human being — and this, too, in the absence of all force but the moral force of our institutions ; and if we should add to all this, an example of nutuol respect for the motives of the contending parties, so that the contest might be carried on with that firmness and energy which accompany deep con- viction, and with as little personal asperity as poli- tical divisions permit, we should do more for the great cause of human freedom throughout the world, than by any other tribute we could render to its value. We have a government founded by the will of all, responsible to the power of all, and adminis- tered for the good of all. The very first article in the Democratic creed teaches that the people are competent to govern themselves ; it is, indeed, rather an axiom than an article of political faith. From the days of General Hamilton to our days, the party opposed to us — of whose principles he was the great exponent, if not the founder — while it has changed its name, has preserved essentially its identity of character ; and the doubt he enter- us LIFE OF tained and taught of the capacity of man for self- government, has exerted a marked influence upon its action and opinions. Here is the very starting- point of the dirterence between the two great par- tics wliich divide our country. AH other differ- ences are but subordinate and auxiliary to this, and may, in fact, be resolved into it. I>ooking with doubt upon the issue of self-government, one party is prone to think the public authority should be strengthened, and to fear any change, lest that change might weaken the necessary force of the government ; while the other, strong in its convic- tions of the intelligence and virtue of the people, believes that original power is safer than delegalod, and that the solution of the great problem of good government consists in governing with the least force, and leaving individual action a.-, free from restraint as is compat ble with the preservation of the social system, thertby securing to each all the freedom which is not essential to the well-being of the whole. As a party, we ought not ^^o mistake the signs of the times; but should bear it> mind, that this is an age of progress — of advancement in all the elements of intellectual power, and in the opinions of the world. The general government should assume no powers. It should exercise none which have not been clearly granted by the parties to the federal compact. We ought to construe the constitution strictly, according to the received and sound prin- ciples of the Jefferson school. But while rash ex- periments should be deprecated, if the government is stationary in its principles of action, and refuses to accommodate its measures, within its constitu- tional sphere — cautiously indeed, but wisely and cheerfully — to the advancing sentiments and neces- sities of the age, it will find its moral force impaired, and the public will determine to do what the public GENERAL CASS. 149 authority itself should readily do, when the indica- tions of popular sentiments are clear, and clearly expressed. With great respect, gentlemen, I have the honour to be your obedient servant, LEWIS CASS. Hon. A. Stevenson, President of the Democratic Convention, and Vice Presidents of the same. ' A few days after, Mr. Cass resigned his seat in the Senate, and after the lapse of a few days pro- ceeded homeward. At Baltimore, Philadelphia, New York, and everywhere, he was received most enthu- siastically by all of that portion of the people, the representatives of which had re<^ognized him as their candidate. A few months will determine whether he will occupy the Presidential chair ; at all events, he is wortiiy to do so. . The following \^ere the resolutions of the conven- tion of the Democratic party, and contain its creed. The career of the person it selected as a type is an assurance that they will be maintained. Resolved, That the American Democracy place their trust in the intelligence, the patriotism, and the discrimi- nating justice of the American people. Resolved, That we regard this as a distinctive feature of our political creed, which we are proud to maintain before the world, as the great moral element in a form of government, springing from and upheld by the popular will ; and we contrast it with the creed and practice of federalism, under whatever name or form, which seeks to palsy the will of the constituent, and which conceives no imposture too monstrous for the popular credulity. Resolved, therefore, That, entertaining these views, the Democratic party of this union, through thoir delegates assembled in a general convention of the States, coming together in a spirit of concord, of devotion to the doc- trines and faith of a free representative government, and appealing to their fellow citizens for the rectitude of their 1 {]>< 150 LIFE OF intentions, renew and re-assert, before tl>e American peo- ple, the declarations of principles avowed by them when, on a former occasion, in general convention, they pre- sented their candidates for the popular suffrages : 1. That the federal government is one of limited powers, derived solely from the constitution, and the grants of power shown therein ought to be strictly construed by all the departments and agents of the government ; and that it is inexpedient and dangerous to exercise doubtful constitutional powers. 2. That the constitution does not confer upon the gene- ral government the power to commence and carry on a general system of internal improvements. 3. That the constitution does not confer authority upon the federal government, directly or indirectly, to assume the debts of the several States, contracted for local inter- nal improvements, or other State purposes; nor would such assumption be just and expedient. 4. That justice and sound policy forbid the federal govern- njent to foster one branch of industry to the detriment of another, or to cherish the interests of one portion to the injury of another portion of our common counti-y ; that every citizen, and eveiy section of the country, has a right to demand and insist upon an equality of rights and privileges, and to complete and ample protection of per- sons and property Irom domestic violence or foreign ag- gression. 5. That it is the duty of every branch of the govern- ment to enforce and practise the most rigid economy in conducting our public affairs, and that no more revenue ought to be raised than is required to defray the neces- sary expenses of the government, and for the gradual but certain extinction of the debt created by the prosecu- tion of a just and necessary war, after peaceful relations shall have been restored. 6. That congress has no power to charter a national bank; that we believe such an institution one of deadly hostility to the best interests of the country, dangerous to our republican institutions and the liberties of the people, and calculated to place the business of the coun- try wifhin the control of a concentrated money power, and above the laws and the will of the people; and that the result of Democratic legislation, in this and all other financial measures upon which issues have been made between the two political parties of the country, have demonstrated to cimdld and practical men of all parties, their souiiilijo.s>:, .safety and utility in all business pursuits. GENERAL CASS. 151 eadly rerous of the coun- 3ower, 1 that other made have arties, rsuits. 7. That congress has no power under the constitution to interfere with or control the domestic institutions of tlie several States, and that such States are the sole and proper judges of everything appertaining to their own affairs, not prohibited by the constitution; tha' all efforts of the abolitionists or others, made to induce congress to interfere with the question of slavery, or to take incipient steps in relation thereto, are calculated to lead to the most alarming and dangerous consequen- ces ; and that all such efforts have an inevitable tendency to diminish the happiness of the people, and endanger the stability and permanency of the Union, and ought not to be countenanced by any friend of our political institu- tions. 8. That the separation of the moneys of the government from banking institutions is indispensable for the safety of the funds of the government and the rights of the people. 9. That the liberal principles embodied by Jefferson in the Declaration of Independence, and sanctioned in the constitution, which make ours tiie land of liberty, and the asylum of the oppressed of every nation, have ever been cardinal principles in the Democratic faith ; and every attempt to abridge the present privilege of becom- ing citizens and the owners of soil among us, ought to be resisted with the same spirit which swept the alien and sedition laws from our statute books. Resolved, That the proceeds of the public lands ought to be sacredly applied to the national objects specified in the constitution; and that we are opposed to any law for the distribution of such proceeds among the States, as alike inexpedient in policy, and repugnan the con- stitution. Resolved, That we are decidedly opposed to tukinp from the President the qualified veto power, by which ' • is enabled, under restrictions and responsibilities, amply sufficient to guard the public interest, to suspend the pas- sage of a bill whose merits cannot secure the approval of "two-thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives until the judgment of the people can be obtained thereon, and which has saved the American people from the cor- rupt and tyrannical domination of the Bank of the United States, and from a corrupting system of general internal improvements. Resolved, That the war with Mexico, provoked on her part, by years of insult and injury, was commenced by her army crossing the Rio Grande, attacking the Ame- 152 LIFE OF rican troops, and invading our sister State of Texas — and that upon all the principles of patriotism and the laws of nations, it is a just and necessary war on our part, in which every American citizen should have shown him- self on the side of his country, and neither morally nor physically, by word or deed, have given " aid and comfort to the enemy." Resolved, That we would be rejoiced at the assurances of a peace with Mexico, founded on the just principles of indemnity for the past and security ibr the future; but that while the ratification of the liberal treaty offered to Mexico remains in doubt, it is the duty of the country to sustain the administration in every measure necessary to provide for the vigorous prosecution of the war, should that treaty be rejected. Resolved, That the officers and soldiers who have car- ried the arms of their country into Mexico, have crowned it with imperishable glory. Their unconquerable cour- age, their daring enterprise, their unfaltering persever- ance and fortitude when assailed on all sides by innume- rable foes, and that more formidable enemy — the diseases of the climate — exalt their devoted patriotism into the highest heroism, and give them a right to the profound gratitude of their country and the admiration of the world. Resolved, That the Democratic National Convention of the thirty States composing the American Republic, tender their frpturnal congratulations to the National Convention of the Republic of France, now assembled as the free suffrage representatives of the sovereignty of thirty-five millions of Republicans, to establish govern- ments on those eternal principles of equal right, for which their Lafayette and our Washington fought, side by side, in the struggle for our own National Independence ; and we would especially convey to them and the whole people of France, our earnest wishes for the consolidation of their Liberties, through the wisdom that shall guide their councils, on the basis of a Democratic Constitution, not derived from the grants or concessions of kings or dynasties, but originating from the only true source of political power recognized in the States of tiiis Union; the inherent and inalienable right of the people, in their sovereign capacity, to make and to amend their forms of government in such manner as the welfare of the com- munity may require. Resolved, That in the recent development of this grand political truth, of the sovereignty of the people and thei' OBNER AL CASS. 153 capacity and power of self-government, which is pros- trating thrones and erecting republics on the ruins of despotism in the old world, we feel that a high and sacred duty is devolved with increased responsibility upon the Democratic party of this country, as the party of the people, to sustain and advance among us constitutional liberty, equality and fraternity, by continuing to resist all monopolies and exclusive legislation for the benefit of the few at the expense of the many, and by a vigilant and constant adherence to those principles and compromises of tlie constitution which are broad enough and strong enough to embrace and uphold the Union as it was, the Union as it is, and the Union as it shall be in the full ex- pansion of the energies and capacity of this great and progressive people. Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions be forwarded through the American Minister at Paris to the National Convention of the Republic of France, Resolved, That the fruits of the great political triumph of 1844, which elected James K. Polk and George M. Dallas President and Vice President of the United States, have fulfilled the hopes of the Democracy of the Union ; in defeating the declared purposes of their opponents to create a National Bank, in preventing the corrupt and unconstitutional distribution of the land proceeds, from the common treasury of the Union, for local purposes ; in protecting the currency and the labour of the country from the ruinous fluctuations, and guarding the money of the people for the use of the people, by the establish- ment of the Constitutional Treasury; in the noble im- pulse given to the cause of Free Trade, by the repeal of the Taritf of 1842, and the creation of the more equal, honest and productive Tariff of 1846; and, that, in our opinion, it would be a fatal error to weaken the bands of political organization by which these great reforms have been achieved, — and risk them in the hands of their known adversaries, with whatever delusive appeals they may solicit our surrender of that vigilance, which is the only safeguard of liberty. Resolved, That the confidence of the Democracy of the Union, in the principles, capacity, firmness and integrity of James K. Polk, manifested by his nomination and elec- tion in 1844, has been signally justified by the strictness of his adherence to sound Democratic doctrines, by the purity of purpose, the energy and ability which have cha- racterized his administration in all our affairs at home and abroad; that we tender to him our cordial congratulations 154 LIFE OF upon the brilliant success which has hitherto crowned his patriotic efforts, and assure him, in advance, that at the expiration of his presidential term he will carry with him to his retirement, the esteem, respect and admiration of a grateful country. Resolved, That this Convention hereby present to the people of the United States, Lewis Cass, of Michigan, as the candidate of the Democratic party for the office of President, and William O. Butler, of Kentucky, as the candidate of the Democratic party for the office of Vice President of the United States. On the reception of the news of the recent revo lution of France, the greatest enthusiasm was ex cited in the United States, and public meetings were held in all the principal cities of the Union To a large and enthusiastic assemblage at Washing ton, March 28, 1848, General Cass delivered an ad- dress, from which we make the following extracts : I came here, fellow-citizens, to hear and to feel,' rathei than to talk — not so much to address you, as to mingle my congratulations with yours, upon the stirring and striking events, which are now passing in Europe, and the soimd of which is borne upon the wings of tiie wind to every civilized country of the earth. I yield to abler and to younger speakers the task of expressing such sen- timents, as become the subject and the occasion ; but I yield in no jot nor tittle to any one in the interest they excite, and the hopes they inspire. The shouts of liberty reach us from the Old World : let us send back their echoes from the New. Let us be grateful to Him, who holds in his hand the fate of nations, and who guides their purposes by wiser purposes of his own ; let us be grateful to Him, who is breaking the bond of the oppressed, and setting the captive free. Throughout a considerable part of Europe man is awakening to a conviction of his rights, and to a know- ledge of his strength ; and, with the feelings which these inspire, comes the determination to assert, and, if neces- sary, to employ the other. The abuses of centuries are giving way before the progress of the age, and the foun- dations of government are investigated with a zeal not to be rebuked, and with a stern purpose, which nothing will satisfy but the truth. The great tide of freedom is rolling GENERAL CASS. 155 onwards from the shores of Calabria to the English chan- nel, and institutions, originating in barbarous ages and sanctioned by time and habit, but which have sacrificed the happiness of the many to the power of the few, are giving way beibre it with as little resistance as regret. I hope, for one, that the chalk-bound cliffs of England will not stay the progress of this salutary reform, but that it will reach her palaces and her hovels, correcting the great moral and physical evils which now press upon her people. Fellow-citizens, I do not deny that there is much to be commended in the institutions of England, social and po- litical. I do not deny that she has contributed her full share to the intellectual progress of the age. I do not deny that there is a great deal of moral worth in that country, and many high traits of character well worthy of imitation. But the practical administration of her government is entitled to no si'ch commendation. It is arbitrary and oppressive — administered by a chosen class for their own benefit, and not for the masses. It sits like an incubus upon the great body of the people in two- thirds of the home empire ; and in the other third — Ireland — it has pressed down the people into a state of humilia- tion, elsewhere unknown in Christendom. Its right of primogeniture, its feudal privileges, and its aristocratic tendencies, have created such an inequality of property, that scenes of distress — aye, of distress on the largest scale — are passing there in a manner unknown in modern history. It is very well to talk of the blessings of the English law — of trial by jury and the habeas corpus. These are good things for those who can enjoy them. But bread is a better thing for a starving family than trial by jury, and a house is a better protection than a liabeas corpus. Probably on the face of the globe there is no such squalid misery as in the hovels of Ireland ; nor was the spirit of man ever pressed down, as there, by the overpowering evils which surround him. Ireland is scarcely the country of Irishmen. It is the country of England, which the sons of Ireland inhabit, and where they exist rather than live. And this oppression sends them to every region of the globe; and wherever they go they carry with them an instinctive hatred of tyranny and the love of liberty. They have made most valuable accessions to our population, and in peace and war have fulfilled all the duties of American citizens, as zealously as those born in our country. From the heights of Abra- ham, watered with the blood of Montgomery, to the very 156 LIFE OF last battle fought in Mexico, where is the field crowned by the valor and exertions of the American troops, in which the blood of Ireland has not mingled with our own, and in which her native, but our adopted, sons have not nobly rallied around the standard of their chosen home? England is in that condition, which requires but one firm effort on the part of her people to extend those principles of free government which nominally belong to the coun- try, but which practically are confined to the few ; to ex- tend them to the great body of the people, and thus to create a government for the benefit of all, directed by all, and accountable to all. The fiscal oppression of England is of itself a phenome- non. The sum of two hundred and fifty millions of dol- lars is every year ground out of the people for general purposes, besides perhaps an equal sum for the mainte- nance of the clergy, for the support of the poor, and for a vast variety of other local objects. More than one-half of these two hundred and fifty millions of dollars is ap- plied to the payment of the interest of the national debt, a large portion of which was contracted by Pitt, in liis odious efforts to check the spirit of liberty on the conti- nent of Europe. Tins system seems to be approaching its crisis; for, this year, in a time of profoiind peace, the revenues are insufficient to meet the expenditures. Where is the true-hearted American who does not long for the termination of such a state of things ] One of the strangest events, in this day of great events, is the origin of these movements in favour of liberty upon the continent of Europe. Whence came they 1 From the Eternal City — from the head of the Catholic religion — the successor of St. Peter. Immediately on his eleva- tion to the Pontificate, the Pope avowed his attachment to free principles, and from the Vatican went out the de- cree which is now spreading through the earth. The Pontiff, who holds the keys of St. Peter, has found a key to unlock the recesses of the human heart. His moral courage was but the more tried by the difficulties of his position. The abuses of the government were the work of ages, and had entered into all the habits of life and the ramifications of society ; and he was surrounded by des- potic governments, jealous of the first aspirations of lib- erty, and maintaining their sway by powerful armies. The Austrian, too, with his Pandours and his Croats from the l^anks of the Danube, had descended the ridges of the Alps, and had spread himself over the sunny plains of Italy. Almost in sight of the dome of St. Peter's, he GENERAL CASS. 157 .rmies. s from of the ins of i-'s, he watched, witli interest and with many a threatening word, the progress ol" the Pope. But the work went on. Naples is in a state of revolution; Tuscany and Sardinia in a state of reform; and France of apparently peaceful pro- gress in the new career opened to her. I should not have said one word to y- n to-night, my fellow-citizens, had 1 not been induced to do so by a par- ticular circumstance. A few years since, when in Franco, 1 published in the Democratic Review some remarks upon the condition of that country. Among these were allu- sions to the tnieules, which wereoilon breaking out in the streets of Paris, and occasioning consternation and alarm to the quiet citizens, who wore disturbed in their occupa- tions by tho din of arms, and sometimes by bloody con- flicts in the midst of their city; and all this without the least beneficial result, or any expectation of it. They were not revolutions; they were riots and insurrections. I communicated also the facts, as disclosed by the wit- nesses on the trials of persons indicted for these offences. It was shown conclusively, that the persons engaged in them belonged to secret societies sworn to abolish the Christian religion, to destroy all the rights of property, and to overturn, in fact, social order. I was describing more particularly what in France were technically called the days of May, 1839. The sentiments of a journal, which favoured these proceedings, may be judged by tho terms it employs when speaking of the United States, whose government it calls "a ridiculous republic, and a moneyed aristocracy." The following quotations mark its spirit and objects : " It is, without doubt, beautiful to be an atheist ; but that is not enough," &c. " It ought to say, all that is connected with religious worship is contrary to our progress; while, at the same time, whenever people are religious they talk nonsense." " Our Saviour i=^ ed the democratic son of Mary." My condemna >( such principles has recently been construed into a condemnation of the principles of revo- lutions brought about by the people seeking the redress of their grievances. There never was a feeling of my heart, a word of my mouth, nor an act of my life, which would give any man a right to call in question my sym- pathy with the struggling masses, or the sincerity of my hopes for their success; and I defy any man to quote from my remarks upon the condition of France, one single sen- tence inconsistent with the progress of rational liberty. What I thought, and what I foresaw, are shown by the 14 *e 158 LIFE OF following extract, alluding to the condition of Europe, and to the changes that were in progress : " i5ut in Europe, this last great element of public hap- piness is b(;y()nd the reach of the governments, and it is therefore the more necessary that they should use all the means within their power to in)prove the condition of the poorer classes of society, to extend the advantages of education to all, to diminish the public expenses, to put a stop to oppressions, and to introduce the most impartial equality before the law, and into public employments. In this way, and in this alone, can the political etfervescence which is everywhere visible in Europe, be safely guided, when it cannot be wholly controlled. There is a forward movement in opinion, which can neither be misunderstood nor put down. It has produced great chaljges, and will produce still greater. Its operation is a question of time only; but the extent and intensity of that operation de- pend esisentially upon the wisdom and justice of the governments, and upon the forbearance of the people. Happy will it be for both, if the changes demanded by the present state of society, and called for by the thinking class of the community, are made in time to prevent revo- lutions, instead of being the consequences of them." Is there one American in this broad land, who will not reciprocate these sentiments] Unfortunately for the late dynasty, these liberal views were not adopted by it; and if its principles did not un- dergo a change, certainly many of its most obnoxious measures were adopted and pursued after that period, and have given to its government a character for insincerity and love of power, which, if they were before charged upon it, it had not acquired by such a cotirse of conduct as has since been adopted, and which left the French people no choice between tame submission and armed resistance. Some peculiar characteristics have marked the progress of the recent events in France. The capital is surrounded by a wall of circumvallation upwards of thirty miles in extent. Detached forts strengthen the approaclies, and smaller defensive works are placed at regular intervals along the whole wall. It is an immense fortification, one of the most extensive in the world. It completely com- mands the city of Paris, and is garnished with an im- mense train of artillery, ready for any operations the government might direct. In this fortification, and in the city itself, when these troubles broke out, the government had collected a great army of one hundred thousand men, GENERAL CASS. 159 n, one com- n im- Ds the in the nment men, among the best disciplined troops in the world, and col- lected for the very purpose of putting down .ill opposition to the course it was proposed to adopt. And vvliat was the result of this great political foresight, as it seemed to he ] The fortifications did not fire a gun ; the resistance in the streets did not produce as much bloodshed us an ordinary emeute; and the troops fraternized with the people, and went over to them in the hour of trial. The colossal power which Louis Philippe had been building up for eighteen years, disappeared like a dream. His govern- ment was dissolved, his dynasty terminated, his family expelled from the kingdom, and tne people took possession of the power that belonged to them. And what then 1 Any more blood 1 Any more violence? Any of those reactions of feeling, which have too often marked the pro- gress of revolutions, and have rendered the word itself unacceptable to timid earsi There has been nothing of all this; and let us hope there will not be. A provisional government has been organized, composed of able and eminent men, some of them known through the civilized world, and all of them well fitted for their position, and with characters which furnish the best guaranty for their patriotic conduct. They have summoned a national as- sembly to convene in a short time, in order to prepare a constitution for the French people ; and, in the mean time, all violence and resistance have ceased. The equality of all French citizens before the law has been acknowledged ; universal suffrage has been established ; and the great principles of liberty have been recognized as freely as they are recognized in our own country. And a public vessel has actually been offered to one of the King's sons, to enable him to go where he pleased. What a beautiful illustration are all these proceedings of the progress of a healthful public opinion in France; and what a beautiful example for the other nations of Europe, who feel the same evils, and may resort to the same remedy ! The people of this country are no propagandists. They permit no other nation to interfere with them in their own internal concerns, and they seek to interfere with no other in theirs. They proclaimed, on the 4th of July, 1776, that it is the right of every people to abolish its government, and to institute a new one — "Jaying its foundations on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness." But every people must judge for themselves, as well whether they will continue an existing govern- ment, as whether they will change it ; and if so, what IGO LIFE OF GENERAL CASS. form they will substitute. We know the priceless value of liberty; we know it suits our condition, and that it has ^iven us a greater measure of political happiness than any nation ever enjoyed before us. But, while we feel all this, and wish that every other people were as well fitted for the enjoyment of liberty as we are, still these convic- tions and these wishes have no influence upon our politi- cal conduct; — we hold all other nations as our fathers did — enemies in war ; in peace, friends. But there is no just principle of national comity, which forbids us to indulge and express a sympathy with strug- gling millions, who, feeling their rights and their oppres- sions, are rising in their strength to recover their long- lost freedom. We ougjit neither to shut our ears to the welcome sound of their successful efforts, nor our hearts to the emotions which these are so well calculated to tn- sjare. France does not want men nor means to defend herself, or to maintain the position she has assumed. She has sons enough to protect her and her rights, and all they have is at her disposal. But the sympathy of twenty millions of people is a present fit to send across the At- lantic — and of a people, too, who have preceded France in the great career into which she has just entered, and who can tell her that it is beset by no trials or difficulties, which time and experience may not easily overcome. It will make her joy the greater for what she has done, and her confidence the firmer for what she has to do. Aban- doning, then, the question of party, let us all come up to this great work. Let neither Whig nor Democrat be con- cerned in it. It is the right and the duty of American citizens, and all other distinctions should be swallowed up in that sacred term. Let us do this; and since the return of Columbus to Spain, no higher tribute will have been paid to the advancing opinions of the age, and no nobler present made by the New World to the Old. ■I "i . »> } alue has han }lall tted ivic- 3liti- idid hich rug- tres- ang- the tarts 3 in- fend She ] all enty ( At- ince and ties, . It and ban- p to con- ican } up turn )ecn bier MAJOK-OF. NERiL WITiLIAM O. BTTLER. SKETCH or THE PUBLIC SERVICES MAJOR-GENERAL W. 0. BUTLER. 14' (161) r CONTENTS ■»^#»^»^^»^N^W^»M^^»*« CHAPTER 1. Family History — Volunteers as Private — Appointed in the Army — River Raisin — Prisoner — Promotion — March South — Gen. Call's Letter * Page 166 CHAPTER IL Appointment as Major-General — Service in Mexico— Monterey — Wounded — Return Home — Second in Command in Mexico — Return of Greneral Scott, Com- mander-in-Chief 187 (163) tA- .!' i^ n,'-^.f .-J' \ri I fi u k 1 b B ol t\ di le es re P« fn ev tic to pr fai 17 vei LIFE Of MAJOR-GENERAL BUTLER. CHAPTER I. Family History — Volunteers as Private — Appointed in the Army — River Raisin — Prisoner — Promotion — March South — Gen. Call's Letter. Major-General William O. Butler, of the United States volunteer service, is a member of a family of soldiers. His grandfather, Thomas But- ler, was born April 6, 1720, at the town of Kil- kenny in Ireland, where also he was married in 1742. Three of his five sons were born in Ireland, but the other two. Pierce, the father of William O. Butler, and Edward the junior of all, were natives of Pennsylvania. Every one of these men, and all the sons of each, with the exception of one indivi- dual, distinguished as a judge, were, soldiers. Francis P. Blair, Esq., in a sketch of General But- ler, recently published, states that Richard, the eld- est, was a lieutenant-colonel of the celebrated rifle corps of Morgan, and attributes to him much of the peculiar celebrity, that famous body of men acquired from the high discipline which separated it from every other corps of the same arm of the revolu- tionary army. On the promotion of Colonel Morgan to a higher grade, Lieutenant-Colonel Butler was also promoted, and as its colonel led his old regiment in the famous coup de main of Wayne on Stony Point. In 1790, he was appointed a major-general, and No- vember 4th of the next year, fell in the bloody and 165 166 LI FE OF unfortunate but gallant contest of St. Clair with the Indians. His death had a peculiar and melancholy interest, so that a group of wax figures representing the scene, attracted crowds in almost every city of the Union. The second son, William, rose to the rank of colo- nel in the revolutionary war, throughout which he served. When the army of the confederacy was so reduced, that many of the officers were without commands, they organized themselves into a corps and offered to serve as privates. The scheme was patriotic, but would have introduced great difficul- ties in the discipline of the army, and General Wash- ington, though he complimented their devotion, was too prudent to accept their offer. Of all the family he was the pride, and is said to have been one of the coolest men in the army in defence, and most headlong in attack. • The third son, Thomas, in 1776, was a student of law in the office of Judge Wilson, but at the call of his country, abandoned his studies, and entered the army as a subaltern. He soon became a cap- tain, and at the end of the war held that grade. He was at every battle in the middle States, and at Brandywine his services were so brilliant that Ge- neral Washington, through his aid. Colonel Hamil- ton, thanked him at the head of the army for rally- ing a body of retreating troops, and giving the enemy a heavy fire. At Monmouth he received the same compliment from General Wayne, for defend- ing a defile attacked by the British, while the regi- ment of his brother. Colonel Richard Butler, made good its retreat. Disbanded at the end of the war, he married, and devoted himself to agricultural pur- suits until 1791, when he commanded a battalion of the division of his elder brother, Richard. Though his leg was broken by a rifle ball, he led his regi- ment in the last forlorn charge of General St. Clair, and was with difficulty taken from the field by his MAJOR-GENERAL BUTLER. 167 •ally- the the *end- war, pur- alion ough regi- lair, y his brother Edward. He was retained in service in 1792 as a major, and two years after became a lieu- tenant-colonel. During the whiskey rebellion, he commanded the post of fort Fayette, and with great difficulty preserved it from the insurgents, who, doubtless, from their superiority of numoers would have captured it, had they not been deferred by their respect for the veteran commandant. Major-General Wilkinson seems to have had the faculty of embroiling himself with all who really were soldiers. Evidences of this are his disputes 11 with Scott and Gaines and others, in each of which he was manifestly and clearly proven at fault. Colonel Edward Butler also attracted his attention, and in 1803 was arrested by him and sent from fort Adams on the Mississippi to Maryland, and tried on a series of charges. Of all of these, Colonel Butler was acquitted except of one, which alleged that he wore his hair, the old soldier adhering most pertina- ciously to the queue of the revolutionary army, in- stead of adopting the State prison crop, then de- clared, by orders, the uniform of the army. Wil- kinson being in command of New Orleans, whither Colonel Butler was ordered, to assume command of the city, during the next month again arrested him. Before however the sentence of the court, which met in Jite of yes not y, had wing, ce of nst the that gar- ot of 'as ap- e cover other ce be- ear of possea- id sioii of it. All saw the fatal consequences of the Hccure lodgment of the enemy at a place which would present every man within the pickets at close rifle-shot to the aim of their marksmen. Major Madison inquired if there was no one who would volunteer to run the gauntlet of the fire of the Bri- tish and Indian lines, and put a torch to the com- bustibles within the barn, to save the remnant of the little army from the sacrifice. Butler, without a moment's delay, took some blazing sticks from a fire at hand, leaped the pickets, and, running at his utmost speed, thrust the fire into the straw within the barn. One who was an anxious sfKjctator of the event we narrate, says, * that although volley upon volley was fired at him, Butlor, after making some steps on his way back, turnc^d to see if the fire had taken, and, not being satisfied, returned to the barn, and set it in a blaze. As the conflagration grew, the enemy was seen retreating from the rear of the building, which they had entered at one end, as the flame ascended in the other. Soon after reaching the pickets in safety, amid the shouts of his friends, he was struck by a ball in his breast. Believing, from the pain he felt, that it had pene- trated his chest, turning to Adjutant (now General) McCalla, one of his Lexington comrades, and press- ing his hand to the spot, he said, ' I fear this shot is mortal, but while I am able to move, I will do my duty.' To the anxious inquiries of this friend, who met him soon afterward, he opened his vest, with a . smile, and showed him that the ball had spent itself on the thick wadding of his coat, and on his breast bone. He suflTered, nowever, for many weeks.' " Among the few who survived the massacre was Butler, who was marched on foot to Fort Niagara, where he remained for a long time, amusing him- self by literary pursuits and studies. Much of his time was given up to poetry; and his verses, though never intended to be published, from the various 15* 174 I»IFE OF extracts recently printed, since all that relates to him has become of interest, possess unusual merit, when we remember his age when they were writ- ten. After a sojourn in Canada, he was permitted to return to the United States on parole, and almost immediately was promoted to a captaincy in the re- giment to which he belonged. As this gave great dissatisfaction in the corps, all the lieutenants of which were overslaughed, he was almost immedi- ately transferred to the 44th, a new regiment. When free from his parole, by virtue of an exchange, he at onci took the field, with a company recruited at Nashville, Tennessee, and marched to join General Jackson alone, before any other portion of the re- giment was fully organized. General Call, then a subaltern of Captain Butler, thus describes the par- ticipation of his superior officer in the campaign — a more vivid and graphic sketch can scarcely be found : Tallahasse, April 3, 1844. "Sir — I avail myself of the earliest leisure I have had since the receipt of your letter of the 18th of February, to give you a reply. " A difference of political sei'timents will not in- duce me to withhold the narrative you have re- quested, of the military services of Culonel William O. Butler, during the late war with Great Britain, while attached to the army of the South. My inti- mate association with him, in camp, on the march, and in the fieU, has perhaps made me as well ac- quainted with his merits, as a gentleman and a sol- dier, as any other man living. And although we are now standing in opposite ranks, I cannot forget the days and nights we have stood side by side, facing the common enemy of our country, sharing the same fatigues, dangers, and privations, and participating in the same pleasures and enjoyments. The feel M A JOR-O BNER AL BUTLER. 175 ings and sympathies springing from such associa- tions, in the daysof o«r youth, can never be remov- ed or impaired by a difference of opinion with regard to men or measures, when each may well believe the other equally sincere as himself, and where the most ardent desire of both is to sustain the honour, the happiness, and prosperity of our country. ** Soon after my appointment in the army of the United States, as a lieutenant, in the fall of 1814, I was ordered to join the company of Captain Butler, of the 44th regiment of infantry, then at Nashville, Tennessee. When I arrived, and reported myself, I found the company under orders t.> join our regi- ment in the South. The march, mostly through an unsettled wilderness, wp.r conducted by Captain Butler with his usual promptitude and energy, and by forced and rapid movements, we arrived at Fort Montgomery, the head-quarters of General Jackson, a short distance above the Floriua line, just in time to follow our beloved general in his bold enterprise to drive the enemy from his strong position in a neu- tral territory. The van-guard of the army destined for the invasion of Louisiana, had made Pensacola its head-quarters, and the British navy in the (lulf of Mexico, had rendezvoused in that beautiful bay. " The penetrating sagacity of General Jackson discovered the advantage of the position assumed by the British forces, and with a decision and energy which never faltered, he resolved to find his enemy, even under the flag of a neutral {X)wer. This was done by a prompt and rapid march, surprising and cutting off nil the advanced pickets, until we arrived within gun-shot of the fort at Pensacola. The army of General Jackson was then so inconsiderable as to render a r.'inforcement of a single company, com- manded by such an officer as (Captain Butler, an im- portant acquisition. And although there were sev' eral companies of regular troops ordered to march 176 LIFE OF from Tennessee at'the same time, Captain Butler's, by his extraordinary energy and promptitude, was the only one which arrived in time to join this ex- pedition. Hi3 company formed a part of the centre column of attack at Pensacola. The street we en- tered was defended by a battery in front, which fired on us incessantly, while several strong block- houses, on our flanks, discharged upon us small arms and artillery. But a gallant and rapid charge soon carried the guns in front, and the town immediately surrendered. " In this fight Captain Butler led on his company with his usual intrepidity. He had one officer, Lieutenant Flournoy, severely wounded, and seve- ral non-commissioned officers and privates killed and wounded. " From Pensacola, after the object of the expedi- tion was completed, by another prompt and rapid movement, we arrived at New Orleans a few weeks before the appearance of the enemy. "On the 23d of December the signal-^im an- nounced the approach of the enemy. The previous night they had surprised and captured one of our pickets; had ascended a bayou, disembarked, and had taken possession of the left bank of th(> Missis- sippi, within six miles of New Orleans. The energy of every officer was put in requisition, to concentrate our forces in time to meet the enemy. Captain Butler was one of the first to arrive at the general's quarters, and ask instructions; they were received and promptly executed. Our regiment, stationed on the opposite side, was transportod across the river. All the available forces of our army, not much exceeding fifteen hundred men, were concen- trated in the city ; and while the sun went down the line of battle was formed ; and every officer took the station assigned him in the fight. The infantry formed on the open square, in front of the cathedral, waiting in anxious rxj>netntion for the order to MAJOU-G£NERAL BUTLER. 177 move. During this momentary pause, while the enemy was exf)ected to enter ihe city, a scene of deep and thrilling interest was presented. Every gallery, porch and window around the square were filled with the fair forms of beauty, in silent anxiety and alarm, waving their handkerchiefs to the gal- lant and devoted band which stood before them, p-f-epared to die, or defend them from the rude intru- sion of a foreign soldiery. It was a scene calcu- lated to awaken emotions never to be forgotten. It appealed to the chivalry and patriotism of every ofBcer and soldier — it inspired every heart, and nerved every arm for battle. From this impressive scene the army marched to meet the enemy, and about eight o'clock at night they were surprised in their encampment, immediately on the banks of the Mississippi. Undiscovered, our line was formed in silence within a short distance of the enemy ; a ra- pid charge was made into their camp, and a despe- rate conflict ensued. After a determined resistance the enemy gave way, but disputing every inch of ground we gained. In advancing over ditches and fences in the night, rendered still more dark by the smoke of the battle, much confusion niicessarily en- sued, and many officers became separated from their commands. It more than once occurred during the fight that some of our officers, through mistake, en- tered the enemy's lines; and the British otficcrs in like manner entered ours. The meritorious officer in command of our regiment, at the commencement of the battle, lost his position in the darkness and confiision, and was unable to regain it until the ac- tion was over. In this manner, for a short time, the regiment was without a commander, and its niove- ments were regulated by the platoon oflicers, which increased the confusion and irregularity of the ad- vance. In this critical situation, and in the l»eat of the l);ittle, Captain Biiller, as the senior officer f>re- sent, assumed coimuand of the regiment, and led it 178 LIFE OF on most gallantly to repeated and successful cliarges, I ntil tlie fight ended in the complete rout of the enemy. We were still pressing on their rear, when an ofliccr of the general's staff rode up and ordered the pursuit discontinued. Captain Butler urged its continuance, and expressed the confident belief of his ability to take many prisoners, if permitted to advance. But the order was promptly repeated, under the well-founded apprehension that our troops might come into collision with each other, an event which had unhappily occurred at a previous hour of the fight. No corps on that field was more bravely led to battle than the regiment commanded by Captain Butler, and no officer of any rank, save the commander-in-chief, was entitled to higher cre- dit for the achievement of that glorious night. ** A short time before the battle of the 8th of January, Captain Butler was detailed to command the guard in front of the encampment'. A house standing near the bridge, in advance of his position, had been taken possession of by the light troops of the enemy, from whence they annoyed our guard. Captain Butler determined to dislodge them and burn the house. He accordingly marched to the attack at the head of his command, but the enemy retired before him. Seeing them retreat, he halted his guard, and advanced himself, accompanied by two or three men only, for the purpose of burning the house. It was an old frame building, weather- boarded, without ceiling or plaster in the inside, with a single door opening to the British ca'np. On entering the house he found a soldier of the enemy concealed in one corner, whom he captured, and sent to the rear with his men, remaining alone in the house. While he was in the act of kinanion in arms, and I know but little of his career in civil life. But in camp, his elevated principles, his intelligence and generous feelings, won for him the respect and confidence of all who knew him; and where he is best known, I will venture to say, he is still most highly appreriate<' for every attri- bute V ' "ch constitutes the gentleman and the sol- dier. ° ♦* I am, sir, very respectfuMy, " R. K. CALL. " Mr William Tanner." iV^ 180 LIFE OF General Jackson was also about this time appeal- ed to, and wrote an energetic letter in reference to his old aid-de-camp, which, while it displays the high estimate placed by the great commander on his younger associate, is too significant of the pecu- liarities of General Jackson, not to be a matter of interest. We take it from the sketch of Mr. Blair, who from family and political association, had am- ple means to prepare a far more elaborate life of General Butler than he has done. " Hermitage, Feb. 20, 1844. ** My Dear Sir : — You ask me to give you my opinion of the military services of the then Captain, now Colonel, William O. Butler, of Kentucky, dur- ing the investment of New Orleans by the British forces in 1814 and 1815. I wish I had sufficient strength to speak fully of the merit of the services of Colonel Butler on that occasion ; this strength 1 have not : Suffice it to say, that on all occasions he displayed that heroic chivalry, and calmness of judgment in the midst of danger, which distinguish the valuable officer in the hour of battle. In a con- spicuous manner were those noble qualities dis- played by him on the night of the 23d of December, 1814, and on the 8th of January, 1815, as well as at all times during the presence of the British army at New Orleans. In short, he was to be found at all points where duty called. I hazard nothing in saying that should our country again be engaged in war during the active age of Colonel Butler, he would be one of the very best selections that could be made to command our army, and lead the eagles of our country on to victory and renown. He has sufficient energy to assume all responsibility neces- sary to success, and for his country's good. "ANDREW JACKSON." MAJOR-GENERAL BUTLER. 181 In 1816, General Jackson gave evidence how highly he esteemed Captain Butler, by appointing him aid-de'Campj with the rank of colonel, which position he retamed in the peace-establishment. He, however, though a soldier, had no preference for the military profession in a season of peace, and several year;* before General Jackson laid down his profession, resigned, and immediately resumed the study of that profession which had been inter- rupted by the declaration of war. He then married and established himself on the estate of his father, at the point where the Ohio and Kentucky rivers meet. Mr. Blair thus describes his home : " The region iround him was wild and romantic, sparsely settled, and by pastoral people. There are no populous towns. The high, rolling, and yet rich lands — the precipitous cliffs of the Kentucky, of Eagle, Tavern, and other tributaries, which pour into it near the mouth — make this section of the State still, to some extent, a wilderness of thickets — and the tangled pea-vine, the grape-vine, and nut-bearing trees, which rendered all Kentucky, until the intrusion of the whites, one great Indian Cark. The whole luxuriant domain was preserved y the Indians as a pasture for buffalo, deer, elk, and other animals — their enjoyment alike as a chase and a subsistence — by excluding every tribe from fixing a habitation in it. Its name consecrated it as the dark and bloody ground; and war pursued every foot that trod it. In the midst of this region, in yVpril, 1791, William O. Butler was born, in Jessa- mine county, on the Kentucky river. His father had married, in Lexington, soon after his arrival in Kentucky, 1782, Miss Howkins, a sister-in-law of Colonel Todd, who commanded and perished in the battle of the Blue-Licks. Following the instincts of his family, which seemed ever to court danger, General Pierce Butler, as neighborhood encroached around him, removed, net long after the birth of his 16 182 LIFE OP son William, to the mouth of the Kentucky river. Through this section the Indian wur-path into the heart of Kentucky passed. Until the peace of 1794, there was scarcely a day that some hostile savage did not prow! through the tangled forests, and the labyrinths of hills, streams and cliffs, which adapted this region to their lurking warfare. From it they emerged when they made their last formidable in- cursion, and pushed their foray to the environs of Frankfort, the capital of the State. General Pierce Butler had on one side of him the Ohio, on the far- ther shore of which the savage hordes still held the mastery, and on the other the romantic region through which they hunted and pressed their war enterprises. And here, amid the scenes of border warfare, his son William had that spirit, which has animated him through life, educated by the legends of the Indian-fighting hunters of Kentucky.** Amid these scenes Colonel Butler lived, and found that content and peace of mind, surpassing wealth, so necessary to one whose youth had been passed amid the alarums of a frontier war. The following verses, written at that time, show the nature of Col. Butler*s life, and demonstrate how utterly the sol- dier's sword had been converted into the pruning hook: ; THE BOAT HORN. O, boatman ! wind that horn again, For never did the listening ear Upon its lambent bosom hear So wild, so soft, so sweet a strain — What though thy notes are sad, and few, By every simple boatman blown, Yet is each pulse to nature true, And mt^lody in every tone. How oft in boyhood's joyous day, Unmindful of the lapsing hours, I've loitered on my homeward way By wild Ohio's brink of flowers, MAJOR-GENERAL BUTLER. 183 While 8o:np lone hoHtman, from the deck, ' Poured his soft numbers to that tide, < As if to charm from storm and wreck. The boat where all his fortunes ride ! Delighted Nature drank the sound, Enchanted — Echo bore it round In whispers soft, and softer still, From hill to plain, and plain to hill, Till e*en the thoughtless, frolick boy. Elate with hope, and wild with joy, Who gambolled by the river^s side, And sported with the fretting tide. Feels something new pervade his breast. Chain his light step, repress his jest, Bends o*er the flood his eager ear. To catch the sounds far on, yet dear — Drinks the sweet draught, but knows not why The tear of rapture fills his eye. And can he now, to manhood grown. Tell why those notes, simple and lone, As on the ravished ear they fall, Bind every sense in magic spell 1 There is a tide of feeling given To all on earth, its fountain Heaven. Beginning with the dewy flower. Just oped in Flora's vernal bower — Rising creation's orders through. With louder murmur, brighter hue — That tide is sympathy I its ebb and flew Give life its hues of joy and wo. Music, the master-spirit that can move Its waves to war, or lull theiu into love — Can cheer the sinking sailor mid the wave. And bid the soldier on! nor fear the grave — Inspire the fainting pilgrim on his road, And elevate his soul to claim his God. < Then, boatman ! wind that horn again! Though much of sorrow mark its strain, Yet are its notes to sorrow dear; What though they wake fond memory's tear ! Tears are sad memory's sacred feast. And rapture oft her chosen guest. In the west, no explanation of this poem is needed, but in the eastern portions of the country its refer- ence may not be apparent. It has relation to the 184 LiFB or wild boat-horn of wood, like that of the Swiss herd- men, used by the early navigators of the Ohio and tilher waters, previous to the commencement of the nge of steam and turmoil. On this rude instru- ment they were accustomed to utter the most simple yet the most touching melodies, the tradition of which is now preserved through the whole west. Only, however, on the upper Missouri and its tribu- taries now can be heard those strains, in which were mingled the monotone music of the Indians and the ^iuyer rhythmof France, which Ledyard and Moore thought worthy of translation and imitation. This may not be an improper place to introduce u few selections from the early poems of Butler, generally written while he was an inmate of a Bri- tish prison. It will be seen that the massacre of the river Raisin made a deep impression on him. THE FIELD OF RAISIN. The battle 's o*er ! the din is past. Night's mantle on the field is cast | The Indian yell is heard no more, And silence broods o'er Erie's shore. At this lone hoar 1 go to tread The field where valour vainly bled— To raise the wounded warrior's crest, Or warm with tears his icy breast; To treasure up his last command, And bear it to his native land. It may one pulse of joy impart To a fond mother's bleeding heart; Or for a moment it may dry The tear-drop in the widow's eye. Vain hope, away ! The widow ne'er Her warrior's dying wish shall hear. The passing zephyr bears no sigh, No wounded warrior meets the eye-~ Death is his sleep by Erie's wave. Of Raisin's snow we heap his grave ! How many hopes lie murdered here— The mother's joy, the father's pride, ' The country's boast, the focman's fear, ' - • In wilder'd havoc, side by side. o M A JOR-OBN> R A L BVTLBR. 185 Ltnd me, thou silent queen of night, Lend me awhile thy waning light, That I may see e«ich wel Moved form, That sunk beneath the morning storm. These verses are introductory to a larger poem, which is a series of eulogien on his murdered com- panions, belonging to the company of Captain Hart, himself a victim of Proctor's massacre, and a ne- phew of two distinguished statesmen of Kentucky, Henry Clay and James Brown. And here I see that youthful band, That loved to move at Hart's command ; 1 saw them for the battle dressed, And still where danger thickest pressed, I marked their criiason plumage wave. How many filled this bloody grave! Their pillow and their winding-sheet The viri^in snow — a shroud most meet! Hut wherefore do I linger here 1 Why drop the unavailing tear 1 Where'er I turn, some youthful form. Like floweret broken by the storm. Appeals to me in sad array. And bids me yet a moment stay, - Till 1 ould fondly lay me down And sleep with him on the cold, cold ground. For thee, thou dread and solemn plain, I ne'er shall look on thee again; And Spring, with her effaring showers, Shall come, and Summer'; 'nantling JP>wer8 ; And each succeeding winUii 'irow •' • On thy r^d breast new robes uf snow; Yet 1 will wear thee in my heart. All dark and gory as thou art. Amid these scenes Colont'i Butler remained for twenty years in seclusion, when he was by the unanimous nomination of the democracy of the dis- trict in which he resided, selected as a candidate for Congress. He was on two successive terms elected, and would doubtless have been a third time had he not positively refused 'o serve. He was rarely heard ia 10* \ • • IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I ■^|2|8 |Z5 ■^ lift 122 I US. 12.0 ll£ 1.25 ||u ^6 ^ 6" ► 7 ^ Hiotographfc Sciences Corporation 33 WEST MAIN STRIET WnST^«,N.Y. 14SM (7t6)t72-4S03 '^ 4lo 186 LIFB OF the sessions of Congress, but several noble addresses delivered there by him, prove that there was more than one orator, even in Kentucky. In 1844, he was nominated as governor of Ken- tucky, and a great writer, who has made politics his study, has declared th&< ^here is but little doubt that he would have beer, elected, but for the fad that it was supposed throughout the State that the non-election of Ouslcy, tl.t: whig candidate, would prove most injurious to the chances of Mr. Clay's nomination by the creat convention of the Whig party. Mr. Clay, it is wdl known, has for years been the popular idol of his State, and this circum- stance, united with anxiety to give a chief magis- trate to the Union, caused Colonel Butler's -lefeat. The nomination of the latter, however, cci tainly diminished the whig majority from twenty thousand votes to five thousand. On the election of Mr. Polk, there was a general expectation that Colonel Butler would have been ap- pointed secretary at war. To many it was a subject of regret, that the President did not select him, who from the mingled studies of his career in camp and at the bar, was so well calculated for this post. It is perhaps, however, best (or the democratic party, that this was not the case, as it is scarcely proba- ble, that in that event he would now have been selected as the candidate of the democratic party for the second office of the nation. 'I«ft I '!l. •^flSMf •t'>-V*iJ<" intJOhV'.* ^,'iO"'int two generals of divi- sion and a number of brigadiers, from civil life, to command the new levies. The command of one of the divisions was conferred on General Butler, and met with universal approbation, being the only one of the appointments of general officers by Mr. Polk, against which very serious objections were not urged. General Butler was entitled to this commission; he had learned a soldier's duty in the presence of the enemy, and not in marching militia about the streets of a city, and therefore his promo- tion was both popular among the people, and wel- come to the veterans of the army, with whom he was to serve. As soon as his troops were raised he hurried to Mexico to support General Taylor in his invasion. Inmied lately on the advance of the army. General Butler was assigned to the command of the field di- vision of volunteers, and seems to have acquired in yj 188 LtFfl or a peculiar manner the confidence of General Tay- lor. The circumstances attending the advance of the army are well known : it may not be however improper again to collate in this place, the series of official reports, which refer to the subject of this memoir. . General Taylor, in his brief report, dated Sep- tember 22, 1846, announcing the capture of the city of Monterey, took occasion to refer to General But- ler's conduct in the most .particular manner, and in the full report, dated October 9th, spoke explicitly, regretting that his wound, received on the 21st ult., deprived him of his valuable services. The following is General Butler's own report : " Pursuant to the instructions of the major-gene- ral commanding, on the 21st instant, at about eight o'clock, A. M., 1 marched my division, (with the exception of one company from each infantry regi- ment, left to guard the cnmp,) and placed it in order of battle, under cover, immediately in rear of the mortar and howitzer battery, my left resting on the main road to Monterey. I had been in position but a short time, when I received the general's further orders to move as speedily as practicable, with three regiments, to the support of General Twiggs* divi- sion, then engaged in an attempt to carry the ene- my's first battery on our left. To expedite this movement, I marched the three nearest regiments, commanded respectively by Colonels Davis, Camp- bell, and Mitchell, by the left flank, leaving Colonel Ormsby to sustain the batteries. Finding the rifle regiment in front, that of Colonel Campbell was or- dered to take its place. The two last mentioned regiments constituting General Quitman's field bri- gade, he took the immediate command of them, and moved oft' with spirit and promptness in the direc- tion indicated by the enemy's line of fire. Having seen General Quitman's brigade fairly in motion, I turned my attention to that of General Hamer,now MA JOR-OENBRAL BUTLER. 189 the onel rifle s or- oned bri- and 1 ree- ving on» I now consisting of the Ohio regiment only. Pursuing the instructions of the major-general, I felt my way gra- dually, without any knowledge of the localities, into that part of the city bordering on the enemy's con- tinuous line of batteries, assailed at every step by heavy fires in front and flank. After having tra- versed several squares, I met Major Mansfield, the engineer who had conducted the movement of Ge- neral Twiggs' division on the first battery. He in- formed me of the failure of that attack, and advised the withdrawal of my command, as there could no longer be any object in .idvancing further, warning me at the same time that if I advanced I must meet a fire that would sweep all before it. Knowing the major-general commanding to be but a short dis- tance in the rear, I galloped back and communicated this information, in consequence of which he gave the order to retrograde, and the movement was com- menced accordingly. In a short ticne, however, it was known that General Quitman's brigade had not only stormed the battery in question, but had also carried a stone house of considerable strength con- nected with the first, and occupied by the enemy's infantry. The direction of General Hamer's bri- gade was at once changed, and the city re-entered by another route, whicn, after abop.t a half hour's march under a destructive fire, brought it within, say one hundred yards, of the enemy's second fort, called El Diablo. A very slight reconnoissance suf- ced to convince me that this was a position of no rdinary strength. Still, feeling its importance, after consulting with part of my staflfas to its prac- ticability, I had resolved to attempt carrying it by storm, and was in the act of directing the advance, when I received a wound which compelled me to halt. Colonel Mitchell was at the same time wound- ed at the head of his regiment, as was his adjutant. The men were falling fast under the converging fire of at least three distinct batteries, tl^at continually 190 LIFE OF swept the intervening space through which it was necessary to pass. The loss of blood, too, from my wound, rendered it necessary that I should quit the field ; and I had discovered at a second glance that the position was covered by a heavy fire of mus- ketry from other works directly in its rear, that 1 had not seen in the first hasty examination. Under uU these discouragements, I was most reluctantly compelled, on surrendering the command, to advise the withdrawal of the troops to a less exposed posi- tion. There is a possibility that the work might have been carried, but not without excessive loss, and if carried, I feel assured it would have been un- tenable. " Accordingly, the division under General Hamer, on whom devolved the command, moved to a new position near the captured fort, and within sustain- ing distance of our field batteries on the left. The troops remained in and near this position, and under fire of the enemy's batteries, until late in the day. For the details of the after proceedings of the day, I refer to General Ilamer's report. " It is with no little pride and gratification that I bear testimony of the gallantry and good conduct of my command. Were proof wanting, a mournful one is to be found in the subjoined return of the ca- sualties of the day. That part of my division pro- perly in the field did not exceed eleven hundred, of which number full one-fifth were either killed or wounded. The fact that troops for the first time under fire should have suffered such loss without shrinking, in a continuous struggle for more than two hours, and mainly against a sheltered and inac- cessible foe, finds but few parallels, and is of itself an eulogium to which I need not add. That there were some more prominent for skill and gallantry than others, even in a contest where all were brave, there can be no doubt ; and I leave to those better qualified from Iheir situations than myself the plea- MAJOR-OBNBRAL BUTLER. 191 sing, though delicate task, of reporting upon their respective merits. " " Of my brigadiers, however, it is proper that 1 should myself speak. General Hamer was placed in a situation where nothing brilliant could bo achieved, but which, at every moment, imperatively demanded prudence and calm unbending courage. It is but justice to him to say that I found him equal to the emergency. " General Quitman had before him a field in which military genius and skill were called into requisition, and honours could be fairly won, and I but echo the general voice in saying that he nobly availed him- self of the occasion. " My special thanks are due to Major L. Thomas, assistant adjutant-general, General A. Sidney John- ston, of Texas, acting inspector-general, and Lieu- tenant G. W. Lay, aid-de-camp, who not only dis- played great gallantry and coolness, but, by their professional skill, activity, and energy, rendered valuable service throughout the action. After my withdrawal they remained with the troops in the field. " Surgeon R. P. Hunt, my volunteer aid-dc-camp, also evinced great coolness, and conveyed promptly the orders confided to him. " On my way back to camp, I found the Ken- tucky regiment, under the command of Colonel Ormsby, drawn up in fine order to repel a threat- ened charge from a large body of Mexican cavalry then in view. Though necessarily kept from the field of action proper, they occupied^a most impor- tant position, and had two men wounded in defend- ing it. " I make no mention of the movement of Captain Webster's howitzer battery, which was withdrawn from division and placed under charge of the chief of artillery." " •* m 192 LIFE OF As a siipplement to the above report, we may in- sert the following letter written to a relative in Louisville, which has become important as showing how fully General Butler approved of the granting of the peculiar terms to the Mexican garrison of Monterey, to which so much objection was made at the time, in the United States. " Monterey is ours, but not without a heavy loss, and my division has probably sustained more than one half of it. I am myself wounded, but not badly. I was struck by a musket-ball below the knee ; it entered in front, grazed the bones without injunng them, ranged round through the flesh, and came out on the opposite side. ** I became faint from loss of blood, and was com- pelled to leave the field, after having been in it under a heavy fire of grape and musketry for three hours. — I have been required by my surgeon to keep perfectly still, ever since the battle. "I was in the act of leading the Ohio regiment to storm two of the most formidable batteries in the town, flanked by a stone wall, ten feet high, with a deep ditch in front, and covered by a strong mus- ketry force in the rear, under complete shelter. There were two other batteries of grape-shot dis- charged, thiat swept the ground continually. *'Colonel Mitchell, who commanded the regiment of Ohio volunteers, was wounded about the same time that I was, and we then prudently abandoned the enterprise, as we became convinced that our loss would have been probably at least one hundred more men, had we persevered. " I hope you will not think I acted rashly. I know that I am often rash where I involve myself alone; not so, however, v;hen the fates of others are at stake. "The condition in which we were placed fully justified, if it did not positively require us to make the attempt. The peculiarity of our situation I MAJOR-GENERAL BUTLER. 193 cannot now explain, without going into greater de- tail than I am able to do. " The battle commenced about nine o'clock, A. M., and continued without intermission, with various degrees of intensity, for eight hours. " I had almost one thousand men in the battle, (the Louisville Legion having been left to guard our mortars), and of that number we lost in killed and wounded about two hundred and fifty. * " We took one battery and a house fitted up as a fortification, and assisted the regulars in taking a second. General Worth, with great gallantry and equal success, and with far less loss, carried on his operations on the opposite side of the town. " The loss of the regulars who acted with us, was nearly proportional to ours as I learn, though I have not seen the official returns. " Under all the circumstances, the terms of the capitulation are favourable to us. There are still several strong forts in the hands of the enemy, which we would have been compelled to take by regular approaches or with ftavy losses. • The plaza is of itself an enormous fortification of continuous houses, with thick stone walls, and all the streets leading into it strongly fortified and filled with guns. " They admit that they will have at least eight thousand fighting men, whilst on our part we cannot muster five thousand for duty, and have only a few heavy guns, and those we took from them. " Never, I believe, did troops, both volunteers and regulars, behave with more calmness and intrepidity, and I do not believe that for downright, straight- forward, hard fighting, the battle of Monterey has ever been surpassed." We have yet another tribute, by an accomplished soldier, the present Lieutenant-Colonel Lorenzo Thomas, of the regular army, to show the estimate placed on Major-Gencral Butler, and his deeds at 17 194 LIFE OF ■jo- Monterey, by the professional soldiers of the ser- vice *' The army arrived at their camp in the vicinity of Monterey, about noon, September 19th. That afternoon the general endeavoured, by personal ob- servation, to get information of the enemy's position. He, like General Taylor, saw the importance of gaining the road to Saltillo, and fully favored the movement of General Worth's division to turn their left, &.C. Worth marched, Sunday, September 20th, for this purpose, thus leaving Twiggs's and Butler's divisions with General Taylor. General Butler was also in favor of throwing his division across the St. .John's river, and approaching the town from the east, which was at first determined upon. This was changed, as it would leave but one, and perhaps the smallest division, to guard the camp and attack in front. The 20th, the general also reconnoitered the enemy's position. Early on the morning of the 21st, the force was ordered out, to create a diversion in favor of Worth, that he might gain his position; and before our division caijp within long range of the enemy's principal battery, the foot of Twiggs's di- vision had been ordered down to the northeast side of the town, to make an armed reconnoissance of the advanced battery, and to take it, if it could be done without great loss. The volunteer division was scarcely formed in rear of our howitzer and mortar battery, established the night previous, under cover of a rise of ground, before the infantry sent down to the northeast side of the town became closely and hotly engaged, the batteries of that division were sent down, and we were then ordered to support the attack. Leaving the Kentucky regiment to support the mortar and howitzer battery, the general rapid- ly put in march, by a flank movement, the other three regiments, moving for some one and a half or two miles under a heavy fire of round shot. As fur- ther ordered, the Ohio reoimcnt was detached from v> MAJOU -GENERAL DUTLER. . 195 Quitman's brigade, and led by the general (at this lime accompanied by General Taylor) into t!ie town. Quitman carried his brigade directly on the battery first attacked, and gallantly carried it. Be* fore this, however, as we entered the suburbs, the chief engineer came up and advised us to withdraw, as the object of the attack had failed, and if \\c moved on we must meet with great loss. The gen- eral was loath to fall back without consulting with General Taylor, which he did do — the general be- ing but a short distance off. As we were withdraw- ing, news came that Quitman had carried the bat- tery, and General Butler led the Ohio regiment back to the town at a different point. In the street, we became exposed to a line of batteries on the oppo- site Side of a small stream, and also from ;i tele de parity (bridge-head,) which enfiladed us. Our men fell rapidly as we moved up the street to get a posi- tion to charge the battery across the stream. Com- ing to a cross street, the general reconno.j-ed the position, and determining to cljarge from that point, sent me back a short distance to stop the firing, and advance the regiment with the bayonet. I had just left him, when he was struck in the leg, being on foot, and was obliged to leave the field. " On entering the town, the general and Iiis troops became at once hotly engaged at short musket I'ange. He had to make his reconnoissances under heavy fire. This he did unflinchingly, and by exposing his per- son, on one occasion passing through a gate-way into a yard which was entirely open to the enemy. When wounded, at the intersection of two streets, he was exposed to a cross-fire from musketry and grape. " In battle, the general's bearing was truly that of a soldier, arfd those under him felt the influence of his presence. He had the confidence of his men.** After referring to various minor points, Major Thomas thus continues his account : ^ _. 196 lilFB OF " When General Taylor went on his expedition tc Victoria, in December, lie placed General Butler in command of the troops on the Hio Grande, and on tlie stations tlience to Saltillo, Worth's small divi- sion of regulars being at the latter place. General Wool's column had by this time reached Parras,onc hundred or more miles west of Saltillo. General Butler had so far recovered from his wound as to walk a little, and ride, though with pain to his limb. One night, (about December 10,) an express came from General Worth, at Saltillo, stating that the Mexican forces were advancing in large numbers, from San Luis de Potosi, and that he expected, in two days, to be attacked. His division, all told, did not exceed 1500 men, if so many, and he asked for reinforcements. T!je general remained up dur- ing the balance of ♦he night, and sent off couriers to the rear for reinforcements, and had the llth Ken- tucky and 1st Ohio foot, then encamped three miles from the town, in the place by daylight: and these two regiments, and Webster's battery, were encamp- ed that night ten miles on the road to Saltillo. This promptness enabled the general to make his second day's march of twenty-two miles in good season, and to hold the celebrated pass of Los Muertos, and check the enemy should he have attacked General Worth on that day, and obliged him to evacuate the town.' Whilst on the next, and last day's march, the general received notice that the reported ad- vance of the enemy was untrue. Arriving at the camp-ground, the general suffered intense pain from his wound, and slept not during the night. This journey, over a rugged, mountainous road, and the exercise he took in examining the country, for twen- ty miles in advance of Saltillo, caused the great in- crease of pain now experienced." The general has been struck on the side of the calf of his leg, by a grape-shot, which inflicted a wound at the time not supposed to be severe. It MAJOR-GENERAL BUTLER. 197 (lid not, however, heal, and occasioned so mucli pain that Genern! Taylor, on his return %to Monterey, from Victoria, gave him leave of absence. lie im- mediately proceeded to the United Slates, and after a brief sojourn at his residence, was sul)sequently ordered to the army of General Scott. lie succeeded the latter in the command of the American troops in the republic of Mexico^ whence General Taylor had previously gone. While being cured of his wound, the battles of Vera Cruz, Cerro Gordo, and the valley of Mexico, had been fought, and subse- quent events have caused it to be much regretted, that he was thus unable to participate in them. His rank and character would possibly have enabled liim to prevent many exposures on the part ot *nore than one of his junior generals. Major-General Butler is tall and athletic, his whole bearing is graceful and military, and his ap- pearance prepossessing. Strong good sense is mark- ed in his countenance, and his career in the service proves this to be his distinguishing trait. Of all the generals in the army, regular, for the war, or of volun- teers, who have been under fire sitice tlie contest be- gan, he is perhaps the only one of whom no one has complained, whom no one has censured, and who has contended only with the enemies of his country. The nomination of this distinguished soldier will aad new strength to the democratic party in the ensu- ing canvass, and has wrung eVen from his opponents the concession, that to him "there is no objection," but on strictly party grounds. This objection will doubly endear him to the people of the United States. of the icted a re. It 16* « -r' i\' «■>»-• r - ♦* - APPENDIX. J THE WILMOT PROVISO. The immense importance of the consequences of the extension of our constitution and laws over new territories obtained by conquest and otherwise, and the unavoidable conflict of the interests of the free and slave states, render this question most interest- ing. Although more than once it has been presumed in the foregoing pages, that the Wiimot proviso was understood, it may not be improper to recapitulate briefly its character and nature. Originating with Mr. Webster, it was seized upon by the opposition, and announced to the world through the instrumen- tality of Mr. David Wiimot, a member of congress from an obscure district of Pennsylvania, with the manifest intention of alienating the southern states from the support of the war, by providing that slavery should be prohibited in any new territory acquired, or likely to be acquired, during the exist- ing Mexican war. Introduced as an additional clause of an important bill, it became almost the defining line of the two parties, and upon it much of the interest of the approaching congressional con- test must hinge. In the resolutions of the demo- cratic party, previously printed, and in the ensuing letter will be found the embodiment of the cardinal points of the creed of the great democratic party, and the honest convictions of the two men, Gene- rals Cass and Butler, nominated as candidates for the suffrau;os of the people. - ' %: TUB WILMOT PROVISO. 199 Washington, December 24, 1847. Dear Sir : — I have received your letter, and shall answer it, as frankly as it is written. You ask me whether J am in favour of the acqui- sition of Mexican territory, and what are my senti- ments with regard to the Wilmot Proviso? I have so often and so explicitly stated my views of the first question, in the Senate, that it seeiq^J- most unnecessary to repeat them here. As you request it, however, I shall briefly give them. I think, then, that no peace should be granted to Mexico, till a reasonable indemnity is obtained for the injuries which she has done us. The territorial extent of this indemnity is, in the first instance, a subject of Executive consideration. There the Con- stitution has placed it, and there 1 am willing to leave it; not only because I have full confidence in its judicious exercise, but because, in the ever-vary- ing circumstances of a war, it would be indiscreet, by a public declaration, to commit the country to any line of indemnity, which might otherwise be enlarged, as the obstinate injustice of the enemy prolongs the contest, with its loss of blood and treasure. It appears to me that the kind of metaphysical magnanimity, which would reject all indemnity at the close of a bloody ancf expensive war, brought on by a direct attack upon our troops by the enemy, and preceded by a succession of unjust acts for a series of years, is as unworthy of the age in which we live, as it is revolting to the common sense and practice of mankind. It would conduce but little to our future security, or indeed, to our present re- putation, to declare that we repudiate all expecta- tion of rompensation from the Mexican government, and are fighting, not for any practical result, but for some vague, perhaps philanthropic object, which es- capes my penetration, and must be defined by those 200 THE WILMOT PROVISO. w^ho assume this new principle of national intercom- munication. All wars are to be deprecated, as well by the statesman, as by the philanthropist. They are great evils; but there are greater evils than these, and submission to injustice is among them. The nation which should refuse to defend its rights and its honour, when assailed, would soon have nei- them^to defend ; and when driven to war, it is not by professions of disinterestedness and declarations of magnanimity, that its rational objects car) be best obtained, or other nations taught a lesson of for- bearance — the strongest security for permanent peace. We are at war with Mexico, and its vigor- ous prosecution is the surest means of its speedy termination, and ample indemnity the surest guar- antee against the recurrence of such injustice as pro- voked it. The Wilmot Proviso has been before the country some time. It has been repeatedly discussed in Congress, and by the public press. I am strongly impressed with the opinion, that a great change has been going on in the public mind upon this subject — in my own as well as others; and that doubts are resolving themselves into convictions, that the prin- ciple it involves should be kept out of the National Legislature, and left to the people of the Confede- racy in their respective local governments. • The whole subject is a comprehensive one, and fruitful of important consequences. It would be ill- timed to discuss it here. I shall not assume that responsible task, but shall confine myself to such general views, as are necessary to the fair exhibi- tion of my opinions. We may well regret the existence of slavery in the southern states, and wish they had been saved from its introduction. But there it is, and not by the act of the present generation ; and we must deal with it as a great practical question, involving the most momentous consequences. We have neither 9 THE VVILMOT PROVISO. 201 and De ill- ihat such hibi- jither the right nor the power to touch it where it exists; and if we had both, their exercise, by any means heretofore suggested, might lead to results which no wise man would willingly encounter, and which no good man could contemplate without anxiety. The theory of our government presupposes that its various members have reserved to themselves the regulation of all subjects relating to what may be termed their internal police. They are sovereign within their boundaries, except in those cases where they have surrendered to the general government a portion of their rights, in order to give effect to the objects of the Union, whether these concern fqreign nations or the several states themselves. Lopal in- stitutions, if I may so speak, whether they have re- ference to slavery, or to any other relations, domes- tic or public, are left to local authority, either ori- ginal or derivative. Congress has no right to say, that there shall be slavery in New York, or that there shall be no slavery in Georgia ; nor is there any other human power, but the people of those states, respectively, which can change the relations existing therein ; and they can say, if they will, we will have slavery in the former, and we will abolish it in the latter. . In various respects the territories differ from the states. Some of their rights are inchoate, and they do not possess the peculiar attributes of sovereignty. Their relation to the general government is very imperfectly defined by the Constitution; and it will be found, upon examination, that in that instrument the onl/ grant of power concerning them is convey- ed in the phrase, " Congress shall have the power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regula- tions, respecting the territory and other property belonging to the United States." Certainly this phraseology is very loose, if it were designed to in- clude in the grant the whole power of legislation over persons as well as things. The expression, the 202 THE WILMOT PROVISO, * territory and other property," fairly construed, relates to the public lands as such, to arsenals, dock yards, forts, ships, and all the various kinds of pro- perty, which the United States may and must pos- sess. But surely the simple authority to dispose of and regulate these, does not extend to the unlimited power of legislation ; to the passage of all lawsy in the most general acceptation of the word ; which, by the by, is carefully excluded from the sentence. And, indeed, if this were so, it would render unne- cessary another provision of the Constitution, which grant^ to Congress the power to legislate, with the consent of the states, respectively, over all places purchased for the ** erection of forts, magazines, ar- senals, dock-yards," «fec. These being the *^ pro- perty" of the United States, if the power to make " needful rules and rejjulations concerninfj" them includes the general power of legislation, then the grant of authority to regulate ** the territory and ' other property of the United States" is unlimited, wherever subjects are found for its operation, and its exercise needed no auxiliary provision. If, on the other hand, it does not include such power. of .legislation over the "other property" of the United States, then it does not' include it over their "terri- tory;^' for the same terms which grant the one, grant the other. " Territory" is here biassed with pro- perty, and treated as such ; and the object was evi- dently to enable the general government, as a pro- ' perty-holder — which, from necessity, it must be — to manage, preserve, and *' dispose of" such pro- perty as it might possess, and which authority is essential almost to its being. But the lives and persons of our citizens, with the vast variety of ob- jects connected with them, cannot be controlled by an authority, which is merely called into existence for the purpose of making rules and regulations for the disposition and management of property. THE WILMOT PROVISO. 203 Such, it appears to me, vyould be the construction put upon this provision of the Constitution, wore this question now first presented for consideration, and not controlled' by imperious circumstances. The original ordinance of the Congress of the Con- federation, passed in 1787, and which was the only act upon this subject in force at the adoption of the Constitution, provided a complete frame of govern- ment for the country north of the Ohio, while in a territorial cc^ndition, and for its eventual admission in separate states into the Union. And the persua- sion, that this ordinance contained within itself all the necessary means of execution, probably pre- vented any direct reference to the subject in the Constitution, further than vesting in Congress the right to admit the states formed under it into the Union. However, circumstances arose, which re- quired legislation, as well over the territory north of the Ohio, as over other territory, both within and without the original Union, ceded to the general government ; and, at various times, a more enlarged power has been exercised over the territories — meaning thereby the different Territorial Govern- ments — than is conveyed by the limited grant re- ferred to. How far an existing necessity may have operated in producing this legislation, and thus ex- tending, by rather a violent implication, powers not directly given, I know not. But certain it is, that the principle of interference should not be carried beyond the necessary implication, which produces it. It should be limited to the creation of proper governments for new countries, acquired or settled, and to the necessary provision for their eventual admission into the Union ; leaving, in the meantime, to the people inliabiting them, to regulate their in- ternal concerns in their own way. They are just as capable of doing so, as the people of the states ; and they can do so, at any rate, as soon as their political independence is recognized by admission 204 THE WILMOT PROVISO. into the Union. During this temporary condition, It is hardly expedient to call into exercise a doubt- fu? and invidious authority, which questions the in- telligence of a respectable portion of our citizens, and whose limitation, whatever it may be, will be rapidly approaching its termination — on authority which would give to Congress despotic power, un- controlled by the Constitution, over most important sections of our common country. For, if the rela- tion of master and servant may be regulated or an- nihilated by its legislation, so may the relation of husband and wife, of parent and child, and of any other condition which our institutions and the ha- bits of our society recognize. What would be thought if Congress should undertake to prescribe the terms of marriage in New York, or to regulate the authority of parents over their children in Penn- sylvania ! And yet it would be as vain to seek one justifying the interference of the National Legisla- ture in the cases referred to in the original states of the Union. I speak here of the inherent power of Congress, and do not touch the question of such contracts as may be formed with new states when admitted into the Confederacy. Of all the questions that can agitate us, those which are merely sectional in their character are the most dangerous, and the most to be deprecated. The warning voice of him who, from his character, and services, and virtue, had the best right to warn us, proclaimed to his countrymen, in his farewell address — that monument of wisdom for him, as I hope it will be of safety for them — how much we had to apprehend from measures peculiarly affect- ing geographical portions of our country. The grave circumstances in which we are now placed make these words, words of safety; for I am satis- fied, from all I have seen and heard here, that a suc- cessful attempt to ingraft the principles of the Wil- rnot Proviso upon the legislation of this government, tan thii sue THE WILMOT PROVISO. 205 A and to apply theni to new territory, should new ter- ritory be acquired, would seriously affect our tran- quillity. I do not suflfer myself to foresee or to fore- tell the consequences that would ensue ; for I trust and believe there is good sense and good feeling enough in the country to avoid them, oy avoiding all occasions which might lead to them. Briefly, then, I am opposed to the exercise of any jurisdiction by Congress over this matter; and I am m favour of leaving to the people of any territory, which may be hereafter acquired, the right to regu- late it for themselves, under the general principles of the Constitution. Because — 1. I do not see in the Constitution any grant of the requisite power to Congress ; and I am not dispos- ed to extend a doubtful precedent beyond its neces- sity — the establishment of Territorial Governments when needed — leaving to the inhabitants all the rights compatible with the relations they bear to the Confederation. 2. Because I believe this measure, if adopted, would weaken, if not impair, the union of the states; and would sow the seeds of future discord, which would grow up and ripen into an abundant harvest of calamity. 3. Because I believe a general conviction, that such a proposition would succeed, would lead to an immediate withholding of the supplies, and thus to a dishonourable termination of the war. I think no dispassionate observer at the seat of government can doubt this result. 4. If, however, in this I am under a misapprehen- sion, I am under none in the practical^ operation of this restriction, if adopted by Congress, upon a treaty of peace making any acquisition of Mexican terri- tory. Such a treaty would be rejected just as cer- tainly as presented to the Senate. More than one- third of that body would vote against it, viewing such a principlo as an exclusion of the citizens of 18 206 THE WILMOT PROVISO. the slaveholding states from a participation in the benefits acquired by the treasure and exertions of nil, and which should be common to all. I am re- peating — neither advancing nor defending ♦hese views. That branch of the subject does not lie in my way, and I shall not turn aside to seek it. In this aspect of the matter, the people of the United States must choose between this restriction and the extension of their territorial limits. They cannot have both; and which they will surrender must depend upon their representatives first, and then, if these fail them, upon themselves. 5. But, after all, it seems to be generally conced- ed, that this restriction, if carried into effect, could not operate upon any state to be formed from newly acquired territory. The well-known attributes of sovereignty, recognized by us as belonging to the state governments, would sweep before them any such barrier, and would leave the people to express and exert their will at pleasure. Is the object, then, of temporary exclusion for so short a period as the duration of the Territorial Governments, worth the price at which it would be purchased? — worth the discord it would engender, the trial to which it would expose our Union, and the evils that would be the certain consequence, let that trial result as it might ? As to the course, which has been intimated rather than proposed, of ingrafting such a restriction upon any treaty of acquisition, I persuade myself it would find but little favour in any portion of this country. Such an arrangement would render Mexi- co a party, having a right to interfere in our inter- nal institutions, in questions left by the constitution to the state governments, and would inflict a serious blow upon our fundamental principles. Few, in- deed, I trust, there are among us who would thus grant to a foreign power the right to inquire into the constitution and conduct of the sovereign states of this Union ; and if there are any» I am not among THE WILMOT PROVISO. 207 them, and never shall be. To the people of this country, under God, now and hereafter, are its des- tinies committed; and we want no foreign power to interrogate us, treaty in hand, and to say, Why have you done this, or why have you left that undone f Our own dignity and the principles of national in dependence unite to repel such a proposition. But there is another important consideration, which ought not to be lost sight of in the investiga- tion of this subject. The question that presents itself is not a question of the increase, but of the diffusion of slavery. Whether its sphere be sta- tionary or progressive, its amount will be the same. The rejection of this restriction will not add one to the class of servitude, nor will its adoption give freedom to a single being who is now placed therein. The same numbers will be spread over greater ter- ritory, and so far as compression, with less abund- ance of the necessaries of life, is an evil, so far will that evil be mitigated by transporting slaves to a new country, and giving them a larger space to oc- cupy. ' I say this in the event of the extension of slavery Over any new acquisition. But can it go there? This may well be doubted. All the descriptions which reach lis of the condition of the Californias and of New Mexico, to the acquisition of \yhich our efforts seem at present directed,' unite in represent- ing those countries as agricultural regions, similar in their products to our middle states, and generally unfit for the production of the great staples, which can alone render slave labour valuable. If we are not grossly deceived — and it is difficult to conceive how we can be — thfe inhabitants of those regions, whether they depend upon their ploughs or their herds, cannot be slaveholders. Involuntary labour, requiring the investment of large capital, can only be profitable when employed in the production of a 208 THB WILMOT PROVISO. few favoured articles confined by nature to special districts, and paving larger returns than the usual agricultural prociucts spread over more considerable portions of the earth. In the able letter of Mr. Buchanan upon this sub- ject, not long since given to the public, he presents similar considerations with great force. " Neither," says the distinguished writer, " the soil, the climate, nor the productions of California south of 36° 20f, nor indeed of any portion of it, north or south, is adapted to slave labour ; and besides, every facility would be there afforded for the slave to escape from his master. Such property would be entirely inse- cure in any part of California. It is morally impos- sible, therefore, that a majority of the emigrants to that portion of the territory south of 36° 30', which will be chiefly composed of our citizens, will ever reestablish slavery within its limits. "In regard to New Mexico, east of the Rio Grande, the question hais already been settled by the admission of Texas into the Union. " Should we acquire territory beyond the Rio Grande and east of the Rocky Mountains, it is still more impossible that a majority of the people would consent to reestablish slavery. They are themserves a coloured population, and among them the negro does not belong socially to a degraded race." With this last remark Mr. Walker fully coincides in his letter written in 1844, upon the annexation of Texas, and which everywhere produced so fa- vourable an impression upon the public mind, as to have conduced very materially to the accomplish- ment of that great measure. " Beyond the Del Norte," says Mr. Walker, '* slavery will not pass ; not only because it is forbidden by law, but because the coloured race there preponderates in the ratio of ten to one over the whites ; and holding, as they doy the government and most of the offices in their THE WILMOT PROVISO. 201 pass; cause ratio they their possession, they will not permit the enslavement of any portion of the coloared race, which makes and executes the laws of the country." The question, it will be therefore seen on exami- nation, does not regard the exclusion of slavery from a region where it now exists, but a prohibition against its introduction where it does not exist, and where, from the feelings of the inhabitants and the laws of nature, " it is morally impossible," as Mr. Buchanan says, that it can ever reestablish itself. It augurs well for the permanence of our confede- ration, that during more than half a century, which has elapsed since the establishment of this govern- ment, many serious questions, and some of the highest importance, have agitated the public mind, and more than once threatened the gravest consequences, but that they have all in succession passed away, leav- ing our institutions unscathed, and our country ad- vhncing in numbers, power, and wealth, and in all the other elements of national prosperity, with a rapidity unknown in ancient or in modern days. In times of political excitement, when difficult and delicate questions present themselves for solution, there is one ark of safely for us, — and that is, an honest appeal to the fundamental principles of our Union, and a stern determination to abide their dictates. This course of prpceeding has carried us in safety through many a trouble, and I trust will carry us safely through many more, should many more be destined to assail us. The Wilmot Proviso seek§ to take from its legitimate tribunal a question of domestic policy, having no relation to the Union, as such, and to transfer it to another, created by the people for a special purpose, and foreign to the sub- ject-matter involved in this issue. By going back lo our true principles, we go back to the road of ^eace and safety. Leave to the people, who will be Affected by this question, to adjust it upon their owi 18* 210 THB WILMOT PROVISO. responsibility, and in their own manner, and we shull render another tribute to the original princi- ples of our government, and furnish another guaran- tee for its permanence and prosperity. I am, dear sir, respectfully, your obedient servant, LEWIS CASS. A. O. P. Nicholson, Esq., Nashville, Tennessee, THE END. :»■.;.; ^ yrj^ . The work announced is intended to embrace a view of the most ^^ WHICH RAVB TRANIFtmED IINCE THX DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. IT WILL IITCLVDS AH ACCOUNT CI THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO, by Hermait Cobtis. THE CONQUEST OF PERU, by Pixaiiro and Alxaoro. THE CONQUEST OF FLORIDA, by Dk Soto. THE DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT OF THE UNITED STATES AND CANADA. KINO PHILIP'S WAR, and THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR, which terminated in the Conquest of Canada. The leading Incidents of THE AMERICAN REVOLU- TION, and THE WAR OF 1812, WITH GREAT BRITAIN. THE WAR WITH THE FRENCH REPUBLIC. THE SEVERAL INDIAN WARS, and THE PRESENT WAR WITH MEXICO. This work will fill about sixteen hundred pages, and will be* very richly embellished throughout. It will present a great variety of REMARKABLE INCIIIENTS, And will bring to view a great ' number of Distinguished Characters, including DI8C0VEKERS, CONQUERORS. GENERALS. STATESMEN. AND LITERARY CHARACTERS, The Publishers will spare no expense to render this work in all respects worthy of public patronage. Each number will contain ninety-six pages of closely printed matter, and the numbers will contain, on an average, forty en- gravings each. The publishers rely on the liberality and discernment of the public for remuneration for the great expense which an under- taking of this magnitude must necessarily involve. Persons in the country wishing to have this work forwarded by mail, can have it sent by enclosing Four Dollars for one copy ; Seven Dollars for two copies, or Ten Dollars for three copies. The postage will be 7^ cents per number. Address, postage paid, G. B. ZIEBER & CO. Publishers, Philadelphia, Pa. I'UBLISHED BY G. B. ZIEBER fit CO., 3 LEDGER BUILDING. A RARE BOOK FOR THE YOUNG. THE LITTLE ROBINSON OF PARISj INDUSTRY TRIUMPHANT A TALE FOR YOUTH. OR, Copyright Translation, from the French of Madame Eugenic Foa. With an Engraving. Price 25 cents. Bound, 37^ cts. This is the title of the most popular books for the young that has been published during the last ten years. From the New-York Courier and Enr/uirer. It will take a permanent rank among the Juvenile Classics. Nothing could be more touching, more interesting, or more profitable to the class of readers for which it is intended, and nothing could be more natural. It is equally interest- ing as a story, and impr'^ssivo in its moral inclinations. From the Boston Times. The translation is executed with admirable skill and taste, and reads like pure English. Wc commend the volume to young and old, especially to the fornier, as one from which they may derive much pleasure and benefit. The incidents are closely woven together, and follow each other almost in logical succession. From the New-York Journal of Commerce. This work is replete with the most affecting incidents, and is well calculated to win. the attention of the young, for whom it is especially written. It will be found an excellent present for the holidays. From the Boston Atlas. We have never perused a better or more engaging book for the young than this. The story is deeply interesting, while the morality is of the purest and loftiest, and, at the same time, the most unobtrusive kind. Not even the ad- ventures of Robinson Crusoe himself can prove so attractive to the youthful reader as those of Little Cecil in the great city of Paris. We heartily commend this work to parents as one that cannot fail to be long a source of delight and im- provement to their children. Since the days of Sandford and Merton, nothing better of the kind has been produced. The translation, which we understand to be by a lady of New- York, is excellent. No juvenile library can henceforth be considered complete that does not contain *' The Little Robinson ot' Paris." THE USUAL :i«:»}UNT TO BOOKSELLERS AND PERIomCAL AGENTS. PUBLISHED BY G. B. ZIEBER «t CO^ 3 LEDGER BUILDING. ^g book resting, at the the ad- tractive le great )arents md ini' indford j)duced. lady of ^ceforth Little AGENTS. THE LADIES' SELF-INSTRUCTOR IN MILLINERY AND MANTUA-MAKING, And All Branches of Plain Sewing. With Particular In- structions for Cutting Out a Dress. With Fourteen Illus- trative Engravings. A work of marked utility to all ladies. Price, 12i cents. A WINTER GIFT For Ladies. Being Instructions In Knitting, Netting and Crotchet. Containuig all the Newest and most fashionable patterns. Rejirinted from an expensive London work, with additions. Price, 12i cents. THE LADIES' GUIDE TO EMRROIDERY AND APPLIQUE. Being Instructions in Embroidery on Silk, Velvet, Muslin, Lace, Merino, &c. and in Applique. With Sixteen beautiful Engraved Patterns. These patterns are selected with great care, and are ex- tremely beautiful. The London edition of this work is dedicated to Queen Victoria. The American edition has been enlar^'ed ai^d improved. Price, 12| cents. THE LADIES* WORK-BOX COMPANION, ' Containing Instructions in all kinds of Capvas-Work, with Thirty new and exquisitely engraved Patterns. This work embraces all the engravings to be found in an expensive London work just published, entitled " Berlin Wool Work ;" the latest and best of all works on this sub- ject Price of the American edition 12i cents. The following is a portion of its Contents, Preparation of Frames — To Dress a frame for Cross Stitch — To Dress a frame for Cloth work — To Dress a frame for Tent Stitch — Materials for working — -Stitches— Tent Stitch — Cross Stitch — Straight Cross Stitch— Czar Stitch — Rouleau Edging — Algerine Work — To fill up Corners — Special instructions for working on Canvass — Instructions in Grounding — Working Figures — Raised Work — Work- ing Berlin Patterns — Gobelin — Patterns on Canvass — Ar- morial Bearings — Landscapes— Masonic Work — Gem or Set Patterns — Perforated Card — Bead Work. &c. &c. I THE USUAL DISCOUKT TO B00K8ELLEBS AND FEHIOOICAL AGENTS. ©Gg^ ■>o p FROF. FROST'S NEW HISTORIGAL WORK. ^ i h t To be published in sixteen semi-monthly numbers, at twenty- five cents each. REMARKABLE EVENTS IK THB n HISTORY OF AMERICA, FROM THE DISCOVERY TO THE PRESENT TIME. OOMrlLaD FROM THB BBST AUTnOBITIBS, BY JOHN FROST, LL.D. BMBSLLI8HED WITH SIX HUNDRED ENGRAVINGS. PBOM DESIGNS OP THB MOST DISTINOaiSHED ARTISTS. GEORGE B. ZIEBER & CO. will commence the issue of the above-mentioned work about the first day of May next, and will issue a new number punctually, on the first and fifteenth day of every succeeding month, until the whole is com- pleted. The demand of the public for Historical Works, and espe- cially for those which relate to the history pf our own country, has increased so rapidly of late, that HISSTORY may now be pronounced the leading department of literature. Not only classical histories, but every other description of books which may be expected to throw light upon history, are eagerly de- manded. Biographies and memoirs of distinguished men, local histories, historical and topographical accounts of States, historical collections, correspondence of Generals, Commo- dores, and Statesmen, State papers, and documents of all kinds, old and new, find a ready sale as soon as they are published. This decided taste of the public for historical reading, while it is hailed by the patriot and the friend of sound popular educa- tion as an evidence of increased intelligence among the peo- ple, points out distinctly the duties of authors and publishers, to contribute their best eiibrts towards the substitution of books of real utility, instead of the lighter and less useful publica- tions, which have heretofore had too free a currency AN INTERESTINB AND VALUABLE WORK. 9 AS IT WAS AND AS IT IS. BY BRANTZ MAYER, I.ATE BSCBSTART OF KSOATIOK TO MXXIGD. SMBELLISHED WITH ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTY ENGRAVINGS, ExteuUd in the most finished manner, on Wood, by EutUr, mostly from origina>. designs and drawings by the author, iUustrating the Rnlnsi Antiqultlest CostumcSf Pl«cei» CnatoinS) and Curiosities of the ANCIENT AND MODERN MEXICANS. UrcitTDIirO A HISTOBT OF THB WAR WITH THE UNITED STATES. To be completed in seven semi-monthly numbers, at twenty- five cents each, or ^2 50 elegantly bound. This work gives a complete account of the prpsent Social and Political Condition of ?*exico ; a view of its Ancieni Civilization ; a description of Antiquities in the Museum of Mexico, and of the Ancieni Remains, strewn froiti Cal'fornia to Oajaca; which are copiously illustrated. It also fur- nishes a record of the author's journeys to Tezcoco, and through the tierre ealiente, — a full account of the Agriculture, Manufactures. Commerce, Re- sources, Mines, Coinage, and Statistics of iVTexico; and, added to all this, is a complete view of the past and present history of the country : being more replete with all interestmg information concerning Mexico, than any work which has appeared since the days df Humboldt. The engravings are nu- merous, and of the most finished character, highly illustrating the text, and adding greatly to the value of the work. The author is a close observer of men and manners, and writes with ele- gance and vivacity. His descriptions of natural scenery, cities, ruins, and other works of nature and art, are graphic and truthful in the highest de- gree. Ilis Sketch of the History of Rlexico is also a very useful compen- dium for those who cannot command larger works on the same subject. The book is handsomely printed on fine paper, and bound in good style. Mr. Mayer's work on Mexico will be read with avidity by those who have read Mr. Prescott's '* Conquest of Mexico," since it furnishes one of the best descriptions extant of the present condition of that country. Any person in the country sending us Three Dollars, shall receive, by mail, two copies of the above work. The first number will be issued on thels.of May, 1S47. Address, postage paid, G. B. ZIEBER & CO., Publishers, Fhiladelphia, Pa.